THE MYSTERY OF iniquity: That is to say, The History of the Papacy. Declaring by what degrees it is now mounted to this height, and what Oppositions the better sort from time to time have made against it. Where is also defended the right of Emperors, Kings, and Christian Princes, against the assertions of the Cardinals, Bellarmine and Baronius. By PHILIP MORNEY, Knight, Lord du Plessis, etc. Englished by SAMSON LENNARD. Falleris aeternam qui suspicis ebrius Arcem, Subruta succensis mox corruet ima tigillis. LONDON Printed by Adam Jslip, Anno Dom. 1612. TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE, HENRY, Prince of Wales, Son and Heir apparent to our Sovereign Lord the King. IF the Lord du Plessis (most high and mighty Prince) having finished this his work, out of that reverend and honourable conceit he had of your Father's greatness, that unfeigned love which true religion wrought in his heart, and that hope he had of his future endeavours to beat down Antichrist, thought it a sin, though a stranger, to think of any other Patron but himself, to whom he might dedicate these his labours; much more I, his natural subject, linked unto your Highness, his natural son, with the same bond, rapt with the same admiration, fed with the same hope, must say, having finished these my labours, Cui dicâre debeam ambigere nefas: For the same reasons that moved him, must likewise encourage me; your greatness must encourage, because the same, being a Princely branch sprung from that Royal stock; your religion must encourage, because the same which your worthy father, and all the Fathers of the Primitive Church, have made profession of; your hopeful endeavours must encourage, because the same, for what he conceives of your Princely father, the whole world expects should be performed, if not by his, by your hand. His pen hath made way for your sword, and his peace, if God give long life, may farther your wars: Glorious be his peace and your wars, and God's glory the end of both. His Highness can best judge what is fitting; we can but wish, and if he have begged at God's hands with Hezekiah, That there may be peace in his days, we all say Amen, and with one voice we all cry out, Let there be peace upon Israel: only we wish he may never have reason to say as David did, I seek peace, and when I speak thereof they are bend to war, they intent mischief. And therefore renowned Prince (leaving your royal father to God's peace and his own hearts desire) give me leave, though altogether unworthy in a matter of such moment to advise, yet to wish with du Plessis, that I may live to march over the Alps, and to trail a pike before the walls of Rome, under your highness Standard. It was my first profession, oh that it might be my last. The cause is Gods, the enterprise glorious, O that God would be pleased, as he hath given you a heart, so to give power to put it in execution. In the mean time (whilst our hopes are in the bud) let me humbly beseech your Highness, till my sword may do you service, to accept of the poor endeavours of my unskilful pen; and as it hath pleased your Highness, not long since, graciously to protect my sorry labours bestowed upon Charron his three books of Wisdom, so now to pardon my boldness, in undertaking a work so far unbefitting my strength, and to protect my infirmities. The God of heaven ever bless your Highness, and ever defend you from Antichrist and his bloody designments, that you may live, and live long even in perniciem, to the ruin of him and all his Antichristian rabble, Amen, Amen. To your highness most humbly devoted, SAMSON LENNARD. TO THE RIGHT REVErend Fathers in God, GEORGE Archbishop of Canturburie, and Metropolitan of England: and JOHN Bishop of London. RIght Reverend and my very good Lords, I am bold, out of that duty I own to two so great Prelates and pillars of this our Church of England, to present unto your learned and judicious censures, my unlearned and simple labours, bestowed upon a work worthy the reading in itself, howsoever by my unskilful pen it may be disfigured. I confess I was unfitting, amongst a thousand, to undertake a work of such consequence, and yet better I (as I thought) than none, being a Mystery fit to be laid open to as many as can read it in their mother tongue. My good Lords, pardon such faults as either by too much speed, or too little skill, or otherwise, have slipped my pen: There is nothing past that may not be amended in a second edition, if your Grace shall be pleased to give the encouragement. The God of heaven, as he hath multiplied his gifts and graces upon you, fit for so high a calling, even in the highest measure, so ever assist you with his holy spirit, in that great work you have undertaken, to his glory, and the good of his Church. Your Graces and Lordships in all duty to be commanded, SAMSON LENNARD. TO THE READER. GEntle Reader, I have once again adventured myself upon your gentle censures, with this only request, That, though perhaps a curious eye may find faults enough, yea sometimes where there are none, you would be pleased to do me this favour, that if at any time you shall find me to disagree sometimes from the Latin copy, sometime from the French, not to condemn me without the examination of both; because in this translation I have followed both the one and the other, as occasion was offered, and as I found them agreeing in one and the same sense. This is all I request, and so much the rather, because I know the most unskilful is more ready to judge, than he that can judge judiciously. S. L. TO THE FRIENDS AND Follower's of the Church of Rome. LEt me once again (my brethren and friends) speak unto you, and though perhaps I shall seem to importune you over much, yet it is with the same importunity which the Apostle commends to his disciple, 2. Tim. 4. v. 2. Be instant in season and out of season; yea with that wholesome and opportune importunity, wherewith we pluck those that are nearest and dearest unto us, even by the hairs of the head, out of the furious rage of fire and water: wherewith we pinch and prick those even till they bleed, that are dying of a Lethargy. What shall I then say unto you? To some that are floating, or rather fleeting betwixt many opinions, and to others that have already stepped over the threshold, gotten one foot out of Babylon, the huge height and greatness of the Popedom, like a scarecrow, is obtruded? She is old indeed, and by how much the more strucken in years, in so much that she lies groveling upon her belly, by so much the more stupendious. Whereas contrariwise the reformed Church being little, and of small continuance, either by the novelty thereof, or the poverty, is contemptible. And here that common cry of the jews to Christ, of the Philosophers to Paul, they double upon us even till they be hoarse; What new doctrine is this? Mark. 1. v. 27. Act. 17. v. 19 Math. 19 v. 8. Joh. 9 v. 29. Joh. 5. v. 46.47. We know that God hath spoken to Moses, but this man we know not whence he is. To whom preposterously boasting of their antiquity, we may easily answer with the words of Christ himself, From the beginning it was not so, Had ye believed Moses, or his writings, ye had likewise believed me. Had ye believed the sacred word of God, the holy Scriptures inspired from above, the true antiquity, the only treasury of the Charters of the Christian Church, ye had likewise believed me. But truly if ye be not over hard of belief, I doubt not but in this work I shall satisfy you touching both these scruples. Let them not make you believe the Popes have been always such as you now adore. Behold here their beginning, their progression, their increase, their secret, subtle, cruel, outrageous enterprises, violences, assaults. A Mystery (not without mystery so called) under pretence of the ministery, ending in this prodigious estate that we see in this two-headed monster; whilst the ministers of the Gospel, the Prelates, Bishops, Archbishops, patriarchs, partly under Heathen Princes, endured cruel persecutions, partly under Christians, though greatly enriched by them, whom they obeyed willingly, and in all humility at the first, but afterwards their desires increasing with their means, more carelessly, and rather for a fashion than otherwise; shortly after by open ambition, and flattering some in their sins, especially Phocas in his murder, they were made Universal Bishops, and secular Princes in Italy, excluding Emperors; and not content to withdraw themselves from their obedience, they likewise absolved both the nobles and people, of that oath of allegiance wherewith they were bound. At the last, threatening with both swords, they mingled profane things with holy, confounding and devouring the holy in the profane. They set kings together by the ears, that so they might ruin at one the other, and they by their ruin and overthrow rise to the highest step of their power. They crown Emperors, make and unmake them at their pleasure, trampling them under their feet. They are now Emperors and Popes together, the Lords and monarchs of the world, now higher than the Angels, equal with God himself, nay gods, great and omnipotent, subrogating and abrogating the commandments of the highest God, creating God himself at their pleasure, nay causing him to be created by those whom they call their creatures. Now let him whosoever he be that yet doubteth, couple & compare these two extremes together, A minister of God, sometime a Prelate of the Church, now made a god, sitting in his throne, using God (if we may believe it) as his officer: Sometime humble and gentle, yea the servant of servants, yielding obedience to all Princes whatsoever, now proud, cruel, treading upon the necks of the greatest powers, the greatest Princes: Sometime glorious for the sanctity of his life, suffering joyfully for the name of Christ all torments and tortures whatsoever, now profane, puffed up with a vain title of holiness, imbrued & made drunken with the blood of Saints. What reason, what proportion can there be, I pray you, betwixt two extremes so different, so repugnant? And what should stay us but that with astonishment we may cry out, A Mystery, great Babylon? In so strange a novelty, so divers changes, is it possible that any man should object the antiquity of the Popedom; where Satan reigneth so visibly under the only name (to say no more) the mask of S. Peter? Let them not abuse you with the name of the Church, the Catholic they call it, thereby inferring the Roman Church: For the Church of Rome is not, nor ever was, the Universal, the Catholic Church; a part thereof it was, so long as it continued pure and unpolluted: but yet but a part with others, not above others. And therefore by her fall, her ruin, the flock of Christ cannot perish, though that perish utterly; by her defection the flock of Christ cannot fail, though that fail utterly. True it is, that the Church of Rome was once pure and chaste, and no small part of the Spouse of Christ, so long as she harkened to his voice, and stopped her ears against the voice of strangers, having always before her eyes her vow and contract of marriage: But the adulterer with false keys crept into her bedchamber, nay perhaps by herself was let in by the postern. He hath defiled her bed, and with that contagious copulation her beautiful countenance is become pale and ghastly, her natural colour defiled with paintings, her true doctrine infected with forged tales, in so much that in a manner she is become nothing else but falsehood and lies. Other Churches have done their best endeavours to oppose themselves against her, as that of Africa, France, Germany, Greece, and other the East Churches. Neither were there wanting in herself faithful dogs, who, with the danger of their lives, ceased not, so long as they might to bark at him when he began first to increase, to dig and to break through the wall, opposing and interposing their defences, making head against him even in the breach, until at the last by the collusion of the Roman Clergy, having obtained the end of his designments, and overrunning all things at his own pleasure, he made the house of God (according to the proverb) the stable of Auria, the cave of Cacus, miserably oppressing all the godly, yea piety itself. From thence forward the suppressed groanings of the godly brake forth, and the mournful plaints of that woman that flew from the dragon, of our dove, the purer Church, were every where heard. Her footsteps sometimes, though flying from the face of the persecutors, you might discern, but yet by the persecuting rabble unmanured, defaced, half covered; Her voice amongst the Salmonean thunders of the Popes was hardly heard, being every where interrupted by the noise of the sparkling flames about her, and, as it were in Phalaris bull, in the writings of the Monks, and the mouths of her adversaries (lest we should lament the tortures of the godly) turned into the bellowing of an Ox. Dost thou ask therefore where our Church was so many ages past? Where it fed her flocks, where it lay at noon? Cant. 1. v. 7. Hear I pray thee what S. john the Evangelist saith, The woman, that is the Church, persecuted by the Dragon, Apoc. 12. v. 6. & 16. did fly into the wilderness, where she hath a place prepared of God, that they should feed her there, one thousand, two hundred, and threescore days, that is, prophetical days, a time certain, and that not short. She is not therefore to be sought in the Popedom, in the light of the world, in the midst of pride and excess. It is likewise said that the dragon which deceived the whole world having great wrath, persecuted the woman, and cast out of his mouth water after the woman, like a flood, that she might be carried away of the flood; But there were then given to the woman two wings of a great Eagle, that she might fly into the wilderness. And of a flight in the air there remains no trace; In such sort that we are not bound to search after it, much less to show it, accounting it sufficient that we believe the Scriptures: That God knoweth who are his: That the Church is known unto God, as in the time of Eliah, though unknown to the Prophet, whereof, after so many ages past, there is no reason why any account should be demanded of us. But I will not deal so rigorously with you, will you know where, and what manner of Church ours was in all your time? Our Church was that Primitive Apostolic Church inspired with the holy Ghost, grounded upon the word of God, which hath left unto us the Canon of the holy Scriptures the rule of our faith and life, the Symbol of the Apostles the badge of our Christian warfare. To us therefore that embrace all these, and to hold and defend them, reject all human inventions, stop our ears against the voice of a stranger, the society of this Church, spread far and wide through the world, and, as our Saviour saith, continuing to the last day of the world, cannot be denied. But on the other side, against you is that curse threatened by S. Paul, who beside and against this preach another Gospel; If we or any angel from heaven preach unto you otherwise, let him be accursed. Our Church is that which hath continued with this, Gal. 1. v. 7.8.9. yea hath been ever joined unto it, shining with so many and so great miracles, made red with so many and glorious martyrs; For these are the miracles that witness the truth of this Gospel, Martyrdoms that gave testimony to Christ the only begotten son of God, the only redeemer of mankind, Mediator, Saviour, the only true Priest of the new Covenant, which we only urge, refusing all other, and are ready to seal it with our blood: Ours therefore are these miracles, and these Martyrdoms, since we are incorporated with them, by one and the same faith into one and the same Church. Now tell me I pray, have your traditions been confirmed by these miracles? Can you or dare you affirm, that any of your martyrs have suffered for the Papacy, for the Popish doctrine, for the adoration of Images, the worship of Saints, the traffic of Purgatory, the sacrifice of the Mass, Transubstantiation? By what right then do you arrogate unto yourselves the miracles and martyrdoms of that Church, by what right, nay rather what wrong, do you take them from us the true heirs of their faith? I would to God, we could as truly say of their constancy. Again our Church is that, that heretofore confuted and confounded Arius, Macedonius, Nestorius, Eutiches, Pyrrhus, yea Pope Honorius himself, who called into question the divinity of the only begotten son of God, and of the holy ghost, and the two natures and two wills in one Christ. Ours are those general councils of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and others; In which they with theirs were condemned and overthrown. Forasmuch therefore as we approve and embrace all these, and consequently the Catholic Church represented in them, as we never wandered in any thing from their doctrine, so are we not to be separated from their bodies. Tell me again whether you dare to say as much; And if for shame you will seem to dare, See ye not that your Pope is to be brought into order, that he is presently to fall to the ground? Find you any where in any of those approved and ancient councils any place for those your inventions? And yet these bring us to the six hundredth year after the nativity of our blessed Saviour. In all which time, if those points of doctrine which we affirm, are confirmed by the holy Scriptures, Symbols, Miracles, Martyrs, decrees of Counsels, and contrarily those things we deny, do no where appear, nay are not so much as affirmed, may we not by good right and reason profess that Church to be ours? And with better reason ask you, where your Church was for those six hundred years together? Vbinam Gentium? for to say the truth, there she was, there she fed; Not upon the hill of Zion, but the little hills and groves of Garisim, the mountains of Seyre, the pastures of Paganism: From whence ye have gathered, whatsoever, either the proud school of the pharisees, brought into the Synagogue, or the vain superstition of the Greek Philosophers, into their Academy. From thenceforward the authority of one man by the contempt of the word of God, gathering strength in the Church of Rome, the Princes likewise, according as it was foretold, striving to give their assistance, he made and unmade laws at his own pleasure, preferring human inventions before the divine oracles, his decrees before the Canons of councils, Novelties before antiquities, things profane, before holy, borrowed from elsewhere before his own, adulterate before lawful, superstition before religion, and all this furniture of Paganism, before Christian simplicity, by which means the Church by degrees fell into this corruption, and languishing consumption. In such sort nevertheless, that in the midst of this corruption, this confusion, a part of ourselves did still remain, and that in a twofold manner. This Church was a part of ourselves, though corrupt, cloaked, and covered with wood and hay, and stubble, yea in a manner overwhelmed, 1. Corinth. 3. so long as she stood upon her only true foundation Christ jesus, so long as the salvation of man depended upon him only, his merit, the blood of his cross; Not upon our own or other men's works, not upon Popish absolutions and indulgences, and other blasphemous toys of that nature. And as it falleth out, that the wind changing, the wether altereth, so for a time the matter hung in an equal balance, until impiety over-weighing the mind of man, by a kind of self-love, being prone to human inventions, true piety was taken away. Again this Church was a part of ourselves, and the purer part, inasmuch as many excellent men famous for their piety and learning sprung up therein almost in every Nation, lifting up their heads in the midst of this darkness; Assemblies of Bishops and whole universities striving with all their force, against that swift and violent stream, showed thereby the newness of the doctrine: But striving in vain, broke out into mournings and clamours and complaints, calling heaven and earth to witness against the Popes and their followers; who speaking with so clear and audible a voice being so many in number, and in so many places, and that not out of any compact or agreement, but a common sense of that public calamity, is it not to be presumed that many held their peace for fear, possessing their pure souls in silence? Such of whom the Lord speaketh by Eliah: I have reserved unto myself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seven thousand men who have not bowed their knees to Baal. Rom. 11. v. 2. To myself saith he: They stand to their Lord and master, insomuch that thou needest not doubt of them. Much less it is to be doubted, that there are seven times seventy thousand, yea innumerable numbers in the whole world; since tyranny and corruption grew more slowly in some places than in other, and Eliah alone in Israel withstood the false worship of God. That there were so many in so many kingdoms and Countries, though we had no other witnesses to prove it, than our adversaries, than the Pope's slaves, who either concealed, or disguised whatsoever might be noted in the errors of true religion, as appears by the example of the jesuits in these days, let no man doubt. And these things fell out in the seventh, eight, and ninth ages, in which the East Church was directly opposite against the West, the West at variance with itself, their councils wavering, and in one and the same Council voices divided, different opinions: we call these times the twilight of the Church, growing by little and little into an obscure and dark night; A moonelesse night, wherein there are few stars, and those that twinkle most, for the most part wandering, not fastened in the firmament the word of God. In such sort, that whither you respect doctrine or manners, this night seemed to be the last night of the Church, her breast, yea her heart, being pierced, and her throat cut; The doctrine of the only mediator, redeemer, saviour of mankind, Christ jesus, of his only propitiatory sacrifice, almost extinct, and reserved (if we look into the outward face of things) amongst a few. This no doubt was that time, wherein that Woman, Deut. 32. v. 11. the true Church being put to flight by the Dragon, and borne upon the wings of that great Eagle, was enforced to retire herself to the wilderness: Of that Eagle, the eternal omnipotent jehova, who when there is need, knoweth how to carry and keep his Church, as the Eagle doth her young. This likewise was that time, Apoc. 12.15. wherein that Dragon cast out of his mouth water after the woman like a flood, that she might be carried away of the flood. But she whom thou seekest and persecutest to the death, being got out of thy sight, cutteth the air with her wings, seeks the steepy tops of the mountains, where she resteth and hideth herself under the wings of the Almighty: And she, whom thou like a wretch thinkest to be perished, in the beginning of the twelfth age, took her flight towards the plain, God moving and leading her the way, into Dauphin, Province, languedoc, Guyenne, the plains of Italy, filling all from the Pirenei hills to the Alps, from the Alps to the Apennine, with the preaching of the Gospel. At the last her enemies the Popes, exercising their fury against her, after many bloody slaughters and massacres, being rather sowed than scattered, she springs up & takes root, in Germany, Slavonia, Hungary, & England itself, & there hath founded & extended her Colonies: No otherwise than that first Apostolic Church driven from Jerusalem by the furious priests, dispersed itself by the great providence of God into all parts of the world, publishing the Gospel (which otherwise had been included within a little circuit) in all the corners thereof. Read, my good friend the Histories of this time, set down by your own writers; we produce our witnesses out of thine own bosom; we have no other either for you, or against you: It shall be easy for thee thereto note her footsteps. Hear some by flocks are massacred, there others by multitudes are consumed with fire. For fear lest thou shouldest lose thy way, and go astray, he hath marked it out for thee, with these everlasting cinders, the blood of these Saints, other footsteps, others to show thee the way thou needest not. But thou contemnest this poor and ragged Church, though not so full of wrinkles, and proudly disdainest her natural colour, though it be white, loving rather (delicious and delicate as thou art) a Church proud and glorious, in her vestments of scarlet, painted with colours more glittering, though borrowed, wanton lusting after novelties. It is therefore no marvel if thou have embraced that Babylonian Whore, beautified with false and counterfeit colours. The chosen vineyard of the Lord, like a negligent husbandman, thou sufferest to grow unto a tree, to be over rank with leaves; and little care thou takest whether it yield weeds or grapes. But the eternal God, the true husbandman, doth not so, but humble and lowly as his vineyard is, the better to continue it in that humility, he prunes it, and affords now and then an eye unto it, and that bedewed with tears, that it might yield the more and the better fruit; yea and sometimes he plucks away the leaves, that it may lie more open to the beams of the Sun, and so ripen the better, that when they come to the press, they may yield a more excellent wine. And now thou knowest where our Church was in all this time. Thou, rude and simple as thou art, thinkest perhaps, when thou seest the Sun to set in the West, that it is swallowed up in the Ocean, and quite extinguished, wherein indeed when it sets to thee, it riseth to others, and returns again to thee in his due time, and misseth not a minute. The river Rosne, when it entereth into the lake of Lozanna, thou thinkest it is quite devoured, but that lively and running water cutteth and divideth that dead and standing pool, making way through her swallowing depths: Our Church in like manner hath made her way through many ages, hath run into the lake, yet not overwhelmed, but hath passed through the bottomless gulfs thereof with glory and triumph; and many rivers meeting her, she passeth through many countries, and at the last falls into her Ocean, the Church of Christ into God, the bottomless sea of all goodness, and there is drowned, losing herself to find herself in him. Remember jonas, a figure of the body of Christ in the Sepulchre, and therefore of his Church: Thou seest him swallowed by the Whale, and thou thinkest him devoured, jonas c. 2. & 3. and thou hast reason to believe too; for he saith, The waters compassed me about unto the soul, the depth closed me roundabout, and the weeds were wrapped about my head, in as much that I said, I am cast away out of thy sight; out of the sight of God himself, if we may so say, not of men, not of his adversaries: But I (saith he) will yet look again toward thy holy Temple: Out of the belly of hell itself, the bowels of that beast, I cried, and thou heardest my voice. At the very beck of the omnipotent God this monster cast out jonas upon the dry land, to be sent as an Herald to preach repentance unto the Ninivites, a people separated from the Church. What marvel then is it, that the Popedom having swallowed up this poor Church, at the word of the Lord, in these later times should cast it out again, that so the Gospel might be preached more gloriously than before, even to yourselves? But now give me leave to ask thee again, In all this long space of time where was thy Church? and of all loves answer me: In those six hundred years next after Christ, in the whole world, was there any that was thy Church? and that worshipped, burned incense, adorned, adored, and invocated Images? Doubtless there was none such, except thou seek it among the Heathen with Simon Magus, not Simon Peter. In a whole thousand years was there any Church that called the Host Lord, thought it a god, adored it? In a whole thousand two hundred years, that shut it up in a box, carried it about, appointed unto it a proper festival day, set it out with pomp to be gazed upon by the people, as in a public Theatre? Again, in a whole thousand years after Christ, was there any Church, howsoever otherwise corrupted, that placed Christ the son of God between the hands of a Priest, yea created him, that sold his sacrifice for money, to be offered at all times, yea every moment of time, and in all places; That abolished the ancient institution of Christ, and Communion of the faithful, bringing into the place thereof their solitary Masses for the living and the dead, mumbled up in a corner; That deprived the people of the Cup of the Lord, to feed them with the smoke of this pretended sacrifice? And since I am entered into it, to lay open these monstrous abuses to the view of the world, Was there any Church that accused the Scriptures of insufficiency, or imperfection, writing books to that purpose; That forbade the reading of them, as being dangerous and deadly, upon pain of grievous punishment, and that by a public Decree? Again, was there any Church in the whole world, for six hundred years after Christ, that believed the Pope of Rome to be the Universal Bishop, an earthly Prince, armed with both swords spiritual and temporal; That for a thousand years, out of Rome, acknowledged him to be Pope and Emperor, the Lord of the world, the true Spouse of the Church; That for twelve hundred years did affirm him to be above general Counsels, the Catholic Church, the Scriptures; That did affirm or teach, That he had power to dispose of the state of our souls by his Indulgences, That he could shut Purgatory, open heaven, canonize for a Saint, or damn to hell, at his pleasure, whom it pleased him; command the Angels, abrogat the laws of God, and therefore a god, and above God? Add if you will, to make up the matter, What Church in those ages ever knew those multitudes of Monks, the four Orders of begging Friars, the scarlet Cardinals, this Pontifical pomp, his janissaries and Mamalukes, and lastly his jesuits, who are as it were the rearward of the Pope's army? And yet of these doth your Church now consist, and they must be believed upon pain of damnation. Herein Bellarmine and Baronius spend their labours, and he that abates but a hair of that they affirm, let him be accounted as a Heathen or Publican. That man on the other side that believes all this, especially all those points that concern the Pope, though he be otherwise an heretic, a profane person, an Atheist, yet he is a good Catholic, and in the right way. It is now then your part to prove this your Church out of the Fathers, Counsels, Histories, yea even your own, for I refuse not any. But perhaps thou wilt ask, though against the rules of disputation, By what apparent reason it appears that your Church hath erred, and how it should be likely, that it hath hitherto received Christ his enemy for Christ his Vicar, and how and in what part that corruption thou speakest of hath crept in? Harken, my friend, let not this preposterous presumption deceive thee; the Angels in heaven have erred, our first parents in Paradise have erred, jacob amongst so many visions of God, Israel in the desert, in the midst of so many miracles, have erred; the Church, the Spouse of God, under the judges, the Kings in the presence of the Ark, in that holy land, though reproved by the Prophets, very often, in the time of the first Temple, and as often under the second, and that which is more, puffed up with the doctrine of the Law, even to the forsaking of Christ himself, the crucifying of him with her own hands, and consequently in her own salvation, hath erred: What then should hinder but that it may now likewise err, even to the receiving of Antichrist, that man of sin, the son of perdition, and the adoring of him, since both the one and the other proceed from the same spirit of presumption, not to err; both the one and the other foretold by the same mouth, by the spirit of God in his word; and therefore of like certainty? Doubtless the Church than hath erred, erred by neglecting the word of God, and shall err as often as she shall forsake the seaman's compass, without which all things are to it uncertain, the heavens, the sea, the earth: In so much that being left to her own discourse, her own cogitations, it is no marvel if she have erred, if she do err: yea rather it were a wonder, and more than a wonder, if without that compass she should hold her course but a moment of time, and not be split in pieces against some rock, or suffer shipwreck upon some unknown shore. But whereas thou desirest to know the moment of time when this accident happened, understand, my friend, that this Mystery was wrought in the dark: for Antichrist is compared to a thief that digs through the wall in the dead time of the night. At what watch therefore he began his work, it is your part to know, and to tell us that stand sentinel, that have so long time before been forewarned by God himself, by whose either negligence or treachery he hath invaded the Roman castle, and therefore your Church. But thou art perhaps sick of a dropsy, thy belly is swollen as big as a tun, thy blood turned into water, and yet thou wilt not hearken to the Physician, change the course of thy life, until he tell thee the very instant time when thy liver began to be distempered, to be inflamed, to grow dry, and to be hardened into a Schyrrus; whereas thou shouldest have been the first that should have known that, if it might be, because there is no man so near unto thee as thyself. There is nothing more ridiculous, than to think that another should know it before thyself, especially considering it is one of those diseases, according to Hypocrates, that at the first is most hardly known, most easily cured, afterwards by tract of time the symptoms, or accidents belonging thereunto increasing, it is easily known, hardly cured. But yet I will not refuse to satisfy thee herein, if I can. Thou wouldst know when Antichrist invaded this chair, which for a long time he coveted, and now possesseth. It was necessary that the Palladium, le guard corpse of the Church should first be stolen, before he could be received, before that fatal horse could be admitted; The word of God, the Candlestick of the holy Scriptures must first be hid under a bushel, before the thief durst creep in, or make any assault upon the Church; which still continuing in force, in vain could that sink of superstitions besiege it, but we kept it far off from our Troy, our rampires, our territories, much more from the porch, the Temple, the Sanctuary of the Lord. That old Dragon, under the colour of a not written word, cunningly and closely brought in Traditions to betray the Church; which the wisdom of the flesh, their near alliance, better agreeing with carnal reason, did willingly and with good countenance receive, equalled them with the Written word, the sacred oracles, made them sit cheek by cheek with them. This law of equality being often attempted, in the seventh age, and seventh Idolatrous Synod, it was established, yea and by virtue thereof Traditions preferred before the Word, opposed against it. Then Simon, rather under the name than shape of Simon, began to appear, by divers cunning devices covering his treachery, persuading us to receive that dangerous engine, that Trojan horse, that Epitome as it were of all the paynim impieties, into the place of our Palladium, the word of God. Capis then and divers others who were of a sounder judgement, fearing their subtleties, and finding them, cried out to have it burnt. The most famous Fathers of the Church throughout the world, foretold, threatened the evil to come, resisted, banded themselves against it. But you unadvised, or rather ill advised, ita ferentibus fatis, being necessary that the Prophecies should be fulfilled in their due time, Dividitis muros, & moenia panditis urbis, Et licet— Vtero sonitum quater arma dedêre. Divide your walls, and make them plain even with the ground, Though four times the armour in his belly did sound. Nothing regarding either the advertisements of the Apostles, the counsel of the Fathers of the Church, or the suspicions that it gave of itself: But, Instantes operi immemores caecique furore, Hoc monstram infoelix sacrata sistitis Arce. Blind with fury, the more is the pity, You place this monster within your city. From thence forward he put all to fire and sword in the city, ransacked the Church, polluted the holy things, left nothing untouched with the infectious hands of his Harpies, powered out of that fatal horse all manner of superstitious services in the Church, calling this horse (although a mark of the Greeks') the Trojan horse. These superstitions, Catholic, Orthodoxal, because consecrated and hallowed (these are their own words) by the Popes, though from their beginning they were Heathenish and Idolatrous. Now in the midst of this fire, this universal confusion, thy neighbour's house being on fire, nay thine own, nay thy beard being singed, thou gapest & stretchest thyself, as if thou were half asleep, thou cavillest and disputest where it first took fire, where it began, and in the mean time thou burnest thyself. Wise Antenor, devout Aeneas, did not so, but breaking through the Grecian troops, got themselves out of the city with their fellows, gathered together what they could, and to sea they go, and putting themselves into the first ships they met with, hoist up sails to seek a new country, and find it, and there they settle: being still Troyans' whither soever they went, in what place soever they rested; carrying with them their household gods, and the ensigns of their country: Being still Christians, professors of the Catholic faith, carrying with them the word of God, untouched by the fire of the Greeks, keeping the Sacraments of our Lord sound and pure. The Grecians are no Troyans', though they hold the place, and possess it, whatsoever title they allege; neither art thou, that hast yielded thyself, forsaken thy country, a true Christian, since the enemy is, where Troy was, Antichrist where Christ was, furious in the midst of the Temple, as once Antiochus was, sacrilegious even between the Altars, the sacrifices. Do you yet doubt (my brethren) hear what S. john saith, Apocal. 13. v. 5. 2. Thess. 2. v. 4. And there was given unto him a mouth that spoke great things, and blasphemies: S. Paul likewise, He doth sit as God in the Temple of God, showing himself that he is God. Harken now and behold Paul 5 your Pope at this day. Lib. Benedicti de Benedictis Bononiae excusus Anno 16●8. Jtem Thes. Caraffae Neapoli excusae 1609. He is placed in the beginning of the books lately printed, counterfeited as it were in a table even to the life, with this inscription. PAULO V VICEDEO; to Paul the 5 God's Vicegerent, The invincible Monarch of the Christian Commonwealth, and the most valiant Protector of the Pontifical power. And in the same style we read at Tolentine: To Paul 3 The most great and excellent God on earth. The sceptres and diadems of Princes, Kings and Emperors are his Trophies, who stand about him beholding him with astonishment bowing downward, strooken with his lightning, adoring him with this inscription over his head, His countenance presageth an Empire. The word of God soundeth on every side, but God knows strangely wrested and applied; The nation and kingdom which will not serve him, I will visit saith the Lord with the sword, and with the famine, and with the pestilence. jerem 27. That which was once foretold of Nabuchadnezzar the destroyer of the Church, he like another Caiphas applieth to himself, and will have it fulfilled in him the Alastor and usurper of the Christian Church. Again, He gave him dominion and honour and a Kingdom, and all the people shall serve him, his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall never be taken away, and his Kingdom shall never be destroyed. Dan. 7 With their faces towards the earth, they shall lick the dust of thy feet. Esay 49.23. That which was spoken of Christ only, the eternal son of God, governing his Church, and to be applied to no man else, is without blasphemy communicated to others. These things were done by the command of the Superiors, and printed at Bononia, and at Naples; And that not rashly, or by the private endeavours, and inconsiderate zeal of some private men, but by a decree of the Pope's Senate, the matter solemnly deliberated, and in Loco Maiorum, in the presence of Paul himself, in a famous assembly of Cardinals, and a great concourse of people disputed and determined. Here Reader thou beginnest to bend thy brows, but they are not secrets that I utter: Rome knows these things, and these monsters are set out to the view of every man; And thou art a great stranger in thine own Church, if thou knowest them not; a traitor to thyself, if knowing them thou dissemblest it. These jugglers in the mean time, are nor ashamed to tell us, in books printed to that purpose, That Antichrist is borne at Babylon with the teeth of a Cat, with rolling eyes, grown to his full stature in an instant, made known by his miracles, and presently marching towards us with a huge army. What opinion have these men either of your sottishness, or their own sufficiency, that they should think to blind you with these fooleries? How long shall they with their brazen faces go scotfree, or you, even with the loss of your own souls, with your leaden minds? Shall they always lull you asleep with these fables, and will you never find a time to awaken, never have understanding to discern them? Let me therefore speak unto you, O ye people, why do ye still make delays? Being so often deluded, why do ye not obey the voice of God thundering from heaven? Apoc. 18. v. 4. & 9 Go out of her my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues; And O ye kings so long made drunken, why stand ye at a gaze, not executing the counsel of the Almighty, which cannot be made frustrate, nay which in a manner is already fulfilled? why do ye not rather make that beast desolate and naked, Apoc. 17. v. 16. and eating her flesh, burn her with fire? In danger otherwise to lament before her, to be partakers of her punishment, her ruin, since you have so long enjoyed her pleasures, and committed fornication with her. But thou O my Saviour, in the midst of this cunctation, or rather careless security, awaken and rise up, and come down and behold the sins of this spiritual Sodom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they are now consummate and come to their full height: Tread the wine press alone, though none of the people, none of the kings, join with thee. Esay 63.3. Gird thy sword unto thee, even thy two edged sword, wherewith that man of sin shall be slain, the spirit of thy mouth, thy holy word. And let the wicked at the last cry out, standing a far off for fear of her tormonts, Alas, alas, the great city Babylon, Apoc. 18. v. 10. the mighty city, for in one hour is thy judgement come: Let the godly sing together, and let them repeat it again and again, Halleluiah, Salvation, and glory, and honour, Apoc. 19 v. 2. and power, be to the Lord our God, for true and righteous are his judgements, for he hath condemned the great Whore, which did corrupt the earth with her fornication, and hath avenged the blood of his servants, shed by her hand. And let me, O Lord, sing with old Symion, being weary of this world, full of years, and thirsting after thee, Luk. 2. v. 29.30. Now lettest thou thy servant departed in peace, according to thy word, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation: The salvation and deliverance of thy Church from the hands of her enemies, the Lamb victorious and triumphant, shortly celebrating the marriage of thine elect with the immaculate Lamb Christ jesus, to whom with the Father and the holy Ghost, be all honour and glory for ever and ever, Amen. ❧ To the Reader. POpe Paul the fift caused himself to be portrayed in the first page of divers Books dedicated unto him, printed at Rome and at Bolognia; as hath been said in the Preface: The first words of the Latin inscription are, PAULO V VICEDEO; take the numeral letters and you shall find the number of the Beast, Apocal. c. 13. v. 18. PAV 5. L 50. O V 5.. V 5. I 1. C 100 ED 500 EO. 5. 50. 5. 5. 1. 100 500 666. THE MYSTERY OF iniquity: That is to say, The History of the Papacy. Declaring by what degrees it is now mounted to this height; and what oppositions the better sort from time to time have made against it. THE PREFACE. Of the person of Antichrist, of the time when, and of the place where he was to be revealed. THe Mystery, whose proceed we hear intend to set down in writing, is none other, than that which was foretold by S. Paul in his second Epistle to the Thessalonians, and the second chapter; and more particularly by circumstances and signs described by S. john, in the thirteenth, fourteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth chapters of his Revelation: which Mystery, time itself from age to age, hath ever interpreted by events, till now at length all prophecies fulfilled, we see it clearly revealed in these our days. 2. Thess. cap. 2. S. Paul therefore telleth us, That that day of Christ, meaning that glorious day of his last coming, shall not come, unless there first come that Apostasy and notable revolt, that is, unless some great part of the Church first fall away from the pure and undefiled service of Christ; and unless that man of sin be first revealed; that son of perdition, which shall be ringleader and chief director in this desperate revolt; lost in himself, and cause of perdition unto others, and is therefore called by S. john 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, a Destroyer. Apocal. 9 vers. 11. And to the end that none should take offence when these things should come to pass, he forewarneth us of the greatness of this revolt, by representing it to our understanding under the name of Babylon, and of an Horrible confusion; comparing him who was to have the chief direction and command in this work, Apocal. 17. vers. 3. to a woman sitting upon a Beast of scarlet colour, eminent, and in every respect glorious, and consequently admired of all those who should behold her, Ibid. vers. 8. save only those whose names are written in the book of life: insomuch, that even Kings, those I mean whom she shall make drunk with the wine of her abominations, shall give her their authority and power, to help war upon the Saints, and that Peoples and Nations shall serve her for a seat to sit upon: Ibid. vers. 13. The waters (saith he) on which she sitteth are Peoples, and Multitudes, and Nations, and Tongues. So that, that Apostasy and that man of sin make both together a kind of Estate or Kingdom; whereof the Apostasy is the Body, even the Papacy, which hath long since degenerated from the true doctrine of Christ, drenching the world with Idolatry and Superstition; and that Man of sin is the Head, even the Pope, or Roman Bishop, in whose person all this power and authority is combined, and in his name executed. Apocal. ca 13. vers. 12. And for this cause maketh S. Paul mention of an Apostasy, and of a man of sin; and S. john of a second Beast, and of a Whore: By which second Beast, which exerciseth the authority of the first, what can be meant but the Roman Hierarchy, which hath derived upon herself all the authority of that ancient Commonwealth, making the earth to adore the first Beast in the second; that is, the old Rome in the new? And that Whore there spoken of, what is she but the Pope, in whom all that abomination is comprised, and as it were incorporated, who holdeth the cup in his hand, presenting it to Kings, and unto Peoples, and making them drunk therewith? And as S. Paul describeth that Man of sin, 2. Thess. cap. 2. vers. 4. Apocal. 17. vers. 3. by saying, that it is he which opposeth and lifteth himself up above all that is called God; so that Whore in S. john is described sitting upon a scarlet coloured Beast, full of names of blasphemies, and her cup full of abominations, filthiness, and whoredom. Now what greater blasphemy than to call himself God, and to make himself above his Word? or what greater whoredom than Idolatry, styled by this very name in the holy Scriptures? All which yet must pass under a colour of piety and religion, and covered with a mask of the worship of the living God: And so far forth must this hypocrisy prevail, that as S. Paul saith, This man of sin shall sit as God in the Temple of God, 2. Thess. cap. 2. and shall have, as S. john speaketh, two horns like a Lamb, thereby to make at least some show and appearance of the doctrine of Christ, Apocal. 13. vers. 11. yet speaking (saith he) like a Dragon, and teaching the doctrine of the devil; as do the Pope and Papacy at this day. Thus than you see what the person of Antichrist is. As touching the place where he shall have his Seat (for that is the term which they properly use) the case is clear. 2. Thess. cap. 2. vers. 4. S. Paul telleth us, That he shall sit in the Temple of God, that is, in the most eminent place of this visible Church: and S. john more plainly, Upon seven Hills, Apocal. 17. vers. 9 vers. 1. vers. 15. i. at Rome, anciently surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. a City built upon seven hills, by virtue of which Seat he shall bear rule over many nations; for the great whore (saith he) sitteth upon many Waters: and the Angel expoundeth these words in this manner; The Waters which thou hast seen, on which the Whore sitteth, are Peoples and Multitudes, and Nations and Tongues. As for the Time, which is the main doubt of all, S. Paul telleth us; And now (saith he) you know 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that which withholdeth him, to the end he may be revealed in his due time, to wit, the Roman Empire; whose place Antichrist was to possess, which also was of necessity first to be dissolved, before that other could openly appear: wherefore also it is said in the verse next following, 2. Thess. cap. 2. vers. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Only until he which now withholdeth, be taken out of the way, or abolished, because that the one must build and raise itself upon the ruins of the other: in which place, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that which withholdeth or hindereth, is meant the Roman State; and by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he which withholdeth or hindereth, their form of government, which was Monarchical: as before by the Apostasy was signified the Roman Church, by that man of sin the head and governor thereof was prefigured. And S. john speaketh yet more plainly, as one that saw Antichrist at a lesser distance, and saith, Apocal. 13. vers. 3. & 12. & 15. That this second Beast exerciseth the power of the first Beast, in his presence; that is, that he arrogateth this power to himself in the face of the Empire, and settleth it in himself, in such sort, that the deadly wound of the first Beast seemed to be healed: to whom also he giveth life and speech, making the old estate of Rome to quicken again, and to revive in the new. All which could not possibly be done by one man, not yet in the life of one man (certain ages sometimes passing between the first decline, and the final ruin of great Empires) but in long continuance of time, and succession of many years, as the manner of one State is, in long time, to raise itself out of the corruption and ashes of another. And so much appeareth by that which followeth in S. Paul: for (saith he) that mystery of iniquity now worketh, this thread of Satan is already set into the loom, not by open force, but as it is there added, According to the effectual working of Satan in all power, 2. Thess. ca 2. 7 vers. 9 & 10. Apocal. 13.14. and cap. 14. vers. 8. in signs and miracles of lies, and in all deceitfulness of iniquity: and as S. john saith, seducing the inhabitants of the earth by her signs and wonders, which she had power given her to do before the Beast, and making all nations to drink of the wine of her fornications, and ensorceling them with idolatrous superstitions. And indeed this pestilent Estate and Empire, enemy to God and to his Christ, is not now (as in some measure we see already come to pass) begun to be destroyed by force of arms, but as S. Paul saith, By the spirit of the Lords mouth, 2. Thess. cap. 2. vers. 8. and by the brightness of his coming, by the preaching of his Word and clear light of his doctrine, which is to shine in these later days; which are opposed to the darkness and mists of Satan, as the coming of Christ in brightness, i. in truth, is opposed to the coming of that man of sin in all power of lying: the Lord proclaiming by his Angel, even by the ministery of his true servants, with a loud voice unto all the world: If any one adore the Beast and his Image, Apocal. 14. vers. 9 & 10. and take his mark upon his forehead and upon his hand, he also shall drink of the pure wine poured out of the cup of his wrath, and shall be tormented with fire and brimstone before the holy Angels and before the Lamb. But saith S. john, Here is the patience of the Saints: as also S. Paul saith in the very beginning of that second chapter to the Thessalonians, Be not ye troubled, neither by spirit, neither yet by word, neither by Epistle, as if that day were near at hand: his meaning is, that this mystery already set on foot; must run on and hold his course, and that in the mean time the Saints of God have much to suffer, even between that day wherein that Whore glorying in her wantonness should say, I sit a Queen, and cannot be a widow, and that day, Apocal. 18. vers. 7. & 8. & cap. 2. vers. 10. even that instant of time, when her wounds shall come upon her, that she shall be burned in the fire, that the Angel shall cry out, saying, She is fallen, She is fallen. Wherefore again I say, that this cannot be meant of one man, or of one age, but of many; of the waxing and waning of some temporal Monarchy, of the infancy, youth, perfect age, decline, and final destruction of some spiritual tyranny: neither let any man think, that this is a chick of my ●a●ching, but the interpretation of the most ancient Fathers, which in all likelihood received it by hand from the Apostles: for, to have named the destruction of the Roman Empire, had in those days been a capital offence: and therefore S. Paul to the Thessalonians, Cap. 2. Remember ye not (saith he) how that when I was with you I told you of these things: he told those things to the disciples in plain words, which he would write but in cipher: and S. john saith, A mystery, that great Babylon, etc. and, Here is understanding, who hath wisdom, etc. And they which came after, recounting the events as they fell out, could more plainly decipher this secret Cabal, and (drawing wide the curtain) see more clearly into this prophesy than they which went before them. But before we go any farther, let us here take a view, and see what was the opinion of the ancient Fathers and Doctors concerning the person of Antichrist, the time of his appearing, and the place of his residing. As touching the first, namely, whether Antichrist be a Man, or else an Estate or Kingdom, a Tertul. de Resurrectione, cap. 25. Tertullian calleth him Civitatem prostitutam, a People prostituted unto whoredom; meaning no doubt that spiritual whoredom, which is Idolatry: And S. b Ambros. in Apocal. cap. 17. Ambrose termeth it the City of the devil, and Rome the harlot: c Hieron. ad Marcel. viduam. S. Jerome styleth it by the name of Babylon, and of Rome, and the very Church itself of Rome: d Augustin. Hom. 10. in Apocal. idem, Homil. 11. S. Augustine brandeth it with the title and appellation of the wicked City, and corporation of wicked ones, fight against the Lamb: e Idem, lib. 13. de Civitat. Dei, cap. 2. & lib. 20. cap. 19 A people contrary to the people of God, which together with their Head is called Antichrist: an heretical Church, in name Christian, but indeed Infidel, meaning Rome, that second Babylon. f Gregor. in Moral. lib. 33. cap. 26. S. Gregory calleth it a multitude or company, of the Preachers of Antichrist. Add we unto these our modern Doctors; g Tho. in Apocal. cap. 13. Thomas Aquinas saith, That Antichrist is a Body or Corporation, and not a Man: h Gloss. ordinar. ib. the ordinary Gloss, The whole Antichrist consisteth of a Body and a Head: and lastly, i Hugo Cardin. ib. Hugo Cardinalis saith, That it is an University, that is, a Commonalty or People; and in like sort speak many others. Concerning the second point, which is the time of his revealing; they say, that it shall fall upon the decline of the Roman Empire, whose ruins he shall appropriate to himself: First k Tertul. de Resur. carnis, c. 24. Tertullian, Antichrist (saith he) shall not come, Donec é medio fiat, until he be taken out of the way: who (saith he) but even the Roman Empire? which once coming to be distracted into ten kingdoms, shall draw Antichrist after it at the heels: And thence it was that those old Christians, to put off this lamentable time of Antichrist from their days, were wont in their ordinary Liturgy to pray l Idem in Apologet. cap. 32. & ad Scapul. ca 1. Pro mora finis, that it would please God to defer the fall of this Empire. And after him m Hieron. ad Algasiana. S. Jerome saith, That Antichrist shall not come, until the Roman Empire be first razed to the ground, and that the Nations be first wholly revolted from it: which S. Paul durst not speak openly, because they took it to be an eternal Empire, fearing to draw on a persecution upon the tender blossom of the Church, to wit, under pretence of treason against the State: and n Ambros. in 2. ad Thessalon. cap. 2. S. Ambrose useth almost the same words upon that place to the Thessalonians: so doth o Augustin. de Civitat. Dei, lib. 20. cap. 19 S. Augustine, interpreting the same words of the Apostle in his 20 book de Civitate Dei: And p Chrysost. in 2. ad Thessaly. cap. 2. Chrysostome giveth a reason of his not coming sooner: For (saith he) so long as the fear of this great Empire shall endure, no man shall willingly subject himself to Antichrist: but so soon as that shall fall he shall invade the vacant Empire, and shall appropriate to himself the authority both of God and man, that is, the temporal power in consequence of the spiritual. As for his Seat, we say, he shall have it in the most eminent and conspicuous place of the visible Church. q Orig. in Matt. tract. 27. Origen saith, That he sitteth upon the chair of the Scriptures, whence he taketh the proofs of his false doctrines. He sitteth upon the buildings of the Scriptures, and vaunteth himself as if he were God. And whence I pray you doth Antichrist in these days take his proofs, to show that all power is given him both in heaven and in earth, but from the Scriptures? r Hieron. ad Algasiam. Saint Jerome expounding that place: He shall sit in the temple of God, that is, saith he, either at jerusalem, as some think, (but we know, that according to the prediction of our Saviour, there is now not one stone of that city left upon another) or, as we think more properly, in the Church. And s Chrysost. in 2. Thess. c. 2. Hom. 3 Chrysostome more resolutely, Not, saith he, at jerusalem, but in the temple of the churches: and the Scholiast speaketh after the same manner. And again, t Idem in opere impers. Hom. 49. That wicked Heresy, That army of Antichrist shall sit in the holy places of the Church, and shall possess them; and then he that will know where the true Church of Christ is, where should he find it but in the Scriptures? And u Hilar. contra Auxentium. Saint Hilary, Doubt you, saith he, that Antichrist shall sit upon the buildings of the Church? The wild forests, prisons, and dungeons, and hollow dens of the earth, where sometimes the Prophets prophesied, are, to my seeming, less to be feared than the churches. And w Theodor. in epitome divin. decret. lib. 2. & in 2. ad Thess. c. 2 Theodoret, though so far off, yet saw most clearly into this point: The Apostle, saith he, calleth the Church the Temple of God, wherein Antichrist shall take unto himself the Prime seat, seeking to make himself to be reputed and taken as a God. And x Oecumen. Oecumenius also speaketh after the same manner. And y et Theophil. ib. Theophilact, Not properly saith he, in the Temple which is at jerusalem, but in the churches, and in every holy temple. And z Thomas ib. Aquinas, In the temple, saith he, that is in the churches, rather than at jerusalem. And S. Augustine goeth farther, Shall Antichrist, saith he, August. de civit. Dei li. 20. c. 19 Baron. Annal. to. 1. an. 45. art. 17. & 18. sit upon the ruins of the Temple of Solomon, or rather in the church? for the Apostle would never call that the temple of the devil, which was God's temple. And therefore, saith he, some imagine that this Antichrist (note well these words) is a Prince, with the whole body of those which belong unto him; and think it more proper to express it in Latin as it is in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in templum, non in templo: meaning that he shall sit as if himself were The Temple of God, and his very Church itself: Ireneus l. 5. c. 25 Tertullian caversus judaeos, & contra Marcio. lib. 3. Hieron. in Ca●a. & in Isai. c. 47. Euseb. li. 2. c. 25. Ambros. in 2. Thess. ●. c. 2. August. lib. ●8. de civit. Dei c. ●. And●. Casa● in Apocal. c. ●. In Beda, Oecumen. Lyran. Thomas, Caiet. in 1. Pet. c. vlt. Bellarmin. de Romano Pontis. lib. 2. c. 2. Tertul. adversus judaeos & lib. 3. contra Marci●. Hieron. ad Algasiam quest. 17. Art, & Andre. in Apocal. 〈…〉. Glossa Ordin. ibid. Hieron. ad Marcellam viduam. Idem contra jovinian. lib. 1. Which jumps with that maxim of the Pope's adherents, That in his person the whole Church resideth and consisteth. Wherefore it is now manifest, that Antichrist shall have his seat in the Church Christian: Now let us see whether in the Latin Church, or no. Ireneus surely searching after the number of 666, which is the name of the beast, in this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, though in so obscure a point he pronounce nothing definitively, yet giveth he us plainly to understand, that he thou g●● it to be there. For, saith he, It is very likely; for such is the name of the Empire, which now swayeth in the world. They call themselves Latines. So likewise do Tert●llian, Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine, Andrew B. of Caesarea, Beda, Oecumenius, Lyranue, Aquinas, Caietan, and others, when by Babylon they understand Rome, as well in the first Epistle, and last chapter of Saint Peter, as in the Revelations. And Bellarmin himself is clear in this opinion; and Baronius affirmeth, that by Babylon, in the places before rehearsed, cannot be meant but Rome: much more, when by the whore clothed in scarlet, which maketh drunk all the kings of the earth, they understand Rome, as Tertullian, Jerome, Aretas, Andrew of Caesare●, the Ordinary Gloss, Bellarmin also, and Baronius, and others do. Nay, we say f●●● her, that the Ancients understand it of the Roman Church, whose corruption they saw even in those days to increase so fast: for to her apply Saint Jerome those words of the Apocalyps, Go out of her my people, saith the Lord, and be not partaker of her sins, nor of her plagues; fly out of Babylon, and let every one save his own soul: for she is fallen, she is fallen, and is made a receptacle for devils, an habitation of all unclean spirits: For surely, saith he, there is the holy Church, there are the trophies and monuments of the Apostles and Martyrs, and there is the confession of Christ: But withal, saith he, there is ambition, and oppression, luxury of the belly and of the throat, which go to overthrow the preaching of the Cross. And therefore he summoneth all well disposed people to departed out of her, though built upon Christ the true rock, by the preaching of Saint Peter, and though her Prophets which deceived her, cried out, Peace, peace, the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, to lull them asleep in their own security. And he seemeth farther to strike at her very Hierarchy, when as in his preface to the books of Didymus of the holy Ghost, Idem in Prefati. in lib. Did. de Spir. sancto. we find these words, When I lived, saith he, in Babylon an inhabitant of that purple whore after the laws of the Quirites or citizens of Rome, I would have written something of the holy Ghost, and have dedicated the treatise to the Bishop of that city: and behold, that seething pot which was seen in the Prophet jeremy, looking out of the North, beginneth already to boil, and the Senate of Pharises cried out at me all at once: neither was there so simple and mean a scribe of all that ignorant rabble, which conspired not against me: Wherefore I am now as it were out of captivity returned to Jerusalem, and, after that cottage of Romulus, and those lupercal sports, come to visit again the hosterie of the Virgin Marie, and the sepulchre of our Saviour, etc. Had this holy Father lived in the days of our fathers, and seen what passed in these later ages, what would he have said? And truly, to understand those passages of the apocalypse of Rome Painim, as some would have it, and not of the Church of Rome; were to make it, of a mysterious prophesy, as all acknowledge it to be, a mere story, cold and frivolous: or was it fitting, that the Prophet, with so majestical a preface, speaking in the name of God, and by his spirit, should advertise us, that the Roman Empire should persecute the Christians, which had already seen the blood of his brother shed, and so many thousand Christians slaughtered in all quarters of the Empire? And again, where will a man find us in Rome Painim, those ten kings made drunk with his cup, seeing there were in Rome no kings at all? And therefore the jesuits themselves have been forced to yield this point: Ribera Apocalip. c. 14. num. 42. & 57 Viega in 17. Apoc. come. 1. sect. 3. This must, saith Ribera, be understood of Rome, not only such as she was under the Emperors, but also such as she shall be in the later days. And Viega saith, That the name of Babylon must be referred to her, and not only to that Rome which served Idols, before it received the faith of Christ, but also to that Rome which shall be in the days of Antichrist: By which words, what can be meant but the Papacy and the Church of Rome? Ca Proposait. extra de prabend. & Gloss. ib. Lib. ●. cerem. Pontis. c. 1. But some man will say, When was it seen that a Pope called himself God? And I answer, That neither are the Popes themselves over sparing in calling themselves Gods on earth, and the Canonists are over prodigal of such titles, and of far greater also, if greater may be, whilst they make them to participate of the Deity, and with power to command both in heaven and hell, as the sequel of this discourse will but too apparently declare; and it were but needless to repeat here, what I have long since sufficiently proved in my treatise of the Church, cap. 9 But this is the point, and this is that which God so often forewarned us of, That Antichrist should enter into the Temple and Church of God, with false ●eyes: In all deceitfulness of iniquity, saith Saint Paul, and borrowing, as Saint john speaketh, the horns of a Lamb, that is, as a servant of God, and under colour of his service: for otherwise every man would have shut gates against him. And this is that which all the Fathers aimed at: Origen. in Matt. tract. 27. Origen saith, Antichrist hath nothing of Christ but the very ●ame; he neither doth his deeds, neither teacheth his doctrine: Christ is truth itself, Idem in Matt. tract. 24. and Antichrist a counterfeit. And to the end, saith he, that he may have some colour to exalt himself above God, he taketh the testimonies of his false doctrines out of the Scriptures, to deceive those who will not otherwise be satisfied: He taketh possession of the chair of the Scriptures, he builds upon them, and from thence showeth himself as God. Which when and so often as I read, me think I hear him come in with his Tibi dabo, with his Pasce oves meas, with Oram pro te Petre, and the like. Saint Cyprian also, He shall teach, saith he, infidelity under a show of faith, Cypr. epist. 7. the night for the day, destruction for salvation, and Antichrist under the name of Christ. August. in Apocal. Hom. 11. And we read, saith Saint Augustine, in the apocalypse, that the Beast hath two horns like a Lamb, that is, two Testaments like the Church, thereby the more easily to shed out the poison of Antichrist, under the name of Christ. And Saint Jerome, yet more particularly, Hieron. in Dan. c. 13. according to the interpretation of Symmachus, saith, That Antichrist shall speak as God: He shall attribute to himself as well the words as the power of his Majesty: He shall go about to change the laws and ceremonies instituted by God, to enthrall all religion to his own authority. And in another place, He shall change, saith he, Idem in 2. ad Thessaly. c. 2. and seek to increase the Sacraments of the Church. Now therefore seeing that the Pope maketh himself to be called, The most holy Father, seeing he deposeth kings, new moulds at his pleasure all Religion, all Commandments, all Sacraments instituted by God; may we not say that Saint Jerome prophesied? And thus you see how these predictions of Saint Paul, and of Saint john, were understood by the ancient holy Fathers of the Church. This Mystery therefore of iniquity, which our age now beholdeth in her height and exaltation, began to work and to set itself forward, even in S. Paul's time. This monster of pride was already conceived in the mind of Satan, showing itself in men's ambition: From hence proceeded those sidings in the Church, I am of Paul, I am of Apollo, I am of Cephas, and I am of Christ. And what, 1 Cor. c. 1. v. 12. & 13. saith Paul, Is Christ divided? or was Paul crucified for you? The like would he have said of Cephas, and Cephas of himself: But Paul to reserve all entirely unto Christ, speaketh clearly, and saith, He that planteth is nothing, and he which watereth is nothing, Ib. c. 3. v. 7. & 8. but God which giveth the increase: as for those others they were all one, and servants in the same degree. And farther to cut off all pretence of inequality, Gal. 2. v. 6. I was nothing different, saith he, from those which seemed to be some body: They which seemed to be great, added nothing to me, above that which I had before: and who were they? but james and Cephas, and john, which were accounted pillars of the Church: Who also acknowledged, saith he, that the Gospel of the uncircumcision was committed unto me, as the Gospel of the circumcision was unto Peter; and therefore gave unto me and unto Barnabas the right hand of fellowship: in all which, no one jot of superiority is to be found. And farther in another place he saith, From Jerusalem to Illiricum, Rom. c. 15. v. 19 & 20. I have made to abound the Gospel of Christ, and not there where he had been already preached; that I might not seem to have built upon another man's foundation: much less therefore did he preach by another man's commission. And Cephas himself, that is, Saint Peter, putteth off from himself and others this claim of superiority, where he saith, I beseech the Elders which are among you, 1. Pet. 5. v 1.2.3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I that am a fellow Priest or Elder with you. And again, Feed, saith he, the flock committed to your charge, etc. not domineering over the heritage of the Lord: But that ye may be ensamples to the flock, decked (as he speaketh afterward) with humility, because God resisteth the proud, and giveth grace to the humble: Math. cap. 20. vers. 25. & 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Baron. Annal. to. 1. an. 34. art. 275. idem an. 57 to. 1. art. 39 As well remembering the lesson of his Lord, whose term he useth; You know, saith Christ, that the Princes of the earth lord it over them: but, saith he, it shall not be so with you; you shall not do so over my Church, over mine inheritance. Far and wide is this from that claim which Baronius maketh in the Pope's behalf, where he saith, That Christ after his resurrection translated upon the Pope's both Priesthood and Kingdom; and that this was signified by that shadow of Saint Peter, whereby the sick were healed; namely, that the Popes should always have the same power which Saint Peter had, though never so far different from him in life and conversation; because they should ever retain the shadow. And what is it now that they would conclude out of this shadow? no power to heal the sick, but to destroy kings and kingdoms: for what other miracles have they wrought these thousand years? But shortly after the death of the Apostles, this ambition began to sway more violently in the Church: And true in this point, as also in many others, is that saying of Hegesippus, Euseb. lib. 3. c. 26. & lib. 4. c. 21. as Eusebius reporteth him, That to the times of trajan, or thereabouts, the Church continued clean and undefiled, as a virgin; but since that sacred company was taken out of the world, the conspiracy of iniquity began to work with open face: And this fell out about the year one hundred: since which time, what progression this Iniquity hath made until these our days, we will here set down, as we find recorded in the Histories of the times. 1. PROGRESSION. Of the difference which fell between the Churches of the East and of the West, concerning the observation of Easter day. ABout the year 195, touching the Feast of Easter, whether it should be held upon the fourteenth day of the Moon, after the jewish manner, or rather upon the Sunday following, divers Synods were assembled, and different decisions made: those of Palestina, Rome, Corinth, France, Osroene, and Pontus, held for the Sunday, and those of the lesser Asia for the fourteenth day of the Moon: the first pretending an Apostolical tradition, the other an observation received from Saint john the Apostle in Ephesus, and so continued unto their days. This was a difference about a thing in itself indifferent, and therefore not worthy to disturb that happy quietness, and to dissolve the union of the Church. Polycrates B. of Ephesus in Asia, defended his cause by a certain Epistle, registered in Eusebius, & grounded, as he saith, upon holy Scriptures, upon the example of S. john, and many other renowned martyrs; as also upon the long continued and uniform observation of the Churches of all Asia. It would have troubled Victor, as it should seem, to have answered the reasons of this Epistle: what doth he therefore? Victor, saith Eusebius, Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 5. edit. Latin. c. 22.23.24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. who was then Precedent of the Church of Rome, went at one blow to cut off from that common union; the Parishes of all Asia, with the neighbouring Churches, as men of a different opinion in religion: setting them, by his Epistles, as it were upon a scaffold, to the view of all the world, and proclaiming excommunicated all the brethren which there inhabited. OPPOSITION. But this, saith Eusebius, this attempt of Victor, pleased not all the Bishops: as if he had said, That he did this rather of his own head and fancy, than by authority of the Synod: wherein it was decreed, nay rather they exhorted him (Ruffinus translateth it inhibebant, they commanded) him to seek the peace, love, and unity of his brethren. The sayings of sundry Bishops, uttered upon this occasion, saith Eusebius, are yet rife in men's remembrance, whereby they sharply reproved Victor. Among the rest that of Ireneus, writing to him in the name of the Churches which he governed in France, to this effect: That true it was, the mystery of our Lord's resurrection ought not to be celebrated but on the Sunday: and so are they at a point with him about the thing in question: but that, for the observance of a tradition, or ancient custom, Victor in duty ought not to cut off whole Churches: condemning thereby the abuse of his authority. And note here, that the interpreter of Eusebius, maketh Ireneus to say, That Victor should not cut off whole Churches from the body of Christ's universal Church: as if Ireneus had held the Church of Rome for such: Whereas in Eusebius it is only thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i whole Churches of God. And his drift herein is clear, by the whole tenor of that Epistle: The Priests, saith he unto Victor, which before Soter presided in that Church which you now govern, namely, Anicetus, Pius, Higinus, Telesphorus, and Xystus, neither observed that day themselves, nor suffered others to observe it: yet maintained they peace with those which came unto them from the Parishes and Churches where it was observed, neither did they ever reject any by occasion of this formality: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But the Priests which were before you, sent unto them the Eucharist, and communicated with them in Sacrament: So fared it between Polycarpus and Anicetus Priest, (i. Bishop of Rome) whom though Anicetus could not persuade to departed from that which he had ever before observed, as being a disciple of S. john, yet parted they in peace, and all the Church continued in good accord, as well they which did observe the fourteenth day, as they which observed it not. And in this manner wrote Ireneus, not only to Victor, but also to sundry Bishops of other Churches. Yet Bellarmine telleth us, Bellarm. lib. 2. cap. 19 de Rom. Pontif. that Victor did well and wisely in so doing, to prevent judaisme: but Ireneus, by his leave, shall weigh heavier in the scales with us than he; so also shall our Churches of France, who concurring with Victor in the matter, yet condemned the manner of his proceed; so shall Eusebius, who having no part in the brawl, yet affirmeth that Ireneus justly reproved Victor. And Wicelius in our time saith boldly, See Wicelius. That in the Bishops before Victor the spirit abounded, but in those which came after him the flesh began to have the upper hand: and Ireneus himself seemeth to touch upon this string, where he speaketh of those, Qui Principalis consessionis tumore elati sunt, Lib. 4. cap. 4. i. who swell with the pride of the Principal, or Prime See: from whom we ought to separate ourselves. But here Baronius maketh himself ridiculous in his History, whiles he would persuade us, Baronius tom. 2. An. 198. art. 2, 3, 4, 5, 9 that Theophilus bishop of Caesarea assembled the Council in Palestina (which was held upon this occasion) by commission from Victor Bishop of Rome; alleging for his author, Beda in his book of the Vernal Equinox, written seven hundred years after. judge the reader what credit this aught to have in prejudice of Ireneus, Polycarpus, and Eusebius himself, Euseb. li. 5. c. 25. Histor. Eccles. who saith plainly in this manner, speaking of that Synod, At this day there is extant a certain writing of the Bishops then called together in Palestina, among whom Theophilus presided; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as also another writing of those of Rome, mentioning Victor their Bishop: where we find no trace of any prerogative at all. Neither sticketh he to tell us as much of the Synod of Asia; as if Polycrates had held it in quality of Pope Victor's Legate; because forsooth he telleth him in his Epistle, that he had called together those Bishops, Euseb. lib. 5. ca 21. & 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Baron. to. 2. an. 198. art. 2, 3, 4. which he entreated him to assemble; as if Pope's prayers and requests were to be construed and interpreted for commands absolute, and proceeding from a sovereign authority. All which is founded upon an idle supposal, that the bishop of Rome was, even in those days, reputed and generally taken as universal Bishop and Pontifex Maximus, i High Priest or pontiff. Let us therefore now see the grounds of this supposal, and the proofs of this assertion. First then, Baronius allegeth a certain Epistle of Sixtus the first, wherein he calleth himself the universal Bishop of the Apostolic Church. But who knoweth not that the most learned even among themselves, have ever discarded these Epistles, as false and counterfeit? But above all, this hath the marks of the forge where it was hammered, bad Latin, not answerable to the purity of those times, and ill befitting a Bishop of the Latins, with a false date of the Consuls Adrianus and Verus, who reigned long after, in the year 137: which might well make this grand Annalist to blush for shame. We could as well cry quittance with him, and for our purpose allege an Epistle decretal of Pope Eleutherius to the Bishops of France, Onuphrius in Fastis Pontif. where he telleth them, That the universal Church of Christ is committed to their charge; this being an Epistle of as good pistol proof as the other, and both alike. And what credit ought in reason to be given to Sixtus in a cause so nearly concerning himself, especially when in the next precedent Epistle, he contenteth himself with the title of Archbishop? Secondly, he produceth a certain place out of Tertullian in his book of Chastity, Lib. de Pudicit. c. 1. where he taxeth a certain Edict of Victor, by which he receiveth adulterers unto penance; and whereof he baffleth the inscription: I hear talk, saith Tertullian, of an Edict, and that a peremptory one to: Pontifex Maximus, i. The high pontiff, the Bishop of Bishops saith, I remit sins to adulterers and whoremasters which come to penance. True it is, that after that attempt of his upon all Asia, any thing may seem credible of that man's insolency and pride: But who seethe not, that Tertullian frumpeth only and jeasteth at him? as also he doth at that other decree of Pope Zepherin: For where, saith he, shall this liberality of his be proposed? if in the Church, how so? seeing she is a virgin. But a little after, in the same book, he driveth this nail a little closer: If, saith he, because our Lord said to Saint Peter, Upon this stone I will build my Church: and, To thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of heaven: thou dost therefore presume that the power of binding and loossing is derived upon thee: what art thou that crossest the purpose and intention of our Saviour, who collated it only upon Saint Peter's person? And consequently not upon you Victor, nor upon you Zepherin, farther than you represent Peter; not in shadow only, as Baronius would have it, but in truth and verity. But grant we, that he did call himself Universal Bishop, might not every Bishop have done the same in regard of his charge? yes verily, and many of them upon better reason, considering the worth and dignity of their persons: But would the Pope, trow you, suffer their successors now to ground any thing thereupon, in prejudice of himself? Saint Clement, whom commonly they thrust upon us, as next successor unto Saint Peter, had not, be like, well perused and understood his evidences, Clement. Constitut. lib. 6. c. 14. when in his Constitutions he spoke in this manner: We have written to you this Catholic and universal doctrine, to confirm you; you, I say, to whom the Universal Bishopric is committed. Jgnatius in Epistola ad Philadelph. And Ignatius speaking of a Bishop of Philadelphia, of his time, saith, That he was called of God to undertake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the ministery of the common Church; as Baronius himself rendereth it. Nazianz. in laudem Cypriani. And Nazianzene saith of Saint Cyprian, That he presided not only over the Church of Carthage and Africa, but also over all the East, all the West, over all the North, Idem in laudem Athanas. and all the South: And of Athanasius, That he presided over the Church of Alexandria, nay over the whole world. But he expoundeth himself in both: of the first he addeth, wheresoever the admiration of his name came; and of the other, That he governed the Church of Alexandria in such sort, that the Universal Church was benefited by him. And would God the Bishops of Rome had done the like, we never would have envied them the like honourable title. Euseb. in vita Constantin. lib. 5. c. 57 Also the Emperor Constantine himself writing to Eusebius, upon the refusal which he made of the Bishopric of Antiochia, when it was offered unto him: You are, saith he, a most happy man in this, That you are thought worthy in the opinion of all, to rule the Universal Church: taking this word in that sense, which Saint Cyprian doth, when he saith, That there is but one Bishopric, of which every Bishop holdeth his part in solid. Cyprian. de unitat. Eccles. Baron. to. 2. an. 216. artic. 9 & 10. As for the title of High Priest, or pontiff, Baronius allegeth no other proof but only the imitation of the old jewish law, where there was a High Priest; and of Paganism, which had Pontificem Maximum, i. a High pontiff; and groundeth himself especially upon this later: He, saith he, which was most eminent in judicial authority above all the rest, was only Pontifex Maximus, Sovereign pontiff among the Pagans: Whence Festus saith, that it was he who was reputed judge in all matters divine and human. And to this purpose allegeth this Cardinal all that which is spoken in holy writ of the royal Priesthood of our Lord jesus. O how weak a foundation is this for so huge a building! Why did he not rather ground himself upon their Rex Sacrificulus? who according to his own author Festus, seemeth to be the greatest among the Priests: after him Dialis the Priest of jupiter, than Martialis, of Mars, afterwards Quirinalis, the Priest of Romulus, and last of all Pontifex Maximus, the High pontiff; all which you shall find in Festus in the word Ordo, whence we learn by the way, that this word, Orders, was anciently taken from the Heathen. 2. PROGRESSION. Pope Stephen attempteth to restore two Bishops of Spain, deposed by their Metropolitan. ABout the year 250, Stephen Bishop of Rome made the like attempt against the Bishops of Spain and Africa. In Spain Basilides Bishop of Asturia, and Martialis Bishop of Merida, in time of persecution sacrificed unto Idols, and were therefore deposed from their charges: Whereupon they had secret recourse unto the said Stephen, hoping to be restored by his authority; which he attempted to effect, and thereupon wrote to the Bishops which were in Spain. OPPOSITION. But this matter rested not there; for the Churches of Spain gave notice of this attempt unto those of Africa, and presently assembled themselves in Synod. The synodal Epistle is yet whole to be read in Cyprian; the sum and effect whereof is, In editio Turneb. Epist. 35. & Pamelij 68 That the law of God suffereth them not to readmit such persons to their charge in holy Church: That where the ordinances of God are in question, there ought to be no acceptance of persons, no relaxation in favour of any man: That their running to Rome, or to Stephen, might not cause the ordination of Sabinus to be reversed, he being there placed by due course of law, and the other remaining incapable of restitution: That Basilides might deceive Stephen by wrong information, but God he could not: That they ought to hold themselves to that, which themselves, and all Bishops throughout the world, and Cornelius himself their Colleague, had formerly decreed; namely, That such persons might well be received unto penance, but never to Priestly dignity in the Church. In the whole course of which Epistle they ever call Cornelius and Stephen, Bishops of Rome, their Colleagues. Not unlike unto this, was that attempt of Cornelius, not long before, upon the Bishops of Africa, in the case of certain false Bishops which fled unto him, against the censures of the Churches: Editio Parisien, Epist. 18. Pa. mel. 55. but Cyprian complained thereof unto Cornelius as of a wrong, and in bar of such proceed, pleaded the laws and constitutions of holy Church: These fellows (saith he) after all this, presume to pass the sea, etc. For seeing (saith he) that by us all it hath been already ordained, according to rules of equity and justice, That every one's cause should be heard in the place of the fact committed, and that to every Pastor should be allotted his proper portion of the flock, which he was to oversee, and for which he should stand answerable unto God; it is not fit that those over whom we are set, should run from place to place, to make the Bishops, who are at unity among themselves, to square and fall foul one of another: (for example, Cornelius and Cyprian) but that every one answer for himself in the place, where the defendant may have both accusers and witnesses face to face; unless perhaps these few desperate companions think the authority of the Bishops of Africa, who have condemned them, to be less: meaning less than that of Cornelius, to whom they fled. By all which it evidently appears, that it was the least part of Cyprians thought to acknowledge any right of appeal to the See of Rome. Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. lib. 2. cap. 33. Wherefore when Bellarmine saith, that the constitution alleged by S. Cyprian, That every cause should be heard in the place of the fact committed, is to be understood only of the first instance; the words themselves, and those which follow are too too clear against him: The cause (saith Cyprian) hath been heard, sentence is passed, it is not fit that a censure of Priests or Bishops should be retracted, as rash and unadvised. And as frivolous is that which he saith, that the word less is not spoken in comparison of the Pope, but of the cause: for those words, unless they think the authority of the Bishops of Africa to be Less, must necessarily be understood in comparison of them with other Bishops, of those against whom they complained, with him to whom they sailed, that is, unto Cornelius. And all this suiteth with the vein of Cyprian, as also doth that in his Treatise of the unity of the Church: The other Apostles (saith he) were the same that S. Peter was, of like honour, of equal authority and power, but the beginning proceedeth from unity, to show that the Church is one; where yet, to bolster out this pretended Primacy, one or other hath corrupted the text in sundry places, contrary to the truth of manuscripts, acknowledged in the Paris edition by the learned Turnebus. For between these words, Pasce oves meas, and Et quamuis, either Pamelius, or some other before him, hath inserted these, Super unum illum aedificat ecclesiam suam, & illi pascendas mandat oves suas, that is, He hath built his Church upon him alone, (i. S. Peter) and him hath he commanded to feed his sheep. And whereas Turnebus readeth, Tamen ut unitatem manifestaret, unitatis eiusdem originem, ab uno incipientem, sua authoritate disposuit: i. yet that he (meaning Christ) might declare this unity, he hath declared by his authority, that this unity should take her beginning from one alone. Pamelius with like honesty as before, between these words manifestaret and unius hath thrust in these, unam Cathedram constituit, i. he hath established one Chair. Likewise after those words before mentioned, The Apostles were all the same that Peter was, etc. after the word proficiscite he addeth, Primatus Petro datur, The Primacy is given unto Peter. And again, unto these words, ut una Christi ecclesia monstretur, he addeth & Cathedra una, i and one Chair. And to conclude, where S. Cyprian saith, Qui ecclesiae renititur & resistit, in ecclesia se esse confidit? i. He which resisteth the Church, can he hope that he is in the Church? Pamelius between these words, resistit and in ecclesia, foisteth in these, Qui Cathedram Petri super quam ecclesia fundata est deserit, i. he which forsaketh the Chair of Peter, upon which the Church is builded. And the like doth he in many other places of this Treatise; which additions, how incompatible are they with the sense and scope of the text itself? where it is said, The Lord hath given, after his resurrection, equal power to his Apostles: and again, They were all the same that Peter was: as also with that Nullity pronounced elsewhere against appeals made over the sea, Cyprian. in Concil. Carthagin. siue de sentent. Episcop. 73. editio Parisiens'. Cyprian. de Al●ator. and divers other places of the same Author. None of us (saith he) hath made himself a Bishop of Bishops, through fear and tyranny to force his Colleagues to his obedience: The heavenly goodness hath bestowed upon us the ordering of the Apostleship, and hath by his heavenly favour dignified the Vicar's seat of the Lord: Christ said to all the Apostles, and in them to all Bishops which should succeed them in their Vicariall ordination, He which heareth you, heareth me: Idem ad Puppien. Epist. 66. editio Parisien. so that (saith he) one of us may not judge another, but we attend (he excepteth none) the judgement of our Lord jesus, who alone hath power, unus & solus, to ordain us to the government of his Church, and to judge our doings. Thus far Cyprian: immediately upon whose death the Church of Africa, to cut off all claim of this pretended jurisdiction, decreed, That the Bishop of the first See should not be called Prince of Priests, or chief Bishop, Idem in Concil. Carthag. siue de sentent. Episcop. epist. 73. Concil. Afric. art. 6. Capitu. Carol. Magn. li 7. c. 17. Bochell. Decret. Ecclesiae Gallic. li. 5. tit. 5. cap. 1. or by any other like name: Which decree our French Church heretofore understood expressly of the See of Rome. And now let the indifferent Reader judge, which edition, that of Pamelius, or this of Turnebus, sorteth and suiteth better with these sayings of Cyprian, and consequently, whether these are not Harpies claws which thus defile the pure ford of the Father's writings to our hands: and what they have done in this Epistle, who can warrant us, that they have not done in the other writings of the same Father, and of all other Fathers? But here may we see as in a glass, the audaciousness of Baronius, Baron. to. 1. an. 33. art. 21 & an. 34. art. 203. & passim. who would make us believe, that the meaning of S. Cyprian was clean contrary: for first he saith, That S. Cyprian acknowledged S. Peter's Chair as supreme judge over all Churches in the world, grounding himself upon the Epistle before rehearsed, and so notoriously corrupted, which yet he is not ashamed so often to repeat, as if it were as true as Gospel; and who cannot make his own cause seem good, if he may be suffered to do thus? Secondly he saith, That in that decree against judgements given beyond the seas, the Church of Rome was still excepted; whereas indeed it was enacted directly against that Church, and against no other: but for proof, he allegeth a certain decretal Epistle of Fabianus, In 1. vol. Concil. Epist. Decret. Fabian. ad Hilar. 3. Bishop of Rome, written to Hilarius, with these words, salva in omnibus Apostolica authoritate, i. saving always the authority of the See Apostolic: as if he had said, saving the case for which the Canon was principally made; than which, what can be more ridiculously absurd? Now as touching all those Epistles which are inserted into the Counsels, until the time of Syricius, it is agreed of on all hands, that they are of no credit, and though they were, yet were it reason that Fabianus should be credited in his own cause? But besides the sottishness of the style of this Epistle, the very date which it beareth, Baron. an. 55. art. 21. Africano & Decio Coss. bewrayeth the stamp; for they can show us no such date, either in their Fasti, or in Onuphrius himself: And it is noted in the margin of the first volume of the Counsels upon this Epistle, that the greatest part thereof is found word for word in the decree of Sixtus the third, which was but as yesterday to speak of: a professed Annalist should not so do. Thirdly, that notwithstanding all this, yet Cyprian did advow the authority of the Church of Rome: For (saith he) in that Epistle which he wrote to the Clergy of Rome, upon the death of Fabianus, he termeth him Colleague in regard of his function, but Praepositum in respect of his place and dignity: a mere trick, not fitting any simple scholar, much less a learned Divine and Cardinal: for what? must Praepositus needs signify a Pope? Doth he not in the same Epistle call him a Bishop, and doth he not term him Praepositus, in regard of those to whom he wrote, and not of himself? Or doth he not give the same style to other Bishops, and to himself also, when as in his seventh Epistle to Rogatian his Deacon in the Church of Carthage, Cyprian. epist. 7. ad Rogatian. editio. Pamel. congratulating him for the firm and steadfast confession of his Clergy, he useth these words, The glory of the Church is the glory Praepositi, i. of him that is set over it; meaning himself as Bishop, as appeareth by the next precedent clause, In this common joy, the portion of the Bishop is the greatest: Idem epist. 11. ad Marty. & confesso. editio. Pamel. And in the eleventh Epistle we read, Praepositorum est, i. It is the part of them which are set over the Church, to instruct the hasty and ignorant, that of Pastors they become not butchers of the flock, to wit, in suffering them which had fainted in the confession of Christ to come over hastily to the Communion; where he expoundeth this word Praepositos, by Pastors: so likewise in the 13, 15, 23, & 27 Epistles, as Pamelius himself cannot deny: But as you see, a little stuff will serve this Cardinal to make the Pope a coat. Fourthly, he saith, That all questions of heresy were referred to the judgement of the Bishops of Rome, exclusively to all other, at least that others came but only to stand as cyphers, alleging the example of Origen; who when he was accused of heresy, sent (saith he) his confession first of all to Fabian Bishop of Rome, as to the Bishop of all the Catholic Church; and to this purpose citeth Eusebius: but Eusebius joineth Fabian with others: He wrote (saith he) to Fabian, and to many other Governors of the Church concerning his true profession; and so runs the Latin translation: and who doubts but that among them all, such a man as Fabian, Bishop of the imperial City, should be respected and written to with the first? Fifthly and lastly, he saith, That Fabian being dead, the Clergy of Rome (he should have said the College of Cardinals) took upon them the care of all the Churches; Baron. an. 245. ex Euseb. lib. 6. c. 8. Grae. ad. his proofs in this point are like the rest: for (saith he) The Clergy of Rome advertised S. Cyprian of the death of Fabian, as appeareth by his third Epistle: and knowing that S. Cyprian had withdrawn himself from Carthage, wrote unto his Clergy, exhorting them to take heed that none went astray: Cyprian. epist. 3. edit. Pamel. And this they did (saith he) Vice Pastoris, i. doing as Fabian should have done if he had lived; sending unto all Church's copies of the order taken at Rome in Lapsorum negotio, i. touching their case which had fallen in persecution. And what? must these mutual offices of care and love, this interchangeable advising one another, be taken for an argument of sovereignty and power? Cannot one Church consult another but with loss of her liberty, nor take counsel, but with prejudice to her freedom? or must counsel serve the giver for a claim of homage, and the taker for a yoke of thrall and bondage? Those golden Epistles of S. Cyprian, written whether to the Pope, or whether to the Clergy of Rome, upon so many points of great importance, wherein he instructs, exhorts, and sometimes sharply reproves them, shall they serve for so many precedents to his successors in the Church of Carthage, of superiority and usurpation over other Churches, and over the Church of Rome itself? See here Reader the course of their impostures, and withal remember (which Baronius wittingly suppresseth) That this third Epistle of the Clergy of Rome to the Clergy of Carthage, on which he grounds himself, In notis ad epist. 3. is not to be found either in the edition of Manutius, or in any manuscript, as Pamelius himself acknowledgeth. 3. PROGRESSION. Of the variance which arose between S. Cyprian and Stephen Bishop of Rome, touching those which had been baptised by heretics. An. 258. ANother question arose not long after, Whether those which had been baptised by heretics, if afterward they returned to the true Church, should be rebaptized or no: Stephen held, that no; Cyprian, that they should. Stephen's cause no doubt was the better, had he carried the matter with discretion and sobriety: and had he stood as much upon ground of argument and reason, as he did upon his authority; for unto a letter which was sent unto him from a Council consisting of 71 Bishops, his answer for all was this, Whatsoever the heresy be, let the party come to us; let nothing be innovated or changed, only as it hath been delivered to us from hand to hand, let them receive imposition of hands in penance. Seeking by authority to make the rest of the Churches dance after him; and because they would not, he excommunicated first the Churches of Africa, and then all the Churches of the East which joined with them. OPPOSITION. But neither Cyprian, nor yet the Churches, suffered themselves to be so muzzled by these excommunications; for first Cyprian in his Epistle to Pompeius, Cypria. in Epist. ad Pomp. 74. Among other things, saith he, which our brother Stephen hath written unto us, either insolently, or unfittingly, or contrary to himself, he hath also added this; If any man come to us, for what heresy soever (making no difference between heresy and heresy, which yet the Council of Nice afterward thought fit to make) let him receive imposition of hands in penance: nay farther, saith he, his obdurateness of heart and obstinacy is such, as to presume to maintain, That by the baptism of Martion, Valentin, and Appelles, children may be borne unto God. Thus he spoke, and this he maintained in heat of contention, contrary to what the Church afterward defined, because these retained not the form of baptism: But, saith he, a Bishop should not only teach, but also learn; and he is the best teacher of others, who is himself every day a learner: As if he had said, That Stephen should do well to learn religion, by conferring with his Colleagues: not to lay his authority upon them, under a pretence of custom, which not grounded upon truth, saith he, Cyprian. Epist. 71 is nought else but an aged error. Saint Peter, saith he, the first chosen of our Lord, upon whom also he built his Church, when Saint Paul disputed with him upon the point of circumcision, carried not himself in this manner; neither boasted he, that the Primacy was given unto him: he told him not, that he was an after comer, and that foremost must take up hinder most: or disdained him, for that he had been a persecutor of the Church: but submitted himself with all willingness to truth and reason: giving us thereby an example of patience, not to be self-willed, in loving that which proceedeth from ourselves; but rather to account all that as our own, which our brethren shall teach us for our good, & salvation of our souls. And upon these and the like terms he ever holdeth him. But Stephen stayed not here: for he had already written to the Eastern Bishops, Euseb. l. 7. c. 4. who held opinion with Cyprian, declaring unto them, That he could no longer hold communion with them, if they persisted in that opinion: as appeareth by that Epistle which Dionysius Alexandrinus wrote unto Xystus, who succeeded unto Stephen: and yet more plainly, by that which he wrote to Firmilianus, Helenus, and others; to whom also Cyprian had already dispatched Rogatian his Deacon. And the Eastern Bishops, upon the intimation given them from Cyprian, grew much offended with the insolency and pride of Stephen, and therefore in their answer unto Cyprian, We, say they, have cause indeed to thank him, for that his inhumanity hath given us large testimony of your faith and wisdom; yet deserveth not Stephen any thanks for the good he hath done unto us, no more than did judas, for that by his treason he became an instrument of salvation unto all the world. But let this fact of Stephen pass, lest the remembrance of his pride and insolency put us farther in mind of his greater impiety. And a little after, coming to the fact itself: Although, say they, in divers Provinces many things are diversly observed, yet no man by occasion thereof ever departed from the unity of the Catholic Church; which yet Stephen now presumeth to do, breaking that league of peace with us, which his predecessors so inviolably observed: He marks not what a flaw he makes in this precious gem of Christian verity, when he betrayeth and forsaketh unity: And yet, say they, Stephen all this while vaunteth himself to have Saint Peter's chair by succession. And this no doubt was that which animated him to presume so far upon the Churches: But made they any whit the more reckoning of his excommunications therefore? or did they not rather tell him, That thereby he had excommunicated himself? Surely, say they, a man full of stomach breedeth strifes, and he that is angry increaseth sins. How many quarrels hast thou, O Stephen, set on foot throughout the Churches? and how much sin hast thou heaped up unto thyself, in cutting thyself off from so many flocks? For so hast thou done: seeing he is a right schismatic which departeth voluntarily from the unity of the Church. Cyprian. Ep. 4. And thou, whilst thou wentest about to separate others from thee, hast separated thyself from all other Churches, etc. Walk, saith the Apostle, in your vocation, in all humility of mind, in meekness and patience, supporting one another in love, endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the band of peace, etc. And hath not Stephen well observed this precept, think you, when he breaks off now with all the Churches of the East, and anon with those of the South? Or hath not he with great patience and meekness received their ambassadors, who vouchsafed not to admit them to ordinary talk? giving order, with great humility, that no man should receive them under his roof: and was so far from giving them the Pax, that he forbade any man to afford them lodging. Can such a man be of one body, or of one spirit, who is scarcely of one soul in himself? And see whither this grew in the end: He is not, say they, ashamed to call Cyprian false Christ, and false Apostle, and a deceitful workman: For, finding his own conscience surcharged with all these imputations, he wisely began to object that to another, which others might far more justly have laid upon himself. Thus then wrote the Churches of the East unto Saint Cyprian, as much offended with the insolency which Stephen had used upon this occasion; so that Pamelius had reason, I confess, to say as he did, That he would willingly have left out this Epistle, as Manutius had done before him, but that Morelius, i. Turnebus himself had printed it in his edition. How far is all this short of that mild and temperate humour of Saint Cyprian? Cyprian. Epist. ad Inbaianum Edit. Paris. 70. in Edit. Pamelij 73. We, saith he, will not fall at variance with our Colleagues and fellow Bishops, for the Heretics sakes: We maintain in patience and meekness the love of heart, the honour of our society, the band of faith and Priestly unity: And for this cause at this present, by the inspiration of God, have we written a treatise of the Benefits of Patience. And at the same time, for a lenitife of this sharp humour, he wrote another book of Zeal and Envy. Such were the essays of the Bishops of Rome, even in the heat of persecution: and such were the wiles of Satan to serve his own turn, and to set forward his work, by their ambition and bad carriage of a good cause. But Constantine coming shortly after to restore peace unto the Churches, and as it were to shed forth the sweet influence of his liberality and favour upon them; these sparks of ambition, fostered by his bounty, and no ways restrained by persecution, began to flame out more violently than before. Baronius in the mean time hunteth on upon the old sent, and not able to contradict the verity of these proceed, will yet persuade us that the Bishops of Rome commanded absolutely in all the Churches: and so did they, I confess, and we have already seen but too much of their ambition: but as carelessly were they obeyed, as hath already been declared, and more plainly hereafter shall appear. First therefore, saith he, when as Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, Baron. vol. 2. an. 263. art. 30. & sequent. in oppugning the heresy of Sabellius, was accused by those of Pentapolis unto Dionysius Bishop of Rome, as having spoken some things not so properly concerning the son of God, he purged himself to the Bishop of Rome by letters. And what, I pray you, could this good Bishop do less in a slander of such importance, especially to those to whom he had been defamed? But what, of this forwardness of his must we needs erect a Consistory in the Church? or doth Athanasius report it as a suit at law? These fellows, saith he, without ever ask him how he would be understood, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. went to Rome, and misreported of him. He saith not, That they accused him in form of law, but brandeth only their pretended zeal, with a mark of levity and rashness. And as touching Dionysius Bishop of Rome, he saith, Athanas. de Sententijs Dionysijs. That he sent him word what they had said of him, and that thereupon the other wrote him back presently his apology. And what, I pray you, is all this, more than a brotherly communication, and intercourse of kindness between two good Bishops? Secondly, saith Baronius, in the case of Samosatenus, when he hatched his heresy in Antioch, Baron. an. 265. art. 10. & sequent. & an. 272. art. 1. & 2. Athanas. lib. de Synod. Euseb. lib. 7. c. 29 30. Graec. c. 23. & 24. Lat. they presently ran to the Bishop of Rome: whereas yet Athanasius joineth another with him in part of this praise and commendation. Two Dionysius, saith he, the one of Rome, the other of Alexandria, overthrew Samosatenus. What difference here between these two? And Eusebius, In a Synod, saith he, of very many Bishops assembled in Antioch, he was condemned of heresy, & cut off from all the Catholic Churches under heaven. He saith not, that these Bishops sent to Rome for a commission, but well he saith, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (for this was the proper word) i. assembled together with one accord, they wrote a letter, directed to Dionysius Bishop of Rome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and to Maximus of Alexandria (who lately had succeeded the other Dionysius in that See) in particular, and to the Bishops of all other Provinces in general; to let them understand what care they had taken in the quenching of this heresy: And so goeth the very inscription of this letter, To Dionysius, and to Maximus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and to all other Bishops our fellow servants throughout the world, and to all the Universal Church which is under heaven. And what trace of that pretended Primacy find we in all this? Thirdly, Baron. to. 2. an. 272. art. 18. when as the heretic would not relinquish the Bishop's house to Domnus, elected in his room by the Synod of the place, he ran to Aurelian the Emperor, not yet engaged in his persecutions against the Church: And he, saith Baronius, as Eusebius reporteth, Euseb. li. 7 c. 24. Lat. c. 30, Graec. very religiously ordained, that livery of the house should be made, and seisin given, to whom the Bishops of this doctrine which were in Italy and in the city of Rome, should assign it. These are the words of Eusebius: and thence concludeth he, that Aurelian, Pagan as he was, yet acknowledged the power of the Bishop of Rome, over all the world. How so? when as it appeareth that the other Bishops were joined with him, and consequently in this respect are made his equals, this matter being referred by the Emperor to the Bishops that were near adjoining to Rome, rather than to those of Alexandria, because he answered this petition at Rome? But the mystery is this, the Latin translation of Eusebius hath it thus: To whom the Christians of Italy, and the Bishops of Rome, should assign it: Which Baronius, to serve his purpose with this place, hath voluntarily followed, though knowing it to be corrupted: because the original in Greek make the other Bishops of Italy to enter into concurrency with him, and in order of nomination, to stand before them. Fourthly, what will you say, if Baronius telleth us, That even in those days it was the fashion to kiss the Pope's feet: for he durst not say the pantofle. Baro. an. 294. art. 8. & sequent. For proof he telleth us a tale out of a certain old Legend, of one Praepedigna, wife unto one Claudius, who was converted to Christianity by one Susanna his niece, near of kin to the Emperor Dioclesian: and that Praepedigna for joy hereof, because she herself was long since in heart a Christian, ran to Caius Bishop of Rome, cast herself at his feet, and according as the custom was, saith the Legend, kissed them. And hath Baronius no better authors than these, which himself, with others of like stuff, hath in so many places utterly condemned? Where can he show us that this Caius Bishop of Rome was nephew to the Emperor Dioclesian, or that Susanna was his grand child? a name not used among the Heathen. But grant we all this to be true, doth not he himself tell us in that very article, That this same Claudius also kissed the feet of Gabinius the Priest? If so, what greater honour than hath the Pope than a simple Priest? or if this be only an argument of zeal and affection in the one, why should it be interpreted for adoration or fealty in the other. 4. PROGRESSION. 1 That peace and plenty bred corruption in the Churches. 2 Constantine his bounty and liberality to the Churches. 3 Sundry reasons summarily rehearsed, to overthrow that pretended donation of Constantine unto the Church of Rome. 1 IT cannot be denied, but that the Church whilst she had rest from persecution, began ever to decline unto corruption. Cyprian observed as much after the persecution of Decius, Cyprian. lib. de Lapsis. and yieldeth the reason; namely, Because every man stepped in the covetous desires of his own heart: adding farther, That it was high time for God to awake them with his rod, speaking principally of the Pastors of the Church, Non in Sacerdotibus devota religio; There was, saith he, no longer any devotion left in the Priests, no sincere faith in Ministers, no mercy in their works, no government in their manners, etc. The Bishops themselves, who should have served for a spur, and pattern of well doing unto others, abandoning their holy functions, dealt in matters of the world; leaving their chairs, and forsaking their flocks, to go a gadding and roaming into other countries, haunting Marts and Fairs for filthy lucre's sake, and little caring to feed and relieve their hungry and starving brethren, so that themselves might have money at their will; getting lands by fraud, and money by griping usury: and what did we not, An. 253. saith he, deserve for these ill doings? This was after the year 253. And, as bad weeds grow apace in the Church, if God from time to time crop them not, so Eusebius imputeth that succeeding persecution of Dioclesian, to the same causes as before: An. 302. Euseb. lib. 8. c. 1. & 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There was, saith he, among us nought else but cursed speakings, and continualliarres, of Prelates falling out with Prelates, and congregations with congregations: They also which seemed to be Pastors, casting off the law and rule of piety, kindled contentions between themselves, seeking only to increase debates, threats, jealousies, heart-burnings, and revenge, with an immoderate desire to command and sway, as in a Tyranny. And therefore less wonder is it, if afterward taking their ease under Constantine the Great, many of them became fit instruments, some more, some less, to advance the Mystery whereof we speak. An. 310. 2 Constantine therefore affecting the Christian religion, about the year 310 set himself to bestow huge largesses upon the Christian Churches, especially upon that of Rome, as chief city of the Empire, and the place where his person most usually resided: largesses I say, and heritage's of great revenues, with sumptuous ornaments, all inventaried in the life of Sylvester, Lib. 4. de Episc. & Cler. in Co. Theod. Damasus & Anastas. in Syluestro. written by Damasus Bishop of Rome, and by Anastasius, surnamed Bibliothecarius: and his greatest princes, becoming converts after his example, did the like, both by deeds of gift and legacies, which Constantine ratified, and authorised by law express. And the more to win credit, and to enure his people to Christianity, about the year 330, as he pulled down Idolatry, so he applied the revenues of their temples to the maintenance of the Christian Churches: so that in short time the Roman Church grew exceeding rich. All which, and every particular thereof appeareth in the said life of Sylvester, and by Cedrenus in his history, where he saith, Cedrenus pag. 243. That in the 26 and 27 years of his Empire, Constantine laboured to pull down the Idols with their Temples, and to convey their rents and revenues to the Churches of God. And herewithal went forward still, and increased that pretence of the Bishops of Rome unto the Primacy, whereof we find too many marks in their Epistles, even in those of Sylvester himself: but I make a conscience to allege them, because the more learned sort, and Cardinal Casanus himself, hold them all, or the most part, for counterfeit, until the time of Pope Syricius, which was the year 400, as we have elsewhere declared. 3 Neither do we here speak of that pretended donation of Constantine, made unto the Church of Rome in the person of Sylvester, as well of the city of Rome, as of a great part of Italy, as being a thing contrary and repugnant to the whole course of histories: for that we find no fourth Consulship of Constantine the son and Gallicanus, which yet is the date of that donation: Because Damasus Bishop of Rome, in the life of Sylvester, so particularly by him described, maketh no such mention; and Anastasius as little: Because all Italy, and Rome itself, came afterwards in partage among the sons of Constantine, as Eusebius, Victor, Zozimus; Euseb. lib. 4. c. 51 Idem de vita Constant. lib. 4. c. 49. 50. 51. Zozimus lib. 2. Victor in Constantin. Zonara's to 3. Aga●●n. Epist. ad ●●●stant. Pog●●●t. in Acts 6. Synod. and Zonaras, report: Because Isidore, Burchard, and Iuo, judging it Apocryphal, have omitted it in their several Collections of decrees: Because Pope Agatho himself writing many years after to Constantine Pogonatus, calleth Rome Vrbem Imperatoris seruilem, i. The servile town or city of the Emperor: Because the most reputed men of the Roman Church have refuted and rejected it, namely, a Anton. Archiep. part. 1. tit. 8. c. 2. § sic inquit Antonine Archbishop of Florence, b Volaterra. in vita Constantin. Raphael Volaterranus, c Hieron. Catalan. in practica. Cancella. Apostol. Hieronimus Catalanus, Chamberlain to Pope Alexander the sixth, d Otho. frisingen's. in Annal. Otho Frisingensis, e Cardin. Cusanus in concord. Cathol. lib. 3. Cardinal Casanus, f Laurent. Valla de ficta donatione. Laurentius Valla, Senator of Rome, g Franciscus Guicciard. in locis duobus de Papa. Francis Guicciardine, and others, every one of them famous in their several generations: Aeneas Silvius himself, afterward Pope Pius the second, in a particular treatise, cited by the foresaid Catalanus: Because Platina the Pope's Historian is ashamed to mention it: to be short, Because that in the pretended original itself, kept in the Vatican, and written in letters of gold, the scribe which wrote it hath added at the foot thereof, in false Latin, Quam fabulam longi temporis mendacia finxit, i. Which fable, a lie of long continuance hath forged: And forged indeed with monstrous impudency, when it is there said, That Constantine the fourth day after his baptism, gave this privilege also to the Bishop of Rome, That all the Priests throughout the Empire should acknowledge him for their head, as judges acknowledge their King. Surely it should seem, that this good Emperor was not well instructed by Sylvester, in the rights and privileges of the Bishops of Rome, since it appeareth that he knew not that they came from heaven: nor Sylvester himself well learned in this point, since he chose to hold them, as from the Emperor, rather than from Saint Peter. And again it is there said, That Constantine gave to Sylvester and to his successors, the Primacy over the Sees of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, Constantinople, and all other Churches of the world. Doubtless Sylvester had never gone to school with the jesuits, where he might have learned, That it belonged properly to him to have given the Empire unto Constantine: as for himself, that this Primacy and pre-eminence over all other Churches, was given him in the Gospel. And farther it is there said, That of purpose to make room for the Pope, the Emperor built Constantinople; It being unfit, as it is there said, that where the Empire of Priests should be, there the earthly Emperor should intermeddle, or have any thing to do: Yet is it evident, that afterward Constantine allotted Rome to one of his sons, and that many Emperors after him made that their ordinary dwelling. And to conclude, this privilege was to endure to the end of the world, with Crown and Mantle, and other Imperial robes; and he by Constantine damned to the pit of hell, without hope of remission, that should offer to impeach or oppose against it. And who now can have any good opinion of the decrees of Gratian, reform in our days, since Gregory the thirteenth, which undertook to reform them, was not ashamed to let stand for good, I will not say this Palea, or chaff, but this unsavoury and filthy ordure. And we have just cause to wonder at the impudency of Baronius, who trippeth over this matter, as one would do over fire, lightly for fear of burning, leaving it as a judged case, no longer to be questioned: Baron. to. 3. an. 324. art. 117. We, saith he, say nothing hereof, because we can say nothing but what hath been often said already; and it were bootless and troublesome to repeat it: Whereas, poor soul, how many matters of far less importance, handled by infinite numbers of Authors, doth he there repeat? And the whole volumes of his Annals, what are they else but heaps of idle and needless repetitions? Well I wots, that things were not at this time come unto that height, neither could they climb so high but by degrees; which we purpose to deduce every one of them in their order: in the mean time this is clear, that together with their plenty came in corruption, not only in life and manners, but also in religion, which then began to degenerate by admistion of Heathenish superstitions: Baron. an. 44. to. 1. art. 86. & sequent. Idem passim. and this is that which Baronius meaneth, where he saith, That men at that time hallowed Heathenish rites and ceremonies, by bringing them into the Christian Churches. OPPOSITION. This great abundance and plenty of wealth falling by heaps upon the Church, caused many devout and well disposed persons to forecast cruel things. The Legend of Sylvester saith, Legenda B. sylvest That there was at that time a voice heard from heaven, saying, Hodiè effusum est venenum in Ecclesiam, i. This day is there a poison powered forth upon the Church. But what ever the wealth of the Roman Church was, this one thing is clear, as touching their authority, That when there was question about Donatus, who stood an heretic condemned by the Churches of Africa, Constantine left him not to be judged by Miltiades Bishop of Rome, but appointed Delegates for the hearing of his cause, namely, Maternus, Rheticus, & Marinus, Bishops of Collen, Optat. cont. Parmen. li. 1. August. Epist. 162. & 166. Authun, and Arles, as Optatus & Augustine report: with whom he joined afterwards in commission for the same cause, the said Miltiades. And when Donatus refused to stand unto their judgement, he assigned him the Council of Arles (which himself had formerly assembled) to judge of his appeal; and at last gave sentence upon him, himself in person at Milan: so that the Bishops of Rome, of Authun, and the rest, were all equal in this commission, without any colour of priority. Neither needed Constantine any great entreaty, upon the difference and controversy of Arrius, himself to call the Nicene Council, Theodor. lib. 1. Histor. Eccles. cap. 7. and there to preside in person, witness Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret, Sozomene, Gelasius, and the whole company of Fathers, assembled in that Council by their synodal Epistles: which Fathers took upon them to order the Bishop of Rome, and did order him by special Canon; which Canon, because it is cavilled, and contradicted by some, deserveth more narrowly to be scanned, and more particularly to be considered. The sixth Canon therefore of the first Nicene Council, about the year 325, An. 325. concerning the ranking and ordering of Bishops every one in his place, Canon's Graec. Concil. Nicen. 1. can. 6. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. is read in these words, Let the ancient customs be observed, which are in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, so that the Bishop which is in Alexandria have authority over all these, because such also is the manner or custom of the Bishop of Rome: where the Greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, a thing used by custom; by which appeareth, that it was a matter only of custom, not of law, much less an ordinance or decree of God: Likewise in Antioch and in other Provinces, let every Church retain her due honour. And in the seventh Canon is like provision made for the Church of Jerusalem, and the same reason added: Because such hath been the custom, and the ancient tradition, to honour the Church of Aelia (for so was Jerusalem called, after that Adrian had rebuilt it in another place) let her also have her honour next after the other, with reservation always of due honour to the Metropolitan Church. And so is this Canon read in Gelasius Cyzicenus in the Acts of this Council taken out of the Vatican: Gelas. Cyzicen. in Act. Syno. Nice. 1. pag. 61. where we may observe, that this Council foundeth them all alike upon custom, which it calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a manner, wont, or custom, placing the Bishop of Rome between those of Alexandria and of Antioch, unto whom it assigneth their proper portions, in every respect equal to him of Rome. Of this custom we read in Epiphanius in express terms: The custom (saith he) is such, Epiphan. her. 68 in princi. that the Bishop of Alexandria hath ecclesiastical cure and charge over all Egypt, Thebaida, Mareotis, Lybia, Ammonia, Mareotida, and Pentapolis. And Ruffinus, Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 6. who lived in the same time with S. Jerome, about 60. years after this Council, citeth the Canons thereof, and among the rest this sixth Canon, to the effect of the Canon before rehearsed: In Alexandria (saith he) and in the City of Rome, let the ancient custom be observed: to wit, that the one should take care of the Churches of Egypt, and the other suburbicariarum, that is, of the Churches near unto the City, meaning Rome. And the truth is, that at this time, do he what he could, he could not extend the limits of his jurisdiction, so far as unto Milan or Ravenna; whereof there is a type and figure remaining at this day at Rome, which witnesseth as much: wherein the Church of Lateran is expressed to be a patriarchal Church, unto which there are seven Bishops assigned to celebrate before the Pope upon high days, or to assist the Pope, if he pleased to celebrate himself, Onuphri. de Episcop. titulis & Diacon. Cardinal. to wit, the Bishops, as saith Onuphrius, of the adjoining Cities, namely, Ostia, Porto, Sylva candida, Sabini, Praeneste, Tusculum, and Alba: which Ruffian here seemeth to call Suburbicarias, which yet perhaps comprised somewhat more, as the countries of Marca and Tuscanie, as we may collect out of the Theodosian Code. True it is, that Balsamon expounding the Greek Canon, extendeth the authority of the Bishop of Rome over all the West, because that in his time, which was about the year 800, he had stretched his wings a little farther; Balsamon in Ca Nice. Synod. cap. 6. & 7. and Balsamon thought it enough to exempt the East from his authority, not caring in the mean time what became of our Churches of the West. But this one thing is evident, that Gratian long since entered this Canon in his collection of decrees, in the same sense which we allege it, and in more forcible terms than we do cite them, namely thus: Distinct. 65. Can. 6. Nichola. in Ep. ad Michael. Imperator. Let the old custom continue in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, since the Bishop of Rome hath the like custom: For to interpret this Canon after Nicholas the first, who lived five hundred years since that Council, as Gregory the thirteenth and Bellarmine do, saying, That the Council of Nice knew well enough, that our Lord had given all to the Church of Rome, and therefore could have no meaning to order her, but others by her example, were first to make him judge in his own cause, and secondly to presuppose the thing in question, which is an apparent fallax. But Bellarmine hath yet one crochet farther of his own brain, he telleth us, That in the vulgar copies there are wanting in the beginning of this Canon, these words, The Church of Rome hath ever had the Primacy, yet let the old custom stand etc. But I wonder which are those which he calleth the vulgar copies, or whence is it that he would have these Canons taken, if not out of the Greek Counsels, out of Ruffian, Balsamon Patriarch of Antioch, out of Gratians decrees, canonised by themselves, or out of Cyzicenus, who took them out of their own Library, and lastly, if not out of the old Roman Code itself, Codex canonem vetus ecclesiae Roman. edit. Paris. An. 1609. where this Canon beginneth with these words, Antiquae consuetudines seruentur etc. Let old customs be kept; having this summary over head, Of privileges belonging to certain Cities, joining Rome as you see with other cities. What copy can Bellarmine produce unto us more authentical than these? Concil. Chalced. Can. 16. Peradventure he will say, the Council of Chalcedon, where it is so read as he allegeth, Action 16. But what if we reply, that the Greek copy of this Council hath no such matter? That Balsamon never heard thereof? What will he rejoin, especially seeing that this Council was held in the Greek Church? And put case it were not, must we seek the Canons of the Nicene Council among those of Chalcedon, rather than in the Nicene Council itself? Moreover, seeing that Bellarmine sticketh not to tell us, that it was Paschasin, Legate of Pope Leo, which proposed it in this manner in the Council of Chalcedon, what security will he give us, that this Paschasin dealt more honestly now, than did he, which afterwards falsified this very Canon in the open face of the Council of Carthage? But this is not all: for Bellarmine himself corrupteth Paschasin: for whereas he proposeth those words, Quod ecclesia Romana etc. as a title only or summary to the Canon, Bellarmine allegeth them as part of the text and decision itself, saying, Ecclesia Romana semper habuit Principatum, inverting quite the sense and meaning of the Fathers. Moreover, true it is, that Paschasin alleged those words in manner as we have said; but Bellarmine concealeth, that when Aetius Archdeacon of Constantinople had delivered the book of Canons to Constantine, Secretary to the Synod, Constantine read the said sixth Canon as we now do, beginning with those words, Antiquae consuetudines seruentur, Can. 3. and not with those other, Quod ecclesia Romana etc. And the decree of the Council thereupon followed, Can. 28. That the Bishop of Constantinople should hold the first place or primacy after the Bishop of Rome, because she was new Rome. Neither is it the quarrel between us, which of these two hath the priority, but we say that it was so decreed, Propter principalitatem urbis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not by ordinance from Christ, not by any authority derived from S. Peter, neither yet by any grant from Constantine, or act of the Nicene Council, but that it was here so ordered, Propter primatum urbis, i. because Rome was the chief city; and so as, that Constantinople, which had none of these fond claims to make, ijsdem primatibus honoris, & ijsdem privilegijs utatur, should enjoy the same primacy of honour, and equal privileges, for no other reason but because she was Nona Roma, new Rome. Now, if those pretended privileges of the Church of Rome came from the Gospel, or from the prerogative of S. Peter, how could these be made equal with them? And if these be equal, then is it evident that those other came not from the Gospel, or prerogative of S. Peter: and why then should these men so abuse the name of the Gospel? Truth it is, that the morrow after Lucentius the Pope's Legate protested against this decree, requiring it to be retracted, and an Act to be made of such his Protestation: But his Protestation was rejected by the emperors Delegates themselves, who pronounced in this manner, as is there expressed: The honourable judges said, what we have pronounced, all the Synod hath approved, namely, touching the Canon against which they protested. So far was it from that which Bellarmine would have, Bellarm. de Roman. Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 13. That the Fathers of that Council held themselves satisfied with the remonstrations of Paschasin: and this is the truth and sincerity which they ever use in alleging Counsels. As for his final answer, to which he holds himself, it is more than ridiculous: The true exposition and meaning of that Canon (saith he) is, that the Bishop of Alexandria should govern those Provinces, because the Bishop of Rome was so wont to do, that is, was wont before any definition of the Counsels, to suffer the Bishop of Alexandria to govern them. But let him tell me in conscience, can these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Quia Romanus Episcopus ita consuevit, alias, Quia Romano Episcopo pardis mos est, that is, Because this is the manner or custom of the Bishop of Rome; can, I say, these words be thus understood, without violencing and wresting all sort of languages? Or can this exposition any ways suit with the opinion of Ruffinus? Or can Bellarmine but blush at the remembrance of this, even in his secret chamber? Add we hereunto, that in that celebrious and renowned Council of Nice, the deputies of the Bishop of Rome presided not, but contented themselves with the fourth room. So that Cardinal Cusanus having expounded this sixth Canon as we now do, had reason to say as he doth: De concordant. Cathol. lib. 2. cap. 12. Hence we may see (saith he) how much the Bishop of Rome hath at this time gotten, only by use and custom of subiectionall obedience, beyond that which the old customs of the Church afforded him. This then is the naked truth, according to that which we find in Histories, which yet Baronius would feign disguise, either believing it himself, or willing to put the gull upon other men, to make them believe, that from the very cradle and infancy of Christianity there hath ever been a Pope, wrapped in such clouts as now we see him in: and that Constantine, because among others he gave largely also to the Church of Rome, therefore devested himself of his imperial rob and dignity, to clad him withal. And observe by what degrees he cometh to it: First (saith he) To the end that the sovereign Bishop of Christian religion should no longer dwell in a private house, Baron. to. 3. an. 312. art. 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85. he gave unto Miltiades for him and his successors after him one of his palaces, to wit, that of Lateran in Rome. And whence had Baronius this report? He is ashamed to allege that Epistle of Isidore the Collector; but whence had he it? After much trash, We have it (saith he) from an approved Author, Can. 12. q. 1. c. 15. § denique. namely, from Optatus Milevitanus, who telleth us, that Miltiades Bishop of Rome held the Council of Rome in the house of Fausta in the Lateran: he should have added, Optat. Milevit. adverse. Parm. lib. 1. That he kept the jubilee there also. But what can he argue or prove out of these words? That that was the Bishop's house? or if it were, that it was given him by Constantine? We read, that not long after Sylvester held another Council, Intra Thermas Domitianas': was that house therefore his also? or if that stately palace of Lateran was his before, what needed he now to borrow another man's? Yet this were a small matter if he stayed there: but taking this as granted, he wisely groundeth thereupon, and inferreth, That seeing the Emperor bestowed his Palace on him, reason itself would, that we believe, that he gave him his imperial robes also: which conjecture of his vanisheth like smoke, so soon as it is denied. Secondly, he telleth us, Baron. to. 3. an. 324. art. 78. & sequ. that Constantine in the 24 year of his reign ordained, That the Bishops of the Christian law should from that time forward have the same privileges which the idolatrous Priests had and enjoyed in times past: not seeing, at least not considering, what prejudice he doth to his own cause, whilst he maketh it to appear unto us, that what ever they have of this sort, they have it all from thence. But yet, what author hath he? Baron. an. 311. & an. 315. art. 10. None, but the Acts of Pope Sylvester in Latin, which himself in so many places vilifieth, as being full of enormous falsities. And yet from this sink raketh he all those privileges of idol Priests and Pontifes, to settle them upon the Christians: They had (saith he) as chief among them, Rex Sacrificulus, who in their solemn feast was wont to watch, and have an eye over all the rest: They had also their sovereign pontiff, An. 324. art. 79. Pontifex Maximus, arbitrator of all questions arising about matters divine or human among them: And who can think, that Constantine would long endure, that these should exceed the Christians in pomp and glory? the Christians, I say, to whom himself was contented to bow his neck? Such are the proofs of this absolute authority and power of the Bishop of Rome: yet may we learn from him those proud and pompous observances used by the Popes, wherein if he err somewhat in the times, yet he maketh amends for it in the matter. The Idol Priests (saith he) as Tacitus reporteth, Tacit. lib. 12. had this privilege, to enter the Capitol in their Litter; Plutarch. q. 9 & 10. Cic. ad Attic. lib. 2. ep. 24. Prudent. Hym. 10. so may you see the Pope always carried through the City. Whomsoever they met (saith Plutarch) they never uncovered unto him; no more doth the Pope at this day. They were clad (saith Tully) with scarlet of the deepest dye: so are the Pope and his Cardinals. To conclude, the High Priest, as Prudentius reporteth, at the time of his consecration, had his labels, and his crown of gold. O how much are we beholding to Baronius, who presenteth unto us their Pope, attired from top to toe, in habit of a Pagan? But to say the truth, the Popes were no such jolly fellows in those days, neither can any proof be made thereof. As for the name of High Priest, Pontifex Maximus, it had been no less than flat treason to have usurped it, seeing that, Histor. lib. 4. as Zosimus reporteth, as well Constantine himself, as other Emperors after him, by the space of one hundred years, until the time of Gratian, both retained the name, and used the pontifical robes and ornaments, presented unto them by the Priests at the time of their coronation: Which Baronius himself elsewhere not only affirmeth, Baron. to. 3. an. 312. art. 94. & sequ. but also proveth by sundry old inscriptions which he produceth, and giveth the reason thereof himself, namely, that therefore the High Priesthood was joined with the imperial dignity, that the Senate and people of Rome, those which were yet of the Heathenish faction, might not so easily be drawn to conspire against the Christian Emperors, as being of a foreign and different religion. And who can then imagine, that any other durst usurp that name in Rome, and in their presence? Thirdly, Baronius maintaineth, That if the Pope had not perhaps the title, yet he had in effect the power of a supreme judge in all causes of Religion and Heresy, and that he was so commonly reputed and taken in the world: much troubled in mind, as it seemeth, that Constantine himself took knowledge of the cause of the Donatists, received their Appeal, appointed Delegates, and in the end sentenced and decided the cause himself in person; whereof to doubt, were to call all History into question. The truth of the History is this: The Donatists being moved by Anulinus the Proconsul, by order from the Emperor, to reconcile themselves to Caecilian Bishop of Carthage, had thereupon recourse unto the Emperor: And because they held the Bishops of Af●ike as suspect, preferred a petition unto him, That he would be pleased to appoint them judges out of France: And Optatus saith, That the Emperor hereupon grew very wroth, and said, You crave judgement of me in my secular Courts, Optat. Milevi. count Parm. lib. 1. which am myself to attend my doom from the hands of Christ: as being justly incensed with the brawls and wranglings of these Bishops, who in Christian duty should have fallen to an accord, without an umpire. And yet as Optatus saith, at their suit judges were appointed, namely, Maternus Bishop of Cullen, Rheticus of Authun, and Marinus of Arles. Here Baronius telleth us, Baron. to. 3. an. 313. That Constantine was as yet a ●●●ce in the Faith, not skilled in the courses and proceed of the Church; but that afterward he reform this error, being given to understand, that this belonged only to the Bishop of Rome: which (saith he) the Emperor testifieth by that Epistle which he wrote unto him thereupon: by which letter, at the solicitation of Anulinus, he joined him in commission with those other three, for the hearing and determining of that cause in the Synod. Seeing therefore that he groundeth the reformation of the emperors judgement upon this Epistle, it shall not be amiss to examine the contents thereof; First the title of it is this: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. A copy of the Emperor Constantine his letter, by which he commandeth to call a Synod at Rome, for the unity and concord of the Churches; The superscription, this: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. To Miltiades Bishop of Rome, and to Marcus. Where Baronius, impatient to see a companion joined with the Pope, to make him all in all, in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by what authority I know not, nor what copy he hath to follow: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But grant we that it is so, what doth I pray you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify in all ancient Writers, and even in Dionysius himself, whom they falsely surname the Areopagite, but only a Bishop, that is, a man having charge and oversight of divine Service? But to the purpose: it is far more likely, if we will stand upon conjectures, that that word Marcus was written short, to stand for Maternus or Marinus, with an abbreviation in the end, in this manner, Materno or Marino etc. a thing usual in those Patents, which they called Formatas or Sacras, when they were directed to many at once; of whom, in the exemplifications, they named only some few of the first, and then added, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i and to the rest: And such might that copy of Eusebius be. But what saith the Patent itself? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (a word usual in their solemn decrees) that is, It hath seemed good unto me, that Caecilian, with ten other Bishops, should repair to Rome, there to have hearing before you, and before Rheticus, Maternus and Marinus your Colleagues, whom I have commanded to hasten thither for this purpose (according to that of S. Augustine, where he saith, August. in breu. Collat. That then and th●●e were read the letters of the Emperor before them, by which he enjoined them to hear the cause of Caecilian:) Also, I have caused to be delivered into their hands the copies sent unto me by Anulinus the Proconsall, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to the end that your Gravity (a great incivility of the Emperor, not to say your Holiness) may the better advise of some course to be held in the proceed and final determination of this cause. And now let the reader judge, where the authority then rested, and what omnipotency the Pope then had. But so eager are they in this matter, that of a simple voice and suffrage of the Pope they will needs make a definitive sentence: By the sentence of Miltiades (saith Baronius) this cause was ended and controversy decided: Baron. an. eod. art. 26. having no colour for his assertion, but only this that Miltiades spoke last; whereas the Author speaketh only in this manner: Caecilian was pronounced innocent by all the above named Bishops, and by the sentence of Miltiades himself, with which the judgement was concluded; and reason good: for he presided, as was fit he should, being Bishop of Rome, in a Synod held at Rome: Yet would not the Donatists here rest; Optat. cont. Parmen. lib. 1. and Optatus thereupon saith, That Donatus thought fit to appeal from the Bishops (he saith not from Miltiades, or from the Bishop of Rome) and that Constantine grew highly offended with this course, and cried out, O the boldness of these mad fellows! they have entered their appeal as the Gentiles use to do in their suits at law: so distasteful and unpleasing to him was this bangling of the Clergy. Yet for all this (though Baronius should burst for anger) the Emperor in the end admitted of their appeal, and gave order that a Council should be called at Arles, for the oyer and terminer of this cause, writing to sundry Bishops and metropolitans, to be present at it: And we find in Eusebius a copy of his Letters Patents, directed to Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse; the title whereof is, as of that other to Miltiades: by which he commandeth a Council to be called etc. and the tenor as followeth; Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. edit. Lat. Having declared the first judgement which was given in this cause, by express order from himself, by certain Bishops of France and Africa, the Bishop of Rome also being there present (he saith not Precedent) in the end, We (saith he) have commanded certain Bishops to assemble in Synod upon such a day at Arles; giving him likewise straightly in charge to be there in person, to the end (saith he) that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. by thy Gravity (which quality and no other he used before unto Miltiades) and by the wisdom of the rest this controversy may be composed. Episto. Constant. ad Abla. ab ipso Baron. citat. ex Biblioth. Pet. Pyth. August. ep. 68 August. count Parmen. lib. 1. cap. 5. To which purpose also he wrote unto Ablavius, Grand Master of the household, willing him to follow this business, and ever with these terms, Preceperam venire, iniungendum duxi, facias navigare, and the like. So that S. Augustine speaketh very properly when he saith, Alterum Episcopale judicium dedit habendum etc. that is, He appointed another hearing of this cause, to be had by the Bishops at Arles, leaving it a clear case, to whom it appertained of right to call a Council. And this Emperor caused at length (as S. Augustine reporteth) two hundred Bishops out of France, Italy, and Spain to assemble at Arles; himself also was there present, Baron. an. 314. art. 53. he presided, and in the end gave sentence himself in favour of the Catholics: whereupon Baronius citeth that unto us which we find in Eusebius his first book; Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 1. cap. 37, 38. namely, that Constantine taking a particular care of the Churches of God, by reason of sundry dissensions which he saw daily to arise between the Bishops; himself in person, as a general Bishop appointed by God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. assembled Synods of the Ministers; and consequently, did that which the Pope now claimeth as properly belonging to himself. Well (saith Baronius) yet at least this appeareth, That the Fathers of this Council wrote their synodal Epistle to the Bishop of Rome, entreating him thereby to ratify and confirm their Acts: and thence inferreth, that the custom and manner of the Church at that time was, whensoever any decrees of Counsels were agreed upon and enacted, to send them first to the Bishop of Rome, as not to be published without his approbation first had and obtained thereunto: Let us therefore briefly examine this Epistle also, whether according as we find it in the Counsels, Baron. an. 314. art. 67, 68, 69. or whether as he allegeth it out of Pytheus. The title itself in the first is worth the noting, Domino & fanctissimo fratri Syluestro Episcopo, i. To our most holy brother Sylvester Bishop: The exordium followeth in this manner: The things which we have with one consent decreed, we here make known charitati tuae, to your charity, to the end that all may know what they ought to do hereafter. Now, this word Decree importeth no suspension of authority in them, nor yet implieth, that they were to learn of him, but rather that the Pope, as well as all others, should learn of them; neither doth that other copy much differ in sense: Communi copula charitatis, etc. We, say they, knit together in one, and united, by that common bond of love and charity, and met together in this city of Arles, by the good pleasure of the most godly Emperor, greet thee most religious Father with all due reverence. Religiosissime Papa. Would God, beloved brother, you had been present with us at the hearing of this cause; so should a more severe decree have passed against the Donatists, and we all, finding your judgement to concur with ours, should have had the greater joy. And coming a little after to signify unto him what had passed in the Council: It seemed good unto us, say they, the holy Ghost and the Angels being present with us, etc. I would know whether this be to crave confirmation, or to fetch the holy Ghost from Rome in a budget? or is it not rather to determine of the cause absolutely without the Pope? And again, Placuit, etc. It seemed good to us, say they, because you hold the greater Diocese, (therefore not all, as if all the world were but one Diocese, and that subject to his jurisdiction) to make known unto all men what we have done, and principally by you. And who seethe not, that to make known is one thing, and to crave confirmation is another? To conclude, the Donatists finding themselves to have the worse, appeal to Constantine in person, who, though all weary of their contentions and debates, yet assigned the parties a day to appear before him at Milan, and there confirmed he by his decree all the former sentences given against them; witness Saint Augustine in many places: The Emperor, saith he, being constrained to judge this cause after the Bishops, caused the parties to appear before him, and with all care, August. Epist. 168. diligence, and wisdom, entering into the knowledge of the cause, pronounced Cecilian innocent, and his adversaries a company of ungodly persons. And again, Post Episcopalia judicia, saith he, i. After the judgements of the Bishops, etc. (meaning as well that at Rome, as that at Arles) what King or Emperor in these our days, attempting to do the like, should not be excommunicated, and cut off from the Church? yet Sylvester at that time never grudged or repined at it. And thus they still abuse the world. Fourthly he allegeth the case of Arrius: let us see therefore whether his success be like to prove better in this than in the former. Arrius therefore having disgorged his poison in Alexandria, and afterwards by his ballad-like letters dispersed it into all corners of the world, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ep●phan. Haer. 69. Alexander Bishop of Alexandria opposed himself against him, and sent likewise his Epistles general into all parts, to the number of seventy, as Epiphanius reporteth. Here Baronius, without any authority or reason, groweth very peremptory: It is apparent, saith he, that Alexander, before all others, wrote first concerning this matter to Sylvester Bishop of the first See. But why should we take his bare word for proof? Proof enough, Baron. an. 318. art. 59 Epist. Liber. to. 9 Biblioth. Socrat. lib. 1. c. 3. saith Baronius; for have we not a certain Epistle of Liberius, wherein it is thus written, We have even at this day the letters of Alexander unto Sylvester? And what of that? for have not we likewise even at this day another of his Epistles general in Socrates, with this inscription: To our most honoured fellow Ministers throughout the Church wheresoever? And have not we another of the same in Theodoret, written in particular to the B. of Constantinople? Were we disposed to take such advantage, what might not we conclude out of this? But we say farther, That Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, without attending any advise from Rome, Ibidem. excommunicated Arrius, and cut him off from the Church; as appeareth by his own letters: and moreover, published an orthodoxal confession, for an antidote against the poison of his doctrine, and raised both East and West against him: in all which we hear no news of Sylvester. Here again Baronius runneth to his likelihoods: Baron. an. 318. art. 88.89. All other Bishops of the East, saith he, rising as it were in arms to join with Alexander, Haud par est credere, we may not think that Sylvester Bishop of Rome stood all the while idle: But seeing it was heretofore said unto him, Feed my sheep; we may well imagine, nay rather constantly affirm, That he bestirred himself in the business as well as the best. And hath Baronius indeed no better proofs than these? Euseb. de vita constantin. l. 2. c. 63. Socrat. l. 1. c. 4. Sozom. l. 1. c. 15. Yes, saith he, for Sylvester sent Hosius Bishop of Corduba, his Legate, into Egypt. This, I confess, is somewhat to the purpose, if it were true: True it is, that the Emperor, to quench that fire, dispatched his letters both to Alexander and Arrius, by Hosius, a man of note, and one whom the Emperor honoured very highly. Euseb. de vita Constant. l. 2. c. 63. And Eusebius speaking of the same man, saith, That he was one much honoured among good men, for his virtue, and whom the Emperor had near about him. And the title of that chapter in Eusebius, is, Legatum de Pace componenda mittit: i. He sendeth a Legate or Ambassador to make peace between them. Theodor. l. 1. c. 7. Theodoret hath the like, and withal a copy of that letter, wherein the Emperor admonisheth them to handle such questions with discretion, reverence, and good agreement. As for Sylvester, or what he did herein, there is not in all these either word or syllable to be found. And must Baronius his conjecture go for currant, That sure it was so, but that Eusebius would not report it? But to proceed: This fire beginning now to flame out, it was thought fit to assemble that first general Council in the city of Nice: But who then called it? or by whose authority and command was it assembled? All histories agree in one: Euseb. de vita Constant. Edit. Lat. c. 6. l. 3. Eusebius saith, The Emperor Constantine assembled the general Council of Nice, calling thither the Bishops out of all parts: and he calleth this dispatch of the Emperor, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a precept, or command: and in the title it is said, Theodoret. l. 1. c. 7. Sozom. l. 1. c. 16. That he enjoined. And Theodoret, The Emperor, saith he, not able to compose matters in Alexandria, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, assembled that great Council. And Sozomen useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. he called them together. Also the Synod itself writing to the Churches, Acta Concil. Nicaen. vol. 1. We, say they, here assembled, by the grace of God, and favour of Constantine our Prince, beloved of God, etc. And likewise writing to the Churches of Egypt, they use these words, By the grace of God, and commandment of the Emperor. Socrat. l. 1. c. 5. Gelaz. Cyzicen. l. 1. Likewise Socrates and Cyzicenus use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. he gathered, or assembled them together; as Eusebius had done before them: Neither is there any Father or Historian of the Church, which speaketh in other manner. Baron. an. 324. art. 131. to. 3. Concil. Rom. 2. c. 1. And all this done by Constantine, after the time that Baronius acknowledgeth him to have been a good and a perfect Christian, and withal most forward to advance the Church, to wit, after his baptism, and a whole year after that supposed donation of his. What now will he say to this, seeing the whole Church hath ever held this for a most holy and lawful Council? back again to his old ward, and to his conjectures: The Council of Rome, saith he, was held one year before, under Sylvester, ad Traiani Thermas: (and why not at Lateran, if that had been his own palace, as he said before) Constantine and Helena his mother were there present. (But will this Cardinal stand to this Council, where the Priests of Rome, now called Cardinals, stood behind the place where the Bishops sat? Baron. an. 324. ) But to the matter: Who dareth to doubt, saith he, but that Sylvester and Constantine, at this Council concluded, to call that other afterward at Nice? And we ask again, Who dareth to affirm it, seeing there is no such thing mentioned in the Council, nor the Arrians there so much as named? A silly guess as ever was. But if Baronius will needs stand to guesses, why may not we do the like, and say, Who doubteth but that it was there accorded, that Constantine himself should call it, seeing that indeed he did call it, as all histories record, and that without contradiction of any, for aught that yet appeareth to the contrary? Yet is not Baronius ashamed to build hereupon, as upon an undoubted verity: Baron. an. 325. art. 13. & sequent. And if all fail, at least, saith he, this is sure, that Hosius presided there as Legate of the Bishop of Rome. Let us therefore see if he prove his embassage here any better than he did that other at Alexandria before mentioned. Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 3. Edi●. Lat. c. 7. Ib. c. 11. Eusebius in the life of Constantine speaketh in this manner: He which presided over the Imperial city (meaning the Bishop of Rome) was not in this assembly, by reason of his age; but his Priests there present supplied his room: Now Victor and Vincentius are named for such, in the acts of the Council; but of Hosius, who should least of all have been forgotten, there is no mention made to any such effect. Why then, saith he, Athanas. Apoleget. 1. did Hosius first subscribe before all the rest? I answer, Because he was principally employed by the Emperor for the composing of this difference; in regard whereof he did the like also in the Council of Sardica. And seeing that Victor and Vincentius wrote in this manner, We have subscribed for the reverend Sylvester our Pope and Bishop; Acta Concil. Nicaen. why did not Hosius the like, if he were also his Legate? Why subscribed he in his own name, I Hosius Bishop of Corduba, of the Province of Spain, do so believe: for so we find it even in the old Roman Code itself. Baronius replieth out of the title of a certain Epistle, written, as he saith, from the Council unto Sylvester by his Legates; Baron. an. 325. art. 2. which is nothing else, but to presuppose the thing in question: the title therefore is this, To Sylvester the most blessed Pope of old Rome, Hosius Bishop of Corduba, a Province in Spain, and Macarius Bishop of Constantinople, and Victor and Vincentius Priests of Rome, appointed or ordained by your direction. Not to say that this Epistle with that which followeth, are both noted in the very acts of this Council to be of little credit, I ask only, Whether he will have Macarius also to be one of the Pope's Legates? and whether that word Direction ought not to be restrained to Victor and Vincentius, as Eusebius would have it? But the truth is, Baron. an. 325. art. 54. that Baronius when he allegeth this title, leaveth out Macarius, to blind his reader, and to save himself from this absurdity. Last of all, if Hosius had been his Legate, should not he also have opened the Council? which yet he did not: The Bishop, Theodor. l. 1. c. 7. saith Eusebius, which sat uppermost upon the right hand, standing up, made a short speech to the Emperor, and rehearsed a certain hymn, to give thanks to Almighty God: and this was Eustathius Bishop of Antioch, because the Bishop of Alexandria stood now as a party against Arrius. Fiftly, Baronius groweth very choleric, to see the Bishop of Rome ordered by the sixth Canon of this Council, as the other Bishops of Alexandria, Antioch, and jerusalem were; he saith, That these Canons are mangled, and must be corrected by those of Chalcedon: And if they were so, yet might Baronius put all that he should gain thereby in his eye, and do himself no harm, as we have already showed against Bellarmine. Ruffinus, of all the rest, sticketh most in his stomach, for bounding the Pope's jurisdiction, with these words, Ruffin. l. 1. c. 6. Suburbicariarum Ecclesiarum curam gerat: i. That he should take care of the Churches near about the city: And Baronius telleth us, that Regiones Suburbicariae, and Vrbicariae, Baron. an. 324. art. 54. in the Imperial laws of those times, were all one: And that Regiones Vrbicariae comprised, besides Italy, the isle of Sicily, Africa, Egypt, and many other countries: Forgetting in his choler, that the very Canon itself now in question, assigneth Egypt to the Bishop of Alexandria, and consequently not to him of Rome. Author for this assertion he hath none, nor reason, more than this, Lib. 14. Cod. Theodos. l. 6. tit. de Canon. frumentar. urbis Roma. that these Provinces were called Vrbicariae, which we deny not: and the reason may be, because they yielded a yearly revenue of corn, Vrbi, to the city of Rome, according to the rate set down in the Code of Theodosius. But grant we, that Regiones Suburbicariae, and Vrbicariae, were all one, what getteth he? for Constantine in the third law de Annona & Tributo, showeth plainly, that by Regiones Suburbicariae, were meant only those which lay within Italy, and were near adjoining unto Rome; where he speaketh in this manner: Anatolius, late Consul, certified us, that he hath taken away the frauds of the a Tabulariorum Lib. 8. de Anon. & Tribute. l. 3. & 11. in Cod. Theodos. Collectors per suburbicarias Regiones. Which course, saith he, we command also to be held throughout all the other Regions of Italy: so that the more remote regions of Italy itself, are not comprised under this name of Suburbicariae Regiones, but command given, that these should be ordered after their example. So likewise would Baronius feign comprise Sicily and Africa under the appellation of Vrbicariae Regiones. Lib. 11. de Extraord. & sord. muner. But the words of Constantine and Constantius, in the same Code, give him the lie; where it is said, That lands of inheritance and fee farm, throughout Italy, shall be free from all extraordinary taxes, paying only their customary rates, as the lands in Africa do: The reason followeth: For not only in Italy, but also, in urbicarijs Regionibus, and in Sicily, lands of inheritance, and lands held in fee farm, must be rated according to their abilities. Whereby it appeareth, that Italy was to be eased after the example of Africa, and both Italy and Africa, and Sicily itself, distinguished from those which were properly called Vrbicariae Regiones. So likewise in that law of Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, it is said by the Emperors unto Probus Grand Master of the household, in this manner; Let thy sincerity and uprightness observe an equality throughout Italy, Tit. Si per obreptionem l. unic. Cod. Theodos. as likewise in the Regions of Africa, and those which are called Vrbicariae, and throughout all Illyria: where again he distinguisheth them both from Italy, and also from Africa. Now if he will ask, what those Suburb cities were; that law of Gratian & Theodosius teacheth us: L. 1. de Indulgent. debit. in Cod. Theodos. We command, say they, that Picenum and Thuscia, now called La Marca d'Ancona, and Tuscanie (and yet not all Tuscanie neither) being the suburb Regions, shall bear the seventh part of the tribute: not comprising therein so much as Campania (now a parcel of the kingdom of Naples) nor other Regions of like distance. And now let Baronius cast up his reckonings, and see what he hath gotten by quarreling that place of Ruffinus. But be this what he will, can he deny that the Bishop of Rome was here ordered and confined as well as the rest? As for that Canon which he would put upon us, Art. 57 & sequent. That from all Churches a man might appeal unto Rome: besides that there is no history that reporteth it, no not Gelasius Cyzicenus himself, I would ask, Whether this sixth Canon be not utterly repugnant thereunto? And farther let him say, when men were long after this time sent of purpose to search the Archives of the Churches of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, to decide the controversy between the Churches of Carthage and of Rome, whether there were any such Canon there found? or can he produce any one appeal made to Rome in all that time? As for that goodly Canon of the Council of Rome, which he would thrust upon us, in these words; The first See let no man judge, Baron. to 3. an. 324. art. 130. because all other Sees seek for equity at her hands, as of the chief: neither may the judge be judged by any Clergy, Emperor, or King, or people whatsoever: who is so ill advised as to believe them in their own cause? or who seethe not that this is a mere trick and g●llerie put upon the reader? For what kings could they mean? if Pagans, what can be more ridiculous? if Christians, where were any in those days? and consequently, what more vain? moreover, do we not see the contrary practised in the Nicene Council, immediately ensuing? And why is he not then ashamed to cousin the world with a false coin, so apparently discovered, and bored through by all Historians and writers? It is said in the acts of that Synod, That there were 139 Bishops, ex urbe Roma, aut non longè ab illa, i. out of the city of Rome, or not far from thence: What, were there more Bishops than one at Rome? and where, I pray you, should a man find so many Bishops so near to Rome? It is also there said, That Helena the mother of Constantine was there, and subscribed to the acts. And what, had they so soon forgotten the saying of the Apostle, That it is not permitted to a woman to speak in the Church? Constantine also is there called Domnus, which is merely Gothish, and joined in Consulship with Priscus, which was never heard of. He should not for shame have alleged this Synod, seeing that the very barbarousness of the style is enough to convince it of open forgery. Last of all he saith, That the Fathers of the Nicene Council wrote to Sylvester, to crave his confirmation of their acts and decrees: alleging for proof hereof the acts of Pope Sylvester, and not remembering how oft himself in other places hath condemned them as false and counterfeit. The truth is this, that upon any question arising about religion, the Fathers assembled in Council were wont to send their Synodal Epistle throughout all parts of Christendom, Ruffin. l. 1. c. 13. and some particulars among them to write their private letters to some chief and principal Bishops of other countries, to acquaint them with the tenor of their acts, and to request them, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. to give their suffrage and approbation thereunto: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So also were they wont to address another Epistle to the Emperor, to entreat him to confirm and ratify their acts, and to cause them to be received: of both which sorts we have examples in this very Synod; of the one in that synodal Epistle which they wrote to the Church of Alexandria, and the rest in Egypt; in which manner they wrote also another Epistle to all Churches in general, without attending any leave from the Bishop of Rome: of the other, among the patents of Constantine, who was present at this Council; which Epistle we have in Eusebius, Socrates, Gelasius, Theodoret, Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 13. Socrat. lib. 1. and others: whereby he ordained, That Easter day should be kept upon the day which they appointed; and that the books of Arrius should be burnt in all places. Which decree was published only to authorize, and to put in execution the Canons agreed upon and enacted in the Council. And those patents of the Emperor were directed sometimes to the Bishops and people, and sometimes to the Churches: as for any confirmation sought for at Syluesters hands, there is no mention at all made therein. And farther, that Epistle which we have in the first tome of the Counsels, besides that it is most foolishly written, is not Synodical, but written, as it is expressed in the title, by Hosius Bishop of Corduba, Macarius of Constantinople, Vitus and Vincentius Priests of Rome: whereas the Synodals carried always the title Of the Sacred Council, and withal, the names of some of the most famous Bishops; and to what purpose the name of Macarius Bishop of Constantinople, which was at that time scarce built? Neither doth it mend the matter, that Baronius in stead of Constantinople readeth jerusalem: Baron. an. 325. art. 171. for why then should Hosias' subscribe before him, contrary to the order established in the Council? or why before Victor and Vincentius, Lieutenants at that time for the Bishop of Rome? and lastly, why was not Eustathius Bishop of Antioch first named? As for the confirmation itself of Sylvester, Baronius acknowledgeth that whole Epistle to be forged, and proveth the falsity thereof by the date. Neither is there any greater reckoning to be made of the testimony of Pope Felix, as being a witness in his own cause, and living one hundred and sixty years after this Council; and either abused himself or abusing others with that said counterfeit Epistle. Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Constant. c. 41. Now there were sundry national Synods held shortly after under the same Constantine, for the confirmation of that first Nicene Council; as that of tire in the year 334, at jerusalem An. 335, at Constantinople An. 336: Baronius quarrels us concerning the issues of them, and of their confirmation. But what can he say for the calling and assembling of them? or can he show that either Sylvester or Marcus complained, that the Emperor had done them wrong as encroaching upon their liberties, and meddling with that which appertained not unto him. 5. PROGRESSION. 1 That Marcus Bishop of Rome called himself the Universal Bishop. 2 That julius Bishop of Rome offered to restore certain Bishops deposed by their Metropolitans. 3 Of the Canon of the Council of Sardica, by which Bishops wrongfully deposed might fly to julius Bishop of Rome. An. 337. 1 ABout the year 337, we have in the first book of the Counsels an Epistle of Marcus Bishop of Rome, successor unto Sylvester, written to Athanasius, and to the other Bishops of Egypt; wherein, notwithstanding what hath been already said, he taketh upon him the name and title of Universal Bishop. Surely we may well imagine, that this Epistle is of the same stamp with the rest. There he furnisheth his cause with all the arguments which he can devise: The Church of Rome hath always continued immaculate and undefiled, by the providence of God and assistance of Saint Peter, ever so to endure. And again, The Lord in the Gospel spoke unto the Prince of his Apostles, saying, I have prayed for thee that thy faith should not fail. Socrat. l. 2. c. 11. Edit. Lat. Sozom. l. 3. c. 7. 2 After which time, we find in Socrates and Sozomene, that julius, successor unto Marcus, took upon him by absolute authority to restore sundry Bishops of the Eastern Churches, deposed for divers causes by their Synods; Because, saith he, the care of all the Churches belonged to him, by reason of his See, therefore he wrote to the Bishops of the East, telling them that they had done very ill to determine and conclude any thing against those Bishops without his privity: Where it is to be noted, that these last words, without his privity, are added in the Latin translation, there being none such to be found in the original itself. And farther saith he, julius commanded them to send some of their companions to appear before him upon a day appointed, Epist. Marci in 1. tomo Concil. to give a reason, and to justify their proceed against them. And if this Epistle be all one with that which we find in the first to me of the Counsels, with this title, In the behalf of Athanasius, and concerning certain excesses against the Church of Rome; then would he farther persuade them therein, that the Fathers of the Nicene Council decreed, That no Bishop might be judged but by his See, no Synod called but by his authority: and thence proceedeth to sharp reproofs, and reproachful speeches, concluding at last, That whosoever shall attempt any thing against this doctrine, is irrevocably damned, and for ever deposed from his charge: And farther, That whosoever shall be deposed without his authority, he will maintain him in his place: and addeth this reason; For that ever since the times of the Apostles, and lately by the decree of the Nicene Council (as much the one as the other) all greater causes have ever been reserved to the hearing and final determining of his See. An. 347. 3 So likewise in the year 347, in the Council of Sardica, at the motion of Hosius, there was a decree which passed to this purpose, That Bishops deposed by their Metropolitans, if they found themselves aggrieved, might crave and have a new hearing of their cause before julius Bishop of Rome: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which his successors since that time, from a particular case, have extended to all sorts of causes, and from the person of julius to all succeeding Popes: and we now come to examine what Oppositions were made against these attempts. OPPOSITION. First therefore as touching the Epistle of Marc, Athanas. in Orat. unum esse Christum, col. 104. Athanasius himself might well have answered him, as he sometime spoke in a treatise of his: Thou art Peter, and upon this stone will I build my Church: This is a faithful saying, and varieth not: The Church is a thing invincible. And if perhaps Marc would have gone to restrain this answer to himself and to his See, Athanasius might have replied, that though indeed he defended him, yet his successor Liberius did openly condemn him, namely, when he wrote unto the Bishops of the East in this manner: Epist. Liberij ad Oriental. apud Hilar. in fragment. I cast off Athanasius from our Communion, not daining so much as to receive his letters: I maintain peace with you, embracing the confession of the Syrmian Council: which is all one in effect, as if he had in express words renounced the Council of Nice. Wherefore S. Hilary, who lived at that time, cried out, Ibid. This is an Arrian treachery: Anathema to thee O Liberius, and to all thy companions; Athanas. in epist. ad solitar. vitam agentes, col. 470. Hiero. in Catal. in Fortunatian. Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. li. 4. c. 9 Anathema again and again unto thee, thou false hearted double dealing Liberius. And this is that accursed and wretched testimony which Athanasius also and Jerome give of him. And Bellarmine himself acknowledgeth as much, by reason of certain letters which he wrote to Constantius the Emperor, and others; all which were found in the Pope's Library. Now therefore let us see what answer the Bishops of the East made to those letters of Pope julius: They took (saith Socrates) his reproofs in scorn, Socrat. lib. 2. c. 11. edit. lat. Greca, cap. 13. and calling a Synod at Antioch, by common advise and consent they returned his imputations back upon himself with all bitterness, telling him, That he was no more to control them, if they thought fit to deprive any man in their Churches, than they intermeddled, at what time Novatus was cast out of the Church at Rome. Sozomene addeth, Sozom. edit. lat. l. 3. c. 7. Graec. c. 8. That their answer was full of scoffs and threats: For (saith he) they attributed indeed very much to the Church of Rome, as the mother City, and school of piety and of religion (though so it were, that their first instructors in Christian religion came unto them out of the East) yet for all this disdained they to be reckoned their inferiors, as they who made it not their glory to excel in pomp and riches, but in virtue, piety, Socrat. l. 2. edit. lat. c. 13. Graec. c. 17. and Christian resolution etc. offering peace and communion unto julius, but still upon condition, that he should put out of his protection those Bishops of theirs which were fled unto him. This answer (saith Socrates) much offended julius: and it seemeth that it wrought upon him; for in his next letter he complaineth only, That they called him not to their Synod; whereas before he pretended, that they might not call a Council without his authority: he allegeth now, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That the Canon of the Church forbade to impose any Law upon the Churches without the advise of the Bishop of Rome; whereas before he pretended a right, absolutely to dispose of all: which was the thing which moved them to reply, that they would not be ordered nor concluded by him. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By which it appeareth, that that answer of julius to the Eastern Bishops, which we find in the Counsels, is merely counterfeit, seeing he is there made to speak worse than in the former, even to allege, That in the Council of Nice there is a Canon, which forbiddeth to call a Council, or to condemn any man, without the advice of the Bishop of Rome, though there be there no such word to be found; witness the Gloss upon that very Epistle, where he confesseth, that there is no such thing there said apertè, sed reducibilitèr, i. not in plain terms, but only by collection. And thus we see, how under colour of protecting Athanasius, the Pope made way to his own ambition. Neither is Baronius his cause any jot furthered and advanced all this while: He brought in Sylvester, who, good man as he was, never dreamt of any such gay clothes, attired like an Emperor, as we saw before; and now he telleth us, that his successor Marcus began first to give the Pall to other Bishops: Pallium. We read (saith he) in the life of Marcus, Baron. an. 336. art. 62. to. 3. that he ordained, that the Bishop of Ostia, whose office it was to consecrate the Bishop of Rome, should at the time of consecration use a Pall: whereupon (saith he) non inficias imus, we deny not that he gave him the Pall. Had Baronius believed it himself, he would no doubt have spoken it more roundly: But let that pass; this I ask, when he saith, That this is the first place where the Pall is mentioned, doth he not thereby acknowledge it to be a novelty? When he giveth it to the Bishop of Ostia at Rome gates, is it not an argument that he sent it not at that time to the Metropolitans and Archbishops of farther countries? Neither indeed is there any mention made of this weed in all this age, nor in many succeeding ages after; neither in the East, neither in the West, nor yet in Italy itself; and must we then stand unto a Legend, as to a sufficient proof? For whereas he would prove it out of Isidore Pelusiota, Baron. an. 216. vol. 2. art. 15. & 16. Isidor. Pelusio. l. 1. ep. 136. a scholar of Chrysostom's, it maketh clean against him: for it is there said, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Baronius interpreteth to be Pallium, was worn by every Bishop in time of celebration, and consequently no privilege of metropolitans, or prerogative of certain Bishops; much less a present to be received, or a commodity to be bought for ready money at the Bishop of Rome his warehouse: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. his words are these, The garment which the Bishop weareth upon his shoulders, made of wool and not of linen, signifieth unto us the skin of the lost sheep, which the Lord sought, and having found him, laid him upon his shoulders: For the Bishop, bearing a type and figure of Christ, must also perform his office: So far is he from deriving it from the High Priests of the jews, to appropriate it to the Pope, and to such as he for a favour is pleased to impart it. We have already showed what main opposition was made against the attempts of Pope julius, yet doth Baronius upon that attempt only, without effect, ground an absolute and sovereign power of the Bishops of Rome in general: He called (saith he) a Council at Rome, Baron. an. 340. art. 1. & sequ. requested thereunto by the Arrians themselves, who being cast out of the East, hoped to find relief and succour in the West: For answer we say, that this was no General, but a Nationall Council, such as every Metropolitan might, and the Bishops of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Constantinople often did call in their several diocese; such as did Athanasius himself in this very cause of Arrius: Athanas. Apologes. 2. But this we affirm, that no one of the general Counsels was ever called by other than the Emperor himself, though at the request of Bishops, so oft as cause required. An evident argument, that there was not at that time any one Bishop acknowledged as sovereign over all the rest; by occasion whereof they were forced to have recourse to a supreme secular power, whensoever there was cause, for Metropolitans, and Patriarches, for the Clergy of sundry Provinces, for the Bishops of the East and West Churches, to assemble and meet together for the ordering of matters in the Church: whence also it came to pass, that during the space of three hundred years, until the reign of Constantine, we never read of any General Council, and but of few Nationall; yet were there in all that time Bishops of Rome: neither during that eclipse of Christian Emperors in the reign of julian could any Council be assembled, how great soever the necessity of the Church at that time was; and yet the Bishops of Rome were at that time grown to some jollity, and began to look somewhat big upon the matter, and to affect a sovereignty over the Church of God: But be it julius assembled a Synod at Rome, at the request as well of Athanasius as of the Eusebians, his Antagonists: what then? Was it to judge of the difference between them by way of Appeal, or was it rather to compose matters between them as an indifferent friend? The very words of Athanasius are these: The Eusebians (saith he) writ unto julius, and thinking to affray us, request him to call a Synod, and himself to be judge if he would; where the Latin Interpreter rendereth it Arbitrator, and Baronius useth the same word. Now I would know whether men use to speak in this manner, of a sovereign judge: And indeed the Eusebians seeing Athanasius come to Rome, drew back, and made Athanasius wait there a whole year and a half, until in the end, upon their non appearance, julius examined the cause of Athanasius, and finding him innocent, received him to the Communion of the Church. Neither did julius himself in the carriage of this business use any of this absolute, or as they term it, of this coactive power; neither did his proceed any whit at all savour either of the pretended authority of a Pope, or of the lawful power of a general Council; his words are these: Though (saith he) I have written alone, yet is not this my opinion only, but of all the Italians, and Bishops hereabout. Whereby it appeareth, that this was no general Council, but only a Synod within Italy; and therefore hath Baronius no colour to conclude from hence, a Power in the Pope to call general Counsels. Moreover, in his letters to the Eastern Churches he pretendeth nothing but love unto them: He that wrote unto you out of love (saith he) should have been answered again in love. But a little after, when he attempted to restore the Bishops, whom they had deposed, they presently assembled in Synod at Antioch; where, being there present a far greater number of Orthodox Fathers, than of Arrians, as Baronius himself confesseth, by common voice and consent they reproved his insolency, scoffing at him, and bidding him to meddle with what he had to do. Here again Baronius, as his manner is, beginneth to juggle with us, Baron. to. 3. an. 341. art. 56. and to dazzle our eyes, by telling us, that this Epistle was written by the Eusebians; when as yet it appeareth to have been written and sent by the general consent of all; this being no point of faith and doctrine to distract them, but only of Church government. Socrates speaking of this Epistle, Socrat. l. 2. c. 11. They wrote (saith he) all by common consent. Now of ninety Bishops there assembled, there were not in all above thirty six Eusebians or Arrians, and they not willing to acknowledge that name neither. So likewise speaketh Sozomen of this Epistle; Sozom. l. 3. c. 7. the points whereof what they are, already hath been declared. But what saith julius to all this? doth he allege for himself, that either by virtue of his succession to S. Peter, or of the Nicene Council, they ought to appeal to Rome? no such matter; his words are only these, The Fathers of Nice ordained, and that not without the counsel of God, that the Acts of one Council should be examined in another: whereby there appeareth no greater power given to the Bishop of Rome over Alexandria, than to the Bishop of Alexandria over Rome. As for the grievance whereof he complaineth, it is only this, that contrary to the custom, they had not written first of all unto him, concerning the difference fallen out in Alexandria, to have his advice for the composing thereof, as being Bishop of the first See: as also, that many Synods had been held in the East, concerning points of faith and doctrine, without giving him notice thereof, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. contrary to the Rule and Canon of the Church; wherein is contained, that none might impose any law upon the Churches, without the advice of the Bishop of Rome: which was but reason, considering the place he held. But it followeth not therefore, either that he alone might make Canons, or that they, his advice once heard, might not otherwise determine, if they saw cause. As for those Epistles of julius, which we find inserted in the body of the Counsels, they speak in a higher strain: nothing there, but of Appeals to the See of Rome, and of reservations of all greater causes; all founded upon Scriptures, Traditions, and the Council of Nice; in all which no one word is to be found, tending to that purpose: But the very date of Felicianus and Maximianus Consuls, giveth them the lie, there being no such Consul's names, or any like unto them to be found in all that age, no not in Onuphrius himself; and, which is the greater wonder, Baronius himself, our grand Annalist, is ashamed of them. Now come we to examine that famous Council of Sardica; which as Baronius and his fellows think (and not without some colour and show of reason) much advanceth the cause of the Bishop of Rome: Baron. to. 3. an. 346. art. 5. To begin therefore, first I ask, who called it? That julius Bishop of Rome (saith Baronius) was the first Author thereof, appeareth partly by that which hath been already spoken, and partly by Sozomene, who seemeth plainly to insinuate as much. But what is this to the purpose? The question is, Who called it; and he for answer telleth us, That the Bishop of Rome was the first Author and adviser of it: whereas the one argueth an authority, the other only a care, which had been very little, if in that great combustion he would not have sought some means of pacification. But how doth Sozomene seem to insinuate as much? Sozom. l. 3. c. 10. his words are these: It seemed good in the minds of the Emperors, that the Bishops of either part should at a day appointed meet at Sardica, a City in Illyria, now called Triadizza. These are the words of solemnity, and absolute authority of the Emperors. And Socrates speaking of the same Council saith, Socrat. l. 2. c. 16. & Graec. edit. c. 20. That the one Emperor requested it by his letters, and the other readily accorded thereunto. Also the synodal Epistle of the Fathers there assembled, reported by Theodoret, speaketh in this manner: The Emperors, beloved of God, have assembled us out of divers provinces and countries, Theodoret. l. 2. c. 8. and have given us leave to hold this holy Synod in this City of Sardica. And Athanasius, a man of all others most interessed in this Council, Athanas. Apolog. 2. Balsamon in praefat. Synod. Sardicens'. By the command (saith he) of the most religious Emperors, Constans and Constantius etc. And Balsamon in his preface to this Council, By the commandment (saith he) of these two brothers, were assembled 341 Bishops at Sardica. And now tell me what are become of Baronius his guesses? Likewise Liberius himself, successor unto julius, sent Lucifer a Bishop, Hilary a Priest, and Pancras a Deacon, Epist. Liberij ad Constantium. to the Emperor Constans; who as we hope (saith he) shall easily obtain of thy clemency, that a Council may be called for the peace of the Churches Catholic: meaning whether there should happily be occasion to assemble the Bishops of the East and West, as in a General Council, or only of sundry provinces, as in that of Sardica: of which Council Athanasius speaking, saith, That there were there present from julius, Athanas. Apolog. 2. Archidamus and Philoxenus Priests: whom Baronius would feign put into scarlet, only to make Legates of them. And a marvel is it, that because Hosius is there a chief speaker, he maketh him not chief Legate also: Baron. to. 3. an. 347. art. 10. But having no author for that, After the Legates of julius (saith he) Hosius Bishop of Corduba, and Protogenes Bishop of Sardica, took the chief place in this Synod, as Sozomene reporteth. How many lies is poor Baronius feign to coin, only to colour one? For Athanasius, who was there present, and had good cause to know, reciteth their names which subscribed, in order following: Hosius of Spain, julius of Rome, by Archidamus and Philoxenus Priests, Protogenes of Sardica, etc. Neither is it probable, that he would not have named Hosius for a Legate, if he had been such; but it is clear, that this prerogative was given him for the worthiness of his person. As for Sozomene, whom he allegeth, he speaketh plain in this manner: Hosius and Protogenes, who were the chief and principal of those which met at Sardica, out of the West, etc. And therefore, that reservation of our Annalist, Post Legatos, i. after the Legates, where is it to be found? And farther, if those Priests had been received in this pretended quality, should Hosius have opened the Council, and proposed all matters as he did? And if Hosius did this, in what quality did he it, if not in his own private quality, and in regard of that great sufficiency which the world took notice to be in him? Which made Athanasius, and after him Theodoret to say, Where is that Synod, Theodor. l. 2. c. 15. ex Athanas. wherein Hosius hath not presided? and where is that Church which hath not the memorial of his presidency? Whence it is also that Theodoret himself calleth him, The great and venerable Sire, justly called Hosius, which is by interpretation Holy, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and excellent above all other men. Well (saith Baronius) yet this is evident, Baron. an. 341. art. 18. That if any found himself wrongfully condemned by the Bishops of his own Province, the party grieved might appeal to Rome. The words verily of the Canon are these: Hosius the Bishop said, Concil. Sardic. c. 3. & 4. If any Bishop be condemned in any cause, if the party condemned think he have just cause not to stand to the sentence, if it please you let us yield this honour to S. Peter: let the matter be signified by letter to julius Bishop of Rome, to the end that he, with other Bishops of his diocese, may enter again into the knowledge of the cause. And Balsamon upon this place affirmeth, That the like privilege was granted to the Bishop of Constantinople. But come we to the point: And first, it was Hosius which proposed it; and he proposed it as a new and extraordinary antidote against a poison, considering that the Bishops of the East were for the greatest part at that present infected with Arrianisme: and his purpose was, that if any found himself oppressed and aggrieved by the Arrians, he might by virtue of this Canon have recourse to Rome, and to the Bishops of Italy, who continued at that time sound in the Orthodox profession, restraining it to the person of julius, and would no doubt have done otherwise in the person of Liberius, successor unto julius, and a professed Arrian, notwithstanding that pretended chair of S. Peter. And secondly note these words, If it please you, let us honour the memory of S. Peter: For had this been an ancient right, should he not rather have said, Let us observe the commandment of the Lord, or the ancient order of the Church, or the Canon of the Nicene Council, whereby it is ordained, That men might appeal to Rome? In stead whereof he speaketh as of a new proposal, extraordinary and arbitrary, at their pleasures. Thirdly, is it reason, that a Canon of a Nationall Council should conclude and bind the Church in general? Or can Baronius reckon this for a General Council, without overthrowing all Histories, and inverting the whole order of the Counsels, as they are already placed? For if we number this for one, where then shall those of Constantinople, of Ephesus, and of Chalcedon stand? Or because Athanasius calleth it a Great Council, is it therefore a General one? Is not the first Council of Arles called a Great one, because there met in it the Bishops of sundry Provinces, which yet was never numbered among the General Counsels? And doth not the Decrete itself, D. 16. can. 10. & 11. authorized by the Popes, rank it with the Nationals? And to conclude, seeing that his reasons whereon he groundeth his assertion, namely, because it was called by the Bishop of Rome, and because his Legates were there present, are found to be false, what credit can the assertion itself deserve? Fourthly, this Canon so made upon the present occasion, was never practised, and was afterwards in express terms revoked: Neither can it be denied, but that at that instant, and shortly after, there were many Bishops deposed in the East Churches as well as before. But did ever any claim the benefit of this Canon? Or is it likely that they would have omitted such a mean of their restitution, if any such had been of force? And revoked it was, as I have said, in express terms, namely, in the Council of Constantinople, Can. 3. and in that of Chalcedon, Can. 28. both of them being Counsels General, as Baronius himself acknowledgeth, and both of them granting equal privileges to the two Churches of Constantinople and of Rome, in all respects, saving always to the Bishop of Rome his precedency: which could not have been, had the Eastern Churches been always tied to answer to appeals at Rome; and we shall see hereafter how the Churches of Africa would never be drawn to yield thereunto. Whence it appeareth, that that Canon was never meant but only in case of destitution or restitution of certain Bishops then being, who were by this Canon ordered to refer their differences to the Bishop of Rome, who was not tainted with Arrianisme, as some of the Eastern Bishops were. And this is the first place, in all Antiquity, where mention is made in proper terms of an Appeal: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which word yet is used only in the narrative part of the Canon, proposed by Hosius, not in the decision of the Fathers, in favour of julius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which only permitteth him to take knowledge of the cause anew: which in the fift Canon is qualified with this Particle, as: if (say they) the Bishop deposed, As appealing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. shall fly for refuge to the Bishop of Rome: and as the third Canon, so this in the decision concludeth only for a review of the former sentence: so little was this matter of formal Appeals meant or understood in this Council. And this fellow, which standeth so much upon his knowledge of Antiquity, and hath written so many volumes of it, should in all reason have produced some Canon of the Apostles, some Constitution of Clement, or of some precedent Council, or some example out of the History of the Church, and not have grounded himself wholly upon a certain Appeal made the facto by Martian, Valentinian, Fortunatus, or some such like heretic, and make that his only title to claim by; especially considering that the Council of Nice setteth down another order in express terms, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Nicen. can. 4. Concil. Antioch. can. 4. & sequ. namely this, that the power of ratifying (for so doth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there used, signify in good Greek) should belong to the Metropolitan in every Province: where there is no superior appointed over the Metropolitan, no not the Patriarch himself at that time; and yet was the question at that time properly concerning the ordination of Bishops. And the Council of Antioch, which was held but a little before that of Sardica, giveth to a Bishop deposed by his own Synod, no other remedy, but only a review in another Synod. And farther, all Antiquity forbiddeth every Bishop or Metropolitan to receive any Bishop or Priest deposed, without those solemn letters certificatorie, called Formatae, from his own Metropolitan or Bishop: which absolute and general Law were to little purpose if this Law of Appeals did stand in force. And hence came the use of those Formata, which were of so great weight and moment, and were never granted forth, but upon mature advise and long deliberation. Fifthly, here may we see how Baronius abuseth a certain place of Theodoret, Theodor. l. 5. c. 9 where he saith, That julius having received letters from Eusebius the Arrian of Nicomedia, who made him judge, following the Law or Ordinance of the Church, commanded him to come to Rome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and cited Athanasius to appear there also: that is (saith Baronius) a Canon of the Nicene Council, now lost, whereby it was enacted, that men might from all parts appeal to Rome: so small a piece of ground will serve their turn to found the tyranny of the Pope upon; for what likelihood thereof do they find in any History? Wherefore it is more probable to say, that seeing this was before that Canon of the Council of Sardica, it was meant rather of the common practice of the Church in those days, when one Bishop oppressed, was wont to fly for relief to some other of greater dignity, to clear himself before him; who thereupon used to call his adversary, and to hear the cause between them, according to that universal Bishopric, whereof, as saith S. Cyprian, every one did administer his portion by himself, yet so, as that no man neglected the whole Body, or any particular member thereof, the Church being a Body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sozom. l. 8. c. 13. i. which lived but by one and the selfsame breath. As appeareth in the example of Ammonius and Isidore, who finding themselves wronged by Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, fled to Chrysostome, who received them, and examined their cause; and finding them to have a right and Orthodox opinion concerning the Deity, wrote to Theophilus, to receive them to Communion; if not, and that he would yet draw the cause to a farther hearing, that then he should send some one or other to make himself a party in it. The like was in Athanasius, flying to Pope julius. And yet did not Chrysostome hereupon ground any pretence, either over Theophilus in person, or over the diocese of Alexandria. The like was also in Liberius, whom, the Churches of the East assembled in the Syrmian Council, recommended to Pope Felix, and to the Clergy of Rome, requiring them to admit him as Colleague in that See: which also they obtained. And thus you see what that pretended Appeal was, Baron. an. 349. art. 6. unless yet perhaps some man may think that foolery of Baronius worth the answering, where he saith, that Athanasius calleth the Church of Rome, The Church, Athanas. Apolog. 2. idem ad solitarios. by excellency, without addition: The words of Athanasius are these, The Emperor (saith he) sent me letters; having received them, I went up to Rome, with purpose to visit the Bishop and Church there. Who seethe not that this word Rome was omitted in this last place, only to avoid an unnecessary repetition of what was necessarily implied? Now if we would urge a saying of the same Father, where he calleth Milan the Metropolis of all Italy, what rejoinder would he make? Nay, we may say farther, that this Council had been ill advised to draw all to one man's authority, seeing that Hosius, the proposer of this Canon, a while after fell away from the true and Orthodox doctrine, and that Liberius, next successor to julius, fell unto Arrianisme, excommunicating Athanasius, and being therefore himself, without regard to his pretended supremacy, excommunicated by our S. Hilary. Baron. an. 347. art. 25. & an. 352. art. 14. to. 3. Baronius seeing the consequence which this History draweth with it, would feign make it traversable, and sometimes flatly denieth it to be true; and which is more, enroleth him in the Catalogue of Saints, as he did afterwards the good Hildebrand, called Gregory the seventh. But leave we him to debate this question with Athanasius and Hilary, with Liberius himself (whose Epistles Nicholas Faber his trusty friend lately published, with the fragments of Hilary) with Bellarmine, who, as hath been already showed, so clearly condemneth him; and lastly with himself, for as much as he useth these fragments of Hilary so far forth as they serve his own turn: for from thence taketh he a Synodical Epistle, Baron. an. 357. art. 26. written to julius from the Council of Sardica, and therefore ought in reason to admit also of that Epistle of Liberius, found in the same volume: but we need no argument in a thing which himself affirmeth so plainly as he doth: Baron. vol. 4. an. 365. art. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, & sequent. By all these things, saith he, taken partly out of histories, partly out of the writing of the Fathers, partly out of his own letters, it is impossible to free Liberius from that imputation of communicating with Arrius, and of ratifying the sentence by them given against Athanasius: And if, saith he, there were no other proof, his own letters are sufficient to put it out of question: But shall we therefore call him heretic? minimè gentium. And why not, good sir, since many a man hath been so called upon far less occasion? unless a Pope holding opinion with Arrius, by virtue of his Popedom, be neither Arrian nor heretic. An. 362. Now Athanasius, in the year 362, held a very famous Council in Alexandria, whither he invited the Bishops out of all parts, to help re-establish the true doctrine of the Church. Our Annalist would needs persuade us that he did it by order from Liberius; and that Liberius confirmed the acts of this Council: Which, Baron. to. 4. an. 362. art. 208. saith he, he plainly expresseth in his Epistle to Ruffinian. But let who will read this Epistle, and then say, whether there be in it any one word tending to that purpose: Nazianz. in Athanas. At least Gregory Nazianzene understood it otherwise, when as alluding to this Synod assembled by Athanasius, he speaketh in this manner: He prescribed laws to all the world, and drew every man's eyes upon himself. And upon that question, Whether and how far forth such as had fallen were to be restored, he saith, That the same courses were taken in all the Synods which had been assembled: In the presence, saith he, of the Bishops of all foreign Provinces, as also of Greece, and of Spain: but of Italy or Rome no one word spoken. Likewise in the year 364, Sozom. lib. 5. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. there was another Synod held in Lampsacus, where the Orthodox of Bythinia and Hellespont, saith Sozomene, sent Hypatianus Bishop of Heraclea, to Valentinian the Emperor, to entreat leave to assemble themselves in council. The Emperor wearied with so many Counsels called in the time of his predecessor Constans, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to so little good purpose, made answer, That it was not lawful for him, being a lay man, to meddle with the matters of the Church. Whence Baronius concludeth, That he thereby resigned all authority he had or could pretend in Church causes. But the Emperor addeth farther, Let the Churchmen assemble themselves where they will: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which words they took for leave, and thereupon assembled themselves. And in the end that fell out which the Emperor foresaw, which was, that being overborne by the adverse faction, they could not hold themselves to the Nicene Creed. Here again Baronius taketh advantage, because they sent three Legates to Liberius Bishop of Rome, with a synodal Epistle. True, but these Legates coming to him, salute him only by the name of Colleague and brother; and to begin withal, tell him, That they had brought letters to his Benignity, and to all the other Bishops of Italy, and of all the regions of the West: Who consequently were associated with him in the same letter. And what, I pray you, hath Baronius now gotten? Last of all, and for an upshot, let us not forget a good saying of Baronius, who, Optat. lib. 3. contra Parmen. to show the pride of Donatus, allegeth a saying of Optatus: Seeing, saith he, that there is none above the Emperor but God which made him, he therein passed the state of men, esteeming himself now no longer a man, but a God. Which was only for that he refused to accept the alms and offerings of the Emperor, with whom he held not communion. Let Baronius lay his hand upon his heart, and tell me truly what Optatus would have said of our Pope of Rome now adays, seeing that he so much lifteth himself up above the Emperor, both in his decrees and in his actions, but only this, That of a truth he is that man of sin foretold unto us, which lifteth himself up above God, and causeth himself to be adored in the Temple of God. 6. PROGRESSION. What ambition was used in aspiring to the Popedom, and what was the cause thereof. IN the year 366, in the election of Damasus, successor to Liberius, An. 366. appeared plainly with what ambition and violence men aspired to the See of Rome. The book of the Pope's saith, That Damasus got it, by having the stronger faction. And Ruffin (who lived at that time) saith, That about the choice arose so great a tumult, Liber Pontificalis quia fortior & plurima multitudo erat. Ruffin. l. 1. c. 10. Marcellin. l. 27 or rather an open war, whiles some maintained Damasus, and others Vrsicin, that the houses of prayer, that is, the churches, floated with man's blood. But Ammianus Marcellinus telleth us both the history itself, and also the cause thereof: Damasus, saith he, and Vrsicin enraged with a desire of that Episcopal See, drew the people into factions, who thereupon grew first to blows, and afterward to murders: So that Viventius finding himself too weak either to repress, or to appease them, withdrew himself out of the city: in which conflict Damasus had the upper hand; and it is certain, that in the Church of Sicininus, where the Christians used to meet at service, there were left in one day 137 dead bodies; and a hard matter it was, for a long time after, to assuage this enraged populace. And thence it was that Ruffian called it an open war. And Marcellinus adding the cause; For my own part, saith he, I do not wonder, considering the bravery of that city, if men ambitious of that place set up their rest for the purchasing thereof: for having once aspired thereunto, they are sure to be enriched with the offerings of gentlewomen and ladies, and to be carried in their coaches sumptuously attired, and so magnificent in their feasts, as passeth any king's table: Whereas they might indeed be truly happy, if not regarding the greatness of the city, they would order their lives after the manner of other meaner Bishops, who approve themselves to the immortal God, and to his true worshippers, by purity of life, by modesty of behaviour, by temperance in meat and drink, poor apparel, and lowly eyes. Whence the reader may perceive and judge, wherein consisted the difference between the Pope and other Bishops in those days: yet Baronius glorieth in this pomp and pride of the Popes, and taketh great pleasure in these feasts, as one delighting to hold his nose over the pot. Baron. to. 4. an. 367. art. 8. & 9 Rex Sacrificulus. Marcellinus, saith he, was a Heathen, and therefore envied to see our Sovereign pontiff to surpass their High Priest, in pomp and glory. But he should have remembered, That this is a question, not yet decided among the learned, Whether he were a Pagan or a Christian; and by his words it should seem that he was a Christian, Hieron. Epist. 61 The modester sort of Bishops, saith he, approve themselves to the immortal God, and his true worshippers, etc. What now saith Baronius to all this? Hierosme, saith he, in a certain Epistle of his, telleth us of one Protextatus, than Consul designed, who was wont to say unto Damasus, Make thou me Bishop of Rome, and I will quickly make myself a Christian: And that in Tertullians' time also the Pagans were wont causelessly to blame the prodigality of the Christians. You accuse, saith Tertullian, Tertul. Apoleget. 39 our poor suppers, of prodigality, as if that saying of Diogenes might well fit us, The Megarenses feast to day as if they should die to morrow. And what of all this? for were those Caenulae, those little banquets which Tertullian speaketh of, and these profuse feasts mentioned in Marcellinus, all one? And for whom were those suppers which Tertullian speaketh of provided? for even poor and indigent people, not for Consuls and Governors, as Baronius reporteth. And is not this falsely to allege Authors? But let us see what Hierosme himself saith concerning these times. OPPOSITION. Hieron. ad Marcell. viduam. Hierosme maketh Paula and Eustochium to write unto Marcelia in these words: Read, say they, the Apocalyps of Saint john, and mark what is there said of the woman clothed in scarlet, of blasphemies written in her forehead, of the seven mountains, etc. There no doubt is the holy Church, there are the trophies of the Apostles and Martyrs, there is the confession of jesus Christ: But there is also, saith he, ambition and tyranny, which keep men back from doing good. And in another place, Luxury of the belly and of the throat, seek to overthrow the power of the Cross. And to the end that no man may say that he spoke this of the City, not of the Church of Rome, in his Preface to that book of Dydimus, of the Holy Ghost, he expoundeth himself: When I lived, saith he, in Babylon an inhabitant of that purple Whore, living after the laws and customs of the citizens of Rome, I had a determination to write somewhat of the Holy Ghost, and to dedicate the treatise to the Bishop of that Diocese: And behold, that seething pot which jeremy saw looking out of the North after the rod of the Almond tree, began to boil, and the Senate of the pharisees to cry out together; neither was there so mean ascribe of that whole faction of ignorance, who did not eagrely conspire against me. As soon therefore as I was returned to jerusalem as out of banishment, and after that cottage of Romulus and those lupercal sports, saw again that Inn of Marie, and the cave of our Lord and Saviour, etc. In these words therefore what doth he call Babel, but the Clergy itself of Rome? That Senate grown already pharasaical, and a very faction and league of ignorance. And now tell me whether he goeth not farther in this testimony than Marcellinus doth? As for the pre-eminence of Bishops, according to the greatness of the cities: If there be question, saith he to Euagrius, Orbis maior est urbe. Hieron. in Epist. ad evagr. of authority, the world is greater than the city (so called they Rome) why dost thou then enthrall the whole Church to a few men? And whence cometh this presumption? For wheresoever there is a Bishop, whether at Rome, or at Eugubium, whether at Constantinople, or at Rhegium (mark how he confoundeth the greater cities with the lesser) he is of the same dignity and Priesthood. Riches and poverty make not one less or greater than another: for they are all successors of the Apostles. And so are these words inserted into the decree. And speaking in another place of Bishops in general, Hieron. in Epist. ad Heliodo. to. 1 It is no easy matter, saith he, to stand in the place of Paul, and to maintain the dignity of Peter; that is, to be a Bishop: reckoning all Bishops to be successors of Paul and Peter: Basil. Epist. 55. speaking in the same sense in which Saint Basil spoke, when he said, That Ambrose was called to the Apostolical government, when he was made Bishop of Milan. And do you think that this holy Father Basil can pass over with silence the pride of Rome? or if he happily let fly some words, shall we therefore condemn him as a Pagan? So it was, that in those lamentable combustions of the East, he thought to have found some comfort in the West; but he quickly found himself in an error: For if the anger of God, saith he, continue still upon us, what comfort will the pride of the West afford us? who neither do know, neither yet will have the patience to be rightly informed of the truth of things, as lately appeared in the case of Marcellus; being ever prepossessed with vain surmises and idle jealousies. For my own part, I was once minded to have written a private letter to their Captain (meaning Damasus) not concerning any Church affairs, Coryphaeo. Basil. Epist. 10. but only to let him understand, That they neither rightly understood the state of our cause, nor took the course to be duly informed of it. In brief, That they ought not to bruise a broken reed, nor oppress those who were already humbled by affliction: nor yet reckon their pomp for honour, seeing that, that very sin is enough alone to set a man at enmity with God. And this he wrote to that great parsonage Eusebius Samosatenus, who carried on with an incredible zeal, ran from country to country, seeking to repair the decays and ruins of the Church; whilst Athanasius and Basil traveled in the East, opposing themselves against the Arrians, and praying in aid from the Churches of the West, and from Damasus himself, who, hand in bosom, lightly regarded them, conceiting out of harebrained humour which proceeded from his pride, that Basil himself was an heretic, and therefore would not, forsooth, vouchsafe him an answer. Whereupon Basil and his fellows sent letters to the Bishops of the West, by name, to those of Italy and France: It being impossible, say they, Basil. Epist. 70. that they should be ignorant of our miserable estate, so well known throughout the world: and yet they received no comfort from them. And farther they requested them (not Damasus) to join with them, for the procuring of a lawful and free Synod. After this they redoubled their letters, Idem Epist. 78. conjuring them to inform the Emperor of these troubles in the East: from whom, and not from Damasus, they hoped for redress. And by a third dispatch sent by Dorotheus a Priest, Basil reproacheth them for their want of charity, in not daining to visit and to comfort them in their afflictions; offering, if any imputation lay upon him, to clear himself, when and wheresoever they should appoint him. At last in a fourth letter he breaketh forth into these terms: We have, saith he, venerable brethren, set our eyes upon you, Basil. Epist. in Addition. Ep. 1. but our hope hath proved vain: so that we may now sing, I have looked for one that would sorrow with me, but no man came unto me; for one to comfort me, but I found none: for our afflictions are such, as that they which dwell even in the utmost borders of the West should in duty ere this have come to visit us: And yet thirteen years long do we continue in this war. So dead a sleep was Damasus laid in, being drowned in that wealth and luxury whereof we speak. Yet Baronius would persuade us, That these Epistles were all written jointly to Damasus and the other Bishops; but the inscriptions are too clear against him: To the Italian and French, to the Western men, and to the Bishops beyond the sea: and the style itself showeth the contrary. And Marcelline telleth us, That the Bishop of Rome was rich with the oblations and offerings of Gentlewomen and Ladies. And Saint Hierosme taxeth the Clergy of Rome in worse terms than he: The Clerks, Hierom. ad Eustoch. Epist. 22. Ad Nepotian. 2. saith he, who in duty should serve for an ensample, and he an awe unto them, kiss the Lady's heads, and reaching out their hands as if they would bless, receive the reward of their salutation. And the women finding that the Priests expect maintenance from them, wax proud thereupon: and having once tried what it is to be subject to a husband, choose rather to continue in free widowhood: and others there are who spend their whole lives in learning the names, the houses, and qualities of these Ladies: and thereupon nameth some of them, as Anthimus and Sophronius, and some others; and describeth the tricks which they used to draw oblations and offerings from the Ladies which came unto them. And in another place he reproveth them in this manner: jerem. 12. In this spiritual warfare of Christ, saith he, seek not the riches of the world, neither crave to possess more now than when thou first camest into the Clergy; that it may not be said unto thee, Cleri eorum non proderuntijs: For there are Monks richer now than they were when they lived in the world, and Clerks which possess more under poor Christ, than erst they did under the rich devil: so that the Church now sigheth to see them rich whom the world before saw poor and beggarly. And it plainly appeareth to what a loossenesse and lewdness about women their wealth had carried them, by those reproofs which he giveth them in this Epistle, Hieron. ad Nepotian. 2. as also in that other which he wrote unto Nepotian, wherein he showeth by what infamous services they lay at catch for legacies, and inheritances, from oldfolkes, both men and women; which I had rather the reader should look in Hierosme, Idem ad Helio. Epist. 2. Baron. vol. 4. an. 385. art. 8. Paulin. Ep. 2. because I am ashamed to repeat them. And Baronius denieth not, that for his free speaking and writing, the Clergy of Rome took him for their enemy: insomuch that he was thereby forced to return unto jerusalem; and Paulinus Bishop of Nola was for the same cause served with the same sauce; as appeareth by his first Epistle, where he showeth, That he could by no other means be safe and free from the contagions of that city, but by getting himself away far off from it. Neither doth he spare the Bishop of Rome himself: Thou knowest, saith he, what loss we suffer of the grace of God, by the proud discretion and wisdom of the Bishop of that city, meaning Syricius, successor unto Damasus. And this contagion spread itself so far, that the Christian Emperors, Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian, were feign to take order by express law against it: which law was directed and sent to Damasus; L. 20. de Episc. & Cler. in Cod. Theodos. and therein were all Clergy men, and such as made profession of chastity and continency, prohibited, once to set foot within widows doors, or orphans, or to receive any gift by testament or other devise whatsoever, of any woman, with whom, under pretence and colour of religion, they had acquaintance or familiarity; confiscating whatsoever had been so given, or should from thence forward be so devised, granted, and made over to them. This ordinance, saith the text, published and read in the Church of Rome. And this is that which Saint Hierosme saith in one of his Epistles before alleged: I am ashamed, saith he, to speak it: But the Priests of Idols, common Stage Players, Carremen, and Whores, are capable of legacies and of inheritances, only Clergy men and Monks are forbidden to receive legacies, or to inherit, and that not by persecuting tyrants, but by Christian Princes: neither do I complain of the law, but grieve to see that we should deserve it. This cautere is good, but why would we be so wounded as to stand in need thereof? The disposition of the law is wise and provident, and yet is not our avarice restrained: We may not any longer admit of legacies in our own persons, therefore we take a course to cirumvent the law, by procuring legacies and inheritances to be made over in trust to others, to our uses: And as if the laws of the Emperor were greater than the laws of Christ, we fear them, and neglect the precepts of the Gospel. And much after this manner speaketh also Saint Ambrose in his thirteenth Epistle. Baron. vol. 4. an. 370. art. 123. But Baronius would here persuade us, That the Emperors made this law at the motion of Damasus himself: as also, that Constantine long before that time passed another Edict at the instance of Pope Sylvester, and of the Bishops; by which he inhibited the gentry of the Empire to make themselves of the Clergy; because that by reason of the large privileges and immunities belonging to that Order, the richer sort put themselves into the ministry, and so left the Commonwealth unserved: And this he saith to no other end, but that Princes and States in these days should not offer, by their examples, out of their own regal authority, to order and reform the Churches. But the truth is, that those Emperors ordered and limited the jurisdiction of the Clergy (which even in those days began to encroach upon the temporal Courts) by an express law and ordinance directed unto them: L. 23. de Episc. & Cler. in Cod. Theodos. If there happen, say they, any small contentions or offences to arise, touching questions of religion, let them be heard in the place where they arise, and by the Synods of the Diccesse. Where note, that they say, small offences, and, about religion: excepting always all sorts of crimes which belong to the audience of the judges, ordinary or extraordinary, or governors of the place. Add we hereunto, That about the year 390, under Syricius Bishop of Rome, this disorder of the Clergy still continued; and that the Emperors, Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius, renewed this law in more strict terms than before; ordaining, That no widow might give to any Church or Churchman, Lib. 27. de Episc. & Cler. in Cod. Theodos. under what title or colour soever, either movables or immovables, in prejudice of children, or of other lawful heirs, no not to make so much as either Church or Churchman, or the poor, his heir and successor, by last Will and Testament: Which Law Ambrose caused shortly after to be somewhat mitigated. Such a do they had even in those days to entrench and fortify themselves against their greedy avarice. 7. PROGRESSION. Of the usurpations of Pope Damasus upon several Churches. DAmasus, if we will stand to the Epistles which go under his name, though a man commended for some good parts and qualities which were in him, yet treading the path of his predecessors, sought to establish a Primacy in his own person, especially in that Epistle which he wrote to Stephanus Archbishop of Mauritania: wherein he pretendeth, that all the greater sort of causes ought to be referred unto his hearing, and that they could not be decided but by his authority; as also, that the provision of Bishops belonged to him. And Isidorus Mercator would yet farther persuade us, that Aurelius Bishop of Carthage sent to entreat of him the decrees of the Roman Church, to govern his own thereby. Baron. vol. 4. an. 314. art. 10. But Baronius himself blusheth at this, for that in all the time of Damasus this Aurelius was only a simple Deacon. OPPOSITION. But the practice of the Church was clear against the usurpation of Damasus, seeing that all the greater offices and dignities of the Church have in all times and places been bestowed by those which were of the same place, without ask the Pope's advise or leave therein. And seeing that the Fathers assembled at Constantinople, openly declared unto him, Theodor. l. 5. c. 9 That there was an ancient law and decision of the Nicene Council, that the Bishops of every Province, with those which dwelled near unto them, should ordain their own ministers: That by virtue of this decision Nectarius was ordained at Constantinople, Flavianus at Antioch, and Cyril at jerusalem, which they there term the mother of all other Churches: Requesting him to rejoice for company, as for a thing rightly and canonically done: And that he would not suffer any human affection to carry him beyond the bounds of reason. Neither do they address their letters to him alone, but also to Ambrose, to Britto, to Valerian, to Acholius, and others, assembled in the Synod of Rome. And seeing also that Ambrose himself was elected Bishop of Milan by the suffrages of the people, and that the Emperor Valentinian, immediately upon the news received, Ruffin. l. 2. c. 11. gave order for his installation without sending to Rome. And which is more, about the year 381, Damasus then sitting Pope, An. 381. Socrat. lib. 4. c. 24. & 25. this second general Council of Constantinople was held, and two years after was received and acknowledged by the Synod of Rome: which Council Theodosius the elder called, and Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople ordered, Onuphr. in Fast. without any Legate from the Bishop of Rome: and there also these Fathers trod the path of the Nicene Council, dividing the Provinces, for the avoidance of confusion, in such sort, That the Bishops of one Diocese should not offer to go, unrequested, into the Diocese of another, there to give orders unto any: which yet, saith Socrates, was in former times tolerated in the Church because of persecutions: Concil. Constant. can. 5. & 7. can. Graec. 3. And that if in any Province a matter of difference happened to arise, it should be decided by the Synod of the same Province. As for the Bishop of Constantinople, it was ordained, that he should have his prerogative of Precedency next to the Bishop of Rome: all which to stand for good, if the Emperor were so pleased, without any reference at all unto the Pope. And both Socrates and Sozomen give the reason of this equallising of them, Socrat. Histor. Eccles. l. 5. c. 8. Sozom. l. 7. c. 9 because that Constantinople had not only the name of Rome, with like Senate, and other magistrates, but bore also the same Arms, and held all other Rights and Honours which belonged to old Rome: which reason is apparently grounded upon a civil respect and policy, not upon any precept of the Gospel. Bellarm. in Recognit. p. 46. Yet must Bellarmine needs tell us, that these Father's writing to Damasus, acknowledged that they were assembled by his appointment, intimated to them by the Emperor: and he citeth to this purpose Theodoret, lib. 5. cap. 9 where the words themselves make clean against him, showing, That they had been formerly invited to come to Rome by the Emperor, and were after that called to Constantinople by letters which the Synod of Rome, after that of Aquileia, sent to Theodosius; not that Damasus gave forth any summons for their assembling. And Bellarmine himself in his Recognitions acknowledgeth, That this Epistle was never written by the Fathers of Constantinople; and so it maketh not to the question now in hand. But yet he addeth farther, Bellarm. de Roman. Pontif. l. 2. c. 13. That they acknowledged the Pope for their Head, and themselves as members of that Head. Here again is a bundle of manifest untruths: for first the letter was not directed to Damasus, neither yet to the Church of Rome, but to the Synod of the Bishops of the West, assembled that time at Rome, to whom they use indeed these words following, You have invited us thither, as members of your Body, showing thereby your brotherly affection: whereby they acknowledge not any Head, but only declare, that all Christian Congregations are each others members; and therefore having signified unto them, That according to the ancient Canons, especially that of the Nicene Council, they had provided their own Churches, they conclude in manner following: Wherefore we thus agreeing, and being established in one faith, and mutual love, will now no longer use that saying, condemned by the Apostle; I am of Paul, I am of Apollo, and I am of Peter: but knowing that we are all of Christ, who is not divided in us, will by the grace of God keep that Body of the Church unrent, and so appear with confidence before the judgement seat of Christ: not to say, that it is found written in some copies at the foot of this Epistle, Reverend sons, we pray God to preserve you. In these days who durst speak so unto the Pope? In the mean time Pope Leo the Great, Leo. ep. 55. Theodor. l. 5. c. 10. a strong maintainer of this Primacy, quarreleth the authority of this Council, making the world to believe, that he would hold himself wholly to the Council of Nice; which, as we have already proved, maketh as little for his purpose as the other. But he cannot deny, that his predecessor Damasus rested satisfied therewith, and wrote back unto the Fathers in that Council his kind and loving letters, without ever calling the authority thereof into question; though yet to retain a respect and reverence to his own person, or happily to cry quittance with them, he also calleth them in his letter, His much honoured sons: and telleth them in the very beginning of his letters, that indeed they had yielded all due reverence to the See Apostolic. Onuphr. in Fast. an. 382. And lastly Onuphrius observeth, That two years after he approved it in open Synod at Rome, as an Oicumenicall or General Council, though neither the Pope in person, nor any for or from him, assisted at it; whereas that other at Rome, where Damasus himself presided, is scarcely accounted in the number of provincial Synods. And now let the reader judge where this pretended Primacy of the Popes was in those days. But now let us see what news with Baronius: First he saith, That this Council of Constantinople was called jointly by Theodosius and Damasus Bishops of Rome; and who (saith he) can doubt hereof? May it please him, Baron. vol. 4. an. 381. art. 20. it should seem that Socrates and Sozomene doubted of it, when they tell us, Socrat. l. 5. c. 10. Sozom. l. 7. c. 7. That the Emperor without delay laboured as much as in him was to assemble a Council of all sorts. So also, as it seemeth, did the Fathers themselves of that Council, who in their synodal Epistle say in this manner: We, here assembled by his commandment, Epist. Synod. in to. 1. Concil. etc. meaning the Emperor. And in that other Epistle of theirs, which they wrote the Summer following to Damasus, Britto, Ambrose, and other Bishops of the West, where they show, that they of the East were not called to the Synod of Rome itself (which was at the same time ready to meet) by letters from Damasus, Theodor. l. 5. c. 8. & 9 Socrat. l. 5. c. 10. Sozom l. 7. c. 12. but from the Emperor. So likewise do all the Church Histories, which tell us, that the Emperor having heard the resolution of the Orthodox Fathers in the Synod of Rome, much desired to assemble another of all sects, hoping by that means to make them fall to some agreement; not borrowing any authority from Rome. And to conclude, the practice of all ancient times seemeth to doubt hereof, seeing that in that very year a Council was called at Aquileia by the Emperor Gratian, Concil. Aquil. in ep. ad Gratian. Valent. & Theodos. in 1. Vol. Concil. Theodor. l. 5. c. 9 Sozom. l. 7. c. 9 where Ambrose himself was present, and the deputies of the Churches of France and Africa, as he affirmeth; and seeing also that Damasus himself became an humble suitor to the emperors Theodosius and Gratian, to grant a warrant for the calling of a Council the year following at Rome, being much offended that Flavianus had succeeded Paulinus in the Church of Antioch: for how could he grant leave to others, who asked for himself? And of this very Council it is, that S. Hierosme speaketh in his Epistle to Eustochium, When the imperial letters (saith he) had assembled at Rome the Bishops of the East and West, Hieron. ad Eustoch. ep. 27. she then saw very admirable personages, Bishops of Christ, Paulinus Bishop of Antioch, and Epiphanius Bishop of Salamis. And now let Baronius tell me whether a man may not have reason to doubt thereof. Well, saith Baronius, yet the best is, To. 1. Concil. that Damasus did at least confirm this Council. And we must see whether he did or no, and how he confirmed it, whether to authorize it, or else to submit himself unto it. For the first, we have a synodal Epistle directed to Theodosius, with the Acts of that Synod annexed thereunto; wherein as called together by his command, they jointly yielded him an account of what they had there enacted, requesting him by his seal and sentence to confirm and ratify their decrees. Baronius telleth us, Baron. to. 4. an. 381. art. 38. that this they did only in policy, to engage Theodosius in the maintenance of their profession: And what need, seeing the world taketh notice, that he was as zealous for religion, as was the best of them? And for Damasus, that he approved indeed this Council, but that he did it likewise for a purpose, which was to make the Greek Church sure against the heresy of Macedonius: and I would feign know where it is that he findeth it. All a matter, saith Baronius, but so it is, that he did confirm it: for Photius hath it in his book of seven Synods. Surely this man did well and wisely, not to quote the place, for fear his juggling should be discovered: The words of Photius are these: And a little after (saith he) they understood, that Damasus also, Bishop of Rome had confirmed them, as being of the same opinion with them, meaning with the Fathers of Constantinople. And doth this prove that they required his authority to confirm their Acts? or rather that he confirmed them only by yielding assent, and submitting himself unto them? And yet such is his madness as to say, that he confirmed it fraudulently and for a purpose only not to avow the Canon, there made, for the place and dignity of the Bishop and Church of Constantinople, making his dreams and idle fancies to stand in balance against the solidity and weight of all Histories by us alleged; and going to persuade us, that by virtue of a Council shortly after assembled at Rome, Paulinus borne out by Damasus was restored to his See, and Flavian, who was there placed by the Council of Constantinople, dispossessed, and all this without either argument or Author, other than his own fantastical assertion. Thirdly, Baronius very stiffly maintaineth, Baron. to. 4. an. 382. art. 18. that notwithstanding this Canon of the Council of Constantinople, yet still causes of weight and importance were reserved to the See of Rome, such as were Heresy and Schism, deposing of Bishops, and the like, and that these causes were brought to him by way of Appeal. And surely for heresy and schism we cannot deny, that scarcely ever was there any heretic or schismatic condemned by his own Church, which presently had not recourse to Rome, and that many of them have been fostered and supported there: That the Popes themselves, through an usual & native greediness of drawing moulture to their mill, and causes to their Consistory, were oftentimes deceived herein. But this we deny, that these causes went to him by Appeal, which is always made from the sentence of an inferior judge to the final decree of a superior: and that not so much as the name of an Appeal, much less the thing itself is to be found either in the History, or in the Practice of the Church, no not in this age, which we now speak of, though this pretended Monarchy at this time advanced herself the most she could. Bellarmine yet deriveth it from very far, and from the time of Martion the heretic, who being excommunicated in Pontus, came to Rome. But this I ask, whether Ireneus or Tertullian doth affirm, that he came by way of Appeal? or doth not Epiphanius say, that they sent him back again with these terms, Epiph. count Martion. here. 42. We may not receive thee without the permission of thy venerable Father, meaning the Bishop: There is but one faith and consent of all; we may not oppose against thy Father, our Colleague and fellow Minister. Bellarmine yet instanceth again in the case of Felix and Fortunatus, a couple of schismatics of Africa, who would have had their cause new hammered before Cornelius Bishop of Rome: But we have already declared what was the opinion of S. Cyprian thereupon, Cyprian. edit. Pamel. epist. 55. & 68 protesting, that if such courses taken may be allowed, all discipline would come to nought. And Stephen, who succeeded Cornelius, when he attempted to undertake the patronage of Basilides and Martialis, Basil. in Epist. ad Occident. whom the Churches of Spain had deposed from their Chairs, prevailed as little as his predecessor had done before him. As for Liberius, his bad hap was to take upon him the protection of that hypocrite Eustathius, Bishop of Sebasta, Nazian. in ep. ad Caledon. and Damasus of Vitalis, a Bishop of the East, whom afterwards upon better advise he excommunicated: neither doth Baronius deny, but that Syricius himself, Baron. to. 5. an. 397. art. 17. & sequ. an. 399. had he not been forewarned by Marcelia, had been, as almost he was, overtaken by the Origenists; so easy a matter was it by fair words and low crouchings to come over these men, blinded with ambition and with desire of sovereign authority. But to come to this age and matter now in hand, we read, that Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria assembled a Synod, and therein absolutely condemned the Origenists, wherein he never expected either authority or advice from Rome: nay Rome herself was content to follow his example, namely Anastasius the year following, Hieron. ep. 78. ad Pammach. & Marcell. witness S. Hierosme, who writing of this subject saith, Him whom Demetrius chased out of Alexandria, Theophilus vanquished over all the world etc. He boldly proclaimed Origen for an heretic: Let the Chair of S. Peter by her preaching confirm what the Chair of Marc the Evangelist hath taught: adding afterwards, That indeed Anastasius had now condemned in the West what formerly had been condemned in the East: not that Theophilus had need of confirmation from him, for his sentence was absolute, and carried execution with it: But as Hierosme saith, They both did it with the same zeal, as led by the same spirit, because they had both drunk out of the same fountain of the Scriptures. But there arose at this time a certain difference between Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople, and this Theophilus of Alexandria, whereof they would suck no small advantage; the case was this: Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople being dead, question arose about the choice of a successor: The Bishops of the province assembled in Synod, by common consent of Clergy and People, elected Chrysostome, Socrat. l. 6. c. 2. Sozom. l. 8. c. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and called him from Antioch to be their Bishop. Here Baronius groundeth his argument: for (saith he) it is evident, that Theophilus opposed himself against his election, and would have brought in one Isidorus, a Priest of his diocese: if therefore (saith he) that Canon of the Council of Constantinople had been of force, Baron. to. 5. an. 397. art. 63. which equalleth Constantinople with Rome, how could Theophilus have meddled in this election; and thence concludeth, that it is a forged Canon, in despite of all Histories whatsoever. But let this Annalist read the History once more: To give the greater credit and lustre to this election (saith Socrates) there were also many other Bishops there assembled by order from the Emperor, and among the rest Theophilus of Alexandria, who did what he could to stain the credit and reputation of Chrysostome. Whence it appeareth, that he was not there but by special order from the Emperor Arcadius; and therefore his argument concludeth not. And here began the quarrel between these two: Theophilus a man of an implacable spirit, took the other to task; the reason was, for that Theophilus had not long before excommunicated certain Origenists, who presently fled to Chrysostome, whom yet Chrysostome would not receive to his Communion, until he might hear the reasons of Theophilus, either by himself, or by some others from him, concerning their excommunication: Theophilus also had this advantage over him, that through his liberty of speech in pulpit, he had drawn the hatred of the great ones of the Court, and of the Emperor himself, but above all, of the Empress upon his head: Wherefore Theophilus was sent for, to sit upon him; who coming to Constantinople, assembled a Synod, but for fear of the people held it without the city; the Synod consisting for the most part of those Bishops whom Chrysostome for their demerits had formerly deposed. Pallad. in vita Chrysost. an. 403 Thither he cited Chrysostome to appear before him and them, who had to the open view of all men combined themselves against him. Chrysostome on the contrary held another Synod within the walls, whither he also cited Theophilus to appear before him: and farther, by three Bishops and two Priests admonished him and his adherents, not to pervert or trouble the orders of the Church, especially not to violate the Canon of Nice, by meddling in other men's jurisdictions; Pallad. in vita Chrysost. Socrat. l. 2. c. 4. Sozom. l. 8. c. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that he in his Synod had the greater number of Bishops, and assembled out of divers Provinces; that yet he refused not to put himself upon the trial of him and of his Synod, provided that his professed enemies were first removed; if not, that then he appealed to a General Council. These are the words of Palladius in the life of Chrysostome: likewise of Socrates and Sozomene in their Histories. And why then did he not appeal to Rome? or can they show any such authority as this, for the maintenance of Appeals to the See of Rome? Which notwithstanding, they proceeded to his deposition, and cast him into exile, having no other cause against him, but that he refused to appear before them. But why then (saith Baronius) had not be rather relieved himself upon that third Canon of Constantinople, if any such had been in force? I answer, because the Canon of the Nicene Council was more proper for his purpose, the question not being properly of jurisdiction, but of the integrity of his person. By which Canon of Nice Theophilus, who was set over the Churches of Egypt, had nothing to do with the Churches of Thracia. But hereupon the people began to repine and mutiny, till in the end Chrysostome was restored to his Chair. Shortly after he drew more anger upon him by like Pulpit liberty as before, and his adversaries taking hold of this occasion, condemned him a second time, alleging, that he had returned to his Chair, without restitution first had and obtained from them. And thereupon, the displeasure of the Empress, joined with the implacable hatred of Theophilus, they cast him into banishment, more grievous than before: which while some of his friends sought to mitigate, they made it worse, till in the end he died in exile, through grief of heart. True it is, that in this second conflict he tried all his friends; whereupon Baronius is bold, Baron. to. 5. an. 404. art. 20. & seq. and saith, That he had recourse by way of Appeal to the Church of Rome as unto her, which was only able to correct all other Churches, and that he appealed to Innocent Bishop of Rome in person. Which he reporteth with that confidence, as a man would think himself almost bound in conscience to believe him: adding farther, That all this fell out by the wonderful providence of God, to show men how they ought upon like occasions to fly to the Pope of Rome. But let us see what proofs: for our part we are content to stand to his own allegations, and namely to that Epistle of Chrysostome unto Innocent: which Epistle, by his leave, is not directed to Innocent alone, but jointly to all the Bishops of the West, as appeareth, in that the whole Epistle runneth in terms of the plural number; neither in six whole pages, which that Epistle taketh up, is the word of Appeal so much as once named: but we find there many other things which make against them; as first, that he declareth unto them the cause of his exile to have been only, that he would have appealed to a Council, meaning a General Council, as we said before; and consequently not to the Bishop of Rome. Secondly, that he prayeth their charity to awake, and to help to put some end to these his miseries, and therefore not their pretended omnipotency. Thirdly, I humbly beseech you (saith he) my most reverend Lords, to prevent this ruin; and therefore not Innocent, or his See alone: and what ruin was it? For if (saith he) this custom take place, and it may be lawful for one to enterprise upon another's Province, all is lost. His meaning was, that they should help to order this matter by a Council, in execution of that Canon of Nice, and therefore he entreateth them to retract and to disannul all that which had been practised or attempted against him: so far was he from requesting Innocent, who dwelled farther off than the other, to interpose his authority in the cause. Fourthly, in that he telleth them, That he had written the same things to Venerius Bishop of Milan, and to Chromatius Bishop of Aquileia: and so indeed had he also written to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage. By which appeareth, that he wrote to sundry other Bishops which then were of esteem and authority in the Church, as well as to Innocentius; whom he could not omit, in regard that he was Bishop of the first See: but he appealed not to one more than to another. The like also may appear by the resolution which Innocentius took in this business: for having received the letters, and heard the embassages of both parties, in good discretion he admitted them both to his Communion, thereby declaring, that the sentence which was given against Chrysostome was unjust: Theodor. Roman. apud Pallad. in Dialog. adding farther, That it was fit in this case to call a sincere Synod, as well of the Eastern as of the Western Bishops, where neither opposites nor partisans of either of them should be present, and there give judgement according to the Canons of Nice: which was nothing else in effect, but only to give way to the Appeal, which Chrysostome had from the beginning put in, to a General Council: which he requested Innocentius and others, according to the practice of the Church in those times, to procure from the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius; especially from Arcadius, who being offended with Chrysostome, would never have granted it, but at their entreaty. Which plainly appeareth in Sozomene by the letters of Innocent sent to the Clergy of Constantinople. Sozom. l. 8. c. 28. It is needful (saith he) that a Synod have the hearing of this matter, for it only is able to repress these troubles, and in the mean time it is meet to refer the cure of this malady to the will of God, and of jesus Christ our Lord. And a little after, We are very careful (saith he) to find the means to assemble a General Council: which he needed not to have been, had things been in his own disposition. Now that which ensued hereupon was, that the year following, which was the year 405, An. 405. there was assembled a Synod of the Western Bishops at Rome, where they entreated the Emperor Honorius to write to his brother Arcadius, requesting him, that he would cause a Synod to be assembled at Thessalonica, to the end that the Bishops both of the East and also of the West might there meet, as in a more convenient place, for the final hearing and sentencing of this cause. Whereupon Honorius sent unto him, and the more to show him the good opinion which the Bishops of the West had of Chrysostome, of many letters which he had in his hands to that effect, he sent him principally two, the one of Innocentius Bishop of Rome, the other of Chromatius Bishop of Aquileia: And the author himself noteth, that the ambassadors sent unto Arcadius from his brother Honorius, delivered him letters from the Emperor his brother, from Innocentius of Rome, from Chromatius of Aquileia, from Venerius of Milan, and from sundry others; all which joined in this embassage: the end whereof was, to re-establish Chrysostome in his place for the present, until a General Council might be assembled. In the mean time Chrysostome died in banishment, and the rest of this History concerneth not this matter. What reason therefore hath Baronius so confidently to report, that Chrysostome did appeal to Rome? For when a Prince oppressed by one neighbour, flieth for help and secure to another, doth he thereby make him his Lord, and himself his vassal? To fly to his courtesy or favour, is it to be interpreted for an acknowledgement of his jurisdiction, or that he confesseth himself his tributary? One lie more of Baronius, and so an end of this discourse. This grand Annalist telleth us, Baron. to. 5. an. 407. art. 20. & an. 408. art. 33. Theodor. l. 5. c. 33. & 34. that Innocent would never communicate with the Eastern Churches, no not after the death of Chrysostome, till his name was restored to the catalogue of the Bishops of that See, and thereupon voucheth Theodoret, lib. 5. cap. 33. Whosoever will take the pain to read that place, shall find no mention there made of Innocentius. It is said there I confess, that the Doctor of this Universe being dead, the Bishops of the West would not communicate with the Bishops of the East, of Egypt and of Thrace, until they had enroled him among the Bishops deceased of Constantinople, not vouchsafing so much as to congratulat his successor Arsacius. Why then should he appropriate that to one, which the Author himself attributeth unto all? The like care (saith he) did Alexander the Bishop take in Antioch, being the first which caused his name to be registered in the writings of the Church; which is true: But Baronius addeth, that he did it at the instance and request of Innocentius, having no other argument for this assertion but this, that Innocent wrote a letter to him; for as touching any such matter Theodoret speaketh not a word. 8. PROGRESSION. Of the attempts of Innocentius and Syricius upon the Churches of Spain and Africa. THe Bishops of Rome finding no passage open to their intended Supremacy, through the constancy of the Eastern Church, bend their course back upon the West, especially upon Africa, where they thought to meet with less opposition. To. 1. Concil. Damasus had already broken the ice unto them, as appeareth by that Epistle of his written to Stephanus Bishop of Mauritania; wherein he qualifieth the Church of Rome with the title of the Firmament of all Bishops, and Top of all other Churches: emboldened, no doubt, thereunto by letters sent before that time unto him from the said Stephanus; who complained that certain Bishops had been deposed in Africa: adding, that this was so done, notwithstanding they all knew well enough, Ibid. That censures of Bishops, and all other Church causes of moment, aught to be reserved to the audience of the Bishop of Rome, whom he there termeth The Father of Fathers: being of the very brood and offspring of those rebel Bishop of Africa, of whom Saint Cyprian complained in his days; who being reproved and censured for their faults, would presently cross the seas, and run to Rome for Sanctuary. All which to be understood with this condition, If those decretal Epistles inserted among the Counsels ought to have any credit; which, as we have already said, the more learned sort reject as counterfeit, until the time of Pope Syricius, who now entereth upon the stage: And indeed the old Roman Code leaveth them all out, until the time of this Syricius. This Syricius, about the year 386, An. 386. in his first Epistle to Himerius Bishop of Arragon, is very quick, and saith, That it is not lawful for any Priest of the Lord to be ignorant of the decrees and statutes of the See Apostolic: and therefore requesteth him to make known such ordinances and decrees as he shall send unto him, not only to those of his own Diocese, but also to those of Carthagena, Andalusia, Portugal, Galeace, and others: that is in effect, to all the Provinces of Spain; Which could not, saith he, but he glorious unto him which was a Priest of so long continuance: Pro antiquitate sacerdotij sui. purposing to use the ambitious humour of this Prelate, only to make himself and the authority of his See great in Spain. And in his fourth Epistle to the Bishops of Africa, he goeth a step farther, and telleth them, That without the privity of the See Apostolic, that is to say, of the Primate, none might presume to ordain a Bishop: And this word Primate, some interpret for the Bishop of Rome, in regard of the claim which was made unto the Primacy not long before by Damasus, and these late presumptions of Syricius himself, in his first Epistle; the rather, because it is improbable, that he would impart this title of The See Apostolic to any, save only to the See of Rome. OPPOSITION. Concil. Carth. 2. ca 12. The Africanes therefore assembled upon this occasion a second Council at Carthage, in the time of this Syricius, where they decreed in this manner: It seemed good unto all, that without the leave of the Primate of every Province, no man hereafter presume, in what place soever, to ordain any Bishop: without any reference at all to the Bishop of Rome. But, say they, if necessity so require, any three Bishops, by order from the Primate, may consecrate a Bishop. And it is to be noted, That in this very Canon they call the chair of the Metropolitan, the First Chair, or Chief See: and that Gratian inserting this Canon in his book of Decrees, Distinct. 64. C. extra. conscientiam 5. followed the intent of this Council of Carthage, and not of Syricius; referring it to the Metropolitan Bishop, not to the Apostolic See, though he falsely report it under the name of Innocent. And in the year 397, An. 397. the third Council of Carthage went a little farther, Syricius at that time also sitting Pope, and decreed, That the Bishop of the first See should not be called the Prince, or Chief of Priests, Concil. Carthag. 3. ca 26. or High Priest, or by any other such name, but only, The Bishop of the first See. As for the name of Universal Bishop, that the Bishop of Rome itself should not be called by that name. Which last words are also in Gratian, though now, Distinct. 99 ca primae sedis 3. through the good order which of later times hath been taken in these matters, they are no longer to be found in the Council itself: A thing not to be forgotten; for it was fit that all these things should meet, and march together, Corruption of doctrine as well as of discipline; and that Syricius should be the man who should first establish the forbiddance of Priests marriages, though by general consent rejected in the Council of Nice, and not received for six hundred years after in the West, do what his successors could do: Bringing in also the the commemoration of Saints into the Liturgy and daily service of the Church, in imitation perhaps, of that Carmen Saliare, used heretofore among the Romans, wherein the names of all their gods wherewith much solemnity rehearsed: For that was the disease of that age, to fashion themselves in all points after the rites and ceremonies of the Heathen. 9 PROGRESSION. Of the decree of Pope Innocent concerning Appeals to Rome. IN the year 401 came Innocent, who would not be so put back; he, An. 401. Innocent. Epist. 2. ad Victric. Rothomagens. c. 3. in his second Epistle to Victricius Bishop of Rouen, published this general decree, That the greater causes, after that they had been censured by the Bishop, should be referred to the See of Rome; as the Synod, saith he, hath ordained, and the laudable use and custom of the Church requireth. Yet have we hitherto seen the contrary both in the one and also in the other. But he goeth on, seeking to practise what he projected, Epist. 7. ad Episc. Maced. upon the Macedonians, and persuading them that he did the like in all other places. Let us therefore now see whether he found any better success in this his attempt than his predecessors had before him. OPPOSITION. The question than is, as you see, about great causes. An. 402. In the year 402 was held the Milevitan Council, and after that in the year 413 another at Carthage, An. 413. where no petty causes were in handling, but the main doctrine of the Church, the schism of Donatus, and the heresy of Pelagius: where both were condemned, and Pelagius (concerning whose doctrine Pope Innocent thought fit to suspend his judgement) was excommunicated. And all this done without consulting the Bishop of Rome, only sentence being already passed, he was entreated to join his authority and voice with theirs; for so go the words of those Fathers in a letter which they sent unto him, reported by S. Augustine: We have, say they, Concil. Carth. ad Innocent. to. 1. pa. 469. August. Epist. 90 by common consent pronounced Pelagius and Caelestius to be excommunicated, etc. for the amendment, if not of them, yet of those whom they have seduced: Which done, we have thought good, dear brother, to signify so much unto thee, to the end that unto this ordinance of our mediocrity thou shouldest join the authority of the See Apostolic. So that here we see a sentence plainly and absolutely given; and yet under these terms of humility, there is no disparagement or inequality to be observed. In like sort the Fathers of the Milevitan Council: Concil. Milevit. in Epist. ad Innocent. to 1. Concil. & apud August. Epist. 92. Concil. Milevit. c. 3. Seeing, say they, that the Lord of his special grace hath placed thee in that Apostolic See, being such a one, as that our negligence would be condemned, if we should conceal anything from thee which maketh for the good of the Church, rather than our fear excused, as if we doubted of thy good acceptance; we therefore entreat thee to use thy Pastoral care and diligence in these so great perils and dangers of the members of Christ, etc. Their meaning was, that he should do in these cases of heresy within the limits of his jurisdiction in the West, as they had already done in the East. But when they saw that upon their round dealing with them in the East, he was the rather inclined to absolve them in the West, they made short work, and passed this decree in full Synod: Whosoever shall say, that the grace of God, in which we are justified by jesus Christ, is available only for the remission of sins past, and that it is no help to us against sin hereafter, let him be Anathema. And thereupon add they farther: This error and impiety, which hath every where so many followers and abettors, ought also to be Anathematised and condemned by the See Apostolic. As if they should have said, It is high time, Innocent, that now you show yourself, and do your duty. All which Innocent, as one not willing to break with them, passed over, and seemed not to understand; but as if they had fled to him as to their superior, frameth them an answer only to further his own ambition: Apud August. Epist. 90. & to. 1 Concil. apud August. Epist. 91 You have, saith he, well observed the ordinances of the ancient Fathers, and not trodden under foot that which they (not in human wisdom, but by divine order) have established; namely, that whatsoever is done in places, though never so remote, should, for final conclusion, be referred to the audience of the See of Rome. And again, You have, Apud August. Epist. 92. saith he, had due regard of the Apostolic honour, I say, of him which hath the charge and care of all other Churches, in ask advise of him in these perplexities, and intricate causes: Following herein the ancient Canon, which you, as well as myself, know to have been observed in all the world. And where, I pray you good Innocent? and when was it so observed? for saw you not the contrary in Africa itself, and in these two last Counsels, practised? But let us see whether they use him any better in his matter of Appeals. The Fathers of the Milevitan Council spoke plainly: Concil. Milevit. Can. 22. It hath been, say they, thought fit in the case of Priests, Deacons, and other inferior Clergy men, if in their causes they complain of the wrongful judgement of the Bishop, that then the next adjoining Bishops shall hear and end their cause, by the consent of their own Bishop: And if they think fit to appeal from them also, yet that they appeal not but only to the Counsels of Africa, or to the Primate of the Province: But if any shall presume to appeal beyond the seas, that no man presume to receive that man to his communion. And it is very probable, that the like decrees were made in other Churches of the West, howsoever Gratian, 2. q. 6. c. 35. to save the Pope's jurisdiction, addeth these words, Unless, saith he, they appeal to the See of Rome: whereas it was properly against that See that they raised this countermure and bulwark of defence. Bellarmine yet goeth more finely to work, and saith, That this Canon concerneth only the inferior Orders. But the Canon next precedent, which properly provideth for the cases of Bishops, is linked with this as well in reason as in order, & the conclusion is general, Whosoever shall offer to appeal beyond the sea, etc. without any distinction between Priest and Bishop: Concil. Carthag. apud Balsam. Can. 31. ex Concil. African. and in the margin there is noted this divers lection; Alias, That they appeal not beyond the sea, but to the Primates of their Provinces, as it hath often been ordained in case of Bishops: and so are all sorts of Clergy men comprised. And in like manner is this Canon read in the Greek copies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And to conclude this point, we may not forget that Saint Augustine himself was present at this Council. All these things standing as they do, let us now see what arguments Baronius hence draweth, to the prejudice of the Churches of Spain and Africa, in favour of the Pope. And first, saith he, in the third Council of Carthage, Baron. to. 5. an. 497. art. 55. can. 48. it is decreed, That concerning the baptism of the Donatists, Syricius Bishop of Rome, and Simplicianus of Milan, should be consulted: The one, saith he, as head of the Church, the other for the worthiness of his person: whereas the Fathers themselves make no such difference; but, say they, we have thought good to consult our brethren and fellow Priests, Syricius and Simplicianus: and no marvel, seeing that Aurelius Bishop of Carthage wanting fit ministers to furnish his Churches, wrote jointly to Anastasius Bishop of Rome and to Venerius Bishop of Milan, to supply his want; calling them Holy Brethren. Secondly, Concil. Carthag. 3. ca 26. Distinct. 99 ca primae sedis. he taketh on because we allege the Canon, Primae sedis, That the Bishop of the first See should not be called Prince, or the Chief of Priests, or High Priest, or by any such like name. And I would know, whether these are not the very words of the Canon itself? or are they not so reported by Gratian in the Decrees? Yea, but he will not that we should extend them to Rome, especially those last words, viz. Baron. an. 397. to. 5. art. 48. That the Bishop of Rome himself shall not be called the Universal Bishop: For what likelihood, saith he, that Africa would presume to prescribe titles to the Bishop of Rome? adding farther, That out of doubt they are Gratians own words, and that they are not found in the Canon itself which he allegeth. Nay rather, say we, seeing that they are in Gratian, Concil. Carthag. provincial. 4 in Praesat. Concil. African. who will warrant us their honesty, and that they themselves are not the men which have torn it out of the Counsels? And why is it unlikely that those poor Africans should use those words more than these, which they cannot deny, That no man should appeal beyond the sea: that is, to Rome. For though it be true, Concil. Carthag. can. 33. that these Africans could not, as Baronius saith, dispose of what was done at Rome, yet might they well take order against his usurpation, and encroaching upon their Church and liberties at home; and cause that no man there should attribute to him those titles of insolency and ambition. Thirdly, because Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, Baron. to. 5. an. 401. art. 9 at the opening of the Council of Carthage, caused a certain letter of Anastasius to be there openly read, wherein he forewarned them to beware of the cunning sleights of the Donatists; he therefore concludeth, That this Council was assembled and held by order from Anastasius; and that Aurelius acknowledgeth him for no less than a Father, and consequently for a Head. But why did he not rather observe, that he calleth him also, Brother, and fellow Priest? must his advise given, be induced to prove his mastership? The Synod of Africa, in the year 407, seeing a fell contention risen between Innocentius of Rome and Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria, made a decree in manner following: It seemeth good to us, Concil. Afric. 68 that as touching the dissension now fallen between the two Churches of Rome and Alexandria, we writ to the holy Father Innocentius, to admonish him, that either Church keep that peace which the Lord commanded. Shall now this brotherly admonition of theirs be interpreted to proceed from a right of jurisdiction, or of sovereign command? Fourthly, in the cause of the Priscillianists of Spain: Such as were fallen, saith the Council of Toledo, if they come to penance, shall not be received unless the See Apostolic write in their behalf. And thereby, saith he, you may plainly perceive, Acta Concil. 1. Tolet. Baron. an. 405. art. 52. vol. 5. that no man might communicate with one which had fallen, unless the See of Rome had first approved of his reduction, and communicated with him. But why should he put us to read the acts of this Council, seeing that he himself in other cases refuseth to admit of them. They tell us indeed, That the Churches of Spain, much infested with this heresy, sent to be advised by Saint Ambrose, and that they governed themselves by his directions: which he denieth not; but saith that Ambrose himself meddled not, but by express order from Syricius: for, saith he, the words are, We had great patience, hoping that according to the letters of Saint Ambrose, of blessed memory, if we condemned that which they had done amiss, and observed the condition specified in his letters, they would return to peace. (Added hereunto, what Syricius of blessed memory had advised us to do.) And must then this accessary carry with it the principal? or this Parenthesis, be interpreted for a Commission directed to S. Ambrose? Let them rather take the pains and read a little farther, where they shall find it said in this manner: Concil. Taurin. can. 5. We expect, say they, what the Pope and Simplician Bishop of Milan, and other Bishops of the Churches, will write in answer to our letters: much after the manner of the Council of Turin in the same cause: Aut Romanae Ecclesiae Sacerdotis. According, say they, to the letters of the venerable Bishop Ambrose, or of the Priest of the Church of Rome. What would, or rather, what would not Baronius say, if he had the like advantage? 10. PROGRESSION. Pope Zozimus seeketh to draw all causes to Rome, by virtue of a Canon of the Nicene Council. But Zozimus, successor unto Innocent, would not be so answered: wherefore at the sixth Council of Carthage, An. 417. which was held the year 417, and where were assembled 227 Bishops of Africa (whereupon also Saint Augustine calleth it a full and a grand Council) Zozimus sent thither Faustus' Bishop of Potentia, Plenarium Concilium. August. Ep. 47. Ep. Concil. African. ad Bonifac. in to. 1. Concil. pa. 519. a. Faustin. in Commonit. ad Can. 1. Synod. Carchag. apud Balsam. ex editio Herueti. pag. 305. and Philippus and Asellus Priests of Rome, qualified as Legates from him, to require in precise terms, That the Bishops of Africa should appeal to the Bishop of Rome: which matter they proposed to the Council in these words: Those who in the Nicene Synod gave their sentence concerning the Appeals of Bishops said in this manner: If a Bishop shall be accused, and the Bishops of his own Province shall thereupon condemn and degrade him, and if he think fit to appeal, and thereupon fly to the most holy Bishop of Rome, and he be pleased to have a new hearing and examination of the cause, the said Bishop of Rome shall be pleased to write to certain Bishops next adjoining, to the end that they may inform themselves aright of the cause, and then do as reason and equity shall require. Wherefore if any be desirous to have his cause new heard, and by way of request shall move the Bishop of Rome to send his Legate à Latere, that it be at his pleasure to do what he will, and as he in his judgement shall think fittest to be done. OPPOSITION. Ibid. This matter so proposed by the Legates, Alyppius Bishop of Theagast protesting openly, That he intended to hold himself in all points to the Nicene Council, began to make question of this pretended Canon: We have, saith he, already promised to maintain the Canons of the Nicene Council: but this is that which troubleth me, that when we come to consult the Greek copies, I know not how it should come to pass, but we find no such Canon there. In Can. 135. sub fin. And again, We have seen divers copies, and yet could never find this Canon in any of them, no not in the Roman copies, neither yet in the Greek copies sent unto us from the Apostolical Sees. Whereupon Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, and Precedent of that Council, notwithstanding that the Pope's Legates were there present, pronounced, That they would forthwith dispatch messengers and letters to the Bishops of Constantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch; with request, That they would be pleased to transmit unto them the acts of the Nicene Council, fast closed and sealed up, thereby to take away all cause of doubt; Because, said he, In Commonit. ad Can. 1. pa. 306. we cannot find that Canon which is alleged by Faustus in the behalf of Boniface Bishop of Rome: which Boniface, during this Council, had succeeded Zozimus. And farther, they required Boniface himself to do the like, to the end that these things passing in his presence, might be void of suspicion, and so find the greater credit with him. Which copies being after a time sent unto them in due form, from Cyril Bishop of Alexandria, and from Atticus of Constantinople, together with their letters, which we find recited in the Council, followed that decree which we there read; and withal a Synodal letter from them to Caelestin Bishop of Rome, who during this pursuit had succeeded Boniface, and this Epistle closeth up that Council. Neither is it unworthy our observation, that the copy which Cyril sent, taken out of the Archives of Alexandria, came from Rome, being long before sent from Marcus Bishop of Rome to Athanasius, and to the other Bishops of Egypt, upon complaint which they had made unto him, That the Arrians had burned all the copies of the Nicene Council which were to be found in Alexandria: In to. 1. Concil. pa. 299. & pa. 300. Epist. Egypt. ad Marcum, & Marci ad Aegyptios. and we have the letters of Marcus to testify as much. The decree therefore of that Council, made in confirmation of the Canon of the Milevitan Council, passed there by general consent, in manner and form following: That Priests, Deacons, and other inferior Clerks, appeal not beyond the sea, but to the primates of their Province, as it hath often been decided, and commanded in case of Bishops. As for those which shall appeal beyond the sea (that is, as Balsamon expoundeth it, to Rome) that no man in Africa receive them to communion. Which clause is set down in as general terms as could be devised: and the letter sent to Caelestin maketh their meaning yet more plain; which letter we find registered in the Council of Africa, according to the old Roman copy it self: We earnestly entreat you, say they, Concil. African. Can. 105. Codex Canonum Vetus Ecclesiae Romanae in Concil. African. 105. that hereafter you give no care to those which fly unto you from hence, and that you admit not to your communion such as we have excommunicated: for your Venerablenesse knoweth well, that it is so ordered by the Council of Nice; which though it seem to dispose only in case of inferior Clerks, and lay persons, yet in reason their mind was, that it should be so observed much more in case of Bishops; that those which had been justly censured, and put from the communion of their own Church, should not over hastily be restored by your Holiness. And farther we request your Holiness, that you would repel those Priests, and other Clerks, which make you their refuge; both because there is no constitution of the Fathers, which hath at any time so much derogated from the authority of our Churches, as also because the Council of Nice hath apparently left the ordering of all inferiors, whether Priests or Bishops, to the judgement of their Metropolitan: and with great wisdom and equity have they provided, that all matters of controversy should receive their final determination in the place where they began: and that the grace of the holy Spirit would not be so wanting to any Province, but that the Priests of Christ (which word compriseth also Bishops) by the help thereof, will be able at all times wisely and discreetly to enter into the full knowledge and understanding of causes, and according to right and equity to judge of them; especially considering that every man which findeth himself aggrieved with the sentence of his Diocesan, may, if he will, forthwith appeal to the Synods of his own Province, or if him list, to a General Council, unless peradventure any think, that God will inspire with this gift of examining causes some one particular man, uni cuilibet. and that he will deny the same to an infinite number of Bishops and Priests assembled in a Council: Innumerabilibus sacerdotibus. and how can a judgement given beyond the seas be good, where witnesses necessarily required in such cases, cannot be present, either in regard of their sex, or of their age, or by reason of some other impediment. As for your sending of a Legate à Latere, A tuae sanctitatis latere. we find no such ordinance in any Council, neither yet in the writings of the Fathers. And as touching that which you sent us by Faustinus our fellow Bishop, as a Canon of the Nicene Council, we let you to understand, that there is no such Canon to be found in the true and uncorrupt copies of that Council, which have been sent unto us, taken out of the Originals by Cyrill our fellow Bishop of Alexandria, and by the reverend Atticus of Constantinople: which copies we also heretofore sent unto Boniface your predecessor of worthy memory, by Innocentius the Priest, and Marcellus a Subdeacon, wherein there was no such Canon to be found. Now in the whole narration of this Epistle there are many things worthy our observation: as first the inscription, To our loving and venerable brother Caelestin. Secondly, that the Pope's Legate brought back again and presented before them Apiarias a Priest (whom Vrban Bishop of Sicea had condemned) to purge himself before the Council, notwithstanding he had fled to Rome. Thirdly, that it is said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. your Holiness believed that he had appealed unto you, that is, your Holiness was made to believe, that he had right to appeal unto you, which yet you were not able to prove, and therefore his appeal availed him not, as one which was convicted by his own confession, notwithstanding the sleights and practices of the Legat. Fourthly, that Celestin here is fairly entreated no more to protect or receive their Priests or Bishops, as you (say they) shall find ordained in the Council of Nice, whereas that which you pretend is not there to be found: so that the lie was put upon those three Popes as plainly, and as mannerly withal, as possibly could be devised. Fifthly, that whereas they talk so much of that fountain of God's spirit, flowing so plentifully at Rome, in the person of their Bishop; by far greater reason it is to be presumed, that it will not wax dry and fail among so many holy persons assembled in their own Province. Sixtly, that they will not hear of any Legates a Latere, that they know not what they mean, nor found they any such officer mentioned in the Canons of the Church, as also that they never heard of any such clerks, as lately came by strong hand to put his decrees in execution: by which attempts of theirs it appeareth how much ground their ambitious violence had already gotten, through the breach which was made in their liberties by those rebel Bishops which fled unto them for protection. And this is that which the Fathers call Typhum seculi in Ecclesiam Christi inducere, Typho isto. to bring in worldly pride and arrogancy into the Church of Christ: which they doubted not to speak unto Boniface himself, saying, We believe, that seeing thou sittest in the Roman Church, we shall no longer be oppressed with this vain pride, calling him always Domine frater. For whereas they triumph in this word Sanctitati vestrae, i. your Holiness, they must understand, that the Popes themselves used the same style, and gave the same title to them, and to all other Bishops; as Zozimus writing to these very Africans, We are persuaded (saith he) that your Holiness hath been informed touching the proof and trial which we have made of Caelestius his absolute and sound faith: and so likewise to others. Against this main wall of truth and verity, Baronius opposeth the brittle glass of his own fancy, seeking to darken this clear light with the smoke of his vain discourse: howbeit, like a bird in a net, the more he striveth, the more he is entangled, and the reader may easily observe, that he spendeth himself in vain talk and sophistry. And first, it much offendeth his patience, that we say, that those three Popes produced the Canon of Sardica, under the name of the Council of Nice: for if it were done by error, where is their infallibility? if of malice, where is then their sanctity? But (saith he) it may be that the text was corrupted, Baron. vol. 5. an. 419. art. 70. & sequ. and this word Nicene put for Sardican, and I am forced to believe, that these acts are not reported truly and as they ought to be. Tell me reader, whosoever thou art, will such a shift serve in a matter of this importance? Idem ib. art. 87. Secondly (saith he) what advantage was there to be gotten, in alleging the one for the other? for was not the Sardican Council as good as the Nicene? or are they not both General Counsels? and we have already proved, that the Sardican Synod was never reckoned among the General: neither did Innocent ever plead for himself other than the Canon of Nice, under colour of this glorious name to dazzle the eyes of men, and to abuse the world. Thirdly (saith he) what likelihood that the Africans would withstand these Appeals, seeing they had been used from all antiquity? the only thing which they misliked was the form. What need of answer to this argument, more than the bare recital of the argument itself? and who doubteth of their presumption and arrogancy? Or who knoweth not, that evil manners give commonly occasion of good laws, that usurpations cause orderings, and that if injustice were not, we should not need the knowledge of the laws? Thou tellest us, that Celestius, a companion and an abettor of the heretic Pelagius, was condemned in Africa; August. contra duas Pelagij, ep. l. 2. c. 3. Epistola Zosim. ad Aurel. Carthag. episcop. that he appealed from this sentence to Zozimus Bishop of Rome; that he admitted of the appeal, and that this was but the year before: true; and Baronius, you may perceive that this proceeded of that Papal humour, to admit of all plaintiffs, suffering themselves with flattery and fair words to be abused oft times by the most dangerous heretics. But say, I pray you, what followeth? Is it not, that the Africanes complained of these wrongs? that Zozimus carried it not far? that he was regulated and ordered the next year following? Augustin. epist. 261. edit. Plantin. Yea, but (saith he) Do you not see so and so many examples of these Appeals mentioned in S. Augustine? and thereupon allegeth his 261 Epistle all at large. Annalist would be, as he is: Doth he not see, that all these examples were before the law was made, and that they were the proper occasion and cause of this Decree? and do men in Commonwealths matters ground themselves upon abuses, or rather upon Laws? upon that which, de facto, is done, or rather upon that which of right aught to be done? The truth of the cause is this: Anthony Bishop of Foussall in Africa being deposed by the Bishops of his own Province, got letters of commendation from the Primate of Nicomedia to Zozimus Bishop of Rome, by means whereof he found access to Zozimus, and after him to his successor Celestin; who, bad man as he was, went about to restore him by force of arms. Whereupon S. Augustine, who was present at his condemnation, wrote to Celestin in this manner: We are threatened (saith he) with a Posse comitatus, and force of arms, to put the sentence of the Apostolic See in execution, and so shall we, poor Christians, stand in greater fear of a Catholic Bishop, than the heretics themselves do of a Catholic Emperor: Let not these things so be, I do conjure thee by the blood of Christ, and by the memory of the Apostle S. Peter, who warneth those which are set over the Christian assemblies, not to domineer with violence over their brethren. What could this holy Bishop do more, to stay the course of his rage and madness? but in that great Synod of Carthage, he with a multitude of other worthy persons laid the axe to the very root of his pretended sovereignty, by their sentence there pronounced against him. Now tell me, whereas Baronius in this cause of Antony Bishop of Foussall crieth out, O admirabilem Dei providentiam, etc. O the wonderful providence of God, Ib. art. 76. in matters concerning the Catholic Church! at that very time when controversy was between the Fathers of Africa concerning the Canon of Nice, God would have it, that a cause should fall out, by occasion whereof Saint Augustine himself, who was present at that Council, was even compelled to record unto posterity so many examples of those who had recourse and did appeal to the Church of Rome. Tell me, I say, whether we have not far greater cause to praise his goodness, in that out of these enormities and abuses he was pleased to direct this Council, to set down a rule, and a certain order, by which the Churches of Africa might from that time forward for ever be directed? Baron. vol. 5. an. 419. art. 92. Fourthly, will you see (saith he) how much they attribute and yield to the Church of Rome? When they went about to set down a certain Canon of the Bible, they consulted Boniface thereupon, requesting him to confirm it: and what likelihood, that they would not use the like submission in the rest of their Canons? But the very reading of that Canon is a refuting of this assertion: Concil. Carthag. Can. 47. It seemeth good unto us (say the Fathers in that Canon) that nothing be read in the Churches but only the holy Scriptures; which are these, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, etc. Wherefore their resolution and decree was absolute without any reservation, both that the Scriptures only should be read, and also which books they are which ought to be accounted for Canonical: only for correspondencies sake they add farther in these words, We will also that this be signified to our companion in Priesthood Bonifacius, and others, to the end that they may confirm it; for so have we received from the Fathers, that these only aught to be read in Churches. Now if the Pope's authority alone had been necessary to the validity of this Canon, what needed they to signify it unto others? This therefore was nought else but a testimony of their mutual love and charity. Baronius here stormeth because we say, That by occasion of that forenamed Canon the whole Church of Africa was cut off from the Communion of the Church of Rome; because it thence followeth, that S. Augustine, and such a multitude of other holy Fathers died out of the Communion of the Church of Rome, and excommunicated by the Pope: and thereupon seeketh by all means to discredit that Epistle of Bonifacius the second, which testifieth, that they were not reunited till a full hundred years after. I confess, that whereas it is there said, Under the reign of justin; the mistake was easier of justin for justinian, than that of Nicene for Sardican, and the inconvenience thence arising is very great: for what then shall become of so many Martyrs, put to death during those hundred years, under the persecution and tyranny of the Vandals? But they themselves must look to that: Sure I am, that this is none of their greatest cares, witness the poor Grecians in these days, who have now lain groaning under the yoke of the Turks so many years. And if this Epistle was not written by Bonifacius, they may thank themselves, who have inserted it in the body of the Counsels. Bellarm. de Bontif. Rom. l. 2. c. 24. Let the reader now judge what reason Bellarmine had to say, that those Fathers never intended to forbid their Bishops to appeal to Rome; seeing they name Bishops in express terms, and ordain that all causes should be determined within the same Province: Or what conscience, when he saith, that S. Augustine understood that Council otherwise in his 262 Epistle, August. ep. 262. because he there saith, that Caecilian needed not to care for the conspiracy of his adversaries, seeing himself joined in Communion with the Church of Rome, and with all other countries whence the Gospel first came into Africa, where he would be always ready to plead his cause, if his adversaries should seek to alienate those Churches from him. For what can he gather from thence but only this, that it was no hard matter for him to purge himself unto those Churches, in case he had been traduced: for if he thence conclude, That therefore he might appeal to Rome; as much may be said and concluded of all other places: But he was wise not to quote the place, for there is nothing (and he knew it well enough) which maketh for his purpose. And farther here observe, that S. Augustine was present at this Council, as appeareth by his 207 Epistle. Also we read, An. 431. that about the year 431 the General Council of Ephesus was assembled against Nestorius, where we find not this pretended Primacy in any sort acknowledged. For as touching the calling thereof, Socrat. l. 7. c. 3. the Bishops (saith Socrates) assembled themselves together out of all quarters unto Ephesus, by order from the Emperor. And Euagrius and Nicephorus say, evagr. l. 1. c. 3. Nicephor. l. 14. c. 34. that they were assembled by the letters of the Emperor directed to the Bishops of all places. And the Synod itself in more than twenty several places useth these words, By the will of the most religious Kings; meaning Theodosius and Valentinian. Acta Concil. Ephesin. in 1. to. Concil. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c. 1. to. 2. & cap. 17, 18, 19 & passim. Ib. pa. 99 177. 201, 202. Bellarm. l. 1. de Concil. c. 19 Acta Concil. Ephes. c. 17. And the Acts all along speak in this and the like manner, Whom your Majesties commanded to come to Ephesus etc. and, Their letters commanded us so etc. and, By virtue of the Edict of the most religious Emperors etc. And so likewise wrote Theodosius unto Cyrill, that he had appointed the Bishops to assemble at Ephesus out of all parts, at Easter. And Caelestin Bishop of Rome writing to Theodosius: We yield (saith he) our presence in the Synod which you have commanded, by those whom we have sent. As for the presidency in that Synod, it is a matter questionless, and not denied by our adversaries, That Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria presided; only they say, that he was Vicegerent to Pope Caelestin: having no other colour for their assertion but this, That the Pope requested him to execute his sentence given in the Synod at Rome against Nestorius. But the synodal Epistle to the Emperor evidently showeth, that that was done long before this Counsel at Ephesus was called. And the truth is, that the Pope's Legates there present were never called to preside, which yet they should have been, had they been colleagues with Cyrill: but at a pinch a forgery must help. A certain modern Writer, in his abridgement of the Counsels saith, That in this Council presided the blessed Cyrill, Bishop of Alexandria. Isidor. Decret. Paris. impres. an. 1524. pa. 79. To. 1. Concil. in Concil. Ephes. Colon. an. 1551. Which sentence he took out of Isidore; but he addeth of his own head these words, In the place of Pope Calestin; which are not to be found in Isidore: and Bellarmine himself is more than half ashamed of it. Now let us see what advantages Baronius here taketh; and first, Nestor. epist. ad Caelestin. ex Co. Anto. August. apud Baron. to. 5. an. 430. art. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epist. Cyrilli. ad Calest. in Act. Graec. pa. 141. Baron. vol. 5. an. 430. art. 11. When Nestorius' Bishop of Constantinople had broached his heresy, against the union of two natures in Christ: Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria took him to task; and then they went each of them to make his party the strongest, and to have a Bishop of Rome on his side, was thought no small advantage; therefore they both wrote unto him: Nestorius was the first; Fraternas nobis invicem debemus collocutiones etc. We own (saith he) each to other brotherly communications: and Cyrill much after the same manner, The ancient customs of the Church advise and counsel us to take instruction one of another etc. And hence it is that Baronius concludeth, That no matter of Faith could be questioned without the Bishop of Rome; yet how many heretics have we already seen condemned, sometimes without him, and sometimes in despite of him? Secondly, Caelestin upon this alarm given him by Cyrill, called a Synod at Rome, and from thence wrote a long Epistle to Nestorius, willing him to hold fast the faith of the Church of Rome, of Alexandria, of Constantinople, and of the whole Catholic Church; not as now the fashion is, of the Roman Catholic Church; Epist. Caelest. ad Cyrill. in 4. to. Cyrill. & in ep. Pontif. number. 3. extat Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 85. if not, he declareth him excommunicate: and withal he sent a letter, in nature of a Proxy unto Cyrill, whereby he requested him to denounce and put in execution this sentence of his: a thing done every day between friends and equals. And whether tended all this, but only to join his authority with that of Cyrils', to kill this cockatrice in the egg? The words themselves are plain and clear: The authority of our See (saith he) being joined unto thine, that is to say, using thine own authority together with ours; and using the power of our succession, that is, using our power, as if we ourselves were there present, thou shalt put in execution this our sentence with all severity; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and if he abjure not his perverse opinions within ten days, your Holiness shall presently put another in his room. This they did, and all was little enough to depose a Patriarch: and yet the question remaineth still, Ib. art. 26. whether Cyrill did ever accept of that Proxy or no, though he might well have done it, without any prejudice at all to his authority? As for the Phrygium and Mitre, and the name of Pope, and judge of all the world, which Caelestin is said to have sent to Cyrill, he should have done well first to have proved, that Caelestin ever used such names and weeds himself; and every man knoweth, that the name of Pope was anciently given to Priests and Bishops without his leave: neither is it probable, Balsamon. in Nomocan. Phocij, tit. 8. c. 1. Nicephor. l. 14. c. 34. that he which was so forward to challenge to himself the jurisdiction of the whole world, would so liberally cast this title upon another: neither is there any author thereof but only Balsamon and Nicephorus, who lived the one five, the other six hundred years after; and even they report it, not as a matter certain, only they say Fama est, the report is, etc. as of a thing that hath no ground of truth. Thirdly, this Proxy of Caelestin unto Cyrill, which was only for the execution of this sentence, Baron. an. 431. Baronius would feign extend to a faculty of Legatship, by virtue whereof Cyrill should preside over the Ephesin Council, as representing the person of the Pope. But we would know where this title of Legate is so much as once given him: for seeing that we have the Acts of this Synod more at large than of any other, or rather, and to speak more properly, seeing we have the Acts of no other Council but only of this, how cometh it to pass, that we find among them no such Commission directed to him? nor recited in the Synod, as so many other writings of less moment were? Peradventure, because that during the first eight hundred years there was never any Pope present at a General Council, Caelestin having no purpose to be there himself, and Nestorius by reason of his heresy being made incapable, the Pope could be content that the world should think, that Cyrill was there to supply his room, as doubting that his own Legates would not be able to prevail for the presidency, no more than they had done in former Counsels; and Cyrill himself perhaps might be glad to use the name and authority of Caelestin, for the easier suppressing of so great and so potent an adversary as Nestorius was. And indeed Euagrius speaketh of Cyrill as of one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, pag. 197. i. which exercised the room of Caelestin: And the Council itself useth these words, Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria, who exercised also the place of Caelestin, Cyrill. in Apolog. ad Theodos. to. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. speaking of him as of one which executed the sentence of Caelestin, as appeareth more plainly in his letter unto Theodosius. But let Baronius tell me, whether in all that Council he be once styled by the name of Lieutenant or Legate of Caelestin? or do not all the proceed evict the contrary? Caelestin saith, That he sent thither Arcadius and Patroclus Bishops, and Philippicus a Priest, Ex collect. Creseo. ib. art. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. his Legates: and Baronius himself produceth their letters of Credence, which they had unto the Fathers of the Council. Now I would know, what need of any Legate at all, at least of so many, if Cyrill had been his Lieutenant? Or is it likely that he would have made no mention of Cyrill in them, not so much as to say, We have sent these to supply our room together with Cyrill? Now these Legates came thither a day after the fair, when all was done, and when sentence was already solemnly pronounced against Nestorius: and yet Baronius telleth us, that they were sent to put the sentence given against him at Rome, in execution: and whence then was it, that the Fathers, as Cyrill testifieth, placed Christ as Precedent of that Council: for (saith he) the Synod placed the venerable Gospel in the holy Throne, as crying in the ears of the Fathers, judge rightly you that are judges, between the holy Gospels and the words of Nestorius. Was the Gospel, trow you, placed there only to execute the sentence given by the Pope? or do you call this the holy Ghost, coming from Rome in a budget? And why also doth the Council in the preamble to that their sentence use these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We have thought it necessary for us to proceed to the examination of his impieties? as taking no notice of what had passed in the Roman Synod, unless you will say, that because when sentence was now ready to be given, there is mention made of Caelestin, and of his letter, (so dangerous a thing is it to our Liberty to attribute never so little to the Pope) therefore it was his sentence and not the sentence of the Synod. But let us observe the order and manner of their subscribing to this Synod, which Baronius hath here omitted, and is as followeth: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pag. 130. Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria hath subscribed, pronouncing with the Council: Juvenal Bishop of jerusalem hath subscribed, and so the rest each one according to the order of the Patriarches; and Cyrill assumeth no other quality or title but his own: in which quality, and in no other, Epist. Synod. ad Theodos. apud Cyrill. to. 4. the synodal Epistle written to the Emperor styleth him, by the name of the Head of the Congregation of Bishops: and when the Pope's Legates came afterward in the fourth Session (before which time sentence was already given and signified to Nestorius) they took their place, and sat with the many, without any mention of prerogative or priority of place. Yea, but when Caelestins letters were read, the Synod cried out, To Caelestin a second Paul: I confess; and did they not the like of Cyrill, crying out, To Cyrill a second Paul: there is but one Caelestin, but one Cyrill. And what other demand, I pray you, did those Legates make, but only that they might have the Acts, to subscribe unto them? a thing not to have been denied to any ordinary Bishop, which had come late as they did. And yet Baronius would feign have it, Iterata damnatio. that this subscription of theirs was a second sentence, confirmatory of that which had been given by the Council; whereas they themselves writing to the Emperors, signify only this, that they are of the same belief and opinion with the Synod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now if Cyrill had been Legate, what need of this? Or if this were needful, than it followeth that Cyrill was not Legate for the Pope, but was only requested to pass his word unto the Council for the Orthodox belief of Caelestin. Fourthly, Philippicus a Priest of Rome, and one of the Legates, in his speech said, that he rejoiced to see that the members did so well agree with their holy Head. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Pag. 195. And hereupon Baronius maketh a flourish, and because these Fathers had the patience to hear him, Dost thou see Reader (saith he) how all these Fathers were content to hear him without repining? For my own part I know not what he would have had them to do in this case, unless it be that they should have made an uproar in the Synod, and have fallen by the ears about it. He should rather have considered, how at the overture of this Council they placed Christ in his Gospel, for Head of this Council: or if the doubt be of the ministerial Head, that then in their Synodal Epistle they call Cyril the Head of the Congregation of Bishops: but of every such insolent prank which the Popes or their Legates play, Baronius is ever ready to make a Title. But will you now know who was Sovereign in this Council? The Synod by their letters to the Emperors, in all humility ask leave to departed every man to his own home, seeing that all controversies were now decided: And the Emperor upon relation of what they had done, gave his confirmation in this manner: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pa. 273. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Emperor a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. duly informed, hath pronounced, That the holy Ecumenical Council hath done all things according to the Canons, and therefore hath displaced and banished Nestorius, commanding the Bishops of the Synod to enter upon the Church, and to elect and consecrate a Bishop of Constantinople: and thereupon the Fathers ordained Maximinus. And farther the Emperor commanded them to return every man to his own home. Consider we also, that the Fathers of those times speak of this Primacy by virtue of Saint Peter's chair, in far other terms than now men use to do. Saint Ambrose expounding those words of Saint Paul to the Galathians, Ambros. ad Gala. ca 2. where he compareth himself to Peter: He nameth, saith he, only Peter, and compareth himself to him, because he had received the Primacy, to lay the foundation of the Church among the Gentiles. Now I would know whether Rome were not of the Gentiles? if so, to what purpose then serveth the Primacy of Saint Peter? But he addeth yet farther: Yet we see full and absolute authority given to Saint Peter, for the preaching to the jews; and so likewise full and absolute authority was given to Paul, to preach unto the Gentiles: For which cause also he termeth himself the Teacher of the Gentiles in truth and verity; and yet was he never Bishop of Rome. For, saith he, every man according to his ability took unto him, as by lot, the dispensation: And a harder matter it was to draw those unto the faith which were a far off, than those which were near at hand: as if he meant to prefer Paul before Peter, as one which undertook the harder task. August. in johan. Tract. 124. & in Epist. johan. Tract. 10. And Saint Augustine, The Church, saith he, is founded upon the rock; from which rock Saint Peter took his name: upon this stone, saith our Saviour: that is, upon this stone which thou hast confessed will I build my Church; meaning, upon this faith. Those which would build upon men, said, I am of Cephas, i. of Peter: but those who would not build upon Peter, but upon that stone, said, I am of Christ. Saint Basil doubtless never dreamt of this Primacy: he saw indeed, and grieved to see the pride and haughtiness of the Bishop of Rome: for with what indignation speaketh he of him in his tenth Epistle? Yea, but, say they, in his 52 Epistle to Athanasius, speaking of the combustions in the East, he saith, That he purposed to write to the Bishop of Rome. I confess, but to what purpose would he write? only for this, Basil. Epist. 10.50.52. To request him to give them his advise, and that he would admonish such as were perverse. How much more gloriously doth he speak of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria? saying, That it was he which underwent the care of all the Churches; and calling him the shelter and refuge of them all. And speaking of the Church of Antioch, Miletius, saith he, presideth there, as over the body of the Catholic Church, Chrysost. in Math. c. 16. & in serm. de Pentecost. Euseb. Emiss. in serm. de Nativi. Chrysost. Homil. 43. in Math. and of which all other Churches are but as parcels. And Chrysostome, Upon this stone: he saith not upon Peter, for he hath not built his Church upon a man, but upon that faith, and confession, and words of piety. And in like manner speaketh Eusebius Emissenus. And Chrysostome having laid this doctrine for a ground, goeth on, and speaketh plainly: Whosoever, saith he, among the Bishops (he excepteth none) shall desire this Primacy here on earth, shall undoubtedly find confusion in heaven: and be which affecteth to be the first, shall not be numbered among the servants of Christ. And upon the Epistle to the Galathians, speaking of Saint Paul, He had, saith he, Idem in Epist. ad Galat. c. 2. before declared, that he was equal to the rest in honour, but now he compareth himself to the greatest, that is, to Saint Peter; showing that every of them had received equal dignity. Now if the Apostles themselves were equal, how cometh there one superior among their successors? And yet this was spoken at what time the Pope began apparently to exalt himself above his fellows; for of this very age it was that Socrates speaking of Innocentius, Zozimus, Boniface, and Caelestin, Socrat. li. 7. c. 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bishops of Rome, under the Emperor Theodosius the younger, testifieth, That the See of Rome, like unto that of Alexandria, passing the bounds and borders of the Priesthood, had long since aspired unto a secular kind of sovereignty and power: where the Latin interpreter hath put in Quasi, which word is not in the Greek itself. Add hereunto, That in those days all the patriarchal Churches were equally called Apostolical, and not the Church of Rome alone: Sozom. l. 1. c. 16. edit. Graec. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For Sozomene speaking of the first general Council of Nice, In this Synod, saith he, were present for Apostolical Sees, Macarius' Bishop of jerusalem, Eustachius of Antioch, Alexander of Alexandria; but julius Bishop of Rome was absent by reason of his age: ranking julius in the same order and degree with the rest. In which sense the Bishops of the East, as Theodoret reporteth, writing to Pope Damasus, Theodoret. li. 5. ca 9 call Antioch the most ancient and truly Apostolical Church; and that of jerusalem they term the Mother of all Churches. So likewise Ruffian, Ruffin. li. 2. c. 1. though himself a member of the Western Church, as being a Priest in Aquileia: In the city of Rome, saith he, Syricius succeeding unto Damasus, and Timotheus in Alexandria unto Peter, and after Timotheus came Theophilus, and john in jerusalem after Cyril, restored the Apostolical Churches: And therefore this usurpation of the Bishop of Rome proceedeth from the devil, and from none other. Neither do we in all this age find any trace of that pretended donation of Constantine, but rather we light upon many arguments to prove the contrary; witness the very production of the Instrument, and the Vatican itself. And for further proof; when (by reason of the schism between Boniface the first, and Eulalius, contending together for the Popedom) Symmachus governor of the city wrote unto the Emperor Honorius, he saith in this manner; Baron. vol. 5. an. 418. art. 81. & sequent. Absoluta iussione. Idem an. 419. art. 2. & 3. That since the knowledge of these matters belonged to him, he thought fit to consult his Majesty out of hand: who thereupon (rightly informed or not, I will not say) by his absolute command gave order, That Boniface should presently void the place; and if he obeyed not, that forthwith he should be cast forth by force. And when a little after, for his more due information, he had assembled a Synod out of divers Provinces, To the end, saith he, that the cause being debated to the full in our presence, Ib. art. 10. & sequent. may receive a final and absolute decision. And thereupon he sent for Paulinus Bishop of Nola (a man at that time much respected for his sanctity of life) and wrote to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, and sent for Italians, French, Africans, and others; Ib. art. 15. and in the mean time provided the Church of Rome of a Bishop, namely, Achillaeus Bishop of Spoleto, to the end the people of Rome might not be unprovided of a Bishop at the feast of Easter: Commanding the Church of Lateran to be set open to him, and to none other. And when Eulalius offered, contrary to the Emperor's command, to intrude himself into the city, the Emperor, by the advise of the Bishops there assembled, gave sentence in favour of Boniface, commanding Symmachus the Governor to receive him into the city; which he did accordingly, with these words: Your Majesty hath confirmed his Priesthood, Statutis coelestibus per me publicatis & edictis de more positis. etc. And when I published your Edict every man rejoiced thereat. And to conclude, Boniface falling sick, to prevent the like inconvenience against hereafter, wrote to Honorius, to provide by his authority, that the Popedom might no more be carried by plots and canuasses: The Epistle itself in the Counsels bearing this Title, Supplicatio Papae Bonifacij; and being full of these and the like clauses, God hath given you the regiment of worldly things, and the Priesthood unto me: You have the government of worldly matters: and therefore we were worthy to be blamed, if what was heretofore observed under Heathen Princes, should not now be observed under your glory, etc. Under your reign my people hath been much increased, which now is yours. Neither doth the Emperor put this from him, as a thing not properly belonging to him: But let the Clergy, saith he, know, that if God shall otherwise dispose of you, they must refrain all secret plots and practices: and if it fall out through their factions, that two be named, let them likewise know, that neither of them shall sit Bishop, but he which in a new election shall be by general consent chosen. If therefore the Bishop of Rome had been at that time Temporal Lord of that city and territory thereunto adjoining, would he have used these kinds of language? Neither was it far from this time that Synesius Bishop of Ptolemais in his 57 Epistle, Synes. li. 57 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To couple the civil power, saith he, with the Priesthood, is to join those things which will not hold together: they busy themselves in worldly causes, whereas we were appointed only for our prayers. 11. PROGRESSION. Of the Pretence which Pope Leo the first made unto the Primacy. An. 450. Leo. 1. in Anniversar. de Assumpt. Serm. 2. & 3. ABout the year 450 Leo the first would not give over his pretence unto the Primacy, and therefore took for a ground those words of our Saviour, Tu es Petrus: For, saith he, Peter is here called a stone, or foundation, etc. and all his power was in his See, there his authority was principally seen, etc. He is the Primate of all Bishops, etc. Whatsoever Christ bestowed on the rest, he bestowed it by his means, etc. all which we read in those his sermons which he preached among the townsmen of Rome. Idem Epist. 8. ad Flavia. Constantinop. And farther, he challengeth Flavian Bishop of Constantinople, for that he had not first advertised him of the state of Eutiches cause, taking occasion thereupon to doubt of the lawfulness of his excommunication: and would feign have persuaded Flavian, that he had done much wrong to him and to Eutyches both, in not giving way to the appeal which Eutyches had put in to the See of Rome. Idem Epist. 89. ad Episc. per Viennens. provinc. constitut. This same Leo also complaineth to the Bishops of Viennois in France, That one Hilary Bishop of Arles took upon him to install and to depose Bishops without his privity: which he termeth to be no less than à Petri soliditate deficere, to fall away from the solidity of Peter; whom, saith he, our Lord associated to himself in the individual unity, and commanded him to be called as himself was called. And yet in the end he flattereth our Bishops of France, willing them to remember that their ancestors oftentimes were pleased to consult the Seo Apostolic; seeking by these sugared words to make them swallow the bitter pill of his tyrannous Supremacy: and branding Hilary with the name of a turbulent Bishop, and one who ordered Church matters by force and violence. Last of all, this Leo writing to the Emperors, Idem in Epist. 12. ad Theodos. & ad Pulcher. assumed the title sometimes of Pope of the Catholic Church of the city of Rome, and sometimes, of the Roman Catholic Church, and in the end, of Universal Bishop. And because by virtue of the second general Council of Constantinople, the Bishop of that city took upon him some authority in the East, he caused his Legates to be present at the general Council of Chalcedon, giving them express charge to oppose against it, by virtue of the Canon of the Nicene Council; to which, saith he, no man may presume to add: Idem Ep. 55. ad Pulcher. August. falsely grounding his pretence upon this Council, as his predecessors had done before him. But now cometh the question to be decided, How far forth the Fathers of Chalcedon gave way to his demands and challenges. OPPOSITION. First therefore Leo himself tempereth his style in many places with sober language: Upon this rock will I build my Church: that is, saith he, Leo. serm. 2. in Natali Apostolor. Petri & Pauli. Upon the sound foundation of this faith my Church shall raise and exalt itself; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against this confession, and the bands of death shall not restrain it. Which confession surely was proper to no one man, but common to all the Apostles, and all the Orthodox Churches. And would God he had stayed here, and not suffered himself to be carried down the stream of his own ambitious humours, in claiming his pretended privilege. Secondly, upon the complaint which he made to Flavian Bishop of Constantinople, Flavian gave him the reasons of his proceed, and why he could do no less than excommunicate Eutyches for his heresy: But, saith he, this I do to the end that your Holiness having knowledge what hath passed in this matter, might be pleased to signify as much to your inferior Bishops, that they by letters or otherwise, ignorantly admit of no communion with him: Which was nothing else in effect, but to request him to execute his sentence for him, within the limits of his jurisdiction, as in the like case he would have done for him. And we must farther understand, that Eutyches seeing himself condemned, had presently recourse, by way of supplication, unto Leo: wherein he gave him to understand, That he had appealed from Flavian, and from the rest of the Bishops of the East, unto him; requesting him to take his cause into his own hands: which made Leo to demur upon the cause. And thereupon Flavian showed him, that as in other things, so also in this, Eutyches had abused him with a tale: Flavian. apud Leon. Epist. 9 giving him thereby to understand, that in his country men scarce knew what these appeals meant; and therefore, saith he, as it becometh thy Priesthood, and as thy manner is, so make the common cause thine own, and confirm even by thy writings his condemnation, so canonically pronounced against him. Wherefore though we should grant that Eutyches did appeal, yet it appeareth that Flavian never gave way thereunto, no more than the Fathers of the African Council did before, in the case of the Pelagians. Thirdly, though we have nothing concerning this Hilarius, but what we have from his opposite and adversary Leo, yet is it evident, that he bent himself against this pretended Primacy: For, saith Leo, this man cannot endure to be subject to Saint Peter: Leo. Epist. 89. ad Episc. per Viennens. provinc. constitut. and why? because, saith he, he presumeth to ordain Bishops in France. And again, He derogateth, saith he, from the reverence of Saint Peter, etc. whose Primacy whosoever shall deny, that man is filled with the spirit of pride, and hath plunged himself into the pit of hell: Whereas indeed the question, as it appeareth, was touching the Primacy either of the Pope in general, or of Leo in his particular; not at all of the dignity of Saint Peter. And these demands were ever made at the solicitation of certain Bishops, which complained to him of the censures of their own Provinces, which they requested might be revoked at Rome, as appeareth by the Epistle of Leo himself, who yet ever useth this protestation, that he thereby pretended no right in himself to ordain Bishops in their Provinces, as Hilary would persuade them, but only sought to maintain them in their own against novelties, and usurpations of others, and that such a presumptuous fellow might no longer continue to break and violate, saith he, our privileges: Which he sought under the name of Saint Peter, to extend to all causes whatsoever; yet this I find, that all his plottings had not much prevailed here in France, about the elections of our Bishops, in the year 478: An. 478 Sidon. Apollin. in Contion. quae sequitur Epist. 9 for we find in Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, that the choice of the Metropolitan of Bourges being by common consent of the Bishops of that Province, after the death of Eubodius, referred unto him, he nominated absolutely Simplicius to succeed in his room, having first made a very solemn oration to the Bishops, in these words: In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost, Simplicius is the man whom I nominat to be Metropolitan of our Province, Summum Sacerdotem. and High Priest of your city: and therefore was not Simplicius to hold his See in fee from the Bishop of Rome, or to do homage for it. And it is pretty to observe, how this canting of Rome was not understood in those days in France, seeing that he himself writing to Lupus Bishop of Troy's in Champagne, calleth him our Lord the Pope, directing his letter, Domino Papae Lupo; this title being at that time common to all Bishops, not proper to any one: and which is more, he calleth him Father of Fathers, and Bishop of Bishops, which watcheth over all the members and parts of God's Church. What wonder then if we find that Stephen a simple Archdeacon wrote so to Damasus, or Isidore to Hormisda Bishop of Rome? Fourthly, this question concerning the Primacy was clearly decided by occasion of the claim which Leo made thereunto in the general Council of Chalcedon, where he thought to have set the Bishop of Constantinople clean beside the cushion: and these are the very words of the Canon, taken out of the Greek copies of that Council, Concil. Chalced. can. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Can. 28. The decree of the mayor part of voices of that holy Synod, made concerning the prerogatives and degree of the See of the most religious Church of Constantinople: Following in all points the decrees of the holy Fathers, and acknowledging the Canon of 120 religious Bishops, now read in our hearing; We here assembled under Theodosius of holy memory, late Emperor of this royal city of Canstantine, called new Rome, do ordain by common consent and assent, for the honour, degree, and prerogative of that most holy Church of Constantinople, called new Rome, in all things as in the said Canon is contained. For those Fathers did well to grant those honours and prerogatives to the See of old Rome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. because it was the royal or imperial city (and not in regard of Saint Peter's chair.) And likewise those other hundred and fifty Fathers moved with the same reason and consideration, did heretofore impart like privileges and honours to the See of new Rome, thinking it fit in their discretions, that the city which they saw honoured with the name of the Imperial seat and presence of the Senate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and equalled in every point of civil honour to the old Rome, should likewise in matters of the Church be equally advanced, as being next unto her. By which we see no prerogative belonging to Rome by virtue of Saint Peter's chair, and Constantinople equalled in all things to her, save only in precedency; which being a matter which respecteth only place and order, is no bar to her parity in power and jurisdiction. Yet Gratian, to gratify the Pope, hath corrupted this Canon; and where the Fathers say, Dictinct. 21. c. Renovantes. In matters likewise of the Church, he hath shamelessly altered the words, and saith, Non tamen in rebus Ecclesiasticis, i. But not in matters of the Church; turning upside down, by the change of one word, the whole drift and purpose of the Council: yet he citeth this Canon out of the sixth general Council, because it is there again repeated. But see, I pray you, the bounds and limits which this Canon prescribeth to him: So that, saith that Canon, the Metropolitans only of the Diocese of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace, together with the Bishops which are among the barbarous nations, shall be ordained by the most holy See of the Church of Constantinople: and the Metropolitan of every the said Diocese, according to the Canons, shall have power to ordain the Bishops of his own Province: So that, as you see, the Bishops are to be ordained by the Metropolitans, and the Metropolitans only by the Archbishop of Constantinople; and consequently the Bishop of Rome is likewise restrained in his jurisdiction, which is limited to him no less than to the other. This decree pleased Leo but a little, though agreed upon by the common advise and consent of 630 Bishops. Neither is that true which Gregory the Great affirmeth, That this Council of Chalcedon, in honour of Saint Peter, Gregor. in Registro Epist. 32. & 38. lib. 4. offered to the Bishop of Rome the title of Universal Bishop, but that none would accept of so inconsiderate a name. And that none may say, That howsoever the Greek copy hath it, yet it is otherwise read in the Latin, it is apparent that this 28 Canon is expressed in Latin in the same words: Aequa antiquae Romae privilegia tribuerunt: i Aequis antiquae Romae privilegijs frui, etc. i. They gave equal privileges with those of old Rome. Now the Pope's Legates there present opposed against the passing of this Canon; for Lucentius, one of the Legates, seeing them all subscribe, stood up and said, They have subscribed before the Canons are written; meaning, before all the acts of that Council were written. The Bishops thereupon made answer, Concil. Chalced. Act. 16. pa. 930. That no man was compelled thereunto. Lucentius replied, That they stood upon the Canons which were made scarce 80 years agone, by 150 Bishops (meaning the second Council of Constantinople, which yet, as we have showed, was confirmed and ratified by Pope Damasus) and went from the decrees of 318 Bishops (meaning the Council of Nice.) Whereupon the judges there present, who represented the person of the Emperor, to maintain peace between them, commanded each party to allege the Canon for himself: and then did Paschasin, another of the Legates, allege that forged fift Canon of the Nicene Council, with this Preface, Pa. 938. Quod Romana Ecclesia semper habuit Primatum. But Constantine Secretary to the Council, taking the book, which was delivered to him by Aetius a Deacon of Constantinople, recited it as it was indeed, beginning that Canon with these words, Antiquae consuetudines teneant, etc. i. Let old customs stand: where there is nothing to be found for the Pope's advantage. Whereupon the judges took again the voices of those which had subscribed, who all and every of them answered, That before God they had subscribed of their own accord, and according to the true intent and meaning of those Fathers: especially Eusebius Bishop of Dorylaeum, evagr. de Euseb. Doryl. li. 2. c. 2. a principal agent in procuring this Council to be called against Eutyches: I have, said he, subscribed willingly and of mine own accord, because I myself did read this very Canon to the Pope, in presence of the Clerks of Constantinople, and the Pope then acknowledged and received it. Where, by the way, there is this marginal note set, Either be lieth, or for the present he deceived Saint Leo. But the judges thereupon pronounced according to the Canon before rehearsed, in favour of the Bishop of Constantinople, all the Bishops applauding their judgement, and crying out, This is a just sentence, we all say the same thing, it is the opinion of us all; we all will bide by this: only Lucentius the Legate protested, That the Apostolic See which had sent him thither, could not give way to such proceed: requiring that Canon to be retracted; if not, at least his protestation to be admitted, and entered in the acts; to the end, saith he, that we may have what to answer to the Apostolic man, Pope of the Universal Church; and that he may thereupon advise upon the injury now done unto his See, and of the means to redress this wrong, and to reverse this Canon. And when the Bishop of Sebasta had said to the judges, We all refer ourselves to the verdict of your Magnificence; every man approving of the motion by his silence, the judges spoke again and said, What we have pronounced, the whole Synod hath approved. And this was the resolution of that Council of Chalcedon. These things standing as they do, Baron. vol. 6. an. 451. art. 136, 137. tell me Reader, in thy conscience, what reason hath Baronius to affirm, that this Canon was clandestine, and carried by secret practices? But it should seem that there were good wits at Rome heretofore as well as now: For this whole Action of the Council was long since expunged out of the old Roman Code, contrary to the truth and credit of all other copies in the world. And where is the honesty of Bellarmine and Baronius both together, Bellar. l. 2. de Pontif. Rom. c. 13. while they affirm, that when Paschasin had alleged for himself the said fifth Canon of Nice, according to his copy, the judges held themselves content and satisfied therewithal? Seeing that the very words of the Acts are clear against them; and seeing that Liberatus the Archdeacon affirmeth, That the opposition made by the Pope's Legates was not regarded neither by the Bishops, Liberat. in Brevia. c. 13. nor yet by the judges: And although (saith he) that the Apostolic See excepteth against that Canon even to this day, being supported by the Emperor, yet the decree of the Synod continueth still for firm and good: and seeing also, that we have the Epistles of Pope Leo himself to Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople, written after this Council was concluded, wherein he debateth this point with all eagerness, and upon this occasion rejecteth that second Council of Constantinople, Leo epist. 53. ad Anatol. Item ep. 54, 55, ad Martian. & Pulcher. Et epist. 62. ad Maximum Antiochenum. calling it a rotten ruinous Council from the beginning, and that it was now too late to set it up again: and drawing the Bishop of Antioch into the quarrel, complaineth sometimes to Martian the Emperor, sometimes to Pulcheria the Empress, not knowing to what Saint first to turn himself: and all this partly under colour of these words, Tu es Petrus (though to me it seemeth a strange matter, that those 630 Bishops should not be able to reach unto the mystery of these words) and partly upon a false supposition of that Canon of the Nicene Council, which he protesteth that he will ever hold as sacred and inviolable, and which he will never suffer to be infringed; whereas yet there is no one word to be found in all that Council, which maketh for his pretended Primacy. It remaineth now, the better to understand what degree of authority and power the Bishop of Rome had at this time aspired to, (for Leo by his good will would not lose one inch of his height) that we consider who it was which called this Council, and who presided in it. Concerning the former of these two, the first action of this Council telleth us. Concil. Chalced. Act. 1. That it was called by the commandment of the most religious and Christian Emperors, Valentinian and Martian. And Martian himself in a certain Constitution of his, Martian. l. 3. Co. de sum. Trinit. saith it was called by his commandment. And the Fathers themselves, when all things were now ended, asked leave of the Emperors to return every man to his own home. But perhaps it were best to hear what Leo himself saith concerning this matter: Leo therefore upon the first bud of the Eutychian heresy, wrote to the Emperor Theodosius in this manner: Leo. ep. 9 ad Theodos. jubeatis. If your piety (saith he) will vouchsafe to yield so much to our petition, command, we beseech you, that a Council of Bishops be assembled in Italy. Where you see, that even in Italy, where himself was all in all, he requested that a Council might be called by order from the Emperor. And not long after understanding that Theodosius had assigned it to be held at Ephesus, Idem ep. 12. & 17. Constituit. Since so it is (saith he) that your piety hath appointed a Council to be held at Ephesus, I have therefore sent thither my brethren julian a Bishop, Reinold a Priest, and my son Hilary a Deacon, to supply my room. And afterward, Vicem praesentiae meae. when he was pressed to be present in person at the Council which Theodosius commanded to be held, he very mannerly excused himself, upon the shortness of the time, and the troubled estate of Italy. And again, You have commanded it (saith he) to be held at Ephesus: and having showed the inconveniences of holding it at that place, Command (saith he) I pray you, Leo epist. 13. ad Pulcher. Augustam. Idem ep. 23, 24, 34, 49, 50, 51. that it be held in Italy. Which request he therefore so often made, that he might thereby justify the Appeal which Eutyches had formerly put in, to the See of Rome, as he affirmed, and which Flavian Bishop of Constantinople had remonstrated to be false. And in the 49 Epistle to the Emperor Martian he useth the like style as before: We hoped (saith he) that your clemency would have yielded so much to our entreaty, as to have appointed this Synod at a more convenient time: but since, out of the zeal which you bear to the Catholic faith you are pleased that a Synod should be at this time assembled, I therefore send my brother Paschasin to supply my room. And even like terms and phrase of speech doth he use in his 50 and 51 Epistles. And we farther observe, that all these his Epistles bear date according to the Consuls, as the use and custom of those times was, as an evident mark and argument, that the Pope at that time acknowledged their authority, without claiming to himself the dominion and signiory of Rome. Neither may we give credit to Bellarmine when he affirmeth, that Dioscorus was thrust out of this Council, for presuming to call a Synod without the authority of the Pope; quoting these words as out of the Council, which was never lawful to be done, nor never was done before; for so is he pleased to abuse his reader: for these are the words of Lucentius, one of the Pope's Legates, and not of the Fathers of the Council. To be short, Epist. Synod. ad Leon. in Concil. Chalced. Baron. vol. 6. an. 450. art. 7, 8, 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the Epistle of the Synod unto Leo would not suffer him to doubt who they were whom they acknowledged as Authors of that their assembly, namely, the Grace of God, and the most religious Emperors: and so speaketh that Epistle throughout, and Baronius himself doth not deny it. As for the presidency, which we distinguish from the Precedency or Preseancie (for we deny not, but that in regard of the honour of that City, he held the first place) Leo telleth the Emperors, Leo. ep. 12. & 49. that he sent his Legates to supply his room or presence. And in his Epistle to the Synod he speaketh yet more advantageously for himself, saying, Idem ep. 47. That in the person of his Legates or Vicegerents they should imagine that he himself was there to preside among them; whether he meant properly of the presidency, or else of the Preseancie, I know not: but this is certain, that in the Acts of this Council we find no certain order observed. Which disorder grew from hence, because that Leo had drawn Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople into suspicion, and Dioscorus of Alexandria was already attainted: for not to enuenome their minds, which were already but too much exasperated towards each other, their order in speaking was many times of set purpose altered: and sometime the judges, who represented the person of the Emperor, were feign to order the proceed, to propose matters, to take the voices, to pronounce judgement, as we have showed before. And we have yet farther a more evident example hereof in the first Action, where those judges ordained, Concil. Chalced. Act. 1. Cognit. 2. That the patriarch should take each of them one or two of his own Province unto him, that they might handle the points of faith each of them with their several companies, and so report to the whole Synod what they in particular had agreed upon. Whereas if the Pope's Legates had presided, this action should have belonged to them, and not unto the judges. Yea, but saith Bellarmine, They sat first; Bellar. de Concil. & Eccles. l. 1. c. 19 a good argument for their precedency: and they spoke first; no good argument for their presidency: for every man knoweth that the argument had been stronger, if they had spoken last. But he saith yet farther, That they pronounced in the name of the Pope, and of all the Council, the definitive sentence against Dioscorus, and that they degraded him from his Priesthood. But he should remember, that it is one thing for a man to give his voice, as Paschasin did, and that first before all others, for Leo, and another thing to give a sentence. In which matter we shall need the less proof, because Paschasin himself having given his voice, Concil. Chalced. Action. 3. addeth farther, Let the holy Synod (saith he) now decree; meaning of Dioscorus his cause. Then followeth Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople, and the rest, every one in his order, which take up ten or twelve leaves; and then in the end, and not before, was his condemnation signed. To conclude (saith Bellarmine) the synodal Epistle itself written unto Leo saith, Tu sicut membris caput praeeras, i. Thou wert there over the rest as a Head over the members, in the person of those who supplied thy room. I grant, in order of sitting: as for the presidency, read on, and thou shalt find toward the end of the letter, that the Emperors themselves, Imperatores ad ornandum decentissime praesidebant. to grace and honour that assembly, presided in a comely order. But grant we, that the Pope did preside in that Council in the person of his Legates; what getteth he thereby, more than this, That to his face, and in the midst of all his ruff, he lost his cause, condemning himself by his own mouth, and pronouncing equality where he pretended superiority, and that in so great and so renowned a Council as that of Chalcedon was? Neither may we here forget, how that when as about this time the Bishops began too licentiously to abuse their authority, the Emperor Valentinian thought it fit to meet with this inconueience, by making a law against them: Many (saith he) complain of Episcopal jurisdiction, it is fit therefore to make a law for the restraint thereof. jurgium. If therefore there shall happen to fall any brawl or debate between clerks, and the parties shall be pleased to compromit the matter, let the Bishops hear the cause, and determine of it. Which course is also permitted to lay men, if the parties can so agree upon it, otherwise we no ways suffer them (meaning the Bishops) to be judges. In Cod. Theodos. inter Novel. Valentinian. lib. 2. tit. 12. For it is apparent, that by the laws, Bishops and Priests have no jurisdiction: neither ought they to take knowledge of any causes by the laws and ordinances of Honorius and Arcadius, contained in the Theodosian Code, save only in cases of religion. If both parties, or either of them, being Clergy, refuse to stand to the judgement of the Bishop, then let the cause be decided according to the common laws of the Empire. But if the plaintiff be a lay man, and the cause either civil or criminal, than it shall be lawful for him to make the defendant, being Clergy, to answer unto him by course of law before the public Magistrate: which course we will and command also to be observed in the person of Bishops. But if an action of Battery, or other enormous injury offered, be brought against a Clergy man, then let him answer the plaintiff before the public Magistrate in course of law by their lawful Attorney. But because this law is long, and extendeth itself to so many particulars, therefore I refer the reader to the place itself, where this law is set down at large. But welfare Baronius, Baron. vol. 2. an. 452. art. 52, 53. who saith, That the making of this law incensed the wrath of God, and caused Attila, with the Huns, to come down upon the Empire. And why should we not rather believe the Writers of those times, who impute that calamity to the corruption of the Church and Churchmen? witness Saluianus Bishop of Marscilles. Baron. an. 444. vol. 6. art. 30. But to return from whence we came, Baronius is bold enough to affirm, were we as forward to believe, that the Popedom got ground exceedingly under the reign of Leo the first. And first he saith, that Dioscorus, that coile-keeper, which gave fire to the Eutychian heresy in the East, so soon as he was created Bishop of Alexandria, according to the custom saith he, dispatched away letters unto Leo; which dispatch of his Baronius interpreteth for no less than a plain homage. But can or will he be ignorant of this custom used among them? namely, that Bishops, especially those of the greater Sees, so soon as they were elected, were wont to send away their letters general to all the Churches, at least to the most principal among them, together with a brief confession of their faith, thereby to advertise them both of their election, and also of their true profession, for the better maintenance of that bond of peace and love which was between them? How many such intercourses and reciprocal letters have we recorded between the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople? Ep. 42. edit. Pamel. And so likewise did Cornelius Bishop of Rome advertise those in Africa of his election; whereupon S. Cyprian and his Colleagues congratulate him; and which is more, approve of his election: for the very Epistle which Cyprian wrote unto him in answer to his letter, beareth this inscription, Of the election of Cornelius approved by him, the said Cyprian. And yet he never demanded annates, by virtue of such his approbation. Yea but (saith he) Leo reproved Dioscorus for certain ceremonies used in the Church of Alexandria, and calleth him back to the usages and customs of the Church of Rome, because that S. Marc was a disciple of S. Peter. Leo. ep. 81. No man can doubt but that Leo was ever harping upon this string: but tell me, Cyprian. ep. 68 when Cyprian Bishop of Carthage either brotherly admonished Cornelius, or sharply reproved Steven (both Bishops of Rome) did he thereby pretend or challenge any primacy over them? if so, by the like reason we may say, that S. Paul challenged a superiority over S. Peter, Paulus Ep. ad Galat. 1. when he withstood him to the face. Secondly, in the case of Hilary Bishop of Arles, Baronius would prove unto us, that Leo disposed absolutely of all matters in France: Baron. an. 445. art. 9 vol. 6. For (saith he) upon the difference which fell between the two Bishops of Vienna and Arles, by petition made unto Valentinian the Emperor, he obtained that famous Rescript, directed to Aetius, Lieutenant General for the Emperor in France. It is true, and the History saith as much, that the Emperors of that age growing weak in the reins, used all means possible to hold in with the Bishops of Rome. But what are the words themselves of that Rescript? namely these: Novel. Valentin. post Codic. Theodos. tit. 24. de Episco. ordin. That no man presume or attempt to do any unlawful act against the authority of this See. Item, that he shall be believed concerning this variance now in question. Item, that whatsoever the Pope of the eternal City of Rome shall decree in this case, shall be taken, reputed, and held as a law. I could wish that this man would but remember a saying of his own, so often reiterated by him, and with so vehement exclamations: O how dangerous a thing is it for Princes to meddle with matters of the Church, Jdem, an. 448. art. 47. for they wrest them to their own purposes: which words he useth of this very Emperor Valentinian. But I wonder, that he observeth not in this very Rescript, that the Emperor there testifieth, that these pretended successors of S. Peter, held their prerogatives from the dignity of their City, from the bounty and liberality of the Emperors, from custom, and not from any ordinance of God, where he saith, That the worthiness and deserts of S. Peter, the glory of the City, and the authority of the Synod, have established this Primacy of the Popes: Of what Synod, save only as they made him to believe of that of Nice? Now if the law of God ordained it, what needed the honour and dignity of the City? But his words are plain, where he willeth them to observe in all points what the Fathers have granted to the Church of Rome. But in doubts and questions of this nature, I would know who is most to be credited, Valentinian or Hilary? Hilary I say, who (as Baronius confesseth) was the first which subscribed to the Council of Orange; an inward companion of Prosper, Gennad. de Script. Eccles. c. 69. and the scourge of the Pelagians which were in France: a man commended in the writings of Antiquity, for his zeal, charity, and learning; so much honoured by Prosper, and one which deserved to have his life written and published by S. Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles, reckoned in the number of Saints, Martyrolog. Roma. 5. Maij. even in the martyrology of Rome itself; and to conclude, so much renowned in the Histories of the Lumbards', for opposing himself against this Leo: which yet, in all probability, so good a man would not have done, had not Leo passed those bounds which the laws and customs of the Churches had prescribed to him. Thirdly, Baronius extendeth this omnipotency of Leo as far as Spain; for (saith he) he assembled there a General Council of all those provinces. For the clearing whereof we must observe, that when Turibius a Bishop of Asturia, who had in times past been his Notary, consulted him concerning the Heresy of the Priscillianists, which much infested the Churches in Spain (as the Pope's wits ever served them to take all occasions at the first bound, if they made for their purpose,) Leo returned him an answer, in all choice and select terms of advantage which could be devised, interpreting this consultation of theirs for an argument of their subjection; and in stead of counsel, which the other requested, laid his commandments upon him, Leo. ep. 93. c. 17. Let there be (saith he) a Synod of Bishops called amongst you: which words may seem to proceed only from advise and counsel; but a little lower in that Epistle, We have written (saith he) to the Bishops of Arragon, of Cartagena, and of Portugal: ijsque Concilium Synodi Generalis indiximus, i and have commanded them, or as Baronius rendereth it, have enjoined them to call a Synod: although a Latinist would peradventure say, that it should be written Consilium Synodi, and not Concilium: as if he had given them advice and counsel only to call a General Synod; for what can Concilium Synodi be, seeing that these two words signify one and the selfsame thing? But this is not all: for the first Council of Bracara (which he allegeth as held under Honorius the first, about some 180 years after) teacheth us, that even at that time the calling of Synods belonged to Kings, Concil. Baracaren, jan praefat. and not to Bishops: We (say they) here assembled by the commandment of King Aremirus, who hath licensed us by his royal commandment etc. Shall we think, that the Popes would in that mean time have lost their privilege? or may we not rather believe, that it was only a counsel, and not a command, for such requested, and for such accepted by them? Fourthly, Flavian Bishop of Constantinople, in a certain Council of Bishops of his jurisdiction, degraded Eutyches from his Priesthood, Epist. Flavia. ad Leon. post ep. 8. and deprived him of his Church by occasion of his Heresy: having so done, he advertised Leo thereof, to the end that he should shun him in his Church. This brotherly office Baronius interpreteth for a servitude: Knowing well (saith he) that to this first See it appertained of right to take knowledge of such Heresies as should arise: Baron. vol. 6. an. 448. art. 53. whereas the words of Flavian show sufficiently, that that care was cared for already, Epist. Flavia. post epist. 9 We have given you to understand (saith he) by our letters, that we have unpriested him, and have given order, that he be no more received in the Monasteries, and have excluded him from our Communion. Which showeth, that the blow was already given, without expecting any advice from Rome. To what purpose then, may some man say, served his advertisement? his words declare, That your Holiness (saith he) knowing what hath been done in his case, may inform the rest of your Bishops of his impiety, for fear lest any, through ignorance of his opinion, should communicate with him, taking him to be Orthodox. As if he should have said, We have discovered his venom, and do advertise you thereof, that you may take heed. And who can say, that this is to request ratification, or rather to acknowledge it as due without contradiction, as Baronius falsely seeketh to persuade us? Fifthly it is to be noted, that Eutyches, old fox as he was, fell in first with Leo, and knowing his humour, told him, That he had appealed unto him, but that Flavian would not give way thereunto. Whereupon Baronius inferreth, that such Appeals were ordinary and usual in those times; and yet hitherto we find not one. True it is, that in the second Council of Constantinople, which ensued shortly after, Leo made instant suit for it, and was earnest to see the Acts, where he found it thus written, Constantine a reverend Deacon saith, Extant in Concil. Chalced. Act. 1. Eutyches when his condemnation was read unto him, appealed to the Council of the Bishops of Rome, of Egypt, and of jerusalem, and of Thessalonica. I would ask now, Whether this Appeal seemeth to have been made to the Bishop of Rome, or to a General Council? and it followeth, florence said, The assembly being broken up, in the midst of the press, he told me in my ear, that he appealed to the Council of Rome, of Egypt, and of jerusalem. Basil Bishop of Seleucia addeth farther, Eutyches the Abbot, while the company was yet sitting, said, That if the Fathers of Rome and of Alexandria should tell him, that he ought to confess that there were two natures in Christ inseparable, though not confounded, no not after the union, than he will confess it: but he spoke not these words by way of Appeal. But this is it which I would know, Whether by virtue of this surmised Appeal the Bishop of Alexandria might not also take as much upon him? and yet Leo himself, as he confesseth in his Epistles, was almost surprised by this stratagem. Sixtly, Theodosius the Emperor, by occasion of this trouble in the Church, assembled another Council at Ephesus: he called thither Leo Bishop of Rome, Vol. 6. an. 449. art. 65, 66, 67, 68 Knowing well (saith Baronius) that a General Council could not be assembled without his authority: a thing (saith he) deeply to be graven in the reader's memory. But now what proof? Leo (saith he) in the beginning of his Epistle to the Synod of Ephesus telleth them in this manner: The religious Emperor hath yielded this respect and reverence to the divine ordinances, to use the authority of the Apostolic See, for the bringing of his holy intents and purposes to pass. All which I confess, was fit and requisite to be done: but is there no difference whether the Emperor call Leo to the Council, or Leo him; or whether the Emperor by his authority call a Council? And he addeth these words, As if the Emperor had been desirous to have that now declared by Peter himself, which was once so highly commended in his confession: and thereupon he falleth to ruffling with his Tu es Petrus; as if these words had been spoken not by Leo, but by the Emperor himself. But see the frothiness and vanity of this man, who never considereth, that this very Theodosius wrote in like manner to Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria, and to all other Bishops, threatening them, That for default in appearance they should not be held excused either before God or him, In Concil. Chalced. art. 1. because no man could now absent himself, but such as was wounded with a guilty conscience. Neither doth he regard, that the Emperor was purposed to make Dioscorus himself Precedent of that Council: We (saith the Emperor) according to the Canons of the holy Fathers, do give and grant unto him the authority and Primacy etc. The reason was, because he thought (as well he might) that the Bishop of Rome would not be there in person, no more than he had been in the former Synods, and held Flavian Bishop of Constantinople as a party in this quarrel: Wherein (saith Baronius) the Emperor usurped the authority of the Pope, seeing that Hosius presided in the Council of Nice, and Cyrill at Ephesus, both of them as Legates from the Pope. All which are mere surmises, and as we call them, demands of Principals, Petitio principij taking those things for granted, which are principally in question, and most contradicted. But where was shame, when he adventured thus to abuse, unto his own purpose, the grave and religious proceed of the Emperor in this Council? Seventhly, in this Council (which was no doubt packed in favour of Eutyches) the Pope's Legates were by Eutyches challenged and refused, as partakers with Flavian Bishop of Constantinople. Whereby Leo first began to have his eyes opened, and to perceive the trick that Eutyches had put upon him. And Flavian himself was there condemned, and degraded, as a man set upon by a company of rogues and thieves, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and therefore was this Council afterward called an Assembly of thieves. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In this extremity Flavian Appealed from them: and this is the first place where we read this word used properly, and as a term of law. And hereupon Baronius groundeth himself, Liberat. in Brevia. c. 12. and saith, That he Appealed to the Bishop of Rome; and voucheth for his author Liberatus Archdeacon of Carthage, who saith, That he Appealed in writing to the See Apostolic: an author whose estimation Baronius himself hath cried down in so many places. Add hereunto, That the Council of Chalcedon, wherein the acts of this Synod are repeated, reporteth, That he said only, Appello à te, i. I Appeal from thee; without specifying to whom. And Hilary a Deacon of the Roman Church, saith only, That upon the sentence given, contradicitur, that is, It was gainsaid: meaning, that he appealed from that roguish company to a more lawful Synod, which he entreated Leo to obtain of the Emperor, for the justifying both of his cause and person. And to speak a troth, there was none other now left to whom he might address himself, the Bishops of Alexandria and jerusalem being his professed enemies, and he of Antioch deposed. Now what became of this appeal no man can tell: for as one mischief lightly cometh not without a fellow, Flavian was outrageously beaten, and shortly after partly of grief, partly of his wounds, died. And even such was that Appeal also of Theodoret, unheard, and yet condemned; who in his Epistle to Leo, useth these words, Help me, saith he, who do Appeal unto your Holiness, and command me to appear before you, that I may yield an account of my faith unto you. Now whether he spoke this properly, and as a term of law, or only by a metaphor, we should better discern if we had the Greek, though the Greek word itself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he not always taken in this rigour: For when the Fathers in the Council of Egypt, upon the banishment of Athanasius, in their Synodal Epistle request all Bishops to receive him unto their communion, they use these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Epist. Synod. ad omnes Episcopos. that is, We Appeal you, or call upon you, as revengers of such injustice; In which sense this word is found in many other places. Wherefore when it is said, That he Appealed to Leo, the meaning is, that he had recourse unto him; hoping by his means to procure a more lawful Synod. And in effect the letters of Valentinian the Emperor, Extant in Concil. Chalced. act. 1. who at that time resided at Rome, and of Galla Placidia to her son Theodosius, testify the same: In which letters, at the suit of Leo, they request Theodosius, That upon this Appeal in writing, he would be pleased, that Leo in a Synod of Bishops, assembled out of all quarters of the world, in some place within Italy, might take knowledge of this matter. And Galla in her letters plainly showeth, that this was the drift and purpose of Flavian, Who, saith she, hath already sent his libel to the See Apostolic, and to all the Bishops of these quarters, by them whom the Bishop of Rome had sent to the Council at Ephesus. This Appeal therefore was put in as well to them as to the Bishop of Rome (save only that he was the more eminent person) and was to be heard and determined by them all, in the Council which was to be assembled; as Galla in her Epistle concludeth, That the matter, saith she, may be ended in a Council, and by the See Apostolic: So that all this was no legal and formal Appeal, nor made unto the Pope, otherwise than as to a promoter and furtherer of the calling of this Council: And it is worth the remembrance, that in these very Epistles which Baronius maketh so much account of, Valentinian speaking of the Bishop of Rome, saith, as hath been already alleged, That Antiquity was it which gave him the Primacy, or chief place among the Priests. And Galla in her Epistle: It is fit, saith she, that we reserve in all points that respect which is due unto this city, as to the Lady of all other cities. And like terms useth she unto Pulcheria, whence it followeth, An. 451. that this Primacy was taken as founded upon the positive law of man, and that the claim from S. Peter cometh but as accessary to the principal. And that Flavian had no other purpose, appeareth by the proceeding of this cause; for the year following, at the suit of Leo, Martian the Emperor appointed a general Council to be held at Chalcedon; wherein are to be seen the traces of the former Synod, and the whole cause opened in a second hearing, to the confusion of Eutyches, and shame of all his partakers and abettors, and to the justifying of Flavian, and of his memorial after him in the presence of the Pope's Legates; who there saw the Church of Constantinople before their face equalled with that of Rome, by an express Canon, made in confirmation of that other of Constantinople. And let our adversaries now show us any one Appeal after this made from Constantinople to Rome. Eightly, Baronius is feign to make the best of a bad cause: He now telleth us, Baron. vol. 6. an. 451. art. 149. that this Canon was made under the correction and good leave of Leo: Grant it were so: and that the Synod in their Epistle required his confirmation: and thereupon, after his manner, maketh a great flourish: Seest thou, O Reader, saith he, how these six hundred Fathers thought this Canon, though resolved on in two general Counsels, yet to be of no force and virtue, without the authority of Leo? and indeed a man not acquainted with his tricks might haply suffer himself to be lead away with his discourses: but the Canon itself is too plain, and the continual practice of the Church showeth, that the validity of that Canon never depended of his confirmation. True it is, that they were willing to draw Leo to some reason by fair words and remonstrances which they made unto him: and this was the drift and purpose of that Epistle. But, as we have often said, terms of courtesy and of honour used to the Pope, were ever by them drawn to some farther tie of service. And yet this very Epistle determineth and decideth the question in many places, though Baronius, who commonly spareth for no paper to set down things in the largest size, concealeth one part thereof: but thus run the words of the inscription, The holy Ecumenical Synod assembled by the grace of God, and by the commandment of the most religious Emperors, at Chalcedon, to Leo Archbishop of the Romans. Whence it appeareth, that this Synod was not called by his authority, neither was he accounted for Universal Bishop by that Synod, as Baronius would make the world to believe: Baron. ib. Confirmavimus. and as for the prerogative of the Church of Constantinople, the words used in that Canon are precise and formal: We have, say they, confirmed the Canon of 150 Bishops, meaning, of the second general Council: and therefore after this confirmation of 600 Bishops, Baronius should a little blush to bring such cold conjectures. And again, We have so defined, say they, thereby to cut off all confusion, and to establish the order of the Church. And in the end they use these terms, Vouchsafe holy Father, to embrace this our decree, as is fit and seemly for the love that ought to be between us. And what reason then hath Baronius of a sentence definitive to make an interlocutory, especially seeing that they so often repeat the same thing? We believe, say they, that the honour of the See of Constantinople was confirmed in a general Council, we now entreat you to honour our judgement by your Decree, to give your consent, and to hold yourself content with that which we have done. And the cause why they sent him the Acts, was this, That he might thereby perceive that they were led in all their consultations by divine instinct; which they never expected to be sent from Rome, neither did they look to have their doings reform there. Martianus apud Palladium. We read indeed, that the Emperor by whose commandment they were there assembled, confirmed their Acts: The things, saith he, Per nostra precepta stabilita sunt. agreed upon in the Council of Chalcedon are established by our authority: neither shall they go unpunished who shall in any point contemn this law. And indeed after this time matters passed according to the tenor of this decree, do Leo what he could to the contrary, who yet did openly bear out the Bishops of Antioch and Alexandria: but, in the Church, men govern themselves by law, not by example; measuring their actions not after the long elne of one Bishop's insolency and pride, but according to the true rule of order and discipline established in a lawful Synod. Vol. 6. an. 457. art. 23. Ninthly and lastly Baronius saith, That in the Epistle which the Clergy of Alexandria, oppressed by Timotheus, wrote to the Emperor Leo, they request that his impieties might be made known to the Roman pontiff, and to others. But why doth he not speak plainly, and say, as indeed it is, As to others; for they make no distinction between him and others: The words are these, Vouchsafe, we pray you, to write to the Bishop of Rome, also to the Bishops of Antioch, of jerusalem, of Thessalonica, of Ephesus, and others, as your Mightiness shall think fit: and they add, For our cause hath been already manifested to Anatolius Archbishop of this royal city, meaning Constantinople: which they did by virtue of that Canon of Chalcedon. Extat inter Epist. Illustr. Concil. Chalced. And the truth is, that this Anatolius in the Epistle which he wrote to the Emperor Leo upon this occasion, brandeth Pope Leo with the mark of an heretic, and censureth him to be unworthy of the Priesthood. 12. PROGRESSION. Of sundry variances which fell out between the Churches of Rome and Constantinople, by occasion of the Canon of Chalcedon. AFter this Canon of Chalcedon there was ever debate continuing between the two Churches of Rome and Constantinople; the one refusing a superior, the other not admitting of an equal; the one seeking to stretch the wings of his authority and jurisdiction over the East, the other over all. And this was the cause why the Bishops of Antioch and of Alexandria, seeking to cross the attempts of the Bishop of Constantinople, who was lately start up to this authority, and was therefore the more obnoxious to hate and envy, had recourse oftentimes to him of Rome, and as it had been in despite of the one, subjecteth themselves to the tyranny of the other. Baron. vol. 6. an. 482. art. 1. Whence the Pope himself, and Baronius his champion for him, take no small advantage; for if we will believe them, Simplicius hereupon gave confirmation to Calendinus Bishop of Antioch: Simplicius Epist. 14. having no other proof or ground than this, That Simplicius in a certain Epistle of his to Acatius Bishop of Constantinople, saith, That he had received under the wing of the See Apostolic, Euagrius li. 3. c. 10. the Priesthood of Calendius. But Euagrius an Historian of that time, saith simply without any reference unto any, That Calendius undertook the stern of that See, and persuaded all which came unto him, to pronounce Anathema against Timotheus, as against one which troubled the Church of Alexandria, and whose predecessor Stephen was notoriously installed by Acatius, as Baronius himself affirmeth: but he addeth farther, That Simplicius had made Acatius his Vicar general in the East. His reason is, for that Simplicius, upon the troubles of the Church of Alexandria, Simplic. Epist. 17 Delegatum tibi munus attendes sensus tuos prudenter attolle. complaineth to him, That he had not advertised him thereof, willing him to behave himself wisely in the charge which was delegated unto him. Committed then it was, but by whom? must we needs understand, that by him? and why not as well either by the Church, or by the people, seeing nothing is expressed? And farther, these are Simplicius his own words. And, if he did delegate such a charge unto him, yet where shall we find that the other accepted of it, as from him? Acatius in Epist. ad Simplic. And I would know whether in his Epistle to Simplicius he ever calleth him by any higher Title, than the Archbishop of Rome? and in the cause of Timotheus he professeth, That as for his so great a dignity, he held it only from Christ the Prince of Priests. And a man may easily perceive by the complaint which Simplicius made unto him, Simplic. Epist. 1. that if ever he did make him offer of such an office, he made but little reckoning of his kindness. And the like may be said, when he offered to make Zeno Bishop of Sevile his Vicar in those parts. Simplicius also in his Epistle to Acatius, speaking of one john, who was elected in the room of the said Timotheus: It remained only, saith he, that after our thanksgiving unto God, he should by the assent of the See Apostolic receive his desired confirmation. Whereupon Baronius setteth his mark in the margin, Baron. an. 482. vol. 6. art. 14. with these words, It belongeth to the Bishop of Rome to confirm the patriarchs: and, dost thou see, O Reader, saith he, that the ancient custom was, that the election neither of the Bishop of Alexandria, neither yet of Antioch, was held for good, without the authority of the Bishop of Rome? and yet he produceth no one Canon to this purpose, or any one case wherein it was so practised. Nay, we find, that when Acatius made light of his command, and when he was willed by the Emperor Zeno to bear out Petrus Moggus against john, who was an Orthodox Bishop, he qualified his style with fair words and reasons: It was reason, saith he, that one condemned by public decree (meaning this Petrus Moggus) should also be acquitted in a common assembly. Where was then this omnipotency of the Pope, when he spoke in this manner? Yea but in the end, saith Baronius, when this john was deposed, be appealed to the Bishop of Rome, as Athanasius had done before him; and for proof hereof voucheth Liberatus the Archdeacon, Liberatus in Brevia. c. 18. who dwelled too far off to be a good witness in this cause. But if his appeal was no other than was that of Athanasius, we are at an accord: for we have already proved, that Athanasius did not appeal in form of law, as we commonly call Appeals, but had only recourse unto him: and so Euagrius expoundeth it unto us; john, saith he, as Zacharie reporteth, evagr. Histor. Eccle. c. 12. & 15 having given a sum of money, contrary to his oath taken, to the Emperor, was chosen Bishop of Alexandria, whence the Emperor commanded him to be banished; who flying thence went unto old Rome, where he made much trouble; saying, that for observing the decrees of Leo, and the Canons of Chalcedon, he had been deposed from his See. Where you see there is no mention of any appeal, or of judicial proceeding: For, saith he, Simplicius moved with these words, wrote unto Zeno thereupon: who sent him word again, That he was deposed indeed, but that it was for perjury: And shortly after Simplicius died, and john withdrew himself into Italy, where the Bishopric of Nola was conferred upon him. And Liberatus also saith, That Acatius by his letters required the See of Rome, That if any of his Clergy fled unto him, Ad eundem confugerint. he would be pleased not to receive them: which are the proper terms used in these and the like cases. OPPOSITION. All these contentions about jurisdiction proceeded from that Canon of Chalcedon, An. 472. to which the Popes would by no means stand; and yet they never talk unto us but of Counsels, especially of those four first general Synods, which they use commonly to parallel with the holy Scriptures. But in the mean time came forth a certain Edict from Leo the Emperor, Leo Imperat. li. 16. c. de Sa●ros. Eccles. in this manner: We decree and ordain, That the holy Church of this most religious city, Mother of our piety, and of all Christians whatsoever, of the Orthodox religion, and the most holy See of this royal city (meaning Constantinople) in regard that she is the royal city, shall have all privileges and honours, concerning the creation of Bishops, and taking of place before all others, and all other points whatsoever, which they now have, or at any time heretofore have had. Baronius saith, Baron. an. 472. art. 3, 4, 5. That the good Emperor was overtaken by the wiles and subtleties of Acatius: and indeed it were hard if he should have nothing to say. But in vain did Simplicius oppose against it, whether before Leo, or before Basiliscus: and therefore Gelasius, An. 493. which came after, changed his style, and not alleging for himself either the Nicene Canon, as Leo did, or the ancient observation of the Church, as others, held himself fast to his Tues Petrus: This goeth not, saith he, by any synodal constitutions, Gelas. in Epist. ad Dardanos. but by the very voice of the Gospel, Tues Petrus, etc. And why then did his predecessors, especially Leo, make their very throats hoarse with crying out, and alleging always the Nicene Council? But Gelasius hereupon deprived Constantinople of the right of Patriarchship; and having so done, pronounced openly, That the See of Rome might without a Synod, of himself, either absolve those whom a Synod had wrongfully condemned, or condemn such as had deserved it; and so setteth his See up above all Counsels. Ib. And again, The Canon, saith he, hath so ordained, that all Churches ought to appeal to this See, and from this See to none; because this See judgeth of all Churches, and no Church of it, as being without spot or wrinkle: and yet as much without spot or wrinkle as she was, his very next successor Anastasius (see, I pray you, whither this pretended prerogative carried the Church) was defamed, for the heresy of Acatius, which was oppugned by Gelasius; and he was indeed a mere Acatian, do Baronius what he can to free him from this imputation. Liber Pontificalis. For the Pontifical book, in express terms saith, That many Priests, and others of the Clergy, withdrew themselves from his communion, for that without the privity or knowledge of the Bishops, Priests, and Clergy of the Catholic Church, he had secretly entertained communion with a certain Deacon of Thessalonica, called Photinus, who was of communion with Acatius; and because he sought means under hand to call home Acatius: which yet he could not effect, being prevented by God, and strooken by his dreadful judgement. By these Maxims therefore of Gelasius, it appeareth what a large step he had made into this tyranny over the Church; but yet he forbore to meddle with the civil government: and it seemeth he prophesied to us, as sometimes Caiphas did, Gelasius de Anathematis vinculo. when he gave us this rule following: There were, saith he, before the coming of Christ, some in figure appointed over temporal affairs, who were both Kings and Priests, as was Melchisedech: which manner the devil also imitated in some of his servants (as his custom is ever to attribute to himself those things which properly belong to divine worship) in that some of the Heathen Kings were also Priests: But since the true Priest and King came into the world, there hath not been found an Emperor which hath taken upon him the Title of a Priest, nor yet a Priest which usurped the regal dignity, etc. But Christ remembering well man's frailty, for his elect sake, hath distinguished these two authorities, by several offices properly appertaining to either of them: so that the Christian Emperors have need of the Priests, for their soul's health, and the Priests of them, for the course of worldly matters: so that the spiritual profession is separated from the world, and a soldier of Christ may not busy himself in the affairs of this world; neither he who is busied in earthly affairs may presume to govern in holy things: to the end, that the one supporting the other, they might not rebel the one against the other. I refer me now unto the Reader, whether Gelasius his successors have kept themselves within those bounds which he prescribed; and whether they have not fallen within the compass of his condemnation, as followers of the Pagans, and guided by the instinct of the devil, Instinctu diabolico. while they thus encroach upon the temporal estate? For what Bellarmine, or what Baronius can reconcile those maxims and positions of Gregory the seventh, called Hildebrand, with these of Gelasius? And for conclusion, we may not forget, that because Gelasius wrote once in approbation of certain writings of Honoratus Bishop of Marseilles, whom Gennadius reporteth only to have sent him his books; Baronius inferreth, That it belongeth properly to the Bishop of Rome, to approve and censure books. What a little wind will serve to fill the sails of these men's pride and arrogancy! Belike so many learned personages as wrote unto Saint Augustine, Hierosme, and others, for their approbation of their writings, took them to be Popes, and so did they take others, when they Imparted their books unto them: which is so absurd and frivolous, as nothing can be more. And thus come we now to the year of our Lord 500 13. PROGRESSION. What wicked and unlawful means men used about this time, to aspire unto the Popedom. ABout the year 500 Italy was all wasted by the Northern nations, An. 500 who swarmed there in great numbers, which had been enough to have suppressed their ambition, had it not passed the bounds of all humanity: But it was such, that every day it attempted something; and for want of work abroad, would sometimes busy itself at home: Insomuch that it grow an ordinary matter, to put in for the Popedom many years before the Pope was dead, to get voices before hand, by word of mouth, and sometime by deed indented, and to procure them by presents, and other means; Synod. Roma. sub Symmach. can. 2. & 3. as appeareth by the Synod which was held at Rome under Symmachus. Whereof ensued commonly, sedition, murders, and slaughters; insomuch that it was necessary for the Emperors, even such as they called and accounted barbarous, to prevent the mischiefs which usually ensued of their factious combinations. Wherein those holy men would never have been so eager a they were, had they not needed something else more than they did the sheep of Christ. And yet, if we may believe Gratian, in the midst of all these villainies Symmachus had the face to say, D. 40. C. non nos. Ennod. in Ap●log. Symmach. That Saint Peter had transmitted and passed over to his successors, together with the inheritance of his innocency, a perpetual gift of well deforming; and what was granted him for the brightness and beauty of his deeds, belongeth to them, who are enlightened with the like holiness of conversation. For who can doubt, saith he, but that he is holy, whom we see now exalted to so high a degree of dignity? who if perhaps he want merits of his own, yet is he sure to be well furnished with the merits of him which went before him in that place: for he either provideth, that none shall be preferred thither out such as are worthy; or if any other happen to be preferred, he maketh them worthy so soon as they are preferred. Gregory in our time took the pain to review the Canon Law, and taking especial notice of this Canon, is bold to equal it with the Apostolic Decrees. And I fear, that ere it be long, a man may more truly say, that this See hath this especial prerogative and privilege, That either it admitteth of none but knaves, or maketh them such so soon as they are admitted. But what will Symmachus say to Gratian, who speaking of Anastasius the second, D. 19 c. Anastasius. his predecessor, saith of him, That he was strucken by the judgement of God, because he communicated with Photinus the Deacon, a disciple of that master heretic Acatius: Anastas. Biblioth. in Pontific. which is averred also by Anastasius Bibliothecarius in his life. OPPOSITION. An. 472. Odoacer therefore, Captain of the Rugians, having made himself King of all Italy, about the year 472, for prevention of tumults which might ensue, if Simplicius should happen to die, made a Law, and published it by Basilius in the open Vatican, and before the Bishops there assembled, That in case Simplicius should happen to die, for the avoidance of trouble and hurt, both in Church and City, none should be elected without his privity. Baron. vol. 6. an. 476. art. 1, 2, 3. Which Odoacer hath at least this commendation from Antiquity, That he was never offensive or troublesome to the Catholic Church, in matters belonging to Religion, though himself were a professed Arrian: Cassiodor. in Chron. and farther, is reported to have been of so good a temper, that in thirteen years space, which he held Italy under his command, he never took unto him either the title or the rob of the Emperor; who, all barbarian as he was, shall yet one day rise in judgement against these men's insolency and pride. True it is, that Sigonius reporteth, that this law was made by the advise of Simplicius himself, Sigon. de Occident. Imperio, l. 15. & 16. Synod. Roma. 3. sub Symmacho, an. 498. but what author hath he for it? For the third Synod of Rome, which was held under Symmachus, saith no such thing, but termeth it in precise terms, The Law of Odoacer. And there was good use to be made of this Law about the year 498, at the election of a Bishop after the death of Anastasius the second: For by reason that Anastasius the Emperor had filled the fists of a great part of the Clergy of Rome, to this end, that he might have always a Pope at his own devotion; it came to pass, that one part set up and named Symmachus, Theodor. Collectan. l. 2. and the other Laurence, and each faction kept quarter apart; until in the end some being wiser than some, the matter was referred to Theodoric King of the Ostrogothes, who at that time reigned in Italy; and he preferred Symmachus, who not long after in a Synod at Rome abrogated this very law, as Sigonius reporteth: And we doubt not of the man's good will, but yet we find that this Law stood in force until the time of Benedict the second; whom the Emperor Constantine P●goratus, Synod. Roma. 3. sub Symmach. about the year 68●, absolved from the observance of this Law, as Onuphrius himself acknowledgeth. But these matters stayed not here: For four years after this wound began to bleed afresh. Laurence was called home to Rome, where the factions fairly ●●ll to blows: whereat Theodoric took great offence, and deposing them both, he placed Peter, Paul. Diacon. l. 15. Nicephor. l. 16. c. 35. Bishop of Al●in, in the room. Paulus Diaconus and Nicephorus speaking of this accident, report, That there were infinite spoils and murders committed by either party; the greater part of the Priests, many Clerks, and a multitude of the Citizens were there slain, Sabell. Eun. 8. l. 2. and the holy virgins themselves, as Sabellicus writeth, were not spared in those seditions. Yet must all this pass for zeal towards the Church; Ennod. in Epist. ad Faustum. insomuch, that one Ennodius, a Writer of that time, maketh them all Martyrs, who died in the cause of Symmachus: Their blood there shed (saith he) enroled them in the Register Book of the Court of Heaven. And Baronius is of the same opinion: and for proof he voucheth a saying of that great Denis, Bishop of Alexandria; but see his honesty, for the case standeth thus: Denis wrote to the schismatic Novatus, who would have made him believe, that he was taken by force, and made Bishop whether he would or no: whereupon Denis told him, That it had been better for him to have suffered any mischief, Euseb. Histor. Eccles. l. 6. c. 37. than to have broken the unity of the Church, and that it had been as glorious a martyrdom unto him, as if he suffered for not offering unto Idols. True, if rather than thou wouldst be made a Bishop in a Schism, thou wouldst suffer thyself to be killed: But the case is altered, if thou puttest thyself in danger, or causest either thyself or others to be slain, not to avoid, but to obtain a Bishopric. And such was the case of those which died in Symmachus his quarrel. And we must remember, that the fourth Synod, which was held at Rome under Symmachus, jornandes de Robus Gothicis, Synod, Roma 4. sub Symmacho. where the greatest part of the Bishops of all Italy were assembled, was called by Theodoric. True it is, that at the first the Bishops began to remonstrate to him, That the calling of the Synod belonged to the Pope: but Theodoric produced Symmachus his own letters, wherein he requested him to assign the place, and Symmachus himself in open Synod gave him humbly thanks for so assigning it. Here Baronius putteth on his brazen face: Vol. 6. an. 501. art. 2. He knew well (saith he) that to assemble a Synod of Orthodox Bishops appertained not to him, and therefore treading the steps of his predecessors, he assembled it by the authority of Pope Symmachus, and the very Acts of the Council testify as much. And then falleth he to his accustomed acclamations: A memorable matter (saith he) that a Prince, a Barbarian, a Goth by nation, a stranger, an heretic, and an Arrian, do the schismatics what they could by importuning him to the contrary, should yet yield such respect and reverence to the See Apostolic. But what if the whole proceed and the Acts themselves of this Synod show the contrary? It is therefore to be understood, that the year before, Theodoric at the instance of the adverse part, had sent Peter Bishop of Altin to Rome, in quality of a Visitor, to inform himself of the crimes which were laid to Symmachus his charge. And so it seemeth, that Theodoric and Ennodius were not both of the same mind; when Ennodius saith, That the Pope is accountable to none but unto Heaven. Afterward Theodoric gave order, that this difference should be taken up, Ennod. in Apelog. in l. 20. l. Concil. or ended in a lawful Synod: which Synod was held the year following at Rome, in the Acts whereof we find it thus written. Synod. Roma. 4. Palmaria dicta. The Synod here assembled out of divers countries, by the commandment of the most religious King Theodorie etc. And again, The Royal authority having so commanded, that the Bishops should assemble here at Rome out of divers Provinces etc. The reason is, for that one Metropolitan hath no power over another: and therefore when Bishops of divers Provinces had occasion to assemble themselves in a Synod, it could not be done without the King's authority: and in this Synod were present the Bishops of Liguria, Emilia, and Venice, to decide this cause, wherein the Bishop of Rome was defendant. Yea, but saith Baronius, the Bishops told him, that it belonged not unto him; true: but read on, and you shall find that he replied, That the Pope himself had by his letters declared his will touching the calling of this Synod: which was, that Theodoric should call it; and thereupon thanketh him for so doing, as having thereby given him the means to justify and to clear himself. And it followeth afterward, That this Synod presumed not to decree any thing without making the King first acquainted therewith. And again it is there said, That Symmachus was forced by the Emperor to enter the lists against his adversaries, and that before the Fathers assembled in this Synod, as before his lawful Delegates or Commissioners: Nunquam commisisset. For (saith he) he would never have committed this cause to them as a new cause, had he held him as already convict. Then follow the Acts themselves, Whiles they were in deliberation what was fit to be done, Symmachus came and offered to plead his cause: And having expressed the violences which his adversaries had used towards him, the Fathers spoke and said, That they must yet again fly to the justice of the Prince etc. who declared there openly, That the knowledge and ordering of Church matters belonged unto them: that he brought nothing but reverence with him when he came to the hearing of such causes: and that he committed it to the power of the Bishops to hear or not to hear it, and to dispose thereof at their discretion, provided that by the care and wisdom of the Council the Christians might have peace within the City. By all which it appeareth, that he did not put off his authority from himself, to confer it upon the Bishop of Rome. In the end these Father's proceeding according to the commandment of the Prince, resolved in this intricate cause to arbitrate and to compose the variance, rather than as judges to decide it; and for the peace of the Church, to cloak offences, rather than to expose them to the view of the world: and therefore commanded they the people to receive Symmachus again; leaving the judgement to God, of those things which could not sufficiently be proved by men. And let the reader note these words of the Fathers, According to the command of the Prince, which giveth us this power: But we restore all Ecclesiastical power to him again, as well within the City as without. And who will say, that by these words they acknowledged the Pope for Bishop of all the world? or that Theodoric called this Council by the Pope's authority? especially seeing that we find at the same time, An. 509. That the Council at Agda in Languedoc, of Orthodox Bishops, was assembled and held by the authority of Alaric, an Arrian by profession, and a Goth by nation: which yet the Fathers themselves acknowledge in the very beginning of that Council: Acta Concil. Agath. This Synod assembled (say they) in the name of the Lord in this City of Agda, by the permission of King Alaric; and therefore they ordained prayers and supplications to be made for his prosperity. And seeing also we read, that shortly after, whiles the same Symmachus was yet Pope, the first Council of Orleans was held: whereof Hincmar speaking in the life of S. Rhemigius saith, That by the advise of S. Rhemigius, An. 512. Acta Concil. Aurelian. 1. in 1. to. Concilior. Clovis called a Synod of Bishops at Orleans, where were many good things ordained. And the Fathers themselves of that Council in their synodal Epistle to King Clovis speak in this manner: We (say they) whom you have commanded to come unto this Synod, here to treat of necessary matters etc. Which things they desire afterward to be confirmed by his rightful judgement, though in his Patent directed to them he speaketh with as much respect to them, as he could have done to the Bishop of Rome himself. King Clovis (saith he) to our holy Lords, the Bishops most worthy of the Apostolic See etc. and at the foot thereof, Pray ye for me, my holy Lords, Pope's most worthy of the Apostolic See. This good King had never yet learned this lesson, though instructed by S. Rhemigius, that there were no more Popes but one, no other Apostolic See but that of Rome. All which we have been feign to deduce at large, to right the History of that wrong which our great Annalist hath done unto it. 14. PROGRESSION. Of sundry opportunities and means which the Popes about the year 500 had to raise themselves to their pretended Primacy. IN this age, which came to close up the first five hundred years, many opportunities offered themselves, to open the passage to the Pope's ambition. First the absence of the Emperors, who now resided wholly at Constantinople, and yet to maintain their authority in the West, thought it fit to make fair weather always with Popes of Rome, who never let slip any opportunity which might serve to increase their Estate. Secondly, the coming down of the Northern nations, who one after another assailed Italy, and spoiled it at their pleasure: all which were feign to sooth and to flatter the Popes, only to have their favour and furtherance at their need. Thirdly, diverse Heresies, which then sprung up both in the East, and also in the South, from whence the heretics, when they were condemned at home, fled presently to Rome (whether by Appeal, or whether by way only of Review) to have their cause heard again before his pretended Primacy. Add we hereunto, that in all places men were willing to hold correspondency with the Bishop of the first See, who resided in the chief City of the Empire, and who was held for the source and fountain of all good and found advise in matters of importance; the greater part of the world in the mean time not observing, how the Popes by little and little made their advises to stand for laws, and interpreted all requests made unto them for consultations; how they turned their mediations into Commissions, and that being chosen for arbitrators, they ever made themselves judges. And note withal (to the end you may discern how their doctrines crept into the Church together with their power) that at this time came in the invocation and adoration of Saints and Martyrs in stead of the gods, the very ground-plot of Heathenism, to erect the building of Christianity upon. OPPOSITION. Such were then the proceed of the Popes: yet when he presumed to pass his bounds too far, there never wanted some one or other to lay a block in his way: which we should now more clearly discover, had the writers of those days been as careful to record unto posterity the oppositions of the one part, as they were to set down the attempts of the other. But this appeareth, that Leo his pretensions were ever opposed by the Churches: and we may perceive by Symmachus his own Epistle, that in Sclavonie, Dardanie, and Dace, Symmach. in ep. ad Presbyt. Illyr. Dardaniaes, & Daciae. his authority was little esteemed. And in Rome itself his own Clergy accused him to Theodoric, at what time he was wiser than to reply, as now they do, that no man may presume to ask him, Domine cur ita facis? Neither did his predecessor Anastasius the second find the Bishops of France and Germany over gentle in taking their bit into their mouths, when they wrote unto him in the time of Clovis the first, and first Christian King of France, that memorable Epistle, whereof we will here insert some few of the most important clauses. Non putatiuè sed veracitèr affirmant Episcopi, that is, The Bishops do constantly and truly affirm, Epist. episc. Gol. & German. ad Anastas. 2. in Collecta. Auentin. that a Council is of greater authority than is a Pope Anastasius. Paul the Apostle which crieth out, Be ye followers of me, resisted Peter who was chief of the Apostles, because he was to be reproved etc. This is indeed a very fountain and nursery of scandals to the people, when the Bishops of the Church rise in dissension against each other, among whom there should be a full and a perfect peace etc. And again, Our weak wit (say they) cannot conceive what this new kind of compassion meaneth, which these Physicians of Italy use in the cure of the disease of France: They who pretend to cure our Bishops, are themselves shaken with a continual fever: they who promise sight to us, are themselves blind: they take us to be crouchbackes, and have themselves such a bunch of avarice growing on their backs, that it will not suffer them to enter in at the narrow gate: they let their own sheep go astray, and call our Shepherds into the way of truth, going about to persuade us, that the physic of spiritual diseases, the absolution of souls is at Rome etc. But if they will needs apply their searing irons to our wounds, they shall quickly feel our French truth, which they without a cause provoke against themselves etc. And if they say yet farther, That the Bishops of France are spiritually sick: let them remember the commandment of our Saviour, and visit us in our sickness; for the sick must not run to the Physician, but the Physician come unto the sick: which if they refuse to do, then let them know, that we have of our own a perfect good Antidote, even the Gospel of the Son of God, to expel all venom from our hearts: that is to say, We have no need of your Treacle. Let them take this for a warning, not to make show of too great zeal of justice, thereby to draw us into the snare of their King like judgements, lest we answer them as it is in the Gospel, Let him (of the Bishops of Italy) which is without sin, cast the first stone at us. All which we say to this end, that they in the hardness of their heart may not offer to lay their pretended authority upon our Bishops: For it is not impossible; that the stone which they cast at us may fly back in their own faces; for our men use not to be afraid of feathers. Let them rather this day confess before Christ, that they are a sort of miserable comforters: those properly whom S. john saw in Pathmos, of whom he saith, He sent the Dragon, and he drew the third part of the stars etc. The stink of their ill name is spread to the utmost borders of the earth. They which dwell beyond the mountain of God (that is, they which will make themselves gods) shoot their arrows beyond the stone of salvation, because they are not planted in the house of the Lord, after the order of Melchisedech etc. that is, are not called by a lawful vocation. And although (say they) by the shaking of our Oxen of France the Ark of our covenant should be like to fall, yet it belongeth to our Bishops to hold it up, and not to them. But if they by their evil speaking slander the Ark of our Church, the like mischief befall them as befell Vzzias the Levit. To conclude, let them learn this Syllogism, If there be equal power in all Bishops, then is it equal in every one: but it is equal in all, ergo in every one. And by this you may see what reckoning the Bishops of France made of the Bishops of Rome in those days. 15. PROGRESSION. That Pope Hormisda took upon him to constitute divers Vicars of his See in the West. AFter Symmachus succeeded Hormisda, who would lose no time. If we may believe his Epistles, he made divers Bishops his Vicars in sundry Provinces of the West: as Auitus Bishop of Vienna in the Province of Narbona, john of Arragon in Spain, on this side the river Betis; and on the other side, Sallust Bishop of Sevile. These Bishops accepted of this title, thereby to advance and to set themselves aloft above their brethren: and the Pope cunningly soothed them in their ambitious humour, thereby to enlarge the precincts and limits of his own authority. And in the East also, under colour of composing a certain difference in religion, concerning the Chalcedon Creed, he sent his Legates to the Emperor Anastasius, who would not receive it. The Pontifical Book saith, That he did it by the advice and counsel of Theodoric, forbearing to say, By his permission, D. 50. c. Si ille qui. though indeed it had been far more honourable for the Pope to have been the author of so good an advise himself. And yet, how earnest soever he would seem to be in the defence of this Council, it is evident that he renounced one of the principal Canons thereof, concerning the place and ordering of Bishops, seeing that he protested, though upon another occasion, that he received nothing but what was contained in the Council of Nice, for fear of broaching himself upon the Canons of those two Counsels of Constantinople and of Chalcedon, both which equal in all points the privileges of the Church of Rome and of Constantinople. And it is sport alone, to see the instructions which he gave unto his Legates; how he setteth down how far they should go, and no farther, and what they should say, for fear least happily they might mistake in the circumstances of his pretended authority; together with the relations which they make unto him at their return concerning their voyage, and of the compliments which were used to them: how careful they are to set down and to record every cap and knee which was made unto them, as purposing to make use thereof in time to come. But although the Emperors were content to gratify them the most they could, to retain by their means some small credit and reputation in the West, yet we find that all matters succeeded not according to their hope and expectation. OPPOSITION. These Legates therefore coming to Constantinople, were very honourably received by the Emperor Anastasius: but because they came as minding to command rather than to confer about matters of Religion, therefore john the second, Patriarch of Constantinople, as Basilides reporteth, made head against them: I know (saith he) that it is fit for an Emperor to command, not for a Bishop: But if there be cause why, and if he which hath charge of spiritual things must needs command, it is fit a great deal, that in this place I should command rather than be commanded. The Pontifical Book here addeth, That the Emperor (no doubt offended with both their behaviours) sent them out at aback door, and shipped them in a rotten vessel, commanding the Master of the Ship not to land them at any City. And so in this business we find ill dealing on all bands. After Anastasius succeeded justin in the Empire, an undoubted Orthodox, who called a Synod at Constantinople upon the same occasion as before: in the Acts whereof we may observe, that notwithstanding the frivolous conjectures of Baronius, the Bishop of Constantinople, as it were in despite of the Pope, is ever qualified by the name of Universal Patriarch; so far were the Bishops of the East from yielding this authority to the See of Rome. And yet in the reign of this 〈◊〉 justine, Baron. an. 518. art. 70. vol. 7. Baronius fisheth for some thing, which he may make to se●●e for his own advantage: he saith therefore, That the Bishops of the East saw that they laboured to no end without the Bishop of Rome, and that therefore they treated with him: That the Emperor justin sent an ●mbassage unto him: that the Synod and the Patriarch wrote unto him to send some thither in his behalf, for the maintenance of the common peace: That they gave him to understand of their Orthodox belief, to the end that hereafter they might have Communion each withother. And what of all this? For is this a doing of homage, or is it not rather a prevention of brotherly love and kindness. Or doth this prove the Pope's superiority, when they invite him to come unto their Synod, when the Patriarch writeth unto him in this manner, To Hormisda my religious brother, and companion in service? when Hormisda himself useth no other style but this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Bishop Hormisda to john Bishop of Constantinople? Secondly he saith, That the Emperor sent forth the chief of his Court to meet them a great way off: true, but is it fit that they should interpret the reverend respect which this Prince used to them, for an argument of his subjection? But he addeth farther, That a poor snake, Bishop of Lignida, wrote to Hormisda in this manner, Baron. an 519. vol. 7. Adorando Apostolico Patri: and another of Prevasi and Epirus, To the Father of Fathers, of equal merit with the Angels. And by this, saith he, you may perceive what respect the Bishops of the East bore unto the Pope of Rome. And tell me, I pray you, is it reason that of these fooleries, or rather impieties, Baronius should make a rule of law? or should he not rather look unto the proceed of the Counsels? It is certain, that Hormisda had delivered his Legates their lesson in a book, to which the Bishops of the East must first subscribe, before they might join in communion with them. And the good Emperor justin, because he much affected the peace of the Church, and therefore feared to offend him by any contradiction, seeing nothing in their articles repugnant to the Orthodox religion, did what he could to make his Bishops subscribe unto them; which yet carried the mark of ambition in their very front, beginning with their Tues Petrus, together with that which they infer in consequence of that text; and having this for a close, Following in all things the Apostolic See, and preaching as it ordaineth. Which clauses the Bishop of Constantinople shunned as so many rocks, and refused to subscribe unto them; requesting them to content themselves with this, That he was ready to testify his faith by his letter, which himself would write to that purpose. In the end it came to this, That he should begin with a preamble unto the articles, directed to Hormisda in form of a letter. Which he did, and in such sort, as that it might for ever after well serve him for an Antidote. The inscription was according to the usual manner, To our most blessed brother and companion of service; which suiteth but ill with the Pope's Tu es Petrus. And whereas the Pope magnified the See of Rome, he taketh occasion to say, I hold these two holy Churches of the old Rome and of the new, to be but one and the self same Church: where instead of Senior is Romae, they make us to read, Superioris Romae, by an abreviation, of set purpose and wittingly corrupted. For who ever heard speak of a superior Rome? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. or what is more usual, than to say, the elder and the new Rome? And then follow the articles of Hormisda. Thirdly, when this was done, both the Emperor himself, and the Patriarch john, wrote unto Hormisda; the one in this manner, The Emperor to Hormisda Archbishop and Patriarch, etc. And perhaps upon this ground it is that Isidore in his Chronicle saith, That the Pope received this Title first of all from Iusti●e the Emperor. The other, with the usual terms of Brother and fellow Minister. Wherein he letteth him to understand, That this general peace proceeded from the piety and virtuous disposition of the Emperor to the end that he should not offer to arrogat the praise thereof to himself; and putteth him oft in mind, that their two Churches were indeed but one & the same Church; and is far enough from making the one subordinat to the other. Understanding always, saith he, That the sed 〈◊〉 Churches, Senior is & nova Roma (and so by this place we may correct the former) of the old and the new Rome, are but one; and resolving that there is but one See of both, I now acknowledge with all sincerity of mind, Indivisibilem adunationem. out indivisible union, and equal confirmation of both Churches. By which words I would know, whether he intended to subject his Church to that of Rome, or rather to make them equal each to other? For whereas the County justinian termeth the Bishop of Rome Arch Pontife, which importeth no more, as Baronius himself confesseth, than Archbishop; this argueth not any superiority, but only a Primacy of this See. Neither do those words in the letters of Pompeius, Archbishop of the Universal Church, make any thing at all for Baronius his cause, as if the Popes had at that time been taken for Universal Bishops. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For it is in the Greek only, of the Catholic Church: a Title long before given (as already hath been declared) unto Basil, and to Athanasius, and to sundry other Bishops: Because, as Saint Cyprian saith, the Church is but one, of which every Bishop governeth his part or portion alone without a consorts and the Bishop of Rome had at that time a great part under him. For I would know, when Pope Agepete consecrated Mennas by the name of Universal Bishop, whether he purposed to make him Pope or no? and Dorotheus Bishop of Thessalonica, though inferior in degree to the patriarchs, yet calleth he the Bishop of Rome Father, and fellow Minister, and Companion in service. Fourthly, we shall best judge of the cause by casting our eye upon the effects. It sell out therefore, that one of Hor●isda his Legates had been foully outraged at Thessalonica Dorotheus, which had ever much favoured them before, was accused as author of that outrage: Whereupon Hormisda sent unto his Legates, That they should be instant with the Emperor, that Dorotheus might be deposed, and banished into some far country, or otherwise sent to Rome under sure and sufficient guard and withal, that one Aristides, who was supposed to have had a finger in that business, should not succeed him. The Emperor his answer was, That there was no reason why he should be sent to Rome to be heard there, where they might easily acquit themselves for want of an accuser. And so all his punishment was, to be sent for a few days to Heraclea, and then was he restored to his See again. How far are these proceed from that power which the Pope pretendeth? And yet have we no more of all this matter than we find in an Epistle of one of those Legates to Hormisda. Here Baronius, Baron. vol. 7. an. ●19. art. 140. as his manner is, crieth out, Is it possible that justice under an Emperor, who taketh his name from justice, should be thus forestalled through money, in the cause of the holy Father for that was the imputation which john, one of the Legates, laid upon the Emperor. But if somewhat stayeth Baronius his stomach, that the Emperor shortly after consulted the Pope upon certain points of faith. And what of that? for, his place considered, what more usual? or what would he infer thereupon? Moreover, he pleaseth himself much in a certain sentences taken out of a certain letter which he wrote unto Hormisda; which sentence he causeth to be printed in great letters: Ib. art. 98. We believe and hold for Catholic, that which was intimated to us by your religious answer. O how dangerous a thing it is to deal fairly with this kind of people! And what, shall we oppose this fair dealing against all those proceed formerly by us declared? And yet he cutteth off this sentence with an etc. whereas commonly he is no niggard in reciting whole Epistles: and therefore we have reason to suspect that something followeth, which if it were known would ma●e his cause, especially considering that these Epistles are taken out of the Vatican, and the greater part of them as yet remain vnprinted. Fiftly and lastly, he maketh much of one Possessor a Bishop of Africa, who sent a certain commentary which he had composed upon the Epistles of Saint Paul, unto Hormisda, and complaineth that he could receive no answer: The reason was, saith he, Ib. an. 52●. art. 12, 13, 14. because he well knew that the Catholic Church admitteth of no interpretation of holy Scriptures; but only such as were first approved by the Apostolic See. And where, I pray you, can he show us, that Saint Cyprian, Hilary, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Chrysostome, and others, ever sent their books to him for his approbation? or what should they have done, to have gotten their books approved, when Pope Marcellinus sacrificed unto Idols, and when Liberius became an Arrian? and when many of the rest turned Heretics? To what purpose therefore serveth all this discourse of Baronius, but only to busy and to abuse men's thoughts with childish vanities. 16. PROGRESSION. That john Bishop of Rome was sent ambassador from Theodoric to the Emperor justine; and what honour the Emperor there did unto him. An. 524. ABout the year 524, when justine the Emperor had deprived the Arrians of those Churches which they had in Constantinople, Theodoric then king of Italy, and a professed Arrian, took offence thereat, and sent john Bishop of Rome his ambassador unto him (The Pope's now use to send kings in their errands) assisted with certain Senators, to entreat him to restore them to their Churches; if not, to tell him, That he purposed to serve the Catholics throughout Italy with the same sauce. Liber Pontif. in johan. 1. And the Pontifical book saith, That they entreated the Emperor with many salt tears, and that in the end they obtained their request. Which he repeateth two several times, howsoever Baronius would feign disguise the matter. And Nicephorus reporteth, That when john Bishop of Rome was brought to an equal seat where Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople was to sit side by side with him (for he never contested with him for the precedency) he was not therewith content, but required to be placed up above Epiphanius, in a throne by himself: which perhaps was granted unto him, in regard of his quality of ambassador. And Marcellinus speaking hereof, saith, That dexter dextero Ecclesiae assedit solio: ●eaning, that Epiphanius gave him the right hand; which, if we will credit Baronius in many places of his book, is the less honourable place. But the Pontifical book maketh sure work, and saith, That the Emperor justine, in honour unto God, prostrated himself before the Pope, and adored him. OPPOSITION. Theodoric, though an Arrian, yet much commended for his great moderation, whether it was because he could not endure this pride, or whether he had been informed, that he had suffered himself to be led away by those extraordinary honours which justine had done unto him; immediately upon his return to Ravenna, chipped him up in prison, where he continued to his dying day: Which made the Popes for a while after not to carry themselves so bri●kly as before. Yet persuaded they the common people, Paul. Diac. l. 25. that a certain good man had seen the soul of Theodorie carried between this john and Symmachus the chief Senator (whose head he had taken off) into the isle of Lipara by Sicily, there to be cast headlong into Vulcan's boiling 〈◊〉. For we now enter into an age wherein the people was not fed but with such fables. Now this Pope john passeth for a Martyr, and was enroled among the Saints, as having suffered for converting the Arrian Temples into Christian Churches. But Anast●sius Bibliothecarius seemeth to report the contrary: Anastas. in johan. 1. Greg. Turene●s. de gloria Martyr. c. 40. and Gregory of Yours speaketh too confusedly to be believed. It is therefore more probable, that he was so handled upon a point of State; as about the same time Boetius and Symmachus lost their heads, for that they had intelligence with the Emperor against Theodoric. For it is clear, that john crowned the Emperor at Constantinople, though he had been already Sacred by the Patriarch: which was too much for an ambassador to do, who would not voluntarily fall into suspicion with him which sent him. An. 525. So likewise it was a mere matter of State which moved Theodoric, when he saw the factions bandings which were used in the election of Popes, to put to the hand of his authority, and to appoint him to be Pope who was at that time in greatest reputation of honesty among the Orthodox, which was Felix the fourth. Whereupon Athalaric, who succeeded his grandfather Theodoric the same year, Athalar. Epist. ad Senat. Roma. apud Cassiodo. li. 8. Epist. much rejoiced, as appeareth by the letters which he wrote to the Senate of Rome, which had received him: You have, saith he, received a parsonage instituted by God, and approved by the judgement of the Prince. And had reason, seeing that Baronius proveth out of this very Epistle, that for the space of fifty eight days which the See was vacant, the citizens of Rome had been in continual jealousies, ready always to come to blows; as in the former schism which was between Symmachus and Laurence, had not Theodoric interposed his authority. But Baronius can by no means be brought to dispense with Theodoric for this grievous sin; but whereas he was wont highly to commend his moderation, he now blazoneth him for a barbarous and a cruel tyrant: And see Reader, saith he, who it was which first made the overture to Emperors to confirm the Popes, a Barbarian, a Tyrant, and an Arrian: Yet should he have remembered, that for prevention of the like confusion Odoacer long before had made the same law: Which they never imposed upon other places, because they saw no where else the like disorders. And which is more, Athalaric was feign, at the request of the most Orthodox among them, though himself and Arrian, by a law made, to repress their unlawful simony: Whom yet they cannot accuse as over hard unto them, seeing that at the humble suit of the Roman Clergy he released them of the law of Valentinian the second, Athalaricus apud Cassiod. l. 8. c. 24. by which they were iusticiable in all causes both civil and criminal, before the secular Magistrate, in like sort as any other persons were; and ordained, That in the first instance they should go only to the Bishop of Rome, Idem li. 9 Variar. Epist. 15 and not to the secular judge but by Appeal: of which more at large hereafter. And likewise in the East, the Emperor justinian was feign to meddle in Church government, to rectify what was amiss therein. And this sticketh sore in the stomach of Baronius, and of his companions, for that the more to repress the ambition of certain Bishops which haunted the Court, L. 14. Co. de Episc. & Cler. by a law directed to Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople, he forbade all Bishops to come at Court, under what colour or pretence soever, save only upon express order and commandment from himself; upon pain and peril not only of his displeasure, but also of excommunication to be inflicted; if the party offending were a Metropolitan, by the Bishop of Constantinople; if an inferior Bishop, by his Metropolitan. And it seemeth that this canker was far gone, when he was forced to apply so sharp a remedy, when by another law directed to Atarbius Grand Master of the household, he ordained, That so often as any See fell void, the inhabitants should nominat three men of Orthodox religion, and of sound life, of which one to be chosen to the See, whom the Emperor should think fit; with many other circumstances there added: forbidding also any Bishop, Visitor, Priest, or other Clergy man, of what dignity soever, or any Master of an hospital, to be made for money; under pain as well to the giver, as to the receiver, of exclusion from all offices and dignities in time to come. Which laws would never have been made, L. 42. Co. de Episc. & Cler. Novel. 123. but by occasion of a strange dissolution and corruption of discipline, in suing for dignities in the Church. And farther, he was constrained to proceed to the reformation of the ordinary Liturgy, and of the Sacraments, commanding under pains both temporal and spiritual throughout the Empire, that both the one and the other should be celebrated in a known language; and that in such absolute and mandatorie terms, as a man may well perceive that they proceeded not from a borrowed jurisdiction: Which law of his was also to take place, and to stand in full force, within the walls of Rome itself. 17. PROGRESSION. Of Boniface the second, and that he restored the Churches of Africa to the communion of the Roman Church. An. 530. ABout the year 530, upon the death of Felix, successor unto john the first, new strifes arose about the election of a Pope, some standing for Boniface, and others for Dioscorus: Lib. Pontif. in Bonifac. 2. but Dioscorus happening to die about eighteen days after, left the room void for Boniface the second of that name; who, under colour of preventing the like inconvenience in time to come, called a Council, where he passed a Decree, That a successor should there present be created; and thereupon he nominated to it Vigilius the Deacon: but finding him to be a man of more sufficiency than he thought for, he called another Synod, wherein he declared Vigilius to be guilty of treason; Reum maiestatis and thereupon burned the nomination which was made of him: So well was this new form of election already ordered by the holy Ghost. And yet this man in a certain Epistle of his to Eulalius Bishop of Alexandria, Bonifac. in Epist. ad Eulalium in 1. to. Concil. vaunteth, That he had received authority from Saint Peter to be a help to the Universal Church; and that he ought to have a superiority over other Priests and Pastors of the Church, as the Archangels have over the ordinary sort of Angels. Which comparison serveth well for Archbishops; but unless he will compare himself to God, how will he find a Pope among the Angels. And it followeth in that Epistle, That by virtue of this authority he had by his Legates restored the Church of Carthage to the Communion of the Church: Which Church of Carthage the Popes had excommunicated long before, for that those 227 Fathers of Africa, assembled in the sixth Council of Carthage, had decreed, as hath been already declared, That they had no need of their Legates, a Latere, nor yet of Appeals to Rome: and that they were able enough, by the grace of God, and by the assistance of his holy Spirit, to decide their own controversies by themselves at home: For, saith he, Aurelius Bishop of Carthage (that was he which presided in the said sixth Council of Carthage) with his Colleagues (so many great personages as there were, and among them Saint Augustine himself) by the instigation of the devil, in the time of our predecessors Boniface and Celestine, began to exalt themselves against the Church of Rome: But Eulalius now Bishop of Carthage, seeing himself, through the sin of Aurelius, to stand separated from the communion of the Roman Church, hath repent him thereof, entreating to be received to peace and communion with her: And by a certain writing signed by himself and his Colleagues, hath condemned by the Apostolic authority all and every such books written, by what spirit soever, against the privileges of the Church of Rome. This poor Eulalius brought to this extremity by the eager pursuit of these holy Fathers of Rome, who would never let go their hold, but took their advantage of the miserable estate which those poor Churches were in, being spoiled by the Vandals, and oppressed by the Arrians, so that they were never after able to hold up their head. Bellarmine therefore, Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. l. 2. c. 25. who would needs persuade us, that the variance between those Popes and these poor Africans, was not such as the world taketh it to have been, let him tell me, seeing that by occasion of that variance Rome did excommunicate them, whether they could esteem it as a light occasion: and if it were, or if they so esteemed of it, what conscience then to excommunicate them for it, such multitudes of people, so many worthy Bishops, and Saint Augustine himself, being all dead in state of excommunication, which was thundered our against them in a time when they were already vexed with the heresy of the Pelagians, and oppressed with the schism of the Donatists, and wholly overrun with that inundation and deluge of the Huns and Vandals, and other barbarous nations? Baronius to save themselves from this scandal of excommunicating Saint Augustine, condemneth this Epistle as forged, and consequently staineth the credit of him which compiled all their Counsels: his reason is only this, That it is directed to Eulalius Bishop of Alexandria, whereas Timotheus was at that time Bishop of that See, and not Eulalius. But Harding, one of his strongest pillars, Harding. de prima Papae sect. 28. answereth for us, That it was directed to Eulalius at that time Bishop of Thessalonica. Wherefore let them agree among themselves as they will, it is enough for us that we have it from them, though indeed to justify this Epistle we may farther say, That it is taken in among their own Decrees, and standeth for good in the late edition of Gregory the thirteenth, ca Ad hoc. 7. with these words, This chapter is read word for word in the Epistles of Boniface to Eulalius, than Bishop of Thessalonica: which may serve for an answer to all these frivolous conjectures of Baronius. Moreover, Baronius thinketh that he hath gotten a great catch, in that the Emperor justine, and after him justinian, sent unto the Pope a confession of their faith; which was a custom used by the Emperors, upon their installation in the Empire; and not only to the Pope, but also to sundry other Bishops of the better sort: to the end that they should publish to the people, That they were of the Orthodox faith; because there had been many Arrian, Nestorian, and Eutychian Emperors elected, who had caused no small trouble in the Church. OPPOSITION. But that the Emperor's meaning was not thereby to acknowledge him as Universal Bishop, besides that they did the like to other patriarchs, An. 533. appeareth moreover in this, that they speak always with reference to the Council of Chalcedon, which we have heretofore spoken of, as it is evident both out of their confessions, and also by the Novel Constitution 131. But to come to the matter, Novel. 131. no law could be a bridle strong enough to hold in that headstrong and unruly ambition of the Popes. We have already scene the laws of Odoacer, and of Theodoric; and Athalaric, who succeeded after Theodoric, was feign to do the like: For when as upon the death of Boniface there went an open and a violent canvas throughout the city, wherein some were neither ashame nor afraid to offer the Senators themselves money for their voices, the Sebat took high displeasure at these proceed: and thereupon they passed a certain Decree, which we read in Cassiodorus in these terms: Whosoever, for the obtaining of a Bishopric, Cassiod. li. 9 Epist. 15. shall either by himself, or by any other person, be found to have promised any thing, that contract shall be deemed and held as execrable: He that shall be found to have been partaker in this wicked act, shall have no voice in the election, but shall be accounted a sacrilegious person, and shall be forced by course of law to make restitution of it. Moreover, the Senate complained of this great abuse to the king Athalaric, and the defender of the Roman Church joined in petition with them to the king, who ratified their Decree by an ordinance of his own, directed to Pope john: The defender, saith he, of the Roman Church came lately to us weeping, and showed unto us, that in the late election of a Bishop of Rome, some men making their benefit of the necessity of the time, by an ungodly practice had so surcharged the means of the poor by extorted promises, that the very vessels of the Church was by that occasion set to sale. But the more cruel and ungodly this act is, the more religious and holy is our purpose to cut it off by due course of law. And a little after, having mentioned the above named decree, he addeth, For this cause, all that which is contained in that decree, we command to be observed and kept to all effects and purposes, against all persons which either by themselves, or others shall have any part or portion in those execrable bargains. What a pity was it, that the defender of the Church should be constrained to lay open this filthy nakedness of the Church unto an Arrian? Baron. vol. 7. an. 533. art. 32. & seq. But Baronius to make the best of a bad cause, saith, That he did it by the exhortation of Pope john: but the Reader may observe, that neither in the History, neither yet in the ordinance itself, there is any such mention made. The conclusion is as followeth, Our will and pleasure is, Cassio. lib. 9 variar. epist. ep. 16. that this our Ordinance be intimated to the Senate and people by the governor of the City, to the end that all may know, that we are desirous to find out those who run a course so contrary and repugnant to the Majesty of God: and you also (saith he) shall intimate the same to all Bishops, which by the grace of God are under your command and government. Which words are plainly directed to the person of john: but in that which he wrote to the governor of the City he addeth farther and saith, To the end that this benefit of ours may continue firm and steadfast in time to come, we ordain, That as well this our Ordinance as the said Decree of the Senate be deeply graven in tables of Marble, and set up as a public testimony before the Porch of S. Peter's Church. A great honour, no doubt, unto the Prince himself, but an everlasting blemish and reproach to the Clergy of tha● time. L. 8. Co. de summa Trinit. But in the usages of justinian the Emperor towards john the second, Baronius imagineth, that he findeth much for the Pope's advantage. It is certain, and we have often said as much, that the emperors being now retired into the East, had need to hold intelligence with the Popes of Rome, by their means to find always a door open into Italy. Wherefore this Emperor being newly come unto his Crown, sent an honourable embassage unto him, to assure him of his true faith and Orthodox religion. And Baronius observeth in his Epistle, that he saith in this manner: We are all careful to advertise your Holiness of all such things as concern the estate of the Church: with those other words following, To submit and to unite to your Holiness all the Bishops of the East etc. Your Holiness, which is the Head of all the holy Churches. And thence he concludeth, that the Emperor acknowledged this full and absolute authority of the Pope; and consequently, that all the Churches of the East did the like; not caring how many pages he filleth with this argument. But to let pass, that the most learned Civilians of our time hold this Constitution as neither lawful nor legitimate, it would trouble his conscience to have all this Epistle construed according to the letter: For first the inscription is only this, To the holy john, Archbishop of Rome and Patriarch, as the Emperor justin his predecessor had styled him before. Doth this title, I would know, import an universal charge and authority over all? But what then shall we say, when we see this very Emperor, writing to Epiphanius Bishops of Constantinople, to use these terms following, L. 7. & 8. Co. de sum. Trinit. To the most holy Archbishop of this royal City, and Ecumenical, that is to say, Universal Patriarch? What would Baronius have said, had the Emperor so written to the Bishop of Rome? And farther, doth he not use the same terms unto him which he doth unto the other? We will (saith he) that your Holiness know all matters which belong to the State Ecclesiastical: and we have written to the same effect to the Pope of old Rome. And all this we read in an Epistle, which Baronius himself acknowledgeth to have passed in nature of a public Edict. Wherefore Baronius hath nothing to stand upon but this, that the Emperor saith, We endeavour to submit and to unite unto your Holiness all the Bishops of the East. Which words Pope john laid hold on with both his hands in his answer to this letter: where he telleth him, that among other his virtues this was most eminent, that he subjecteth all things to the See of Rome. And tell me I pray you, when he expoundeth this word subijcere by that other word unire, doth he not sufficiently explain his meaning, which was to reduce them, not under the same dioces, but under the union of the same faith and true doctrine which the Church of Rome had kept: and such is the drift of this whole Epistle. Yea, but he calleth it the Head of all the holy Churches; true: but so doth he likewise, and that not by letter only, but by an express law, pronounce the Church of Constantinople the Head of all other Churches: and Zeno the Emperor doth the like. Caput. l. 16. Co. de sacros. eccles. & l. 24. ibid. Baron. vol. 7. an. 534. art. 36. But had either of these therefore any purpose to subject the Church of Rome to that of Constantinople? And if Baronius reply, that their meaning was of all the Churches of the East, Why may not I as well say, that the other was likewise meant of all the Churches in the West? And because he will needs interpret this place by the 131 Novel, I would know what he can thence gather more than this, Novel. 131. that the Bishop of old Rome should hold the first place, and he of Constantinople the second? which we deny not: but it followeth not that therefore the one is subject to the other. But both of them stand upon equal ground by the Canons of Constantinople and of Chalcedon, to the which the Emperor from the beginning promised to hold himself. For whereas he farther allegeth the ninth Novel, directed to john the second, wherein he granteth this privilege to the Church of Rome, that she shall not be prescribed but by an hundred years, calling that City the Foundation of Laws, and Fountain of the Priesthood, not to say, Novel. 10. in ed. Holoan. that this Novel is not found in the Greek, he should rather have observed, that he is there called only, The Patriarch of the City of Rome; that he distinguisheth in express terms between the Churches of the East and of the West, and granteth the same privilege to them both, and had granted into the Church of Constantinople seven years before the other. Likewise, that which he enforceth out of the 42 Novel, directed to Mennas' Patriarch of Constantinople, Novel. 42. (which he here allegeth before the time) That Pope Agapete had deposed the Patriarch Antymus, because he agreed not with the Church of Rome, is not truly alleged, and therefore it is that he doth not allege the text itself. The truth is, that Agapete being then at Constantinople, presided in the Council wherein Antymus was deposed. And this is that which the Emperor meaneth when he saith, That he was put from his See by Agapete, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. who then held the first See in the old Rome. But how was he deposed? it is there said, By the common suffrage of him and of the Synod there assembled. And the reason is also added, for that he usurped the place, contrary to the holy Canon, and had departed away from the sound doctrines of the holy Counsels. And this deposition of him was also authorized by the Emperor in his 42 Novel directed to the said Mennas, who is there again qualified with the name of Universal Patriarch: which place Holoander, for fear of the Pope's displeasure, hath translated, Patriarch of all that quarter; whereas the word there used, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifieth all the habitable earth. Wherefore it is to be understood, that all those patriarchal Sees are sundry times called Ecumenical, without prejudice of each to other, because the Bishops of those Churches being placed in the midst of the enemies of Christianity, were always taken as watchmen over the whole Church, who were to look every man not to his own peculiar charge only, but to all in general, that Satan by schisms and heresies infected not the body of the Church; like unto fellow tutors, who though by consent they administer every one his portion of the pupil's goods apart, yet is every one of them answerable for the whole. Wherefore we see, that sometimes these Patriarches without blame put their sickles into each others corn, and upon the first alarm given by any of these, they all sought presently to procure an Ecumenical Council; which was then so esteemed and called, when they all, or the greatest part of them, with their inferior Bishops, met in Synod; and as Rome, for the honour of the City, held always the first room in dignity, so the Church there, for the grace which God had given her to keep herself more clean from heresies than any other, was most respected, and the Bishop also of that City took place before the other Patriarches, and in causes which arose, was ever consulted with much respect and reverence; whereof justinian yielded the cause, which was, for that (saith he) we have sundry times been reform by the Church of old Rome. L. 7. Co. de sum. Trinitat. But so soon as either the Pope, or any other Patriarch began to abuse this honour, and to encroach thereby upon the liberties of their fellows, every man began presently to cry out of tyranny and oppression. 18. PROGRESSION. 1 That the Gothish Kings used their authority in the election and creation of the Popes. 2 That Belisarius, by the command of the Empress, thrust out Syluerius, and placed Vigilius in the Popedom. 3 That Vigilius condemned the Council of Chalcedon, and confirmed the Heresy of the Eutychians. 4 Baronius his censure of Vigilius. 1 IT cannot be denied, that the Popes of this age were sharply set upon this desire of sovereignty and dominion; but they met commonly with one or other, who knew well how to provide a martingale for a jade: and so much the rather, because men began now to grow jealous of their authority and power, as they saw them to use it in favour of one or other. Wherefore these Gothish Kings used ordinarily to bear a hand in their elections, which were carried otherwise after a fashion more befitting rogues and thieves than ingenuous competitors. And Agapete was no sooner elected Pope, Anastas. in Agapete. but Theodatus immediately sent him as ambassador to justinian the Emperor of Constantinople, to excuse him of the death of Amalasuntha his wife, daughter to Theodoric, and by him recommended to the Emperor's protection: a fit commission for a Pope. And the same Theodatus upon the death of Agapete placed Syluerius in his room, being the natural and lawful son of Pope Hormisda. Si●e deliberatione Decreti. An. 536. The Pontifical Book saith, That it was done without any deliberation of the Decree: and he made many Priests to subscribe thereto by force and fear. How then can these men, who boast so much of their Mission, justify this calling, with sundry actions ensuing thereupon? Syluerius accepted of his kindness: but Vigilius, whom Boniface had formerly nominated to the See, by solicitation of the Empress, put in now again for his interest. And here the Reader may well observe an apparent progress and proceeding of the iniquity of this See: the relation therefore of Liberatus Archdeacon of Carthage is as followeth, 2 Liberatus in Bretuario, c. 22. The Empress Theodora (who was of the Eutychian Heresy) called unto her Vigilius, sometime Deacon to Pope Agapete, requiring him to promise her under hand, That if he were made Pope of Rome, he would abrogate the Council (meaning that of Chalcedon) and that he would write his letter to Theodosius, Anthymius, and Severus, heretics of the same profession, and therein ratify and confirm their faith; promising him to send her command to Belisariu●, that he should set him in the See, and withal to give him seven hundred marks of gold. Centenaria septem. This Vigilius, what for love of the gold, what for desire of the Popedom, accepted of the offer, and thereupon came to Rome, where he found Syluerius already created Pope: wherefore he went to Belisarius, who then lay at Ravenna, to whom he delivered his message from the Empress, and of those seven promised him two hundred marks, if he would thrust out Syluerius, and put him in his place. Belisarius thereupon returned to Rome, and called Syluerius before him into the palace, laid to his charge, that he had entertained secret intelligence with the Goths, to surprise the City: and it is reported, that one Marcus a scholar, and julian one of the guard, had forged certain letters as from Syluerius to the King of the Goths, whereby he was convicted of conspiracy against the City. And yet in the mean time did Belisarius and his wife deal privily with Syluerius, to satisfy the Empress, by canceling and disannulling the Council of Chalcedon, and by writing to authorize and to confirm the faith of the heretics. But he was no sooner gone out of the place, but having had conference with his Council, he withdrew himself into the Temple of S. Sabina, from whence, upon assurance given unto him by one Photis, son to the Lady Antonina, he was again sent for to come into the Palace: his friends advised him not to adventure his person upon the tickle faith and promise of those Grecians: yet he came into the Palace, from whence in regard of their oath and promise they suffered him to return safely unto the Temple of S. Sabina. But when Belisarius sent for him a second time, seeing a mischief ready to fall upon him, he recommended his cause to God, and went unto the Palace, where he entered all alone, and after that was never seen by any of his friends. The day following Belisarius called together all the Priests, Deacons, and Clerks, commanding them to proceed to the election of a new Pope: who, after some little variance, agreed in the end upon Vigilius, whom they chose in favour of Belisarius; and Syluerius was then banished unto Patara, a City of Lycia. 3 Belisarius immediately upon the installation of Vigilius demanded performance of promises which Vigilius had made unto the Empress, and the two hundred marks which he had promised unto him: but he, what for fear, what for avarice, refused to perform his promises. Syluerius in the mean time arrived at Patara, and the Bishop of that City went and acquainted the Emperor with his cause: the emperors answer was, That if those letters were found to have been written by him, Syluerius might not presume to stir from thence; if otherwise, that then he should be restored to his See again. And it came to pass, upon the examination of these letters, that Syluerius returned into Italy: Whereupon Vigilius fearing lest he should be deposed, told Belisarius, That unless he would deliver Syluerius into his hands, he could not perform that which he had promised. Wherefore Syluerius was delivered to a couple of his guard, and was by them carried prisoner to Palmaria, where he starved in their custody. Then Vigilius to perform his promise to the Empress, wrote by Antonina, wife to Belisarius, that letter which Liberatus setteth down all at large, directed to the chief Eutychians, as the Empress had required him to do: wherein he telleth them, That he holdeth and ever did hold the same faith which they did, requesting them not to let any know what he had written, but rather seem to mistrust him. And he farther declared his faith in these words, We do not confess two natures in Christ, but one Son composed of two natures, pronouncing Anathema against all such as should affirm the contrary. And now let the champions of the Roman Church tell us, what vocation or calling this good Pope had. Baron. vol. 7. an. 538. art. 20. 4 Baronius to defend the matter, saith, That the like schism was never seen in that Church: (and yet we may remember that his predecessors had their errors) A Pope (saith he) thrust into the Chair by a secular authority, a thief in at the window, a Wolf amongst the Sheep, a false Bishop amongst the true, an Antichrist against Christ: The impiety of Novatus, the obstinacy of Vrsicin, the presumption of Laurence, all these put together seem as nothing in comparison of him. And yet shortly after, when he had murdered Syluerius, he maketh him a Saint, and a Vicar of Christ, Jb. art. 19 excellent, beyond comparison. He laboureth by all means to prove, that this Epistle in Liberatus smelleth of the forge: for, What probability (saith he) that in his inscription he should call the Emperor and the empress Lords and Fathers? Dominos & Patres. But he is egregiously mistaken, not seeing, that this Epistle was not directed to them, Libera. c. 22. but to the chief heretics, Theodosius, Anthymius, and Severus, according to the promise which he had formerly made unto the Empress. And Liberatus in the end of that discourse saith, That Vigilius writing privily as he did, continued in his See. Look now and see what is become of these men, of their undoubted succession, and infallibility in points of faith, who the worse they are, the more they cry out Tues Petrus. Agapet. in ep. ad Justin. Agapete, who made his moan unto justinian, That Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople had received Achilles an heretic unto penance, without his authority, being himself at Constantinople, would needs use his power and authority, even to the deposing (if any man think fit to believe them) of the Patriarch Anthymus, and to the setting of Mennas in his place. But we will show how this was done by authority of the Provincial Synod. And Vigilius, who groweth violent in his Epistles, and pronounceth, That unto Peter was given the pre-eminence over all the rest, and that therefore he was called Cephas, that is by interpretation a Head (by which it appeareth, that he was much better seen in the ambition of the Latins, than in the language of the Grecians) that for this cause all Appeals must come to Rome, and all greater causes be referred to the hearing of the Consistory there. Vigilius ad Euterium. To be short, That all other Bishops may peradventure be said to be called in partem sollicitudinis, i. into part of the cure, but not into that plenarty of power and absolute jurisdiction. A profane speech, and well befitting Antichrist; and so Baronius himself doubteth not to call him. OPPOSITION. We have seen how far their ambition would have gone: let us now see how far it went. For the case of Anthymus, Liberatus saith briefly, That Anthymus seeing himself deposed at the suit of Pope Agapete, delivered up his Pall unto the Emperor, and went his way; and that Agapete to content the Emperor, ordained and consecrated Mennas in his place. But reason would, that in this case we should give more credit to the Emperor justinian himself, in whose presence these things were done. Novel. 42. He therefore telleth us in his 42 Novel, That Anthymus was cast out, being first condemned and deposed by the common consent and suffrage, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as well of Agapete as of the Synod. Where Baronius, by occasion of this word First, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. will needs show a trick of wit, and thence inferreth, that he was first deposed by Agapete, who used (saith he) therein the fullness of his power. Whereas the emperors meaning was only to show a legal proceeding in the cause, and that nothing was done by violence against him; as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth properly signify, not first, but before, Prius, non primum. with relation to that which followeth: as also those words, By the common suffrage of Agapete, what sense have they, unless they be joined with that which followeth, and of the Synod? And so hath Holoander himself translated it. For how can the suffrage of one alone be termed common but only in relation to some other man? Moreover, if he by his full and absolute authority had deposed him, what need was there thereof a Synod? And when they had done all, yet was the confirmation of the Emperor necessary thereunto, which he expresseth in the 42 Novel in these words, Though this be a matter unusual to the Majesty of a King, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. yet we also now set our hand to the making of this Decree and Ordinance: For so often as the general suffrage of Priests and Bishops hath deprived any of their Priestly Sees, as unworthy of their place and calling (such as were Nestorius, Eutyches, Arrius, Macedonius, Eunomius, and others not inferior to them in wickedness and malice) so often hath the Regal dignity contributed the vigour of her authority with the authority of sacred persons: Which terms express and declare, that the confirmation depended of him, not of Agapete, which had already passed his sentence of him: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To the end (saith he) that both the divine and secular authority may concur, for the establishing of lawful and just decrees. But if perhaps the Emperor's credit be not good, we can, for a need, produce the testimony of Agapete himself, whose synodal Epistle we find registered in the Acts of the fifth General Council, written by him to all Bishops in the name of the Synod: where speaking in the name of the company, he saith, We have pronounced him unworthy of all holy function: Concil. vniuers. quintum, act. 1. ubi ep. Synod. Agapeti. and speaking of the placing of Mennas in his room, Though the Emperor (saith he) elected him, yet the whole Clergy and people gave also their consent, so that he may well seem to have been elected by all. What therefore do we find in all this to prove the Pope's authority, but only a bare consecration, which any other Metropolitan or Bishop might have done as well as he? only being present, Baron. vol. 7. an. 536. art. 59 he was pleased himself to grace him with that office. Here Baronius allegeth a certain writing taken out of the Vatican, as he saith, and which containeth the Acts of Agapete, during his abode at Constantinople; where he saith simply, That Agapete thrust Anthymus out of the Church, and enjoined him his penance. But to go no farther, he might as well have observed out of that Script which he allegeth, that he is there only called Antistes prima sedis, i. Priest or Bishop of the first See, and not Universal Pope: as also that when justinian and he met, it is not there said as in the Pontifical Book, That the Emperor adored him: but only thus, The King and the Bishop kissed each other with a holy kiss, Rex & Pontifex sancta delibans oscula, & alter alterum veneratus. and each did reverence to the other; naming the Emperor as first in order. And again, he might have observed, that the See of Constantinople is there called an Apostolic Throne, as well as that other of Rome. And of the ordination of Mennas it is there said, That the Ministers of the Church, to the great rejoicing of the Catholic Emperor, took counsel to prefer him to that place, and recommended him to the Bishop Agapete, Praefuli. to ordain him their Bishop: That Mennas than delivered his confession to Pope Agapete, who meant to present it with his own hands to S. Peter at Rome: and that, this being done, he then obtained the universal Bishopric, by the imposition of hands of the Prince of all Bishops; Principe. whom a little before he called only the Bishop of the first See. Subiectarum sibi provinciarum. Which word of Universality, Baronius expoundeth, as meant only of those Provinces which belong to his jurisdiction: And why then may not we make the like construction, when any man letteth fall the same, or the like word of the Pope of Rome? But this is much after their ordinary Grammar, when by saying the Catholic Roman Church, they make a particular Universal. And thus much for Agapete. Baron. vol. 7. an. 540. art. 6, 7, 8, 9 Now followeth Vigilius, whom Baronius immediately after the murder of Syluerius, of an Antichrist, as he termed him before, now maketh Christ's Vicar, and which is more, a very Saint. He was no sooner set in his chair, but presently he became a new man: Whereupon our Annalist crieth out, What a miracle is this from God upon this chair, which thus transformeth a bad man into a good▪ And yet by all the particulars which himself deduceth at large in his election, it should seem that God had no finger in it: All was of pure man, the authority of the Empress, the force and violence of Belisarius, gained before hand by money, the fear of a present uproar in the city if they had presumed to elect any other, which made them in this election to leap over all Laws and Canons of the Church: for these are his very words. But let us see whether there were any greater miracles wrought upon him after his election. Anastas. in Vigilio. Anastasius Bibliothecarius, not a flatterer, but a very Idolater of the Popes, in the life of Vigilius, telleth us, That he was no sooner established in his See, but the Romans presently accused him before the Emperor: We make it known, say they, unto your Majesty, that he dealeth ill with your servants and people of Rome, and that we here accuse him of murder: He is grown so furious, that he gave his Notary a blow on the ear, which made him to fall down dead at his feet: Also he commanded a nephew of his, and his own sister's son, to be beaten unto death. And are these the miracles which this chair worketh? Now upon these complaints the Empress, as it is there reported, sent Anthemius the Scribe to apprehend him by main force, yea though he found him in the Church; and to bring him by sea sure prisoner to Constantinople: who following his commission, seized on him in Saint Cecils Church, and carried him away forthwith to ship him upon the Tiber; the people following him with cursings, and casting stones at him, and crying out, Hunger and pestilence go with thee: Evil hast thou done unto us, and evil mayest thou find where ever thou comest. Baronius believeth nothing of all this which Anastasius reporteth; his reason is, because Procopius saith nothing of it: Procop. de bello Gothico. li. 3. And no marvel, seeing that the scope of Procopius was to write the wars of the Goths, not the lives of the Popes. Now when he was brought to Constantinople the Empress challenged him of his promise, Baron. ib. an. 552. art. 11. which was, to restore Anthymus. Whereupon Baronius would feign canonize him for a Martyr, and presumeth to affirm, That in this man, when he now sat in Saint Peter's chair, Christ himself, not only as he was man, but also as he was God and man, sat also with him. Now whether this was the true cause, or only a colour, I cannot say. But Anastasius reporteth, That they reproached him with the murder of Syluerius, and of his own Notary, and of his sister's son, haling him along the streets with a rope about his neck. Nicepherus addeth farther, That he had excommunicated the Patriarch Mennas, whom his predecessor Agapete had himself consecrated in the room of Anthymus the Heretic, who excommunicated him again, and could not forbear his wont violence: So that in the end, to stint these strifes, Ib. an. 553. there was a Council called at Chalcedon. Baronius here observeth, That Eutychius, who was chosen in the room of Mennas, tendered the profession of his faith unto Vigilius: and we on the contrary have already showed, that this was a thing usually practised among the Bishops. But he should rather have observed, That in his letter he calleth him only by the name of Brother, and Companion of the Priesthood; knowing, as he there saith, how much good proceedeth from the peace of God: And that in the end of the letter he subscribeth himself, Eutychius by the grace of God Bishop of Constantinople, without any reference to the Pope. Where also Baronius observeth, That Eutychius requested Vigilius, That the difference which yet remained between the Orthodox, De Tribus Capitulis, might be referred to a Council, in which your Beatitude may preside over us, and where the holy Gospels may lie open before us. Well then, saith Baronius, by this it appeareth that he acknowledged his presidency. Which point deserveth to be handled somewhat more at large: And first we must see who called it. Baronius runneth to his old shifts, and saith, That the Emperor decreed it to be called, by the Pope Vigilius his advise; Ib. art. 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. evagr. li. 2. c. 37 being loath to speak plainly, and to confess that he called it: and thereupon he citeth Euagrius, where he saith, That Vigilius consented by his letters to the Council (which he sent from Chalcedon, whither he had withdrawn himself at that present) but himself would not be at it. And why then will he not as well believe him, when he saith, That justinian called the fift Council? or if Vigilius had called it while he was present at the place, why did he afterward refuse to be present at it? The best is, that the Histories make this matter clear enough. Nicephorus saith, Nicephor. li. 17. ca 27. That the Emperor justinian called the fifth general Council, and summoned the Bishops out of all quarters. And the Emperor himself unto the Fathers of the Council: We have, saith he, assembled you in this regal city. And the Fathers themselves, We, say they, here assembled, according to the commandment of the devout justinian. And Baronius in that writing which he allegeth unto us out of the Vatican, teacheth us, That Vigilius did what lay in him to have this Council held in Sicily, as a more in different place for the Bishops of the East and West to meet in; and yet he could not obtain it. As for the presidency, it is evident, that at the first Mennas' Bishop of Constantinople presided in it, and there gave sentence against Anthymus and other Heretics; which sentence is yet to be seen in the body of the Counsels. And after Mennas' his death, Bellarmine cannot deny, Synod. Constant. quin. universa. actio. 4. Bellar. li. ●. de Concil. ca 19 but that Eutychius, who succeeded him in the See, succeeded likewise in the presidency: and the whole course of the Acts show as much. But, saith he, Vigilius might have presided if it had pleased him. It should seem, by his leave, that Nicephorus was of another opinion, when he saith, When Eutychius was by the Emperor put in the room of Mennas late deceased, Vigilius, though agreeing with him in points of doctrine, yet refused to sit by him: which was, no doubt, because he affected a higher seat; and thereupon, though he was at that time in the city, yet would he not stay at the Council, pretending that there was but a small number of the Western Bishops there: whereas the true cause was, because he saw his predominant omnipotency neglected. Bellarmine replieth out of Zonaras, Zonar. to. 3. pa. 55. & 74. That Vigilius was chief of this Synod. How chief, if he were not there at all? But that place of Zonaras answereth for itself: There were, saith he, 165 Fathers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quorum princeps fuit, saith the Latin translation, that is, of whom was chief Vigilius Pope of Rome, and Eutychius, and Apollinaris of Alexandria: where we see that this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred to all three, as Heads of these three patriarchal Churches. So likewise he speaketh in another place of the sixth general Council, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. of which were chief, or Captains and Leaders, the Vicars of Agatho Pope of Rome, George of Constantinople, and Theophanes of Antioch: where the translator rendereth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by Principes fuere, and so are they usually termed as well the one as the other. Explanatio Sanctor. & venerabil. Conciliorum etc. an. 1553. There is a book entitled, The Explanation of the Holy Counsels, taken out of the king's Library: this book speaking of the Council of Nice, In that Council, saith he, were Heads and Precedents, Sylvester Bishop of Rome, Alexander of Alexandria, and Macarius of jerusalem. And again speaking of the second general Council, The Precedents there were Damasus Bishop of Rome, Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople, Timothy of Alexandria, Cyril of jerusalem, Miletius of Antioch; all which were patriarchs: But he addeth afterwards, Great Gregory the Divine, Gregory of Nissa, and Amphilochius of Iconium, by reason of their great learning: Zonar. to. 3. pa. 30. where Zonaras useth a higher strain, and saith, That among all these Gregory the Great, and Gregory of Nissa, and the sacred Amphilochius, in all encounters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. were chief and principal: which word used in the singular number by the Author, is by the Interpreter referred to all three, as was also that other word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, referred to Vigilius, Eutychius, and Apollinaris. And this same book speaking of the Council of Ephesus, saith in like manner, In this Council presided Calestin Bishop of Rome, Cyril of Alexandria, juvenal of jerusalem, Memnon of Ephesus. And so likewise of other general Counsels of Chalcedon, Constantinople, the second Nicene, and the rest; where the Greek words are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Latin Interpreter rendereth it, Huic Concillo praefuerunt, i. They were chief in this Council; naming always the Pope for company among the rest, and that most commonly when himself was not there in person, and sometimes no man for him, as namely in the Council which we now speak of. Bellarmine yet urgeth out of that Epistle which Baronius allegeth, That Eutychius Bishop of Constantinople, writing to Vigilius, saith unto him, We desire to treat and to confer of these points together, Praesidente nobis vestra beatitudinè, that is, Under your blessed presidency. But this is to grate too far upon the plain speaking of these letters, contrary to all course of history. And it is not improbable (which a learned man hath observed) that this place is corrupted, juni. controvers. 4. pa. 186. and Praesidente written in stead of Residente, that is, While you are here abiding with us; as we find this word used upon like occasion in many other Counsels: Concil. Matisco. 2. & passim. Residentibus Prisco Euantio, Praetextato, etc. that is, Assisting in the Council: For at the first sitting of this Synod Vigilius was in the city; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and if we should read Praesidente, yet there is a large difference between Preseancie, which importeth only a priority of place, and presidency, which implieth a superiority. But more than this, a great part of that action is spent only in requesting him to be present at the Synod; and in the end they protest against him, Concil. Canstant. 5. art. 5. and openly reproach him. That he is an offence and scandal both to the Emperor and also to the Churches; as one which nought regarded the curse pronounced by our Saviour, against those who offend even little ones. Yet he stirred not, only he sent them word, That they should receive his advise in writing. Now what can a man imagine to have been the cause of this his tergiversation, but only this, That he saw his pretended presidency neglected, and himself called thither not to command, but only to confer; not to make show of his omnipotency, but of his learning. So that in the end, for such his contempt against the authority both of the Emperor and of the Council, he was cast into banishment; and having afterward by the means of Narses gotten leave to return home again, he died by the way in Sicily. And thus we see that the calling of the general Counsels was not as yet devolved, nor did belong to the Bishop of Rome, no not so much as the calling of Nationall Synods: seeing that we find the second Council of Orleans, which was held about this time, speaking in this manner: We, say the Fathers, being now to deliberat concerning the observation of the Catholic law, by the commandment of the most glorious King, etc. and that other of Auvergne, That they were there assembled by the consent of our most renowned Lord the King Theodebert: and so of others. And which is more, justinian himself, whose favour toward them they do so much magnify and extol, made no difficulty to create a Pope by his own authority: which appeareth in that which Anastasius reporteth, and Baronius cannot deny it, That he put the citizens of Rome to their choice, Whether they would receive Vigilius again, or take Pelagius his Archdeacon to be their Bishop. Neither was this a matter of fact only, but a lawful right: For Onuphrius, Onuphr. in Pelag. 10.2. a man of their own, saith, and groundeth his saying upon the authority of Vigilius, That when the Goths were turned out of Italy by Narses, and both Italy and Rome were now annexed to the Eastern Empire, under the Emperor justinian, by the authority of Vigilius, there was brought in a new fashion to be observed in the creation of Popes, which was, In Comitijs Pontificalibus. That so soon as the Pope was deceased, the Clergy, Senate, and People, should presently fall to the choice of another, after the custom of their forefathers. More maiorum. But the Pope so elected by them, might not be consecrated by the Bishops, until his election were first confirmed by the Emperor of Constantinople, and his pleasure herein signified by his letters patents, for the authorising him in the execution of his Pontifical jurisdiction: for which licence the Pope elect was to send the Emperor a certain sum of money: (How far is this from that pretended donation?) which done, he was then consecrated, and took upon him the administration of that See. Whereas before that time he was ever elected and consecrated all in a day. And it is certain, that either justinian himself, or Vigilius by his authority, brought in this fashion; to the end that the Emperor might stand always assured of the Pope's inclination towards him, because his authority was grown great in Italy, since the time that the Emperors seated themselves in Greece: and the fear was, lest that if a Pope should happen to be chosen either of a factious and turbulent disposition, or peradventure ill affected to the Emperor, he might by his authority draw Italy from his allegiance, in favour of the Goths; a thing once before attempted by Syluerius, at least the Emperor was so persuaded. And this custom, as he saith, and citeth many authors for it, dured till the days of Benedict the second. 19 PROGRESSION. That Pelagius the first caused the fift general Council of Constantinople to be received in Italy. AFter the death of Vigilius, who deceased in Sicily as he returned from Constantinople, Pelagius the first, who succeeded him in that See, never consulting upon the matter, but only seeking to gratify the Emperor who had named him to the place, went about to make the Bishops of Italy to receive the fift general Council held at Constantinople, whereas there were very few Bishops of the West, and not one Metropolitan of Italy which was present at it. OPPOSITION. The Bishops of Italy fearing some attempt against the Council of Chalcedon, and purposing to be better informed of the matter, refuse to admit of that other of Constantinople at that present, especially those of Liguria, Venetia, Sigon. de Imper. Occident. l. 20. and Istria, and among them Macedonius Bishop of Aquileia, Honoratus of Milan, and Maximinian of Ravenna; all which presently assembled in Synod at Aquileia, to deliberat of the admittance or refusal of that Council which Pelagius sought to thrust upon them: at which time Macedonius Archbishop of Aquileia fell sick and died, and Honoratus Archbishop of Milan, consecrated Paulinus in his room: and all with one consent rejected the Council, under colour of certain chapters therein contained, which pleased them not, and farther drew their necks from under the yoke of the Roman Church. Pelagius then thought it high time to run to Narses, whom he requested by his letters, to send the chief of those Bishop's prisoners to Constantinople, and to repress the rest by rigour of law, and his own authority. Where we may observe, that he allegeth not his own interest, in that Paulinus was ordained Archbishop of Aquileia, without receiving the Pall from him, but only the interest of the Emperor: Seeing, saith he, that even then when Totilas possessed and held all this country in his subjection, he would never suffer a Bishop of Milan to be consecrated, unless he had first acquainted the Prince with his election, and obtained leave in writing from him: That therefore Narses should make no scruple to use his authority upon these fellows, because such persons were by order of the Canons to be excommunicated; to be ordered by rigour if reason could not rule them. Narses hereupon grew so violent, that he drew an excommunication from the Bishops upon his own head. Pelagius egged him on still by his letters, which we find recorded in the Counsels, and reported by Sigonius and Baronius; and importuned him again to send Honoratus and Paulinus prisons to Constantinople: until at length Narses apprehended some of them, made others to fly the country; among the rest Vitalis Bishop of Altin fled to Meuce in Germany. And hence it is that some writers hold opinion, That this Pelagius was the first which decreed, to pray in aid of the secular power, against such as stood condemned for schism or heresy. An. 556. Neither was he any thing better respected or obeyed in Tuscanie, which yet lieth even at Rome gates; witness his own letters which he wrote unto Gaudentius, Baron. vol. 7. an. 556. art. 31. Maximilian, Gerontius, justus, Terentius, Vitalis, and Laurence, his beloved brethren (as he termeth them) throughout Tuscanie: where he complaineth, That they had separated themselves from him, and consequently from the communion of all the world, in not mentioning his name in the ordinary service of the Church. All which Bishops certainly took not the See of Rome, much less every one that should come to sit thereon, as infallible in points of faith; seeing that Pelagius himself was feign, for his own discharge, to send unto them the confession of his faith: as it appeareth by that Epistle. As for those other Bishops of Venetia and Istria, they proceeded so far, as to constitute and ordain the Bishop of Aquileia Overseer of their Church, by the name of Patriarch; a knot which the Popes were never afterward able to undo: Baron. vol. 7. an. 570. art. 11. and Baronius himself giveth that Patriarchship no other beginning than this. As for France, he was as little obeyed there as in any place whatsoever: For the second Council of Tours saith, juxta conniventiam. That they were there assembled by the sufferance and permission of the most renowned king Cheribert: and the fift of Orleans, That they were assembled by Childebert, to learn from the mouth of these Fathers what was holy. Pela. in Epist. ad Childibert. in 2. tom. Concilio. And the like is to be seen in the second Council of Paris, where Pelagius writing unto Cheribert then king, What pain, saith he, ought we to take to free ourselves from scandal and suspicion, by presenting to you the obedience and duty of our confession: that is, to give them an account of their true belief and Orthodox profession: adding a reason far different from the learning of these times, For that, saith he, the holy Scriptures do command, that we also be subject to higher powers. Which Epistle is also taken into the Decret. And to conclude, the first Council of Paris decreed, That so often as bishoprics fell void, Synod. Paris. ca 8. to. 2. Concil. Satisdandum 25. q. 1. provision should be made by the joint election of Clergy and people; and that the Metropolitan, assisted by the Bishops of his own Province, or of some Province next adjoining, should consecrate and ordain him, according to the ancient Canons, without any reference at all to Rome: though we find, that even at this very time john the third, successor to Pelagius, pursued the chase of his predecessors, writing not only to the Bishops, but to all in general in France and Germany, in manner following: We will and command, that you and every of you, all Bishops also and Priests whatsoever, to observe all the Decretals and ordinances of our predecessors, in matters belonging to the Church: And if any shall attempt the contrary, let him know that there is no place for repentance left unto him. Yet we find, Greg. Turon. l. 8. c. 20. that Vrsicin Bishop of Cahors at that very time was excommunicated in the Synod of Mascon, which was there called by the commandment of king Gontran, for entertaining Gombalt, who then stood out in rebellion against him: and that upon his humble confession, and penitent acknowledgement of his fault, they enjoined him, not to cut either his hair or his beard, neither yet to drink wine, nor to eat flesh, nor to celebrate the office, neither yet to minister the Communion, during the space of three years. An evident token, that these Bishops assembled in Synod, held still in their own hands an absolute authority over their delinquent brethren. And no marvel if these Bishops which dwelled so far off made so light of the Pope's commands, seeing that even under his nose the Archbishops of Aquileia, Ravenna, and Milan, held their own against him; especially he of Ravenna, which city the Emperor Honorius and his successors had made the seat of the Empire, from thence to look a little nearer, and to see what was doing in the East: and where, at that time, justinus the second had commanded Longinus his Exarcke, or Vicar general of the Empire in Italy, to reside, with power to command over all Dukes and other officers of those Provinces: who upon the first entrance of the Lombard's into Italy, planted strong garrisons in every city of defence, especially in Rome and Ravenna. Whence it ensued, that the Pope could do nothing in temporal matters, by reason of the presence of the Exarck, who did all in all: and in spiritual affairs he was feign to keep himself within his own bounds, because he saw that his spiritual authority, which as a shadow followeth ever the body of the temporal power, grew towards the wane, and minished as that other of Ravenna, increased. Neither was that his power at all acknowledged at Aquileia and Milan, Sigon. de Regno Italiae li. 1. where the Archbishops pretended, That they held not of the See of Rome: not at Aquileia, because as Rome gloried in Saint Peter, so did she in the Evangelist Saint M●●ke, as first founder of her Church, which had since that time been ennobled with sundry holy Bishops and Martyrs: Not at Milan, because her Church was first founded by Barnabas the Apostle, and after that honoured by the Bishopric of Saint Ambrose; and had either of them a multitude of Suffragant Bishops under them: and peradventure they thought that tradition of Saint Peter's chair not to be all of the truest, and easier to be said than proved. And this is that which Sigonius reporteth, though a writer of their own: Guicciard. Histor. li. 4. and which Guicciardine also delivereth in these words, In this time (saith he, meaning of the Exarchat) the Bishops of Rome had nothing to do in matters temporal: and because the beauty of their ancient manners and piety was now decayed, men had them not in such admiration and reverence as before; but they lived under the command and subjection of the Emperors and Exarches, without whose leave and licence they might not accept, or presume to execute the office of the Bishopric, though chosen by the Clergy and people of the City: and which is more, the Bishops of Constantinople and of Ravenna, because the Seat of Religion usually followeth the Seat of the Empire, began now to contest, and to quarrel him upon the point of Primacy. And of this we shall find examples in that which followeth. 20. PROGRESSION. That john Bishop of Constantinople assumed to himself the name of Universal Bishop. THe two general Counsels of Constantinople and Chalcedon had, as we have already declared, An. 580. in all points of prerogative equalled the two Bishops of Rome and of Constantinople, saving always the priority of place to him of Rome. This much offended the Bishop of Rome, who never looked with a good eye upon an equal; neither could the other brook the dealings of him of Rome, as loath to acknowledge a superior. Wherefore when the Bishop of Rome carried himself in the nature of an Universal Bishop as far as men would suffer him, Jevinator. john the fourth, surnamed the Faster, Bishop of Constantinople, thought to prevent him, by assuming to himself the title of Universal Bishop, about the year 580: being the more emboldened thereunto, because he saw the seat of the Empire established at Constantinople, the seat of the Exarchat or Lieutenantship of Italy planted at Ravenna, the City of Rome besieged by the Lumbards', and consequently the Bishop of that City brought to a low ebb; insomuch, that Pelagius the second, who was elected during the siege, after the death of Benedict the first, could not send to the Emperor for his approbation: and when the siege afterward broke up by reason of the wet, Gregory, who was at that time but a simple Deacon, was feign to take a journey to Constantinople, to pacify the Emperor: Plat. in Pelag. 2. because (saith Platina) his election made by the Clergy, was of no validity and force, without the good liking of the Emperor first had and obtained thereunto. And this attempt of the Bishop of Constantinople we have thought fit to reckon among the proceed of the Papal Tyranny, because the succeeding Popes of Rome used this usurpation of the other, and made it serve to their own advantage, and furtherance of their long intended Tyranny. OPPOSITION. This Pelagius therefore, so soon as the siege was broken up, took heart, and wrote his letters, 2. To. Concil. in decret. Pelag. 2. directed To all the Bishops who by the unlawful calling of john the Patriarch (for so he speaketh of him) were assembled in Synod at Constantinople: wherein having flourished a while with his Tu es Petrus, at length he telleth them, That they ought not to assemble themselves without the authority of this See: That their present assembly, without him, was no Council, but a very Conventicle: That therefore they should presently break up that meeting, unless they would be excommunicated by the See Apostolic: to conclude, That they ought not to acknowledge john as Universal Bishop, unless they purposed to departed away from the Communion of all other Bishops. And let no Patriarch (saith he) use so profane a title: for if the chief Patriarch (meaning himself) should be called Universal, the name of a Patriarch should thereby be taken from all others. But God forbidden that it should ever fall into the heart of a Christian to assume any thing unto himself, whereby the honour of his brethren may be debased. For this cause I in my Epistles never call any by that name, for fear least by giving him more than is his due, I might seem to take away even that which of right belongeth to him. Which clause is word for word inserted by Gratian into his Decrees, save only, that in stead of S●●inus Patriarcha, that is, Chief Patriarch, as it is in the Epistle, he hath unus. D. 99 c. Nullin 4. And yet the summary of that very chapter, even in the late edition of Gregory the thirteenth, is this, That the Bishop of Rome himself may not be called Universal. But Pelagius goeth on, and giveth the reason of that his saying: For (saith he) the devil our adversary, goeth about like a roaring Lion, exercising his rage upon the humble and meek hearted, and seeking to devour not now the Sheepcoats, but the very principal members of the Church etc. And, Consider my brethren what is like to ensue etc. For he cometh near unto him of whom it is written, This is he which is King over all the children of pride: which words I spoke with grief of mind, seeing our brother and fellow Bishop john, in despite of the commandment of our Saviour, the precepts of the Apostles, and Canons of the Church, by this haughty name, to make himself his forerunner; that is, of Antichrist: alluding manifestly to that place of the Apostle in his Epistle to the Thessalonians, where he calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, Lifted up, or which lifteth himself up above all that is called God, or Deity. And farther he addeth a second reason, which our best disguisers cannot put off, which is, universa & omnia quae soli uni capiti cohaerent videlicet Christo. That hereby john went about to attribute to himself all those things which belong properly to the Head himself, that is Christ, and by the usurpation of this pompous title to bring under his subjection all the members of Christ: which, as he saith, proceeded from the Tempter, who tempted our first father, by casting unto him the like bait of pride. And now tell me, whether all that which the Bishops of Rome have since that time attempted in like manner, can proceed from any other spirit. But he goeth on, willing them to take heed lest the poison of this word prove fatal in the end to the poor members of Christ: for that if this title be once granted to him, there are no longer any Patriarches left in the Church: and so it might come to pass, that if john himself should happen to die in this his error, there should not be left a Bishop in the Church, persisting in state of truth etc. That they must beware that this tentation of Satan prevail not over them: to conclude, that they neither give nor take his title of Universal Bishop. And yet ever by the way he putteth them in mind of the Canons of Nice, in favour of the Primacy of his own See, to which all matters of importance (saith he) ought to be referred: and yet, as we have already declared, no such matter. And Gregory, at that time his Deacon, Gregor. li. 4. ep. 38. & l. 7. ep. 69. and afterwards his successor in the Popedom, in his Epistle which he wrote to john upon this very argument, Thou (saith he) which acknowledgest thyself unworthy to have been made a Bishop, dost thou in disdain of thy brethren make thyself sale Bishop in the Church? Intimating thereby, that there is no difference whether we call him Sole, or else Universal Bishop. And concerning the Council held at Constantinople in the case of Gregory Bishop of Antioch, Propter nefandum elationis vocabulum. Pelagius (saith he) disannulled the Acts of that Synod, because of this execrable name of pride; and forbade the Archdeacon, which according to the custom he sent Ad vestigia Dominorum, i. to the feet of the Lords, i. the Emperors (let the Reader observe these words) to celebrate the solemn service of Masses with thee. And in like manner wrote he also to the Bishop of Thessalonica. And this is that which passed in those days between the two Bishops of Rome and of Constantinople. Where we observe, that Pelagius absolutely condemneth both the name and office of an Universal Bishop; which none offereth to usurp and take unto himself, but only he which is the forerunner of Antichrist; as being an honour due to Christ, to whom only and properly it doth appertain. An. 580. Moreover we may observe, that about this time, when Chilperic King of France had assembled a Synod of Bishops at Paris, to judge of the cause of Praetextatus, Bishop of Roven (whom he had formerly exiled, until the next Synod which should be called) he declared openly unto them, that he had cause enough to condemn him for the enormity of his crimes, that yet he brought him forth, there to be heard and judged by them, that he might not seem to do any thing contrary to the Canons. Antiquit. de Fauchet, to. 1. fol. 212. & 218. And then Gregory Bishop of Cahors (though favouring the person of Praetextatus) stood up and said, If any of us offend, it is in thy power, O King, to punish us. Whereupon, notwithstanding the earnest suit that was made for him, they proceeded against him, upon his confession condemned him, and cast him into banishment. So likewise King Gontran commanded a Synod to be called at chaalon's, Gregor. Turon. l. 5. c. 18. Aimon. Monach. l. 3. c. 26, 27, 28. upon the river of Saosne (or as Gregory of Tours reporteth, at Lions) against Salonin Bishop of Ambrum, and Sagittarius of Gap; where there were many crimes of high nature laid unto their charge, for which they were degraded and deposed from their charges: in which Synod Nicetius Bishop of Lions presided, whom Gregory of Tours calleth by the name of a Patriarch. It fell out after a time, that these complained of injustice and wrong done unto them, and thereupon became petitioners to the King, That the Bishop of Rome might review their cause; which he granted: and to that effect, at the instance of their friends in Court, wrote unto him; yet not as of a matter of right belonging to his jurisdiction, but as Constantine long before wrote unto Miltiades Bishop of Rome, and others, in the case of the Donatists. The words of Gregory of Tours are these, They knowing that the King was favourably inclined towards them, asked leave to go to the Pope of the City of Rome, which by his letters he permitted them to do. Baron. vol. 7. an. 570. art. 23. & 24. An. 589. Now upon this example Baronius inferreth, that it was belonging to the Pope's ordinary jurisdiction to appeal from the Synods in France to Rome: but had it been so, they would no doubt, immediately upon sentence given, have put in their Appeal to Rome, and not have gone by way of request unto the Prince. And as for authority of calling Nationall Counsels, we find another Synod called about the same time at Valentia, in the 24 year of the reign of Gontran, wherein the Fathers speak in this manner, We (say they) here assembled in the City of Valentia, Ex imperio. by the commandment of the glorious and renowned King Gontran: And the Bishops of those other Synods of Mascon and chaalon's speak in like manner, Ex jussu. saying, That they were assembled by the commandment of Prince Gontran. And Gregory of Tours speaketh of them after the same fashion. And in the third Synod of Toledo, When as (say they) the renowned King Recared had commanded all the Pontifes or Bishops to assemble themselves etc. And Recared himself in his letter to them, We (saith he) have commanded you to assemble in this Synod. But because this Council is famous, by reason of the conversion both of the King and also of the people of the Goths, which was there wrought, Baronius challengeth this honour as due unto Pelagius the second: For this General Council (saith he) was not held without the privity, consent, and authority of Pelagius. And farther he addeth, That Leander Bishop of Sevill was there in quality of Legate from the Pope. But when as the Fathers of that Council, and when Leander himself saith, The king hath commanded us, what hath he to reply? Seeing also, that we find no mention made of Leander in any such quality, nor yet of the Pope himself: and seeing that Leander himself in that Oration which he made, with thanksgiving unto God, for the conversion of the King and of his nation, carrieth himself in no such quality: and that the king himself was the first which signed the Council: and then follow the Metropolitans of Merida in Portugal, and of Toledo, namely, Mausonius and Euphemius; and Leander in the third place, with the addition only of Metropolitan of the Province of Betica. And I would but know of Baronius, whether this be a meet place for a Pope's Legate to stand in or no; moreover, in some copies there is no mention at all made of his subscription; and lastly Isidore neither in his Chronicle, nor yet in the life of Leander, speaketh aught of his Legatship: so that a man may well say, that Baronius here speaketh more like a dreamer than an Annalist. The like is of that Council, which the same Recared caused to be held at Narbone, a City at that time of his dominions; which Council Baronius produceth for himself: and yet there the Fathers say that they were assembled per ordinationem, by the ordinance of the most renowned Recared. Neither may we forget a certain Canon which was made in that Council, namely, Baron. vol. 8. an. 598. art. 30. extra locum. That no Clergy man might wear Scarlet, it being a colour more properly belonging to worldly pomp and ostentation, than to any dignity of Religion, whose inward devotion ought to show itself by the outward habit of the body, and because the Scarlet rob belongeth rather to lay men which are in authority, than to professors of Religion. And there also is a certain punishment inflicted upon the transgressors of this Canon. Baronius to justify the use of Scarlet in his Clergy, allegeth the example of the High Priests of the jews, which went sometimes clothed with Scarlet, as if he meant to bring us back again to judaisme. But to return to our former matter; the quarrel of the Bishops of Istria and Venetia, who would acknowledge no subjection to the Bishop of Rome, continued as before: Pelag. ep. 1. ad Episcopos Istria. and it appeareth out of the Epistles of Pelagius the second, though we have not theirs, that they questioned and debated his Title, seeing that he in his Epistles complaineth, that they had sent him an answer in nature of a definitive sentence: and seeing also that he paineth himself so much in telling them, That Leo never ratified the Council of Chalcedon, but only for points of faith, and that he retracted and disannulled all the rest; meaning especially that Canon wherein Bishops, as well himself as others, are taught to know their places. But all his eloquence would not serve him: whereupon he was feign to practise with Smaragdus the Exarch to force them to obedience. Smaragdus (saith Paulus Diaconus) coming from Ravenna to Grado, Pau. Diaco. l. 3. de gestis Longobard. c. 27. drew Severus with his own hand out of the Temple, and carried him by force to Ravenna, with three other Bishops of Istria, john Parencius, Severus, and Vindemius, whom he constrained through fear of banishment and other violence to communicate with john Bishop of Ravenna. But Paulus Diaconus addeth farther, That when at the years end they were returned from Ravenna to Grado, having, I warrant you, first given full contentment to the Pope, the people refused to communicate with them, and the other Bishops would not receive them. 21. PROGRESSION. That john the fourth, Bishop of Constantinople, made means to be called the Universal Bishop. AFter Pelagius the second succeeded Gregory, surnamed the Great, An. 590. about the year 590, at which time john the fourth, Bishop of Constantinople, stood stiffly in the maintenance of his usurped title: God in his wonderful providence having so ordained, that this question should be now argued and debated to the full, to the end that the Popes of ensuing ages might be condemned out of the mouth of their predecessors, and especially of this Gregory, so eminent and renowned a man among them. Now this john was borne out by the Emperor Maurice, who made Constantinople the ordinary place of his abiding, and sought by this means to win the greater credit and authority to that City, and therefore wrote his letters to Gregory, commanding him to maintain peace, and to join in Communion with john: but Gregory, under a colour of humility, sought to enlarge the bounds of his own jurisdiction the most that possibly he could, as we shall see hereafter. OPPOSITION. Gregor. li. 4. ep. ●4. Gregory much offended with those letters, wrote presently both to the Emperor Maurice himself, and to Constantia the Empress: To the Empress, that Maurice indeed had done like a godly and religious Prince, in commanding the observance of such Christian duties to men of the Church, But far be it (saith he) that your time should be thus defiled by the exaltation of one man: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alluding manifestly to him which is said to be exalted or lifted up, in the second Epistle to the Thessalonians, cap. 2. neither may it ever be said, that you gave way to this crooked name of Universal. And again, It is an insufferable thing, that he should seek to be called the Sole Bishop. By which it appeareth, that to be called Universal Bishop and Sole Bishop was all one in his construction. And he addeth farther, By this arrogancy and pride (saith he) what else is portended, but that the time of Antichrist is now at hand: in that he imitateth him (Lucifer) who making light of that happiness which he possessed in common with the whole Army of the Angels, would needs aspire to a singularity above all the rest: saying, as it is in the 14 chapter of Esay, I will exalt my Throne above the stars of heaven etc. and will be like to the Almighty. And to the Emperor he wrote much after the same manner, Epist. 32. All those (saith he) which have read the Gospel know well what the Lord said unto Peter etc. The Care and Primacy of the whole Church is committed unto him, yet is he not called the Universal Apostle, and yet behold my fellow Priest john seeketh to be called the Universal Bishop: Consacerdos meus johannes. I am now forced to cry out, O the times, and O the manners of men, Europe is now exposed for a prey to the Barbarian, and yet the Priests, who should lie along in the dost upon the pavement, weeping and rolling themselves in ashes, seek after names of vanity, and boast themselves of their newfound profane titles. By which words he plainly condemneth this title of Universal, as well in all others as in john, and thereupon in opposition to him, he took unto himself first of all the Appellation of the Servant of Servants: which title his successors after him have used until this day. But Gregory proceeded yet farther, and joined to him Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria, and Anastasius of Antioch, as in a common cause, requiring them to help stop this breach against the torrent of this his pride and elevation. And he would feign have persuaded them, that the Council of Chalcedon did offer that title to the Bishop of Rome, Epist. 36. (which yet we have formerly showed out of the whole proceed of that Council to be notoriously false) but that none of his predecessors would accept of so profane a title, And God forbidden (saith he) that this should ever enter into the heart of a Christian, requesting them never hereafter to call any man by that name in their Epistles, and repeateth that saying of Pelagius, That he of whom it is written, This is he which is King over all the children of pride, is near at hand. And that john by thus exalting himself, maketh himself his forerunner, and assumeth to himself that which belongeth only to the Lord jesus. And using no less liberty of style, he wrote unto john himself, When thou wert called (saith he) to the office of a Bishop, thou saidst, that thou wert not worthy to be called a Bishop, and now thou wouldst have none a Bishop but thyself▪ etc. What wilt thou answer unto Christ, who is the true Head of the Universal Church, in that day of judgement, seeing that by this name of Universal thou seekest to enthrall all the members of his Body unto thyself? whom dost thou imitate herein, save only him, who in contempt of those Legions of Angels which were his fellows, sought to mount aloft to the top of singularity, where he might be subject to none, and all others subject unto him? that is to say, Lucifer: And he doubteth not to apply unto him that which is said in the 14 of Esay. Verily (saith he) the Apostle Peter was the principal member of the Universal Church: as for Paul, Andrew, john, and the rest, what were they but only the chief of their particular assemblies, and yet all they members of the Church under one Head etc. yet would none of those presume to call himself Universal, neither doth any other assume that name unto himself, who is truly holy etc. and consequently, neither S. Peter himself, nor the Bishop of Rome, who claimeth from him. But hear what followeth, My little children (saith he) this is the later time, which Christ himself foretold: the pestilence and the sword now devour the earth etc. all prophecies are now fulfilled, the King of Pride is at the gates, and which I dread to speak, Sacerdotum. an army of Priests or Bishops standeth ready to receive him: for they who were appointed to chalk out the way of meekness and of humility, are now in pay under that neck of Pride which lifteth itself up: Ceruici militant elationis. meaning by the King of Pride Antichrist, who relieth upon the strength of his guard, which are the Clergy, of whose elevation S. Paul had spoken in the second to the Thessalonians, cap. 2. and Gregory in this and sundry other places speaketh after him, and by warrant from him. And we must here note, that he charged his Deacon Sabinian not to communicate with john, if he renounced not this pretended title of Universal Bishop. And when Cyriacus, who succeeded unto john, persisted in the ways of his predecessor, he wrote again to Anastasius Bishop of Antioch in this manner: I have received (saith he) his synodal Epistle, Epist. 34. wherein he requireth us not to trouble the peace of the Church; and I have likewise advertised him of that superstitious and haughty name of Universal Bishop, that he could have no peace with us, unless he did reform the haughtiness of this word etc. otherwise (saith he) we corrupt the faith of the Universal Church etc. and not to speak of the wrong which he doth unto us, Elevationem. if there be one called Universal Bishop, then must the Universal Church go to the ground, if he which is Universal happen to fall: but never may such foolery befall us, never may this weakness come unto my ears. But to Cyriacus himself he wrote, requesting him, at his first entry to abolish that word of pride, by which there was so great scandal given in the Church: for whosoever (saith he) is desirous of honour contrary to the honour of God, shall never be accounted honourable by me; terming this title of Universality a thing contrary to God and to his honour: And because Antichrist, that enemy of the Almighty, Epist. 28. is now at hand, my earnest desire (saith he) is, that he may find nothing of his own, or any ways appertaining to him, either in the manners, or in the names of the Priests. And when the Emperor Maurice commanded, that for a frivolous name there should no such scandal arise between them, Consider (saith he) unto the Emperor, that when Antichrist shall call himself God, the matter itself is but small and frivolous, yet most pernicious: if you look to the quality of the word, it consisteth only of two syllables, but if you regard the weight of iniquity which dependeth thereon, you shall see an universal enemy. Wherefore I speak it boldly, that whosoever calleth himself, or desireth to be called by others, the Universal Priest or Bishop, is in his elation of mind the forerunner of Antichrist; because that in like pride he preferreth himself before others; like, I say, for that as that wicked one would seem as God above all men, so will this man exalt himself above all Bishops. And in like manner writeth he to Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria. Epist. 30. And that no man may say, That Gregory went to take away that from another, which he yet reserved as due unto himself, in his Epistle to the same Eulogius, he thus writeth: You have been careful, saith he, to advertise me, That you forbear now to write unto any, by those proud names which spring merely from the root of vanity; and yet speaking to me, you say, Sicut iussistis, i. As you commanded. Let me, I pray you, hear no more of this word Command: for I know well enough both what I am, and what you are. In degree you are my Brethren, and in manners you are my Fathers. Wherefore I commanded you nothing, only I advised you what I thought fittest to be done. And yet I do not find that you have perfectly observed that which I desired to leave deepest graven in your best remembrance; for I told you, That you should not write in any such manner either to me, or to any other, and yet in the very Preface of your Epistle you call me by that name of pride and vanity, Universal Pope; which I would entreat you to forbear hereafter, seeing that yourselves lose whatsoever you give unduly to another. For my own part, I seek to increase in virtue, and not in vanity of Titles. That addeth nothing to my honour, which I see taken from my brethren; my honour is the honour of the Universal Church, and the sound vigour of my brethren. Then am I truly honoured, when my brethren have every man his due. For if you call me Universal Pope, you deny yourselves to be that which indeed you are, in that you call me Universal: but God forbidden, let us rather put far from us these words, which puff us up to pride and vanity, and woundeth charity to the death. Distinct. 99 c. Ecce. in praefatio. 5. All which part of his Epistle is inserted in the Decret; which Gregory the thirteenth, in his Reformation of the Canon Law, knew not how to redress, but only by giving S. Gregory the flat lie. Now we may not for all this think that Gregory would lose any thing of his own, or was careless to set foot and to encroach upon another man's; for it appeareth by his Epistles, that he spread his wings as far, and farther than his nest would give him leave, taking all occasions to gain credit, and to be dealing not only in Italy, but also in other more remote Provinces of the West; making himself sometimes arbitrator between parties, and sometimes judge of controversies between Church and Church, and eftsoons a sanctuary and refuge for those who had been censured and cast out by their own Metropolitans; whereof we have but too many examples in his Epistles. And if we will ground our opinion upon certain Epistles which go commonly under his name, he was the first which brought in the Pall of the Archbishops, which was a certain Mantle or Cloak, which he sent unto them in honour, thereby to oblige them to the subjection of his See, namely to Virgilius Bishop of Arles, and by virtue thereof conferred upon him his Vicarship over the Churches of king Childebert, with power to watch over their doctrine and behaviours. But it hath been right well observed, that those Epistles are of another growth, because the whole course of the History of Gregory of Tours, who lived in the same time with Gregory the Great, sufficiently teacheth us, That the authority of our Prelates and Archbishops depended not of the Popes, neither did they ever hear talk of that Pall: which is more than probable, Greg. li. 4. Epist. 51. & 52. because that in so many changes of Bishops and Metropolitans, as we read of, we find no mention at all made thereof. Wherefore those words, Idem ad Interroga. Augustin. ca 9 Quod juxta antiquum morem Pallij usum, ac vices Apostolicae sedis postulasti: And, Cum priscam consuetudinem Fraternitas vestra repetat, by which they say, That Virgilius requested of Gregory the use of the Pall, and the Vicarship of the Roman See, according to the ancient custom, were ill devised. And how unlikely a thing is it, that Childebert should entreat the Pope to commit the oversight and charge of the Churches of his kingdom to the Bishop of Arles, who was at that time subject to king Gontran, with whom he might in time upon occasion have open war? Add we hereunto, That notwithstanding this pretended Pall, Gregory expressly forbade Augustine his Legate, to exercise any jurisdiction over the Churches of France: We, saith he, give you no authority in the Churches of France, etc. Thou mayest not presume to judge them by thine authority, but only by warning and speaking them fair, and by making thy virtues to shine before them: To do otherwise than this, were to thrust thy sickle into another man's corn. Wherefore what ever is to be done by authority leave unto the Bishop of Arles, whose jurisdiction reacheth as far as to Lions. The like may be said of that Pall, which, they say, was sent to Siagrius Bishop of Authun: and many such forgeries may we find in those Epistles, as we may guess by the privilege there granted to S. Medard Bishop of Soissons, bearing date the year 593, Indictione 2, whereunto Theodoric his hand is set, as if he had been then reigning in Soissons; who yet was never there, and was scarce of age to speak, at what time that privilege beareth date: neither did the Popes of that time date after the manner which is there expressed. But this I say, that Gregory had that name of Universal Bishop in such abomination, that as he condemned it in another, so he would never accept thereof in himself, being verily persuaded, that whensoever it came to be accepted, the morrow after Antichrist should set foot into the Church. It remaineth now, that we see what Baronius replieth to all this. Baron. vol. 8. an. 595. art. 27. Saint Gregory, saith he, imitated our Saviour, who strove not with Satan in his divine Majesty, but in the humble and low estate of his flesh. A weak ward to bear off so great a blow: for did Christ, to overthrow Satan, play Satan himself? For what else did Gregory, when he called every man the forerunner of Antichrist, and Satan himself, if in the mean time he reserved this high Title and prerogative to himself? Secondly he saith, That Gregory would not indeed be called Universal, Ib. art. 32, 33, 34 as Father of all the world, because the other Bishops were not his children, but his brethren. But in another sense, saith he, he doth not refuse it, namely, that they remaining his brethren and fellow Bishops, he might yet be reputed and taken as superior unto all. In which sense he calleth himself by that Title in his Epistle Of the Privileges of Saint Medard, to all Bishops. But I would learn, where they can find a ground for this distinction in Saint Gregory's own words, seeing that he so often repeateth these and the like words, That none would ever be called by that name: and taketh offence that his brethren the patriarchs call him so, and reckoneth thereof as of a great wrong done unto him. Me think so great an Annalist should have brought some better proof than that privilege of S. Medard, which who so doth but see it, condemneth presently as a fable, and which himself confesseth to be subscribed by those Bishops which were not at that time created Bishops, namely, by Augustine Bishop of Canterbury, and Mellitus Bishop of London, whereas they were not yet passed over into England. And how came Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria to subscribe this privilege? Neither did Theodoric at that time reign in France, as Baronius himself confesseth, Ib. art. 81. an. 593. but Childebert and Gontran. And who can warrant us, that there is more truth in the privilege itself than there is in the subscription? or is not the falsehood of the subscription enough to overthrow the instrument itself? And yet is he not ashamed of this false coin, clipped by himself, and rounded at his pleasure, but useth this forged instrument not only as a law to bind us poor men withal, but even as a definitive sentence against the lives and Crowns of Princes: For, saith he, Gregory pronounceth, That Sedes Roma speculationem suam toti orbi indicit: i. The See of Rome enjoineth her speculation to all the world, and sendeth out her new constitutions unto all. Perfect good Latin, no doubt: but he goeth on, If any King, Bishop, or judge, violate or infringe the Decrees of our Apostolic authority, and of this our commandment, of what degree or estate soever he be, let him be deprived of his honour, and cut off from the communion of Christ: that is, saith Baronius, Kings from their kingdoms, for violating the privilege of one poor hospital: Greg. 7. li. 8. Epist. 21. & li. 4. Epist. 2. & 23. And so did Gregory the seventh understand and extend these words. And is it then possible, that having himself cried down this Epistle, he will now so much enhance the price of this base coin? Thirdly, saith he, when Pelagius, predecessor unto Gregory, saith in his first Epistle, That no Patriarch may presume to use this profane name, his meaning was, that none of the four patriarchs of the East should use it, to the exclusion of him of Rome; that is in effect, to take it from them, and to appropriate it to himself. And for proof he allegeth a certain Epistle of Gregory to Natalis; where indeed he speaketh of four patriarchs, Epist. 37. li. 2. but not a word to this purpose. But not to go farther, a man that readeth the text itself, had need to blush for him which cannot blush for himself; for these words follow immediately upon the former, Pela. 2. Epist. 1. ad vniuers. Epise. If, saith he, the Sovereign and chief Patriarch (such as he supposeth himself to be in all that Epistle) be called Universal, then is the name of Patriarch taken from all others: but far be this from the thought of a Christian. Which then of these two did he? Did he give the Title of Sovereign Patriarch to any one of the patriarchs of the East? or did he deny himself to be a Christian? or when he forbiddeth them to give this Title of Universal to any man, doth he exclude himself out of the number of men? Fourthly he saith, That this very john of Constantinople, Baron. vol. 8. an. 565. art. 34. who challenged this Title, yet still acknowledged Gregory as Head or Chief above him; as appeareth, saith he, in the case of john of Chalcedon, which stood condemned of Heresy, and yet john of Constantinople suffered him to carry his cause by Appeal to Rome: and for proof hereof allegeth the Epistles of Gregory to john of Constantinople, Greg. Epist. 52. & 64. li. 2. and unto Narses. It is true, that in the former of those Epistles he complaineth, That whereas he having written to him concerning certain wrongs done to john of Chalcedon, and to other Monks of Isauria, he made him answer, That he knew of no such matter. Whereupon he stormed, and wrote to him again, That if he had made him a more direct answer, he would have sent them back to him again without more ado, and would never have spoken of that which of right belongeth to him by the Canons: which also he repeated unto Narses. Now no man ever doubted of their protections. But what is all this to an Appeal to Rome, seeing that there is not so much as the name either of an Appeallant or of an Appeal to be found in all those Epistles? And as for those 15, 16, 17 Epistles of Gregory, which he citeth out of his fift book, they prove nothing but this, That john upon the wrong which was done unto him, had recourse to Gregory, who made his cause to be reviewed in a Synod; and his confession being there found Orthodox, Gregory requested the Patriarch of Constantinople to receive him again with favour, as one which had been abused and wronged by such as he had put in trust with the examination of his cause; and entreated the Emperor to assist him therein: all which savoureth not of the nature of an Appeal, but only of that ancient recourse which the oppressed used to make to the chief Sees; and which the Bishop of Rome used commonly to draw to a consequence of Sovereignty and Dominion. The like is to be said of the case of Adrian Bishop of Thebes, whose process, as he saith, Gregory read over: for the Appeal there spoken of, upon the accusation which was mixed, and partly Civil partly Ecclesiastical, belonged properly to the Civil Court, in the point for which the Emperor in the first instance committed it to john Bishop of justineana Prima; and secondarily to the Ecclesiastical Court, in that which concerned his deposition. And Gregory there speaketh in very proper terms, when he saith, That Adrian being wronged by his brethren and fellow Bishop, as by his enemies, fled to the city of Rome. And again, He is, saith he, Confugit. come to Rome, to complain with tears. And in like sort doth Baronius abuse the other examples which he allegeth. Fiftly he saith, That Gregory dealt about his Palls, amongst the Archbishops of the East also: making us believe, that this custom is as ancient as Christianity is old. And wheresoever the Bishop of Rome writing to any Bishop, saith unto him, Vices tibi meas committo, i. I make you my Vicar, he inferreth presently, That he sent him the Mantle or Pall withal: which he bringeth in, as if it had now suddenly sprung out of the ground; it being a thing which former ages never heard of. But let us see upon what credit, though we now come to enter into an age which was wholly set upon new fangles and devices. For proof hereof therefore he citeth the 55 Epistle of Gregory, lib. 4. whence he collecteth, That he bestowed this Mantle or Pall upon john Bishop of Corinth: whereas yet his words are only these, You know, saith he, that heretofore this Pall was given for money, but we have taken a strict order in a Synod, Pallium pro Commodo. that neither this, or any other order, shall hereafter be disposed of either by money or by favour. And I see no reason, but that by the same argument he might have said, That he sent him his Orders also. True it is, that the two Bishops of Rome and of Constantinople pulled who could pull hardest, to get all jurisdiction into their hands, as if the Church had been a prey between them two: and this was the cause that Gregory's letters slew so thick as they did into Greece. And so much be said of the power which he challenged over the Church. As for the Emperor Maurice, Baronius taketh pepper in nose against him; a man otherwise well reported of, and much commended by Historians. His grievance is only this, That according to the law of his predecessors, he took upon him to confirm Gregory in his Popedom; and is scarce friends with Gregory himself for suffering it. In the end he saith, That the Emperor was a Tyrant, Baron. vol. 8. an. 590. art. 2, 3, 4, & sequent. and Gregory forced to do what he did: and that it was of this Maurice that he meant, when upon the fift Penitential Psalm he used these words, That he is no King who maketh the Church a Chambermaid, whom God appointed to be free and Mistress of the house: if so, then was Gregory a notorious hypocrite; neither is there any trusting of him, seeing that he said one thing and meant another, in all the dealings which he had with Maurice. For do but read the Epistle which he wrote unto Maurice, concerning that law which he had made to this effect, That no soldier until he were dismissed, no accountant without his discharge first had and obtained, should take the Frock upon him, and enter into religion: and then tell me whether it be possible for a man to use greater submission than he there useth? He is answerable, saith he, for it before Almighty God, whosoever is either in word or deed found faulty against his gracious Lords: And so were I your most unworthy servant, if in this case I should hold my peace, etc. Greg. li. 2. Epist. 62. & 65. Thou wert my good Lord before such time as thou wert Lord of all, etc. And when I thus presume to speak unto my Lords, what am I but dust, and a very worm of the earth, etc. Power is given from heaven unto my Lords over all men, etc. and Christ shall one day speak unto thee, saying, To thee have I committed my Priests, or Bishops, etc. And in the end, I have, saith he, Meos Sacerdotes. now in every point fulfilled my duty, seeing that I have yielded my obedience to the Emperor, and have not kept silence in that which was of my knowledge. Who can read this, and think him a Pope which wrote it? And in like manner speaketh he to Theodore the Emperor's Physician, My tongue, saith he, is unable to express the good which I have received of the Almighty, and of my Lord the Emperor; and what shall I give again for all this good, but only this, Vestigia pure amare, i. To love the ground he goeth on: in the same sense in which he elsewhere often saith, Greg. li. 2. Epist. 64. ad Dominorum vestigia transmisi, i. I have sent it to the feet of my Lords. And at the foot of that Epistle he saith, God hath not given him power to rule over soldiers only, Idem Epist. 52. but also over Bishops: where he useth the word Sacerdotibus, meaning thereby, All men of the Church. And shall then Baronius his plea be admitted, Baron. an. 593. art. 15. when he saith, That Gregory spoke as one which lived under a Nero, or a Dioclesian? especially, when he maketh such open protestation, That he speaketh the truth wholly, without all reservation: and thereupon is so bold in the same Epistle, as to say unto him, What wilt thou answer before the judgement seat of God, when he shall say unto thee at that day, Of Notary I made thee Captain of the guard; of the Captain of the guard, Caesar; of Caesar, Emperor? Was it fear, or duty, which drew these words from him? But if you will take a true view of the judgement which this man had of the Emperor, then read the Epistle which he wrote without all passion to Anastasius Bishop of Antioch: Whereas, saith he, men which are Orthodox in the faith are daily preferred to holy Orders, we have great cause to render all thanks therefore to the Almighty, and daily to pray for the life of our most religious and Christian Lord the Emperor, and of his gracious consort, and of his courteous progeny, in whose times the mouths of the Heretics are stopped: for though their hearts boil with perverse and froward thoughts, yet under a Catholic Emperor they dare not to utter their mischievous imaginations. And in like manner writeth he to Isicius Bishop of jerusalem, Greg. li. 7. Epist. 11. and to sundry others. But the conclusion of all was this, That the law of Maurice stood still in force, and Gregory himself was feign to publish it, by his letter directed to the Metropolitans and to the Bishops of the chief Sees; in which he calleth him Most religious and most clement Emperor. Baron. to. 8. an. 593. art. 22. & 23. But yet Baronius, like a man that would sail with every wind, telleth us, That Gregory corrected this law before the publication thereof; and that thereby he declared that his Apostolic power was above the emperors law. But who so shall take the pains to read this Epistle all along, Baron. ib. art. 49 shall find that he doth nothing therein, but only declare the intention of the Emperor, to put it in execution, and to justify this law, rather than to reprove it. 22. PROGRESSION. Of the murder of the Emperor Maurice, by Phocas. What flattery Gregory used unto Phocas: and that Boniface the third of Rome got to be called Universal Bishop. WE have already seen the controversy which was between Gregory of Rome, and john of Constantinople, it remaineth that we now come to the issue thereof. The Emperor Maurice, unto whom Saint Gregory had written so many letters, Zonor. li. 3. pa. 64, 65. & sequent. came to fall into dislike and hatred of soldiers, and one Phocas a Centurion made himself captain of the mutineers, and was afterwards for his pains by them proclaimed Emperor. Maurice seeing that, fled away with his wife and children; and presently was Phocas crowned by the Patriarch, and forthwith he pursued after Maurice; and when he had overtaken him, Paul. Aquileg 1. li. 17. slew his wife and children before his eyes, not sparing the little one which hung at the breast, and afterward caused his throat to be cut likewise. Maurice had sent away his son Theodosius, to reserve himself to better fortunes with Cosroë king of Persia; but he was also taken, brought back, and murdered: so was the Empress Constantina also, with her three daughters. And the Historians know not well which of the two they should most condemn in him, his Treason, or his Cruelty. Phocas therefore was no sooner chosen Emperor, but Gregory presently wrote unto him, and that with abominable adulation and flattery: He beginneth his Epistle with Gloria Deo in excelsis, which is the song of the Angels at the Nativity of our Saviour: Greg. Epist. 36. li. 11. Glory be to God on high, saith he, which changeth the times, and translateth kingdoms; who some times in his justice sendeth Princes to afflict his people, and other times in his mercy those which shall lift them up again: For which cause we rejoice that thou art come unto the Empire. Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth leap for joy, and let all the people be glad thereof, etc. Epist. 44. And to Leontia the Empress he writeth in this manner: What tongue can speak, what heart can conceive the thanks which we own to God for the happiness of your Empire. Let the Angels give glory unto God, even the Creator, which is in heaven above; and let all men give thanks here in earth beneath, etc. But the conclusion of this Epistle is this, That they would take the Church of Rome into their protection, and always continue mindful of Tu●es Petrus; assuring them, that for their pains Saint Peter would not be unmindful of them, nor fail to undertake the protection of their Empires: All tending, no doubt, to the establishing of his own authority. But he happening to die shortly after, and Sabinian, his successor, surviving but a little time; An. 605. Boniface 3, in the year 605 (who also lived not above eight months and some odd days) to effect that which his predecessors had projected, took his advantage, seeing the Emperor Phocas on the one side displeased with Cyriacus Patriarch of Constantinople, because he would not approve of such his murders; and on the other, jealous lest the hatred of his dealings might haply cause Italy to revolt from under him; and thereupon he asked, and by the proffers which he made of his good service, obtained of him, That the Church of Rome should thence forward be the Head of all other Churches; and the Bishop of Rome should be called the Sovereign and Universal Bishop. And thereupon he published that Imperious ordinance in a Synod at Rome, consisting of 62 Bishops; and from that time forward used ever in his Mandates these words, Volumus & jubemus, i. We will and command, and that in the Provisions of Bishops, whom though they were elected by consent of Clergy and people, yet would he not suffer to be either called or accounted as Bishops, but by virtue of his letters patents, with that clause of Volumus & jubemus in them: and so saith Platina in plain terms. Which pretensions of his, Platina in Bonifaci●. though sometimes they found some cross, yet were they the beginning of that schism between the Greek Church and the Latin, a schism which continueth even unto these our days. OPPOSITION. Suppose we now that Gregory himself had risen again from the dead, and seen his successor using that Title, which he before hand had so formally condemned in his Epistles, how could he have saved him from this so necessary a conclusion, drawn from the propositions of his own words, and so oftentimes by him repeated, Whosoever will be called Universal Bishop, is the forerunner of Antichrist, Boniface the third willeth and requireth, and ordaineth himself to be so called; therefore it followeth, that he was the forerunner of Antichrist, if not Antichrist himself. Bellarmine here findeth out two creepeholes: The one is concerning the fact, Bellar. de Rom. Pontif. l. 2. c. 17. Non instituendo, sed asserendo. Lib. 4. de Gest. Longobard. c. 37. where he saith, That Phocas did not ordain this by way of a new Institution, but only of declaration of a thing ever before acknowledged in the Church. But let him read the History itself: Paulus Diaconus (who lived not far off from these times) speaketh after another manner: Phocas (saith he) at the suit of Pope Boniface ordained, That the See of the Roman Apostolic Church should be the Head of all other Churches, because the Church of Constantinople wrote herself, The first of all other Churches. And so testify all the Historians which came after him, namely, Freculphus, Rhegino, Anastasius, Hermannus, Contractus, Marianus Scotus, Sabellicus, Blondus, Pomponius Laetus, Platina, the Chronological Compilation, Otto Frisinghens. l. 5. c. 8. Chron. Otho Frisinghensis, and others: All which affirm, That Boniface requested and obtained of Phocas, that the Church of Rome should be called the Head of all other Churches; Ipsius authoritate. and that, as some do add, By his authority. As for Sigonius, he denieth not, but that Boniface sent an ambassador to Phocas, by whose negotiation he purchased a Decree, That the Church of Rome should be the first of all other Churches: Where also he addeth, According as it was decreed by the ancient Canons. Now if Sigonius mean only for the Preseancie, we deny not; but if of superiority and jurisdiction, there we differ, and we have already proved the contrary. Bellarmine for his purpose objecteth an Epistle of Saint Gregory to the Bishop of Syracuse, where it is said, Who doubteth but that the Church of Constantinople is subject to this Apostolic See, as our most religious Emperor, and our brother Eusebius, Bishop of that City, daily do acknowledge. And this Epistle (saith Bellarmine) was written five years before Phocas his reign began. But how should Gregory father this Epistle, seeing that he himself so often complaineth, that Maurice did bear the other out in his unjust demands? Or where will he find an Eusebius, who was Bishop of Constantinople at that time? Or where will he place him when he hath found him, seeing that Onuphrius himself nameth for Bishops in all this time only john, surnamed the Faster, Cyriacus, and Thomas Sacellarius? And Gregory, who runneth them over so often as he doth, had he ever lost either his wits or his memory, when he should have thought and spoken of Eusebius? Who seethe not therefore, that this is an Epistle written long after, and hammered upon the same anvil, on which many others are? Bellarmine argueth yet farther and saith, That long before that time, Justin. l. in ep. ad Johan. 2. justinian called the Church of Rome The Head of all the Churches: True; but still in that sense, in which he calleth also that other of Constantinople by the same name, Jdem Co. de sacros. eccles. l. 24. saying, that she is The Head of all other Churches: Neither of these sayings being true in strict construction, but only in a large signification, and as they were patriarchal Sees; and consequently, Head and Chief of those Churches which were under them. The other creepehole of Bellarmine is this, That Gregory indeed condemneth this title of Universal, as john meant it; that is, that by virtue thereof all other Bishops should be nothing but his Vicars: Whence it followeth (say we) that he pronounced Anathema against the Council of Trent, which so many years after made all Bishops nothing but his Commissaries or Officials. But not (saith he) if this word Universal be understood only to signify a general care of the Church, by means whereof the other Bishops have nevertheless a particular care every of them in his peculiar Church. But for answer hereunto, I would entreat the Reader only to peruse the places themselves of Gregory, and then say, whether they can admit of any such interpretation. Well (saith Bellarmine) I am sure, that the Pope was called Universal Bishop before Phocas his time, and that therefore it cannot be said, that this title dependeth of his Constitution. And we say again, That so were the other Patriarches as well as he, being according to the fashion of those times appointed, as so many fellow or joint Curators of the Universal Church: but that Phocas was he who appropriated that title to the Bishop of Rome, neither can he derive this title from any higher: Justin. Co. de summa Trinit. l. 7. Co. de episcop. audientia. L. Certissimè, & Novel. 3, 5, 7. Jdem Novel. 2. & seq. Concil. Chalced. act. 1. passim. Concil. Nice. 2. Act. 2. for so Instiman called Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople, sometimes Ecumenical, and sometimes, which is all one, Universal Patriarch: so doth he Anthemius and Menna in his Novels. So likewise doth the Emperor Leo call Stephen: And the Chalcedon Council itself in sundry places calleth Menna by the name of Ecumenical Patriarch. So Adrian the first, Bishop of Rome, in the second Council of Nice calleth Tharasius, the General Patriarch. Lastly, so are the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch often called, being indeed all and every of them an Universal Bishop, in as much as the whole charge of the Universal Church was jointly committed unto them, and a particular, in regard of the several Churches committed to their tuitions. Wherefore as it hath been already said, the appropriating of this title to the Bishop of Rome was from Phocas: and from thence came that separation and rent between the Churches of the East and West, which dureth unto this day, and serveth for a remarkable period in the Church, for that S. Gregory so often doth inculcate it in his writings, That this was the time when Antichrist began to set foot into the world. And it is farther to be observed, that in this mean while sundry abuses crept into the Church; as prayer for the dead, used in the public Liturgy or Service of the Church, brought in by the Decree of Pelugiase the invocation of Saints inserted in the common Litanies by Gregory, and by him the whole Body of the Liturgy altered, by borrowing part from the Heathenish, and part from the jewish ceremonies; and the language itself, by reason of that medley of the Northern nations, came by little and little to be clean altered, so that no man now understood what was said or done in the Service of the Church: all which we have elsewhere declared more at large. But now come we to Baronius, to see what he saith to all this: First therefore he extenuateth that wicked parricide and those other butcheries of Phocas, the more to defame the Emperor Maurice. But what may not be said of a Prince in so tickle a State as he lived in, or what on the contrary can be added to those praises and commendations which Historians have given of him? Or who can but tremble when he readeth what S. Gregory in cold blood writeth of that murder? Phocas (saith he) and Leontia his wife were crowned in the Palace called Secundianas', Gregor. epist. 7. indict. 6. and the Emperor Maurice murdered with all his make children, daniely Theodosius, who was already crowned, and Theodosius, Tiberius, Paulus, and justinian; also Peter, who was brother unto Maurice, with other great personages which ●left unto him, as Constantine a chief Senator, and Placidius, and George, who was 〈◊〉 him: and all this done in pure treason as could be devised. Secondly he relleth us, that Phocas was a good Catholic: Baron. vol. 8. an. 603. art. 3. for (saith he) it is very likely that he sent his confession to Gregory out of hand. But if that be not, this is certain, that he sent his own and his wives Images unto him, which he caused presently to be erected within the Palace, in the Oratory of S. Caesarius the Martyr. And what? is this the way to expiate so horrible a murder? Or can he, which was so much offended with Gregory his humble and lowly behaviour towards Maurice, be well pleased with this toward Phocas; under colour that he complained, that at his coming he found no Apocrisarius, Gregor. lib. 11. ep. 43. for so they called him, or Responsalis, that is, no Deputy or Solicitor for the Roman Church Lieger and resident at Constantinople? Which were those, Hincmar. Rhemen. ep. 3. c. 13. as Hincmar describeth them, who after the translation of the Imperial Seat to Constantinople, solicited the Church causes at the emperors Court, as well for the Church of Rome, as for the other Prime Sees. And therefore in this the Popes could not challenge it as due from the Emperors, neither had they in this any prerogative above other Bishops. But Gregory goeth on, What thanks (saith he) own we to God that we are now come to sit under the pleasant shade of your gracious Empire, and are brought from the day of sorrow and sadness into this time of liberty and gladness? Poor Heathenish creature as thou wert Papinian, O how shalt thou one day rise in judgement against this holy man? But read a little farther, Those (saith he) who heretofore feared to go unto the Court, Ad vestra vestigia. now run with joy unto thy feet: meaning to reside there in quality of Deputy or Solicitor for him. And seeing that Gregory here useth the same term of submission unto Phocas, which before he used to Maurice, will Baronius say (as he did in hatred of Maurice) that it was fear, or that it was respect and reverence which made him so to speak? And yet this Phocas, for whom this Saint summoneth the holy Angels to rejoice, what was he but a drunkard, a whoremaster, bloody, cruel, violent, brutish, and heretical, Cedrens. in Chron. and so was his wife also, as Cedrenas reporteth of them: and which is more, he was the man under whom the Roman Empire suffered more calamities than ever it had done before, The Air grew pestilent, the Earth became barren, the Sea was frozen with ye, with a general mortality of men, beasts, and fishes. When as therefore all Elements mourned, and all creatures groaned under the burden of such a monster, was it well done of Gregory to rejoice alone? Thirdly, Baronius deduceth this Decree of Phocas, made in favour of the See of Rome, in this manner: Gregory (saith he) had done what he could to obtain this Decree of Maurice, but could not prevail: afterward upon summons from Phocas he sent Boniface to reside in quality of Solicitor near unto the emperors person. This Boniface continued there until the death of Gregory, and became very gracious with the Emperor: so that when Sabinian happened also shortly after to die, he thought good to put him in his place. Now this Boniface made good use of the hatred which Phocas bore unto Cyriacus the Patriarch of Constantinople, and made it serve for his own advancement to the title of Universal Bishop. But what was the ground of this hatred; Theophanus and Cedrenus (whom Baronius himself allegeth) tell us, That one Scholasticus an Eunuch, in the fourth year of the reign of Phocas, having saved the old Empress Constantina and her three daughters, and hide them secretly in the Church, at the length Phocas having notice thereof, sent some of his guard to make them away: Cyriacus withstood them, and before he would deliver them, took an oath of the Tyrant (so speak they) that he should do no violence to their persons: who indeed for the present thrust them into a Monastery; but at the end of one year caused them all four to be murdered. Now what was this in Boniface, but only to abuse Phocas his tyrannical passions, to the quenching of that greedy thirst of his own ambition? And what reason then have they to be offended with us, when we say, that the first founder of their Universality was a Parricide, or rather a monster of all Parricides that ever were? For whereas he saith, That he gave not this privilege to the Bishop of Rome, but only decided the controversy between him and the Bishop of Constantinople, when they contended for it; besides that we have already showed, that all Historians say the contrary, where can be show either Council, or other judicial meeting, where both parties came to hearing? Or what was there in all that business to be seen, but only a practice of Boniface, and an absolute command of Phocas? But let us now see a little farther, what Baronius allegeth for the Pope's authority about this time. An. 603. art. 7. Gregor. lib. 11. ep. 10. First he produceth a certain privilege granted by Gregory to the Hospital of Authun, wherein he deposeth every King or Prince which shall offer to infringe that privilege: A privilege, no doubt, taken out of the same budget that that other of Saint Medard was: For how could he who was so crouching to Kings and Princes all his life time, be so audacious to depose them after his death? Secondly he pretendeth, Ib. ep. 8. that Queen Brunchaut requested leave of him to call a Synod in France: But we have already showed, that our Kings of France knew well enough how to call Synods of their own authority: and the place itself (which he allegeth out of S. Gregory) saith only thus, That she requested him to send some one in his behalf into France, Facta Synodo. who in the Synod which should there be held might correct all which should be done contrary to the Canons: and himself sticketh not to tell us, that she did this only to claw poll with him, because the French had at that time occasion to use his favour toward the Emperor; which maketh him to say as he doth, utinam serio & non per imaginem etc. Moreover, Baron. ibid. an. 603. art. 18. Baronius produceth a certain Appeal made by januarius Bishop of Malaga in Spain, and saith, that Gregory thereupon sent one john to have the hearing of the cause upon the place itself: Where by the way we must observe, that the question was not concerning any sentence given against januarius, but only of an outrage committed upon his person by one Comitiolus, a Lord of great authority in that country; and that therefore this was no Appeal, but only a Refuge. But he had forgotten to tell us, how in his Instructions Gregory commanded john to have always before his eyes the laws of justinian, to govern themselves thereby, forthese are his words, Concerning the person of the Bishop januarius, you must remember that this was done contrary to the Law, in that he pulled him by violence out of his Church: Ib. ep. 54. Which fact he saith aught to have been punished as treason, by the Constitution of Arcadius and Honorius, alleging the Law itself all at large, with many others, by which the cognisance of such causes is committed to the Civil magistrate. And now what maketh all this for that absolute authority of the Pope? Moreover, the Council of Toledo, which was held under King Gondemar in the time of Pope Boniface the third, and that after that Decree of Phocas, declareth that of Toledo to be the first See, Concil. Tolet. sub Rege Gondemaro. not so much by virtue of any new grant, as by the synodal Decree of the ancient Fathers, commanding all Bishops to vail bonnet unto him, under pain of Anathema. Which Decree of the Synod was also confirmed by the King Gondemar. As for the Pope, in all that long Epistle we find no one word spoken of him, Baron. an. 610. art. 14. and yet Baronius is not ashamed to aver, That the Church of Toledo had this privilege from Rome; when as yet the Pope was not absolute Monarch in Italy itself: for the Bishops of Istria and Venetia, under their Patriarches, stood o●● against them: so also did the Bishops of Lombardy, as appeareth by that Epistle of Gregory to Constantius Bishop of Milan, Brixia, ep. 37. lib. 3. whom a certain Bishop of Bresse would not acknowledge, because it seemed that he as well as the Bishop of Rome derogated from the authority of the Chalcedon Council. But under his successor Sabinian the matter went a little farther: Baron. an. 605. art. 2, 3, 4. For we may learn out of a certain Council held at Mantua (for which we are beholding to Baronius his Library) That when as there was question about the choice of a new Patriarch of Aquileia, and Agilulpha● the King of the Lumbards' had caused one john to be elected, the Exarch of Ravenna, to gratify the Pope, set up against him one Candidian at Grado: and so were there for a long time two Patriarches; of which, he which sat at Aquileia would never acknowledge the Pope's authority. 23. PROGRESSION. Of the attempt of Honorius against the Bishops beyond the Po. THe Lumbards' at that time lying heavy upon Italy on the one side, and the Exarches of Ravenna for the Emperor on the other, caused the Popes to pull in their horns, and to make little use or show of their new title, purchased from Phocas; though in the mean time their ambitious humour, and desire of sovereignty and power, never ceased to put forth upon all occasions. Honorius therefore Bishop of Rome, about the year 623, took his advantage upon a lamentable and wretched accident. The Bishops of Istria, Venetia, and Lombardy (as we have already said) held no good correspondency with the Bishop of Rome: and it came to pass that Adelwaldus, fift King of Lumbards', fell somewhat distracted in mind; whether by force of a poison which is said to have been given him by Eusebius the emperors ambassador, Sigonius de Reg. Ital. lib. 2. at his coming out of the Bath, or otherwise, it is a thing hard to say: but in this case he made away twelve of the most principal men of charge in the kingdom, and grew dangerous to the rest: The Lumbards' to prevent a mischief, called a Council and deposed him, placing Adoaldus his brother in law in his room: yet was the kingdom hereupon drawn into factions; some holding for the old King, some for the new: and among others, they beyond the Po held for the new election, as well clerks as lay men. Which Honorius perceiving, took presently part with the adverse faction, and dealt with the Exarch to re-establish Adelwaldus; but above all, to apprehend those Bishops, and to send them safe to Rome, to answer there for their offences: to the end (saith he) that this their wickedness may not escape unpunished. But the worst was, that the Exarch was too weak a party, and not able to perform what he undertook; and thereupon those Bishops persisted in their former resolution, being now more incensed against him than before. OPPOSITION. If that Decree of Phocas, made in favour of Boniface the third, found such opposition at home, we may easily conceive what light regard was had thereof in more remote Provinces and Churches; especially in that point which Boniface so much enforced, That no provision of a Bishop was good in law, without his authority: for the fourth and sixth Counsels of Toledo, at also the first and second of Bracara, which were all held under Honorius, make open show thereof, seeing that the Bishops assembled in these Counsels openly profess, that they were assembled by the care and industry of Sisinandus their King, Eius imperijs et iussia commoniti. Chintillae salutaribus hortamentis. who roused them up by his commands to the due handling of matters concerning the discipline of the Church: as likewise speak the fift and sixth, By the wholesome exhortations of King Chintilla: and the first of Bracara, By the commandment of King Arimire. Moreover, we find the Chapter of the Greek Synods translated by Martin Bishop of Bracara, as we find them in the second Tome of the Counsels, authorised in that Synod: for the Bishops are there provided in full Synod by their Metropolitan, who yet did nothing without the advice of the other Bishops. As for running to Rome for Bulls or Pals, not a word there to be found: if the Pope sent it to any, it was his kindness, but no man was bound of necessity to accept it: and if it happened upon the accusation of any Bishop that the Synod could not agree, they never sent to Rome for a resolution, but for a final definition (say they) of this dissension, this holy Synod hath thought fit that another Metropolitan of some bordering Province should be sent for, to confirm and ratify that opinion which he should think most agreeable to the Canons. But here is to be noted, that not long after this ordinance of Phocas, made in favour of the See of Rome, the Church might plainly see, in the person of this Honorius whom we now speak of, how dangerous a thing it was that she should depend of one man: Which Gregory well foresaw when he said, That if there should be one Universal Bishop, and he should happen to fall, the whole Church must needs unto the ground. For the heresy of the Monothelites then rising in the Church, Honorius with the first fell into it, and was convicted thereof by his own hand writing, which he had sent to Sergius Bishop of Constantinople: neither was this a small heresy, or of any mean consequence, for that not to acknowledge two wills in Christ, is consequently to deny two natures in him also. His letters were produced in the sixth General Council, Action. 12. & 13. 2. To. Concil. Act. 12. & 13. Concil. Vnivers. 6. and were there by general consent condemned to the fire: the sum of them was this, That neither Gospel nor Epistle, neither yet the Synods, did ever teach us these two faculties or powers in Christ; That these were words invented by some to famble with children, but ought not to be drawn in consequence of doctrine in the Church; That in such matters every one might abound in his own sense; and to conclude, That he was just of opinion with Sergius, that is to say, a pure Monothelite. Yet Bellarmine, Onuphrius, and others of that whet, seek to justify him: but alas they cannot, unless they will first condemn this Council. If they say that the copies were corrupted by the Greeks', we answer, that we take them as we find them in the Latin: where we farther find, that the copies of his letter were compared with the Original itself, taken out of the Library of Constantinople: and the sentence passed upon that letter saith, That it swerved from the doctrines of the Apostles, and holy Synods, and that they contained heretical positions, and as such are worthy of execration, That they execrated and accursed the authors of all such doctrines, and cast their names out of the Church, and for that cause they there pronounce Anathema against Honorius, as following in every point the drifts and purposes of Sergius, Cyrus, and other complices in this Heresy: all which is to be seen more at large in the Body of that Council. But which is more, Honorius for this very Heresy was afterward again excommunicated in the seventh General Council and last Action, Synod. Nicen. 2. act. vlt. & 3. Synod. Constant. 8. Vnivers. act. 7. & 3. & 6. Beda de sex aetatib. Liber Pontific. in vita Leonis. Psellus de septem Synodis. and in the eight by Pope Adrian the second himself, and by divers others. And of this Beda and the Pontifical Book for the Western Churches, and for those of the East Psellus, and for these later times Melchier Canus (though our adversary) beareth record: and is all this so easily puffed off, by saying, That the Greeks' perhaps did corrupt the copies? or that I know not who hath thrust these words into Beda? Had Pope Agatho known the contrary, or had the least doubt thereof, what conscience had he had to hold his peace? Is it enough to say, that he did it to avoid farther brabble? Or should not the zeal of his See rather have moved him to speak? For whereas they tell us a tale of one Maximus, out of the Pope's Library, we answer, That such a domestic witness ought not to be admitted without better caution for his honesty: no more may Nicholas the first, who lived two whole ages after this time, and is a Pope produced for a Pope: neither yet Emanuel Galleca, who lived no less than 500 years after. And, by the way, it is to be observed, That the Legates of Pope Agatho assisted at the condemnation of Honorius, with 289 other Bishops; Concil. Tolet. 4. Can. 16. as also that at this very time the fourth Council of Toledo decreed, That the Apocalyps should be read in time of Mass, that is, of full service, between Easter and Whitsunday, with Anathema to him which should fail herein: as well perceiving, that the time now approached, when all men had need to arm themselves against that Antichrist, who is in that book plainly foretold, and by many circumstances most graphically described: which gave life to the Beast which was dead, that is, to the Roman Empire, in that downfall of the temporal Estate, as S. Gregory himself had mentioned. An. 633. & 680. art. 17. Here Baronius grindeth his teeth, contesting violently, That Honorius was not an Heretic; he turneth and windeth, new casteth and mouldeth the words, to save him thereby from this imputation: For what likelihood, saith he, seeing that the Counsels held under Martin at Rome, make no such mention; and seeing that Pope Agatho himself pronounceth so peremptorily, That it was never known that the See of Rome did err, etc. But what, shall we hearken to those forced interpretations which Baronius maketh of his words, rather than to those which two general Counsels made of them, when all matters were either present to their view, or at least fresh in memory unto them? or because the Pope said, That they never erred, must we therefore needs believe them, contrary to the authority of general Counsels, and contrary also to some of themselves? And when Pope Agatho by his Legates condemned him and his memorial after him in the sixth general Council, shall it be enough for them to say, That the Greeks' added this parcel, and the two Sessions following, and thus to put off whatsoever they are not able to defend? or may not we rather think, and say, That those other passed it over with silence, because they had not what to say in excuse thereof? Give way to this, and what Council can stand for good? In the end he telleth us, That one Theodorus Bishop of Constantinople, Ib. art. 17. an. 680. being himself an Heretic, and one of those which should have been condemned in the same sentence given by the Synod, caused Honorius his name to be put into the schedule in stead of his own. Base shift, for where doth he find Theodorus so much as named in all that Session? or must so many authorities, so many pregnant proofs, give place to his bare conjecture? what printed author, what manuscript doth he allege? But the truth is, Gratulabor mihi tibique. this man desireth not to be relieved but upon alms: Reader, saith he, if thou wilt accept of this, I shall be glad that I have not lost my pains; if not, nevertheless Honorius shall be still a good Catholic. And this is all the fruit of 50 pages, which he had spent upon this argument. Now after Honorius succeeded Severin the first. At that time, saith Blondus, the manner was, Blond. li. 9 Deca. 1. That the Pope elected was not crowned till the Exarch would come from Ravenna to confirm him: And Isaac, who was Exarch at that time, deferred his coming to Rome one whole year and a half: Platina in Severino. and so also saith Platina. Here Beronius observeth, That the decree of Phocas was observed in certain places: And we deny not, that this Mystery had his proceed; for one Sergius Archbishop of Cyprus, writing unto Pope Theodore, inscribeth his letter, To Theodorus the Universal Pope: and so much the rather, because he was at variance with the Bishop of Constantinople. Summo omnium Praesulum Pontifici. So likewise a genernll Synod of Africa writing to Pope Martin, inscribeth their Epistle, To the Sovereign pontiff over all Bishops: though they might peradventure mean it only, as to the chief Patriarch, and consequently a Contutor in the government of the Universal Church, as we have said before. But Victor Bishop of Carthage, a man much renowned in that Synod, when upon his election he sent his confession to Theodorus, kept the old style, and wrote only, To the most blessed Lord, and our honourable holy brother, Pope Theodore; beginning his Epistle with these words, The good works of your holy Fraternity, etc. and so all along: giving him fairly to understand, That all the Apostles were endowed with equal authority: and certifying him only, An. 649. That he was consecrated Bishop of Carthage, without ever ask confirmation at his hands; only he requesteth him to recommend him in his prayers unto God, that he might well discharge his office. After this came Martin, who taking occasion upon the fame and suspicion that was of the patriarchs of the East, that they were Monothelites, sent thither certain Bishops, and made some of those which yet remained Orthodox in the East, his Vicars. This was a fair attempt; but the Emperor Constans hindered him in his walk: for the year following he sent and caused him to be apprehended in Rome, and to be brought prisoner to Constantinople, where he died a banished man, having been accused for conspiring with the Saracens against the Emperor, as appeareth by his letters written to Theodorus. Martinus in Epist. ad Theodor. 14. Sanctu● Audoenus in vita Sancti Eligij. Sacerdotalem Concilium. This Martin was a man of a haughty mind, and a great undertaker; yet could not he maintain his pretended authority, no not in the West: For when a certain Heretic had crept into the Bishopric of Authun, the Bishop of Noion, who was then in Court, solicited the king, and obtained of him, saith Saint Ouin, That by his commandment a Council of Priests or Bishops should be called at Orleans: where the Heretic was condemned, and banished the realm of France, without expecting any higher authority. So likewise under Pope Eugenius, his next successor, there was a Council held at chaalon's, upon the river of Saosne; which, as appeareth in the very front thereof, Ex evocatione & ordinatione Domini Clodovaei Regis. Synod. Epist. ad Theodo. Arelat. was assembled by the convocation and ordinance of king Clovis, as also in the synodal Epistle to Theodore Archbishop of Arles: wherein they presume to declare unto him, by the authority of that Synod, That considering the time of his penance was not yet expired, he might not offer to meddle with his Bishopric, nor with the good belonging thereunto. Ordaining farther, Ib. can. 10. That upon a vacancy no successor might be chosen but by the Clergy and people of that Province; that otherwise the election should be held as void and of none effect: where you shall find no exception or reservation at all to the Pope of Rome. And in Spain there were held at that time, the 7, 8, 9, and 10 Counsels of Toledo, all which acknowledge their assembling to have proceeded only from their own care, and from the authority of the Prince: namely, the seventh, By our devotion, say they, and by the care of king Chindasuinda: the eighth, By the command of the king Reccesuinda: and the tenth, By his most holy desire: Sanctissim● Vote. without any mention of the Pope at all; though in those Synods the highest points of our religion were in question, as namely in the eight, whose synodal Epistle hath yet only this inscription, The Decree of the Universal Council published in the name of the Prince. And again, A law published in the same Council, imperant Principe glorioso. by the commandment of the renowned Prince. In all which, besides those high points of Christian religion, order was also taken against intrusions, extortions, and other abuses of Bishops, proceeding to the punishment of some, and final deposition of others: insomuch that in the tenth Synod one Pontamius Bishop of Bracara, a thing never before heard of, accused himself, and was thereupon deposed by the Synod, and Fructuosus Bishop of Duna chosen in his place, with these words: We do here constitute and appoint by a common election, Fructuosus to be Governor of the Church of Bracara, to take upon him, as Metropolitan, the care of all the Province of Galleece, and of all Congregations and Bishops of that country. Patrum sententia. And this was done by the Decree of the Fathers, annexed to his letters of Ordination; without binding him to take a journey to Vitalian at Rome for confirmation, who sat not in that pride which Popes now use to sit in. For as Anastasius reporteth, when the Emperor Constans came to Rome, he with all his Clergy went to meet him six miles off, and there received they him with all tokens of submission and reverence, though he was a sacrilegious and bloody Emperor, and one which had confined Pope Martin the first to a certain place in banishment, as Baronius reporteth. 24. PROGRESSION. Wherein the religion of this age principally consisted; and what was the purpose of the Popes, when they sent Preachers into foreign Countries. THe good Bishops of the Primitive Church heeded only the building and re-edifying of the spiritual Temple of God, in gathering together living stones; but from hence forward shall you find the Histories stuffed only with relations of material Edifices, Oratories, Images, Marbles, Incrustations, Ouerlaying with gold, and such like: which the worse sort of men were ever most spendfull in, thereby to shadow and obscure the memory of their evil acts. And those princes which all histories leave unto us stained with dishonour, recover fame and good report of virtue, piety, and religion, by either building or beautifying some Church or other after their example. Beda l. 1. c. 20. 26. 29. Histor. Eccl. & l. 4. c. 1. 2. 16. 19 Galfri. Monumet. l. 8. c. 4. And if any Bishops of Rome did send to make a conquest of some far country, as Gregory the Great into England, and after him Honorius, Vitalis, and others, it was not principally to preach the Gospel, but to broach their own ceremonies, their Sing, their Service in Latin, Hours, Organs, Altars, Tapers, Anelings, and such other nifles; stirring up Princes to enforce their subjects to the use & practise of them, who would feign have kept themselves to the first institution of the Church in the purity of the Gospel. Malmesbu. de gest. Anglo. li. 1. c. 50. And the more to win unto themselves credit in foreign parts, where ever they saw any ambitious spirit, thirsting after some pre-eminence over the rest of his brethren, presently their fashion was to send him their Pall, either as a bare token of honour, or as a livery of their Vicarship, and to use means to draw all causes unto them: yet found they not credit in all places alike, but as they carried it away clear in some places, so in others they met with a baulk, especially in those Churches which being well planted at the first, grew up and prospered in purity of doctrine. OPPOSITION. Wherefore do they what they could, yet the Churches of the East ever rejected that Decree of Phocas, 2. To. Concil. Epist. Vitalian. 2, 3, 4. Sigo. de Reg. Italiae l. 2. Blond. Deca. 1. li. 9 An. 680. neither would Paul Archbishop of Candia suffer john Bishop of Lampeon, when he had been condemned by his own Synod, to appeal to Rome; as may appear out of the letters of Vitalian, by which he retracteth the sentence given in that Synod against him, absolveth, and as much as in him lay, restoreth him to his See: and for execution of this his sentence, used his credit in the emperors Court. So likewise at the gates of Rome itself, the Archbishop of Ravenna would not acknowledge him; where, after the decease of Bonus, Maurus being canonically elected and consecrated by his Suffragan Bishops, refused both the Pall and the consecration at the Pope's hands, and himself also consecrated his own Suffragans without him; and when the Pope excommunicated him, he excommunicated the Pope again. And in this state continued the Church of Ravenna, until the time of Pope Domnus, which was in the year 680, all the time of Pope Martin the first, Eugenius the first, Vitalian, and Adeodate. Whereupon they called her Heretical, and termed this her Heresy by the name of Autocephalia, meaning thereby, That she should be her own Head. And we be sure, that had they known worse by her, worse they would have spoken of her. And Anastasius saith plainly, That it was for the Primacy. Causa primatus. As for the Pope himself, he stood all this while obliged to ask and to receive confirmation of the Emperor, paying therefore a certain sum of money, Lib. Pontif. in Vitalian. & Domno. in regard of such domains as he held; without which he could not be reputed as Bishop. But the sixth general Council held about this time at Constantinople, can best inform us of the opinion which the Church then held concerning that constitution of Phocas, made in favour of the Pope, and with what limitations they received it. 25. PROGRESSION. Pope Agatho his assertions concerning the Decrees of the See of Rome, and of the infallibility of S. Peter's chair. AGatho, a Sicilian borne, being made Pope, pronounced openly, D. 19 c. sic omnes 2. That all Decrees made by the See Apostolic, aught to be received as if they had proceeded from S. Peter's own mouth. And bearing himself as Head of all the Churches, directed his letters, To all Bishops. Which Canon was taken by Iuo into his Decrete, Iuo. c. 4. pa. 122. and afterward canonised by Gratian, and farther, lately authorised by Gregory in his last Edition, notwithstanding that pretended reformation. And not without cause, Concil. 6. vniuers. Sess. 4. Concil. 6. vniuers. Act. 18. in Exempla. jussio. divinae. Dom. Constant. etc. if we will be so mad as to believe that which he doubteth not to say in his Epistle to Constantine Barbatus, That unto that day the Church of Rome had never been stained with any error, neither yet would be, by reason of that promise heretofore made by our Saviour unto Saint Peter. But easily may he fall into the foulest error, who is most confident that he cannot err. And the Emperor out of his honesty seemeth to applaud him, saying in answer to his letters, That he admired all which he had said, as the very voice of S. Peter. But notwithstanding all this, we must now see what the sixth general Council, which was holden under Constantine Barbatus, said, did, and ordained of this matter. OPPOSITION. First then we must understand, that this sixth general Council assembled for the rooting out of the Heresy of the Monothelites, Zonar. to. 3. in Const. 4. C. Habeo librum. & Can. sexta Synod. Dist. 16. Lib. Pontif. in Agatho. Concil. vniuers. 6. Action. 18. Epist. Leo. 2. ad Constant. was assigned by the Emperor: so speaketh Zonaras, The Emperor, saith he, for the unity of the Churches, assigned a Council at Constantinople. And Gratian in his book of Decrees, The Emperor, saith he, assembled it, and it was held by his care and providence, and he assisted there in person. And the Pontifical book saith, That Pope Agatho received the sacred commandment of the Princes, Constantine, Heraclius, and Tiberius, Emperors: who requested and exhorted him to send his deputies to Constantinople. And Pope Leo the second, in his confirmation of the Acts of this Synod, This Council, saith he, lately assembled by the emperors command in the royal city, etc. And Agatho himself in his answer to the emperors letter, I offer, saith he my ready obedience to what is commanded to me by your sacred Patent: which was, to seek out persons fit to be sent unto the Synod which the Emperor had called, Act. 2.4. among all the Bishops of his jurisdiction, and others; all which he there calleth by the name of his Fellow servants: Confamulos suos and that, as he saith, for the discharge of his duty and service; causing them to make all the hast they could to the emperors feet: as well from Rome, which he termeth the servile city of the Emperor, as of the places thereabout. Speaking all along in that Epistle, of the most religious commands of their clemencies, and of the duty which he owed unto them. And to conclude, he requesteth them to accept of such as he had sent unto the Synod, though small scholars, and little skilled in the Scriptures; not dissembling, that if he had occasion to use a man which was well seen in knowledge of Divinity (so terrible was the desolation which the barbarous people had made among them) he must be feign to send as far as England for one. Flexo mentis poplite. And a little after he falleth to such submission, as to say, That he entreated him upon the knee of his heart. Such was the style of this Agatho in those days: and such also was that of the Synod itself of Rome, in their answer to the emperors letter. Moreover, the synodal Epistle itself, written to Pope Agatho, alleged by Baronius, declareth, That their assembly was caused by the religious ordinance of the Emperor, endorsing it, To Agatho Pope of the old Rome, and within calling him only, The Bishop of the first See of the Universal Church; not Universal Bishop, or Bishop of the Universal Church. And now tell me, how all this standeth with that pretended superiority, or rather Monarchy of the Church of Rome. Secondly, the Emperor sent unto all the patriarchs, and amongst the rest to him of Rome; willing them and every of them to assemble the Bishops of his Apostolic See and jurisdiction, in a Synod, and to make choice of some of the fittest among them, to deliver in the Council at Constantinople, what was done and agreed upon in every one of their Synods: which also the Pope observed to a hair, sending thither some to represent his own person, and others in the name of the Synod of the Apostolic Roman See. In which Synod we find none subscribed but only the Bishops of Italy. By all which it appeareth, that the Emperor called all the patriarchs indifferently, as so many fellow Tutors of the Church, against the Heresy then on foot, though one of them took place before another. This we may observe out of the whole course of this Synod, especially out of the letters of the Emperor to Domnus and Agatho Bishops of Rome, as also to George Bishop of Constantinople, to whom he wrote to the same effect, with the like respect, honour, and Title, as to the other, save only that he called the one Universal Patriarch, and the other Universal Pope. Likewise out of the Synodical Suggestion (for so is it called) which Pope Agatho sent unto the Emperors, where we find this superscription, Agatho Bishop, Servant of the Servants of God, with all the Synods which are under the Council of the See Apostolic: as also out of that Epistle which he wrote to the Emperors upon the receipt of their Patent; where he repeateth again the Mandate of the Emperor unto him, De familiari Cler●. for the sending of deputies to the Synod assigned, as well of the Synod which was held not far off from the Apostolic See, as of his own particular Clergy. And yet we find none subscribed but Italians; and Agatho himself signeth in these terms, Act. 4. With the generality of the Council of all the Apostolic See, that is, of all his jurisdiction. Act. 17. And in the subscription of the seventeenth Action, the Legates of Pope Agatho, and of the Bishops of Alexandria, Antioch, and jerusalem, style themselves Lieutenants of the Apostolic See, meaning every one of his own Church. And Abundantius and john both Bishops, subscribe in particular, by the name of Legates of the whole Council of the holy Apostolic See of Rome. This Council therefore represented his See, and his See was, according to his own definition bounded within the precincts of Italy. And in like terms doth the Emperor Constantine make answer to Agatho and to his Synod, in the 18 Action. Thirdly, Act. 18. in all the Actions of this Synod things are generally noted to have been done Praesidente Constantino, etc. where also all the Nobility and Senators, who assisted, are ever named before the Pope's Legates, who are there said sometimes to Reside, and sometimes to Preside, as in the sixth and seventh Actions. And in the emperors absence those said Senators Presided in the Council, gathered the voices, and gave direction concerning the Action then in hand, as may appear by those words which we find in the 12, 13, 15, 16, and 17 Actions, Proposito venerando sessu pijssimi Imperatoris, etc. Ex persona ipsius, secundum iussionem eius, praesidentibus & audientibus: Whereby we see, Lib. Pontif. in Agatho. that the Pontifical went about to abuse the Reader through the likeness of the word, when he saith in the life of Pope Agatho, That his Legates were received Rsidente sub Regali cultu Imperatori, not daring to say Praesidente: with like honesty as before, where he maketh the Bishop of Constantinople writing to Vigilius, in stead of Residente nobiscum, to say, Praesidente nobis vestra Beatitudine; thereby to get an authority for the presidency of the Pope: the word Residere being frequently used in this sense, and to this purpose, as we may find more than once in one leaf of the life of Pope Agatho, Residere praecepti, una cum nostris, etc. Residente Synodo cum eius pietate: Residente una cum principe: and so throughout in this whole Council. By which we may perceive with what face Bellarmine affirmeth, That Agatho his Legates presided; alleging for proof Zonaras: whereas yet he saith in express terms, That the Legates of Agatho, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and Gregory of Constantinople, and Theophilus of Antioch, were chief Leaders in this Council: where, as you see, he joineth them all together. Fourthly, the Synod, contrary to that which Agatho had formerly boasted of, concerning the infallabilitie of his See, condemned Honorius, one of his predecessors, of Heresy, and that in the face and presence of his Legates, having first seen and compared the copies of his letters with the original itself; and declared him to have been Fautorem, concursorem, Action. 12. 13. 17. & 18. & confirmatorem, A favourer, a concurrent, and an abettor of the Heresy and impiety of the Monothelites, and consequently an instrument of Satan, to whom, with sundry others, they deliver him over, and damn the memorial of him for ever. Which sentence was first published in full Council, and afterwards ratified by express letters sent from Leo the second, his successor: Epist. Leo. in 6. Synod. vniuers. D. 19 c. Sicut omnes. Which overthroweth that goodly Canon of Pope Agatho, Sicut omnes, which saith, That all the Decrees of the Bishops of Rome ought to be kept and obeyed, as the voice of Saint Peter himself. And as for the rank and place of the Pope, they bring him back again to the ancient Canons of the second Council of Constantinople and of Chalcedon, ordaining, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Constant. vniuers. 6. in Trullo. Can. 56. C. Habeo librum & C. Placuit. D. 16. Concil. Nicae. 2. vniuers. 7. Action. 2. & 4. That the See of Constantinople should have equal privileges with that of Rome, and in all Church matters should be honoured as much as the other, as being next in order after her. Neither is it enough to reply, That this Council made no Canons, and that therefore this is false: for it hath been elsewhere sufficiently declared, and Gratian himself affirmeth as much, That this Synod was assembled at two several times, and that at the second assembling they enacted an hundred and three Canons, as Onuphrius himself acknowledgeth; which were afterwards authorised by the second Council of Nice, being the seventh Universal Synod, Act. 14. in the presence of Pope Adrian his Legates, the said Canons being by the Fathers at their second meeting under justinian the second (after that he had quieted the troubles of the Empire) taken out of the Records of the first meeting. As for the temporal Estate, Agatho before acknowledged, That Rome was the servile City of the Emperor: Lib. Pontifical. in Agatho. and as a great and high favour obtained of him a Release or discharge of a certain sum of money, which the Bishop of Rome was wont to pay into the emperors coffers for his ordination: yet with condition still, D. 63. c. Agath. 21. That his election should never pass unto ordination without the emperors privity and express command, as the ancient manner was. And this Law hath Gratian himself inserted in the Decrete. So that it is no great wonder, if their power reached not altogether so far as their desire, in the ordination of others: which we have heretofore observed in the Council of chaalon's, held here in France, and in the 7, 8, 9, and 10 Counsels of Toledo; as also we may now observe in the 12 of Toledo, Concil. Tolet. 12. Ca 6. which was held in the time of this Agatho, of whom we speak: where we find, that the Prince appointed those for Bishops which were elected by the Province; and if they happened to let the See lie void too long, the Archbishop of Toledo furnished the Church, yet so, that he that was elected within a certain time, might present himself to the Metropolitan of the Province. Baron. vol. 8. an. 681. art. 47, 48. Yet Baronius will not be satisfied, but saith first, That they which were condemned in this Council appealed to Rome; and secondly, that the Fathers of this Council requested confirmation of Agatho: but how may we believe him, seeing that no man, besides himself, ever spoke of any Appeal in this case? For the Epistle of the Emperor to Agatho speaketh in this manner, They were thrust out of their Priesthood by the general voice of the Synod, Actio. 17. sub finem Anast. in Agatho. and left to the approvement of the holy Pope: meaning only that he should judge of their hearty repentance afterwards, according to their behaviours. And Anastasius maketh this clear, when he saith, That they were banished to the City of Rome. True (saith Baronius) but yet Constantine in his Epistle to Leo the second saith, They have petitioned to our Grace, that we would send them to your blessed presence; which we have granted, and have sent them unto you, referring them and their cause unto your judgement. I grant: but how can this be taken for an Appeal, which proceedeth from the toleration only, or rather from the Commission of the Emperor? Neither is his second assertion as touching confirmation built upon any better ground than is the former; he produceth a certain new found Epistle, Baron. ib. art. 49. wherein (as he saith) it is thus written, We have clearly preached unto you the clear light of the Orthodox faith, which we entreat your brotherly Holiness to confirm by your honourable rescripts or answers: Which words imply not any suit for ratification, but only a request for consent: For it is clear, that the Fathers never dreamt that their sentence stood suspended for want of his confirmation: for (say they) we have driven them by Anathemaes out of the Courts of the Lord etc. And again, God moved and God crowned this assembly. And again, All of us with one heart and tongue and hand have pronounced this definitive sentence, void of error, certain and infallible, by the assistance of the holy Spirit. Is this spoken as if they either expected the Pope's pleasure, or attended his leisure? But because they tell him, that he by his letters had somewhat helped them in this business, therefore they infer, That without him they did and could do nothing. By which reason we may as well say, when Leo sent the Acts of his Synod into Spain, requesting them to receive and put them in execution, that he requested confirmation of them, making them verier Popes than the Pope himself: For the 14 Council of Toledo speaking in more prejudicial terms, Leo the Pope of old Rome (say they) entreated us by his letters, Concil. Tolet. 14. c. 2. An. 683. that the Acts which he sent unto us might stand good, borne up by the force of our authority: and thereupon they made this answer, We (say they) not able at this present to assemble ourselves in a General Council, by reason of the times, have met at several times and places, and have read them, approving what is there ordained touching the doctrine of two natures in Christ etc. And, we have thought good to confirm these Acts, thereby to satisfy the Bishop of Rome, and to declare our consent of faith in plain and open words. And Baronius himself calleth it a Confirmation of the Acts of this Synod. And for a farewell to the time of Agatho, we may remember, An. 681. that in his time was held the 11 Council of Toledo, by the commandment of King Eringus, wherein were handled matters of great importance. 26. PROGRESSION. That the free election of the Popes was restored to the Clergy and people of Rome; and how they abused this freedom. Lo the second, successor unto Agatho, in the year 683, An. 683. upon the letters of the Emperor Constantine received the Council of Constantinople, written in Greek, Lib. Pontific. in Leo. 2. and (as we have already declared) condemned and excommunicated those whom the Synod had excommunicated, and among the rest Pope Honorius himself: And Constantine to gratify him again ordained, That the Archbishop of Ravenna elect should come and take his ordination at Rome, but so, that he should not pay any thing for his Pall: whereby appeareth, that this corruption, notwithstanding the constitution of S. Gregory, continued still at Rome. But Benedict the second, successor unto Leo, went a step farther, and obtained the emperors Patents, directed to the Clergy, people, and army of Rome (for the garrison within the City made a party also in these elections) containing, That he who in a lawful assembly and by common consent should be elected, without expectance of consent either of Emperor or Exarch, should presently be consecrated, and taken as Bishop of Rome: which was never seen before, since the time of justinian the first. But soon appeared, how necessary a tie that was to be laid upon them: for Benedict happening to die within the year, and his successor john sitting but a little longer, when they came to the choice of a successor, Sigon. de Reg. Ital. l. 2. The City (saith Sig●ni●s) seeing herself at her old liberty, fell likewise to her old divisions: The Clergy chose Peter, the Army Theodore, and after a while let both those fall, and by a general consent consecrated Conon for their Bishop: who happening likewise to die at the end of eleven months, the like division fell among them as before, which continued for the space of two months and upward: Lib. Pontific. Sigon. de Reg. Jtal. l. 2. For during the time of his sickness one Paschal an Archdeacon had written to john Exarch of Ravenna, promising him a great mass of money, which Conon (who then lay on his death bed) had bequeathed to the Clergy and religious houses. john thereupon made his party good within the City: Wherefore Conon had no sooner his eyes shut, but the City was divided, some standing for Theodore the Archpriest, Illat. in Leo. 2. Benedict. 2. Johan. 5. Conone, Sergio. others for Paschal the Archdeacon: the one part making head within the Patriarchal (for so called they the Palace of Lateran) the other without, either party being ready to come to blows; when upon the sudden the chief of the Army, Clergy, and people, to prevent this mischief, took one Sergius, a poor Priest, out of the midst of the company, and proclaimed him Pope; and presently all, even the two competitors themselves, saluted him as Pope. Sigonius addeth, That they adored him; but this is spoken after the manner of these times: Anastasius saith, That they humbled themselves, Blondus, Dec. 1. l. 9 or bowed down before him: so great was the pride of that See, such corruption was there used to aspire unto it. The Exarch being loath to lose his money, came thither in all haste, and finding Sergius quietly in possession, demanded of him the money which was promised to him by Paschal: Sergius to content him, gave him the Vessel and Crowns of gold which hung up before S. Peter's House, and yet all was too little. This fell out about the year 690. And so within four years, after their liberty of election restored to them, fell out two schisms, next kin to commotions, in the State; and the soldiers began already to have a hand in the election of the Popes, as the Praetorians had heretofore in the choice of the Emperors. Anastas. in Sergio. And Anastasius farther reporteth, That this Paschal, one of the competitors, was afterwards thrust into a Monastery, for worshipping of trees, for lotteries, and other enchantments which he used. Also we may observe, that after the time of Leo the second, the Popes were consecrated by three Bishops, namely those of Ostia, Port, and Velitre, as all other Bishops were; whereas before he was only consecrated by him of Ostia: but after all, they grew impatient, to see themselves so ordered by the sixth General Council; and justinian the second son to that Constantine, of whom they had received so many and so large favours, felt it to his cost. OPPOSITION. Sigon. l. 2. an. 692. This justinian therefore, after the death of his father, who had before his death associated him in the Empire, following (as Sigonius saith) the steps of his father, wrote presently to Pope john the fift, That he had found the holy books of the sixth General Council, digested and set in order by his father, which eftsoons he presented to the Patriarches, Sacra justin. ad johan. 5. in 2. To. Concil. and to his Holiness his Solicitor, to the sacred Senate, to the Metropolitans and Bishops, to the chief officers both of his Court and Army, to be read before them, and to be subscribed by them, to the end that they might never hereafter be falsified or corrupted: whereof he thought good to advertise him, assuring him, that he purposed never to departed from them. But this dispatch found john dead, Lib. Pontif. in Conone. and Conon placed in his room, who received the letters: and the Emperor shortly after understanding of his election, spared for no kind of gratulations, which are not, I warrant you, forgotten in the History. But this Conon happening to die shortly after his election, having been all the while sickly, Sigon. l. 2. de Reg. Jtal. Anastas. in Conone. and Sergius succeeding in his place, justinian sent like letters unto him, requiring him to subscribe to this Council, so carefully compared with the Originals, and already subscribed by his Lieger Solicitors. Sergius because there were some Acts there which pleased him not, namely, those which concerned the ordering of his See, took occasion to say, that some body had falsified the Acts, and thereupon he disavowed his Solicitors (Anastasius saith, his Legates) and refused to subscribe unto them: Anastas. in Sergio. Whereat justinian took such offence, that he renounced the Church of Rome, which until then he had ever maintained, and sent to apprehend john Bishop of Port, and Boniface chief Counsellor of the See. Moreover, Zacharie Protospatarius, or as we say, High Constable, came himself to apprehend the Pope. But Sergius had taken such order, that all the soldiery of Rome was at his devotion, Anastas. in Sergio. so that Zacharie was feign to submit himself, and to cry him mercy. The pretence of his not subscribing was (as Anastasius saith) because he would not consent to errors of novelties; Paul. Diacon. de gest. Longobard. l. 6. c. 11. or (as Paulus Diaconus reporteth) to a Synod of Error, as if they had been Monothelites. But the Canons which are come unto our hands have no such smell about them, but in express terms they pronounce Anathema against them: neither indeed was there any thing in them that troubled his conscience, save only that they equalled the Bishop of Constantinople with himself. And Anastasius seemeth to say as much, when he saith it was by reason of certain articles there added, contrary to the Rites of the Church, and therefore not contrary to any article of religion, or point of doctrine: but in the life of john he speaketh plainly, saying, it was for certain articles contrary to the Roman Church: for indeed the Emperor sent him an Orthodox confession of his faith withal. And this came unto the year 700. An. 700. Baronius seeketh to discredit and to annihilate the Canons of this Council, Baron. vol. 8. an. 692. art. 1, 2. Pseudosynodum. but we have sufficiently justified them elsewhere: he calleth it a false and erroneous Synod, grieving to see his Head bounded and limited by law and reason, as if all the members should thereby far the worse: But let him thank those Fathers for it, and the Pope's Legates themselves, who were present at it. But above all, Tharasius Patriarch of Constantinople is he which offendeth him, for that in the second Council of Nice he saith, Syno. Nice. Act. 2. What ignorance is this of some which trouble themselves about these Canons? It is a scandal to doubt whether they are of the sixth General Council or no: Know all men therefore, that that Council was first assembled under Constantine etc. And afterwards the same Fathers assembled themselves under justinian his son, and then made these Canons, and that therefore no man should doubt thereof. And is it enough now to find some little error in the date, thereby to reject all these Canons? And Balsamon Bishop of Antioch pleaseth him as little, Because (saith he) that the fift and this sixth Synod had made no Canons, this therefore came in supplement unto them etc. and is also reckoned as General. For although the Western Bishops, to wit, Italians and Latins, because they are there touched, say it is no Council, and that the Pope's Legates were not there etc. yet I find, looking over the old Nomocanon, Balsamon in Nomocanone. that Basill Bishop of Gortyna, Metropolitan of Candie, and another Bishop of Candie were there as Lieutenants of the whole Synod of the Church of Rome; and not they only, but also the Bishops of Thessalonica, Sardana, Heraclea in Thrace, and Corinth, as special Legates from the Pope, and were called Legates a fancy, who also had particular jurisdiction, as appeareth by the second title of the fift book Imperial. What sponge can wipe this out? or who can think that this can be controlled by giving Balsamon the lie, or by saying that he was an heretic? Can Gratian endure this injury, who hath canonised these Canons? Or the second Council of Nice, Actio 2. & 3. or the Pope's Gregory the second, and Adrian, who have cited them for good proof, alleging the 83 Canon to justify their use of Images? Or is it enough for Baronius to say, that these Popes kill the Greeks' with their own swords, when as by approving them they rather cut the throat of their own cause? What speak I of their approving hereof, when they receive it as one of the six sacred Synods? and that in these words: This picture (meaning of the Lamb) is received by the Canons of the sixth Synod, published by human and divine ordinance etc. As for that which he saith, That Anastasius in his translation of the seventh Synod testifieth, That none of the patriarchal Sees received them, besides his proper quality, as vassal to the Popes; this author maketh himself otherwise too too much suspect in this business, when in his Epistle Dedicatory to john he sticketh not to say, That in this Synod (meaning the second of Nice) there are many things of the Canons of the Apostles, and of the sixth General Council found, which with us (saith he) are not found either interpreted or received: of so good dealing were the ministers of this See even in those days, to leave out whatsoever might make against them. 26. PROGRESSION. That Aripert King of the Lumbards' bestowed the Cottian Alps upon the Pope: and that justinian the Emperor sent for Pope Constantine to come to Constantinople. An. 705. THe greatness of the Bishop of Rome at this time was such, that the emperors residing in the East, being harassed what with the invasions of the barbarous abroad, what with civil dissensions and rebellions at home, had need of their favour to maintain their credit in the West: So had the Exarches in Italy, to make their party good against the Lumbards': And the Lumbards' themselves were feign upon occasion to speak them fair: and the Popes, as children of this world, and wise in their generation, made use of the times for their own advancement. Anastas. in Joh. 7. Paul. Diacon. l. 6. c. 28. Blond. Dec. 1. l. 10. In the year therefore 705 john the seventh entered upon his See. Aripert King of the Lumbards' gave him (as Paulus Diaconus reporteth) the inheritance of the Cottian Alps: Blondus and Platina say, that he gave him all between Turin and Gennes, and from thence as far as France; and this they call, Giving to Saint Peter: and he made no great difficulty to be liberal of another man's. Paulus saith, Sigon. de Reg. Jtal. l. 2. That all this did formerly belong to the See Apostolic, meaning, by that pretended donation of Constantine the Great; and that they were taken away by the Lumbards'; and that he sent the Act of the donation in letters of gold to Aripert. But Platina marreth all when he saith, Plat. in joh. 7. That this is reported without an author, and that seeing there is no certainty of the donation itself, and that the Canonists reckon it as a Palea or chaff, without corn or substance in it, how can the confirmation hold for good? Wherefore this was either a mere device of the Popes to encroach upon it, or else a humour of Aripert, thereby to redeem the many enormous cruelties by him committed, and mentioned by Sigonius, according to the common error of the times: but he, shortly after pursued by his enemy, was drowned in the passing of a river. On the other part justinian the second wearied with his homebred traverses, being now at length restored to the Empire which he had lost, purposing to be revenged of his enemies, thought good first to gratify the Pope, and therefore sent him the Acts of the fixed Council by two Metropolitans, exhorting him to receive them. Anastasius the Pope's Library keeper saith it was with request, to strike out what he thought fit: But Platina their Historian saith, That it was absolutely to have him subscribe unto them: but both of them agree in this, that he sent them back again, as wanting courage to contradict or censure them. An. 708. But in the year 708 Pope Constantine made better use of the times: for justinian having made away the chief of the adverse faction, and having pulled out Callinicus the patriarch of Constantinople his eyes, sent him prisoner to Rome, thinking thereby to do the Pope no little pleasure: and thereupon sent to him to come into the East, with purpose to use his advice in matters, and to oblige him to himself with honours which he means to do unto him. The History saith, That he gave order to have him received in all places as his own person, That he fell at his feet, and kissed them, with his diadem upon his head: Paul. Diaco. de gest. Longobard. l. 6. c. 31. but withal it letteth us understand, that he used his authority to make him come. Paulus Diaconus saith, That he commanded the Pope Constantine to come unto him: not, as Sigonius an author of these days, that he beseeched him. And Anastasius himself saith, That he sent his sacred Patent, by which he commanded him to come up to the royal City, and that he with all readiness to obey the emperors behests, Anastas. in Constanti. caused shipping to be provided; and these are the authors who lived nearer unto the times: so that Baronius is idle when he interpreteth his commands to be but prayers and requests: Wherefore the rest that the Emperor did, was in devotion and compunction, and not in duty or obedience. And indeed Paulus Diaconus reporteth, That the Emperor renewed unto him all the former privileges of his Church, so that he was to hold them from him in time to come. And Anastasius giveth the cause, Requesting him (saith he) to pray for his sins; for these were the satisfactions which those times required: and so (saith he) the Emperor dismissed him to return to Rome. Who durst speak thus in these days? But Platina after all, justinian (saith he) for all these calamities changed nothing of his former life, only he had the Apostolic See in a greater awe and reverence than before, and so long, as good friends as might be. OPPOSITION. Notwithstanding this strong support, yet were there always some or other who would not endure this Tyranny. The Church of Ravenna was but lately come to the yoke, and that by the command of the Emperors: Wherefore Felix succeeding unto Damian, came and presented himself unto Pope Constantine, to be by him approved, and consecrated at Rome: but saith Anastasius, he would not enter caution according to the custom, that is, Anastas. & Plat. in Constanti. Blond. lib. 10. Dec. 1. as Platina and Blondus more ingenuously deliver, would not oblige himself to a set form of obedience, and to send a certain sum of money to Rome; wherein the magistrates themselves of Rome assisted him. The tale goeth, that his Caution being laid by the Pope upon the holy confession of S. Peter, that is, upon his Relics, it was found shortly after all black, and as if it had been burnt with fire. These were the petty miracles of those times, to put to children: but the matter stayed not here. Blond. ib. The Archbishop being thus repulsed by the Pope, returned to Ravenna, made his moan to his people and Clergy, and thereupon with one consent broke off as before from the Communion of the Roman Church. Sigon. de Reg. Jtal. l. 2. Pope Constantine on the other part made his plaint to justinian, who dispatched thither Theodore with a navy: the Archbishop with other adjoining congregations, as of Ceruia, Comachio, Forlim Popoli, Cesenae, Imola, Faenza, and others, all great peoples in those days (as Blondus testifieth) prepare themselves for the encounter. Theodore after many hot skirmishes landed, besieged the City, took in by composition as well the citizens as the Archbishop, proceeded notwithstanding against the chief of them, by seizure of their goods and persons, hanged some, banished others, and the rest he caused to fine deep for their lives. This they called to be tried by S. Peter's judgement. As for the Archbishop, they put out his eyes, and banished him into Pontus, until that by this pastoral proceeding he being converted from that damnable heresy, of not paying money to the Pope (for so Platina is pleased to term it) he submitted himself to give such caution as they demanded, and so doing, was restored to his See. And so saith likewise Anastasius. Yet was this Felix (whom we see so hardly used) recommended in History for sanctity of life, and miracles; called in his Epitaph (which Baronius rehearseth) Terbeatissimus Archiepiscopus. But he would feign persuade us, that those barbarous and cruel usages of the Pope were the cause of this his sanctity. Yet Benedict Archbishop of Milan, a man of reputed holiness, Hieronym. Rubaeus. found a little better usage. He pretended, That Pavia the chief seat of the Lombard's, was belonging to his Diocese: But coming in kindness to see the Pope, Paul. Diacon. l. 6. c. 29. was feign to have the cause heard at Rome; where it was agreed, That anciently the Bishops of Pavia were consecrated by the Bishops of Rome, Anastas. in Constanti. whereas yet Pavia was ever of the Province of Milan: but the Pope was judge in his own cause. 27. PROGRESSION. How and upon what occasions the Popes ruined both the Estate of the exarchs, and the kingdom of the Lombard's in Italy. TO fulfil the prophesy of the Apocalyps, it was necessary that the second Beast should enter upon the place of the first; and the Empire declining, and the Apostasy increasing, the Papacy should plant itself in the room of the Empire. The Emperors were long since confined in the East: but the exarchs of Ravenna, who had always their judges under them at Rome, remained still as a moat, or rather a thorn in the Pope's eye: and the Lombard's on the other side held them continually at a bay, and in fear of a sudden flaw: and now shall we see how cunningly they rid themselves of both. Immediately upon the interview between the Emperor justinian, and Constantine the Pope, justinian abandoned by the army, was assaulted by Helias General of the army for Philippicus Bardanes, who slew him, and farther caused his son Tiberius, who was fled to the Temple of Blachames, to be there murdered, and then sent justinian's head to Philippicus, and he to Rome. Constantine the Pope somewhat amazed with this sudden alteration, yet bethought himself how to do most for his own behoof. There was at that time a certain Monk called john, who had persuaded Philippicus to turn Monothelite, which Heresy had been formerly condemned in the sixth general Council. And justinian had caused the chief of those Fathers which assisted at that Council to be pictured in a table, and to be hung up in the poarch of S. Sophia in Constantinople. Philippicus, by the persuasion of that Monk, defaced this table; and farther commanded, That all Images should be pulled down in the Churches: A good ordinance, had it not proceeded from an heretical disposition. On the contrary Constantine the Pope, in despite of Philippicus, caused a table, containing the Images not only of the Fathers of the sixth Council, but of all the six general Synods, to be hung up in Saint Peter's Church at Rome; and in a Synod there ordained, That Images should be set up in Churches: So the question about Images came now to be principal, which at the first was but accessary. Insomuch that from thence forward, though the Emperor elected were never so Orthodox in other points, and though he received the six general Synods with all readiness, yet was he not obeyed nor acknowledged by the Popes, or at all in Italy, if he held not for the use and veneration of Images, which by circumstances they made always more and more odious to the adverse party: So that upon this point the Popes never wanted matter of quarrel against the Emperors, till in the end they had thrust them clean out of Italy. Constantine therefore, taking occasion as before, refused Philippicus his Patents, which he sent unto him, pronounced him an Heretic, forbade the people of Rome to receive either his name, or his letters, or his image, or his coin: suffered not his portrait to be placed in the Church, Paul. Diac. li. 6. c. 34. nor his name to be mentioned in Divine Service: which was in effect, as much as in him lay, Anastas & Platin. in Constant. to depose him from the Empire. Whereupon shortly after there arose against him one Arthemius, who pulled out his eyes, and thrust him from the Empire. So that Onuphrius in his Annotations upon Platina, in the life of this Constantine, had reason to say, Onuphr. in Annotat. in Plat. in vit. Constant. That he was the first which durst resist the Greek Emperor to his face, because he was fallen into the Heresy of Iconomachie, which forbade the use of Images; not for that he was a Monothelite, not that he denied either two natures or two wills in Christ, but only upon the difference concerning Images in Churches: And Sigonius giveth the same reason, Sigon. de Reg. Ital. li. 3. and none other. So small an occasion took they to depose the Emperors, whose room they had so long desired to enjoy. But Gregory the second, who succeeded after him, went a little farther: being that Gregory who, as Sigonius reporteth, for his excellent vein in that kind, was surnamed the Dialogist; An. 716. and it may be that he meant, that this Gregory was the author of those fabulous Dialogues which go under the name of Gregory the first. Leo the third, surnamed Isauricus, in the year 717 was called to the Empire: This Leo, so soon as he was quietly seated in his throne, ratified the Edict formerly published against the use of Images: An. 717. for other Heresy than this his greatest enemies lay not to his charge. And thence, saith Sigonius, took their beginning those great seditions, by means whereof that huge Dominion of the Church in Italy was established. Some Historians say, That he attempted against the life and liberty of Pope Gregory, as well knowing that he could never bring his purposes to pass, so long as he stood upright: yet Zonaras, An. 718. though a Monk, and a great maintainer of Images, saith no such matter; no more doth Cedrenus. But the Popes must have some colour for so hau● an enterprise. Gregory hereupon called in the Lombard's against the Exarch, who posted to Rome in all haste, but was repulsed by the Lombard's, and feign to return unto Ravenna; and there broke off the peace between the exarchs and the Lombard's (which had continued ever since Rhotharis his time) to the final ruin of both Estates, and first of that of the exarchs, whose chief seat and city Ravenna, Luitprand king of the Lombard's took and sacked. But Gregory liked not this sudden increase of the Lombard's power, and therefore altered his course, and carrying the matter very closely, got aid of the Venetians, and thereby suddenly re-established Paul in the Exarchat of Ravenna. In the mean time the Emperor Leo ceased not to exhort Gregory to forbear the maintenance and support of Images in the Church. Gregory replied, That it belonged not to the Emperor to innovat any thing in matters of faith (for so he termed the use of Images.) Neither stayed he here, but farther, as the Histories report, he solicited the Venetians, and the inhabitants of Ravenna, to rise in arms against the Emperor and his Exarch, caused cities and towns to thrust out their lawful magistrates, Blond. Dec. 1. li. 10. Sigon. de Reg. Ital. li. 3. and to put others of their own choice in their rooms, persuaded the citizens of Rome to abandon him as an Heretic, if he persisted in those his opinions, and in the end absolved the people of Italy from their oath and allegiance to him, freed their conscience, forbade them to pay their tribute, or to yield him obedience in any kind. The people feeling the reins to lie lose upon their necks, presently murdered Paul Exarch of Ravenna, pulled out Peter's eyes, who was Duke of Rome, killed Exhilarate Duke of Campania, and his son, Zonar. p. 8. 85. to. 3. Cedrens. p. 373. 1 filled every corner of Italy with sedition and blood. And in conclusion, finding themselves so far engaged in these disorders, that they saw no hope of reconciliation left them with the Emperor, they shook off, and first of all the citizens of Rome, the yoke of the Emperor, taking a solemn oath to become liege servants, obedient in all points, and to all purpose, Baron. 9 an. 726 art. 34. to the Pope. And here, saith Baronius, was an end of those Dukes and Governors which the Emperors were wont to send to command in Rome, and places near adjoining. This revolt would he feign justify, Onuphr. in Annot. ad Plat. in Constant. under colour of conspiracies made against the Pope, which no Author reporteth but Anastasius, a domestic of the Popes. And therefore Sigonius saith also, That Rome, and the dukedom of Rome, were translated from the Grecians to the Pope of Rome, by reason of their wicked Heresy and impiety. What impiety, save only that pretended sin against the use of Images? But he goeth on, and setteth down a beadroll of places which came to the Pope by this new conquest; Rome, with her castles and borough towns in Tuscanie, Zonar. to. 3. in Leo. 3. p. 85. Port, Centocella, Cere, Bleda, Matuta, Sutri, Nepet, Castelgalesi, Orta, Polimarte, Ameria, Tuderta, Perusia, Narni, Oricoli; and in Campania di Roma, Signia, Cedrens. pa. 373. Anagnia, Ferentino, Alatrio, Patrico, Frusigno, Tivoli; and in Terra di Lavoro, Sora, Arces, Aquino, Teano, and Capua: whereunto we may add, That Luitprand king of Lombard's, who at his entry unto his kingdom redemanded the Cottian Alps, as a part of his domains, restored them again, and confirmed the grant of Aripert; having as good right the one as the other, to grant away that which belonged to neither of them. And thus by the Bishops of Rome were the Emperors thrust out of Italy, whither they never after looked but with a sigh. Onuphrius speaking of Gregory and this his fact, saith in plain terms, That he was more hardy than his predecessor Constantine, and that he lawfully rest out of Leo the third his hands all the Empire of Italy, which was not possessed by the Lombard's, in the year 729. Thus have we seen the ruin of the exarchs. It remaineth now, that we show how they suppressed the kingdom of the Lombard's, of whom Gregory stood in bodily fear, because Luitprand their king coming with his army before Rome gates, Sigon. de Reg. Ital. li. 3. had already forced him to entreat for peace: moreover, Gregory saw that he was linked with Charles Martell, at that time Maior of the king's house in France, Blond. Dec. 1. li. 10. who had sent unto him his son Pepin, with request that he would adopt him as his own, and in token thereof, after the manner of the Lombard's, to cut off his locks; Aimon. li. 4. ca 57 which Luitprand accordingly had done: though Aimonius saith, He did it as his godfather, and after the manner of the Christians. Wherefore to prevent a mischief, he sent unto Charles a solemn embassage, the Keys of the holy Sepulchre, and Saint Peter's Chains, with other rich presents, which, as Aimonius saith, had never been heard of, nor seen before; upon condition, That he should free the Church of Rome from the present tyranny of the Lombard's, and preferring heavenly rewards before earthly and transitory respects, should break off all alliance and confederacy which he had with them. Charles hereupon dispatched another embassage to Rome, to ratify an accord with the Pope; whereof ensued the deliverance of the Pope out of that imminent danger wherein he was, Appendix Greg. Turmen. 1. c. 110. and the utter ruin of the Lombard State in Italy. Gregory in his Epistle unto Charles bringeth in the Lombard's speaking in this wise, Let Charles now come with his French men and help thee if he can, etc. And again, Saint Peter could do well enough of himself, but his purpose is to try the courage of his children, etc. Howbeit Baronius would attribute this Epistle to Gregory the third, his successor. Gregory the second died in the year 731, and after him succeeded Gregory the third, An. 731. both in place and also in purpose. Concerning Images, he decreed in a Synod of 93 Bishops, That whosoever would not do them religious honour, should be cut off from the body and blood of Christ, and from the unity of the whole Church, thereby putting Leo and his son out of all hope ever to re-enter again upon Italy. As for the Lombard's, it happened that Thrasamond Duke of Spoleto intended to rebel against Luitprand, and for that purpose made alliance with Gregory, and to oblige him the more, because his power was great in Italy, he surrendered unto Gregory certain places which had been formerly litigious between them, and thereupon rise in open rebellion. Luitprand presently came down upon him, and forced to cry to Gregory for help, Gregory, according to their articles, received and defended him. Luitprand summoned Gregory to deliver him into his hands, An. 739. if not, threatened to take him for an open enemy; and when Gregory refused to do according to his summons, Luitprand moved from Spoletum, where he lay, took by the way sundry places of the Pope's dominion, and at length came and encamped before Rome gates. Sundry gentlemen of the city, grown weary, and scorning this new Church government, came over to Luitprand, and offered him their service. France was too far off to help in time, yet Charles entreated Luitprand, by an ambassador sent unto him, to raise his siege; which he did, holding only in his hand what he had already taken. Luitprand was no sooner returned to Pavia, but Thrasamond, supported by Gregory, took the field again, surprising many of those cities and places which he had lost. But shortly after, all in one year, died the Emperor Leo, Charles Martel, and Gregory the Pope. An. 741. After Gregory succeeded Zacharie, who redemaunded his places of Luitprand, and took part, as his predecessors had done, with the rebels: but seeing himself in danger, entreated a parley, and there got of this virtuous prince (for so they term him) what ever he desired; who was contented, at the Pope's entreaty, to give over the action which he intended against the Exarch of Ravenna. In like sort dealt he with Rachis, successor unto Luitprand, sometimes trying his patience, and otherwhiles flying to his mercy, but still abusing his devotion; until at length, building upon the foundation which his predecessors had laid, he resolved to ruin this over powerful neighbouring Estate of the Lombard's, by a foreign power, which though greater in itself, yet was less dangerous to him, and of less annoyance to his proceed. And the ambition of the French easily harkened to such a motion. Pepin succeeded his father Martel in his Mairaltie of the household, and under this name in the royal authority. But not content with the thing unless he might also have the Title, sent to consult Zacharie, Whether it were not reason that he which took all the pains in administration of all affairs of the kingdom, should be king, rather than he, Aimon. l. 4. c. 61. Sigon. li. 3. Blond. Dec. 2. li. 1. who contenting himself with the Title, took care of nothing, but only in pleasures and pastimes? pointing at Chilperic his Lord and Sovereign, whom he would feign have pulled from his throne by force, only he wanted authority, cloaked with devotion. Zacharis, who understood by the half what the whole meant, presently commanded, as saith A●monius, by his authority, That Pepin should be created king, who was accordingly that same year sacred, by the Archbishop Boniface, the subjects discharged of their allegiance, and Chilperic degraded. Pope Zacharie, saith Sigonius, ante●posing his Decree, out of the greatness of his authority. What authority but that which was foretold us by the Apostle, of that son of perdition, placed in the Temple of God, 2. Thessal. 8.4. exaltting himself above all that is called God, and carrying himself as if be were God: God, saith the Prophet, to whom alone it appertaineth to set up and to pull down kings, to continue kingdoms, or to translate them from one stock unto another. And Sigonius cannot hold, but must needs say, That he died, having carried matters more for the behoof of the Church and of the Apostolic See, than according to rules of true piety and religion. And this fell out in the year 750. An. 750. Pepin now owed Zacharie a good turn, and quickly had occasion to requite his kindness. Rachis king of the Lombard's entering into religion, Aistulphus his brother, who succeeded in the kingdom, set upon the Exarch of Ravenna, took the city, & made him save himself in Greece. And this was the period of the Exarchat, after two hundred years space that they had borne sway in Italy. This done, whether Aistulph grew more insolent than before, or whether a fright took the Pope, to see such proceed, Stephen, who had now succeeded Zacharie, resolved, for prevention, to fly to Pepin. And Aistulph, by his predecessors examples grew wise, and would not be led with words. Stephen knew not whom to trust, and to pass himself in person over the Alps, had been to run into the devils mouth: wherefore he used the credit of Pepin to make fair weather with him, to win him to withdraw his forces, and to grant him safeconduct through his countries towards France: which he did, and received him in his journey with all honour at his Court. Whence he passed into France, where meeting with Pepin at Pontigon, An. 754. in the year 754, exhorted him in remembrance of the kindness which he had received of Zacharie, to stand Saint Peter's good friend: (nothing came amiss under so plausible a name) And Pepin desired no better office, both in regard, saith Sigonius, of the kindness of Zacharie in degrading Chilperic, making that just and lawful by his sacred authority, which otherwise seemed utterly unlawful: as also because he desired to have this right of succession established by Stephen upon his two sons, Charles and Carloman. The conclusion of all was, That the next Summer Pepin should pass with his army into Italy, and force Aistolph to surrender the Exarchat, and all other places which he had taken: And that the Pope should spend the Winter in France, to anoint and sacre his two children. But upon the holding of the Parliament in France, when he saw all matters sort after his desire, he went a step farther, and drew a promise from Pepin, That he would not restore either the Exarchat, or Pentapolis, unto the Emperor of Greece, who had made himself unworthy thereof by his cowardice and heresy; but that he would bestow them upon Saint Peter and his successors for ever, for the good of his soul, and for the remission of his sins. Which Pepin swore unto him to perform and made his two children take the same oath; and he presently delivered him a Patent thereof, signed with his own hand. Pepin had no sooner set foot in Italy, but Aistulph presently promised to yield up the Exarchat, and what ever else he had taken: for performance whereof he gave forty hostages, which were presently conveyed into France. Pepin had no sooner turned his back, but Aistulph immediately repent him of his surrender, drew his forces into the field, and Pepin was feign to repass the mountains, and to hasten back into Italy again. Then was Aistulph feign to person his promise with effect. And when the Emperor of Greece required him to restore to him the Exarchat and Pentapolis, as to him properly appertaining, and not unto the Pope, his answer was, That he had bestowed it upon the Church for his soul's health, and for the remission of his sins. And thereupon renewed his grant to Stephen, giving him livery and seisin, for him and his successors after him; causing the keys of every city to be laid upon Saint Peter's Confession, that is, in the place where Saint Peter's supposed relics lay. Which largesse of his to Stephen, was as justifiable as that other of Zacharie was to him, either being very liberal of what belonged to neither of them, yet the fact more sufferable in a Captain than in a Bishop. And yet by this Title it is, that the Popes got Ravenna, Boulogne, Imola, Faenza, Forlimpopoli, Furli, Cesena, Bobio, Ferrara, Commachio, Adria, Figaruolo, Gabelo, all which belonged properly to the Exarchat. Also to him accrued by that conveyance of Pepin, Arimini, Pesaro, Concha, Fano, Senogallia, Ancona, Oximo Humana, Aisio, Fossombrone, Montefeltra, Vrbino, Bagno, Agabio, with many castles and other places: as also Pentapolis, containing now the two provinces of Romagna, & la mark. There is yet an Epistle extant of Stephen unto Pepin, where are these words: We may now say, as said Susanna, anguishs on all sides: And we know not what to do, etc. what we feared from the Lombard's is now come upon us: Forsake us not, despise us not; so may God be good and merciful unto you, when he shall come with Saint Peter to judge the world: and so may you never hear that saying of his, Nescio vos, etc. Threatening him with little less than hell itself, if he made not the more haste. This letter was sent by Warnherus, who passed the watches when the city was invested, and so went a messenger into France. divers others there are of this nature, but above all, one written as from Saint Peter himself, with this inscription, Peter an Apostle of jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, etc. the Epistle directed, To the French in general: the contents whereof were, That they should nothing doubt but that he was in the very flesh present with them: That by the special grace of God he had taken them into his particular protection: That therefore he adjured them to deliver his city of Rome from the danger of the Lombard's: That they should make the most hast they could, before that living fountain, by which they were sanctified and regenerated, were dried up; and not to departed from thence until they had set her at liberty: upon pain to be excluded from the kingdom of God, and delivered over to the devil and his angels: and promising them for their pains, if they would take it, whatsoever they should request of him. And these were those Piae frauds, as they termed them, those religious knacks and knaveries, with which they gouzeled the world in those days. This passed in the year 755, and 756, and shortly after died Aistulph. An. 755. After him succeeded Didier, his high Constable, who found some difficulty in the beginning of his reign, by reason of the contradiction of some of the nobility: and Paul succeeded his brother Stephen in the Papacy, in the year 757. But Paul happening to die that same year, and Did●er, during his sickness, having made a strong party to procure a Pope which would be at his devotion, Toto Duke of Nepete, by his command, at the instant when the Pope gave up the ghost, seized one of the gates of Rome, and caused his brother Constantine, of a lay man to be made Subdeacon, and Deacon, and after that to be created and consecrated Pope all in a day. Thereupon arose a schism, seditions and murders within the walls of Rome, till at last they agreed all upon one Stephen, the third of that name, and made him Pope. This Stephen cast his eye presently upon France, sent an embassage unto Pepin, requesting him to send him the most learned and understanding Bishops of France, whose help and advise he meant to use in settling the Estate of the Church of Rome. This embassage found Pepin dead, but the two brothers, Charles and Carloman, though not well agreeing in other matters, yet jointly concurred to satisfy this desire of the Pope. The Reader may not think that he did this to reform the abuses of his Church, he did it only by their means to disannul the election of Constantine, Mar. Scot in Chron. and to make him burn alive in the Presbytery of S. Saviour of Lateran, causing him first to be miserably beaten by the Priests, and pronouncing all his consecrations made, to be void and of none effect. Whereby a man may guess how ragefully he was incensed against the Lombard king himself. And it is worth the noting, That when he understood that Charles began to hearken to a motion of marriage with Bertha, Didiers' daughter, he presently forbade him, under pain of excommunication: his reasons are such as we find them in his own letters. Having therefore remonstrated to Charles and Carloman the dangerous fall of our first father by occasion of his wife, the frailty of whose sex Satan used to serve his own purpose: at last he cometh to the marriage, Consortium nequissimae adinuentionis. and telleth them, That this was a suggestion of the devil, no coupling in marriage, but a companying of a wicked invention: now followeth his skill in Divinity, We find (saith he) in the holy Scriptures, that many have gone out of the right way by marrying strange women. But strange women in Scripture, are they understood of a foreign nation, or of a different religion? Or is not this to play with the Scriptures, seeing they were Orthodox of one side and other? But he goeth on, Must your noble race (saith he) be polluted with this perfidious and loath some generation of the Lumbards', who are not so much as named among the nations, and from whom it is certain that all Lepers took their beginning? And thereupon would persuade them, that their father was certainly purposed to marry them in France to very fair women, to whose love they could not choose but addict themselves. But ever he cometh back to his first argument, What fellowship (saith he) hath the believer with the infidel, the light with darkness: never did man who married a strange woman continue innocent. Who ever thought to have heard such divinity come from a Pope? And yet his adjurations prevailed so far with him, that a whole year after the marriage he divorced the daughter of Didier, whom he had married by the advice and counsel of his mother, and presently married (as Eghinard writeth) Hildegarde of Suevia: For the match with Didiers' daughter being broken off, the Pope never made more mention of a precontract in France, as before: whereas if any had been, it must have served for a bar against this marriage, as well as against the former. But this Stephen dying in the year 772, and Adrian succeeding in his room, An. 722. Didier sought to oblige him to himself by some alliance, and to make him sure against France: but missing of his purpose, and being confident that the two brothers living in jealousy of each other, would never pass into Italy, he set up an army, and invaded the Exarchat, took Ferrara, Comachio, Faenza, and entered very far upon Romagna and la March. Adrian hereupon sent an embassage by sea to Charlemaigne in France; and the more to interest him in the quarrel, told him, That Didier would force him to anoint the sons of Carloman his brother; that his refusal was the cause of all this trouble. Adrian all this while was in a piteous plight: for Didier, either for, or under colour of devotion, came before Rome gates, when by means of an excommunication which Adrian cast out against him, his private family and others would not suffer him to pass any farther. But when Charles was once passed the Alps, those of Spoleto and Riete, and others, came presently and yielded to the Pope: Moreover, those of Didiers own dominions fell from him by heaps, so that he was forced to break up the siege. Then came Charlemaigne to Rome, where he was received, as the sole author of the life and liberty of the Church; the people singing before him, by the appointment of Adrian, as the children once did at the entrance of our Saviour into jerusalem, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord, Hosanna etc. And after some few days spent in pompous devotions, Charles was requested to confirm the donation of the Exarchat, Romania, and la March, which his father, himself, and his brother Carloman, with all the judges of France, had long before promised at Creci in France: all which he presently accorded, giving over and above, of that which was none of his, the Islands of Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily, the territory of the Sabines, with the Duchies of Spoleto and Tuscanie, which belonged to the Lumbards', reserving always to himself the sovereignty of them. And thus came the kingdom of the Lumbards' to an end by the practices of the Popes; whereas yet their Kings have this testimony afforded them, even by the Historians of their greatest enemies, That from the time they received the Christian Religion and Catholic Faith, they had ever been great justicers, and devoutly given, witness (saith Sigonius) their good laws, which so severely punished thefts, robberies, rapes, murders, and adulteries, carefully preserving every man in his own estate, goods, and liberty; witness also the sumptuous Temples and ample Monasteries with which they beautified and adorned Italy, the fair and goodly Cities which they either built or repaired, the honours they did to holy persons, the Lordships and riches which they bestowed upon the Popes, with the great reverence they used towards them: insomuch that some of them, at the Pope's persuasions, left Crown and Kingdom to confine themselves within a cloister. But the Pope's ambition was great, and the Lumbards' paid the price of their devotion towards that See, by the final ruin of their state and kingdom. Neither is Onuphrius ashamed to vaunt, Onuphr. in Constant. that Gregory the second had chased the Emperor out of Italy: That Gregory the third, by the help of Pepin, had begun the war upon the Lumbards', which being pursued by his successors, must needs, as it did, end in the ruin of that Kingdom: And this fell upon the year 773. Where note also, An. 773. for the more perfect view of these proceed, that about the year 740 the King of West Saxons in England purposing to take the Frock upon him, first made his realm tributary to the Pope, binding it to pay yearly a penny for every chimney in the land: So likewise in the same Island did Offa King of Northumberland, under Adrian the first. The Author setteth down the cause, which was, the fear he had to be punished for his sins, as thinking he should never be able to make sufficient satisfaction to God for them (though he had already given the tenth of all his goods) unless he gave other men's goods also, and made the kingdom to bear the penalty of his offences; so well did the invention of Purgatory suit already with their ambition. But Gregory the seventh, called Hildebrand, Gregor. 7. in ep. ad Pet. Alban. & G. Principem Salernitanum. would make the world believe, That Charlemaigne, in humble acknowledgement of S. Peter's help in his victories upon the Saxons, had given the country of Saxony as an offering to the Church of Rome; and that he commanded smoke pence to be paid throughout France unto the Pope: but he allegeth no author save only his pretended Charters, by virtue whereof he commanded Peter Bishop of Alba, and G. Prince of Saleme, his Legates, to make demand of those said pence in France: But the French ever laughed at such claims, and Charlemaigne was too wise to fall into such a trap. About this time also was it, that Boniface, falsely surnamed the Martyr, a great champion of the Popes, and Pope himself, published the Decree Si Papa, containing, That if the Pope happen to neglect his own salvation and others etc. he ever draweth with him multitudes of souls to hell. Distinct. 46. A great mischief: but what remedy? for it followeth, This no mortal wight may presume to reprove him for his faults, because he himself judgeth all men, and is judged of none, unless he be found erring in faith. Which doctrine once laid for a ground, what wonder if Popes have always run so headlong to all manner of impiety? And the better to see how the Apostasy from true doctrine hath always increased with the Tyranny of the Papacy, we must further note, that the most gross abuses grew up in this lamentable time. We have said before, that Gregory the first altered the Liturgy of Rome: this was now received in Italy by the means of Adrian the first, in Germany by the diligence of Boniface, and in France by the authority of Charles; and where ever they found opposition, there they brought it in by force and violence. The holy Supper was for the most part left off, & private Masses used in stead thereof: the Sacrament was turned into a Sacrifice, and then began the opinion of Transubstantiation, to give it the greater credit. Purgatory also now came to be undoubtedly believed of the common people: hence came those multitudes of foundations, the Church ever parting stakes in the revenues. Now began men to flock to Rome in pilgrimage, hoping thereby to purchase remission of all their sins; insomuch, that the Bishops and Fathers of France in the Council of Tours began to oppose against it, Concil. Turoni. An. 813. sub Charo. Magno. Concil. Nice. 2. and to entreat the Emperor to stay the current of this abuse. And lastly, in the year 788 was held that second Council of Nice, called the seventh General Council, under Constantine the seventh and his mother Irene; wherein after strong opposition, was finally established the adoration of Images: Adrian the first there assisting by his Legates, whom Irene the Empress hoped so to satisfy and content, by giving way to this Decree, that by his favour she might once more set foot in Italy. OPPOSITION. Neither may we think, in this so great an alteration, both in the doctrine, and also in the government of the Church, that every man held his peace: for the doctrine, we have elsewhere declared how every article, and when it came to be corrupted; as also what opposition was always made against it: so that we shall not need to rehearse it here farther than as it was used by the Popes, to the corruption of the policy and government of the Church. The Popes (as we have said) thrust the Emperors out of Italy; the colour was because they rejected the adoration of Images: it being therefore clear that the three several Counsels of Constantinople, the one held in the year 713, the other in the year 729, and the third (called the seventh universal Council, An. 713. An. 729. An. 755. consisting of 338 Bishops) in the year 755, all held in the times of Constantine, Gregory the second, and Stephen the third, who were those that did abuse this article of Images, to thrust the Emperors out of Italy; it being I say clear, that all these condemned the adoration of Images, Is it not manifest what they judged of the Pope's proceed against the Emperors, seeing they condemned the ground of their proceed? And we may easily imagine what the Churches of France thought of those Popes, whom they saw to trouble the world under a colour of Images, seeing themselves neither at that present, nor in long time after used them, or at least used no religious honour towards them, no not those who yet condemned the Greeks' for breaking and defacing them; Anastas. Biblioth. in ep. ad Joh. 8. Baron. in Annal. an. 794. art. 40. witness Anastasius, a Writer of that very time, and Baronius of this present: and seeing that a Council held at Gentilli, others say at Saumur in France, under Pepin himself, not daring to speak more plainly for fear of the Pope, yet counseled the Emperors of Greece to hold them to the ancient usage of the Church: seeing also, that another Council of the Western Churches, held under Charlemaigne at Francford, composed (as saith Sigonius) of a great multitude of Bishops, of France, Germany, and Italy, present there the Legates of the Pope, condemned openly and shamefully that second Council of Nice; and consequently censured all those Counsels which were held at Rome in the year 713, 716, 742, 768, under Constantine, Gregory the second, Zacharie, and Stephen the third, for the support of Images. Moreover, they published a book against that second Council of Nice, declaring it to have been a false Synod, and no Council at all, against Pope Adrian, who had approved it: and who can doubt, but that Pepin and Charlemaigne themselves would have condemned it, but that they could not meddle with the point of state, without quarreling the Pope upon a matter of the Church. But to come unto the History of those times: Zacharie had helped Pepin in his usurpation of the Crown of France, and Pepin in thankfulness came to assist him in his exaltation over the Emperors and Lumbards' in Italy: Carloman his own brother, which was entered into a Monastery at Mount Cassin in Italy, took a journey of purpose into France, to dissuade the enterprise, Anon. lib. 4. c. 62. and with great earnestness in open Parliament pleaded the cause of the Lombard King; which how could he do, without condemning the Pope's ambition? Some say he did it not of his own will, Sigon. l. 3. de Reg. Jtal. Anastas. in Stephan. 3. but by the commandment of his Abbot: but was not the good of the Church (if he had so thought it) more to have been regarded? Or what could an Abbot have done to so great a Prince as he was? In the end Charles came to an end of his conquests in Italy; then was he moved to ratify to Adrian the pretended donation of Pepin, at what time Charles let him to understand well enough, that he held not his Crown from the Pope, but that the Pope held both his dignity and Rome itself in fee from him, and homage to his Empire: for there it was by general consent of Bishops and Abbots ordained, That Charles should be Prince of the Senate (in which very point Adrian encroached upon the prerogative of the Emperor, to whom only it appertained to give that title) and that he should have power to invest the Archbishops and Bishops of all Provinces (meaning of Italy) with proviso, That if they were not allowed and invested by him, they could not be consecrated by any: moreover, that he should elect the Pope and dispose of the See Apostolic: all which we find in Gratian in the Decrete, standing yet, after the correction of Gregory the thirteenth. So likewise Sigebert Abbot of Gemblons, D. 63. C. Hadrianus 22. Sigon. de Reg. Ital. l. 4. Dignitatem Principatus. Sigibert. in Chron. Charles (saith he) held a Council at Rome with Pope Adrian, with 150 other Bishops and Abbots, to whom the Pope with the whole Synod gave authority to elect the Pope, and to provide the See Apostolic, and gave him also the title of Prince; ordaining farther, that the Archbishops and Bishops throughout the Provinces should receive investiture from him, and that a Bishop not approved and invested by him, should not be consecrated by any, and that such as should be refractory to this decree, should be Anathema, and if they repent not, their goods should be confiscated. Which Gratian expresseth in these words, Whosoever shall do contrary to this decree the Synod layeth the band of Anathema upon him, and ordaineth, that his goods shall be confiscated if he repent not. So also saith Sigonius, adding farther, that this Rite of investiture was so called, because it was given them by a Ring and a staff; in regard, no doubt, of those lands which they even then possessed. This Rite of confirming the Popes, continued (as we have already showed) in the Emperor's hands until the time of Constantine Pogonatus, who about 100 years past had released it to Pope Benedict the second, and so it continued until now, when Charlemaigne took it into his hands again. Sigonius granteth all this to be true: but he addeth, that Charlemaigne out of his good nature released it again: but there is no author for it, and the practice long after was to the contrary. Baronius here setteth upon poor Sigibert, Baron. vol. 9 an. 774. art. 10, 11, & seq. and crieth out, o scelus, o imposture, o fraus, laying to his charge, that he was of the Emperor Henry his faction, and that in favour of him he invented this fable, and that the Historians of Charles say no such matter. But what? was Gratian, were all the rest of later times schismatics for reporting the same thing after the same manner? Was Gregory the 13 a schismatic, who hath in his late correction left that Canon standing, and uncontrolled? yea but Gratian had it from Sigibert, and gave too light credence to him: It is true that Gratian hath set it down in Sigibert his own words; But is this all the esteem he maketh of this great Oracle of the Canonists? And I ask farther, in all that schism of Hildebrand, or in any other, where this case was so hotly debated, was Sigibert ever condemned of a falsehood, or accused of forgery? If we should reject their authors as peremptorily as they do their own, what villainy would they not say against us? For whereas he saith that this word investiture was not then in use, every man knoweth that it came in with the Lumbards'. But I return to Charlemaigne. In the partage which he made of Italy, he left Apulia and Calabria to the Emperor of Greece, as heretofore in the time of justinian; and appointed Dukes of Beneuent, Spoletum, and Friul, as under the Lumbards'. As for the Exarchat of Ravenna, Romania, la March, the Duchy of Perousa, of Rome, Tuscanie, and Campania, which he had given to the Pope, he retained the sovereignty over them to himself, and consequently over the Popes; who could not hold these Duchies but by oath of fealty and allegiance, conceived in these words, Sigon. de Reg. Jtal. l. 4. I T. R. do promise to be faithful all my life long, without fraud or mal engine to Charles my Lord, and to his children etc. And the truth is, that it appeareth by Adrians' Epistles, that he held not himself all of the best contented with charlemagne dealings, seeing he so often putteth him in mind of the great debt he owed to S. Peter, and that therefore he should remember the promises which he had made unto him; Ep. Adrian. ad Charol. 30, 31, 39 complaining ever and anon of those whom he had left behind him in Italy, to command even in matters of the Church: That the Bishop of Ravenna, since his coming into Italy, was grown stouter than before, especially since the time that he had sent thither some of his Commissaries to elect a new Bishop reproving him sometimes for these matters, and calling him to answer it before S. Peter. All which we shall see more at large hereafter. An. 796. In the year 796 died Adrian, in whose roam succeeded Leo the third, by the election of the Clergy and people of Rome: who presently upon his election dispatched an ambassador unto Charlemaigne, to advertise him of his election, and to present unto him the keys of the Confession, i. of the Sepulchre of S. Peter, with the main Standard of the City, and many other honourable presents, in token of fealty and homage; requesting him to send some principal man of his Court, to minister the oath of Allegiance to the people of Rome, thereby to hold them in their duty and subjection unto him, Ad suam fidem et subiectionem. Aimoni. lib. 4. cap. 86. as Aimonius in his History reporteth: whereupon Anguilbert, Abbor of S. Ritharius, was dispatched thither to that effect. Shortly after, the nobility of Rome grown weary of the Pope's yoke, and willing to shake it off, set upon Leo as he went in solemn procession, threw him from his horse, and left him there half dead: his followers took him up, and carried him to the Vatican. It is reported, that they pulled out his eyes, but that God by miracle put them into his head again. We may well doubt of this miracle, Lib. 4. c. 89. Zonar. to. 3. pag. 97. seeing that Aimonius reporting it, addeth, as some thought. But Zonaras speaketh plainly and saith, That they who were put in trust to pull them out spared them, and only beat him about the eyes, without perishing his sight: and yet these men cry out, A miracle. Leo hereupon took a journey into Germany as far as Westfalia, where Charlemaigne then was, to crave justice, telling him, That the Romans, who had long since taken their Bishop for their Lord, seeking now to return to their ancient liberty, and not able to oppress him with false criminations, had attempted upon his life. Whereupon Charlemaigne resolved in the year 800 to make a voyage into Italy. An. 800. Upon his arrival at Rome he assembled a multitude of Italian and French Bishops, commanding the accusers and the accused, i. Leo the Pope, to appear before them, himself presiding and sitting in the midst of them. Anastasius the Pope's Historian saith, That the Bishops then and there declared openly, that they might not judge the See Apostolic: Aimoni. li. 4. c. 90. but Aimonius a great deal more sincerely reporteth, That there being none found that would come forth and charge him with his crimes, he purged himself by oath. And upon this sedition took Charlemaigne occasion to seize into his own hands all authority over the City of Rome: for as an Italian Author of that time reporteth, He thereupon resolved to make all the great ones of Rome, as well Bishops as Lays, Author quidam Jial. apud Viguerium. to become vassals of the Empire: That they and the whole people should swear fealty to the Emperor: That the Emperor should always have his L. Deputy residing within Rome in the Palace of Saint Peter, at a certain stipend by the day, to void all contentions arising among them: Missum suum. and this Deputy carried matters so, that the least in the City had always justice against the greatest, though never so near kinsman to the Pope; all fines levied to the use of the Emperor, who only could dispense and pardon. And this order continued (saith that Author) unto the time of Lewis the second, son of Lotharius. This is certain, that upon a Christmas day (as Ado Viennensis writeth) Pope Leo set the crown upon his head before S. Peter's altar, all the people crying out, To Charles Augustus, crowned of God, Ado Viennens. in Chroni. an. 798. Ab eodem Pontifice adoratus est. great and peaceable Emperor of the Romans, life and victories. After which salutations he was adored by the Pope himself, after the manner of the ancient Princes: and from that time leaving the name of Prince, he took the title of Emperor and Augustus. And if you would know what is meant by the manner of ancient Princes, Saluian telleth us, Saluian. in ep. ad parent. That the manner was, for servants to kiss their Lords and Masters feet. And in such quality did they acknowledge Charlemaigne, even as liege Lord of the City of Rome: as Paulus Diaconus speaking to him saith, You shall find expressed the names of the streets, gates, bridges, places, and Tribes, of your Romulean City, that is, of Rome. Aimo. l. 4. c. 90. Paul. Diacon. in dedicat. Festi Pompeij. And thus did Charlemaigne make the Bishop of Rome know himself, even in Italy and in the proper place of their magnificence. And this was the cause of his coming thither at that time, not as they would have it, to kiss the Pope's pantofle, or to visit S. Peter's threshold: for we find even at this very time one Claudius Bishop of Turin crying out against those Rome-wandring, or Pilgrimages made to Rome, Ionas, l. 3. adverse. Claudi. Turinens. That it was a folly to run thither for penance, or there to seek remission of their sins: That the saying of our Lord, Upon this stone will I build my Church, was meant of the Confession, not of the Person of S. Peter: That the keys & power of binding and losing had another meaning: That none but idiots had recourse to Saints and relics: That the place and See was nothing: That he was not to be deemed Apostolical, who sat in the Chair of an Apostle, but he that did the office of an Apostle. And more no doubt should we learn of him, if we had his books themselves, for now we have no more of them than we find in the invectives of those that writ against him: and no marvel, since the Council of Tours before mentioned complained of these abuses, and feign would have found a remedy against them. As for the spiritual power, the Emperor Constantine and Irene his mother sought the most they could the favour of the Popes, Concil. Nicen. 2. in princ. to. 2. Ib. in epist. ad johan. Presby. yet as touching the second Council of Nice, they say in their Patent, That they themselves called it by their commandment, at the suit of Tharasius, Patriarch of Constantinople etc. And in the Acts of that Council it is said, This Synod assembled by their religious Decree, in this famous City of Nice. So likewise speaketh the synodal Epistle, directed as well to the Emperors in special, as to all Bishops in general; and so doth the said Patriarch Tharasius, writing unto john the Priest. Zonara's saith, Zonar. to. 3. pag. 95. By the permission of the Emperors: and Theophanes, The Empress Irene (saith he) assembled all the Bishops to celebrate the Council at Nice: and which is more, Pope Adrian himself writing to the Emperors, acknowledgeth as much, requesting them upon his knees, and prostrate at their feet, to re-establish Images, by the authority of that Council. As for the presidency, though the Pope's Legates were indeed there present, being summoned as other patriarchs were, and though they had their priority of place, Concil. Nicaen. 2. Act. 3. yet it no where appeareth of their presiding: The Patriarch Tharasius most commonly propounded, gave order, spoke last, and concluded, as appeareth in the third Action. And when any Decree was to pass, it passed always under the name of the whole Synod, The Synod saith it, The Synod ordaineth it. And when the Council was broken up, Those, saith Zonaras, who were of it came to Constantinople, Zonar. to. 3. pa. 95. and there in open Court, the emperors presiding, read the Acts of that Council in the ears of all men; which Acts were there approved, authorised, and subscribed by the Emperors. Adrian. in Epist. ad Tharas. in Synod. Nicaen. 2. Action. 2. And Adrian himself writing to the said Tharasius, in the second Session of this Council, styleth him by the Title of Universal Patriarch. Bellarmine saith, That the Emperor did nothing there. Nothing at Nice, I confess, for he was not there: and yet it cannot be denied, but that he sent thither the Proconsul Petronius, Bellar. de Concil. li. 1. c. 19 and other Senators, to see good order kept. Bellarmine addeth, That undoubtedly the Pope's Legates Presided there; his reason is, because they are named first, and first subscribed. Wherein, as ever, he confoundeth Preseancie, or priority of place, with presidency. But what will he say, if a man tell him, That the Bishops of Sicily at the entry of the Synod make this proposal, as of a matter fit and convenient, That the Sovereign or Supreme Pastor of the Imperial city of Constantinople should make the overture of this Synod? Concil. 7. vniuers. Action. 1. Aperiat januam and the Synod ordaineth, That it should be done according to the desire of those holy Bishops, and so it was. As for the Western Emperor, and the Council which was held at Francford, there is no colour of controversy; whether we speak of the calling of it, or of the presidency in it: though the Bishops of Italy, and Adrians' Legates, were there present. For the Epistle of Charlemagne to Elipand Archbishop of Toledo, jussimus. speaketh plainly, saying, We have commanded a Council to be assembled of all the Churches of our Provinces of Germany, France, Spain, England, and all the Provinces of Italy: which he there specifieth, inviting thither by his special mandat, the Patriarches of Milan, Aquileia, and others, immediately from himself and by absolute authority. True it is, as himself saith, that he had sent thrice or four times to Adrian Bishop of Rome, to have his opinion concerning the Heresy of Elipand: but he presently addeth, That he had likewise called certain personages out of England for the same purpose, well seen and conversant in the discipline of the Church; the one and the other to assist with their skill and knowledge, neither of them to supply any want of authority in himself. And as he in person presided, so is the synodal Epistle sent forth in his name. And as was this of Francford, so likewise were all those Counsels of Germany and France, held at Arles, Aix, Tours, chaalon's, and Meuce, all, I say, assembled by the authority of the Emperor, with these words, By the command, By the injunction, etc. of the most glorious king or Emperor Charles. Neither can that Council held at Rome shield itself from this authority, seeing that both You and Gratian speaking thereof, say as before, That Charles appointed to be held that Council with Pope Adrian, in the Patriarchat of Lateran, D. 6. c. Adrianus. in the Church of S. Saviour, celebrated with fifty three holy Bishops and Abbots. If then the Pope could not of himself call a Synod in Rome, what could he do in other countries? who though he had shaken off the yoke of the Emperor of the East, yet by a kind of continuation of respect, dated always his Counsels by the year of his reign. So did Pope Zacharie that Council which he held at Rome, wherein were condemned Adelbert, Godescale, An. 745. and Clement, bearing date, imperant Domino Pijssimo, Augusto, Constantino Imperatore, anno 26 Imperij eius, etc. so did they certain ages after. To be short, at this time Princes every where according to the exigencies and necessities of their several Churches, assembled Synods by their own authority: which Synods, if need then were, provided for the vacancies, reserving always to the Prince the right of consent and approbation of them, in regard of the great possessions & lordships which even then they stood seized of: So that where it is said in that Synod of Rome, That the Bishops should receive investiture from the Emperor, it was no novel constitution, but only a renovation of an old ordinance, of long time suppressed by the Popes, but used in France and Germany since the time of their first Christian Prince's. Waltram Bishop of Naumbourg to this purpose speaking, Gregory the Great, saith he, wrote to Theodoric, and to Brunichild, To grant investitures of Bishops without simony: so that this right began in the first race of the kings of France. And it followeth, That long time before that decree of Adrian and his successors, the kings once anointed, and the Grand Master of their household, Waltramus apud Naumburgensis. granted investitures of bishoprics, as did Dagobert, Theodobert, and Sigebert; by whom were in throned Remaclus, Amandus, Audomarus, Antpertus, Eligius, Lampertus, and other holy Bishops, etc. We also find in histories, how the Bishops of Spain, Scotland, England, and Hungary, came in always by the authority of the kings, following the ancient custom, until this present novelty, meaning, which the Popes brought in about the year 1100: So that where we read, That about the year 779, Charl●maine would have Turpi●, or Tilpin, Archbishop of Reims, to accept of the Pallas Pope Adrians' hands, we must take it for a special favour which he meant to do him at their present, and which he knew well how to restrain, when he saw himself at an end of his purposes which he had in hand. Add we hereunto, That both Pepin and Charles made laws merely Ecclesiastical, not concerning Church government only, but also concerning points of doctrine; whereof we have the articles to this day, Capitularia. and at Modena, saith Sigonius, are those laws yet kept, by which he fashioned the State of the Church after a new order, whereof he allegeth the pr●●me only but thereby by appeareth, that he purposed seriously to execute his power mentioned in the chapter Hadrianus, in reforming the Church and 〈◊〉 Apostolic See itself. But no cable could hold the violent ruin and corruption of that Church; and all his diligence served only to their greater condemnation. For the Scripture must needs be fulfilled, That this ambition must raise itself upon the ruins of whatsoever was good, just, or holy? As indeed their 〈◊〉 devotions, and whatsoever seemed in them to participate most of the spirit, had over reference to some worldly respect and purpose. Gregory the second and third sent Boniface into Germany, where they found Christian Churches of long continuance; yet they call Boniface the Apostle of the Germans, as if he had first co●●ed them to Christ: For what his chief drift and purpose was, we may learn by the oath which he took to Gregory the second at his going, in these words, I do promise to S. Peter, and to you his Vicar, etc. that with all integrity I will serve and bend my course to the behoof and profit of thy Church etc. If I shall otherwise do, let me in the day of judgement incur the punishment of Ananias and Saphira: and he delivered him this oath signed with his own hand. And yet Gregory writing to the Germans, saith, That he sent him for the illumination of the Gentiles: promising to whomsoever that should assist him, place with the blessed Martyrs; 2. To. Concil. in Decret. Greg. 2. and threatening every one that should resist him, with Anathema: who yet preached nought unto them but the authority of the Pope, and Romish inventions. The like may we learn by the letters of Gregory the third to Boniface, Ib. in Epist. ad Epist. Praebyt. Diacon. wherein he rejoiceth with him, for that God had opened to him among these nations the way of salvation, and the door of mercy, and had sent his Angel before him to prepare his way: This Angel was Charolus Martellus, who favoured him; and the cause why, we have seen before. Neither doth he stick to tell us in this very Epistle, To. 2. Concil. in Epist. 2. add Bonifac. what this way of salvation was, to wit, the Apostolical Tradition of creating Bishops there, ex nostra vice, that is, in true construction, after his own mind and humour. Neither did Boniface fail one jot of his promise, as we may farther learn by his Epistle to Zacharie, Ib. Epist. Decret. Zachar. wherein he protesteth, That look how many auditors and disciples God had given him in this his embassage, be had not ceased to draw them every one to the obedience of his See: As also by that Epistle of Zacharie to the Bishops of France and Germany; wherein he congratulateth them, not for the union which they had with him in Christ, but that they were converted to Saint Peter, whom God had appointed as a favourer, and master over them: that is, That they acknowledged the Bishop of Rome; delivering them withal a doctrine, no doubt, very necessary to salvation, to wit, That Christians, above all, must beware of eating Gays, Daws, Storks, Beavers, Hares, wild Horses, etc. with such like fooleries; for more necessary doctrines of salvation shall you there find none: referring himself for the rest, to the sufficiency of Boniface in these matters; Ib. Epist. Greg. ad Bonifac. to whom he writeth, and holy brother, saith he, thou art well instructed in all things by the holy Scriptures. Yet could not the Pope's effect all that they attempted in France and Germany, for all their support by Princes: For Gregory the second is feign to write to Charolus Martellus, upon the information of Boniface, and to request, That he would repress a certain Bishop accused of some idleness in his charge. And Zacharie was not well content with the Bishops of France, for that, contrary to promise, they regarded not the Pall when it was sent unto them. It may be he took too deep of them, as he can hardly deny in his Epistle to Boniface: but in the end, If they will not, saith he, advise them. But which is more, Carloman himself in the Synod which he assembled in his kingdoms, assisted by Boniface, saith in express words, By the advise of our Bishops and great men, we have appointed Bishops, and for Archbishop over them Boniface, Missum Sancti Petri. Synod. Franc. sub Carlomanno. An 742. the messenger or deputy of Saint Peter: by which it appeareth, That Carloman himself provided or appointed them. And this is the first time that we ever find a Legate of Rome assisting in any of the Counsels of France, namely in the year 742. To be short, if Boniface sought to blemish any of the Bishops whom he found there at his coming, they died not in his debt, calling him, Auenti. Annal. ●oior. li. 3. The author of lye● the disturber of peace & piety, and the corrupter of Christian doctrine; who yet were Monks, and the most learned of those times, Clemens and Samson of Scotland, Adelbertus of France, disciples of Beda, and others, whom they seek to stain by sundry imputations. But if any angered him, or seemed to be more learned than himself, his next way was to accuse him of Heresy, to make the Pope damn him for an Heretic, and the Prince to be ill persuaded of him. As for example, Virgilius a Bishop (much renowned for his piety and learning) in Bavaria, for affirming, That there were Antipodes; as he was indeed a man seem in all sciences, especially in the Mathematics: Which Boniface persuaded Zacharie (a couple of scholars well met) to condemn in him as Heresy and irreligion: And thereupon were letters dispatched to Vtilo king of Baviere, to depose him from his charge. To conclude this section, we may not forget, that this Adrian was the first that is said to have sealed in lead; as also, that he laid the first stone of that doctrine, which since that time hath been so well practised by his successors, to the cost of so many kings and princes, Adrian. in Epist. ad Charo. mag. de Nicae. Synod. That if any man hold any Church goods, if he refuse to restore them, he is an Heretic. The very seed of so many excommunications, spoils, and revolts of subjects from their lawful Lords and Sovereigns: and under this colour did he animat Charlemagne against the Emperors of the East; and hereupon also Leo the third took occasion to crown him Emperor of the West, and, if we will believe Baronius, to translate the Empire upon him. Now from this coronation of Charlemagne at Rome by Pope Leo, Baronius, after his accustomed boldness in this kind, draweth in consequence a cruel and a bloody doctrine, wherein all Christian Princes have their interest, namely, That the Bishop of Rome hath authority and power to translate Empires and kingdoms; Baron. vol. 9 ●●. 800. art. 6, 7, 8, & sequent. filling with this argument six or eight pages. Leo set the Crown upon Charlemaine's head. We grant, what followeth? Ergo, saith he, Leo collated the Empire upon him, translated it from the Greeks' to the French; did it, and had right so to do. What Reader can endure such a non sequitur as this? For when the Patriarch of Constantinople was wont to crown the Emperor, or when Archbishops in other places crown their kings, do they bestow the Empire or kingdom on them? or because they are instruments used for the performance of this ceremony, doth it imply a power or right in them, of conferring kingdoms, whether hereditary or elective? No doubt, neither he that did consecrate, nor he that was consecrated, had ever any such opinion. And therefore the Emperors crowned by the patriarchs, and Charlemagne by the Pope, were nevertheless teermed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. crowned of God; as appeared in Charles, by the acclamation before mentioned of the people, made at his coronation, Charolo à Deo coronato, etc. But peradventure his authorities are better than his reasons: All this, saith he, was according as it is written, Dan. 4. The most high ruleth over the kingdoms of men, and he giveth it to whom it pleaseth him. True, but how doth he prove that the Pope is God, or that the most high hath surrendered his place to him? And again, By me kings reign, and by me princes bear rule: Proverb. 8. which words Solomon spoke of the eternal wisdom of God. And where doth he prove that this wisdom was hypostatically and essentially residing in the person of the Pope? And yet, as if he had delivered some high point of doctrine, Reader, saith he, consider well this matter, etc. and what I pray you followeth of this wide gaping, but mere gallery and cogging? Secondly, Who doubteth, saith he, but God hath given as great authority to his Church, as heretofore he gave to the jewish Synagogues? And do we not for how Samuel translated the kingdom of Saul to David; Elias and Eliseus from the house of Achab to the stock of jehu? Nothing but tricks again: for where readeth he that the Synagogue had ever right to translate the kingdom, that ever it did it, or meddled with it? And if the Pope for this purpose will needs be master of the Synagogue, and circumcise himself; yet how will he prove unto us, that unto this decayed Synagogue of the jews the Church of Rome hath now succeeded, rather than that of jerusalem, of Alexandria, or of Antioch? or which is more, where will he show us, That God hath spoken to him, and given him any special command, either by Oracle, or by miracle, or by any other way? Doth he not see that this work was altogether extraordinary, wherein the High Priest was not used, but a Prophet, and vessel elected of God for this special purpose? which should not have been, if the office had been properly affected to the Synagogue: And shall these men be over suffered thus to abuse the world? Thirdly, saith he, it was said to jeremy, jerem. 1. I have set thee this day over nations and kingdoms, to pluck up and to destroy, to plant and to build. And it was also said by the Prophet Haggei, The glory of this house, i. of the second Temple, shall be greater than the glory of the first. And Saint Paul saith, If the ministration of condemnation, i. the Law, was glorious, much more shall the ministry of righteousness exceed in glory, meaning the ministry of justification by faith in Christ: Ergo, saith Baronius, much more hath the Pope power to pluck up and to pull down, to collate and to translate kingdoms. Who can but grind his teeth to hear such profane abuse and blasphemy of the word of God? For was jeremy either Synogogue or High Priest? or was he to denounce and threaten the ruin of the jewish Estate by the Babylonians, as a Priest of Anatoh, or as a Prophet? and was it not said unto him, when he would have excused himself, jerem. ●. 6. & 9 Before thou camest out of the womb I sanctified thee, and ordained thee a Prophet for the nations? And did nor the Lord put forth his hand and touch his mouth, saying, Behold I have put my words into thy mouth? What can Leo and the rest of such companions allege for themselves like unto this? And last of all, doth he make no difference between denouncing the judgements of God, as they were revealed unto him by special command from him, and the intruding himself without commission to the deposing of one king and installing of another? jeremy, though founded as you see upon a greater power, yet, did he presume to depose Sedechias, or to anoint Nabuchadnezzer in his room? Saint Jerome truly was of another mind concerning this place of Scripture, who expoundeth it by another in the five & twentieth of the same Prophet, where God delivered to the Prophet a cup to make drunk all nations with the wine of his wrath; all which are there specified by their names, that is, to forewarn them of the plagues which God was ready to power out upon them: And yet do we any where find that the Prophet intermeddleth with the affairs of those several nations? And when Saint Jerome will go a little farther, and allegorise this piece of Scripture, he expoundeth these words of planting and pulling up, the one of bad doctrines, which are plucked up; the other of good, which are planted by the word of God: as also those other of pulling down and setting up, of the efficacy of the spirit of his mouth. Yea but the glory of the second Temple should be greater than the glory of the first: What second Temple, caitiff divine as he is, but the Temple of jerusalem? And what was that greater glory, according to all interpreters both jews and Christians, old and modern, but the redemption of mankind by Christ crucified for our sins, under the second Temple? Or if by the second Temple he will needs understand the Church of Rome, what followeth thereof, but this, That the Bishop of Rome be either Caiphas or Herod; or, because he challengeth both jurisdictions, Caiphas and Herod all in one? And what is meant by that glory of the ministry of the Gospel which the Apostle speaketh of, 2. Cor. 3. but Christ reigning powerfully in us by his spirit: Which the Apostle also in that same place termeth the ministery of the Spirit, not of the letters opposing that Law graven in stones unto condemnation, against the faith of Christ written in out hearts unto salvation? And what fellowship, I would know, hath this ministery with the others pretended magistery? This ministyer, I say, of the spirit, with that magistery which is simply carnal and worldly, breathing out ambition, and conspiring nought but tyranny. Saint Chrysostome upon this place; The glory, saith he, In 2. Corinth. c. 3. Hamil. 7. of Moses was outward to the sense, for they saw it with their eyes; but the glory of the New Testament is not to be discerned but by the eyes of the Spirit. Wherefore they that seek for glory in temporal and carnal things, do not they renounce this other glory? And again, He hath opposed, saith he, the stone to the heart, and the letter to the spirit: and the New Testament gave not only life, but also spirit, from whence proceedeth life. How far is this construction from that of Baronius, which savoureth nought but flesh and blood? Saint Ambrose also upon this place, Ambros. It is manifest, saith he, that the grace of the Law of Faith is greater than that of the Law of Moses. This holy Father expoundeth this glory to consist in grace, in stead of Baronius his tyranny and oppression. And again, The gift of the righteousness of God by the faith of Christ, is greater than the gift of the old Law. And now see how these men always follow the interpretation of the Fathers. Too much already said, I confess, but the Reader will pardon me in a case of such absurd positions; which yet to deny, or doubt of, is no less with them than open heresy. Fourthly Baronius affirmeth, Baron. to. 9 an. 806. art. 26. Arbitrio Romani Pontificis electiwm. That Charlemagne when he parted his kingdoms amongst his children, disposed not of the Empire, as knowing, saith he, that it depended of the election of the Pope. But the very Testament which he produceth for his proof, gain saith his assertion (which yet is an uncertain writing, in the judgement of Peter Pytheus, from whom he had it) for in the very instep thereof, it is thus written, We desire, saith he, with the good pleasure of God, Regnivel Imperij nostri. to leave our children heirs of this our Realm or Empire. And again, Such partages we have thought fit to make of our Realm or Empire. And indeed he divided among them his whole Estate, namely, Italy, even unto Rome, on the right hand and on the left, save only that which we call at this day the kingdom of Naples; which was yet possessed by the Emperors of Greece. The cause why he made none of his son's Emperor, was, to leave no occasion of discord among the brethren; meaning that each of them should hold his part, without prerogative of the one above the other. For having parted his whole Estate among his children, if he had left the Title of the Empire to be disposed of at the Pope's pleasure, what had the Pope but so much smoke to give, in case he would have placed it upon a stranger? 28. PROGRESSION. How the Popes encroached upon Lewis the son of Charlemagne: and of his pretended Donation. CHarlemaine kept his temporal power safe enough from the intrusion of the Popes, leaving sometimes the spiritual as a prey unto them: for by his law it was, that the Bishops of France finding themselves aggrieved with the judgements of their Metropolitans, or comprovincial Bishops, were permitted to run to Rome: Yet his words are carefully to be noted, When a Bishop, saith he, hath had sentence against him, it shall be lawful for him to demand a review, and if need be, to go freely to the Bishop of Rome: where this word liceat, as also in another place placuit, import a novel grace and favour granted by the Prince: not that the Churches of France were anciently tied to any such observation. And yet is it set also with an alternative, Let him, saith he, be judged either by the Bishop of the Diocese, or by the Bishop of Rome. And this was termed a Proclamation, or an Appellation, the source of so many debates and quarrels which ensued between the Popes and the Bishops of France. Charles had treated with the Emperor of the East, An. 816. and particularly agreed about the partage of Italy between them two, each of them retaining the Title of Emperor, the one of the East, the other of the West: Which he did the rather, to set himself safe from that raging ambition of the Popes. But when Charles was dead, though he used his power with such moderation, as they in discretion had no reason to complain, yet they presently set themselves to work on the good nature of Lewis, son and successor unto Charles. After Leo succeeded Stephen the fift, Electus & ordinatus. contrary to the law, being after his election presently consecrated, without expecting the emperors command, as saith Aimonius. Aimoni. lib. 4. c. 103. Thega. de gestis Ludovi. c. 16, 17, 18. Yet to daub this fault committed, he commanded (saith Theganus) all the people of Rome to take the oath of fealty unto Lewis, and came himself in post hast into France, sending two ambassadors before him, as it were to demand consecration at the Emperor's hands; all which was nothing but to try his patience: and after a while when he had crowned him, he returned home laden with rich gifts and presents. Yet it should seem that he was taught his duty while he was in France; for we find an ordinance of his in the Decrete C. Quia sancta, in these words, For as much as the holy Church of Rome (over which, D. 53. c. 28. Deo autore. by the will of God we are now placed, upon the death of the Pope) many times suffereth violence, because the election and consecration of the Popes are made without the advise and knowledge of the Emperor, and because (according to the Canons and ancient customs) there are present no ambassadors or other from the Emperor to hinder such disorders; Canonico ritu. we therefore will and command, That when a Bishop (of Rome) is to be chosen, the election be made by the Bishops and Clergy, in the presence of the Senate and people, and that the Bishop thus elected be afterwards consecrated in the presence of the emperors ambassadors. Which ordinance is a foot at this day, having scaped Gregory the thirteenth his censure in his late edition: Baron. vol. 9 an. 616. art. 101 and what matter then though Baronius (as he saith) doubteth of it. Yet was this law transgressed in the next election, which was but one year after, of Paschal in the room of this Stephen. This Paschal being solemnly and fully consecrated, sent away presents and letters of excuse unto the Emperor, Aimoni. li. 4. c. 105. post completam solemniter ordinationem. telling him, that the Papacy was laid upon him against his will, and after much resistance. This excuse presupposeth a confession of an act done contrary to the law: yet shortly after he sent another ambassador, to entreat the Emperor, That what had been heretofore accorded between the Popes and his predecessors, might stand good (meaning between Charlemaigne and Adrian and Leo) which we have seen before; Hostien. li. 1. c. 18. for of any other accord can it not be understood, and so Leo Hostiensis expoundeth it: all which was granted. Here the Historians of the Popes produce a certain grant, pretended to have been made by this Lewis; which the more ample it is, the more also is it to be suspected: And this is the first Grant which is suffered to come abroad; as for those others of Charles and Pepin, they only quote them, but produce them not to our scanning, especially that of Charlemaigne, produced by Anastasius, Anastas. in Adriano. of the same style & tenor with that Palea of the donation of Constantine, though written so long after, & in so different an age: which grant of Lewis containeth (as they say) an absolute renunciation of all right in the election of Popes, expressed in the Canon Adrianus, recited all at length by Sigonius and Baronius, and taken by them word for word out of the Decrete of Gratian, which the more learned sort have ever rejected as false and counterfeit, and that for many reasons. First, for that many lands and lordships are passed in that grant, which we find many years after comprised in that donation which Maud the Contesse made unto the Church. Secondly, because that of many of those lands there passed, the successors of Lewis disposed as of their own. Thirdly, because there are granted many Provinces, Islands, Demaines, Ports, and Rivers, unto which the Emperor Lewis never did or could lay any claim, and which in the treaty between the Emperors, were left for a partage properly belonging to the Emperor of the East. Fourthly, because Lewis giving Italy afterwards to one of his sons for his portion, had left him small means to support his estate, if besides the part of the Grecian Emperor and the state of Venice, all those lands comprised in that donation had been taken out of it. Fifthly, because the City of Rome was long after governed by the officers of the Empire, and the Pope's Bulls dated (as Guicciardine recordeth) imperant domino nostro etc. Sixtly, because this renunciation is not found observed in those Elections which ensued afterward: which were (as we shall hereafter see) ordered and confirmed by the Emperors; who took it in great redainder, if any thing happened to be attempted to the contrary. Seventhly, because the Authors of that time, as Nitare, Aimonius, and other Annalists make no mention thereof, no not Anastasius himself in the life of Paschal, who for the good will he bore unto the Popes, would not have omitted so high a point of their honour. Eightly, because the Popes never pretended any such grant, until long after, and when the house of Charlemaigne was fallen to the ground. Ninthly, and which cutteth the throat of all, because Otho the third, Diploma Othonis 3. Emperor, in that donation which is kept in the Muniment house of the Charters of the Church of Rome, at the Cordeliers of Assisa, having by way of Preface declared, That he purposed to give unto S. Peter and to Sylvester the second his master things of his own, giveth him in that Charter eight Counties, Pesaro, Fano, Senigallia, Ancona, Fossombrone, call, Haesio, and Occimo, being the very same which are contained in the donation of Lewis, pretended to have been made so many years before: For had there been any such, what needed any new donation? or with what face could Otho in that his Charter have used these words following? We not regarding those forged Mandates, and imaginary writings, do out of our own bounty and liberality give unto S. Peter things of our own, and not as ours, that which is his already. By which words it is apparent, that he dasheth that donation of Lewis and all others whatsoever. And Sylvester the second accepted of this donation, though he understood his writings as Lawyer like as any Pope that went before him. But whether that donation of Lewis be true or false, we cannot doubt of their ambitious encroaching upon other men's estates, seeing that Paschal pulled out the eyes and cut off the nose of Theodore, Anastas. in Valentin. chief Secretary to the Church of Rome, and of Leo the Nomenclator, his son in law, for carrying themselves loyally towards Lotharius, son to Lewis, and associated in the Empire: and as little doubt may we make of their pride, seeing that Anastasius their Historian glorieth in this, That Pope Valentine, elected in the year 828, made all the Senate of Rome come kiss his foot. And this was the first Pope that ever suffered this so to be done unto him; and God suffered not him to sit above forty days. Helmold. in hist. Sclavor. l. 1. c. 4. But Helmoldus observeth a huge increase of the pride of the Church in the days of this Lewis, where he saith, That he made them, who in the regard of their care of souls were Princes of Heaven, by his largesse and liberality Princes of his kingdom. OPPOSITION. Lewis, for all his kind nature, yet suffered not the Popes to do what pleased them, and there wanted not those who spoke broadly enough of the encroachments and usurpations of the Popes. The Emperor himself took Paschal in hand, and sent Adalong Abbot of S. Vast, and Humphrey County of Coire, to inquire upon the murder committed, as was said, either by his commandment, or not without his privity and advise. Paschal thought to prevent him by his ambassadors, whom he sent to request him not to give credence to any such report. But when Adalong and Humphrey, continuing on their journey, were come to Rome, they found that the Pope had purged himself by oath in the presence of many Bishops, and had taken the murderers into his protection, as belonging to the family of S. Peter, pronouncing those that were slain guilty of treason, Aimoni. de familia S. Petri. and consequently their murder justified. So that Sigonius himself let fall this word, That the ambassadors of Lewis could not search out the verity of this fact, nor so much as begin to take knowledge of it. This was about the year 823. But when Lotharius came the year following, after the death of Pascal, An. 823. justicias facere. into Italy, to see justice done in those parts, he found the cause of these mischiefs to proceed from the misdemeanours of the Popes, and connivency of the judges, by means whereof many men's goods had been confiscated; all which he caused to be restored to the right owners, Aimoni. lib. 4. c. 112. reviving withal an ancient custom of sending some certain personages a Latere with special commission from the Emperor to do justice between man and man indifferently, Author vitae Ludovi. without respect of persons, as often as the Emperor should think fit. All which was done with the consent of the new Pope Eugenius (say the Historians) and to the contentment of Lewis, when he understood thereof. Sigonius also produceth a certain ordinance which he left behind him, for the ordering and composing of matters within the City of Rome, wherein is contained, That none should intrude himself into the election of the Popes, but such as are called thereunto by the Canons, under pain of banishment; which article tended to prevent all canvasing for the Popedom: also therein was contained, That all those who were to exercise any place of judicature in Rome, should first come into his presence, that he might inform himself both of their number and of their names, and put them in mind of their several duties. Item, that the King himself, or in his absence others in his room, should assist at the consecration of the Popes: And so (saith he) was it for certain years after observed, and last of all established by a new Constitution. In the year 824 came there ambassadors from Michael and Theophilus, Emperors of Greece, to Lewis and Lotharius, to crave their advise and the advise of the French Church, concerning the use of Images, and withal to entreat them to be a means to the Pope, that he would graciously accept the embassage which they purposed to send unto him upon the same question: whereupon there assembled a Nationall Council of the French Bishops, to give their advise jointly unto the Emperors, Synod. Paris. sub Ludovi. & Lothar. an. 824. where they openly declared unto them, as well the evil practices of Adrian in the carriage of the Council, as also the pestilent contagious error and abominable superstition, which under Images he had brought into the Church: But above all they plainly show, that the position concerning the Popes not erring, was no article of their learning or belief, when they say, That the Pope suffered himself to be carried down the stream of this error, partly by ignorance, partly by wicked custom: That it was pity to see those who were placed in chief authority to direct others, themselves to forsake the high way, and to run astray into paths of error. And in their Epistle to Eugenius they stick not to write plainly, That the matter of this miserable rent and distraction was a thing, without which, through faith, hope, and charity, the Church might be saved as well in this world as in the world to come: And that the Empress Irene and her son in the passing of that Edict concerning the adoration of Images, were abused by a pestilent illusion of the devil. And the book which thereupon they wrote to the emperors Lewis and Lotharius is so well grounded both upon the authority of the Scriptures, and interpretations of the Fathers, that it may easily appear, that the divinity of Italy was no way comparable to that of the French Clergy. As for the Pope, when the Emperors requested to hear some proofs for the adoration of Images out of the word of God, he never put himself to the pain to give them satisfaction, but answered all in a word, saying, Simoneta, c. 5. That they were arrogant fellows that made such questions. Add we here one observation of the manner of speaking which that Synod so frequently used, We (say they) hold the place of S. Peter, to whom Christ said, Whatsoever thou shalt bind etc. All the Bishops then holding themselves as the Vicars of S. Peter, saying farther of the simple Priests, That they were the porters, to whom were committed the keys of the kingdom of Heaven. And what can the Pope challenge more? In the year 827, upon the death of Valentine, was elected Gregory the fourth, Sigon. lib. 4. de Reg. Jtal. with due observation of the Law which Lotharius had left behind him: For the Lieutenant of the King happening at that present to be away, Gregory could not be consecrated until he was returned, and had fully informed himself of the proceed in that election. And the Annalist saith in express terms, That his consecration was deferred, till the emperors pleasure was known thereupon. Author vitae Ludovici. An. 833. Certain years after, about the year 833, his children made a conspiracy against him. This Gregory, to oblige Lotharius to himself, took his part, and came into France, in show to mediate a reconciliation between the father and the sons, but indeed (as Aimonius reporteth) to set them farther out, Aimoni. lib. 3. c. 14. and to give countenance to a certain Synod, which the sons assembled at Compiene, to depose their father: This attempt (as say the Authors of those times) proceeding merely from the working of the devil, Thega. de gest. Ludovi. Chronichon Dionysian. which wrought by his ministers in the hearts of the children against the Emperor. The Bishops of France took part some with the father, others with the sons: on the sons side was chief Hebo Archbishop of Rheims, a slave by birth, and a man of lewd conditions; against whom the Historian crieth out, saying, Miserable wretch, how hast thou recompensed thy master's kindness: Purpura vestivit te & pallio. he made thee free (for noble he could not) clothing thee with the Pall, and Scarlet, and thou makest him to put on haircloth. How hast thou despised those precepts of the Apostle; Be ye subject to every higher power, Fear God, Honour the King? Who persuaded thee hereunto but he, who is only King over the children of pride, who said to his Creator, All these things will I give unto thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me? For the father, stood principally Drogo or Dreux, Bishop of Mets, a great man in his time, with many others; all which perceived plainly, that this Gregory was a part taker in this conspiracy: The Emperor said, If he be come into France as his predecessors have done before him, Vita Ludovici. Aimon. l. 5. c. 14. why cometh he not unto me all this while? The Bishops said, If he be come to excommunicate, we will send him away excommunicated again. And Hincmar Archbishop of Rheimes writing to Pope Adrian the second, Flodoard. in Hist. Rhemensi. Jdem, l. 5. c. 16. telleth him in plain terms, That Gregory came into France with an evil intent, and purposing to bear out the children against the father, He came (saith he) into France, and after his coming our peace continued not: also he returned not with so good credit as was fit he should, and as his predecessors were wont before him. And the Chronicle of S. Denis, The ministers of the devil (saith he) prevailed so far, Chron. Dionys. as to unite all the sons against him, and maliciously made the Apostolic of Rome to come into France under colour of piety, as it had been to mediate a peace between the King and his children: but the truth itself afterward appeared. And of the Apostolic it was commonly said, That his coming was only to excommunicate the King, and the Bishops if they supported the father, and were not in every respect obedient to the sons: but when the Bishops heard say this, they protested, That they would never obey him for fear of his excommunication: for (say they) the authority of the ancient Canons is far different from this course. And when Lewis was fully re-established in his kingdom, not by the authority of Gregory, but as the Historian of the Church of Rheimes reporteth, by the common consent of the Bishops, Gregory unable to maintain those Bishops whom he had drawn into this practice, they were glad (though under a most gracious Sovereign) yet to save themselves in Italy from the rigour of the laws: the others were feign to confess the action, and plead guilty, acknowledging themselves unworthy of the place they held, and in effect to be deposed, especially Hebo Archbishop of Rheimes, and Agobard of Lions. And this was in those days all the fear that the Bishops of France had of the Pope's excommunications. And in this time it was, That Claud of Turin taught openly both by tongue and pen, That he was not Apostolical who sat in the Chair of an Apostle, but he that did the office of an Apostle. And this reacheth unto the death of Lewis, An. 839. which fell in the year 839. Add we hereunto, that the Emperor Lewis treading the path of Charlemaigne and other his predecessors, with the advise and counsel of the Prelates and the rest of the learned of his kingdoms, enacted laws for the better ordering of the Churches of his dominions; not only concerning their policy and government, but also touching Faith, without ask leave, or expecting a Mandamus from the Pope, whatsoever Baronius and his Benedict the Levite prate unto us, as may appear by the Articles of Lewis; Capitularia. and the Abbot Andegisus, who collected those Laws, maketh no mention of the Pope in the Preface to them. Also he assembled Counsels within his own Estates at Thionuille, at Aix, and Pavia, where you shall ever find, Extat ante Concil. Paris. To. 3. Concil. By the command, By the wholesome command of the glorious Prince, By the grace or gift of God, Emperor etc. making books of this subject. And in the Council of Aix la Chapella, the Body of the people speaketh of the Clergy in general, and saith, By them are we made Christians, who having the keys of the kingdom of heaven in their hands, judge in a sort before the day of judgement: and so had no need to be beholding to Rome for the keys. An. 828. But in the year 828 we find a particular Edict of Lewis, whereby, to appease the wrath of God incensed at that time against him and his people, for the many corruptions grown in among them, he commanded a fast to be held throughout his kingdoms. And besides sundry other Counsels, he called four several Synods for the reformation properly of the Church of France; namely, at Mence, at Paris, at Lions, and at Tolousa, there to handle, discuss, and find out things belonging to Christian Religion: Concil. Aquisgra. 3. to. Concil. what the Prince, what the people held, either answerable or contrary to the revealed will of God: what had been retained, what omitted, either in part or in whole: how the Clergy behaved themselves; wherein they erred and departed away from the rule of holy Scripture: And in all this no mention made of the Pope's authority. Baronius maketh much of certain Epistles, written about this time by a Monk of Greece, named Theodorus, with his complices in Idolatry, to the Pope of Rome, Baron. an. 817. art. 21, 22. & sequent. by reason of the haut titles which he giveth him, magnifying him above all other Bishops. It were a very sufficient answer to say, That this was a Monk, offended with his Patriarch of Constantinople for taking away his Images, and therefore no matter what he saith. But yet examine we his letters: Coaequandum Angelis. First he calleth the Pope, Equal to the Angels; Will Baronius abet this flattery? seeing that the Apostle to the Hebrews, after the Psalmist, speaking of our Lord and Saviour Christ, saith, Thou hast made him little lesser than the Angels? How can he make the Pope equal to them, but as he is more than a man, as God himself, as he that maketh himself God; as S. Paul speaketh in the second of the Thessalonians, chap. 2. Secondly he calleth him, The Great Light, Prince of Bishops, and Apostolic Pope. In that he calleth him Prince of Bishops, it imports nothing but the Primacy of his See. But you shall see how this same Monk wrote at the same time, scarce changing a pen between to other Patriarches: for to him of Alexandria he wrote, To the most holy Father of Fathers, and Light of Lights: Do not these words weigh down those other of Great Light? And as he calleth the one Pope of Rome, Apostolicum verticem. so doth he the other Pope of Alexandria: as he calleth him of Rome Apostolic, so the other, The crown or top of all apostolics. And what advantage now hath Baronius gotten for the Pope? Yes, saith he: for the Pope of Rome is called The supreme Light, and the other is called only the Light of Lights. First, what fair play to turn a die? And whereas but two pages before, by his own confession, the Monk called him only Magnum Lumen, a Great Light, now to make him say, Supremam Lumen, the Supreme Light. Secondly, who knoweth not, that Light of Lights in all tongues, especially in the language of the Scriptures, implieth more than a Great Light? Baronius his reply is, That the Bishop of Alexandria was so called, in regard that Cyrill, his quondam predecessor, was Legate a Latere for the Pope of Rome: First, that hath already been proved to be false: Secondly, I would ask, Whether all they who in any Council heretofore were the Pope's Legates, had this title themselves, and derived it to their successors? How many simple Bishops should since that time have had this title, if that were true? That the Monk wrote in the same style to the Patriarch of Antioch, Baronius himself confesseth; but will you see what he wrote to him of jerusalem, to whom Baronius doth not afford this title: he concealeth the subscription, and for any thing we know it may be the same with the other: but what saith he towards the foot of the letter, Thou (saith he) art Prince of the Apostles, though thou be reckoned the fift in order: and so by his reckoning the Pope of Rome is a Patriarch, as others were, but he of jerusalem was the chief, in regard of those holy devotions done under him, as is there said. And he addeth farther a reason of this priority and pre-eminence, For (saith he) where that Bishop of Souls, and High Priest Christ jesus, was borne and wrought his heavenly miracles, where he suffered and was buried, where he was raised again to life, and lived, and thence taken into heaven, there also must needs be the supreme or sovereign dignity and honour, viz. of the Church. See good reader, what light and frivolous arguments these men are feign to hunt for in every idle flattery of a Monk, to exalt and magnify that See of Rome. 29. PROGRESSION. Of Sergius the second, and of the open Simony used in his time. AFter the death of the Emperor Lewis, his sons, who so well agreed against him, fell to variance among themselves; and (saith Sigonius) as the dignity of the French, by occasion of these divisions, diminished, so that of the Italians (meaning of the Popes) increased. Charles sumamed the Bald, Carolus calvus. Sigibert. en. 844. Platinae in Sergio. Sigon. de Reg. Ital. lib. 5. had for his partage the kingdom of France; Lewis, all Germany Eastward of the Rhine; Lotharius, all the Low Countries, Burgundy, Provence, Italy, and Rome, with the Title of the Empire: So that of all the children, the Pope had especially to deal with Lotharius, and his eldest son Lewis whom he associated in the Empire in the year 844, and proclaimed king of Italy. An. 844. In this year died Gregory the fourth, who had already begun to make his profit of their dissensions. The Clergy and Senate of Rome immediately after his death elected Sergius the second, & consecrated him, without expecting the Mandate of the Emperor: Though Anastasius their own Historian, Anastas. in Leo. 4. in the life of Leo the fourth, successor unto Sergius, saith in express terms, That the Romans durst not consecrate a Pope without authority from the Emperor: Which he would never have written, if that pretended Renunciation of Lewis the first, Emperor, had taken place. But Sergius making his hay in the Sunshine of their division, went through with it. This is he, as Platina reporteth, that first altered his name; though Onuphrius attributeth it to john the twelfth: also who first ordained, That no Bishop might be convicted but in the mouth of seventy two witnesses; and yet himself put to death a certain Cardinal Priest, and an enemy of his, called Athanasius, upon the testimony of far fewer witnesses. Also this is he whose reign is so foully stained and blotted with detestable simony: Author. Coaetaneus apud Vignerium pa. 214. & 215. He had, saith a certain Author of that time, a brother called Benedict, and surnamed Brute, being indeed of brute behaviour, who growing upon the weakness of the Pope, usurped the execution and administration of all affairs, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, and had by bribery and corruption obtained of the Emperor Primatum & dominium Romae, that is, as we interpret, the chief place and government of Rome: Shortly after he seized into his hands the Bishopric of Alba, marring all in every place by his avarice and vain behaviours. Above all, under this Pope and his brother Simony grew monstrous; bishoprics were openly set to sale, and they carried them who could give most for them. Neither was there any Bishop or other who led with the zeal of God, would deal with the Emperor for the restraint and reformation of this horrible abuse. And this was the cause, why, seeing no Christian sought to redress this sin, God sent in Pagans to punish their transgressions. The Saracens coming suddenly and unawares upon them, slew infinite multitudes of men, set fire on towns and castles. And the Histories from hence forward, are full of these calamities. But let us look back and see what the Emperor Lotharius did. OPPOSITION. So soon as Lotharius understood of the consecration of the Pope made without his privity, and in prejudice of the Empire, he presently sent his son Lewis into Italy with an army: Baron. vol. 10. an. 844. art. 5. Sigebert saith, he sent to confirm him. Baronius speaketh all save good of him for so saying. But what ever the cause was, he gave him his uncle Drogo Archbishop of Mets, for a guide and conductor in this voyage. They lay to his charge, That he passed with great terror and cruelty through Italy: And the truth is, that he chastised with some rigour the city of Boulogne, for not receiving him as they ought; borne out, as it should seem, by the Pope. But when he came to Rome he entered the Vatican Palace, where the Pope attended his coming, and received him according to the custom. Sigonius will needs report, Osculum sancto pedi infixit. Anastas. in Sergio 2. Plat. ib. That he kissed his holy foot: but the world was not yet come to that. Anastasius, who useth not to lose any of the Pope's prerogatives, saith only, That the Emperor and the Pope embraced each other. And Platina, That they entertained each other with a mutual kiss. And then the Pope using his Church power, and standing at S. Peter's Church door, which was shut, If thou art come, said he, for the good of this Church and City, then enter by my command; if otherwise, by my good will they shall not be opened unto thee. And when Lewis had graciously assured him of his good meaning, he caused the doors to be set open to him, and to the great ones that were about him: Yet did the whole army also rush into the city, to see it, and to visit the Churches. So much had the Clergy of Rome already prevailed by their dissensions. The issue of all was, That Sergius ancled, crowned, and proclaimed Lewis; Anastasius saith, King of Lombard's; Ado and Leo Hostiensis say, Ado Viennen. in Chron. Leo Hostien. King of Italy, and Emperor, with a joyful acclamation of the people; and both Platina and Sigonius speak after the same manner. And Anastasius saith farther, That the Pope would not suffer the Romans to swear fealty to Lewis, but only to the Emperor Lotharius: whereof other Authors make no difference. And a certain Author of that time, in an abridgement of the history, Author. Coaetaneus apud Vigner. pa. 214. saith in express words, That after many mischiefs done upon the people of Rome, they made them swear fealty to the Emperor, and confirmed Sergius in his See again: as not holding his Title of the Popedom for good before, much less of the Seigneurie of Rome. And Anastasius doth not stick to tell us, That the Pope's authority was then and there questioned and debated: for, saith he, Drogo Archbishop of Metz, and other Archbishops and Bishops gathered together against this Universal Church, and Head of all other Churches, without the leave of their Metropolitan, and did every day make new quarrels against our most holy Pope and his Bishops. And if you ask who they were that joined with Drogo, he telleth you, That they were Gregory Archbishop of Ravenna, Anguilbert of Milan, joseph Bishop of juree, Again of Verona, Almaric of Coma, Norchauld of Verseils, Saufredus of Rhegium, Toringar of Concorda, Odelbert of Aqui, Ambrose of Luques, john of Pisa, Peter of Volaterra, Gauspran of Pistoria, Cancio of Sienna, Lupus of Textina, Sisimond of Aprusia, Pico of Scolana, Fratellus of Camerin, Gisus of Ferma, Racipert of Nocera, Amadis of Pinna, Donate of Frisoli, and others; and with them the Counts Boso, Adelgisus, john, Guido, Vernard, Wifrid, Maurinus, and others; that is, the better part of the Bishops of all Italy. Insomuch that Anguilbert Archbishop of Milan separated himself wholly from the Roman Church, which one of his predecessors had newly acknowledged some sixty years before. And this separation dured, as the sequel of this history will declare, two hundred years. Sigonius observeth this separation, but concealeth the cause, which was the pride of that See, Simony, & other disorders there used in the time of Sergius. Besides that, Theodorus Abbot of Fulden reporteth of this Anguilbert, That he was much affectioned to the memory of good S. Ambrose, whose liturgy continued in the Church of Milan at that day, and long after. To go on with the time, Baronius upon the year 839, produceth out of the Vatican a certain Epistle of Gregory the fourth, An. 839. written to the Bishops of France, Germany, of Europe, and of all Provinces: (he might have made shorter work, and have written to all the world:) wherein upon the complaint of Aldric Bishop of Man's, made of the wrongs done unto him by the other Bishops, he giveth them to understand, That according to the ancient Canons, an Appeal from them lay to Rome, or to his Legate a Latere; exhorting them in all haste to take horse and come away to him. This pretence of the Popes was no news to them; and we have said already, That Charlemaigne was content to soothe the Popes in their humour. But Baronius telleth us not what became of this letter, or whether the Bishops of France gave way to this Appeal, or no: and it is very likely, that no; for had there been any thing for his purpose, or not something against it, we should have been sure to have heard of it. Baronius told us before, That Charlemaigne disposed not of the Empire, as properly depending of the Pope's election; and we there showed the contrary: Lo now Lewis, surnamed the Courteous, Charlemaine's son, he from whom they claim that goodly donation, who disposeth absolutely of the Empire, and of Rome itself, Thegan. de gest. Ludovici. as we have already declared. And farther Theganus saith, That he named his son Lotharins', after his decease, to receive all the kingdoms which God had given him by the hands of his father, Nomen & Imperium. Nitard. li. 1. and to have both the name and Empire of their father: which the other sons much stormed at. And Nitard saith, That he divided his whole Empire among his sons in such sort, that Pepin should have Gascoine, Lewis Baviere; but Lotharius after his decease should have the whole Empire, and suffered him in his life time to bear with him the name of Emperor. And when the brothers, after many hot bicker, Helmold. l. 1. c. 4 came at last to an agreement, In the end, saith Helmoldus, by the mediation of Pope Sergius, this discord was appeased, and the realm divided into four parts, in such sort that Lotharius had Rome, with Italy, Lorraine and Burgundy, for his part; Lewis, the river of Rhine, and all Germany; Charles, France; and Pepin all Guiene: both which were writers of that time, or not long after. 30. PROGRESSION. That Leo the fourth was consecrated without the emperors leave, and how the matter was excused. An. 847. WHen Lewis was returned into France, Pope Sergius the second died in the year 847, and the same day was elected Leo the fourth, and presently consecrated, contrary to the law, and without expecting the pleasure of the Prince. The people excused their doing by reason of the Saracens, who at that time pressed sore upon them: and Leo his sufferance, as being forced thereunto by the people; Anastas. in Leo. 4. who yet, as Anastasius reporteth, lived in fear of Lewis his second return to Rome upon the like occasion, as feeling their wounds yet bleeding of his first being there. And farther he observeth, That they carried him to the patriarchs Palace of Lateran, and there, after the ancient custom, kissed his feet. And yet all the antiquity of this custom was but since the time of Valentine, who, as himself reporteth, was the first author of it, and lived some thirty years past. And for the rest, this was that Leo which walled and fortified the Vatican against the Saracens. OPPOSITION. An. 854. Leo about the year 854 cried for help to Lotharius, against the Saracens, who presently sent his son Lewis with an army into Italy; but withal, because he was informed, That the discipline as well of the Church, as Estate of Italy, established heretofore by his father and grandfather, was much fallen to decay; he commanded him, as soon as the wars would give him leave, to call together the Bishops, and the chief men of Italy, to advise of some course for the restoring thereof. Lewis having assembled them at Pavia, and calling unto him Anguilbert Archbishop of Milan, he who, as we have already said, separated himself from the Roman Church (judge Reader by that which followeth, how far the regal authority then reached) and Andrew Patriarch of Aquileia, signified unto them, That his pleasure was to take a particular account of the lives and duties of the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy, of their sermons, of the rep●●ation of Churches and Hospitals, of the regularity of Monks, of the jurisdiction of the Counties, De jurisdictione Comitum. and to reform in every person and degree what he could find amiss: commanding those two to make relation of what he had said, unto the other Bishops; who were so far from declining his jurisdiction, that they yielded him a particular account upon every of the said articles: humbly requesting him, to grant such as had been faulty and negligent, sometime to amend their manners; confessing that sermons had been a long time omitted, Sigon. de Reg. Ital. lib. 5. through the negligence partly of the Prelates, partly of the people, who by having private chapels adjoining to their houses, neglected the frequentation of the public Churches; with many other matters of like nature: all which he took order to redress as to him seemed best, sitting in his palace, and by the advise of his privy Counsel. And whereas there was one Gratian, a Master of the camp, and a man of great credit and authority, who sought to sow discord between the Temporal Estate and the Clergy, practising under hand to translate the whole Empire back unto Greece again; Lotharius hearing hereof, sent to his son Lewis, to march immediately unto Rome, and there to prevent such inconvenience. And Platina reporteth, That Leo the Pope was accused as party in this conspiracy. But in the end Lewis having hanged one Daniel, who had falsely accused him, Pope Leo wrote to Lotharius, That he did, and ever would observe the behests and commandments of his progenitors: Requesting him withal, That the Roman law might still take place, as now and heretofore. And we have the extract of that letter in the Decret of Gratian, in these words, De Capitulis vel praeceptis imperialibus vestris, D. 10. c. 19 vestrorumque Pontificum praedecessorum irrefragabilitèr custodiendis, quantum valuimus & valemus Christo propitio & nunc & in aewm modis omnibus nos conseruaturos profitemur: Et si fortasse quilibet vobis alitèr dixerit vel dicturus fuerit scias eum pro certò mendacem. Where Baronius, after Isidore, in stead of vestrorumque Pontificum, readeth nostrorumque, Baron. an. 853. art. 17. contrary to the credit of all copies and glosses, only to avoid Leo his tying himself to the observation of such Edicts and Injunctions as our kings shall make in the assemblies of their Bishops in their dominions. Capitularibus. And how far kings of those days proceeded in matters of this nature, we can learn no whence better than from the Decrees and ordinances of Charles and Lewis, Capitulos. and those which we have also of the Synod of Soissons, alleged by Baronius himself, and called, Capitula Charoli Calui, The Injunctions of Charles the Bald; which concerned the whole policy and discipline of the Church. And the same Leo in another Epistle speaketh to the Emperor as humbly as in the former: In the proceed of this cause, saith he, we have done some things incompetently, not observing in your subjects causes the ordinary course of law: we are ready to reform what ever is amiss, as you and your Commissioners shall think fit, etc. Wherefore we earnestly entreat your clemency and greatness, That you would send some such into these parts, to take knowledge of these matters, etc. and of all matters great or small, which any man hath informed you of concerning us, etc. By which we may easily perceive what hand the Emperor in those days bare over the Bishops of Rome. Yet Baronius contesteth, That Leo withstood Lotharius and Lewis the Emperors, in the claim which they made to their right of confirmation upon the election of Popes; and that he prevailed so far, that the election from that time should be made according to the Canons; meaning that Canon by which they pretend, That Lewis the first, Emperor, renounced all right in the election: But for proof he allegeth nought but a Palea of the Decret, which is unable to stand against the current of all Histories beside. And yet the words of that Palea import but this, That between the Emperors and the Pope it was accorded, That the election and consecration of the Bishop of Rome in time to come should not be made but justly and canonically: which no Logic can wrest to prove what he intendeth. And these words are noted for a Palea in the very edition of Gregory the thirteenth. Hincmar. Epist. ad Charol. Ca●n. de Episc. Syluanectensi. Idem ad populum Bellovacensem. Liberam & Regularem Electionem. This Leo, as he could not keep himself from encroaching, so met he sometimes with rubs in his way. Charles the Bald reigned at that time in France. The order was, when a Bishopric fell void, that the Clergy and people joined in petition to the king, to grant them leave to make a free and a regular election, and that he would send thither, according to the holy Canons, a Visitor to assist at the election: And thereupon did the king signify to the Metropolitan which of his Bishops he would have to assist as Visitor, to see the election in all points canonically made, yet so, as without any prejudice of his own Canons. By which it was ordained, That in every such election the consent of Clergy and people should concur, it being the principal cause why the Prince would have a Visitor to assist, to see his Canons duly and carefully observed. All which we may learn out of sundry Epistles of Hincmar Archbishop of Reims, but especially out of that which he wrote to Charles the Bald, touching the vacancy of the Bishopric of Senlis; himself being chosen Archbishop in a Synod held at Beawais, in the place of Hebo, which rebelled against the Emperor Lewis. And though there be one which writeth, That at the entreaty of Lotharius he received the Pall at Leo his hands, to wear every day, a privilege which the Pope said he would never grant to any other: yet Hincmar himself, holding this Pal for a badge of honour, Idem ad Cler. & pleb. Cameracensem. Idem ad Laudunenses c. 6. rather than for a mark of subjection, spareth not to say openly, That it was not lawful for the inferior Bishops upon any public or general occasion, to consult the Pope, unless they had first advised thereof with their own Archbishops: and yet the question was only of consulting. That it was needless for Archbishops to expect resolutions from the See of Rome concerning such things as were already sentenced in the holy Scriptures, in the Counsels, in Canons and Decrees of the Church: And thereupon inhibiteth his nephew Hincmar Bishop of Laon to Appeal to Rome, declaring the letters monitory, Ib. c. 34. by which the Pope warned him to appear before him, to be void and of none effect; forbidding him to obey his summons: and expounding these words, Tues Petrus, etc. in this manner: Upon this sure and confession of faith which thou hast made, will I build my Church. And as touching the power of binding and loossing he spareth not to write to the Pope himself, Idem in Epist. ad Hadrian. 2. telling him out of the writings of Leo the first, That that power was passed and derived from Saint Peter, and from the rest of the Apostles, to all the chief Heads of the Church, meaning to all Bishops, and consequently to himself as well as to the Pope of Rome: And that Saint Peter's privilege taketh place only where men judge according to the equity of Saint Peter, and is of force wheresoever that equity is used: no more at Rome than at Rheims; no less at Rheims than at Rome; in every place alike, according as the Bishops do, or do not their duty. So likewise when this Leo, presuming upon the pretended Apostleship of Boniface, encroached upon the Churches of Germany, more than reason was he should, Luithpert Archbishop of Mence writing to Lewis king of Germany, Luithpertus Episc. Moguntinens. spareth him not: The cause, saith he, will not suffer me to keep silence; for I were inexcusable before God and your Highness, if seeing with my eyes the imminent danger of the Church, I should dissemble my knowledge, as an hired servant, and no longer a true Pastor of my sheep. The Primacy therefore and the dignity thereof now shaketh, and is grown infamous in the very chair of Saint Peter: for after a secret and unheard kind of persecution she is wronged, not by those who know not God, but by such as ought to be conductors and leaders of the people of God; which make more account of earthly trash, than they do of heavenly treasure. And this ache of the head, if speedy remedy be not applied, In Capite. will quickly distil upon the members, etc. You know the danger wherein the people of God standeth, every man seethe it, and the very elements tremble at it, to see how the governors and conductors thereof, whose duty is to seek to save the weak, forsake themselves the way of salvation, and run headlong to their downfall, drawing those which follow them into the like pit of perdition. Wherefore I exhort your wisdom, which loveth verity and justice, that according to the knowledge given you by God, you would advise with such as know the Law, and are lovers of equity and justice, how peace and unity may be restored to the Church, etc. For the whole body of the Church is not hurt, though the Head being wounded, all the members are weakened thereby: Wherefore the sound parts must help the sick, at least if they will take the medicine, if not, then cut them off, according to the precept of that true Physician, lest all the body perish with them. Wherefore I think it necessary, that Charles your brother, and a religious Prince, should be requested by your letters and ambassador, to come to a conference with you concerning this matter, as soon as may be, to the end that he and the Bishops of his kingdom, who are yet clean from those pollutions, may join with you and your Bishops, and all together take upon you this common care, to reform, by the assistance of God, the peace and concord of the Catholic and Apostolic Church. This Luitpert was a man much esteemed for his integrity, wisdom, and sanctity of life and conversation, and for this cause of so great authority in the world, that the two kings of Germany and France, made him arbitrator between them in differences of their kingdoms: And yet saw he even then corruption so far grown in that pretended Head, that he could hope for redress and remedy from none but from these two great Princes. For, that he meant the Pope no man can doubt who knoweth the History of the times, and the contentions which they had at that time with Germany and France. Neither may we here forget, before we pass any farther, that we have a certain Canon of this Leo his making, Leo. 4. ad Epist. Britan. by which he taketh away all authority from all Decretal Epistles of Popes, until the times of Sylvester and Syricius; and so blotteth out with one dash of a pen all those which are attributed to them, D. 2. ca de Libellis. during the three or four first ages; which yet our adversaries at this day use as good authority against us. And the Roman Code seemeth to point hereat, seeing that it never useth any before that time. Here now are we to observe, shall I say a Proceeding, or rather a headlong stumble of this Mystery of Rome, that prodigious accident and monster of this time: A stumble indeed, and a fall withal it should have been, if either the Church of Rome had had any forehead, or the people eyes: I mean that which fell out in the year 854, after the death of Leo the fourth: An. 854. which yet I had rather set down in Platina his words, Plat. in johan. 8. as we find them in his History which he dedicated to Pope Sixtus the fourth, A woman, or rather a wench sitting in the See of Rome, saying Mass, creating Bishops, offering her foot to be kissed by Princes and people: As if God purposed to expose to the view of the world in this living picture, that mother of fornications foretold in the Apocalyps: johannes Anglicus therefore, saith Platina, borne at Mence, aspired to the Papacy, as it is said, by evil practices: For being a Female, and dissembling her sex, she went with her paramour, a learned man, to Athens, and there grew so expert in the liberal Sciences, that coming afterward to Rome, she found there few equal, none superior to herself: And what by lecturing, what with disputing, both wittily and learnedly withal, grew so far in grace and favour with all men, that upon the death of Leo, as saith Martinus, by a general consent, she was chosen Pope in his room. But not long after, being great with child by her servant, having for a while hide her great belly, in the end going to Latran, between the Theatre, which they call the Colosse of Nero and S. Clement's, falling into her throws, she was there delivered, and died in the place, having sat Pope two years one month and four days, and was buried without honour. Some writ, that upon this occasion the Pope when he goeth to Latran, shuneth this street of purpose: and that to prevent the like inconvenience in time to come, when the Pope first sitteth in S. Peter's Chair, wherein is a hole made for this purpose, the puny Deacon is to handle his privities. I will not deny the first to be true: for the second, I suppose that the Chair is so pierced, to the end that he which shall be set in so high a place, may know that he is a man and no God, and subject to like necessities of nature as other men are: and therefore it is called Sedes Stercoraria; we in English may call it by a more cleanly name, a close-stool. But Platina (for fear no doubt of the hole or dungeon, where he had long lain in the time of Paul the second) after all this addeth that which followeth, That (saith he) which I have said, is a common bruit, the authors thereof uncertain, and of no great name, which yet I thought good briefly and nakedly to set down, that I might not seem wilfully to omit a thing which every man almost affirmeth: but let us err for once with the multitude, though it is certain, that this is one of those things which are both credible and possible: so much it troubled him to carry an even hand in this matter. And we must now enter the lists of this question, because this History (which ever heretofore passed for currant without contradiction) findeth in these days some opposition: especially Onuphrius upon Platina thinketh himself sufficiently armed with reasons to evict this report as fabulous. Onuphrius ad Plat. in vitae Johan. 8. First therefore he saith, That Anastasius (who lived at this time) saith no such matter: for answer we say, Rainulphus, l. 5. c. 32. That to argue ab authoritate negative▪ proveth nothing. But Rainulphus in his Polychronicon giveth a reason why the Historians of that time omitted it, which was, Propter turpitudinem Rei, for the beastliness of the matter, as they did many other things of like nature. But if some in reverence to the Popes have thought good to smother it, yet others in their love to the truth would not conceal it. Neither may Onuphrius take on in such eager sort against Martinus Polonus, as the first noiser of this report, to whom, in regard he was penitentiary to Nicholas the third, and afterwards Archbishop of Cosensa, they should in good manners own a little more respect: but many others, and his betters, had long before reported the same. Onuphrius himself testifieth, That he had seen certain Commentaries of Damasus and Pandulpho of Pisa, written in that very time, where, in the margin, between Leo the fourth and Benedict the third this woman's name is inserted: but (saith he) written with another ink: so, or not so, I leave unto his conscience. But not to stand any longer upon this, Marian. Scotus, l. 3. Chron. An. 854. Marianus Scotus (a Monk of the Abbey of Fulden, of the order of the Benedictins, and a great Chronicler, and one by whom themselves have dained to govern themselves in the dating of their Counsels, saith, That in the year 854 Leo the fourth died the first of May, and after him succeeded johannes Mulier, jone the woman, for the space of two years, five months, and four days. And it is to be noted, that he had it from those which were before him, for he was brought up in the said Abbey of Fulden, where this jone also herself had sometime lived. They would ward this blow by saying, That they have copies of Marianus his book, wherein no such words are to be found: but our copy was taken out of the Library of the College of S. Bartholomew in the City of Francford, by the commandment of the Bishop of Mentz. Baronius to make this pill swallow the better, readeth these words of Marianus, with an ut asseritur, i. as it is reported, but without author or manuscript for his proof. And this Marianus died (according to Trithemius) in the year 1080. Sigibert. in Chron. an. 853. And Sigibert Abbot of Gemblons, who lived about the year 1100, The fame (saith he) is, that this john was a woman, who companied with one only servant of hers, by whom she was begot with child and delivered, being Pope: Papa existens. and for this cause is he neither named nor numbered among the Popes. And here again they say first, that he was a schismatic, secondly that in some copies there are no such words; but we list not believe them at their word. After these came Martin of Polonia, about the year 1270, whom Platina followeth almost word for word, save only where the one saith, ut asseritur, Martinus Polonus. the other hath ut aiunt. There was another Martin of the Order of the Minor Friars, who in his Chronicle entitled, Flores Temporum, reporteth, Chron. Martin. Minorit. vlt. impress. an. 1486. That when this john went to conjure the devil out of a man which was possessed, ask the devil when he would go out of him, the devil answered in a Distich: Papa pater patrum, Papissae pandito partum, Et tibi tunc edam de corpore quando recedam. Tell thou me when thou wilt be delivered of a child, and I will tell thee when I will go forth of this body. This Martin lived about the year 1370. Petrarch. in Chron. Petrarch was one who could well discern between a history and a tale, and was for the most part trained up in the Pope's Court: he in his Chronicle affirmeth it as certain, and as Martin, so he calleth her johannem Anglicum, i. john English, who (saith he) was a woman, and therefore not entered in the Catalogue of the Popes: adding farther, That he was promoted to the highest honour of Priesthood by a general consent. Boc. in lib. de claris mulieribus, c. 99 Anton. tit. 16. c. 1. § 7. Otho Frisingh. l. 7. annal Augustani. Raph. Volaterran. in commenta. urba. Sabellicus Aenead. 9 Phil. Bergo. in supplem. Matth. Palmer. continuator Euseb. & Prosperij. Trithem. Naucler. General. Albert. Crant. in Metrop. in Catal. Pontif. Cael Rhodo. l. 14. Antiq. Lectio. Continuat. John. Lucid. in Chron. Baptist. Mantu. l. 3. Alphons. Suffrid. Leonar. in Notis, in Mart. Polon. in Ed. Antuerp. an. 1573. And this Petrarch lived when the forenamed Martin did. Bocace also in his book of illustrious or famous women, describeth her, and representeth in picture her travail, the Cardinals and Bishops standing about her in stead of midwives: and to this day (saith he) to continue the memory of this villainy, the Popes when they celebrate the Rogations with their Clergy and people, shun the place where she was delivered, which is in the middle of their way, and turn aside to go by narrow lanes. These were men too wise to stuff their books with such relations, had they had no other author but Martin, though he a man not altogether to be neglected. And Antonin the Archbishop addeth farther, That there was there placed an effigies of Marble, to continue the memory thereof: and thereupon crieth out with S. Paul, O the height of the wisdom of God, how incomprehensible are thy judgements, and thy ways past finding out etc. As for that which Raimundus babbleth concerning the virgin Marie, it is too weak and foolish to avoid the authority of such an author as Antoninus is. Likewise Otho Frisinghensis in his seventh book, where he setteth down the Catalogue of the Popes, he nameth johannem VII foeminam, placing her in the room of john the seventh, not of the eight, by the common error of Chroniclers in the number of those who have borne this name. To let pass the Chronicles of Ausbourg, Raphael Volaterranus, Sabellicus, Philip of Bergamo, Matthaeus Palmerius, Trithemius in the life of Luithprand, johannes Stella in the lives of 230 Popes, Nauclerus Chancellor in the University of Tubinge, Albert Crantius Deane of Hambourg, the Fasciculus Temporum, alias Carthusianus; Caelius Rhodoginus, the supplement of johannes Lucidus, with sundry others: the most of these whom I have named being Churchmen, and of great place in their times, I will only content myself with these three verses of Baptista Mantuan a Carmelite, who placeth her at the very entry into hell: Hic pendebat adhuc, sexum mentita virilem Foemina, cui triplici Phrygiam diademate mitram, Extollebat apex, & pontificalis adulter. And shall all this be rejected, by saying only that Martin said it? But let us see what more Onuphrius, the jesuits, and Baronius himself can say concerning this point. Their main argument is, That we can find no space between Leo the fourth and Benedict the third, to place john the eight there. And we answer, let them subtract from the next precedent Popes the time which they have added to them over and above the account of Marianus Scotus, and other ancient Chroniclers, and she will not want a place to stand in: For Onuphrius giveth to Sergi●s the second two months more than Marianus doth: to Nicholas the first he giveth nine years, six months, twenty days, whom Marianus maketh to sit but eight year, nine days: to Adrian the second he giveth four years and eleven months, whereas Marianus affordeth him only but two years. And so may Onuphrius easily cast up his account, and we find the total of ours. So likewise Hermannus Contractus, to leave no room for this jone, casteth three years upon Sergius, and nine upon Leo the fourth: and so do the rest which are alleged by Onuphrius. Secondly they say, That unto the time of Pope Formosus, that is for the space of nine hundred years complete, there was never any Pope chosen, who had not been brought up from a child in the Church of Rome, and risen by degrees of Priesthood or Deaconry. We answer, let them reform then the general current of Histories, which report, That Constantine, brother to the Duke of Nepete, was chosen Pope in the year 767, which was neither Priest, nor Deacon, nor Clerk, but took all his degrees in a day, and was consecrated by the Bishops of Praeneste, Alba, and Port, and sat one year and one month: since which time they cannot deny but that mere lay men have been elected Popes. Thirdly, they come to scan the words of the History of Martin: Anglicus, natione Moguntinus, an Englishman borne at Mence: What greater absurdity saith he? But the absurdity is their own, and not the Authors, for English was her surname, not the name of her nation: and themselves observe, that in the better manuscripts it is written Anglicus, not Anglus. Neither did any ever understand it otherwise, no not Fasciculus Temporum, where he writeth in this manner, Some men (saith he) report, that they never make Popes of Germans, which is false. Besides that, Polonus saith, a Margantine or Mangantine by nation, and by consequent no Englishman. Fourthly they say, That Martin maketh her a student of Athens, whereas at that time there was no learning there, but barbarism, proving it by Synesius, who so reporteth of it in his time. Synes. in postrema epist. ad fratrem. We answer, that Synesius saith not there was no learning there, but not so much as he expected; and it was no small matter that could add to the learning of Synesius: but it is apparent, that in Greece there were Universities, continuing many years after, at Athens, at Thessalonica, Constantinople, and a famous one in the Isle of Chio, since that inundation of the Turks: and in this very time of which we speak, Zonaras telleth us, that Michael Bardas' the Emperor restored learning there: and therefore as learning was not then in her heat at Athens, so was it not likewise clean extinguished. And whereas they say, that at this time there were no Lectures of Divinity at Rome (a goodly commendation for the See of the pretended Head of the Church) we answer them, that this great scarcity bred her the greater admiration. Fiftly, they examine the circumstances: Martin saith it was done as she went from Saint Peter to the Latran; and the Popes (say they) at that time dwelled not in the Vatican. But we ask, whether then and a long time before S. Peter's Church was not built, that so the Pope might go from the one to the other in procession? And then they say it is strange, that in all those nine months no body should perceive it. We answer, that there is nothing more common: but should they not rather admire the judgement of God, in proclaiming their abomination by this mystery? Sixtly, not being able to deny, that the Pope's use to turn out of this way; they allege a wrong cause of their so doing, saying, That if they went the right way, the streets would be too narrow for the press of people? We answer, that they who have seen the place, know the contrary: But Platina affirmeth it in those words, De primo non abnuerim. For the first, I will not deny it, and the effigies erected upon the place (as Antonine reporteth) averreth as much, which the jesuits themselves cannot deny: But willing to seem more understanding than he, they would feign persuade us, that this is the portrait of a Priest going to say Mass, with the Clerk at his heels. A man may well say, that this is Rasura in loco suspecto: for what should such an Image make in that place? Seventhly, for the close stool, they pass it over in a word, That this is an idle tale of the people; others say by way of Allegory, that this is to show the new elected, that God raiseth the poor out of the dung. Erigit è stercore pauperem. Antiquit. de Fauchet. vol. 2. But for the matter it self, can they deny, but that the stool is yet to be seen in the gallery of the Palace of Latran, as they go to the Chapel called Sancta Sanctorum, where the Conclave was wont to be held while the Popes dwelled there? And as for the cause, if it were such as they say, why then is there a hole in it? And why should not we believe so many Authors? And the verses of johannes Pannonius, long before this controversy was risen, do they not testify as much? Non poterat quisquam reserantes aethera claves, Non exploratis, sumere, testiculis: Cur igitur nostro mos hic nunc tempore cessat, Ante probat quod se quilibet esse marem. Meaning that now Popes use before hand to try their manhood by their wenching and begetting of bastards. Eightly they say, That Zonaras, Nicetas, Cedrenus, and others speak not of it. We answer, that these Authors lived long after, and speak principally of the affairs of Greece, and but slightly of them neither. And I would know, if in a matter of the Latin Church we should allege a Greek Author, whether they would not presently call us to the Histories of the Latins? And what wonder, if these idolatrous Monks, shaking hands with the beastliness of the Roman Church, were willing to conceal this shame? But Laonicus, a Greek Author, was not ignorant of this report, though far from such affections. He describing the election of Popes, as it was wont to be made in his days, writeth in this manner, After that the voices are gathered, and the Pope declared, they keep him that is elected in the house (meaning where the Election is made) if the house be otherwise fit for such a purpose: and then pronouncing him Pope, they make him sit down in a bottomless chair, to the end that some one appointed for this purpose may touch his privities; whereby it may appear that he is a man: For it is certain, that there was a woman made a Pope, by error of her sex, because it is the fashion of the Italians to wear their beards shaven: and this woman being begot with child, as she went in procession, was delivered in the midst of her devotion, in the sight of all the people: And therefore to avoid the like inconvenience, and to be sure of what they go about, one toucheth the privities of the Pope, and he that handleth them crieth out, Mas nobis dominus est, i. We have a male creature to our Lord and Master: and so goeth on with the other ceremonies observed in that election. Baronius in the mean time is well helped up to send us to Remondus, who saith, That all this was added by his interpreter Clauserus, but without all authority or other proof, save only that Viginer (who translated him into French) hath indeed left it all out, in favour of the Popes. But that they may not say that Laonicus only of the Greeks' reporteth it, Barlaamus in dialog. de principat. Papae. I can bring you another, Barlaamus, a Greek writer, in his Dialogue touching the Primacy of the Pope, maketh mention also of a strumpet woman, who was made a Pope; yet Onuphrius followeth the chase, and Baronius cometh to the rescue. And first he objecteth, That Nicholas the first, which came shortly after this time, would not (writing to Michael the Emperor) have said so boldly as he doth, Our predecessors of happy memory, Leo and Benedict, who had had a fit occasion to run upon him in terms, if any such matter had been: So likewise had Photius, Archbishop of Constantinople, and a mortal enemy to the Pope of Rome. We say, that what answer the Emperor made him, we cannot tell for want of his Epistle, and for aught we know he did not spare to tell the Pope of one that was between those his two predecessors. And it is likely that he did: for it appeareth by the reply which Pope Nicholas made unto his answer, that he had stung him, seeing that he reproacheth the Emperor, for beginning his letters with injurious and opprobrious speeches, against the mother of all other Churches, and excuseth himself for not answering to many points of his letter, containing blasphemy against the holy See, written (saith he) with the poison of a Serpent rather than with ink, and that therefore he chose rather wisely to contemn them etc. And therefore we may think, that in so long a letter, or rather a volume, such a matter as this could not be forgotten: and who knoweth not, that Nicholas (whom it concerned to suppress the memory of this infamy, and to raze it out of all Registers) was no ways bound in his answer to name it any more? Again we say, That Stephen the fourth might well have written, Our predecessors of happy memory, Stephen and Paul, skipping over Constantine, who yet reigned a whole year and upward, Baron. vol. 10. an. 868. art. 39 because his Acts were all pronounced to be void, and his name razed out of the Catalogue. And Baronius himself teacheth us, That in the year 868 Adrian the second, successor unto Nicholas the first, obtained of the Emperor Basilius, successor unto Michael, that the book of Photius might be sent to Rome, in which that Epistle of Michael was contained, and which was by a decree of the Synod publicly burned, with all that which they had published against the See of Rome, Baron. to. 10. an. 854. art. 9 to blot out the memory thereof for ever. Again (saith Baronius) it may be that Marianus, who first mentioned this shee-Pope, had heard say of one Cyrillus, a minion of the Emperor Michael, whom he would oftentimes make to play the Patriarch in scorn of holiness and holy things, insomuch that once he deceived the old Empress his mother; and that what was done at Constantinople he reported as done at Rome, that of a minion he made a woman, and of this play of a Patriarch a shee-Pope. But how should this poor Monk make so many metamorphoses? Who could tell him what passed in Greece? And seeing this mockery of Michael was two hundred years before his time, whence should he know it but by the History? Was the memory hereof so fresh after two hundred years? If by the History, had he had none other but that of Curopolates, he might there have found all these circumstances, and consequently could not so have mistaken the one for the other; for Cyrillus master john, for a male a female. And whereas it is said, Baron. to. 10. an. 853. art. 58. Leo. 9 epist. 1. c. 23. That in the time of Marianus, Leo the ninth in an Epistle which he wrote unto Michael Patriarch of Constantinople, reproacheth him, for that contrary to the Nicene Canons they elected Eunuches to their See, and that there was a report, that they had also been cozened with a woman; to say nothing that the most part of these Epistles are forged, what probability, that Marianus hearing speech of such a thing done at Constantinople in his time, should report it as done at Rome, so many years before? And where was either his wit or his honesty, when he so precisely quoted the years, months, and days? Or what meaned other men, when they so particularly speak of her being with child, her travail, death, and other circumstances? Let Cassius his law take place, and let us ask Cui bono: to what purpose to feign such a tale of a woman, especially Monks, who wrote the Histories for the most part of their own times, and to whose trust and keeping the report of these things was committed; servants and creatures, as themselves confess, of the Pope? What should they get by this report? Or rather what might they not fear for reporting it? Can they hope, that so prodigious a matter would ever be believed, upon their relation, if the truth had not justified itself to all men? So many circumstances, so clear, so precise, some of which remain unto this day, what fancy could invent them? Or what could make them credible, save only the evidence of the truth? What shall we say of the Imagery of the Popes, to be seen in many of the greater Churches of Italy, namely at Sienna, where she hath her place among the Popes, where by a continued tradition every child can point at her, and tell what she was. If you will say, that those statues were erected not passed some two hundred years, was it not long enough for Rome to take knowledge of it, being under her nose, and to gain say it, if it had been false? Last of all Onuphrius saith, Luitprand. l. 6. c. 6. & 7. That he is of opinion, that this tale proceeded from hence, That Pope john the twelfth had many concubines, and above the rest, jone, Raineria, and Stephania: and because he suffered himself to be led by jone, and did what pleased her, some idle head or other invented this tale of her. But he whose occupation is to be an Annalist, doth he not remember, that there are an hundred years between? And what probability to put john the twelfth for john the eight? And doth he think with this frivolous conjecture to shake the foundation of so many proofs? And which is more, Luitprand whom he allegeth, among all his concubines nameth no john, but Raineria he doth, whom he made governess of many Cities, and gave her many Crosses and Chalices of S. Peter; and Stephania, who died in childbed of his doing, being brought to bed before her time: likewise one Anna a widow, and another which was his niece. As for jone, which Onuphrius nameth first, there is no such named in Luitprand, but Onuphrius hath foisted her name in, only to give a colour to his own inventions. And now let the indifferent Reader be judge of this strife between us. 31. PROGRESSION. The attempts of Pope Nicholas upon the Emperor Lewis, upon Lotharius king of Lorraine, upon the Bishops of France; and the small reckoning he made of holy Scripture. An. 855. YEt could not this shame make them let go their hold; but the worse their game, the better face they set upon it. Benedict the third than succeeded this jone, and was enthroned without leave ask of the Emperor, and thinking it enough, if he sent him word afterward thereof: Whence followed that schism of Anastasius, who was borne out by those of the greater sort and quality, and by the Emperor Lewis, at the instance of his ambassadors: so that they were forced to return to a new election, wherein Benedict, through the favour of the people, Anastas. in Benedict. 3. was again preferred in the election; and then followed, by the consent of the Emperor and in the presence of his Lieutenants, his confirmation. Whereby it evidently appeareth, That there was a mere nullity in the first Act, for want of his authority. This Benedict lived not long, and did but little: but so soon as Lewis, sole Emperor now by the decease of Lotharius, and who had nothing to take unto but only Italy, heard thereof, knowing how nearly it concerned him, to maintain this prerogative, he removed presently to Rome, to assist at the creation of a successor: but found himself prevented, by a choice already made of Nicholas the first, who, as the manner than was, had hid himself, to make the world believe that he was elected against his will; and was shortly after consecrated in the presence of the Emperor. This is he whom they use to compare to Gregory the Great, who indeed at the first entrance into his office made his haughty mind and itching humour sufficiently to appear: For abusing either the devotion or the present necessities of the Emperor, whose dominion was confined with the narrow bounds of a part of Italy, and that overlaid with the invasion of the Saracens, he was content to let him take his horse by the bridle at two several times, Idem in vita Nicolai 1. and querrie-like to lead him above a bow shoot, as Anastasius himself reporteth; adding farther, That they kissed each other at their parting. But Sigonius in a more glorious manner, Sigon. de Reg. Ital. li. 5. saith, That the Emperor taking his leave, kissed his holy foot, An. 860. and so returned into Lombardie. In the year 890 john Archbishop of Ravenna set his old Title on foot again, declaring, That he held nought from the See of Rome: whereupon he fell presently into suspicion of Heresy; for greater Heresy than this knew they none in those days. Anastas. in Nicol. 1. Sigon. de Reg. Ital. li. 5. Nicholas hereupon stirred up some of his inferior Bishops against him, who also made other complaints of him, whereupon he was deprived of his Bishopric. john in this extremity fled unto the Emperor, who mediated for him to the Pope. The Pope called a Synod at Rome, to hear and to sentence his cause in the presence of the emperors ambassadors: where he was condemned to acknowledge the Pope, to enter into a straighter band, and to take a more special oath (under pain of forfeiture of some good sum of money, as we have said before) to him and his successors, once in every two years to visit the Court of Rome, if he were not hindered by sickness, or otherwise dispensed with by the Pope. This we learn out of Histories: and a certain Author of that time telleth us, That the ground of this rigorous proceeding, was, for that he seemed too familiar with the Emperor; and farther, That in despite of the Emperor, for that he had appeared in his cause, his anger led him, under a colour of inspiration from heaven, to set the crown of the Empire upon Charles the Bald his head. Neither did the Pope stay here: It fell out, that Lotharius king of Lorraine falling in love with a concubine of his, called Waldrada, whom he had of long time kept, desired to be rid of his queen Thietberga, and to marry her; and Guntier Archbishop of Collen, whether kinsman to Waldrada, as some report, or upon what other respect I know not, assisted the king in this his purpose. Whereupon was a Synod assembled at Metz, where the queen made her appearance, and witnesses were produced to testify a filthy incest between her and her brother; and she was thereupon separated from Lotharius, who shortly after, in another Synod at Aix, presented a bill, showing the importance of having children to succeed him, and thereupon got leave to take another wife, which was this Waldrada, the cause of all this quarrel. Hereupon the friends of Thietberga began to stir, among the rest Hubert duke of Mantiou, Transturanorum Dux an ally of Charles of France, and uncle, though no great friend, unto Lotharius: these complained to Pope Nicholas, who hasted to be dealing with a Prince that was faulty, finding himself to be backed by a puissant king of France; and thereupon dispatched an embassage to Lotharius, cited Thietgard Archbishop of trevers, and Gontier of Collen, to appear at Rome, to answer the separation which they had made of Thietberga from Lotharius; Annal. inceris Authoris. made them deliver up into his hands the whole process of the cause in writing, by which they offered to show, That they had done nothing contrary to the Canons; called not long after a Synod of certain Bishops, without any summons given to the other, & there reversed their sentence, declaring them to be degraded of all their Ecclesiastical preferments; termed the Synod of Metz, An Assembly of thieves and Bawds. Latrocinium & prostibulum. This done in the year 866, he sent Arsenius his Legate unto Francford, An. 866. to will Lotharius to abandon Waldrada, and to receive Thietberga to his bed again: and in case of default, declareth him, and all that followed him, Excommunicate: in so much that Lotharius durst not stand against him. This was the first act of Excommunication and Interdiction that ever the Popes exercised upon our kings; animated thereunto partly by continual jars in the lineage of Charlemaigne, partly by their faults, for which they stand registered in so many of the Pope's Decrees, especially this Lotharius, D. 63. c. Relatum est, & 2. qu. 1. c. Quadratus Lotharius, where he presumeth, writing to the Bishops of Italy, France, and Germany, to use these words (The King Lotharius, if he may be rightly termed a King:) And in the Canons, Praecipuè & Ita Corporis, 11. q. 3. 24. q. 3. An non districta, directed to his own person. Yet may we see, that this Nicholas was moved to do what he did, in zeal of policy rather than of religion; who at that very instant took into his protection at Rome, Baldwin Earl of Flanders, which had ravished and carried away judith daughter to Charles king of France, writing to the king himself, Nicol. Epist. 30. & 32. and to Hincmar Archbishop of Rheims, and to the Synod of Senlis, in his behalf; until in the end he got the marriage to be ratified, & the parties to be received unto favour: not blushing to say, That a predecessor of his had done as much, in the time of Lotharius the Emperor: and that a king must not think much to remit a small debt to his fellow servant, who hath peradventure himself need that that Master of Masters should acquit him of ten thousand talents. It so pleasing him to show his omnipotency in his overrigorous proceeding against the one, and his too great indulgency towards the other. By these defaults of our Kings and Princes, the Popes grew bold upon our Bishops, admitting of all Appeals made from them; so that if any one had been legally condemned by his Metropolitan in a Provincial Synod, if he Appealed to Rome, & made his Metropolitan a party to the suit, he was sure to be heard, and his cause to be reviewed, and his Metropolitan to be Interdicted, if he appeared not to the summons: And seldom should you find the sentence of a Metropolitan not reversed, in favour of the Appellant. One example for all, of Rothard Bishop of Soissons, which Appealed from the sentence of Hincmar Archbishop of Rheims, 2. q. 6. c. Arguta. who would not give way to the Appeal: Whereupon Nicholas wrote unto him, That he should not have been so unmindful of the privileges of the Apostolic See, to whom the venerable Canons give power to judge of the censures of the whole Church. Which Canons yet he could hardly have found, if he had been put to seek them. With like presumption wrote he to the Archbishops and Bishops of France, D. 19 c. si Romanor. De Consecr. D. 1. in Eccles. 17 q. 4. e. Nemini. 25. q. 2. si quis. 6. q. 5. c. Quod bene. That it belonged to his See to judge of the writings of all Authors, and that what he rejected or approved, that also ought generally to be rejected or approved of all. Likewise to the Clergy of Vienna, That a new Church could not be built without his special leave and licence had thereunto. And to all Bishops in general, That no man, in regard of his Primacy, might offer to judge of him, or to retract a sentence which he had given, under pain of excommunication. And in a letter which he wrote to Charles the Bald, king of France, he saith, That what is once well decreed, may not afterward be called into question; with this limitation, unless it be in presence of a greater power: Innuendo, that this greater power was his own. This is bad enough, but that which followeth is more horrible: Baron. vol. 10. an. 865. art. 13. & 14. And Baronius himself deserveth to be commended for a steady countenance, in not blushing when he reporteth it: For in an Epistle of his written to our Bishops of France, wherein he argueth against those who would not admit of all the Decretal Epistles which he produced, meaning against Hincmar Archbishop of Rheims, and others; who for their defence alleged, That they were not to be found in the Code of the Canons: he is not ashamed to rank them with the Old and New Testaments, making these to depend of the same authority with the Decretals, or rather indeed to be subordinat to them. A matter worthy the Readers observation: For what, saith he, shall we stand any longer to dispute, whether it ought to be done or no; meaning, whether no Decretals ought to be received, but such as were in the Code of Canons: For by the same reason we should not receive the Old and New Testament; for neither the one nor yet the other is found in the Code of the Church Canons. As if those Testaments took not their authority from the holy Ghost, who inspired them; from the Son, who used them against the false Doctors, and Satan himself; and from the Father, who hath so lively and so deeply imprinted his mark upon them. But if, saith he, they shall reply (for he maketh them as honest men, and as learned in Divinity as himself) That among the Canons there is one of Innocentius his making, A nobis utrumque; testamentum iam esse recipiendun. by which it is ordained, That the two Testaments from this time forward ought to be received, though in the first Canons neither of them be received, I answer, saith he, That if the Old and New Testaments are to be received, not for that they are in the Code of Canons, but because Innocent hath decreed that they ought to be received, It therefore followeth, That the Decretal Epistles of the Popes ought also to be received, though not inserted in the Code of the Canons; because it is manifest, that among other Canons there is one of Pope Leo, wherein it is commanded, to observe all the Decretal ordinances of the Apostolic See: So that if any man shall attempt any thing against them, he must know, that there is no hope of pardon left for him. First then I ask, Had the Old and New Testament no authority in Christ's Church, but by virtue, and since the date of that Decree of Innocent? Was the Church four hundred years, and those the best, because the first, without knowledge of the Scriptures? Secondly, Whether Leo in those very words of his which Nicholas allegeth, speaketh not only, De Ecclesiasticis ordinibus & Canonum disciplinis, i. Of Church discipline and policy. We see then the small reckoning they made of holy Scripture, thereby to advance the credit of their own Decretal Epistles. But no marvel, since he is not afraid to attribute to himself the very name of God, and that in a certain Decret canonised by Gratian: It is plain enough, saith he, D. 96. ca Satis evidentèr 7. that the Pope can neither be bound nor loossed by any secular authority, whom it is evident, that the godly Prince Constantine called by the name of God; seeing that it is a point without contradiction, That God cannot be bound. For if the name of God be taken in both places in one & the same sense, i. for the everliving God, than he calleth himself The true God; if otherwise, then are there four terms in his Syllogism, & therefore it concludeth not; and so still there is in his words either fraud or blasphemy. Add we hereunto, That he is false in his allegation; for Constantine, as all Historians report, spoke those words of all the Bishops assembled at the Council of Nice: and by the same reason all they were not to be judged by men, lest of all by the Pope, who was not in that company, and therefore had no part in that saying of his, but only as he was of their Order. For Sylvester was at Rome whiles the Fathers were at Nice. And yet Nicholas his successor attributeth those words to himself, in prejudice of, and excluding all other Bishops, to whom it was spoken. Gloss. ib. And the Gloss upon that Canon well observeth, That after this reckoning a Bishop could not judge his Clergy under him: and we may say after him, That much less than may a Pope judge the Bishops. For, saith the Gloss, 11. q. 1. c. Sacerdoti. Omnes Clericos this saying of Constantine is to be understood of all Eccleisastics in general; meaning in that sense in which Saint Gregory speaketh, saying, That all Priests in holy Scripture are called sometimes Gods, and sometimes Angels. The words of the Canon Futuram, though falsely attributed to Miltiades; 12. q. 1. c. Futuram. Quorundam Clericorum. are these, Constantine the Emperor Presiding over the Council of Nice, seeing the complaints of certain Clerks brought unto him, said unto them, You can be judged of none, because you are kept to be judged by God alone, seeing you have been called Gods: and so they destroy one the other. Thus much for the Policy. As for the Doctrine, I have elsewhere declared, That this was that Nicholas who most violently put in execution the Law of Caelibate, or Single life, among Churchmen, threatening Anathema to those which withstand it: whereof ensued much trouble in the Western Churches. But before we proceed any farther, we must first see, whether he carried all these attempts without resistance, or no. OPPOSITION. And first as touching the Reduction of the Church of Ravenna to the obedience of the See of Rome: That Heresy for which the Archbishop was accused, Author Coaetaneus in Appendice Historica. is at large set down by an Author of that time, in manner following: The Emperor, saith he, not to surcharge with taxes those which had been already peeled and spoiled by the Saracens, demanded help of Ravenna and Venice, by their means to succour Apulia by sea. At that time john was Archbishop of Ravenna, who serving the Emperor in house, was very familiar with him: Whereupon Pope Nicholas, moved with a spirit of envy, grew into great choler against him, and went about to call him to Rome by a trick, purposing, if he could catch him there, to convent him in an Ecclesiastical Court, and to condemn him, and to put another in his room. john having a wind of this practice, fled to the Queen Enguilberta, who sent her ambassadors to the Pope, requesting him to receive the Archbishop to his favour. But failing in her suit, she humbly entreated the King her husband to receive the Archbishop into his protection, and to stand between harm and him, Inaudito Principe. and to forbid the Pope to meddle with him. And because the Pope had excommunicated him, without hearkening to the Prince, therefore was there great heartburning between them, till in the end the Regal Honour stood up against the Apostolic Dignity; putting him in mind of the ancient laws and statutes of the Church, by which a Prelate might not excommunicate a Bishop without the advise of a Synod: and that the calling of a Synod did not belong to the Pope, but to the Emperor. Whereupon grew sundry damages unto the Pope: For in Romania and la March the Emperor bestowed Church benefices upon his followers, Ordines beneficiales. commanding them to pay nothing to Rome, etc. seized of many of the Pope's lands in Campania to his own use, and of such as were about him, etc. and in a word, by the advise of the Nobility of Rome, established in Rome one Arsenius for their Bishop, a man of great sanctity, and much learning, Legate of the See of Rome; and gave him for his assistant john the Deacon, & chief Chancellor, and a Secretary of his own, which afterwards was made Bishop of Rieta. This was, as you see, all that damnable Heresy which the Pope pretended, and this was the order which the Emperor took in Rome itself. So that, saith the Historian, when the Emperor saw fit time he came to Rome, where he was honourably received by great and small: the Archbishop of Ravenna came also with him, not fearing the Pope's threats; which struck yet a greater heat between the Emperor and the Pope. For the Emperor taking up his lodging at Saint Peter's Palace, and the Pope lying at the holy Apostles, when he saw that whatever he attempted against the Royal Dignity came to nought, he appointed certain Monks and Nuns (these were their old pranks) of the Monasteries about Rome, who every morning, by way of devotion, went saying the Litany round about the walls, and singing Masses against bad Princes. The great ones about the Emperor understanding hereof, went to the Pope, entreated him kindly to forbid such doings: but not able to prevail with him, went their ways discontent. It fell out shortly after, that some of the soldiers going to Paul's, lighted upon these Litanies, who through the instigation of the old enemy, were thereupon moved to choler, and in duty to their Lord, revenged them of these wrongs done unto him, wounded many of them, and made all take their heels and run away, casting down Crosses and Images which they carried in procession, after the manner of the Greeks', whereof some were broken, and others trampled under foot. The Emperor hereupon grew much offended, and the Pope somewhat calmer than before, and went to the emperors lodging, to entreat for those of his company who had committed that offence, and hardly could obtain for them. And from that time forward they grew more familiar than before: But the Imperial authority was still maintained at Rome. Thus we see how little he got by his Excommunication bolted out against the Archbishop of Ravenna. The Injunction also which he laid upon him, to come once in every two years to Rome, turned to his loss: for he saw indeed the Archbishop at Rome oftener than he was willing, because he was ever borne out and maintained by the Emperor. But above all it troubled the Pope's conscience to see so great an authority so near at hand, overshadowing his own, as less offensive when it was farther off: For, saith the same Author, whose very simplicity is warrant enough for his truth and honesty, this Emperor, because he resided still in Italy, made himself always a near neighbour to Rome, and exercised his authority to the full, being assisted by the chief of the city: who knew themselves, and gave also the Emperor to understand, the ancient customs of the Empire: persuading him to resume into his own hands the Sovereignty and command which in alder times belonged to the Emperors. Which no doubt he would have done, but for the reverence which he bore to the holy Apostles (which reverence yet was such, as that it pleased not the Popes:) For, saith he, whiles these matters so passed, the Bishops of Rome sent ambassadors with letters to Charles the Bald, king of France; requesting him under hand to make a journey into Italy: and because he was in some sort a Philosopher, they requested him to lend a helping hand to S. Peter, and to deliver his Church from bondage, as if it had been oppressed by some foreign enemy. As for his proceed against Lotharius, we will not here enter into the merits of the cause itself: but you shall see the letters which Gontier Archbishop of Collen, and Thietgaud of trevers, wrote to this Nicholas; wherein they complain of his tyrannical behaviours: The Bishops our Fathers, and our Brethren and fellow Bishops, sent us unto thee, and we of our own accord went willingly to Rome, and presented thee with the Acts of the whole process, requesting thee, as a good Father, to reform what thou foundest amiss in them, etc. And thou madest us dance attendance twenty days, before ever we could hear one word from thee, much less be admitted to thy presence. After a whole months attendance thou sentest for us, we came in all haste, without fear of harm, and thou causedst us to be used like a company of thieves; for so soon as we were entered within thy gates, they were presently shut upon us, and we beset with a company of rascals: there saw we ourselves destitute of all help, Paganorum. and thou causedst us to be debarred the use of all things both holy and human. There, contrary to all law, contrary to the decrees and customs of our ancestors, without calling any assembly of Eccleisastics, no Bishop, no Archbishop there present, not so much as thyself discoursing upon our error, either by way of argument, or by testimony of witness, or out of any writing, having no body to sit by thee but only the Monk Anastasius, a man long since convicted and condemned for a common wrangler, thou didst abruptly read out of thy paper against us an unjust, a rash and a wicked sentence, repugnant to all Christian religion, and didst insolently in thy words taunt and revile thy brethren & fellow servants. The everliving Emperor of all hath set an incorruptible border of gold about the head of his Spouse (the Church) he hath honoured her with an everlasting dowry, with a diadem and sceptre of immortality, hath given her authority to consecrate Saints, to assure them of heaven, to make them of mortal immortal creatures: All which prerogatives, Robber as thou art, thou hast violently reft and taken from the Church to appropriate them unto thyself. Thou art a Wolf unto the Sheep, a murderer of the living, and one which thrustest men into hell, covering thy sword all over with honey; so far is it, that by thy help the dead may live again. Thou bearest the show of a pontiff, but art a very Tyrant; thou art in habit a Pastor, in heart a Wolf: Thy Title promiseth us a Father, Et tu te factis iovem ostentas, but in thy deeds thou carriest thyself as a god; thou callest thyself a Servant of Servants, and seekest by all means to become a Lord of Lords; and consequently, according to the doctrine of our Saviour, thou art the least of all the Ministers of God's Church: who yet in thy ambition runnest headlong to perdition, thinking every thing lawful to be done which it lusteth thee to do: Fucusque factus es Christianis, and art become a W●spe unto the Christians. What could these men have said more, unless in plain terms they should have called him Antichrist? seeing that they plainly allude to that place in the Epistle to the Thessalonians, Showing himself as if he were God. But for conclusion of all, they add yet farther: For these causes, say they, we and our Colleagues set not by thy commands, we care not for thy words, we fear not thy Bulls nor yet thy thunders: Thou damnest all men as impious, which obey not thy Decrees, and forbiddest them to sacrifice. But we return thy sword into thy own throat: thou which spittest in the face of our Lord God's commandment and decree, thou which breakest the unity and peace of our Christian society, the very badge and cognisance of the Prince of Heaven. After this they come to his pretended Primacy: The Holy Ghost, say they, is the author of all Churches in every corner of the world: The City of our God, of which we are free denizens, reaching to every point of heaven, and is greater than that Babylon, foretold by the Prophets, which usurpeth upon the Truth, maketh itself equal with heaven, boasteth itself to be eternal, as if she were God, falsely glorying, that she never erred, nor can err. This Epistle, related by an Annalist of these days, in the same sense, though somewhat different in words, with this conclusion in express terms, We care not for thy sentence, as being a curse unadvisedly pronounced, we will not communicate with thee, who dost communicate with the excommunicate; sufficeth it us to communicate with the whole Church, which thou despisest, Annal. incerti Author. per Pet. Pythaeum in vulgus editi. whilst thou exaltest thyself about it: Et elationis tumore (the very word long before used by S. Gregory) and by thy swelling pride and insolency hast made thyself unworthy of her, and hast distracted thyself from her Communion etc. And know farther, that we are not thy Clerks, as thou braggest over us, but thou shouldest take and account of us as of thy brethren and fellow Bishops, Si elatio permitteret. if thy pride would give thee leave: They should have said, Thy pride, which is unseparable from the person of him whom thou representest at this day in the Church. And for the matter itself we may not omit, that this Nicholas in his letter, which we have in the Decrete, saith, That he took knowledge of this cause of Lotharius (which gave occasion to all these stirs) as an arbitrator, by consent of parties, and consequently not as a judge founded in right of law or nature. And Lotharius himself in his letters to Pope Adrian, who succeeded Nicholas, saith, That he committed this cause to him Ad tempus & in part, and therefore not to use his absolute authority herein, but only such as was committed by way of delegacie unto him. As for the attempts which Pope Nicholas made upon our Bishops, in restoring so far as he could Rothard Bishop of Soissons, deposed before by his metropolitans, in the presence and with the assent of his fellow Bishops; Hincmar Archbishop of Rheimes telleth him his own, Ep. Hincmari Archiepiscopi Rhemen. ad Nicolaum, apud Flodoardum. Whereas (saith he) your Benignity hath willed me to assemble the whole company of our brethren, and there, according to the tenor of your letters, to reintegrate Rothard Bishop of Soissons in his former place: your paternity must know that I could not so do for many sundry reasons, namely, because he cannot be replaced but by the consent of those by whom he was deposed, of which, a great part say they will not meddle with his restitution, because they find not in him either life, or learning, or zeal, fit for that ministration: and that, whereas it was expected, that at least he should have been somewhat ashamed of his deposing, he was on the contrary grown more refractory against the holy constitutions, the regal dignity, and the privileges of the Metropolitans, and living now more scandalously than before; meaning since he had felt the support, and tasted the air of Rome. And whereas Nicholas alleged to him the Canon of Sardica, he remonstrated unto him, That by virtue of that very Canon the Bishop of the first See ought not to restore a Bishop of another Province deposed, if he came unto him to have his cause reviewed; but that he should send him back again to his own Province, to have his cause reviewed there, if the cause so required, for that (as in the Council of Carthage was contained) the matter can no where be so well examined as in the place where the crimes objected were said to have been committed: That if any other course than this should be held in the restoring of Rothard, the censures of Bishops would be vilified and contemned both by the Clergy and by the people, who already begin to speak hardly of the Pope's authority: and in a word, that he could not do this thing without wrong not only to the privilege of metropolitans, but also of all Ecclesiastical constitutions. Neither was there any stronger belief in Germany of the Popes not erring, than you have heard in France; as appeared when he went about to establish his Decree of Single life: For having directed it to Vldaric Bishop of Ausbourg, with charge to put it in execution (not to rehearse what he said of the question itself, which we have elsewhere set down more at large) he telleth him in plain terms, That he was devoid of reason, unjust, and insupportable: That hardly could the members of the body continue sound, seeing the Head was so ill affected, so far estranged from true discretion, contrary to the evangelical Institution, contrary to the foretelling of the holy Spirit, to the examples of many holy men, and the common advise of the wiser sort, exhorting him to remove this Pharisaical, scandalous, and pestilent doctrine from the flock of Christ: and the very style itself of this Epistle is a sufficient warrant against all forgery, to those who know what belongeth to it. This Pope Nicholas went yet farther: for Michael Bardas', uncle to the Emperor Michael, succeeding in the Empire, had divorced his wife, and was married to his daughter in law: Ignatius Patriarch of Constantinople cut him off for this sin from the union of the Church. Bardas' offended herewith, assembled a Synod, deposed Ignatius, and put one Photius in his place: whereupon arose a mutiny in Constantinople, some holding for Photius, others for Ignatius. The Emperor, to stint this strife, requested the Pope to send his Legates thither, who presently dispatched away Rodoald Bishop of Port, and Zacharie of Anagnia, giving them instructions withal, to set up Images again, and above all to get in, if they could, his old patrimony of Sicily and Calabria. These Legates, contrary to his imagination (won as it should seem by the Emperor) ratified the deposition of Ignatius, and installation of Photius. Nicholas frustrate of his desire (which was upon this occasion to oblige Ignatius to himself) disavowed his Legates, and for exceeding the bounds of their commission degraded them. Now in the declaration of this matter we are especially to observe the answer which he made unto the Emperor, who in his letters to him had sufficiently made known unto him, That he desired not his help as to judge of a cause already sentenced, but only for the more easy execution of the sentence given, and for the more speedy pacifying of the troubles ensuing thereupon: and it is great pity that we have not his letter at large, but must be content with so much of it as the Pope is pleased to allege unto us. But we may by Nicholas his answers easily perceive, that Bardas' spoke mainly against his Primacy, because he is so earnest in the defence thereof: For (saith he) if they which sit in Moses chair ought to be heard, Nicol. ep. ad Michael. Imperator. to. 2. Concilior. how much more they who sit in the chair of S. Peter: and will not see that a man may deny him the ground on which his argument is founded. And again he telleth him, That never any Bishop of Constantinople was deposed without the consent of the Pope. How hard a matter had it been for him to have proved this assertion? For what consent was ever required of them, other than as they were deposed in Counsels, where peradventure the Pope's Legates had their place as other Bishops had? Or should he not rather have showed, that at least some one Archbishop of Constantinople had been ordained by them? Thirdly, he allegeth the Council of Chalcedon, where it is said (saith he) in this manner, If a Clergy man hath a controversy, either against his own Bishop, or against any other, let the cause be heard in a Provincial Synod: if a Bishop or a Clerk complain against a Metropolitan of the same Province, let him repair to the Primate of the Diocese, or to the See of Constantinople. Who would have thought that the Pope had had such Logic in store, to prove by these words, that men ought to appeal from Constantinople to Rome? Yet he concludeth, What could the Synod (saith he) mean by the Primate of the Diocese, but the Vicar of the chief Apostle? Now the Canon which he meaneth is the ninth Canon of this Council, where it is said, Diocesis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Exarchum adeat, Let him go to the Exarch of the Diocese, not the Primate: where Balsamon teacheth us, That 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a Diocese contained more Provinces than one, and consequently the Exarch had more than one Metropolitan under him, but that this power of the Exarches is now no longer used in the Church, and therefore from the Metropolitan the plaintiff was to go directly to the See of Constantinople. But Nicholas addeth farther, Whereas (saith he) it is said, the Primate of the Diocese in the singular number, we must understand it as if it had been said, the Primate of the Diocese in the plural: as it is said in the Scriptures, A fountain sprung out of the earth, that is, many fountains etc. What presumption is this to think, that the world will hold itself well apaied with such copper coin? But with like impudency doth he allege the sixth Canon of the Nicene Council, and the decrees of his own predecessors for the Primacy of his See; witnesses, as a man would say, taken out of his own bosom, and brought to testify in his own cause, such as were Boniface, Gelasius, and the rest. The only thing which he allegeth as pertinent and proper to debar the Emperor from intermeddling in Church matters, is this which followeth, Before the coming of Christ (saith he) there were such as was Melchisedech, both Kings and Priests together, which the devils also counterfeited, in as much as the Heathen Emperors were also high Priests; but since we are come to him which is the true King and Priest all in one, the Emperor hath not meddled with the office of the Priest, nor the Priest with the title of the Emperor: who, had he foreseen the usurpations of his successors in possessing the seat of the Empire in Italy, and making themselves to be called and taken for no less than Kings of Kings and Lords of Lords, he would no doubt have forborn this clause: for what followeth thereof, but that in this point they are like Satan, D. 96. C. Cum ad verum. who by a tyrannical inspiration would take unto themselves both the one and the other, as Gratian himself expresseth in his Decrete. 32. PROGRESSION. How Pope Nicholas flattered and justified Basilius in the murder of the Emperor Michael, by his favour to increase his own authority in the East. NIcholas having sent away this goodly dispatch to Michael by his Legates, Donate Bishop of Ostia, Stephen Bishop of Nepete, and Marinus a simple Deacon, died; and his Legates arrived at Constantinople at the instant, when Basilius, whom Michael had associated in the Empire, had traitorously murdered him, to take the Empire wholly into his own hands: and much about that very time it was, An. 866. that Nicholas also departed this life, about the end of the year 866, or as other say in the year 867. After Nicholas succeeded Adrian the second, elected by the Clergy and people, without once calling the emperors Lieutenants to the election, though then present in the City: And when the Lieutenants complained thereof, answer was made, That it was done in no contempt of the Emperor, but only to shun an inconvenience hereafter, in attending and expecting his ambassadors, if they should happen to be away. Sigonius saith, Sigon. de Reg. Jtal. lib. 5. For fear lest that by staying for the King's ambassadors for the choice of a Pope, there might some new right accrue unto the King. Anastasius saith it was to provide for time to come, Anastas. in Nico. 1. lest that by this means they should grow to a custom of staying for the ambassadors: which yet the Emperor, troubled at that present, what with the Saracens abroad, what with secret practices at home, was feign to swallow. Mean while it came to pass, that Basilius offered himself to receive the holy Communion, but was put back by the Patriarch Photius, who declared unto him, that having killed a man, and him an Emperor, with his own hand, he had made himself unworthy so much as to come into the Church. Basilius to be revenged of this affront, resolved to call a Synod, and by his ambassadors requested Nicholas to be present at it. The ambassadors finding Nicholas dead, and Adrian in his room, delivered their message unto him, who knew well how to make his profit both of this murder, and of the rage and choler of Basilius (as Boniface the third, one of his predecessors, had done before him, in the case of Phocas) it being natural to all things to receive their increase in the same manner as they had their beginning: and therefore he continued those Legates before named, which Nicholas had sent. The particular clauses of Adrians' letter to Basilius are worth the noting, He (saith Adrian) which holdeth in his hand the power and authority of Kingdoms, hath from heaven set up thy Empire at this time in earth, by which the Apostolic See might come to the end of that work which it hath long since begun etc. Thou art another Solomon, who hast hearkened to the words of God thy father, and hast not forsaken the law of thy mother: and so goeth on, justifying his proceed against the Patriarch Photius, who for his murder had barred the Emperor from the communion of the Church: all which tended only to procure a Synod to be called by the means of the Emperor, wherein his Legates, as he said, should preside, Missi sui. which to that day they never could get to do in any General Council. And this is that Council which they called the eight General Council, wherein Photius was deposed, and Ignatius restored. And with what violence these things were carried, it may appear by the very preface, wherein the Patriarch Photius is termed Lucifer, and Pope Nicholas another Elias. But the carriage of this Council is worth the observation, being such as it is described by Anastasius Bibliothecarius, Anastas. in Adrian. 2. one of the ambassadors, which was this: Pope Adrian had given instructions to his ambassadors, taken from Nicholas the first, wherein was contained, what he would have believed and decreed concerning the primacy of the Bishop of Rome, and the adoration of Images; with strict charge to admit none to the Council, who had not first set his hand to Articles drawn to these two effects; which was so exactly put in execution, that whosoever would not set to his hand, was repelled from the Synod: and so was it no hard matter to carry a cause, where there was no adverse part to contradict him. And it is scarce credible, what absurdities these good Legates committed, or let to pass, only that they might obtain what they desired, making no scruple of any blasphemy: wherefore they got this Decree to pass, That none might write or speak against the Pope of Rome, Concil. vniuers. 8. sub ●asil. Can. 21. under pain of Anathema: That if any General Council should assemble, and question should there happen to arise concerning the Church of Rome, the Church herself should be reverently consulted thereupon: That they should receive her answer, and do accordingly, without passing any bold sentence or decree, in prejudice of the sovereign Pontifes of old Rome: and this is the 21 Canon. And further note, that this is the first General Council wherein the Pope's Legates presided: which they mention almost in every line, so great need had this wretched Emperor to seek their favour. And these you see were the means they used to set forward their authority in the East: neither were those any better which they used in the West, namely in our France, where besides the continual jars which they always maintained in the race of Charlemaigne, they ever cherished those Bishops, who were most engaged in them; namely the Archbishop of Bourges, upon the controversy which he had with Hincmar, and which was debated in the Synod at Troy's in Champain, alluring him by the proffer of a Pall; and Actard, though not yet provided of any Bishopric: to make them sure on his side against Hincmar, the defender of the Liberties of the French Churches, whom himself in his letters commendeth for his sanctity of life, The renown of thy sanctity (saith he) is never without commendation: and again, Persuade yourself (saith he) that we bear as great love unto you, as if we had conferred together a thousand times etc. and yet ceased not to persecute him with all extremity and violence. OPPOSITION. But to return to this, falsely so called, the eight General Council; notwithstanding that Basilius were very desirous to oblige Adrian to him, yet would he not forego his right in calling the Council: for in the Preface thereunto he useth these words, To. 4. part. 11. editio. Venet. apud Binnium, part. 2. to. 3. pag. 886, 892, 900. The divine bounty (saith he) having committed unto us the stern of the universal ship (meaning thereby the Church) we have special care above all other things to break the tempests of the Clergy. Neither was this any controversed point between them: for the Bishops themselves there assembled in the sixth Action say, That the Emperor crowned of God hath called this holy General Council. And in the seventh, He hath used all diligence (say they) to summon thither the Legates of the other Patriarchates, and hath so far prevailed as to make it a General Council. And Pope Stephen himself in his letter to Basilius, Wherein (saith he) hath the Church of Rome offended? Hath not she, according to the ancient custom of the Synods of Constantinople, Te imperant. at thy command sent thither her Legates? And thus much for the calling of it. As for the manner of proceeding, Anastasius telleth us, That the Bishops having committed that gross fault, in setting their hands unadvisedly to the Articles, came weeping to the Emperor, and told him, That by their subscription they had put the Church of Constantinople in subjection under the Church of Rome: That all the Decrees of this Council ought to be revised, that they would take out their books again, that otherwise it was impossible to recover their lost liberty. So that they got some part of their books again, notwithstanding the anger of Basilius, who stood wholly for the Church of Rome. But the mischief was, that the Pope's Legates forecasting this inconvenience, had gotten into their hands the papers of the most principal among the Bishops, wherein they used the helping hand of one Sypon the archminister, and of Anastasius himself. And hence it is, that the Grecians no ways hold this Council as General, saying, That all things therein were carried by oppression and violence, Joverius in v●litati. de octa. Synodo. and therefore they call the Council of Florence, held five hundred years after, the eight universal Council, and that other a Provincial only, and called, not upon any question of faith, but only to bring in the authority of the Pope for the deposing of Photius in favour of the Emperor. And our Aimonius speaking of this Council, according to the judgement, no doubt, which men had of it in France in those days, speaketh in this wise, Having (saith he) assembled a Council, which they that were at it called the eight universal Council, they took away the schism, concerning the deposition of Ignatius, and the election of Photius restoring Ignatius, and pronouncing Anathema against his competitor. In this Synod they decreed concerning the adoration of Images, otherwise than the Orthodox Fathers had anciently defined: Aimoni. Monachus, l. 4. c. 28. besides some thing which they there decreed in favour of the Pope, in regard that he had concurred with them in the adoration of Images: some things also did they ordain contrary to the ancient Canons, and some things contrary to their own Synod, as he shall easily perceive that will but take the pains to read this Council: yet was he a Monk that spoke these words. Baron. vol. 10. an. 869. art. 59, 62, 63. And shall Baronius be admitted to say, that this was one of those old doting Frenchmen, which could not away with Images? yet can none of all these things be found now in the Tomes of the Counsels. And Bartholomew Caranza, a jacobin, saith, That he found the Latin copies of this Council so false, that he knew not which to choose, and that he could not find any Greek copy to correct them by: so that the case thus standing, they may put any thing upon us. Baronius to prove unto us that this is one of the General Counsels, telleth us, That the Popes were wont at their election to take an oath for the observance of the General Counsels, amongst which this is reckoned the eight in order. But who seethe not that they did so for their own proper interest? and yet can he not pardon the Cardinal julian, who presided in the Council of Florence, as Legate to the Pope, for that upon the reasons used by Marc Bishop of Ephesus, he consented to have this Council discarded, I will free you (saith he, speaking to the Greek Bishops) of this fear, there shall no one word of this Council be recited etc. And again, We care not for this Council: whereas, saith Baronius, to go from this Council were to cast away both sword and buckler of the Church of Rome. In which Council yet there were but 101 Bishops, and all corrupted by Adrian and Basilius. Now in stead of repressing the impiety of this Emperor, they made good use of it; for, to make it yet more evidently to appear, that they aimed at no other mark but only at the greatness of the Clergy: in the 14 Canon it is thus ordained, That Bishops should not go forth to meet Princes, and that when they happened to meet with them, they should not alight from their Mules or Horses: That Princes and Emperors should hold them as fellows and equal to themselves: If any Bishop shall live base and meanly, or rustically after the old fashion, that he shall be deposed for a whole year: if the Prince be cause of his so living, that he be excommunicated for two years. And the 17 Canon forbiddeth Princes and Emperors to be present at Synods, unless it be at general Counsels. And the 22 disableth them and all Lays whomsoever to be present at the election or promotion of any Patriarch, Metropolitan, or Bishop, under pain of excommunication: whereby no doubt the Pope's Legates thought they had shut the Emperors of the West clean out of their Conclaves, using one Emperor as a rod always to scourge the other. As for the point of Appeals to Rome, they could not effect it: for the 26 Canon is plain, That who so findeth himself aggrieved with his Bishop, shall appeal to his Metropolitan, and from the Metropolitan to the Patriarch, à quo litibus finis imponatur, who shall make a full end of the controversy: and therefore meant not to run to Rome, as Nicholas would have had them. And it was even at the instant when the Articles were offered them to subscribe, that they made their protestation against them. In this Synod there appeared yet another notable ambition of the Popes: for the Bulgarians being formerly paynim, received Christianity in the time of Nicholas, who sent them Bishops for their instruction. Michael their Prince sent his ambassadors to the Synod, who coming before them, That we may not (say they) seem to err in our own opinions, we desire to be informed by you, which supply the places of the Great patriarchs, to what Church we are to belong. The Pope's Legates replied presently, That they ought to belong to the Roman Church. The Bulgarians requested, That the matter might be resolved and agreed upon with the Legates of other patriarchs there present. The Romanists replied, That there was no more to be done with them: and therefore, without ever putting it to the Synod, pronounced absolutely, That they must belong to Rome. The Eastern Bishops put this question to the Bulgarians, When you first took the country, said they, from whom took ye it? and the Priests which you found there, were they Greeks or Latins? They answered, That they took the country from the Grecians, and that they found there none but Greek Bishops. Whereuppn the Eastern Bishops inferred, That they were doubtless ordained at Constantinople, and so consequently should belong to that Church. Thereupon the Legates replied, That Churches were not bounded by the diversity of tongues: That kingdoms and Sees differed in their jurisdictions: That they had the presumption on their side, who had given them their first Bishops: That all Epirus, Thassalie, and Dardania, had been ever belonging to their jurisdiction. The Eastern Bishops on the contrary, demanded upon which of these they would principally stand. In the end the violence and pride of the Roman Legates overswayed, who told the Synod, That the Church of Rome held not that Council for a competent judge of her controversies, who was herself, by special prerogative, to judge of all other Churches: That, decree they what them lusted, it should be as little regarded, as it was lightly enacted: That from this present time, they, by the authority of the holy Ghost, pronounced a nullity in whatsoever they should decree, until the See of Rome had determined thereof. And so the holy Ghost, who was to Preside in the Council, Resided only in their persons. And they farther adjured the Patriarch Ignatius, by the authority of the Apostles and of Adrian, who had restored him to his See, not to suffer Bulgaria to be taken from them. Who made them a doubtful answer, telling them. That he was neither so young as to be lightly deceived, neither yet so very a dotard, as to do that himself which he found fault withal in others. And there rested this contestation between them, being questionless a great scandal to the consciences of these poor converts, who saw at first that these men sought not the enlargement of Christ's kingdom, but of their own jurisdiction; and injurious to the Emperor, who offended with these proceed, though dissembling it, took no order for their pass and safeconduct into their country: So that having been certain days at sea, they fell into the hands of the Sclavons, who stripped them of all that ever they had, took away the original of the Council, with the subscriptions of the Bishops, and left them nothing but the copy of Athanasius; and had peradventure lost their lives, but that some of their company escaping, the Sclavons feared the matter might come to light, and they one day receive the like measure. The issue of all was, That do Adrian what he could, the Bulgarians put out the Latin Priests, and sent for others in their rooms to Constantinople; and so remained they in obedience to that Church. Whereupon they grew so odious to the Popes, that they called that sin condemned from heaven, after their name, Bulgarie, thereby to make them odious and abominable to all men. And this was the end of Adrians' enterprises in the East. 33. PROGRESSION. Of the attempts of Pope Adrian both upon the Clergy, and also upon the kings of France. LEt us now see whether he sped any better in the West. Hincmar Bishop of Laon, nephew unto Hincmar Archbishop of Rheims, the most learned Bishop of France, had surrendered certain Church goods into the hands of Charles the Bald, to bestow them upon a certain Norman captain, Aimon. li. 5. c. 24 from whom he would needs shortly after take them away again; and because the Norman would not resign them, but into the hands of the king from whom he had them, therefore Hincmar excommunicated him: for which, in a Synod held at Vernons, he was reproved, and sharply censured: he thereupon appealed to Rome, but they refused to grant him any letters dimissory; yet he continued still in his stubbornness, until at length there was assembled another Council at Attigni, consisting often Provinces, where he was again condemned; and thereupon promised to submit himself to the good pleasure of the king, and of Hincmar his Metropolitan and uncle: and yet under hand signified the matter unto the Pope, procuring him to evocate the whole cause to Rome, and himself to be served with Process to appear there at a day, making the best of his own cause to Adrian. Whereupon Adrian wrote unto king Charles, who yet would not licence the other to go to Rome: and then did Adrian write him that bloody letter, calling him Tyrant, perjured, perfidious, and a spoiler of the Church goods: and what not? And for conclusion, as well to him as to Hincmar the Metropolitan, We, saith he, by authority Apostolic will and command, That thou cause Hincmar of Laon, and his accusers, to come before our Clemency, to the end that we may pronounce our sentence of his cause. And we shall see anon how well he was obeyed. But not long after he made a far more violent attempt upon him. The Emperor Lewis having, as we have already said, quietly swallowed the election of Adrian, made without calling his Lieutenants to it, made the Pope to like well of him, and gave him an appetite to try his authority somewhere else. It came to pass about this time, that Lotharius king of Lorraine died, and Charles king of France, and Lewis of Germany, both uncles to the deceased, intending to succeed in his inheritance, Adrian set up Lewis of Italy, Emperor; thundering more violently than ever had done his predecessor, wrote to all Kings, Barons, and Prelates of France, namely, to Hincmar of Rheims, That none should presume to invade or take unto him the kingdom of Lotharius deceased, nor yet his subjects and vassals, because, saith he, it appertaineth to the Emperor Lewis, his spiritual son, by right of inheritance, and aught to fall unto him by the others decease. And if any officer shall presume the contrary, he declareth him Anathema, no longer to be called a Christian, and to dwell for ever with the devil; if he be a Bishop, and hath in any sort consented thereunto, or winked thereat, declareth him to be no longer a Pastor, but an hireling, and as one that hath no care of his sheep, deprived of his Pastoral dignity and honour. Yet Charles hearing of the death of Lotharius, removed into Lorraine, and being received by the Barons and Prelates there, as their lawful king, was crowned at Metz, by Hincmar Archbishop of Rheims: So that Adrian pursuing his point, charged him by his Legates, under pain of excommunication to forbear; and Hincmar to pronounce the censures of the Church against him, and to separat himself from him, and not to say so much as Good morrow to him. And this was a great way gone in a little time. But let us see what answer our French made hereunto. OPPOSITION. Hincmar. Epist. ad Adria. Extant etiam apud Baron. an. 861. art. 93. & sequent. to. 10. Hincmar therefore, Archbishop of Rheims, answered him, That as touching Hincmar of Laon, He had no power, without express order from the king, to send him, or any other Bishop of his diocese, to Rome, or to any other place, much less the Bishops of other Provinces: and that himself, without leave from the king, might not offer to set foot out of the realm. The king's answer, though it be long, as taking up, after his own account, four leaves of paper, and therefore not fit to be inserted into this discourse, yet shall it not be amiss to allege the chief points, and principal causes thereof; which are as followeth: We read, saith he, in the book of Paralipomenon, That the children of Israel went forth to battle with a quiet mind, because they were not to fight in malice or envy for revenge, but with a desire, & in hope of peace. And we let you to know, you which by letters your (little befitting the authority of a king, much less the humble modesty of a Bishop) have disgraced us by reproaches, that you make us write unto you otherwise than we would; to the end that you may perceive that we are a man, though subject to men's passions, yet one that walketh in the Image of God, not void of common sense, raised to this kingly throne by the grace of God, and by right of succession to our father and grandfather: and which is more than this, a Christian, a Catholic, an observer of the Orthodox and true religion, brought up from our cradle as well in knowledge of the Scriptures, as in the understanding of good and wholesome laws, both Ecclesiastical and Civil, not accused either Legally or Canonically in any Episcopal audience, much less convicted of any public and notorious crime; who yet have not been able to prevail so far by our honourable letters, as to receive any reasonable answer from you, nor yet to have that respect and due regard as was wont to pass between your predecessors and ours, etc. In the entrance of your letters you commend indeed our wisdom, but presently you charge us (in show more fairly, in effect more grievously) with murmuring, repining, & grudging against your Fatherhood, with sundry other reproaches and imputations. In your former letters you called us Tyrant, perjured, and spoiler of Church goods, whereas we have neither confessed any such thing against ourself, neither by any course of law have any such crimes been proved against us: And in this other which you have sent by Actard, one of our Bishops, you accuse us of murmuring and mutiny. For our own part, we would not believe that those letters came from you, because the holy See hath ever been wont to correct every man according to his quality and rank, with good sobriety and discretion. Now if we have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil; but if well, why grow you into such choler against us? Abraham could say unto God, and God took it not in ill part, Wilt thou destroy the just with the wicked; and yet you grow much offended, when we tell you, That you ought not to pronounce any man guilty of a crime, without either confession of the party, or conviction by course of law, much less use a king as a private person, and condemn him as convicted. You are not ignorant, how great a sin it is, to say unto his brother, Racha; how much greater to say so to a king, both by the doctrine of the Apostle, and by the practice of David in the person of Saul, though a reprobat from God? And yet in your letters you advise us, to receive joyfully, and with an humble heart, all that cometh from the Apostolic See of Rome: Is it your meaning then, that we should so well relish these terms of Tyrant perjured, and perfidious person: or must we needs say of you with the Poet, Quicquid calcaveris, Rosa fiat, Wherever you tread red Roses grow? Or may we not rather say with the Prophet, Woe be to them which call that sweet which is bitter, etc. Or if we should hold our peace and wink at this, should we not confess our selves fallen from this royal dignity, and from the communion of the Catholic Church, etc. Writ you unto us things befitting our calling and yours, and then will we, as you did, receive them with a willing and a thankful mind. As for your letters, at least those which come unto us in your name, they ever charge us with some fault, without either proof, or inquest▪ yet the Apostle giveth you a rule in these cases; Argue, obsecra, increpa, Argue, beseech, reprove, in all patience and doctrine. And saint Augustine saith, That the Apostle would not that one man should condemn another upon suspicion, neither yet should run to extraordinary proofs, but rather after the law of God, and order of the Church, either confessing of himself, or convicted by his accuser▪ And afterward coming to the matter concerning Hincmar of Laon, You writ, saith he, unto us in you letters, in this manner, We will and command by Apostolic authority, that Hincmar of Laon appear before our clemency; and that his accuser appear also with him, etc. a style not used heretofore by our predecessors, when they wrote to ours. And although we perceive, that you go about to bring into the Church of God, instead of the clear light of simplicity and humility, the thick mist of the pride of this world; yet will we have a better opinion of your will and meaning, considering that a man, as a man may do that in haste which upon better consideration ●● would wish undone again. But where doth your Secretary find, That the Apostolic See may command a king, who by his office is a correcter of the faulty, a chastiser of offenders, and by all law, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal, a revenger of crimes committed, to send an offendor to Rome, condemned already by due course of law, and according to the Canons, for his disorders, and one who before his depriving was convicted before three several Synods, to have endeavoured the disturbance of the common peace and tranquility: and since his depriving hath persisted in his obstinacy, by himself and others, etc. Know therefore, saith he, as we have already written unto you, That we Kings of France, and of royal offspring, Non Vicedomini, sed terrae domini. are not to be reckoned as Vidames and Vicegerents of Bishops, but Lords of the Earth. And so goeth he on to prove by the testimonies of holy Scriptures, out of the mouth of our Saviour and his Apostles, and by the sayings of Augustine, Leo, and of the Synod of Rome itself, what is due from all men, and from Bishops themselves, to the royal dignity. And, saith he, if you search your offices, you shall find, that our ancestors never received any such commands from your predecessors; not Theodoric and Theodobert from Saint Gregory, when he wrote for Vrcism of Turin: But if, saith he, it be true (to wit, that he was deposed contrary to the Canons) we entreat you, that of your own accord, in reverence of the Church and regard of equity, you would be pleased to grant our request. Neither used he any other style when he wrote to the Exarch (who yet was inferior to our rank) in the cause of Blondus Bishop of Ortona, whom the Exarch held prisoner at Ravenna: We cannot believe, saith he, that your Excellency holdeth him there, without some probable cause: and therefore it is fit his cause should be heard in a Synod, to see whether his fault be such as may deserve deprivation, to the end we may put another in place. Thus spoke he of Bishops not yet deposed for their crimes, and therefore judge, Whether in the case of one which hath been legally and orderly deprived for his enormities, by the judgement of a Synod, he would have commanded us as you have done, eum nostra fretum potentia Roman mittamus, That by our power we should send him to Rome. Saint Augustine saith unto januarius, All these things which are not contained in the holy Scriptures, nor ordained in the Counsels of Bishops, nor confirmed by general custom, I think fit they should be taken away. Where then did your Scribe find this law, which neither the Lord hath written with his own finger, nor inspired to be written, which he never ordained in the hand of a Mediator, which no Painim ever commanded, no Christian ever proposed, nor any Churchman hath decreed; by which he commandeth me to be a favourer of a man condemned, and excommunicated by the Church; Me, I say, a King established by God, girt with a two-edged sword, a revenger of the wicked, and defender of the good, when he bids me send Hincmar to Rome, one that hath broken the laws, disgraced the Priesthood, and wronged the Royal Dignity; a troubler of the State, a perjured person, a mutineer, a scourge of his Church, sacrilegious, scandalous to the country wherein he liveth, not caring to cross one of his deeds with another, nor to do contrary to his own hand writing: and who seethe not that this law was vomited out of the bottom of hell itself, etc. But the holy Scriptures chalk us out the way which we must walk, against such laws: Christ, the power and wisdom of God, saith, By me King's reign, and by me Princes decree just things. The holy Counsels also show what is to be done, namely, that of Africa, etc. Likewise the Emperors, Valens, Gratian, Valentinian, justinian, and others. Which laws ought to be observed, not only by other Bishops, but also by the Popes themselves: Which Leo the Pope writing to Leo the Emperor well acknowledged: so did Gelasius to Anastasius, as by their words may and doth appear. And therefore, saith he, we hold us to that: for the Lord telleth us by his Prophet, That the lips of the Priest shall preserve knowledge, and men shall seek the law at his mouth. And therefore you may not suffer any man in your name to write that to us which is not contained either in the holy Scriptures indicted by the wisdom of God, or at least in the holy Canons published by his spirit. For the Prophet saith to the Priest which commandeth, Thou shalt declare to them that which thou hast heard of me: Of me, saith he, not of thyself: and they are blamed who speak of their own mind; because he that speaketh of himself, seeketh his own glory. Let no man in your name write unto us, visions, threats of excommunications, contrary to the beaten way of the Scriptures, the writings of the Fathers, the sacred Laws and holy Canons: For you know, and so do we, that whatsoever is repugnant to this, is void and of none effect. It was said to S. Peter (saith S. Leo) To thee will I give the keys, etc. The right of this power passed to all the Apostles, and this decree to all the chief of the Church, etc. and consequently this prerogative of Saint Peter is common to every one which judgeth according to the equity of Saint Peter: For when it is said, Vbicunque; as no place it excepted, so likewise is no Bishop which judgeth according to the equity of Saint Peter: As on the contrary no Bishop is commended which judgeth contrary to the same, He should have said, no not the Bishops themselves of Rome. And whereas the Pope gave order, That together with Hincmar should come a competent accuser, to have the whole cause reviewed in his presence, Although, saith he, this be grounded upon no reason, yet if you think Hincmar to be lawless, and if your Emperor my nephew will be content, that I shall pass through Italy to Rome, I will not fail to be there, so soon as by the grace of God I shall be able to set my realm in some good order against the paynim. And because myself accused him in open Synod, I will be there in person, a competent accuser against him in many causes: and we will bring so many and so great accusers of all sorts with us, that we will very sufficiently prove, that he was lawfully and orderly accused and convicted. To conclude, because you have overshot yourself in what is already past, we now entreat you for the honour of God, and in reverence to the holy Apostles, that from hence forward you send no such mandates either to us or to our Prelates, or to the great men of our kingdom: lest we be enforced to dishonour them, and those which bring them. Which we tell you of beforehand, for the honour of your privilege, because we desire to be obedient unto you in all things that are fitting, as unto the Vicar of Saint Peter. But you must also take heed, that you drive us not to take that course which is both approved and commended in the fift general Council, concerning the Apostolic authority, and in the synodal Epistle of Saint Gregory to the four patriarchs, and the four precedent Epistles (all which treat of the ordering and limiting of Ecclesiastical powers and jurisdictions:) which we would not insert into these our letters, till we might see whether we may bend you to mitigat the rigour of your commands: For look what is sent unto us in the name of the See Apostolic, according to the holy Scriptures, and the preachings of our ancestors, and the Decrees of the Orthodox Fathers, we know we ought to follow: But what ever cometh beside, come it from whom it will, we know how to reject and to control it. Last of all, if in this answer there be any thing misbeseeming me or you, you have forced me thereunto. Such were the letters which passed between king Charles the Bald, and Adrian the second, though he had given him not long before some hope to make him Emperor, though any other would give him bushels of gold: Baron. vol. 10. an. 871. art. 79. offering him indeed an Empire, but as he did in the desert, upon condition, That he would fall down and worship him. And this Charles was he which, a few years before, An. 853. first made a breach upon the liberties of the French Synods, when about the year 853, having held a Synod at Soissons, two or three years after he sent the Acts thereof to Benedict the third, thinking only to gratify him, and never considering unto what consequence his successors might draw the same. Our French Bishops wrote much after the same manner, & upon the same argument, unto Adrian, being assembled in Synod at Dousy: wherein they call him Primae Sedis Papam; complaining, That they were utterly mistaken, and casting the fault upon his multitude of other businesses, that he had not more maturely considered of their Acts, which were in all points agreeing with the holy Canons. As for the Excommunication which Adrian thundered out against this Charles, we could wish we had his own Epistle in answer to it; but Hincmars the Archbishop of Rheims we have, who received command from the Pope to pronounce it, and we will here produce the principal clauses thereof. And first of all, having complained of many grievous reproofs and menaces received, he declareth unto him, That he had imparted the tenor of his letters to the great ones and Prelates of the kingdom; and which was more, had caused them to be openly read in an assembly of Bishops of France and Lorraine, and had showed Lewis king of Germany the above mentioned letter, wherein he was commanded by Adrian, to excommunicate by his authority, all those who attempted any thing upon the kingdom of Lotharius deceased: I understand, saith he, Qui de regno eius estis. that like letters have been sent to the glorious king Lewis, and to the great ones and Bishops of his kingdom, which you, who are his natural born subject, should best know. But coming afterwards to the matter, he letteth him to understand, That he is informed by divers, that the two kings had agreed to divide this kingdom equally between them; without which the people had long ere this been up in arms: That therefore he knoweth not what to do, seeing he must either disobey his command, or disallow of the treaty and accord made between the two kings. That whereas he saith, That no man better than himself knoweth the great wrong which Charles doth herein, he plainly telleth him, That in case he did know, yet would he not thereupon do any thing, seeing that Charles confesseth no such matter of himself, neither standeth he legally or canonically convict thereof: But rather protesteth, and many there are which bear him witness, That this part of the kingdom of Lorraine, was by the consent and assent as well of the Bishops as of the great ones of the Empire, given him by his father Lewis, and confirmed to him by oath by his brother Lotharius. That therefore he taketh that Canon of the Council of Africa to be spoken to him as well as to all other Bishops: whereby men are forbidden to lay a crime to a man's charge, which he is not able to evict by proofs: because as S. Augustine, who was there present, saith, Many things are true, which yet a judge may not believe without sufficient proofs: That he hath no power to put any man from the Communion for a crime, neither confessed by the defendant nor proved by the informer: That otherwise they should make themselves both judges and accusers, which were not lawful; alleging for his authority the rule of the Apostle, and the practice of the Church, with sundry places out of Augustin, Gelasius, Boniface, and others. And whereas he is charged by him as a partaker or rather author of this unjust invasion, because he held his peace, and stirred not as he was commanded, his answer is, That Adrian should remember that it was written, The cause which I understood not, I searched out with diligence: and that Gregory saith, That God, to whose eyes all things are open, yet in the very case of Sodom saith, Descendum & videbo. I will go down and see, to teach us to be well informed before we believe a fault. And whereas he commandeth him to separate himself from Charles, and not to bid him so much as Good morrow, whereas yet he desireth to be received to the Communion of Adrian, that this toucheth him to the heart: and that many men of great sort, both secular and Clergy, now met at Rheimes, having heard this command, say, that the like was never heard of to be sent from Rome, though in their days there had been wars before this time, not only between confederate Kings, but also between the brothers, and between the father and the sons: That for his own part he must needs think, that this displeasure is befallen him for his other sins, seeing it fareth better with some others, who have not doubted to call Charles into the kingdom of Lorraine: That for the rest, the Parliament of that kingdom saith, That Popes and Bishops excommunications are no titles to claim kingdoms by: That the Scripture teacheth, that this right belongeth unto God, by whom King's reign, and who giveth them to whom it pleaseth him: That the Pope cannot be King and Bishop all at once: That therefore he should do well to leave the disposing of state matters unto them, and not command them to take a king from a far off, who cannot be at hand to help upon all occasion against the paynim; this being a yoke which the Popes never before laid upon the necks of their ancestors, and such as themselves could not bear, seeing they were commanded in holy Scripture, for their heritage and liberty, to fight while the breath was in their body: That one needeth not to tell them, that a Bishop who excommunicateth a man contrary to law, loseth the power which he had of binding: That none can take heaven from any man, save only from him which loseth it by his sin: That for earthly respects none can take away the title of a Christian, or lodge with the devil him for whom Christ died, to free him from the bondage of the devil: That therefore if the Pope desire peace, he should do well to seek it by quiet means, because they never mean to make it an Article of their Creed, That they cannot come to heaven unless they will receive for their King him whom he shall appoint them here in earth: And (saith he) many such like inconveniences they show unto us, as murders, seditions, wars, all which will ensue, if we go to infringe the accord already made between the Kings; not sparing to utter threats against yourself, which I will not rehearse, and such as, if God give them leave, they purpose to put in execution: neither can my excommunication, nor the sword of any human tongue stay the King and his Barons from the course they have set to run. Thus it pleased this great Prelate to let the Pope understand his mind, as in the words, and under the name of the Great ones; which he could not handsomely do in his own. Last of all concerning himself, That being in the kingdom of Charles, and in the chief City of his diocese, whether the king and all the princes of either kingdom used to resort, he might not offer, like an hireling, to leave his flock, and to go he knew not whither: And that therefore he would attend upon the king and such as were about him, to the end he might pass his time in quietness with his flock: and that the king saith, His predecessors have had this power, which he will not forego for any excommunication whatsoever: and that therefore it behoveth the Bishops, himself especially, to consider how they carry themselves towards the king, seeing that Augustine expounding that place of the Apostle, saith, That the Apostle teacheth, that every soul must be subject to the higher power, and that we must give to every one that which belongeth to him, tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom appertaineth, etc. This letter thus written, with the advise and counsel of all the Bishops assembled at Rheims, was sent to Adrian, who died the year following 872, and so the quarrel ended. 34. PROGRESSION. How the Pope conferred the Empire upon Charles the Bald: and of the donation of Constantine. AFter Adrian the second, according to Platina his account, succeeded john the ninth (according to those who reject the shee-Pope, john the eight) in the year 873, and in the year 875 died the Emperor Lewis without issue: An. 873. wherefore Charles of France and Lewis of Germany began to stir, and Italy herself was not quiet, one calling Charles the Bald of France, and others Charles the Gross, son to King Lewis; Sigon. de Reg. Jtal. lib. 5. and some there were who feign would have established the Empire in Italy; and these were the Earls of Tusculana, who at that time struck a great stroke in Rome. He of France was first in a readiness, Aimoni. li. 5. c. 32. & 33. who ever since the days of Nicholas the first had entertained secret intelligences in Italy: he therefore sent ambassadors to john, with great presents and greater promises, assuring him, That upon condition he will set the Crown of the Empire upon his head, he would protect the Church from all wrongs, and leave the signory of Rome wholly in his hands. john who could better brook a foreigner than a neighbour, and a stranger than a domestic Emperor, who peradventure would have dimmed his light by a greater lustre, bid him come and welcome, and at his coming to Rome received and crowned him Emperor. From that day forward (saith Sigonius) the title of the Empire began to be a mere feoffment of the Popes, Sincerum Pontificis beneficium. and the years of the Empire to be reckoned from the day wherein they received their consecration from the Popes. But a certain Author of that time addeth farther, That Charles of France coming to Rome renewed his covenants with the Romans, Eutropij Continuator. gave up into their hands the rights and customs of the kingdom, with the revenues of many Monasteries, giving them moreover the countries of Samnium and Calabria, with all the towns belonging to Beneuent, with the Duchy of Spoleto, and the two Cities of Tuscanie, which the Duke was wont to hold, Arrezzo and Chiusi: so that he, who before that time commanded in Rome for the Emperor, was now become as subject unto them, quitted them from expecting the presence of his ambassadors▪ at the election of their Popes. To be short (saith he) he accorded what ever they demanded, as commonly men use to be liberal of what they have ill gotten, or fear they shall not long keep. That which made Charles the more pliant to the Pope, was, that Lewis of Germany invaded him in his own person in France, and sent his son Charles the Gross to cross his designs in Italy. But (saith that Author) this is certain, that from that day no King or Emperor ever recovered the state and Port of a King in Italy, for want still either of skill or of courage, and by reason of the great contentions and daily jealousies among them. Here the Historians and Sigonius himself observeth, that whatsoever the Emperors, predecessors of Charles, gave unto the Pope, yet they ever reserved to themselves the Propriety, Sovereignty, and Lordship, even over the Exarchat and Duchy of Rome itself: which rule began now to fail in Charles, though his successors sometimes redemanded their ancient prerogatives and rights: also that until this time the Empire ever passed as hereditary from the father to the son, and the suruivor ever seized of the Empire by the death of the deceased. So Charlemaigne succeeded Pepin, so after Charlemaigne succeeded Lewis, after Lewis, Lotharius, and after him Lewis the second. So also unto this time their crowning and sacring by the Archbishops of Milan for the kingdom of Lombardy, and the Bishops of Rome for the Empire, served only for pomp and solemnity. But this Pope john took advantage of the present necessity of Charles, and performed this ceremony in far different terms, as well in a Synod at Rome, as afterward at Paris: where having commended Charles the Bald, and spoken as much honour of him as Adrian the second had villainy and wrong; and told the people, that this was formerly revealed from heaven to Nicholas the first, trencheth smooth, And for this cause (saith he) have we in the presence, and by the suffrage of all our brethren and fellow Bishops, and of all the Senate and people of Rome, chosen him, and approved of him etc. and according to the ancient custom have with all solemnity advanced him to the sceptre of the Roman Empire etc. and at his unction abused the words which the Prophet had once used upon our Saviour Christ, We anoint him (saith he) with oil without, to signify thereby the virtue and force of the inward unction of the holy spirit, with which the Lord God hath anointed this his Christ above his fellows, in imitation of the true King Christ our Lord, so that what he hath by nature, this purchaseth by grace. It came to pass that Charles was no sooner returned into France, but presently the Earls of Tusculana, chief of whom was marquess Albert, confederated themselves against this john, assisted by Formosus Bishop of Port, and others: So that the year following 877 he was feign to send the Bishops of Fossembrona and Senogallia unto him, to entreat him to repass with a power into Italy, as well against the Earls of Tusculana, as against the Saracens, and for his greater encouragement assembled a Synod at Rome, where he cursed all those who in deed or word should oppose against the election or consecration of Charles to the Empire. But the mischief was, that passing the Alps he fell sick of a fever, for which he took a certain powder of Sedechias a jew, his physician, whereof he died. It is worth the remembrance which Rhegino reporteth of this john. Rhegino in Chron. Adalgisus had kept the Emperor Lewis the second prisoner at Benevento, whence he could not get free, but under deep oaths. This Lewis (saith he) came to Rome, and there calling an assembly in the presence of the Pope, complained of the tyranny and wrong used upon him by Adalgisus, whereupon the Senate proclaimed him a Tyrant, and enemy to the State, and grew to open hostility and defiance with him. Yet remained there a scruple in the Emperor's conscience, by reason of his oath: john undertook to remove it, and his successors since that time have often followed his example. Pope john (saith he) by the authority of God and of S. Peter, absolved the Emperor from the oath with which he stood obliged, assuring him, that what ever he did or said to save his life, needed not to trouble him, and that it might not be called an oath which he took, though with never so many curses upon himself, if it were contrary to the weal public (O how should the very Heathen have made him blush in the like case!) By these and the like remonstrances (saith he) the Emperor was encouraged to make fresh wars upon him: yet fearing lest his subjects (more religious than the Pope) should reckon him a forsworn and perjured Prince, he went not himself in person, but sent the Queen against him. These were even in those days the devices of the Court of Rome. We have many times already spoken of that goodly donation of Constantine: and it should seem that it was forged at this time during the canvasing for the Empire between the two Charles, the Bald and the Gross, the uncle and the nephew, when the uncle pursued so hotly the favour and furtherance of the Pope: and we have a great Author for it: For not to speak of the style, which savoureth wholly of this age, Otho the third, Emperor, in that Patent which we find taken out of the Treasury of the Pope's Charters, in a certain chamber of the Cordeliers of Assisa, before mentioned, speaking of this donation, These are (saith he) mere inventions forged by the Popes themselves, by whose direction Deacon john, Johannes Digitorum. surnamed Long-fingers, wrote a grant in letters of gold, and in the name of Constantine the Great hath published a pack of lies, as if they had been grants of great antiquity. Now if you will know when this Long-fingers lived, Trithemius telleth you, that it was in the time of Charles the Bald, and john the seventh, and he wrote the life of Gregory the first in four volumes; and Platina himself saith, that he was afterward created Pope, under the name of john the ninth. So that it is no great wonder if Baronius in his third Tome, to qualify the heinousness of this deed, saith, That this donation, because it was translated by Deacon john out of a corrupt Greek copy, is therefore doubtful rather than to be approved: but in his twelfth Tome he flatly calleth it a forged, bastard, and counterfeit deed. And the same Otho speaking again of this donation, saith, That they are lies when they affirm that any Charles ever gave that to S. Peter which belonged to the Emperor: For we answer (saith he) That this Charles (meaning the Bald) could not lawfully dispose of any thing by way of gift, seeing that before such grant made he was already routed in the field, and put from the Empire by a better Charles (meaning the Gross:) wherefore he gave what was none of his own to give, but that which he possessed by violence for the present, and had no hope long to keep. And of this routing of Charles you may read farther in a French Chronicle now lately published by Pithaeus. And farther, this good Prelate john learnedly setteth down the admirable virtue of the Pall or Mantle, when he sent him to Wilibert Bishop of Colen, hoping by his commendation to raise the market, Johan. ep. ad Willibardum episc. colonians. The use of this Pall or Mantle (saith he) among other rare qualities hath this special virtue, that so soon as it is bestowed upon any man, presently it taketh away all imputation of faults formerly committed: not that the mantle doth purify from sins, but because the care of him which bestoweth it ought to be such, that he will not bestow it but upon one that is clear from them already: and therefore he from whom this gift is taken away, i to whom it is denied, is but an imperfect man, and perfect can he not be on whom this holy aid is not bestowed for a confortative. But seeing that it is now indifferently bestowed upon all, where is that care, and consequently that virtue which is pretended? OPPOSITION. Charles enjoyed but a while this benefit of the Pope, in which time yet he made a great breach in the imperial authority. Aimoni. lib. 5. c. 32, 33. We read in Aimonius, That he appointed a Synod at Pontigon, by the advise and counsel of john Bishop of Tuscanie, and john Bishop of Arezzo, the Legates of Pope john, and Ansegisus of Sienna, by the authority Apostolic, and his own ordinance. Thus they began, contrary to the ancient custom, to join the Emperor and the Pope together. In this Synod Charles by virtue of a Decretal Epistle of john, went about to constitute and appoint Ansegisus Primate, with this authority which followeth, That so often as the profit of the Church should require, whether for the calling of a Synod, or for the dispatch of other Ecclesiastical affairs in France and Germany, he should present the Pope's person, and should acquaint the Bishops with the decrees of the See Apostolic, and should report unto the Pope what had been done or not, by virtue of them, and upon great and important causes should consult the said See. Our Bishops requested, that since the letter was directed unto them, they might have a sight of it; which the Emperor refused to grant, being such perhaps as he was ashamed to show it: he urged them only to say what answer they made to these Apostolic commands, and their answer was, That they willingly obeyed thereunto, provided that no Metropolitan be thereby prejudiced in his rights contrary to the Canons, and the decrees of the Popes themselves, anciently pronounced according to the Canons. And though the Emperor and the other Legates pressed them very earnestly for the primacy of Ansegisus, yet could they get no other answer from them; only one Frotharius Bishop of Bourdeaux, who had skipped from Bourdeaux to Poitiers, and from Poitiers to Bourges, through the mere favour of the Prince, made such answer as he thought would best please the Emperor: who much offended with the answer of the others, said, That the Pope had committed his place in the Synod unto him, and that he would make them vail bonnet to him. And thereupon taking the Pope's Epistle, folded up as it was together with the Legates, delivered it to Ansegisus, and presently caused a rich chair to be set before all the Bishops on this side the Mounts, next unto john of Tuscanie, which sat next above him on the right hand, and bade him sit there, above the other Bishops, though his ancients; the Archbishop of Rheims protesting openly, that this was contrary to the Canons. But the Emperor persisted in his purpose: and when the Bishops a second time requested a sight or a copy of the Epistle, they could not obtain it. Our Bishops not long after met again without the Emperor, where were great debates between them, because of certain Priests, who out of sundry parishes had recourse to the Pope's Legates; and so this meeting broke up likewise. A third time also they assembled in the same place, whither the Emperor sent unto them the Pope's Legates, newly come over, which brought from the Pope unto the Emperor a sceptre and a staff of gold, and to the empress gowns and bracelets, all set with pearl. These when they came rebuked the Bishops, for not appearing the day before: but they holding them always to the Canons in their answers, made them give off hot words; yet the Legates still urged them to accept of Ansegisus for their Primate: they answered in general terms, That they would obey the Pope's decrees as their predecessors had done the decrees of his predecessors. So that the Emperor came thither in person and in great state, clothed after the Greek fashion, with a crown upon his head, accompanied with the Legates, all attired after the Roman fashion, and there made john Bishop of Arezzo openly to read, Quandam scedulam ratione & authoritate carentem, A certain paper without authority or reason: which done, there were certain Articles dictated, and set down in writing, without consent of the Synod, each crossing the other of them, without profit, reason, or warranty: and therefore (saith the Author) we have thought fit to omit them: and at last, after many complaints, as well of the Emperor as of the Legates, concerning the Primacy of Ansegisus, he went away, having done as much at the end of the Synod as he had at the beginning. So much was this Prince overtaken with this fatal Cup, more dangerous to him than was that other of Sedechias, of which he died; so obdurate was he against his own good having his eyes dazzled with vain shows, and colourable illusions for the present: on the contrary, so clear-sighted were our Bishops of France in these affairs, descrying a far off how great a ruin would one day ensue of this small-seeming breach made upon the liberties of their Church. 35. PROGRESSION. That Pope john was the first which granted Indulgences for the dead. AFter the death of Charles, An. 878. the Earls of Tusculana got the upper hand in Rome, and in the year 878 clapped Pope john up in prison, for excommunicating them: but john by the help of his faction found means to escape, and came by sea into Provence, whence he was conducted to Lewis, surnamed the Stammerer, son to Charles the Bald, who then lay at Troy: Balbus. where he assembled a Synod of French Bishops, and made them to confirm and ratify the excommunication which he had hurled out before against his enemies; and there also was Formosus in person deprived of all Church dignities, and oath taken of him never to return to Rome, or to his Bishopric: but above all, they two bound themselves, the Emperor to assist the Pope against his opposites, the Pope to crown him Emperor; which he did in France, with great solemnity: and so they parted. john at his return found the Saracens at Rome gates, and shortly after had tidings of Lewis his death, so that now he was feign to cast about again, and to take a new course; which was, to cast the Empire upon Charles the Gross, King of Germany, who was the first that entered Italy with his army, (and this was the third whom he had crowned Emperor) upon promise, That he should protect the Church from all her enemies, especially from the Saracens: but under the generality of enemies were principally comprehended the Earls of Tusculana. And not long after, in the year 882, died Pope john, An. 882. who besides that which hath been already said, left other goodly examples behind him: for we learn by a certain Epistle of his to Charles the Gross, johan. epist. 9 That he adopted for his son Prince Basin, to ease him of his worldly cares, that he might the more freely attend upon the service of God. Whereas S. Peter in the execution of his charge never needed a Prince for his coadjutor, much less a swaggering captain. Also he was the first that ever presumed to grant Indulgences to those which were already dead, or hereafter should die in battle against paynim and Infidels: his words are these, Being demanded by our Bishops of France, Whether those which were already, or hereafter should die in defence of the Church, might have indulgence and pardon of their sins, johan. ep. 144. we answer boldly (saith he) By the goodness and mercy of our Lord jesus Christ, that the Rest of eternal life is provided for them. If so, what need then of so many Suffrages of Saints, Requiems, and oblations ever since? And he proveth what he had said by the example of the thief upon the Cross, which went straight to Paradise: and yet to make the world beholding unto him concludeth in this manner, We (saith he) by the intercession of Saint Peter the Apostle, who hath power to bind and to lose in heaven and in earth, Quantum fas est, so far forth as we may by law, do absolve them, and commend them to God by our prayers. The mischief was, that whosoever would not do whatsoever he would have them, was censured to be disobedient to the Church, and consequently a Heathen man and a Publican; and therefore all Martyrs, whosoever happened to die in their quarrel against such Christian Princes or States whatsoever: and so did he mean it, of all those who assisted him against the Earls of Tusculana. And this is the point wherein Baronius should have noted the wisdom of the flesh in john, by reason whereof he saith, that he was punished of God, and forsaken of all the Princes whom he had flattered, or rather (as we say) abused. OPPOSITION. Pope john during his abode in France, produced a certain Patent, as of a donation made by Charles the Bald to the Pope, of the Abbey of S. Denis; which was thought to have been forged by the Bishops Frotharius and Adalgarius, to take the said Abbey by this means out of the hand of Gausselin. But, saith the Author, Hoc argumentum sicut factio & non ratio, Aimon. l. 5. c. 37 imperfectum remansit, i. This claim, as savouring more of faction than of reason, remained in the suds: neither was any thing effected therein, notwithstanding the authority and presence of the Pope. Likewise when it came to our Bishop's ears, that the Pope there present had given his consent, That blind Hincmar Bishop of Laon, in despite of Hincmar Archbishop of Rheims, should sing Mass, that is, should be restored to his charge; presently the Metropolitans and Bishops of other Provinces, to show that he was not to hold his restitution as from the Pope, came suddenly and brought him into the Pope's presence (without expecting any order from him) attired in his Priestly robes and ornaments, and thence carried him singing to the Church, and there made him give his benediction to the people, and all in a full Synod. This was the end of that variance and strife between the two Hincmars, the uncle and the nephew; he of Laon appealing to the Pope from his deposition, the other refusing to admit of such Appeal; borne out a while by our kings in the defence of our Church liberties, forsaken afterward by Charles the Bald and his son, both stooping at the lure of the Empire, and yet he still persisting in his cause with the other Bishops even to this last Act. Which yet Baronius useth for an argument to prove his purpose, and maketh a miracle thereof. Here he runneth out upon Hincmar of Rheims, filling whole pages with this discourse: and yet, poor man, what evil had he done? only this, That he would not, saith Baronius, accept of the Pope's Decretals farther than they agreed with the holy Counsels. Which is, as he saith, Profiteri paritèr & diffiteri, i. To sup and blow all in a breath: Would God there were no greater sin in the world. And what, I pray you, hath our College of Sorbona taught else now so many years? Yet Baronius afterward giving his judgement of him, If, saith he, we will weigh him in an indifferent balance, for his knowledge in the Canons, Planè dixeris eruditissimum, You would say, he was exactly skilful in them, although sometimes he favour them too much, in preferring them before the Decretal Epistles of the See Apostolic. And what wonder if a Council be preferred before a single man? And as touching his knowledge in Divinity, saith he, we find him to have been most exquisitely learned therein, as may appear by that which he wrote against the Heretic Godescalcus, concerning Predestination. And thus much for our Western part of the world. In the East, Nicholas the first and Adrian the second laboured to make their market of that treacherous murder of Basilius, by deposing Photius, and restoring Ignatius, all to gratify and to content the Emperor: in so much that Adrian, what with blows, what with money, got in the end Appeals to be made from thence to Rome, though the Synod never assented thereunto. But john who succeeded them, by an act of his, unawares dashed all which they had done. Ignatius restored to his See, gave not that content to all as was expected; the Emperor Basilius also sound him not so pliant to his humour as he hoped; neither yet Pope john, because he would not let go the Churches of Bulgaria, as he desired, whereupon he menaced him with a flash of Excommunication. Ignatius happening shortly after to decease, Basilius affected to restore Photius; and because he was deposed by authority from Rome, sent unto john to restore him to the communion of the Church, and consequently to his See: and the rather to move him, proposed to him great reasons, and no less promises withal: That by this mean he should make a final end of quarrels in the East: That the Bishops themselves which were ordered by Ignatius and his faction, thought it fit and necessary: That otherwise new troubles would daily arise in the Church: That if he would give way thereto, he would furnish him with a navy to guard the coasts of Tuscanie and Campania from the Saracens, and would make Photius surrender the Churches of Bulgaria into his hands. Ambition, or rather, because Baronius will have it so, Baron. vol. 10. an. 878. art. 4. & 5. the wisdom of the flesh, enemy to God, carried away this good Prelate, in such sort, that contrary to his own oath, contrary to the judgement and sentence given by two of his predecessors (namely, of Nicholas the first, whom they call another Elias) he restored Photius, whom they had styled Lucifer, and set him upon his throne: who yet, as he affirmeth, since his deposition had showed no token of repentance, many of desperate rebellion, in despite of the Synod, erecting altar against altar, and both made and maintained a rent and schism openly in the Church: So indifferent is every point unto these men, so it serve for their private interest. And by reason of this weakness, saith Baronius, was this john called a woman, and a she Pope: thinking by this means to make us take john for jone, of whom we have already spoken. Photius was no sooner set in his See, but presently he called a general Council at Constantinople: he produced certain letters of john, true or false, (Baronius saith they were false and counterfeit) by which he disannulled the former, called the eighth general Council, held under Basilius; & caused this his Synod to bear the name of the eighth Oicumenicall Synod. And indeed this is that Council which Zonaras, a Greek Monk, putteth in this place, and allegeth by this name, with all the Actions and Sessions thereof, in his Collection of the Synods. In this Synod were present three Legates from Pope john, namely, Paul and Eugenius Bishops, and Peter a Cardinal Priest, who were so trimmed by Photius, as appeareth in the Acts, as never were Pope's Legates in all their lives. First it is noted, That there were in this Council three hundred and eighty Bishops, whereas there were only one hundred and two in the other. Secondly, Nicholas the first and Adrian the second were there condemned as Masters of misrule, and causers of all evils; and Pope john for amends highly commended. Thirdly, for the Churches of Bulgaria, the Legates were put over to the Emperor, as being a question of confines and borders of the Empire. Fourthly, it was enacted, and that by their consents, That whomsoever the Pope did excommunicate, the Patriarch might not receive, nor the Pope those which were excommunicated by the Patriarch. Whereby all Appeals from thence to Rome were abolished, for the purchasing whereof Pope Adrian was content to make himself a consort with a murderous Parricide. And last of all, whereas the Pope had straightly charged his Legates to Preside, Photius in their presence ever took his place first. And this is the reason why Baronius so bestirreth his stumps, Idem an. 879. art. 72. johan. ad Photium Epist. 250. Baron. an. 881. art. 5. & sequent. crying out, This Council was forged by Photius, that indeed there was never any such: Whereas yet, besides the Canons thereof, which we find in Zonaras and Balsamon, he himself produceth the very same Acts in Greek, taken out of their Vatican: telling us farther, That this Council being brought afterward to john, he condemned it, and disavowed his Legates. Well then, it appeareth that they suffered things to pass which the Pope disliked: what other things but those which are contained in those Acts? Whereupon ensued fresh excommunications against Photius, and the rent made worse between the East Churches and the West. Besides this, Historians here observe, That under this john the city of Rome was divided into two factions, one depended of the Earls of Tusculana, who sometimes by force, sometimes by bribery, brought in their friends or kindred to the Popedom: Whiles our French Peers were at variance between themselves, and were withal overlaid by the Normans, who so often set foot in France, that at last they took up their habitation there. Hence, say they, ensued corruption of good discipline, simony, and decrees of Pope's crossing and abrogating each other. And indeed after john succeeded Marinus, or Martinus: This was he which was chief author of clapping up john in prison, Malis artibus Pontificatum adeptus, Platin. in Martino. saith Platina, Aspiring to the Popedom by indirect courses; who presently restored Formosus to his Bishopric, absolving him from his oath. After Marinus succeeded Agapit, alias, Adrian the third, brought in by the same faction: And now also died Charles the Gross, Emperor, and with him the Empire of the French, and the honour of Charlemaigne his race in Italy. And the Italians themselves confess, Sigon. de regno Ital. l. 5. sub finem & sub initium. That during the Empire of the French in Italy they flourished in multitudes of people and stateliness of buildings, in civil policy and discipline; but above all, that they grew glorious in sanctity of religion, and Imperial dignity: And that when the Sceptre was once translated in other hands, though of Italians, yet their government decayed, the Church vanished, the times grew so filthy and abominable, as the like had not been seen in any precedent age: Wherefore from hence forward let us prepare our eyes to behold nothing but corruption of life and manners, and to behold this Mystery of Iniquity past her height and exaltation, and growing to the West of her declining. 36. PROGRESSION. 1 The Edicts of Adrian the third, and what success they had. 2 Of the factions in Italy about the election of the Pope. 3 Of the barbarous inhumanity of Pope Stephen towards the dead corpse of Formosus his predecessor. An. 885. ADrian the third therefore in the year 885 making benefit of the occasion, being partly persuaded by the Roman Princes, by whose help he was promoted to the Popedom, and partly moved for his own commodity, ordained two decrees, by which he seemed to set at liberty the Church of Rome and all Italy; and so much the rather, Platina in Adriano 3. Sigon. li. 5. de regno Ital. because the Normans with their ordinary outrodes and incursions held the French and the Germans busied to defend their own country: the first Edict was this, That in creating the Pope the authority of the Emperor should not be required; for the attaining whereof the Popes had long before bend their wits, and spent their best endeavours: the other, Simonet. l. 5. c. 15. Martin. Polon. in Hadrian. 3. That the Emperor Charles the Gross dying without sons, the kingdom, together with the title of the Empire, should be translated to the Princes of Italy, which not many years since Albertus' Marquis of Tuscan, chief leader of the Tusculans, and promoter of Adrian to the Popedom, strived to attain unto. The one and the other were pernicious both to the Church and Commonweal; and both, though projected and resolved on before the death of Charles the Gross, yet were they both within and without, at home and abroad, as we have seen before, opposed. Berengarius therefore Duke of Friuli, and Guido Duke of Spolete, whilst they both strived to attain to the kingdom of Italy, they divided it into two factions; of which two that of Guido was more strong, though less just (saith Sigonius) being upheld by the authority of Pope Stephen, who succeeded Adrian the third. Wherefore after certain battles fought between them, in which he had the victory, in the year 891 he crowned him at Rome, but yet upon condition, An. 891. That he should confirm those donations which were pretended to have been given by Pepin, Charles, and Lewis the first. This Stephen grew so proud and insolent, that he made a Decree yet extant in Gratian, That whatsoever the Church of Rome doth ordain or decree, D. 19 c. Eminuero. must be for ever, and irrevocably observed of all: For how much the less sanctity, learning, and virtue, there is in them, by so much they think they must be the bolder to strengthen their commands with authority and power. In this time Stephen the sixth died, whereupon the Roman factions began to revive. The Tusculans chose one Sergius of their own house and family; the other Formosus, who by john had before been excommunicated, a man commendable for his learning, but yet had received some impeachment of credit, having sworn, That he would never seek after the Bishopric of Rome: notwithstanding he wanted not sufficient colour to do it, because he was discharged of that oath by Pope Marinus. Guido in the mean time took part with Sergius, notwithstanding that Formosus possessed the See, Sergius being by force expelled. This whole Papacy therefore was spent in nothing but laying of plots, and continual rapines, sometimes the one getting the upper hand, sometimes the other, until Formosus, wearied with those molestations that were brought upon him by Sergius, who was supported by Guido and his son Lambert, resolved with himself to bring Arnulphus the king, duke of Bavier, son to Charlemaigne, and nephew to Charles the Gross, out of Germany; who with his army entered by force into the city of Rome, and was by Formosus anointed and crowned Emperor, and as Sigonius reporteth, enforced the people of Rome to take this oath: I protest before God and all the Saints, Sigon. de regno Ital. li. 6. and swear by the holy Sacraments, so long as I live to be subject to the power of the Emperor Arnulphus, and never to favour the part of Lambert, or Engultrude his mother, and to do my best endeavour that they never obtain any dignity, or oppress the city by any servitude. And by this means chased Sergius out of Rome. But not long after, when he besieged Engultrude the mother of Lambert, she a woman not equal in strength, betook herself to subtleties, and secretly by one of his servants, whom she corrupted with money, gave unto him a stupefying potion; which when he had taken, he was suddenly overcome with sleep, and after three days awaking, when he neither understood, nor could fitly express what he understood, and rather lowing like an ox, than speaking like a man, leaving the war, he retired himself into Lombardie. About the end of December died Formosus, after whom succeeded Boniface the sixth, and fifteen days after Stephen the seventh succeeded him, being advanced thereunto by the faction of Sergius, having taken heart by the departure of Arnulphus. Then was it easy to discern with what spirit they were led: for he was no sooner settled in his See, but he thought of nothing so much as to deface and blot out the memory of Formosus; whereupon he commanded his body to be digged out of his sepulchre, and his carcase to be placed in the Pope's chair, adorned with his Priestly garments, and there in the midst of a Synod assembled, himself and his Acts to be condemned. The writers of that age affirm (a thing horrible to be spoken) that this wicked man, ignorant of all good learning, Luitprand. li. 1. cap. 8. used this taunting speech to the poor dead corpse: When thou wert Bishop of Port, saith he, why with a spirit of ambition didst thou usurp the Roman Catholic seat? And thereupon disrobing him of his vestments, he commanded three of his fingers to be cut off, wherewith he was wont to bless the people, and the body to be cast into Tiber; and he degraded all those that had taken Orders of him, & himself gave them new. Hereupon Luitprand a Deacon of the Church of Pavia, who then lived, was exceedingly moved with this execrable deed. Platina in Formoso. Et ib. Onuphrius Leo Ostiensis l. 1. cap. 48. Onuphrius calls into question the truth of this story; which is to overthrow all antiquity, as in the case of Pope jove. The author of the Annals of the Abbey of Fulden, saith thus, Next Boniface succeeded Stephen, in name Apostolical, but in truth a most infamous man, who after a strange manner caused Formosus, his predecessor, to be taken out of his grave, and assigning an Advocate to answer for him, deposed him, and commanded him to be cast out of the place that was appointed for the burial of the Popes. And it is a Monk that speaketh it. Sigonius is of more credit, who describeth all the circumstances of this fact, and reports the Acts of the Council of Ravenna, published by john the tenth in these words: The Synod celebrated by our predecessor Stephen the sixth, Sigon. de regno Ital. li. 6. in which the carcase of Formosus the Pope is drawn out of the sepulchre, and as it were brought to trial (a thing never heard of before) we utterly abrogat, and by the sentence of the holy Ghost we forbidden any such thing to be done hereafter. He addeth, That he denounced the coronation of Arnulphus to be void, and that he anointed Lambert for Emperor in his place, because he took his part. And Baronius himself acknowledgeth the same; only (as we do) he attributeth that to Stephen the seventh, that others do to Sergius: Baron. an. 897. art. 2. This man, saith he, being frantic, did not that which was lawful to do, but what his own fury carried him unto: for it was not an error in faith, but a violent tyranny in fact. An. 897. These are his own words. In the mean time, in the year 897, Romanus succeeded Stephen, who presently calling a Council, condemned the condemnation of Formosus, and the Acts of Stephen against him. The like doth Theodorus the second, and john the ninth, or according to others, the tenth, who succeeded one another. But this man more solemnly in a Synod of seventy four Bishops which he held at Ravenna, where demanding every man's opinion severally, he canceled the Acts of Stephen and his Synod, pardoned the Bishops and Priests that gave assistance therein, who excused themselves, That what they did, they did by compulsion: forbidding that Sergius and his followers, who had digged Formosus out of his grave, should be restored, and condemning both them and Stephen himself, as violaters of sepulchers. He pronounced Formosus the lawful Pope, although he were first chosen, saith Onuphrius, without the Roman Clergy: and those Bishops that Stephen deposed he restored, and declared the coronation of Arnulphus the Emperor to be void, and ratified that of Lambert, as being done by Stephen for the good of the Church. This he did in favour of Lambert, whose power he feared both in Italy and in Rome: by means whereof that law was renewed, That from thence forward the Pope should not be consecrated but in the presence of the Ambassadors or Lieutenants of the Emperor, contrary to that which Adrian the third thought he had established. The Acts of this Council are to be found among the Canons of the Church of Modene, saith Sigonius. This ordinance nevertheless was shortly after broken; for john being dead, and Benedict the fourth chosen in his room, he was consecrated without the authority of the Emperor, by the faction of the Tusculans: And these things reach to the year 900. An. 900. OPPOSITION. The very impiety thereof had been sufficient to restrain this fatal Progression, if the Christian Church had not been senseless, so as no other Opposition should have needed; but what the spirit of God foretold in the Scriptures, cannot be prevented: for even the Popish Histories do witness, That the Clergy of Rome were grown to that pass, and so ambitious in those days, that they made no conscience to obtain the Popedom by fraud, by force, or by corruption, it being an ordinary practice for the successor to reverse the Acts of his predecessor, thereby revenging the delay of his own advancement: Platina in Stephan. 6. whereof we need no other author but Platina himself. But what think we did the Christian world then say, when they saw one Pope dig another out of his grave, degrade those Bishops which another had consecrated, the Acts which one made by another disallowed; all ordinances, vocations, missions, and the whole administration revoked and utterly abolished; and one Synod to contradict and overthrow another, and yet both the one and the other boldly and peremptorily using these words, Per sancti Spiritus judicium edicimus, interdicimus, etc. We say, and unsay, command, and forbidden, by the sentence of the holy Ghost? The Spirit of God then, if you believe them, must be contrary to itself, and so must the truth. And nevertheless they stick not boldly to affirm, D. 19 c. Enim vero. Luitprand. l. 1. c. 8. That whatsoever the Church of Rome doth appoint or ordain must be for ever and irrevocably observed of all. Luitprand being greatly offended with the fact of Formosus, ingeniously acknowledgeth the error of Stephen: Most holy Father, saith he, hereby you may know how wickedly he dealt (that is to say, to abrogat all those ordinances that were made by Formosus) because they that received the Apostolical benediction of judas before his treason, were not after it deprived thereof, except it were by their own sins: for that benediction that is given by the Ministers, is not infused by that Priest that is seen, but by him that is invisible, jesus Christ our Lord. Bellarmine goes about to salve the matter, saying, That he degraded not those that were ordained by Formosus, by a formal decree, but that only de facto, he made them to be reordered: A command, saith he, Bellarm. l. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 12. that did not proceed of ignorance, but of hatred against Formosus. But yet we find by their own Authors, that this was done by the authority of a Synod celebrated at Rome, and by an express Decree. But if such tergiversations may serve turn, what wickedness is there that cannot be defended? This Heresy of Stephen, yea of the Council of Rome, was it but small, when Stephen in his Synod declared Formosus neither to be, nor to have been Pope, who, I say, made himself the Head of the Church, being deceived in his knowledge of the Head of the Church? let any man look into his conscience, and his knowledge, whether he fell into a light Heresy, or no. But here he will follow Sigebert for his Author, An. 902. Sigebertus in Chron. That notwithstanding the contradiction of the greater part, Stephen the sixth degraded those that had been ordained by Formosus. And is he not therefore so much the more an Heretic, by how much the more obstinate he was to be ordered by the counsel of his brethren? But Sigebert in the year 902 peremptorily affirmeth, That all his ordinances were to be made void, and did other things against him, horrible to be spoken: This than was a decree: An. 903. and in the year 903 speaking of the Synod held by Pope john at Ravenna, the Archbishops of France being present, Before them (saith he) was the Synod burned which Stephen had made for the condemnation of Formosus. This decree was concluded in the next full Synod, and in the year 900 he affirmed, That by this occasion this question had been for many years disputed in the Church, not without great scandal, the one part judging the consecration of those that Formosus had ordained to be nothing, the other by a more holy counsel judging them to be of force. This was a question of law, not of fact; and consequently the solution of Bellarmine altogether void. Baron. to. 10. an. 897. art. 4. an. 900. art. 2, 3, 4. Truly Baronius speaking of these times, is strucken with a kind of horror, and calls them infelicissima & luctuocissima ecclesiae Romanae tempora, The most unfortunate and lamentable times of the Church of Rome, worse than the persecutions of the Pagan Emperors, Heretics, Schismatics. But he laid the fault upon the Tusculan princes, then powerful in Rome, as if the other part had yielded Popes more holy, and as if both the one and the other had not entered by theft, and consequently come in at the window, and not at the door. When (saith he) the Church of Rome suffered the Princes of Tuscan to bear rule, whether by money, or by arms, over the people and Clergy of Rome, they thrust into the Chair of Peter, the throne of Christ, men monstrous and infamous in their lives, dissolute in their manners, and wicked and villainous in all things; and then the Queen of Nations (so he calleth the Church of Rome) being rob of the garments of her glory and joy, sits in heaviness, mourning and lamenting. Let the Reader here note what help they give us to argue against the perpetuity of their pretended succession, when by his own confession he here spoke of ten Popes that did immediately succeed one another: but he adds, that God would have it so, to give the world to understand, that the Church as a Commonwealth dependeth not upon the wisdom or virtue of those which governed, but from the efficacy of the promise of God, which makes it firm and constant for ever. Why then should it seem strange, that there should be any interruption in this personal succession? For hath he ever seen families continued by monsters? And when they happen in the Church, as he acknowledgeth, is not the mercy of God to be acknowledged therein, which even of stones raiseth seed unto Abraham, and beateth down Antichrists, sitting in the seat of Christ, with the breath of his mouth? Jbid. art. 6. Moreover Baronius acknowledgeth, that whilst Stephen digged up the carcase of Formosus, the Church of Latran, the chief seat of the Pope, by the devil was utterly overthrown to the ground, from the Altar to the gates, even that (saith he) in which Pope Stephen kept his residence. Which is an argument unto us, that we are admonished by this destroying Angel, that we are hereafter to seek here the rubbish of the Church. Neither let us forget, that Stephen for his wickedness was strangled in prison, and nevertheless john the tenth, his successor, calls him Stephen of happy memory, in the acts of the Council of Ravenna, which (saith Baronius) was done in reverence of his predecessor. Baron. vol 10. an. 904. art. 4. We may rather say, because all impiety was with them piety, that virtue and vice were with them only measured by commodity. But at this time Theophilact the Archbishop of the Bulgarians, the only man in that age famous in Divinity, who expounding these words, Upon this rock I will build my Church, Theophil. in Matth. c. 16. made no mention of the Pope of Rome, because (saith he) Peter confessed him the son of God, the Lord saith, That that confession that he made should become the foundation of the faithful; in such sort, that every man that would build the house of faith, must necessarily put this confession for his foundation, etc. Yea (saith he) every one of us being made the house of God is the Church, insomuch, that if we be built upon this confession of Christ, the gates of hell nor our sins shall prevail against us. And to prove that he understood not this privilege to belong to the Church of Rome, but to every Christian that is the house of God, and the Church, upon these words, To thee I will give the keys of heaven, etc. he saith, joh. 20. The keys that bind and lose, forgive and aggravate our sins: For they that like Peter are thought worthy Episcopal grace, have power to lose and retain sins: for though it were only said to Peter, To thee I will give: yet that power was once given to all the Apostles, when he said, Whose sins ye remit shall be remitted: for that word (I will give) signifieth a future time, that is, after the resurrection. And therefore to show that he thought the keys not to be attributed more to Peter than the rest of the Apostles, he saith upon the Epistle to the Galathians, Theophil. ad Gal. c. 2. Paul showed himself to be equal to Peter. Many the like places there are in this Author, though he were one of those that came last, and of those (as we have said elsewhere) whose writings some have taken care to corrupt, the better to accommodat them to the controversies of the times. 37. PROGRESSION. Of the miserable estate of Italy through the wickedness of the Popes, and the wilfulness of the people. Of Theodora and her daughters, three famous harlots, that ruled the Popes and the City of Rome at their pleasure. Of the abominable and wicked life of john the thirteenth. HEre we enter into an age which is renowned only for this, That in the state of Italy there was nothing but confusion, in the Church darkness, and in the Pope's idleness, and a headlong licentious liberty to commit all sin: that it was no marvel that Baronius began his History with these words, An iron age barren of all goodness, and a leaden age abounding with all wickedness. For as touching the State: the Emperor Lambert having been traitorously slain, as Berengarius (a Prince commended for his great virtue) thought he had overcome all his affairs, Benedict the third, provoked by the marquess Albert, called Lewis the third, the son of the Emperor Arnulph, against him, and crowned him at Rome; but Berengarius surprised him upon the sudden at Verona, and having taken him, plucked out his eyes, and settled himself in the Empire for many years: notwithstanding his prosperous success was interrupted by the faction of the Popes, assisted by the power of the marquess Albert, than arbitrator at Rome. The Hungarians on the other part, and the Saracens without resistance troubled all Italy. Neither were there wanting malcontents who called in strange Princes, Rodulph K. of Burgoigne, Hugh K. of Arles, who as it were by turns entering Italy with their powers, crowned themselves at Rome, but yet with condition to ratify the pretended donations; and because they had need of the Pope's help, were content to remit much of their authority, and yet sped never the better. And as touching the Church, it was easy to judge in so great a perturbation of all things how pale the face of it was, especially in Italy, where all this while there was not a man of fame that appeared, nor action that had any show of care in it of the Church: in such sort, that they that have writ the History, think they have sufficiently commended a Pope, when they have reported him to have done nothing, so natural a thing was it for them to have done evil. In the year 904 Benedict the fourth died, An. 904. and contrary to all law (say they) Leo the fift succeeded, who after forty days was deposed by his chaplain Christopher, & novo exemplo, Sigon. de Reg. Jtal. li. 6. Platina in Benedict. 4. & Leo. 5. by a new example, saith Sigonius; malis artibus, by deceit and cunning, saith Platina, settled himself in his place: Sergius the third being now twice driven from the Popedom, made friendship with the marquess Albert, and so supplanted him, and placed himself in his throne, and then at his own pleasure inveighed against the memory of Formosus, and pronounced his Acts to be void; insomuch that Bellarmine laboured no less in the justifying of him, than of Stephen. Then was there no more question either of the election of the Clergy, or of the consent of the people. Here (saith Platina) consider how much these have degenerated from their ancestors, for they like holy men contemned such dignities as were freely offered them, and betook themselves to prayer and preaching: these with corruption and ambition seeking the Popedom, and having gotten it, laying aside all divine worship, no otherwise than cruel tyrants exercise their malice one against the other, that with the better security they might afterward follow their own pleasures, when there should be no body of power to bridle their sin. An. 911. Anastasius in the year 911 succeeded Sergius, An. 913. and him Landus in the year 913, and him succeeded john the eleventh, the Archbishop of Ravenna, commendable only in this, that they lived not long, Platina in Christoph. 1. & sequ. God (saith Platina) taking them out of the world as so many monsters. But Sigonius without malice speaks thus of john, That the Clergy and people being assembled together for the choice of the Pope, there was nothing done in this election according to law: for Albertus the marquess, at the persuasion of Theodora his mother in law, not out of the Church of Rome, but of Ravenna, nor by the voices of the Clergy, but his own riches, Luitprand. l. 2. c. 13. nominated for a successor john the Archbishop of Ravenna. Luitprand who lived in those times speaks somewhat louder, He obtained (saith he) the Popedom by such horrible wickedness, contra ius fasque, against all law both divine and human. Theodora an impudent harlot obtained Virago-like the Monarchy of the City of Rome, who had two daughters, Marozia and Theodora, not only equal unto her, but far surpassing her in their lascivious life, of one of these, namely Marozia, Pope Sergius had in adultery john, who after the death of john of Ravenna got the Popedom (that is to say, the twelfth, of whom we shall speak hereafter) and by the marquess Albert her husband she had Alberick, who afterward usurped the principality of Rome. Theodora surprised with the beauty of this john (that is to say the eleventh) who then had some charge in the Church of Ravenna, did not only entice, but forced him to lie with her. These things whilst they were thus impudently carried, the Bishop of Bologne dying, this john was chosen in his place: at the last Sergius dying, to the end she might not be too far from her paramour (for Ravenna is distant from Rome two hundred miles) she caused him to leave the archbishopric of Ravenna, and to usurp, Luitprand. l. 2. c. 13. proh nefas, the Popedom of Rome. This History in Luitprand is set down more amply, and with words more scandalous, which I willingly spare to deliver. Frodoard. Hist. Rhemens'. l. 4. c. 19 Baron. vol. 10. an. 925. art. 9, 10, 11. This is that john, who (as Frodoardus reporteth) to gratify Rodulph the King, created a child of five years age Bishop of Rheims: whereupon Baronius thus crieth out, Thou seest, gentle Reader, by the authority of what Pope this was first brought into the Church of God (if he may be called a Pope) that is by john the tenth, (whom Platina calls the eleventh) than whom there was no man more wicked, whose entrance into the Chair of Peter was most infamous, and his departure most execrable. Now Marozia her daughter having lost her husband the marquess Albert, not knowing how to live a private life, married herself to Guido Duke of Tuscan, with purpose to get into his hands the government of Rome, which Albertus had: and because Pope john withstood it, she persuaded her husband to take him out of the way; who afterwards having caused his brother to be slain in his sight, Luitprand. l. 3. c. 12. cast john into prison, and smothered him with a pillow. Guido shortly after died, and Marozia still greedy of government, made a motion of marriage with Hugh King of Arles, assuring him the government of the City of Rome: who being called from elsewhere into Italy, came and married her, and with speedy journeys coming to Rome; was admitted without any resistance. But he being otherwise a wise Prince, it so fell out, that when Alberick by the counsel of his mother, with less dexterity than was fitting, brought water unto him to wash his hands, he gave the young man a box on the ear; to revenge which contumely, the youth in a fury presently went to the Romans, and persuades them to sedition against Hugh; whom he assailing in the castle, drove him to such a straight, that he was enforced to leap over the wall: Whereupon Alberick both renews the name of Consul in Rome, and made himself a Consul, changing the whole order of the government; and in such sort altereth the State, that from thence forward for a long time the election of the Popes depended upon him and his: so to Leo the sixth, the successor of john the eleventh, in the year 928, An. 928. he substituted Stephen the seventh, but according to Onuphrius the eight: and in the year 930, john the twelfth, An. 930. the bastard son of Pope Sergius the third and of Marozia, gotten (as is said before) in adultery, and consequently his brother by the mother's side; whom Sigonius (not unfitly) saith, sedere iussus was commanded to take the See: and again in the year 935 he constituted Leo the seventh, An. 935. successor to john the twelfth. An. 938. And whereas King Hugh in the year 938 had caused Stephen the eight to be nominated in the place of Leo the seventh, the faction of Alberick by a civil tumult wounded in such sort his good name, that being ashamed to show himself publicly, he died with discontent: in whose place Martin the second, alias Martin the third, succeeded: whose place four years after Agapete the second held: who also about the year 956 dying, An. 956. the Consul Alberick was of such power and authority, that he caused Octavian his own son to be chosen Pope, though young of years, and a child in manners. This man according to Platina, was john the thirteenth, according to Onuphrius the twelfth. Here Baronius searcheth into the age of Octavian, Baron. vol. 10. an. 955. art. 2, 3, 4. because the Emperor Otho coming into Italy, was wont to say, He is but a child, and therefore may hereafter easily be changed by the example of good men: When he had held the Seat eight years, his nativity being cast, concluded, that notwithstanding he had been the eldest son of Alberick, which he was not, yet he could not be above eighteen years of age. judge now Reader what Father of fathers he was, to govern (saith he) the spiritual regiment of all the Christian world, and so he pronounceth him an untimely birth, which the tyranny of Rome had brought forth, excelling in power, confounding every thing with wars, daring and subverting all things; in such sort, that by no means he could be said to be a lawful Pope, in whose election there was no law observed, but all things carried by force and fear: he that wanted years to be a Deacon, seemeth as a vice playing the Pope's part upon a stage. After all this, saith Baronius, by common consent it was agreed, that he should be tolerated, rather than by Schisms to trouble the Church of God: and note withal, that not long after he preferreth him before those that were solemnly chosen in a full Council. But it is not amiss to hear what Luitprand, an eye-witness, saith of both the johns, Luitprand. l. 3. c. 12. that it may the better appear how far the impudency of this Seat had proceeded. To john therefore the twelfth, besides what I have already alleged of him, and of Marozia his mother, he hath these verses, where she inviteth Hugh by the marriage of her to the Principality of Rome. Quid veneris facibus compulsa Marozia saevis, Coniugis ecce tui spectas tu suavia fratris, Nubere germanis satagens Herodia binis etc. Reproaching his incest; and again, Aduenit optatus ceu bos tibi ductus ad aram Rex Hugo etc. Moreover, he bringeth in Alberick exhorting the Romans to shake off this infamous yoke, with these words, Is the dignity of the City of Rome so besotted, as to be obedient to the government of a strumpet? What thing more base, more abominable, than to yield to the incest of a woman? For Theodora his mother had made john the twelfth, her favourite, Pope: and as for john the thirteenth, he describeth his life, not with his own, but the words of the best of the people of Rome: Witness Raineria, a widow of one of his soldiers, to whom he gave the government of many Cities, the keeping of the Cross of gold, and the Cups of S. Peter. And witness Stephana his love, who died in the delivery of that child which she had lately conceived by him; and if all things should hold their peace, the Palace of Lateran, sometimes the lodging of Saints, now a common brothell-house, cannot conceal his good friend the sister of Stephana, his father's concubine. Witness the absence of all women, besides the Romans, who durst not visit the Churches of the holy Apostles, to do their devotions, because that not many days before they had heard of married women, widows, virgins, that had been forced by him. Witness the Churches themselves, where the rain doth not only fall by drops, but overfloweth the whole altars. These heinous crimes were objected against him, whereof he was afterward accused and convicted, as by little and little shall appear; Platina in johan. 13. Sigon. lib. 7. de Reg. Jtal. insomuch that Platina could not conceal, That from his youth he was polluted with all manner of wickedness and uncleanness. Neither doth Onuphrius dissemble it: and as for Sigonius, His Popedom (saith he) as the entrance was shameful and villainous, so it had a sorrowful end, with the great offence of the whole Church, and the molestation of all Italy; which a certain tempest that rise this year did portend, wherein a stone of huge greatness in the thunder fell from heaven, which overthrew many Churches, and slew some of their Priests. Rolwinke the author of Fasciculus temporum entering into this age, crieth out, Alas alas, o Lord God, how is the gold darkened, the good colour thereof changed! what scandals read we of in these times, even in the Apostolic Seat? what contentions, emulations, sects, envyings, ambitions, intrusions, persecutions? O miserable times in which holy men languish and decay, and truth itself is banished from amongst the sons of men etc. These eight Popes successively following one the other, held their Seat but a small time, I can report nothing of them that is notable, because I have found nothing but matter of scandal in them, by reason of such a contention in that holy Apostolic Seat of one against another, as hath not formerly been heard of. For Stephen confirming the Acts of john the eight, condemneth Formosus, and declareth his Acts to be of no force, and disgraced his dead body, and cutting off two of his fingers, commanded his hand to be cast into Tibet, showing himself thereby ungrateful towards him that had made him Bishop of Anagnia. But Theodorus shortly after disalloweth the Acts of Stephen, and approved those of Formosus etc. And so of the rest. He affirmeth, Platinae in vita horum Pontificum. that Sergius the third beheaded Formosus being dead, and adorned with priestly garments; but Platina speaks more mildly, saying, that he proceeded against him by course of law, and condemned him to lose his head, as if he had been alive. But yet to all these he leaves a mark of reproach, when he saith of Formosus, That he was raised to the Popedom rather by gifts than by virtue; of Stephen the sixth, by money and corruption; of Roman the first, that he envied the honours of all others, as they use to do that are polluted with all kind of wickedness; of Theodore the second, that he followed the steps of his seditious predecessors; of Christopher the first, that he cast Leo into prison, which could not be done without great sedition, and the utter destruction of many; of john the eleventh, that he was a man of war rather than religion: and this he speaks perhaps (seeing as much as we see) more mildly than was fitting. Of the rest in these times he spoke more generally, Consider I pray (saith he) how much these have degenerated from their ancestors, for they like holy men contemned dignities when they were freely offered them, giving themselves to prayer and the study of divinity; but these, seeking the Popedom by bribery and ambition, and gaining it, laying aside all divine worship, like cruel tyrants exercised their malice the one towards the other, glutting themselves afterward the more securely with their own pleasures, when there were none that had power to punish their insolences. For (saith he) the Pontifical dignity first increased without riches, among so many enemies, and obstinate persecutors of the name of Christ, by learning and holiness of life, which are not attained but with great labours and much virtue: shortly after, so soon as the Church of God began to grow wanton with wealth, her worshippers being turned from austerity of life to wantonness, this licence to sin begot unto us (there being no Prince to punish the wickedness of men) these monsters, by whom the most holy Seat of Peter by ambition and bribery is rather occupied than possessed. This saith he, describing the lives of the Popes of this time, insomuch that we need no other witness. What then shall we say, if Cardinal Baronius, notwithstanding his seatlet rob, hath been ashamed of this foul wickedness, when he knew not how to begin without a Preface, wherein he confessed to the Reader, that he was now to see abhominationem desolationis in Templo, Dan 9 Baron. an. 900. art. 1, 2, 3. foretold by Daniel, and afterward by our Saviour himself: What then should the faithful do, but by the commandment of our Saviour, ad montes fugiamus, and let us departed from Babylon and her uncleanness, when again ●e acknowledged that these Popes were proh pudor & proh dolour (saith he) like horrible monsters intruded into this Seat, venerable to the Angels themselves? And how many evils (saith he) have proceeded from them, and strange accomplished tragedies? Whereby it is come to pass, that the Church without spot or wrinkle hath been sprinkled with or dares, infected with stench, polluted with villainies, darkened with perpetual infamy. Of Sergius namely, & of Theodora his harlot, after he had quoted the place of Luitprand, he saith, Baron. to 10. an. 908. art. 5, 6, 7. Hast thou heard gentle Reader the lamentable state of this time, when Theodora the elder, a noble harlot, obtained the Monarchy in the City of Rome; and by this word they commonly understand the Church. But how came so infamous a woman to so great dignity, saith he? This harlot was a noble woman of Rome, and of a great house, and of excellent beauty and wit, who by her adulterer Pope Sergius sibi Monarchiam peperir, she obtained this Monarchy. And note here the succession, This wicked woman by this art obtained the dominion, and to continue it to her posterity prostituted her daughters to the Popes, to the invaders of the Apostolical Seat, & to the Marquesses of Tuscan, by which means the Empire of these harlots so much increased, that at their pleasure they removed those that were lawfully created, and thrust into their places men polluted with all manner of wickedness: and of this miserable estate of the Church, which God permitted (saith he) to be dishonoured at the pleasure of wicked persons, let us say with S. john, of the great where, her Empire spreadeth itself through the whole world. OPPOSITION. Now if Luitprand, Deacon of the Church of Pavia, dare speak so freely as we have heard before, it is not to be doubted but that others elsewhere do at the least mutter something: For to see a courtesan, of all others in the world the most infamous, to reign at Rome, and to reign over the Popes, and to create Popes at her pleasure, what is it but to present unto themselves the mother of fornications, as it were by an Epitome? And this was nevertheless in those times when the marriage of Priests was condemned for an Heresy, insomuch that against married Priests there could be found no law too severe, nor punishment too painful. At this time also there was much contention about the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament, that by how much less they believed God in heaven, by so much the more careful they were to affirm him to be in the bread, in the Priest's hand, in his words, in his nods; and that by these means, when it pleased them, they could make him appear upon the earth: so that, as the Apostle speaketh, Dishonesty followeth infidelity, and corruption in manners, impiety. Italy now being wearied with these monsters, is forced at last to think of a remedy, especially being elsewhere troubled and disquieted with the oppressions of young Berengarius and his son, insupportable to men of all conditions. But the kings of the race of Charlemaigne being extinct in Germany, and the Germans choosing kings of their own nation, they had recourse unto Otho, the son of king Henry, Luitprand. l. 6. c. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, & usque ad finem. duke of Saxony, who then reigned there, greatly renowned for his virtue and justice. And some say, That john himself, partly entreated by the chief Lords of Italy, partly wearied by the Berengarians, sent Legates unto Otho, john a Deacon, and Aso the Secretary, to entreat him to come and secure the Church; it may be under this pretence, to demand justice against himself, as it appeared afterward. But howsoever it was, they both made peace with Otho, and as they promised him being come to Rome, the Empire; so he for his part sweareth, with all the power he had to exalt the Church of Rome, and john, the ruler thereof. Moreover, he promiseth, that he will never be actor or author in any thing that may detract from that honour he hath, and to restore whatsoever shall fall into his hands that belongs to Saint Peter, and to give in command unto him, to whom he shall commit the government of Italy, to swear that he shall ever assist the Pope, and defend the dominions of Saint Peter with all his force. Which being done, Otho came to Rome in the year 961, being magnificently received of all, and there binds himself by oath to the Pope, and the Pope to him; Otho restoring unto him, according to his promise, whatsoever of his he had gotten into his power, and shortly after returned to Pavia. There was in the oath that john made to the Emperor, taken upon the corpse of S. Peter, Luitprand. l. 6. c. 6. this clause, That he would never give assistance to Berengarius, and Adelbert his son: nevertheless he no sooner saw Otho departed, but presently he sent to Adelbert, and spareth not to promise any thing unto him against the Emperor; who nevertheless being come at his request, in such sort astonished him, that he had abandoned Rome, and retired himself under the protection of the Saracens at Fraxinet. This new and incredible thing the Emperor would not easily believe, but sent to his most familiar and trustiest friends in Rome, privily to inquire the truth thereof: Whereupon the best of the citizens did assure him, That he should not any way doubt thereof, yea faithfully believe, That the devil hated not more his Creator, than john the Pope the most sacred Emperor, albeit he delivered him from the hands of Adelbert his enemy. Wherefore they paint out the said john in all his colours, as before is said in Luitprand: For they say, There is not greater discord between the Wolf and the Lamb, than hatred in him towards the Emperor, who the better to commit his wickedness without punishment, had need of an Adelbert for his defender. The Emperor, who stayed all this while at Pavia, resolved to return again to Rome, purposing by the way to chastise Berengarius. But john, who doubted of somewhat that might sinisterly ensue, gave to understand by his Legates, That heretofore he had been carried by the heat of youth, but he was now resolved to be wiser; and propoundeth withal certain complaints, for which the Emperor yieldeth to make him satisfaction: yet all this will not content him, but still reserveth matter of malice and mischief. And hereupon procured Adelbert to come, and honourably received him into Rome. The Emperor in the mean time drawing near, The greater part of the noblest and chiefest Romans took by force the castle of S. Paul, and thither invite the Emperor, and gave him pledges. Whereupon the Pope together with Adelbert incontinently fled from Rome. Then Otho being received into the city, they promise him loyalty and faith, adding moreover, and firmly swearing, That they would never choose any Pope, or ordain any without the consent and election of the Emperor Otho, and the king his son. Finally, within three days following, at the request of the Bishops and the people of Rome, there assembled a great Synod in the Church of S. Peter, where the Archbishops sat with the Emperor; that is to say, for Englefred Patriarch of Aquilea, being then sick in the city, Rodolphus a Deacon, Walbert of Milan, & Peter of Ravenna: of Germany also and France, many Archbishops, and divers Bishops: of Italy, all the principal and chief Bishops, even to the number of thirty and more, besides the Suffragans themselves of the Bishopric of Rome, and all the Priests, Cardinals, and Deacons, and other officers of the Roman Church; and also all the principal and chief persons in the city of Rome, which are all severally named by Luitprand in his History: And therefore Lambert of Schaffnaburg calleth it The Great Synod. Lambertus Schaffnaburg. an. 963. Luitprand. l. 6. c. 7. In which the Emperor omitted not any thing that belonged to the form of law; and a general silence being made, he began and asked before all the Fathers, Why john avoided so great an assembly, whom it most concerned, and according to the duty of his charge ought principally to be there? Then the Roman Bishops, that is to say, the Bishops Suffragans, Cardinals, Priests, Deacons, and all the people, answered: We marvel greatly that your sacred wisdom will demand this thing of us, which neither the Iberians, Babylonians, nor the Indians, are ignorant of; so openly he manageth his devilish affairs, as no coverture or cunning he useth therein. The Emperor answered, It seemeth fit unto us, that some special accusations be declared, and then the rest to be decreed by common counsel. Then Peter, a Cardinal and Priest, stood up and affirmed, That he saw him celebrat the Mass, and not communicate: john Bishop of Naruie, and john a Cardinal, testify, They saw him give Orders to a Deacon in a stable among horses: Benedict, with other Deacons and Priests, say, They knew that he made Bishops for money, and that he had created one of the age of ten years a Bishop, in the city of Tudertina: And for sacrilege we need not search far, because we may know more by the eye than by the ear: For adultery, they say, They were not eye witnesses, yet they certainly knew the widow of Ranierus, and Stephana his father's concubine, and Anna a widow, with his niece, to be defiled by him; and that he made the holy Palace a stews, and common brothel house. Moreover, he put out the eyes of Benedict his spiritual father, who soon after died; slew Cardinal john, a Subdeacon, after he had cut off his genitors; he exercised burnings, and violent outrages, being armed, and a sword by his side; that he used to carouse in wine a health to the devil, which all, as well the Clergy as the Laity, with one voice did confess: That playing at dice, they say, he used to call upon the name of jupiter and Venus, and all the devils, to help him: That he celebrated Matins in no fit hour, and never made any sign of the cross. But for as much as worthy men are often inveighed against, and through envy and malicious detractation falsely accused, the Emperor again conjureth them, That they propound nothing against him that is not plainly to be proved. To this the whole Synod cried out, Quasi unus vir, as if but the voice of one man; If this unworthy Pope john hath not committed more shameless, and more abominable acts than these that are here expressed by Benedict the Deacon, we desire holy Saint Peter the Prince of Apostles, never to absolve us from the snares of our sins, who by his word shutteth the gates of heaven against the unworthy, and openeth them to the just and righteous, but that we may be accursed and set upon the left hand at the last day. Nevertheless the Synod requested the Emperor, That letters might be sent unto him, to come to purge himself: which were presently dispatched, both in the name of the Emperor and the Archbishops; wherein briefly were expressed the crimes whereof he was accused. Whereto he answered, directing his letters, Omnibus Episcopis, To all the Bishops: We hear say, that ye mean to create another Pope; which if ye do, I excommunicate ye by the omnipotent God, that ye have no power to ordain any, nor to celebrat the Mass. In the mean time that this letter was in reading, there arrived the Archbishop of trevers, and other Bishops of Lorraine, Liguria, and Aemilia, with whose advise and counsel both the Emperor and the Synod returned him this answer: If he came not, nor had any other lawful cause to allege (being he was neither to pass the seas, nor had any bodily infirmity, nor yet a very long journey) they made light account of his excommunication, and that they would return it upon himself, because they might justly do it. judas, say they, who betrayed & sold our Saviour jesus Christ, received of him, with others, the power to bind and unloosse, etc. and so long as he continued honest among the Disciples, he was able to bind and unloosse: but afterward, when through the venom and corruption of covetousness he became an Homicide to destroy life, whom could he more tie or untie but himself, whom most wickedly he strangled with an halter? Surely by this it plainly appeareth, that the pretended seat of Saint Peter is no impediment to be a judas. The Emperor, who all this while complained not of any injury offered by him particularly unto himself, seeing him sufficiently charged by others, declared now unto them with great moderation, How that he having taken an oath upon the corpse of Saint Peter, did nevertheless combine and arm himself with Adelbert against him; entreating the Synod to consider thereof: whose sentence was, That a strange Ulcer ought to be burnt with a strange searing iron; and it was fit to drive away this monster of the Church, a scandal to the whole world, and some good and virtuous man to be put in his place. This sentence was approved by the Emperor, and all with one voice chose Leo the eighth in place, An. 963. as they say, of this Apostate john; the Emperor allowing the same. These things fell out in the year 963: but not long after, such things being set in order as did most concern them, the Emperor with Leo called another Synod at Rome: in which it manifestly appearing to all, that there was no other cause of these tumults, than the neglect of the law and institution ordained by Charles the Great, and quite abrogated by Adrian the third, labouring more, Sigon. l. 7. de reg. Ital. saith Sigonius, for the dignity, than the tranquility of the Church; whereby the Popes were chosen by unlawful suits and briberies: a law was made for the restitution thereof, and that bridle which the Popes and Clergy of Rome had studiously shaken of, D. 69. c. in Synod. 23. they were enforced again to admit. We read in the Decrees of Gratian this Canon, D. 63. repeated also by Sigonius in his History: According to the example of holy Adrian, Bishop of the Apostolic Sea, Sigon. l. 7. de regno Ital. Fasciculus tempo. who granted to Charles (the most victorious king of the French and Lombard's) the dignity of the Patritij, and the administration of the Apostolic See, and the investing of Bishops; I likewise, Leo Bishop, and servant of the servants of God, with all the Clergy and people of Rome, An. 964. constitute and confirm, and by our Apostolical authority grant and give unto the Lord Otho the first king of the Germans, and to his successors of the kingdom of Italy for ever, the authority and power to elect and choose a successor, and to ordain and appoint the Bishop of the Sovereign Apostolic See: and furthermore, that the Archbishops and Bishops shall take their investiture of him, but their consecration where they ought, except those whom the Emperor hath given or granted to the Popes and Archbishops: And that no man hereafter, of what degree or religion soever, shall have any power in choosing or ordaining either Patricius, or Bishop of the Sovereign Apostolic See, or any Bishop, without the consent of the Emperor, and that without any corruption or money; and that he be Patricius and King. If any therefore whosoever, enterprise or attempt any thing against this rule and Apostolical authority, we judge him excommunicate, and if he be not penitent therefore, perpetual exile, and everlasting torment. The sum of this Canon with Gratian is thus, The election of the Bishop of Rome by right belongeth to the Emperor. And Theodore of Nyem, who lived under john the 23, affirmeth, That he had seen the Letters Patents at Florence, from whence it was taken, reserved for the privilege of the Imperial dignity. Krantzius l. 4. c. 10. Saxoniae. And also Krantzius with this clause very perfectly relateth unto us, That this Council ought to be inviolably observed, under the pain of excommunication of the Universal Church. Insomuch that it was necessary to put again in force the law of Charles the Great, to bridle the monstrous lasciviousness of the Clergy: Which law nevertheless as they obeyed it unwillingly, so upon every light occasion they were ready to abrogat it; so impatient were they of all good discipline. For so soon as the Emperor had dismissed his forces, they recall john; who assembled another Synod, deposeth Leo, cancelleth his Acts, condemneth the Synod holden by him, forbiddeth it to be called a Synod, but Prostibulum favens adultris, A stews in favour of adulterers; Sigebert. and as many as Leo had Ordered, he degraded; whom, An. 963. to the end they might signify to the world, That they had received nothing from Leo, he commanded them always to have this word in their mouths, My father had nothing, Luitprand. l. 6. c. 11. and gave me nothing. At the last, upon a certain night, as Pope john lay with another man's wife without the city of Rome, he was so strooken of the devil, that within eight days following he died of the same wound. And here the Author crieth out, O eternal God, Fascicul. tempo. how different are these from those of former time! O the bottomless depth of the judgements of God, who can find them out! Some say, he was slain by the husband of the said wife. And then the Romans, contrary to their oath, chose one Benet, without the consent of Otho, or his son. Wherewith the Emperor being much offended, besieged the city, and took it in despite of the Romans, dispossessed Benet not only of his Popedom, but degraded him of his Priestly Orders, after he had acknowledged his offence, & re-established Leo the eight. By which occasion it so came to pass, that Leo to render some gratuity to the Emperor, made a resignation for ever, both to him and to his successors, Emperors and Kings of Italy, of all the donations granted to the Church of Rome; whether by any manifest deed, or any Imperial Patent, or in any other manner whatsoever, by Charles the Great, Pepin his father, Aribert king of Lombard's, or justinian: taking as it were to witness the books of the holy Evangelists, many relics, the holy cross, the hose, & unseamed coat of our Lord, the body of holy Saint Peter, with many profound oaths taken before him and his Cardinals, and by the consent and authority of all the people of Rome, as well the Clergy as the Laity, of all degrees, and of every Province, being present, and confirming the same. In this resignation are specified severally all the Provinces, Isles, Cities, Towns, Castles, which are recited in the donation of the Emperor Lewis, without any exception: and also many others which were not there named. And all this, saith he, take and possess for the use of your Court and military affairs, to make war, and to fight against the paynim, and against the rebels of the Roman Empire: Adding beside, That if any will attempt to hinder the effect thereof, let him know, That by the law julia he incurreth the punishment of high treason, and purchaseth to himself the displeasure of Saint Peter, etc. At the last, after a solemn Fiat, Fiat, all Archbishops, Bishops, Cardinals, Priests, and Deacons, and all the principal officers of the Court of Rome, besides the Consuls, Exconsuls', Senators, and others that might add any strength to the authority of this Bull, subscribed name by name. All this, besides what is found in divers ancient libraries, with that other before spoken of, is wholly related by Theodore of Nyem the Pope's Secretary, whatsoever Baronius cavilleth to the contrary. For whereas in this Charter there were nominated four Bishops of Italy, which in the Synod the year before were called by other names, that is to say, of Alba, Preneste, Tiburtina, and Nerni; is it any wonder, if among so many Bishops that were at this Synod, four should die within the space of a year, and in the middle of so many confusions change their place? Fasciculus temporum in sexta aetate 964. Fasciculus temporum seemeth to have seen both the one and the other, who briefly, like himself, saith thus: This Leo ordained, That no Pope should be made without the consent of the Emperor, in malice towards the Romans, who by force thrust in their own friends and kindred. Also he resigned to Otho and his successors all the donations of the Church made by justinian, Charles, and others, to the end he might defend Italy from all invaders thereof. This he addeth of his own opinion, That holiness was departed from the Popes, and come to the Emperors, in those times. And these things reach to the year 964. Neither is it to be omitted, That this john the thirteenth, alias the twelfth, who hath held us too long, and whom Platina calleth Sceleratissimum hominem, vel potius monstrum, A most wicked man, or rather a monster, was, according to the saying of Onuphre, the first who changed his name, and gave example thereby to others to follow him, whom I wish in many things, and even in the worst, they had not too much imitated. An. 966. Now according to this order, Leo the eight being dead in the year 966, the Romans sent Ason chief Secretary, and Martin Bishop of Sutrie, to Otho into Germany, to consult upon the election of a successor; who presently dispatched away Ogier Bishop of Spire, and Linson of Cremona, to Rome: in whose presence the people and Clergy nominated john Bishop of Narnie, the son of one john a Bishop, the which, according to Platina, was the fourteenth of this name, according to Onuphrius, the thirteenth: But not without tumult of the Romans, who impatiently bearing a strange yoke, cast him into prison, and enforced Otho to return into Italy to reform their disorder. Supplimentum Reginon. anno 967. Sigon. l. 7. De regno Italiae. Otho 3. in Diplomate Donationis quod Asisij servatur. But he, in favour of this john by him created, and to get the greater good will in Italy, gave unto him, saith Reginon, the city and territory of Ravenna, and many other things taken away from the Bishops of Rome by Berengarius. Sigonius addeth, That he confirmed by a new Charter the old donation of Pepin, Charles, & Lewis, but without author: For of this very time we will use no other witness but himself; for writing to the year 973, thus he saith: Though Italy were possessed by a King, and he an Emperor, and by the Pope, yet there was not in both of them the same authority; the Pope had Rome and Ravenna, and the other territories, rather by authority than Empire, because the cities acknowledged the Pope as Prince of the Commonwealth; the King as the chief Lord, and gave unto him tribute and obedience; and the Pope's forces consisted in his holy execrations, which the Christian kings did then greatly fear. What thing then is more plain than this, to give us to understand, That the authority of the Pope consists only in matters spiritual? After john succeeded Benedict the sixth, by the very same law of Leo the eight, and authority of Otho. But Otho being dead, and his son much troubled in the wars of Germany and France, the Romans returned to their former natural conditions; and upon the death of Benedict, strangled (as is said) by Cardinal Boniface, being encouraged by one Cincius a citizen of Rome, they created Donus the second for successor, & presently Boniface the seventh, the murderer of Benedict, corruptis comitijs, as the Author saith, whom Benedict the seventh thrusts out of the seat, through the favour of the Tusculan Earls. So much was this seat swayed by theft and corruption. Wherefore Otho the second came into Italy, and used extraordinary severity to repress these inconveniences; and yet there wants not those that would persuade us, that they were Martyrs: Fascicul. tempo. but the author of Fasciculus temporum maketh a fit distinction of them: They were slain, saith he, as in the Primitive Church, but they were no Martyrs; the punishment all one, but the cause different. Otho died, and not long after Benedict, and Peter Bishop of Paula succeeded, who was, saith Platina, john the fifteenth; who being scarce warm in his seat, Boniface the seventh (before expelled, through the help of a great mass of money which by sacrilege he had gathered together) cast him into prison, & there died he of famine or otherwise, within eight months following; into the possession of whose vacant chair he was admitted by the Romans: who nevertheless left it soon after through sudden death, to john the sixteenth, the son of a Priest; and this john the sixteenth left it to john the seventeenth, that the saying of Platina may here be found true, That (to the great good of the Christian Commonwealth) these monsters, while mutually they banded one against another, they lived not long. Boniface the seventh is noted by him, malarum artium, to attain to the Popedom by wicked means, sacrilege, corruption, and tyranny: and also john the sixteenth to be prodigal to his kindred and friends of all things both divine and human, without any respect of the service of God, or the honour of the dignity of the See of Rome: Which error, saith Platina, he hath so left by tradition to his posterity, that it continueth even to our time; insomuch that the Clergy of this age desire not the Popedom for the service and worship of God, but that they may satisfy the gluttony and avarice of their brethren, kindred, and familiars. And so of the rest. At length one Crescentius a citizen of Rome, Otho the third being far distant, dared to attempt the government of the city, the people distasting a strange Empire: john, who loved better a Lord far off, than near at hand, rather foreign than domestical, inviteth Otho, who was afterward the third, to come into Italy, and promised to crown him Emperor: But john dying before Otho arrived at Rome, Otho by his authority created at Ravenna, Bruno Pope, of the house of Saxony, his kinsman, then in his company, and sent him to be created at Rome. This was Gregory the fift, who likewise in the year 996 received him, An. 996. and crowned him with Marry his wife in the city of Rome. But so soon as Otho was returned into Germany, Crescentius made chief Consul, taking courage to himself, expelled Gregory, as not chosen by the people, but by the only authority of the Emperor, and created a certain Greek, Bishop of Plaisance; with the consent both of the Clergy and people; no less rich, saith Platina, than learned, whose name hath been concealed, because he was unlawfully created. Whereupon Gregory flieth to Otho, who from Germany returneth with his army into Italy, entereth Rome, and assaileth Crescentius in the castle, taketh this john the eighteenth, putteth out his eyes, and reestablisheth Gregory. This Gregory (saith Martin, Platina in Gregor. 5. and after him Platine) who in favour of him established a law to continue for ever, That it should only appertain to the Germans to choose the Prince, who is called Caesar, and King of the Romans, but yet not held for Emperor, till he were crowned and confirmed by the Bishop of Rome. But Onuphrius showeth by good arguments that they are deceived, attributing to Gregory the fift that which belongeth to the tenth. Baron. an. 996. art. 71. And Baronius after a long disputation comes to this, That the Electors of the Empire create him not, but that the Emperors should be chosen by the Princes of Germany, without any necessity to go to Rome to consult thereon. And these matters reach to the year 998. As for the affairs of Rome and Italy, An. 998. every man may judge, what their misery might be among these frequent mutations of Popes, being never almost without murder, sedition, civil wars, and foreign forces. Baronius notwithstanding attesting and detesting all these disorders (the cause whereof he could neither dissemble nor overslip the History) could not endure that the Emperor in a solemn Synod of the Church (whereof Luitprand describeth all the circumstances) should bring matters to a better state; but thought it more tolerable that the Church should stick in the depth of all filthiness and gluttony, than to be drawn forth by the hands of a lawful Prince. This Synod (saith he) held at Rome, under the authority of the Emperor Otho the first, in the year 963, to depose this execrable john the thirteenth, whom he termeth a monster, was a false Synod, Baron. an. 963. art. 31, 32. if ever were any, wherein the Ecclesiastical law was never more wronged, more Canons violated, nor pernicious traditions, and justice prostrate, trodden under foot, and oppressed with greater shame. But how forsooth? Because (saith he) that they having once acknowledged him for Pope, be it right, be it wrong, by free-will or by force (as he hath said before that nothing was lawfully acted in his election) they could assemble no Council against the Pope without his consent. And hereupon he groweth very testy and choleric; a Priest fit to adore Antichrist in the Church, and carry his train after him. Now then after he had apparently demeaned himself as a Tyrant and a ruffian in the Church, dost thou doubt whether he will be a suppresser of brothelhouses, or a supporter of them, or that he will recall those by whom he hath been expelled, or be brought into order by Parliaments? And all that which beside he allegeth is nothing but pedantry. And the same saith he of the Council of Lateran, held after the death of this miserable john the thirteenth, that is, they that were subrogated Popes in a solemn manner, after such a monster, were all unlawful, especially Leo the eight: neither do we greatly labour therein, for whether of them are to be preferred, it matters not greatly; john, whom he termeth a monster, is the only lawful Pope. But he could in no wise dissemble the cause; for that constitution of Leo in favour of Otho and his successors, Dist. 63. which we have formerly alleged D. 63, vexed him even at the heart, whereof he fretteth and fumeth against Gratian, These things (saith he) he handled too unadvisedly, this Synod was a counterfeit Synod, and this Leo the eight a false adulterous Pope. And to speak a truth, where shall we find a true and a lawful one? Besides, what necessity was it in him (saith he) to pronounce him King and Patricius, when john the twelfth had consecrated him Emperor? Verily, because he did not think he could be well consecrated by such a monster. And who did ever see (saith he) that the constitutions of Popes had commination of punishment, and yet what more frequent? Baron. an. 964. art. 23. Was it not decreed in that worthy Council of Constance, that the execution should be left to the politic Magistrate? but he should have rested himself upon Gregory the thirteenth, who approved this Constitution in a reformed decree by his silence, with notes added thereunto. But see what he elsewhere saith, as a thing very authentic to prove the right that the Emperors have by the Pope's permission to choose a successor, Baron. an. 996. art. 41. To great Otho (saith he) this right was first granted by the Bishop of Rome. These are his own words, how then without shame dares he call it into doubt? 38. PROGRESSION. Of the troubles that arose in France through the faction of Hugh, surnamed Capet, and Charles Duke of Lorraine: with the treason and treacheries of Arnulphus Canon of Laon. HEre let us now recite what past in these times in our France, which upon the declination of the race of Charles the Great was diversly vexed, until the progeny of Capet, either through others negligence, or their own policy, had gotten the upper hand; whereupon the kingdom of France, by the consent of all the States, was translated to Hugh, surnamed Capet, whose posterity by the providence of God doth yet flourish. In the mean time Charles Duke of Lorraine entered into France to dispute his right by force of arms, and first worketh with Arnulphus, Canon of Laon, base son of King Lothaire, father of the last Lewis, by whose means he possessed the City, and taketh Adalbero Bishop thereof, and putteth him into prison, who soon after escaped and came to King Hugh, Gerbert in ep. ad Othonem & ad Wilderodonem Episcop. Argentinensem. Synod. Rhemens'. c. 26. which was not done without slaughter and spoil, as appeareth by an Epistle of Gerbert to the Emperor Otho, He took prisoner (saith he) his own Bishop, circumvented by fraud, and with him the City of Laon, after much bloodshed and many outrages committed. And writing to the Synod at Rheims, He became (saith he) a famous Apostate, and held a long time the place of the traitor judas in the Church etc. Nevertheless Hugh sought all means to draw him into his faction, hoping to benefit himself thereby; and Adalbero Archbishop of Rheims chancing to die (appointing for his successor Gerbert, who was afterward Pope Sylvester the second) he made him Archbishop, taking of him an authentic promise of fidelity, written with his hand, sworn with his mouth, and subscribed of all the people and nobility of that diocese, Synod. Rhemens'. c. 25. Gerbert. in epistola ad Othonem & ad Wilderodonem Ep. Argentinens. Acceptis ab eo (saith the Synod) terribilibus sacramentis, which the same Gerbert witnesseth. His intelligence nevertheless for all that continued with Charles of Lorraine, so that six months after he marching with his army before Rheims, was received into the City through the treason of the said Arnulph, who nevertheless played his part by a Priest of his, named Adalgare, and the better to hide his villainy, was carried prisoner to Laon, with other French Lords that were then within the City. And of this second perjury saith Gerbert; He betrayed the City, he polluted the Sanctuary of God, ransacked all, and caused the people to be carried away captive. And presently after (saith he) excommunicated his own proper thefts, and commanded the Bishops of France to do the same. In the mean time so far forth did he persist in his dissimulation, that for the space of eighteen months, being carefully admonished by the Bishops of France to purge himself of so great a crime, at length being forsaken of his chiefest consorts, was not ashamed to submit himself to the King's favour, and took a new oath more strict than the former, and so was admitted to his table: and notwithstanding, returned soon after to the part of the said Charles. Hugh therefore as yet scarce seated in the kingdom, thinking to deal mildly with him, repaireth to john the sixteenth, and both by letters and embassages complaineth of the injuries done unto him, and at the first was gently accepted. But the Synod saith, Synod. Rhemens'. c. 27. As the Legates of the County Herbert arrived, and had delivered their presents unto him, this man, as Platina tells us (who prodigally bestowed upon his kindred all things both divine and human that belonged to the service of God) altered his mind: insomuch that being wearied in waiting at the gates of his palace the space of three days, they returned, not doing any thing; not only not admitted, but forced to departed. But Hugh, who in the mean time had taken in the Cities of Rheims and Laon, and by the same mean got Arnulph into his power, caused a Nationall Council to be held at Rheims in the year 991: An. 991. Wherein Arnulph by his own proper confession being found guilty, was in a solemn manner deposed, and Gerbert, who was afterward Sylvester the second, put by the King in his place, who had the charge to put in writing the Acts of this Council, which also are now read by us. The Pope then being inwardly moved, not so much for the judgement of Arnulphus, as offended at the lawful liberty of the French Fathers, excommunicated those that had subscribed to the conclusion of this Council, and straightly forbade Gerbert his archiepiscopal function, in a Synod held at Moson, and threatened the Kings themselves with curses and excommunications. Insomuch, that it is a wonder that these men, infamous in Italy for so much wickedness, should so impudently abuse our patience, and so boldly mock us with their Bulls in France, under the confidence (without doubt) of this our new, and yet but feeble Empire. But Gregory the fift proceeded in the same course, insomuch that Gerbert was constrained to forsake that part, and to live under the protection of the Emperor Otho the third. But with what constancy nevertheless the French Bishops did entertain the arrogancy of the Popes, it is now time to consider. OPPOSITION. There assembled therefore in the year 991 at Rheims, under Hugh and Robert his son, the most famous Bishops of all the Provinces, recited by name in this Synod, Synod. Rhemens'. c. 1, 2. the Acts whereof were elegantly set down by Gerbert; who was afterwards Silvester the second. And first of all they appointed for Precedent Siguin the Archbishop of Sens, but the Custos and interpreter of all that was done, Arnulph Bishop of Orleans, because amongst all the Bishops of France he was most famous for his wisdom and eloquence. First therefore he proposeth unto them how much it concerned them, Synod. Rhemens'. c. 2, 3. truly and strictly to examine the fact of Arnulph Bishop of Rheims, his offence being such as came within the compass of high treason; lest (saith he) for one man's cause we should be accused of perfidious infidelity, and men may justly say, If the Bishops used just laws, and were faithful to their Kings, why punish they not with their laws so impure and corrupt a man? Doubtless the reason is this, They are willing to conceal the wickedness of others, that they themselves might be bold to sin without punishment. Whereunto Siguin Archbishop of Sens answered, That he would never endure that this pretended offence of treason should be discussed, except a promise were made (if he should be convicted) of pardon; for which he alleged the 31 Canon of the Council of Toledo: whereunto the Bishops replied, That if that should take place, it is to be feared, that the secular people would not from henceforward attend spiritual judgements, owing all justice and obedience to their King. Secondly, there was produced the oath of Arnulph to the Kings Hugh and Robert, in express words, using that imprecation against himself which the Prophet did against the traitor judas, Psalm. 109, Fiant dies mei pauci, & Episcopatum meum accipiat alter etc. Let my days be few, and let another take my Bishopric, or my Charge etc. beseeching withal his brethren and sons (that is, his Diocesans) not to be backward in approving the same under their hands and seals. Thirdly, the Priest Adalger was sent for, by whom he played that traitorous part at Rheimes, who confessed the whole fact, and declared Arnulph the captain and author thereof, yielding himself to put his hand to the fire, and protesting that he was strucken with horror and fear of that curse which was pronounced against Arnulph and his followers, which is there recited in the selfsame words. And it is worthy the noting, that this was done, not by the authority of S. Peter, or the See of Rome, but by the authority (say they) and power given to the Apostles, and left unto us; and in like manner that which was pronounced upon the fact of Laon, set down in the selfsame style. Siguin asked, Whether Arnulph from thenceforward abstained from the company of those that were excommunicated? to which he answered, That he did quite contrary, accounting them worthy of the communion of the faithful. Cap. 11.12, 13. & 14. And hereupon were read the fourth Canon of the Synod of Antioch, the nine and twentieth and thirtieth of the Council of Carthage, which do manifestly condemn it. But yet nevertheless Arnulph Bishop of Orleans, the moderator of this business, requesteth, That it might be lawful for any man to defend him, for his Clergy, for his Abbots; yea they are commanded, under pain of the great Curse, with all fidelity and liberty to speak in defence of his innocency; which in the name, and by the consent of all the rest was pronounced by Siguin. Whereupon there came presently forth john, a scholar of Auxerre, Romulfe Abbot of Sens, Abbo Rector of Florat, Cap. 17.18.19. & 20. furnished with books, and confessing themselves to be urged thereunto by the force of that curse that was laid upon them, if they should omit any thing that might make for his defence. Fourthly, to avoid the judgement of the Synod, they alleged a certain pretended Epistle of Stephen Archbishop of Mauricania to Damasus Bishop of Rome, and another of Damasus to Stephen, whereby they prove, That the causes of Bishops and other great affairs ought always to be referred to the Bishop of Rome. They likewise alleged certain articles out of the Epistles Decretals, by us formerly confuted, whereby they would seem to evict, That Arnulph above all things ought to be restored, and that without the knowledge and consent of the Pope nothing might be done in his business, who in all cases whatsoever was to be judged by him and none other. The Synod answereth and determineth out of the tenth Canon of the African Council, That if any Clerk shall neglect the purgation of his own cause for the space of one whole year together, that he is never afterward to be heard, or to be restored again to his place. Whereupon there were alleged many examples, namely, that of Hildeman Bishop of Beauvais, Hebo Archbishop of Rheims, Crescon de Villarege, and others. Letters were there read sent both from Kings and Bishops, Cap. 23.24. whereby john the Pope had been advertised of the whole matter, and entreated to pronounce sentence against this man, honoured with so great a dignity by King Hugh, and that freely, and yet convicted of such heinous offences, and who being called to the Palace refused to come, being invited by the Archbishops and Bishops, answering that he owed them no such duty; and at the last was not only entreated, but charged to do that which was fit to be done concerning this other judas, to the end, that by his occasion the name of God might be no more blasphemed, and he from hence forward might not pretend cause of ignorance: our Bishops adding thereunto these words, To the end we may know and understand why amongst all others we are to prefer your Apostleship, judging him consequently to be, or not to be, the successor of Saint Peter, as he should confirm or disallow their sentence, pronounced according to the Canons; which they thought was by no means to be called in doubt. But all this notwithstanding, he made little account of these letters, and a white horse given by Count Herbert prevailed more than their Legation, who for the better dispatch of certain maledicta in reos, demanded ten crowns, which he ought not to have done, if they were not just, for a thousand. And in the end they had no other answer but this, That he for whose cause he had been taken, should order this business as it seemed good unto himself. It was not therefore without cause, that the Council of Carthage, where were assistants 227 Bishops, and among the rest Saint Augustine, ordained, for a perpetual memory, What we are to hold concerning the power of the Bishop of Rome: Which being all there read, they gathered from thence this conclusion, That all business were to be determined in those places where they had their beginning, and that there was no Appeal to be made to the Bishop of Rome. But for as much as the cause of Arnulph Bishop of Rheims was not in question, whether it should be referred to Pope john or no, it seemeth good to Arnulph Bishop of Orleans, who directed the whole Synod, to repeat the business at large; whose whole Oration it shall not be amiss in this place to insert. We honour, saith he, most reverend Fathers, the Church of Rome, for the memory of S. Peter; neither do we strive to withstand the decrees of the Bishop of Rome, but reserving still the authority of the Nicene Council, we have had that Church ever in highest veneration etc. But two things there are which especially we must foresee, that is to say, Whether the silence of the Bishop of Rome, or any new constitution of his, may be preiuditious to the laws of the Canons, or the decrees of our Forefathers (he being silent) must hold their peace: And if a new constitution, to what end is it to make laws, when all things are directed according to the will and arbitrement of one man? Doubtless you cannot but see, that if you admitted either the one or the other, you bring the state of the Church of God into danger, and so seeking laws upon laws, it will come to pass, that we shall have no laws at all; what then, shall we deerogate from the privilege of the Bishop of Rome? no not at all. But if he be a man commendable for his learning, and of good conversation, we are not to fear either his silence, or his new constitutions: But if either ignorance, or fear, or covetousness, shall make him wander out of the way (which almost even in these times we have seen, tyranny prevailing at Rome) we are a great deal the less to fear either his silence, or his new constitutions. For that man that in the course of his life goes against the laws, can no way be preiuditious unto them. But o wretched Rome, who to our forefathers hast brought forth many excellent lights of the Church, and in our times hast yielded monstrous darknesses, infamous to all future ages. At other times we have had illustrious Leos. great Gregory's &c. What shall I say of Gelasius and Innocentius, who excelled with their wisdom and eloquence all worldly Philosophy? There is no long succession of those that have filled the world with their learning. Rightly therefore was the Church of God committed to their government and disposition, who in their lives and learning excelled all others: and yet nevertheless even in the midst of this felicity this privilege was withstood by the Bishops of Africa, rather fearing, as I think, those miseries that we endure, than the form of government. For what have we seen in these our times? We have seen a john called Octavian, wallowing in the sink of all licentiousness, and Otho, whom he created Augustus, conspiring against him, etc. And here he reciteth summarily, all the wickedness, disorders, murders, slaughters, revenges committed by him and his successors under the reign of Otho. There succeeded at Rome, saith he, in the Popedom, that horrible monster Boniface, who had not his peer in all manner of sin and wickedness, tainted with the blood of his predecessors, etc. Is it reason, saith he, that infinite numbers of the Priests of God, famous in the world for their knowledge and godly conversation, should be subject to such monsters, full of infamy, void of all knowledge, both divine and human? What meaneth this most reverend Fathers? Or by what vice is it come to pass, that the head of the Church of God, who hath been mounted to so great a height, crowned with honour and glory, should fall so low into such infamy and dishonour? It is our fault, our impiety, who seek our own, and not that which is jesus Christ's: For if in every one of us that is chosen to a Bishopric, it be carefully looked into that he be a man of gravity, of honest life and conversation, of exquisite knowledge in all manner of learning divine and human, how narrowly must we search into him that desires to be thought the Master of all Bishops? How then comes it to pass, that in so high a seat there should be placed a man so base, as not thought worthy to have any place among the Clergy? What then, most reverend Fathers, do you think of this man, seated in so high a throne, glittering in a garment of gold and purple, whom do you take him to be? Doubtless if he be destitute of charity (Simo, pro quia, I say, If, where I should say Because) and puffed up with knowledge, he is Antichrist sitting in the Temple of God, and showing himself as if he were God: Or certainly, if he be neither founded upon charity, nor elevated with knowledge, he is as a statue or idol in the Temple of God, of whom to seek answers, is to consult with stocks and stones. And here, gentle Reader, content not thyself with that which Baronius answers, That they are not to deny their obedience to such Popes, because our Lord and Saviour, the eternal wisdom, Baron. vol. 10. an. 992. art. 20.21.22. refused not to obey a Carpenter, and his mother the virgin, for he was not ashamed to abuse these examples in favour of those monsters; and to say a truth, never did Baronius more plainly show his folly. Whither therefore, saith Arnulph, shall we go for counsel? The Gospel saith, that our Saviour sought thrice for fruit in one fig tree, and because he found none, he would have it cut down, but yet being entreated, he was content to expect a while longer: Let us therefore expect our Metropolitans so long as we can, and in the mean time let us seek and search where the pasture of the word of God may be found. And certainly even in this holy assembly there are some that do affirm, That in the Low Countries, and in Germany, near neighbours unto us, there are many excellent servants of God, of singular piety and learning: And therefore if the courage of our jarring kings did not hinder it, we should rather seek to them for judgement, than from that city, which being put to sale to as many as will buy, weigheth out her judgements according to the pay. And if any shall say, according to Gelasius, That the Church of Rome hath power to judge of the whole Church, and none of her; let him bring forth some one in the Roman Church, of whose judgement no man can judge, although the Bishops of Africa have judged this thing impossible: unless perhaps, say they, some one do believe, that our Saviour had power to inspire the justice of trial to one whomsoever it be, and would deny it to infinite numbers of Bishops assembled in a Council. But for as much as in these days there is almost none at Rome (as the fame goeth) that hath any learning, without which nevertheless vix ostiarius efficitur, they will hardly make a porter, with what face dare they teach that which they never learned? And so examining all the Canons and Decrees alleged by the defendants, he showeth them, That nothing hath been done in prejudice of them, setting before their eyes many examples of the same case of one Aegidius Archbishop of Rheims, deposed in the city of Metz by the Bishops of France, and being confined to Strasbourge, Romulph was made his successor, because contrary to his faith given to king Childebert, he had joined in friendship with Chilperie. And yet nevertheless, saith he, Gregory the Great, an earnest defender of the privileges of the Roman Church, never spoke word for, or against these. The same he affirmeth of Hebbo Archbishop of Rheims, deposed for treason by the BB. of France at Thionuille, etc. What then, saith he, if our passage to Rome should by the swords of Barbarians be intercepted, or that Rome itself serving a Barbarian, his covetousness and ambition moving him thereunto, in aliquod regnum efferatur (note efferatur) should be raised against any Realm, shall there be in the mean time either no Counsels, or shall the Bishops of the whole world, to the hurt or overthrow of their own kings, seek for counsel, and the calling of general Counsels, at the hands of their enemies, especially seeing the Nicene Canon, which the Church of Rome acknowledgeth to be above all Counsels and Decrees, hath ordained, That two Counsels must be held every year, and withal forbiddeth any respect to be had to the authority of the Bishop of Rome? And to prove that the Churches were now in that state, that they needed not any more to have recourse to Rome, To speak more plainly, saith he, and to confess openly the truth, After the fall of the Empire this city hath undone the Church of Alexandria, and lost that of Antioch, and to say nothing of Africa and Asia, Europe itself is departed, discedit: For the Church of Constantinople is retired, and the inward parts of Spain know not her judgements. There is made therefore a departure, as the Apostle speaketh, not only of nations, but of Churches; because the ministers of Antichrist, who is now at hand, have already possessed France, and with all their force begin to press us too. And as the same Apostle saith, now the Mystery of Iniquity worketh, only that he that now holdeth may still hold, until he be taken away, to the end that the son of perdition might be revealed, the man of sin, who opposeth himself, and is exalted above the name of God and his service: which now gins to be discovered, in that the Roman powers are shaken, religion overthrown, the name of God with oaths and blasphemies trodden under foot, and that without punishment; and religion itself, and the service of God, contemned by the chief Priests themselves: and that which is more, Rome itself, now almost left alone, is departed from herself. By this his speech giving them plainly to understand, That then there was no respect had, nor is now to be had, of the Church of Rome, but as it shall be seen to flourish with men of worth and learning, at whose hands they were to seek for counsel; and if such be wanting, then to seek it elsewhere, in Flanders, Germany, or the utmost parts of the world, being tied to no particular place in the world. A matter formerly concluded by many other Churches, and therefore to be the rather executed by them, because they felt more nearly the tyranny of Rome, now no more the seat of Peter (whose memory they did honour) but of Antichrist himself. Entreating them for a conclusion, That since Rome had been consulted by them, but yet no form of judgement from thence had been pronounced, Cap. 29. & 30. that they would ask counsel of the Canons, By how many Bishops, a Bishop convicted of a crime may be heard, and what sentence he is to receive, who refuseth to appear to defend his own cause. Hereupon were read the tenth and seventh Canons of the Council of Carthage, to which the defendants of the party accused yielding themselves, the Bishop is sent for, and commanded by the Synod to take his place: he presently either denying all, or endeavouring to cover it, Arnulph Bishop of Orleans made him presently to blush, convicteth him with his own words, confronted him with his own domestical servants, who were ready to go through fire & water to make good their testimony. It was requested by some of the Abbots, That he might have liberty given him by the Synod, to make choice of whomsoever he liked best to be advised by; which was granted: Whereupon he maketh choice of Siguin Bishop of Sens, Arnulph of Orleans, Cap. 30. & 31.32.33.34.35.36.37.38.39.40.41.42.43.44.45.46.47.48.49. Bruno of Langres, Godzman of Amiens, in whose absence many Canons were read that concerned this question. In the end being pressed, after many tergiversations, partly by the force of such proofs as were brought against him, partly by the prick of his own conscience, Arnulph of Rheims breaketh out into an open confession of his sins, with tears and groanings, confessing much more than they knew, and acknowledging himself unworthy of his Priesthood. Whereupon the Bishops of the Synod were sent for, that being his own witness and his own judge, he might before the multitude relate his own cause. Wherefore, by his own consent, nay himself desiring it, he was deprived of his Bishopric; Cap. 49. & 50. only there was a question of the form, for which they searched the ancient Counsels. And whilst divers thought diversly thereof, some pitying him for his race, some for his youth, and the Bishops themselves moved with the ruin of their brother, and that scandal that hereby fell upon the Priestly dignity, in came the Kings and Peers of France, who putting themselves into that holy assembly, thanked the Bishops for their justice, and that zeal and care they had showed in this their Council for the good and safety of their Princes, and withal desired to be further satisfied touching the whole course of their proceed: which presently was performed by Arnulph Bishop of Orleans. And then the better to discharge the Synod of envy and partiality, the party accused was brought in to pronounce his own condemnation with his own mouth; which he did in express words, requiring nevertheless Arnulph of Orleans, because shame stopped his own mouth, to relate the whole matter at large: which having performed, he asked him, Whether he would confess that which he had hitherto spoken of him: which he affirming to be true, the Bishop of Orleans willed him to cast himself down before his Lords and Kings, whom he had so heinously offended, and confessing his fault, to beg his life at their hands: who being bend to mercy, Let him live, say they, for the love of you, and remain under your custody, fearing neither irons nor bands, upon condition that he offer not to save himself by flight. Whereupon that height of honours that by degrees he had attained unto, by degrees he put off, and resigning to the king that which he had received from him, and delivering the ensigns of his Priestly dignity into the hands of the Bishops, he recited with his own mouth the form of the deposition in the midst of this assembly, according to the example of his predecessor Hebo; which was there read word by word, and by all the Bishops that were present subscribed, all of them saying unto him, Cap. 54.55. according to thy profession and subscription cease from thine office. Which being done, they discharged the Clergy and people from their oath they had made unto him, that it might be free for every man to subject himself to the authority of any other man. And here the Synod ended, which we have thought good to repeat the more at large, that it might appear with what gravity, wisdom, moderation, circumspection, our Fathers of France have proceeded in this business, all of them with one accord speaking by the mouth of Arnulph Bishop of Orleans; and withal what they thought and judged of Rome, and the Bishop thereof. Sixtly, Pope john hereupon waxeth angry, and full of discontent, in so much that he threateneth his excommunications against the Kings. But Hugh, lest his competitors should thereby take advantage, sendeth him the whole course of proceeding in writing, and withal sends him letters to this effect. We know we have done nothing against your Apostolic See, and if you vouchsafe not to give credit to us that are absent, being present yourself, learn the truth of those that are present. Grenoble is a city situate upon the confines of Italy and France, where the Bishops of Rome were wont to meet the Kings of France: If it shall so please you, you may do the like, or if it shall content you better, to visit us and ours, we will receive you at the foot of the Alps with all honour, and follow you with all due observances, both staying here and returning back. This we speak from the bottom of our hearts, that you may know and understand, that neither we nor any of ours will refuse your judgement. But john resolved rather to send Legates. And in the mean time whilst these things were thus delayed, Gerbert (afterwards Pope Silvester the second) writ an Epistle to Siguin Archbishop of Sens, who to the Pope seemed to favour Arnulph, the man accused, and now condemned; Which Epistle was read at the end of this Synod: Gerbertus in Epist. ad Siguinum Senomens'. Your wisdom, saith he, should have avoided the wily subtleties of crafty men, and have harkened to the voice of the Lord, which saith, If they shall say unto you, Here is Christ, and there is Christ, follow them not: It is said that he is at Rome, who justifieth that which you condemn, and condemns that which you take to be just; and we say, that it is God and not man that condemns those things that seem just, and to justify that which seemeth evil, etc. God saith, If thy brother have sinned against thee, go and reprove him, etc. How then do these that emulate us say, That in the deposing of Arnulph we were to expect the judgement of the Bishop of Rome? Can they teach us, that the judgement of the Bishop of Rome is greater than the judgement of God, when the first Bishop of Rome, and the Prince of the Apostles, tells us, that we must rather obey God than men? yea the great Doctor of the world, Saint Paul, telleth us, That if any man shall preach unto you any other doctrine than that ye have received, though he be an Angel from heaven, let him be accursed. Think you, that because Pope Marcelline burnt incens to Idols, therefore all the Bishops must do so too? I dare boldly say, that if the Bishop of Rome shall sin against his brother, and being often admonished, shall refuse to hear the Church, this Bishop of Rome, I say, by the commandment of God, is to be accounted as a Heathen or Publican: For by how much higher his degree is, by so much greater is his fall. And if he shall therefore account us unworthy his communion, or fellowship, because none of us consent unto him against the Gospel, yet he cannot therefore separate us from the Communion of Christ. A Priest if by his own confession, or otherwise, he be not convicted, cannot be put from his office, especially since the Apostle himself saith, Who shall separate us from the love of Christ jesus? And again, Sure I am, that neither life, nor death, etc. The privilege then of S. Peter, saith Leo the great, is not in force, wheresoever judgement is not executed according to equity. And therefore we are not to give occasion to those that emulate us, to think that Priesthood, that is every where one, as the Catholic Church is in all places one, should in such sort be subject to one only man, though he be corrupted with money, favour, fear, or ignorance; none may be a Bishop but only he that is commended for such or the like virtues. Let the Canon Law of the Catholic Church, the Apostles, the Prophets, the Canons ordained by the spirit of God, and consecrated with the reverence of the whole world, the Decrees of the Apostolic See, not disagreeing from them, etc. Far ye well, and depend not upon holy mysteries. But Pope john in the mean time hardly enduring these things, appointed a Synod sometimes at Rome, sometimes at Aix, where our Bishops (pretending that they were not bound to go forth of the realm) would not be found: at the last at Mouson upon the borders of France, where only Gerbert, whom Hugh had nominated Archbishop of Rheimes, appeared, and in the presence of Leo Abbot of S. Boniface, the Pope's Legate, many of the Bishops of Germany and Italy assisting, he defended the cause of the Fathers of France, in such sort, that the Legate durst not proceed any farther, before he had consulted with the Pope, and therefore referred the determination thereof unto another Synod at Rheimes; but yet in the mean time he forbade Gerbert to use his Episcopal function, who not fearing to answer him to his face, told him, That it was not in the power of any Bishop, Patriarch, or Pope, to remove from the communion any of the faithful, who hath not been convicted, or of his own accord confessed the fact, or hath not refused to come unto the Council, but of all these three was none that might hinder him, since he had neither confessed, nor was convicted, and had only amongst all the Bishops of France appeared at this Council. But in the mean time Gerbert went into Germany to the Emperor Otho the third, with whom he had been formerly brought up, who shortly after made him Archbishop of Ravenna; perceiving well that our kings not yet settled in their new kingdoms, nor approved by all, did much fear to offend the Pope: and indeed he saw, that whatsoever our Bishops could allege to the contrary, in the second Synod at Rheimes that foresaid Arnulph was restored to his Bishopric; which it is likely Leo the Pope's Legate obtained, because john had confirmed the marriage of king Robert, as appeareth in a letter that Gerbert sent to queen Adeleide. Gerbertus in Epist. ad Adelaidam Reginam. Add hereunto, That Gerbert would not hold the Bishopric upon such conditions as were proposed unto him. But it seemeth by an Epistle of Hughes, which is read among the Epistles of Gerbert, that this marriage was that of king Robert with Bertha the sister of Rodolph king of Burgonie, which afterward was dissolved by reason of a spiritual kindred joined to that of their blood; It falling out many times, that circumstances overthrow the substance. This Gerbert could not bridle himself, but that he must needs write an Apology of the Church of France in an Epistle to Wildered Bishop of Strasbourge, wherein he proveth out of the ancient Canons of the Church the just proceed of our Bishops, in these words: Gerbertus in Epist. ad Wilderodonem Episc. Argentinensem. The silence of the Pope, or his dissimulation, or his new constitutions, are prejudicial to the laws established; but this is but a cavil of wicked men, etc. Thou sayest, that Arnulph practising seditions, treasons, captivities, the utter overthrow of his kings, the betraying of his country, contemning all laws both divine and human, is neither to be deprived of the communion, nor by the power of his Prince to be cast out, without the command of the Bishop of Rome. And the Apostle saith, That the Prince carrieth not the sword in vain, but for the punishment of the wicked, and the preservation of the good. Favour me all ye that have promised faith and loyalty to your Kings, and have a purpose to keep it, who have not betrayed, nor purpose to betray the Clergy, and people committed to your charge, you (I say) who have abhorred and detested such wickedness; favour those that obey God, commanding that the sinner listening not to the Church, should be held for a Heathen or a Publican, who crieth vengeance upon you Scribes and Pharises, which transgress the commandment of God to establish your tradition, etc. To the end that no man here charge us of envy derogating from the privileges of the Church of Rome, S. Hierome the Roman Priest telleth thee, If it be a question of authority, Orbis major est urbe, the world is greater than a city; and if one Priest be not sufficient, then let great Pope Leo come: The privilege (saith he) of S. Peter holds not good, where a man judgeth not according to the equity of S. Peter etc. To what end are matters judged and determined, if matters to be judged are not thereby informed? Those 318 Fathers of the Council of Nice, how made they eternal laws, if it be in the power of one only man to abrogate them at his pleasure? Apiarius the Priest is condemned by the Africans, and restored again to the communion by the Romans: The Bishops of Africa writ to Pope Celestine, That this was contrary to the Council of Nice: Our false accusers after the same manner say, That Arnulph, a chief Bishop, ought not to be judged but by the Sovereign Bishop of Rome. And Saint Augustine saith of Cecilian the Metropolitan Bishop of all Afrique, That if his accusers could overcome or vanquish him after his death, of that which they could not prove during his life, that after his death without retractation they would pronounce him accursed. Surely then it hath been lawful for us to pronounce against Arnulph living, confessing, convicted, as against a Heathen and Publican; it hath been (I say) lawful for us to follow the Gospel, the Apostles, the holy Counsels, the Decrees of Apostolic men, so we disagree not from these four, etc. Truly the Church of France is wholly oppressed with tyranny, and by those of whom a man should hope for help: But thou art, O Christ, the only comfort of man. This Rome that was heretofore held for the mother of all Churches, is said now to ban the good, and bless the wicked, to communicate with those to whom a man ought not to say, God speed, and to condemn the worshippers of thy law, abusing that power to bind and unbind, which it hath received of thee. This Gerbert in the mean while, a Monk of the Abbey of Fleurack, not very happy (as he saith) for his race, nor his plenty of wealth, yet esteemed for his wisdom and capacity, of men of greatest worth and nobility. An. 1000 And here we come to the thousand year: But least any man should think that we, or such Authors as we have alleged, should speak of the Church of Rome out of passion or discontent, it shall not be amiss to insert the judgement of Cardinal Baronius himself, touching these times, who in the tenth tome of his Annals hath these words. Baron. Annal. to. 10. An. 912. art. 5. What was then the face, saith he, of the Roman Church? How foul was it, when strumpets, no less powerful than unclean and impudent, bare rule at Rome? At the will and pleasure of whom the Sees were changed, bishoprics given, and that which was horrible and detestable to hear, their lovers, false Popes, were thrust into the Seat of Peter, who were put into the Catalogue of the Popes of Rome to no other end, but to make up the number, and lengthen the time: For who can say that they were lawful Popes of Rome, that by such strumpets were thrust in without law? There is no mention any where made of any Clergy choosing them, or consenting to their choice. The Canons were silent, the Decrees of Popes forgotten, ancient traditions, and old customs in the election of the Pope, quite banished, holy rites and ceremonies extinct. Thus had lust and covetousness drawn all unto itself, emboldened by the secular power, and carried by a furious desire of bearing rule. Then (as it appeared) Christ jesus slept in the ship, a profound sleep, when with the blasts of winds so violent it was overwhelmed with waves: he slept, I say, not seeming to see these things, and suffering them to be done, in that no man rose up to revenge them: And that which seemed worst of all, there wanted Disciples to awaken our Lord with their cries, thus sleeping, yea quite contrary, all lay snorting in a dead sleep. What manner of Cardinals, Priests, Deacons, think you, were chosen by these monsters, since there is nothing so natural, as for every thing to engender his like? And who in the mean time can doubt, that they consented in all things to those by whom they were chosen? who will not easily believe that they followed their steps? and who knows not that they endeavoured nothing more, but that our Lord should still sleep, and never rise up to judgement, never awaken himself to know and to punish their wickedness? Now from this only place let the Reader judge by what law that succession of the Bishops of Rome, which they so much boast of, may be defended. We must not forget that Baronius reprehendeth our Historiographer Glaber in one point, wherein nevertheless he expresseth to the life the belief of our French Church. The Earl Foulke of Anjou having built a Church, went himself to Rome with a great sum of money, which he delivered to john the seventeenth, to the end he would send a Legate to consecrate the place: Whereunto he agreed, and sent thither a Cardinal, with direction to do whatsoever Foulk should command. But, saith Glaber, the Prelates of France hearing thereof, Glaber. Historiar. lib. 2. c. 4. Baron. to. 10. an. 996. art. 21. 22. 23. 24. judged it to be sacrilegious presumption, proceeding from blind ambition, etc. being a thing too undecent, that he that ruled the See Apostolic, should be the first that did transgress the Apostolical and Canonical order, especially being anciently confirmed by many authorities, Multiplici authoritate, that not any Bishop should presume to exercise any such power in another's Diocese, except it were at the request, or by the permission of him to whom it appertained; yea not excepting the Bishop of Rome himself, whose Diocese they held not to be the whole world. But thus he proceedeth: An innumerable multitude of people being gathered together, in a clear and quiet day, to see the dedication of this Temple, a sudden tempest arose out of the South, which in a moment beat down the Temple to the ground. Which strange accident being spread abroad through the whole country, there was no man that doubted, that the insolent boldness of this presumption had made vain the vow of Foulk, and was a manifest warning to all that were present, and to come, never to attempt the like. For though the Bishop of Rome for the dignity of the Apostolic See, was had in greater reverence than all other in the world, yet it was never permitted that he should transgress in any thing the order of the Canonical government. For as every Bishop and spouse of the true Church hath some uniformity in his seat with the Image of our Saviour, so generally it becometh no man to do any thing over boldly in the Diocese of another. Now from the opinion of this Monk let us know what the judgement of our Church should be. 39 PROGRESSION. Of Enchantments and the art of Necromancy, practised by the Popes to attain the Popedom, and used by them for other wicked and unlawful purposes. How the devil deceived Sylvester the second, touching the time and place of his death. Of Benedict the ninth his sacrifices to the devil, who in the end strangled him in the forest: and of his strange apparitions after his death. THe Age that followeth mends but a little, and therefore a Carthusian noteth, That in the year 1000 we enter into a monstrous time, infamous for Magic arts, and all manner of wickedness; his words are these, and not without cause: There began about the year of our Lord 1000, an effeminate time, Fascicul. Tempor. An. 1000 wherein the Christian Faith began much to decline from her first virility, as appeareth in the prophesy of S. Hildegard, etc. men betaking themselves to sorceries, and enchantments; and the Priest was as the people. After john the seventeenth succeeded Gregory the fift, by country a Saxon, created by the Emperor Otho the third, and chosen out of his company at Ravenna; who being sent to Rome to be consecrated, the Emperor not long after received the Crown from his hands. But he had no sooner turned his face towards Germany, but that Crescens a Consul constrained him to leave the city, and set up against him another Pope; in such sort that at the request of Gregory, Otho was enforced to return to Rome, where he used much severity in punishing the authors of that sedition. But shortly after Gregory being dead, Otho (the Clergy and people being assembled together) chose for his successor that Gerbert of whom we have spoken so much before, who in his youth was his tutor, and was called Silvester the second. A man, as appeareth by many of his own writings (still kept in divers Libraries) that had penetrated even the depth of all profound learning, especially the Mathematics; but yet blamed by many Authors (for elevated spirits never keep a measure in any thing) for that his studies extended to Necromancy itself, by help whereof he made his way to the Popedom. A matter so little doubted of, by those that were best acquainted with the secrets of those times, that they constantly believed, that whosoever affected the Popedom in those days, made profession of this art, and thereby attained thereunto. Martinus in Chron. Galfridus in supplement. Sigiberti Malmesburiensis l. 2. Hist. Angl. Anton. Archiep. tit. 16. part 2. sect. 18. Vincent. l. 24. c. 98. Henric. Erford in Chron. Plat. in Siluestr. johannes Stella ibid. I should be ashamed to allege it, but that Martinus Polonus, Vincent of Beauvois, Malmesburiensis, Anthony the Archbishop, Henry of Herford, Carthusianus, Platina, Stella, and others, go before me, and the most part of them do absolutely affirm, That Gerbert had learned this art in a book which he stole from Sevill in Spain, that he did homage to the devil, and had in his closet a brazen head, by which the devil gave him answers: With whom consulting about the time of his continuance in that See, answer was given him, That he should not die until he had celebrated Mass in Jerusalem; a voyage far from his thought to have ever undertaken, and therefore he promised to himself a long life. But falling sick of an ague at Rome, in the church of the holy Cross called Jerusalem, whilst he was celebrating Mass in Lent, by a strange noise of devils, he perceived his death was at hand, and began to see the doubtful meaning of the Oracle. Whereupon being moved with the horror of his sins, he discovered it to some of the Cardinals, and desired them, that for a satisfaction his carcase after his death should be put into a chariot drawn with two horses, and there buried where the horses of their own accord should draw him. Which desire of his being performed, it fell out, that the horses carried him to the church of S. Lateran, where the Cardinals buried him. And his sepulchre, say they, by the noise and rattling of the bones, and the sweeting of the sepulchre, did presage, a long time after, the death of the Popes. This history nevertheless by some in these days is called into doubt, and especially by Baronius, because there is no mention made of any such matter by Glaber and Dithmarus, but quite contrary he is commended by them for his almsdeeds and charity towards the poor. But the Monk of Malmesburie speaks thereof, as of a matter beyond all controversy, and describeth all the circumstances; yea he affirmeth, That he had an ancient book by him wherein the names of all the Popes were registered, which saith, That Silvester ended his life after a base and villainous manner. Benno Card. in vita Hildebrandi. And Cardinal Benno, another of that time, speaking of him, hath these words: Gerbert, shortly after the year of our Lord 1000, ascending from the bottomless pit, by the permission of God, possessed the See four years, who changing his name, was called Silvester the second; and by those selfsame means which he had deceived others (which was the answers of the devils) he likewise deceived himself, being surprised by the just judgements of God with a sudden death. And afterwards he proceedeth in the history as before. Benno addeth, That he had for his disciples Theophilact and Laurence, who sacrificed unto devils, and that betwixt them and divers others, after his death, there was much contention by the selfsame arts, who should attain to the Popedom, and that his successors a long time after made it their profession; which hereafter we shall speak of more particularly. Baronius, though in horror of the miserable end of Silvester he call it into doubt, yet he giveth but a hard judgement of him, to the end he might both begin and end that Age with the public abomination of that See. Before his Popedom he painteth him out to be a courtier among courtiers, with which profession he began, that by his garrulity, flattery, detraction, and double heart composed to dissemble, and to deceive, Baron. an. 991. art. 6. 7. & 992. art. 3. he might excel all others. But being come to his Popedom, he affirmeth that of him which he would have us believe of all the rest, That he was no way transubstantiated by his chair: But to say the truth, saith he, An. 999. art. 2. he was very unworthy of that See, but such indignities the church of Rome was constrained to endure, because the Roman Bishops were elected by secular Princes. In the mean time he would not see, that better were not chosen by the elections and factions of the Clergy. Sergius, successor to Silvester, made this Epitaph, wherein he acknowledgeth him to have been created by Otho the third. Post annum Romam mutato nomine sumpsit, Obtulit hoc Caesar tertius Otho sibi. After a year he ruled Rome with changed name, Otho the third, than Caesar, gave the same. And whereas Sigonius affirmeth, Othone 3. Diploma Donationis quod Assisij servatur in Archivis Ecclesiae Romanae. That Otho the third at his request renewed the Donations which are said to be of Pepin, Charles, Lewis, to the Church of Rome; as he allegeth no Author, so it is easily refelled by the testimony of Otho himself: For in that donation, whose letters patents are kept in the Pope's register at Asisijs, he giveth only eight counties to Silvester his master, as before we have noted; by which donation he excludeth all the rest, and withal the palea of Constantine he rejecteth, and acknowledgeth not that of Charles and Lewis, and makes as little account of that of calvus himself. Add hereunto, that not without the dishonour of the See, this donation is said to be gotten by Silvester by the service of the devil. john Sicco, a Roman, succeeded Silvester in the year 1003, according to Platina the nineteenth, who continued only five months, and yet in that short time it is said that he brought to pass, that the election of the Roman Popes should belong only to the Roman Clergy, without the consent of the people, whereby the authority of the Cardinals was greatly increased; alleging these words, The people are to be led, not to be followed. Bacontorpius in Prologo in 4. sent. q. 10. An order nevertheless ill observed a long time after. Stella likewise attributeth unto him the Feast of all Souls, first invented by Odilon Abbot of Clugnie, the observation whereof john afterwards imposed upon all. john the twentieth, called Fasanus, succeeded him, and presently Sergius the fourth; neither of them praise worthy in any thing. Afterwards followed Benedict the eight, john the one and twentieth, Benedict the ninth, Silvester the third, Gregory the sixth, which bring us to the year 1045, An. 1045. and were all of one stamp, created by the factions of the Earls of Tuscan, and if we may believe their own writers, all infamous for the art Magic. Cardinal Benno speaking of Hildebrand, who was Gregory the seventh, saith, Cardin. Benno in vita Hildibrandi. That he had learned of his masters the doctrine of the devils, of Theophilact, whose surname was Benedict the ninth, of Laurence the Archbishop of Amelfis, and of john Archpriest of S. john Port Latin, who was named Gregory the sixth. Particularly of Theophilact or Benedict the ninth, he saith, That he sacrificed to devils in woods and mountains, and by the art Magic won unto him the love of women: The books that were found in his house, after he had ended his wicked life in a bad manner, witness the same. He was always assisted by Laurence the Prince of Enchanters, who gloried much amongst the Bishops, Cardinals, and Senators, that he had such a disciple. In the end, saith he, he was strangled by the devil in the forests, his Archpriest banished, and Laurence enforced to run away. In all other things he was so ignorant, that he had a Colleague consecrated with him to do the service: For which cause Onuphrius himself calleth him a man of nothing; Martinus in Chron. Platina in Benedict. 8. Petrus Damianus in libro qui inscribitur Gratissimus. and yet nevertheless by certain intermissions of times he reigned ten years and somewhat more. Many Authors report, and among the rest Petrus Damianus the Cardinal, who lived near about those times, That Benedict after his death appeared to a certain Hermit near to a mill, in a most horrible shape, being in body, head, and tail, like to an Ass; and being asked why he so appeared; he answered, Because I lived in the Popedom like a beast, without reason, without law, & without God. This Damian nevertheless being a great champion of the Popes, as shall be showed in his due place. Herman. contractus in Chron. Waltramus de investitura. Glaber Hist. l. 5. Platina in. silvest 3. & alijs. The Cardinal Benno saith also of Silvester the third, That the Church of God by his occasion was strangely torn and troubled with civil wars, and infinite murders. But Waltramus being guilty of his own insufficiency, and perceiving the Emperor coming to Rome, resigned the Popedom to the Archbishop of S. john Port Latin, for 1500. pounds of gold. And Glaber saith he was chosen Pope being a child of twelve years of age; but Baronius saith, of ten years. Platina therefore thus speaketh of them all: The Popedom was then come to that pass, that he that excelled all others in bounty, and ambition, I say not sanctity of life and learning, was only able to obtain that dignity, the best sort of men being oppressed and rejected. I would to God, saith he, this had not been the custom of the world in our times, but these are but small matters in respect of those we shall see, if God prevent it not. Of Silvester he expressly saith, he entered not by the gate, but by the postern, like a thief and robber. And yet these were the men that managed the affairs of the Church, and therein did bear rule at their own pleasure, even to the uttermost bounds of the earth; yea they disposed of kingdoms and Empires according to their own lusts, that that prophesy might be fulfilled, That they should make drunken the kings of the earth with the wine of their cup. And therefore Benedict the ninth (according to Glaber) was not afraid to make this Decree, Glaber. l. 1. in fine. That no man should be said or held for Emperor, but whom the Pope should choose, and for his honesty and sufficiency should think fit for the Commonweal, and to whom he had committed the Imperial Ensign, that is, saith the same Author, a golden globe or apple, which he caused to be made of purpose, enriched with many precious jewels, with a cross fastened on the top thereof. The Empire likewise being vacant by the death of Conrade, he offered it by his Legates to Peter king of Hungary, with a Diadem whereon was this inscription: Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa Coronam. The Rock gave Rome to Peter, the Pope to thee the Crown. For such Princes as were farthest from them were fittest for their purpose, but yet ever with that condition that they should confirm their donations. But let us now see what the Church thought of these confusions. OPPOSITION. All this we have learned from none other but Monks, for they were the only writers in these times, and therefore their testimony must needs be beyond all exception, being taken as it were out of their own bosom. Glaber therefore the Monk of Clugnie, An. 1047. and writer of these times, in his history dedicated to Odibo the Abbot, brings in the Emperor Henry the second speaking to the Archbishops and Bishpos assembled together, Glaber Hist. li. 6. c. 5. in these words: All Ecclesiastical degrees from the Pope to the Porter, are oppressed with the price of their own damnation, and in all according to the word of our Saviour, spiritual theft is very cruel. The Author addeth, And this iniquity was not only sprung up among the Bishops of France, but was far worse in Italy; for all Ecclesiastical offices were at that time as vendible as other wares in a market place. The Bishops astonished and confounded herewith, had no other refuge but to his mercy. He for their comfort gave them this answer; Glaber. li. 5. c. 4. Go your ways, saith he, and what you have unlawfully received, endeavour to use lawfully; and so he made a law for the repressing of such sales. Of the See in particular he saith, The See of Rome, which is held by right to be the universal Church of the whole world, had for the space of five and twenty years been miserably sick of this aforesaid pestilent disease; for there was chosen to that See an infant of twelve years of age, against all law and equity, whom gold and silver had more commended, than age or sanctity of life: who as he had an unhappy entrance, so he had a worse departure. The foulness of his conversation it is a shame to relate. In another place the aforesaid Glaber saith, At that time the whole government both of the secular power, Glaber. li. 4. c. 5. and Ecclesiastical religion, consisted in the person of a child: For the sins of the people that saying of Solomon was then verified; Woe be to the earth: For the universal Pope of Rome, who was then chosen by the Romans, was the nephew of two that were his predecessors, Benedict & john, a child of ten years of age, and that by the help of a great sum of money: who being often rejected, and dishonestly received again, ruled with no power. And as we have partly touched before, the rest of the Prelates of the Church in those times, preferred gold and silver before merit. Out and alas, of these the Scripture speaketh plainly, or rather the mouth of God himself, Principes extiterunt & non cognovi. He speaketh likewise of Silvester the third. He telleth us in another place, That the avarice of Rome was grown to such a height, that it contended with ambition; in such sort that about the year 1024 certain Legates being come from the See of Constantinople to Rome, An. 1024. with wonderful rich presents as well of the Emperor Basilius as the patriarchs, to entreat that by the consent of the Pope the Church of Constantinople might be taken for the universal Church of the East, as the Roman of the West; there wanted but little but that john the one and twentieth had yielded thereunto, And the Greeks', saith the Author, Glaber. li. 4 c 1. with a dagger of gold had broken a wall of iron: For he addeth, That though avarice for a time might be called the Queen of the whole world, yet she had placed at Rome her insatiable couch: for they had no sooner seen the glorious lustre of those riches the Greeks' brought unto them, but their hearts were wholly bend to devise new frauds and devices, how they might privily yield unto that that they desired. But the business being come to the cares of divers who opposed themselves against it, the Greeks' departed not doing any thing. William, an Englishman, and Monk of Malmesburie, sets before our eyes how bad the state of all things was at Rome in these times, speaking thereof as of a public robbery: What shall I say, saith he, of that city that was heretofore the habitation of sanctity? Willielm. Malmesb. l. 2. de Gestis Regum Anglor. It is now the place where thieves & robbers walk in open market place, a wicked and a crafty generation. If any man come to Rome, even with the danger of his life, to visit the Churches of the Apostles, he falls into the hands of these kind of people, and seldom or never returns without the loss either of his goods or his life. Upon the bodies of the holy Apostles and Martyrs, upon the holy Altars, swords are drawn, and oblations are no sooner offered but their hands are upon them, who take and spend them in banqueting with their whores. Such a tempest of evils troubled the Popedom of Gregory, which could not be remedied with Excommunications, the Cardinals themselves withstanding him the whole time of his abode in that See. Fasciculus Temporum. Rolwinck in his Fasciculus Temporum speaks of the plurality of benefices which in those times grew to be very common, and so continued afterwards: Of the lamentable ambition and simony of the Prelates, notwithstanding there were found many writings of the Fathers, that bewrayed how much they had in detestation these abuses. Note also that there were some poor Clergy men, and Doctors, that reprehended the plurality of benefices, and the pomp of the Clergy, until occasion was given them to part stakes with them, and to taste the benefit of such pluralities, and then covetousness blinded them too. It is written of a great learned Master that solemnly disputed against the riches and pride of Prelates, as being altogether unlawful to live in such a fashion: Which the Pope being given to understand, merrily answered, Let us bestow upon him some good Priory, and such and such benefices, and he will be quiet enough; which was speedily done, and so presently he changed his opinion, saying, Until now I never understood this matter, etc. But he compareth the state of the Church in these times to those of Hieroboam, when he set up the golden calves in Israel. Many holy men, saith he, did commonly affirm, that the same was to be feared in the Ecclesiastical State, and now we see it performed in many parts of the world. The Clergy, who should possess nothing but that which in reason was competent for them, nor intermeddle with the affairs of the Temporalty, will take upon them to possess and to govern all things; and therefore as S. Bernard saith, such as observe no order hasten thither where dwelleth eternal horror, etc. Good Reader take heed thou follow not this dangerous custom, neither excuse thyself with the Pope's dispensation, but follow the counsel of those that are in the heavens above with God, least with the golden calves thou burn in hell fire. An. 1046. In the mean time, in the year 1046, the Emperor Henry the second, taketh his journey into Italy, partly to take possession of the Empire, partly at the persuasion of divers, to procure some remedy against those confusions which had been brought into the Church by three Popes, Benedict, Silvester, and Gregory, the one troubling and contending with the other, and within the walls of Rome making barricadoes one against the other, Silvester at S. Maria major, Benedict at the palace of S. Lateran, and Gregory at S. Peter's: whereupon these verses were sent by a Hermit to Henry. Otho frisingen's. l. 6. c. 31. Gregor. Hemburg. in admonitione de usurpat Paparum Roman. Imperator Henrice, Omnipotentis vice. unica Sunamitis, Nupsit tribus maritis, Dissolve connubium, Et triforme dubium. An. 1461. Herman. contract. & Carthusian. & Sigibert in Chron. Platina in Gregor. 6. & silvest 3. Great Emperor Henry, who in God's stead must be, The Church, who is but one, is married to three: Dissolve thou the knot, and the doubt trebled will be. Platina calls them three wicked monsters, and in his history of Silvester the third saith, We are like to see worse matters than all these, if God prevent them not, since the good, being oppressed, he only riseth to promotion that excels in bounty and ambition, not in learning and sanctity of life. They use not, saith he, in these days to enter by the door, but the window, like thieves and robbers: and of divers others in this Age he affirms as much. Now by this only disorder how many other may we imagine? He therefore being received King in Lombardie, before he came to Rome, held a Council of many Bishops at Sutri, wherein Gregory the sixth being convicted for obtaining the Popedom with money, by consent of them all was deposed; and in like sort were the other two rejected, being deposed, saith Martin, Canonica & imperiali censura, by a Canonical and Imperial censure. And the Romans being altogether ignorant whom upon the sudden they might nominat to be Pope, the Emperor proposed unto them Suitger Bishop of Bamberge, one of his own followers, and a man for his honesty and learning well spoken of, whom he compelled them to approve. This is he that was called Clement the second. Sigon. l. 8. de regno Ital. Martinus in Chron. The Church, saith Sigonius, having been now sick for the space almost of two hundred years, the disease grew so desperate that it required violent remedies, yea sword and fire, medicines that belong to diseases incurable. Whereupon, saith Martin, per vim substituit, he gave them a successor by force, the Romans promising unto him, and swearing, That they would never choose Pope without his consent. Leo Ostiens. c. 80 Leo the Cardinal of Ostia speaking in his Chronicle of these disorders, more briefly saith, Pope Benedict having held the See at Rome twelve years, was deposed by the Romans, and john Bishop of Sabins, who was called Silvester, substituted in his place, non tamen gratis, but yet not freely. But three months after, this Benedict with the aid of the Tusculans his kinsfolk, drove away Silvester, and by force repossessed the See of Rome. But nevertheless perceiving himself to be odious to all, he delivered the Popedom to john the Archpriest, who was accounted as it were the more religious, and retired himself to his father's house, that there with better liberty he might fulfil his own lusts, and practise his wickedness. He could not in better words have affirmed, That he that of the three was accounted the best, was stark nought. But Henry the Emperor, saith he, the son of Conrade, his nefandis auditis, hearing of these execrable things in the Apostolic See, inspired from heaven in the year 1047 coming into Italy, went to Rome, desirous to purge the Apostolic See of these spots: Whereupon he stayed at Sutri, where deliberating upon this great and necessary business, statuit, he appointed there a general Council to be called of all Bishops. There being therefore gathered together at his command a great multitude of Bishops, Abbots, and other religious men, he likewise invited thither the Pope of Rome to be chief in that Council. What should I say more? The Council being held, Gregory being by their synodal Canons and sentence convicted of simony, of his own accord rising from his seat, and putting off his Pontifical habit, humbly and prostrate upon the ground, asked pardon, for that he had profaned that dignity. Leo therefore, we see, agreeth not in opinion with Baronius, who saith, That it is not lawful for an Emperor to intermeddle with the affairs of the See of Rome; for he saith quite contrary, That he came inspired by God to that end, yea and he addeth withal, That he procured unto him a successor: And because these things were done with so prosperous and good success, Sigon. l. 8. de regno Italiae. the Romans gave unto the said Henry the honour of a Patriciat, as they did sometimes to Charles the Great, and decreed, that, besides the Crown of the Empire, he should wear a Chain. This selfsame year, in hope, or rather under some show of a reformation of the Church, a Synod was held, where first a question was made concerning simony, which sin was then grown to such a height, saith Sigonius (the Pope's either winking at it, or no way hindering the course thereof) that it was a usual thing for Bishops to sell Orders to Clergy men, & consequently for Clergy men to put their function to sale to the Laity: and therefore a question was made, Whether such as were initiated by a Simoniacal Bishop should hold their Orders. It was decreed, That if a Clerk when he was initiated knew the Bishop of whom he took Orders to be Simoniacal, he should do penance for forty days, and so the sin should be expiate, and he continue in his Orders, otherwise he must take his Orders again. And to pacify those tumults that were risen amongst them by reason of the bad observation of that law which made the nomination of the Pope, without the authority of the Emperor, of no force, it was decreed again, Petrus Damianus in lib Gratissimus. Platina & Onuphr. in Clement. 2. That all ancient honours should be restored to the Emperor Henry, and he should still continue a Patritius, and dispose of the Church of Rome at his pleasure; and that it should never hereafter be lawful to create a Pope of Rome without his authority. The Author is Petrus Daemianus Bishop of Ostia. By this means Henry seemed to have restored all things to their ancient order; who nevertheless was hardly returned into Germany, but the Disciples of Benedict the ninth, Gerardus Brazutus, and Hildebrand, poisoned Clement, so that he had not continued in all above six months, but they thrust Benedict into the seat. But yet nevertheless the Emperor taking still hold of his privilege, ordained for Pope Poppo Bishop of Brixen, who was afterward called Damasus the second; who likewise, not without the industry of the same men, continued in the See but three & twenty days: in place of whom he named again by the same right Brunus Bishop of Toul, who was called Leo the ninth: For the Romans, as it is likely, being wearied with those factions that arose about the election of the Popes for the space of two hundred years, wherein the most factious commonly prevailed, perceived that had not the Emperors interposed their authority (which nevertheless they endured with much impatiency) they could never have obtained peace. Neither must we forget that which Cardinal Benno noteth, That Gerardus Brazutus, a familiar friend of Benedict the ninth, by his sly and subtle familiarity, in the space of thirteen years killed six Popes of Rome, that is, Clement, Damasus, Leo, Victor, Stephen, by poison, Benedict the tenth by fraud and violence. Baron. vol. 11. an. 1002. art. 5. 6. Here what will Baronius say, and what judgement will he give of all these times? Truly having in the whole precedent volume proclaimed for execrable monsters all those Popes that had held the See for a hundred years before, at the last he pronounceth sentence against the race of the emperors Othoes: That in the person of Otho the third, by the just judgement of God, that race ended, being poisoned by the wife of Crescentius, because (like Osias) they durst to put their hands to the Ark, though it were to uphold it; and to add their authority, though it were with good zeal, to remove those monsters, and to place others in their seats. Are monsters then by the Canon law in Baronius country suffered to live? or must we stay and attend till they of their own accord remove and displace themselves? Emperors, yea and Christian Kings, are they not bound, as sometimes Ezechias, josias, and others were, to repair the Temple of God, and to reform the Church? And to betray the Church of Christ unto Antichrist, to leave it as a prey to the enemy, needed there any other thing? In this interim therefore, which containeth about fifty years, were there in his own judgement any that were more honest, or more tolerable than others? Let us hear what he saith of john, whom he calls the twentieth, the brother of that execrable Benedict, whom for his wickedness he placeth in the bottom of Purgatory: Idem vol. eodem an. 1024. art. 3. & 4. Unworthy as he was, saith he, he unworthily and tyrannically occupied the place, and by ill means ascended unto it. And again, The secular power, that is to say, the Marquesses of Tuscan, Glaber. l. 4. c. 1. 2. 3. Ideman. 1027. art. 13. & 14. & an. 1032. art. 2. 3. hath brought forth monsters unto us. This monster nevertheless by his own testimony, put S. Romwald into the Canon of Saints, pronounced S. Martial an Apostle, and that by an express decree, in favour of those of Lymoges. Benedict the ninth succeeded this john. But what saith Baronius? The Earl Albericke had of his family two Popes, who were brothers, Benedict and john, and hardly he could endure that the Papal dignity should be transferred to any other; and therefore he thrust in his son, a child of ten years of age, by gifts, who again, by the testimony of Baronius himself, proved a tyrant, and the shame and monster of the Church. For to omit other things, what could be more monstrous, than an infant of ten years of age to be the universal Pope, and Father of Fathers? And yet if any man speak against it he is angry, and grows furious, yea he makes profit of this shame, Baron. an. 1031. and glories therein; and by this intrusion which he confesseth he defends his right. You see (saith he) how great the authority of the Church of Rome then was; for though he were a child, and an intruder too, yet he was acknowledged by the whole Church for Pope, in so much that the Archbishops of Hamburge received the Pall of him; neither was there any thing that belonged to the Papal function which he did not undergo. Dares he then to maintain the Orders of an infant, who himself was capable of no Order? He was himself a simoniacal person, created by gifts, and it was his manner by all sorts of simony to create others; as Petrus Damianus Bishop of Ostia, and one of the Pope's chief champions, describeth him unto us: O wickedness, O prodigious monster (saith he) is Peter himself enforced to pay for the forestalments of Simon Magus out of his own store, who was known with an everlasting curse to condemn Simon with all his merchandise! And again in his verses, What pity is it that the Apostolic See, sometimes the glory of the world, should now, out and alas, be made the shop of Simon? Thy hammers beat the anvil, and thy money is the money of hell: And yet this Benedict sat in the chair about twelve years, so that the greatest age he arrived unto was but two and twenty years. Now these people that boast so much of their successions & vocations, with what face can they defend the missions of this man? Neither were those of Silvester the third any better, who by the faction of Ptolemy a Consul of Rome, interrupted the See of john; of whom saith Baronius, Baron. an. 1044 art. 2. This man was Bishop of the Sabines, who also, malis artibus, by bad means, that is, by money, made himself way to the Papacy; which without wrong done unto his Authors he could not conceal: For Hermannus a Chronicler of those times, and Leo Bishop of Ostia, had witnessed before, That the Romans being wearied with the wickedness of Benedict, expelled him, and substituted, though not without money, Silvester in his place. And that some few months after Benedict with the help of his kindred and friends, recovered it again: who that he might with more liberty betake himself to his own pleasures, he substituted john the Archpriest, Herman. in Chron. Leo l. 2. c. 80. Otho Frisingensis supra. who was accounted almost the more religious (he would have said, the more hypocrite.) And of all three Otho Frisingensis recounteth before unto us the pitiful estate that Rome was then in, I myself, saith he, have heard it in the city from the Romans themselves. To conclude, Baronius calls those three false Popes, tricipitem Bestiam, a Beast with a triple head rising from the gates of hell. Where is then that See against which the gates of hell cannot prevail? Now Cerberus himself (as that which the Poet speaks of) is choked with a ball of pitch. And where is that ever-running spring of the spirit of God, or in whom did it now reside? This ball of pitch, saith he, a certain good man and a zealous, called Gratian, made for them; Baron. an. 1045 & 1044. and see how he did it: He went to the aforesaid men, and persuaded them with money to forsake the See, and to Benedict he left the revenues of England, because he seemed to be a man of greatest power and authority. The Romans in recompense thereof, as to the purchaser of their freedom, made him Pope, who was Gregory the sixth. I ask now, Whether this transaction may be borne with amongst the Canonists? or whether all this may redound to his profit without simony? And to say the truth, for this either cause, or pretence of cause, he was afterwards in the Council of Sutri, by the authority of Henry the Emperor, and the consent of the Romans, expelled his See, and the Bishop of Bamberge, who was Clement the second, installed in his place, chosen from amongst strangers, because, alas therefore, there were none capable thereof at Rome. But Baronius is much grieved with these words, Leo Ostiens. l. 2. c. 80. who calls this election a detestable presumption of the Emperor Henry; and doth vehemently endeavour to prove, that therefore the Popedom of Clement could not be lawful. But in all this time, when will he find us any Pope, and how will he fill up that gulf of pretended succession which they so much boast of? Except he mean to supply it with the abominations of Benedict the ninth, who yet continuing even after the death of Clement, thrust himself thrice into the chair. We must not forget (that you may understand that the liberty of the Churches was not yet wholly taken away) that Henry the King of Germany, in the year 1006, held a Synod at Frankford, whereof Dithmar thus speaketh: Dithmar. l. 6. The general Council is appointed at Frankford by the King, and was visited by all those that are on this side the Alps. Which was done to make Bamberge a Bishopric, and being done, Eberard was nominated Bishop by the Emperor, and consecrated by Willegisus the Precedent of the Synod, and all this without the knowledge or consent of Rome. Henry his son likewise called another Council in the year 1047, An. 1047. wherein he sharply repressed all simoniacal persons. Glaber saith, Glaber. l. 5. c. 5. Coadunare fecit, He assembled as well the Archbishops as the Bishops etc. And for a conclusion, after he had pronounced a curse against all those that had committed simony, he protesteth and saith, As God hath given me of his mere mercy the Crown, so will I freely give that which belongs to his religion. Here is no mention made of Rome. But Baronius wittily, after his manner, saith, That he thinks that Clement the second was at this Synod, though without any Author: for, saith he, the Emperor ought in duty to give his helping hand unto him by this his Edict, which he likewise performed in fact. But suppose that Pope Clement were present thereat, and in all these proceed not remembered, doth it not hurt his cause the more? So likewise in Spain, in the year 1012, there was a Council held at Leon, Baron. vol. 11. an. 1012. ex script. Anto. August. art. 16. Glaber. l. 3. c. 8. in which thus spoke the Fathers: We, say they, are met together at Leon, and by the commandment of King Alphonsus the fift we have made these Decrees, which are entitled, The Decrees of the King Alphonsus and Geloira the Queen. And in France, in the year 1017, a Council was called by King Robert touching the cause of Heresy, notwithstanding that he by the testimony of all the writers of those times, was commended for his piety and devotion. 40. PROGRESSION. Of the wicked inventions of Hildebrand, and the Popes of this time, to enlarge their power and authority. Of the doctrine of the redemption of penitentiaries, by whom, and when it came in. Of the feigned miracles of Alexander the second to deceive the people. Of the troubles that arose in Milan, through the Pope's intrusions there. Of the Peter pence that were granted at this time by divers Princes, to the Pope. Damianus Bishop of Ostia exclaimeth against the lascivious life of the Roman Clergy. THe thirty years that follow under divers Popes, using rather the magistracy than ministry of Hildebrand, who especially swayed in those times, gave occasion unto them to usurp again that which the Emperor Henry the second had taken from them, by restoring that ancient law which was made in a solemn Synod betwixt Hadrian the first and Charles the Great, and was in force under the government of his whole race, and afterwards confirmed under the Othoes, and other Kings of Germany. This Hildebrand was by nation a Tuscan, by profession a Monk of Clugnie: He obtained that dignity by bad means, as Cardinal Benno and the Roman Archpriest do witness. The minority of Henry the third, the son of the Emperor Henry the second, being a child of five years of age, and brought up under the tuition of Agnis his mother (as the minority of Princes produce many times weak counsellors) was a great occasion why Hildebrand abusing his youth, did dare to enterprise so much: But the devil especially by his messengers thrust himself into the business, whilst they, that they might the more easily obtain that they desired, abused the people under the name of two pretended Heresies: the one was Simony, the sale for silver, or other thing equivolent thereunto, of Ecclesiastical charges, though at that time there was nothing at Rome more common, where the Popedom itself was set to sale to whomsoever would give most, where the Popes sold all Ecclesiastical dignities, and themselves to the devil, as we have often seen, Simons and Magicians together: But they made the signification of this word Simony, to extend very far, including within the compass of that sin, the Princes, who joined their authority in the election of the people and Clergy, and invested Bishops into their dignity; whom they likewise held to be heretics, because they had received their investiture from Princes: thereby stirring up the ill humours of both States, the people to murmur against their Bishops, the Nobles to rebel against their Princes. The other was the Heresy of the Nicholaits, directly (whether by error or subtlety) against the truth of the history of Nicholas, who being a Deacon in the Primitive Church was therefore reprehended, because under a colour of continency he forsook his wife, and afterwards betook himself to a more licentious and unclean life, as we have elsewhere showed out of Epiphanius. But of that sin there were none more guilty than the Roman Clergy, the Popes themselves of the precedent world frequenting common brothelhouses at Rome, as we have seen. But they wresting it otherwise, will have us to understand and include under the name of Nicholaits, those Bishops and Priests, who according to the law of God, and rule of the Apostles, and custom of the Primative Church, and Decrees of the first general Nicene Council, and divers others, do allow of lawful marriage, and live with those women whom they have married in the face of the Church. Both the one and the other was the invention of Hildebrand, or rather of his master, who sometimes by the one, sometimes by the other, bewitched the people, troubled the Princes, traduced the Bishops. But the end of all was this, to overthrow their Empire, and to bring all power and authority to their See, which others afterwards did by this example. As touching the first, Leo the ninth being chosen Pope by Henry the second (others call him the third) and being then in Germany adorned with his purple rob, it happened that taking his way through France he passed by Clugnie, where he saw Hildebrand, who told him, That it was unlawful to enter violently into the government of the Church by the hand of a lay man: But if he would follow his counsel, he would show him a way how the liberty of the Church should be preserved in the Canonical election, and yet no occasion of offence given to the Imperial Majesty; and that was, To put off his purple rob, and to go to Rome in the habit of a Pilgrim. Leo yields to his advice, and Hildebrand betakes himself to the journey with him, and caused him again to be chosen by the Clergy and the people. Some add, that he set before his eyes Damasus the second, Otho Frisi●g. l. 6. c. 2●. who by the just judgement of God lived but a few days; but he opened not unto him the mystery, that is, That he had found the way to shorten his life: which Benno before gave us to understand. Leo dieth in the year 1054, An. 1054. Sigon. de Regno Ital. l. 8. and the Romans partly fearing the Emperor, and partly (saith Sigonius) not finding any man amongst them worthy the succession, sent Hildebrand unto him, to entreat him in the name of the people and Clergy of Rome, to nominat one unto them. This was Guebhardus the Bishop of Eichstat, who was Victor the second, who by an art familiar in those days was poisoned by his Subdeacon in his Chalice: And so this man left all things in their former state and condition. An. 1056. But about the year 1056 Henry the second died, leaving Henry the third his son, about the age of five years, and under the tuition of his mother Agnis: and in the year 1057 Victor the second died at his return from Germany, whereupon the Romans assembled themselves to choose a successor, and as it were by force consecrated the Cardinal Frederick the son of the duke of Lorraine, and presently by a Legate signified all they had done to Agnis, who was not hardly entreated to approve their choice: and this was Stephen the ninth, according to Baronius the tenth, who as he prepared himself to go to Henry the third, to be invested (which they called simony) departed this life, and presently there succeeded him by the faction of the Tusculan Earls, partly by buying voices, partly by threatening open violence, john Bishop of Velitre, Sigon. de Regno Ital. their kinsman, being altogether ignorant, as Author's report, of all manner of good learning, and constrained Petrus Damianus Bishop of Ostia, notwithstanding his protestations to consecrat him, and afterward offer him to the people, corrupted with gifts, to be adored. This was Benedict the tenth. Now consider how much they abused their pretended liberty, and by what law they accused the Emperors of simony, whereas contrarily they made choice of the most worthy men in authority and learning they could find out. But because the Clergy had promised to Hildebrand, That if the See should be void, to choose no man in his absence; he shortly after sets up an Antipope, Gerardus Burgundus, Bishop of Florence, who was Nicholas the second: to whom Benedict the tenth, rather moved with shame than conscience, gave place. But he took assistant unto him Hildebrand, by whose help he might be eased in his greatest affairs. And therefore by his counsel a Synod was held at Lateran, under pretence to prevent those precedent inconveniences, but indeed it was to supplant the Emperors: For in that Synod it was ordained, D. 23. C. In nomine. That the Pope dying, first the Cardinal Bishops should diligently inquire and consider of the election of a successor, then join unto them the Cardinal Clerks, and so the rest of the Clergy and people should consent to the new election: That he should be chosen out of the bosom of the Church of Rome, if any be found fit, if not, out of some other. But there was added for a fashion, Having ever a due respect to the honour and reverence of our beloved son Henry, who at this present is held for King, and hoped hereafter by God's permission to be Emperor, as we have granted unto him and to his successors, who from this Apostolic See have obtained that right. Whereas before the approbation of the Pope was in the Emperor, and it was necessary, under pain of high treason, to attend his command and consent, before he were consecrated, and he in the mean time to be accursed and declared Antichrist, that by any other means shall be placed in that throne. After this Decree (before attempted by john the ninth, but with ill success) the authority of the Cardinals began to increase, in so much that Petrus Damianus of these times began to say: The Cardinals principally do both choose the Bishop of Rome, and in some prerogatives they are not only above the law of all Bishops, but of the Patriarches and primates too. These are the eyes of that only stone, the candles of that only candlestick. Were there therefore before no eyes, no candles in the Church? Again Nicholas the second, Leo Ostiens. l. 3. c. 25. that he might extend the signification of the word Simony in despite of Henry the third, made a law, That no man could accept of a Church, or any Ecclesiastical office, either freely, or for money from the hands of a Lay man. An. 1056. Whereas that which is said to be freely given, doth properly exclude Simony, & makes no difference betwixt the Lay and the Clergy. This Nicholas did also increase under the minority of Henry, by another occasion: Robert and Richard Guischar, who were come from Normandy to follow the wars in Calabria against the Saracens, had there set footing with happy success; Robert called himself Duke of Apulia and Calabria; Richard held Capua, and overran the country even to the gates of the city of Rome: both the one and the other were excommunicated by the See of Rome. But Nicholas called in his excommunication, upon condition they should hold their signiories in fee farm of the Church of Rome, swearing faith and loyalty thereunto, and paying for a yearly rend twelve pence for every yoke of Oxen: from whence there arose matter of new contention with the Empire and the Emperor. And these things bring us to the year 1060. But the progression was no less in the corruption of manners and doctrine, than in tyranny over the Church. Touching manners, the sin of Sodom, by the rigorous execution of those laws that concerned single life, had taken such root in the Roman Clergy, Petri● Damian. Lib. qui inscribitur Gomerrhaeus cui praefixa Epist. Leonis 9 Baron. an. 1049. Art. 10. & seq. that Petrus Damianus enforced to betake himself to an Hermitage, writ a book, entitled Gomorrhaeus, in which he deciphers all the kinds thereof, wherein they did riot and sensually pass their time. And he dedicated the book to Leo the 9 whose help he imploreth against this great and grievous sin. Wicked brambles, thorns, and nettles have filled the field of our Lord and Master, which grow out of the strength of the flesh, and the dung of corruption; for all flesh hath corrupted her ways, insomuch that not only a flood of waters seems not sufficient to wash away the filth thereof, but this great and grievous wickedness cries for that Gomorrhaean fire from heaven, that burned the five Cities. And hereupon by this admonition of Damianus, Leo made some laws, and ordained some punishments for this sin. But presently after it appeared that he lost the grace and favour of Leo: And afterwards Alexander the second obtaining the Popedom, gets this book from the author thereof, under colour to lend it to the Abbot of Saint Saviour, but in deed to suppress it, making the reason thereof to be, his over-plaine dealing in that he had expressed the matter in more obscene or gross terms than was fitting; As if such filthiness could be stirred, but there must rise a stink. Whereupon Damianus in an Epistle to Hildebrand and Stephen, Cardinals, eagrely complains, & yet not without a manifest flout; And indeed, saith he, is this a token of Priestly cleanliness, or rather an argument of papal purity? But as touching doctrine, In the time of Victor the second about the year 1055 was brought in the redemption of Penitentiaries, under pretence that sins multiplying, An. 1055. men were not able to endure a penance for so many years deferred; And beside, sometimes men may die, before the penance be accomplished. Wherefore in favour of the rich it was ordained, that either for money, possessions, or any thing else equivalent thereunto, they might buy it out, Baron. an. 1055. Art. 9 & seq. according to the number of the years appointed and agreed upon. And of this it was that Damianus saith, Thou art not ignorant that when we take lands and possessions of Penitenciaries, according to the proportion of the gift, we release them in the quantity of their penance. Which he himself did to the Archbishop of Milan in his legation: whereupon saith Baronius, He showeth that the goods of the church shall increase by these ransoms, which in time shall grow to a custom. Petrus Damiar. in Epist. ad fratres. Baron. an. 1056 Art. 6. & 7. But it pleased him that the poorer sort should redeem those years with corporal afflictions, a certain number of Psalms sung in the Church, fasts with bread and water, fillips, whips, and the like: whereupon saith the selfsame Damian, Tria scorparum millia; three thousand lashes with a whip or a holybush, with the singing of certain Psalms, do supply one years penance, etc. And so he calculates it, that twenty Psalters sung with discipline should serve for the penance of a hundred years. Petrus Damianus in Epist. ad Defiderium Cassinatem. So far at the last did this corruption of doctrine proceed, that Petrus Damianus prescribed to the Monks that lived under his obedience in the same Hermitage, that every day with their Canonical hours, they should say the service of the virgin Marie. And saith Baronius, As he was the author hereof in his monastery, so it is manifest that from the same source it sprang, that in all the West churches not only the Monks, but Clergy, and Lay men and women, by the admonition of Pope Vrban did every day their tasks. And he acknowledgeth to be of the same age and invention, the custom of whipping themselves, in imitation of Dominicus Loricatus, The mass upon Mundays, for the dead that are in Purgatory; upon Friday, in honour of the passion; on Saturdays, in the honour of the Virgin; to the end that superstition with the Popedom should ascend to their highest pitch. Alexander the second succeeded Nicholas the second, who taking advantage of the minority of Henry (for he was then about eleven years of age) was chosen either by the decree of Nicholas, Leo Ostiens. L. 3. ca 20. or the bold counsel of Hildebrand. Which Agnis the mother of Henry understanding to be done without her command, called a Council at Basill, where by the consent of most of the Bishops of Italy Cadalous Bishop of Parma was created Pope, who was called Honorius the second. Now was Italy divided in two parts by these two Popes, who raised their forces and bare arms one against the other. And Henry himself sent Hanno Archbishop of Collen, who in the same Synod reproached Alexander the second, and told him that he had no power to enter into the chair without the commandment of the Emperor, and therefore he was either to leave it again, or to give a reason of that he had done. But Hildebrand answereth him, the interpreter (for the most part) of the Popes in those days, that Alexander was suddenly consecrated without the authority of Henry, to avoid some imminent tumults; And that the church of Rome his spiritual mother, took more care of his right, than his mother Agnis, who was tied unto him by blood only. So that they renounced not what they had done; but with this art, that they might attain their purpose, did they think to hide their counsels and intentions. But the decision of this matter was put off to another Council held at Mantua; which place was chosen, because it was under the power of the countess Matilda, who took part with Alexander. There it was granted at the instance of Hanno, that he should purge himself by oath, that he had not obtained the Popedom with money: by which means he was confirmed by all, and the decree against simoniacal persons is renewed in the same sense that it was before: and presently he sends Petrus Damianus his Legate into Germany to signify to Henry the third and not without some threats, that if he would not be persuaded by council, he must necessarily add his Ecclesiastical censures; & so presently he cities him to Rome, there to give account of the whole matter, upon pain of excommunication. Thus by the advantage of his minority, they easily get the upper hand. And that they might the better blind the eyes of the people, these men who thought of nothing but the world, and the things that belong thereunto, become workers of miracles; Alexander at Cassin dispossessed one of a Devil; going to Aquin did help one that was lame, by giving him the water to drink wherewith he washed his hands after the sacrifice. And to what end were these miracles? what law do they confirm, or what gospel? or do they not rather serve only to uphold their ambition? frivolous therefore they are and childish, yea though we did yield them to be true; yet are they lies, and proceeding from the father of lies, because the upholders of a lie. At the last in the year 1072, Alexander being dead, An. 1072. the Roman Clergy commanded Hildebrand to succeed, having already under three or four Popes been thoroughly acquainted with the Papal subtleties, and himself therein a very good scholar; and we may say more than a Pope, since Damianus calls him Dominum Papae, the Master of the Pope, and is not ashamed to say; Papam ritè colo, sed te prostratus adoro, Tu facis hunc Dominum, te facit ipse Deum. I honour the Pope, thee prostrate I adore, Thou makest him a Lord, he thee a god, or more. In so much that though he were Pope, yet he depended upon him and his counsel: but he being nourished in pride, left nothing undone that might enlarge his territories. And thus with a false pretence of simony they increased their power. Neither were the definements of the Pope's less furthered in these times, under the colour of the Nicholaits. The Church of Milan did then in Italy hold the second place, being made more eminent by the suppression of Ravenna. There were in it eighteen Bishops Suffragans, two and twenty ordinary Cardinals, twelve Canons, whom they called Decumans, and many other officers of good place. The king in such a manner instituted the Archbishop, that he was not bound to go to Rome, and he contrariwise consecrated the king, to bring him in the way to the Empire. Wherefore this mote, as it were in his eye, the Pope did hardly bear with, and so much the rather, because the Bishop and Clergy of Milan would hold nothing of him; in so much that their liberty being many times attempted by the Popes, they could never make any breach thereinto. Wherefore in the year 1059 Stephen the ninth being Pope, Arialdus a Decuman Clerk, An. 1059. who agreed not well with Wydo his Archbishop, conspired against him, with Landolfus Cotta, the governor of the people: and this he doth under a pretence of deposing married Priests, in execution of the Papal Decree, many times reiterated, as we have said before; and for his better help herein he hath recourse to Stephen. Wydo held a Council at Fontanet, near to Novaria, where by the consent of all the Suffragan Bishops, it was ordained, That the Clergy men of what Order soever, might lawfully marry wives; and in the city the matter was decided with much controversy, the common people taking part with Landolfe, the Nobility with the Archbishop. An. 1059. Landolfe therefore in the year 1059 sends Arialdus to Nicholas the second, to signify unto him the obstinacy of the Church of Milan, and to entreat that there might be judges appointed to determine of this pretended heresy; who presently not willing to omit so good an occasion, dispatched away Petrus Damianus the Cardinal of Ostia, with all the power and authority he could give him; who took for his assistant in this his legation, Anselmus Bishop of Lucques, who was afterward Alexander the second: and so they came to Milan. There what was done by Damian we cannot better learn than of himself, who particularly sets down the whole progression of his legation. He had no sooner delivered his charge touching the deposing of married Priests, as heretics, but presently the people began to be moved, saying, That the Pope had no authority over the Church of Milan, and that they would not dishonourably lose that liberty which their ancestors had gotten, and they had hitherto maintained, and subject themselves to the yoke of another Church: and therefore at the ringing of a bell, and sound of a trumpet, they gathered themselves together, to which they were the more animated, because Petrus Damianus had placed the Bishop of Milan on his left hand, and Ambrose of Lucques, his assistant, on his right. The tumult nevertheless being pacified, beginning his Sermon with the Supremacy of the Church of Rome, and the absolute power thereof, he told them, That all other Churches were ordained of men, but the Church of Rome only had her foundation from God himself: and therefore from her all other, but especially the Church of Milan, had taken their first beginning and rudiments of discipline, to which likewise and to the Bishop thereof it was necessary to be subject, because at his pleasure the heavens themselves were opened and shut; and therefore he that should derogat any thing from his privilege, should presently be censured for an Heretic. judge therefore, gentle Reader, how well he had been received by Saint Paul, if he should have said, That those famous Churches which he founded from jerusalem to Sclavonia, had taken their beginning from man, and not from God. As for the Church of Milan, he said, That Nazarius a renowned Martyr had received S. Peter's Baptism, Petri Baptisma, of Linus his successor, and afterward with Celsin was martyred at Milan, Sicut Scripturae testantur, As the Scriptures bear witness: And that the holy Martyrs Protasius and Geruasius, whose bodies they did there worship, had been the Disciples of S. Peter, as Ambrose himself witnesseth; and therefore the Church of Milan, as a daughter of the Roman Church, did owe unto her obedience, as to her mother. This conclusion is of the same nature as the rest before, that is, frivolous, false, blasphemous: For where do we read in the Scriptures, of Nazarius baptised by Linus, since Cardinal Baronius himself in his martyrology saith, Card. Bar. in Martyrolog. Junii 19 p. 341. That he is enforced to believe that Nazarius and Celsus suffered under the Emperor Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, two hundred years after, which the Legendaries do likewise make good: jacob. de Veragine Geruasio & Prothasio. and do also tell us that Geruasius and Protasius being twins, were the sons of S. Vital and S. Valerie, remaining then at Ambrun near to S. Nazarius, and therefore both living at one time, far from the reign of Nero. And now after all this, how will he prove that of S. Ambrose? especially that S. Nazarius received Peter's Baptism? Where doth he find in the Scripture a Baptism of Peter? Is there any other than of Christ? Can it be spoken without blasphemy, 1. Cor. 1.11.12.13. since Paul himself saith, Is Paul crucified for you, or are you baptised into the name of Paul? shall we doubt that he would likewise have said, in the name of Peter? who so sharply reprehended those that said, I am Paul's, I am Apollo's, I am Peter. This good Apostle of Rome likewise addeth, That Ambrose seeing he could not overcome the Heresy of the Nicholaits (who ever at that time heard of any such Heresy?) craved help of Pope Siricius, who for the suppressing thereof, sent a Priest, a Deacon, and Subdeacon, that they by his example in the like difficulty should seek the like remedy. By these toys in the mean time he boasteth, That he had prevailed so far with the people, that he could make them do what he would have them, that is to say, for the establishment of the law of single life, which we have spoken of elsewhere, having appointed a penance of a hundred years to the Archbishop, which nevertheless for a certain sum of money yearly to be paid, he might redeem. But as Damianus saith, The chiefest thing is to know of what power the privilege of the Church of Rome is. But the matter stayed not there: For he was no sooner returned to Rome, but the Clergy presently recovered their liberty, Erlembaldus Cotta being chosen governor of the people by the death of Landulph, who by the instigation of Arialdus renew the sedition, and sendeth again to Damianus; but he being much moved therewith, spareth not Ambrose himself: This, saith he, is no new thing in the Church of Milan, which hath always had men of divers opinions, begun at the first by Auxentius, and Ambrose. It is true that Auxentius was an Arrian, but what fault hath Ambrose committed, that he should be accused of that fault, whom lately he proposed unto us, as a patron of his negotiations? To this pass it is come, that Erlembaldus himself went to Alexander, being at Lucques in the year 1065, about this business, An. 1065. of whom he obtained a Decree against the Clergy, which being brought to Milan, the Archbishop purposed to dispute the case upon the day of Pentecost. But so had Arialdus and Erlembaldus ordered the matter, that having framed their faction to sedition, the Archbishop could not withstand them. The year following 1066, An. 1066. the other part became so strong, that Arialdus was constrained to betake himself to flight; but being taken, as the author of all these evils, he endured a miserable and shameful punishment: by whose example Erlembaldus being terrified, thought it the best way for him to be quiet. But in the year 1067, An. 1067. by reason of the absence of the Bishop, Erlembaldus having gotten more strength, compels the citizens to swear, and spares neither Priest nor Archbishop, in so much that the Bishop being returned to pacify this sedition, he feared not to lay violent hands upon him; and at the last, that we judge of this whole Progression by the end, he obtaineth another Decree from Pope Hildebrand, That no Bishop should be accounted true and lawful, without the command of the Pope, notwithstanding he were declared to be such by the Clergy, the people, and the King. For the strengthening of which Decree he binds both the people and Clergy of Milan, with an oath. At which the Archbishop Wydo being astonished, as being now old and desirous of rest, gave over his archbishopric, and sent his ensigns of honour into Germany to Henry the third. All these things were proposed unto the people, and easily devoured with the sauce of Simony and Nicholaisme, which whosoever should contradict, was presently with Dathan and Abiron, judas and Caiphas, damned to the pit of hell: For so saith Mainardus Bishop of Syluacandida, and john the Priest and Cardinal, the Pope's Legates and Commissaries in this business. The Emperor therefore in the year 1068 bestowed that dignity upon Godfrey Chastillon a Milanois, An. 1068. and of a noble house, whom the Pope presently interdicted, and Erlembaldus his partaker made him to fly the city. But the Pope after the death of Wydo gave it to Atho a clerk of Milan, brought in and received by Erlembald, not without the great grief of the people, who now saw this dignity to be carried and disposed according to the will and pleasure of the Romans. And from hence ariseth a new controversy with the Emperor Henry the third: for from these feigned Heresies, as once from that difference that fell out touching Images, the Popes reaped a great commodity, that is, the oppression of other Bishops, and diminution of lawful Empires. But to proceed in the Progression, we must not forget that there were in these times divers Kings that made themselves tributaries to the Romish Babylon, that that from time to time might be fulfilled, which was foretold in the Apocalyps, Of Kings that should fall down and worship the Whore, and be made drunken with her cup. Cassimire therefore King of Poland in the year 1045 made his kingdom feodatarie and tributary to the Pope, that miserable monster Benedict the ninth, and bound all his subjects to pay every year a poll halfpenny, in so much that neither he nor his successors could afterward free themselves from that bondage. The like did Sueno King of Denmark in the year 1069, Epist. Alexand. 22. ad Suenonem Regem Daniae. being summoned by Alexander the second, who demanded it of him, as a thing long since promised by his predecessors, and therefore exacted it now as a due: which by the same right, in the year 1068, Eiusdem ad Guilielm. Regem Angliae. he extorted from William King of England, whom he would persuade, That from the time that the name of Christ was first known in England, the kingdom had been Sub manu & tutela Petri, Under the hand and protection of Peter; that is, the Popes of Rome; whereas there were many Christian Kings in Britain before Rome had heard of a Popedom. And this exaction went under the name of Peter pence. And as for Gregory the seventh, or Hildebrand, he was not slower herein than the rest. That oath which he made Richard Prince of Capua to take, Gregor. 7. in Epist. post 21. & l. 1. & l. 8. post Epist. 10. is very notable: I Richard, by the grace of God and Saint Peter, Prince of Capua (by what divinity doth he couple the creature and the Creator together?) from this hour and ever hereafter, will be faithful to the holy Church of Rome, and to the Apostolic See, and to thee a helper, to hold, obtain, and defend the royalties of Saint Peter, and his possessions, with a true faith, against all men: and I will give my best assistance that thou mayst securely and honourably hold the Popedom of Rome, and the dominions of S. Peter: (These clauses, according to his own interpretation, go far) And I will neither seek to invade or obtain thy principalities, nor presume to rob, or waste them, without the leave and licence of thee, and thy successors that to the honour of S. Peter shall enter. What other words could he use to a captain of thieves? But to King Henry, when I shall be admonished by thee, or thy successors, I will swear allegiance, reserving still my fidelity to the holy Church of Rome. These things fell out about the year 1073. And the same oath took Robert for Apulia and Calabria, doing his homage. Gregor. l. 2. Epist. 71. And if we may believe the Epistle of Gregory the seventh, in the year 1073, there came to Rome in pilgrimage the son of Demetrius king of Russia, whom he invested into his kingdom in the name of S. Peter, Undoubtedly affirming, that this his petition should be ratified and confirmed by the consent of his father, if he should possess his kingdom by the gift of the See of Rome: Thus abusing, as it appeareth by the style, the sottish devotion of this young man. In like manner in the year 1081 was the Earl Bernard besotted, who gave for the remission of his sins the earldom of Provence. As for the donation of the Countess Mathilda, we shall speak thereof in his due place. But it is worthy the consideration from what ground it should arise, that he writes to Philip K. of France, daring to promise him remission of his sins, if he would take part with him: We will, An. 1080. saith he, and in the name of the Apostle we command, that thou hinder not in any sort that election which the people and Clergy of the Church of Rheimes are to make, whereby it may be thought less canonical; but if any man shall go about by any endeavour whatsoever to hinder it, thou shalt give thy best help to withstand him. Go forward therefore, that we may not be thought in vain to have spared the sins of thy youth, and to have expected thy amendment, but especially endeavour to make S. Peter thy debtor (that is, Hildebrand, who makes himself Peter's successor) in whose power is thy kingdom and thy soul, who can bind and lose thee in heaven and in earth, by which thy diligence and execution of justice thou mayest deserve his eternal grace and favour. Here I may ask who discerns not the voice of the devil tempting our Saviour in the Gospel? But the Aphorisms, which they call the Pope's Dictates, published by him about the year 1076, lay him open to the view of every man, That the Church of Rome hath no other foundation but from God. Why then allege they Peter? That the Bishop of Rome only is by right called Universal: and therefore he alone hath right, according to S. Gregory the Great, to be either the forerunner of Antichrist, or Antichrist himself. That he alone may depose and restore Bishops; what then shall we say of so many Bishops that in the Church for so many years and ages, in so many countries, have been lawfully, by good and worthy laws, without any respect of him, nay in despite of him, placed and displaced? That his Legate, though otherwise inferior in degree, must take place above all other Bishops in Counsels, and may denounce the sentence of deposition against them. The reverend general Counsels therefore, in which divers Bishops have been Precedents, and taken the upper place, and pronounced sentence in the presence of his Legates, yea & many times against them too, whither are they now gone? That the Pope may depose such as are absent. And this, saith Baronius, is to cut off occasions and excuses from our adversaries, yea the Emperor himself, who being absent he had excommunicated; why then do they so much wonder that he should use the same law against him? That we must not remain in the same house with such as he hath excommunicated. What is this but like the Pagan high Priests to interdict fire and water? Greg. l. 2. Epist. 37. But how happy is it for Christendom, that few believe it? To conclude, That it is lawful for him only, according to the necessity of the time, to make new laws, to ordain colonies, of a religious house to make an Abbey, and contrarily to divide a rich Bishopric, and to unite the poorer. That he only may use the Imperial ensigns. That all Princes are to kiss the feet of the Pope only. That his name only is to be recited in Churches. That no general Synod is to be called without his command. That no book may be accounted canonical without his authority. That all causes of greatest importance, of what Church soever, must be referred to him. That he may absolve subjects of their allegiance towards their Prince. That he can judge of all men, and no man can judge of him. And all this because the Church of Rome hath never erred, nor (as the Scripture witnesseth) shall ever err. That the Pope of Rome, if he be canonically ordained, is undoubtedly made holy by the merits of S. Peter. That there is but one only name in the world, that is the Pope; he had almost said that which the Apostle speaks of our Saviour, A name above every name, Phil. 2.9. Acts 12.4. the only name under heaven whereby we must be saved. Now, gentle Reader, what dost thou expect, but that over and above all this he should add, Because the Pope is Christ, he is Antichrist himself. But before we come to the chief Oppositions, we are to note some particular things not to be contemned. Leo the ninth, saith the Abbot of Vrsperg, being at Menze, and the Archbishop himself celebrating Mass, An. 1052. it fell out that a certain Deacon called Hunibert, read a lesson that made not for the Pope. Leo being admonished hereof by one of his friends, commanded him twice or thrice to be silent, who nevertheless proceeded. The lesson being ended, he called him before him, and presently degraded him: Wherewith the Archbishop being offended, and much moved, protested, That neither he nor any man else should end the service at that time, except his Deacon were restored unto him in the same state he was in before; in so much that the Pope to satisfy the Archbishop, was enforced to restore him again with all his habiliments. Here, saith the Author, Abbas Vrsperg. in Chronico. in this thing we are to consider the Prelates authority, and the Pope's humility, whilst the one contended to defend the dignity of his office, the other, though his dignity were greater, yet thought it fit to yield to a Metropolitan in his own Diocese. Baron. an. 1052. art. 16.17. Idem an. 1053. art. 53. & see- But Baronius grows into choler against the Abbot, and censures him; and in like manner against Petrus Damianus, though very jealous of that See, because he did not allow that the Pope should intermeddle with matter of arms, and likewise because he durst to say, That an Emperor was to do that which became an Emperor, and a Pope that which was befitting a Pope. Petrus Damianus in Epist. ad Firmin. For, saith Damianus in his Epistle to Firminus, as the son of God himself overcame all the obstacles of this furious world, not by a revengeful and strict examination, but by an invincible majesty of undaunted patience: so he teacheth us rather willingly to bear the furious rage of this world, than to raise arms, and to answer wrongs with wrongs, especially since between a Kingdom and a Priesthood their proper offices are distinguished; a King must use the arms of this world, a Priest gird himself with the spiritual sword, which is the word of God, etc. And to this purpose he allegeth many places of Scripture, with other reasons and examples; yea he extendeth this law even to the Pope, and particularly to Leo himself: If any man shall object against this I have said, saith he, that Pope Leo doth often trouble himself with warlike affairs, yet I affirm that which I say to be true, because Peter obtained not the chief place among the Apostles, because he denied Christ; nor David was therefore a Prophet, because he defiled another man's bed: for good and bad actions are not judged according to the merit of the persons, but their own proper qualities. Have we ever read that Gregory ever did this, or by his letters taught it, who endured so many wrongs and violences by the raging cruelty of the Lombard's? Did Ambrose make war against the Arrians, who cruelly vexed him and his Church? Or have we read of any of the holy Popes that have risen up in arms? Let the laws therefore decide all Ecclesiastical causes, or the Edicts of Counsels, lest that which should be determined in place of judgement, being decided by wars, turn to our greater shame and reproach. What then saith Baronius? Baron. an. 1053. art. 14.15.16. & sequent. The Maxims of Damianus are contrary to those of the Catholic Church, which condemn those of Heresy who attribute not both swords to the Pope; and so of a worthy Cardinal, because he dived into this mystery, he makes him an Heretic: but by what judges? Gregory the ninth, and Boniface the eight, who were long after him, than whom there was never more insolent tyrants, who in their own proper causes, and the heat of their fury, vomited out their Decrees against the Emperors. He that knows but the principles of Logic, will here presently object Principij petitionem. He addeth again, That the use of the Church approveth this doctrine. What will he say if we reply, Not the use, but the abuse, the corruption? And here he allegeth certain places of S. Gregory, exciting those that were called to arms by the command and authority of the Emperor against the Lombard's. But did he make war with his own powers? Did he proclaim wars? Did he go into the field in his own person? He replieth, Neither did Pope Leo fight, but was only present at the wars, and when they came to join battle he withdrew himself out of the field, where with safety he might attend the event: and so of this his Monarch he maketh a Trumpeter, or an inciter unto war. Here let the Reader note this man's impudency, who feared not to accuse Damian of the heresy of Tertullian, who dissuaded Christians from war; or rather of julian the Apostata, who commanded Christians, according to the Gospel, to suffer all manner of wrong and violence, without resistance. Is therefore the vocation of all Christians one and the same? By that argument a Captain may be permitted to say Mass as well as a Priest, by which it is made lawful out of Baronius, for the Prince of Priests to make wars, or to be a Leader in the field. But the state of the Court of Rome we may no where better learn than out of Damianus, who in horror of the abominations thereof, of a Cardinal became an Hermit, and being drawn from thence upon some pretence of service to be done to the Pope, he seems to be brought into hell again, and expostulats this great wrong done unto him with the Pope and Hildebrand. Writing therefore to Hildebrand, though he took part with Alexander against Honorius: But it may be, saith he, that this flattering tyrant, who with a Neronian piety condoles my estate, strokes me when he buffets me, handles me gently with the talants of an Eagle; that is to say, the Pope, that he might retain him at Rome, and get him thither again, will complainingly break out into these speeches, Behold how he seeks a lurking corner, & under colour of penance forsakes Rome; he goes about to gain idleness by his disobedience, and whilst others run into the field to fight, he seeks to hide himself in the darkness of a degenerate ignoble shadow, etc. And he protesteth to his holy Devil (for so he calls the Pope) that he will ever be ready upon all occasions to assist him against Honorius, upon condition that he may return again to his hermitage. What then moved him hereunto? Doubtless, if we believe him, the lascivious life of the Clergy of Rome, from which he did fly, as from a pestilent infection that invaded his bowels, his heart, his mind; Petrus Damianus in Epist. ad Alexand. & Hildeb. which he expresseth in all kind of actions and speeches unworthy Churchmen: From which grievous enormities, saith he, if we strive either for shame or fear to free ourselves, presently we are judged to be rude and uncivil, descended from the tigers of Hyrcania: but I stay my pen. And speaking of their excess and superfluity, There are every day kingly feasts, daily preparations, nuptial banquets, whilst the poor abroad die for hunger, etc. And that which is worse than all the rest, and more than diabolical, is, that having spent their revenues at the war, they lay their hands upon the tithes, and make them temporal too. To conclude, speaking of the general corruption, It is such, saith he, that the spirituality is discerned from the Temporalty, by the shaving of their beards only, not the sanctity of their actions; neither do they meditate upon the sacred Scriptures, but upon the civil laws, and controversies of temporal Courts. The tribunal seats of judges, and the Courts of Princes, are not sufficient to receive the Monks and Friars. The cloisters are empty, the Gospel is shut up, and nothing more common in the mouths of Ecclesiastical persons, than temporal all laws, etc. And with the selfsame mind he writeth to the Cardinals, preparing themselves to the Council, That they come not thither, as he hath often seen it, to sell their voices, thereby the better to help their luxury; which he there describeth to be princely, exceeding that of Sardanapalus; and that he had seen those that have exulted for joy when they hear of a Synod, as if the threshing time after Harvest were at hand. This he speaks of that part of the Church that held with Alexander the second, & which he himself defended; which I thought good to tell you, that no man might object, that he spoke of the faction of Honorius the second, whom he accounted schismatics. Wherefore being invited by Alexander, and violently incited by Hildebrand to be present at the Council at Mantua, against Honorius, by whose good name they hoped to weaken the contrary faction, he falls to foul terms with them: The Epistle is entitled Patri & filio, To the father and the son, the Pope and the Archdeacon, wherein wounding Hildebrand, or rather the Pope through his sides, An. 1064. I humbly beseech, saith he, my holy Devil, that he would be pleased not to be so cruel unto me, and that his venerable pride would not wear and weary me with so long stripes, but that he would become more mild unto his servant; my shoulders beaten black and blue, fail me, and my back is furrowed with stripes, etc. And therefore, saith the Wise man, the stroke of the rod makes marks in the flesh, but the stroke of the tongue breaketh the bones: But I repress my spirit, and put my finger upon my mouth, and seek for mercy thought it be late. But let us now come to the Opposition. OPPOSITION. The minority of Henry the third was a great help to the Pope's proceed, notwithstanding that Agnis the Regent, and the Princes whose counsel she used to interrupt the prescription, did always something to maintain their authority, though it were not always answerable to their desires. A successor to Nicholas the second was to be thought of, about which there arose a civil war at Rome, the voices being divided betwixt Alexander and Honorius; The Romans in the midst of these tumults sent Ambassadors to the Emperor, lying then at Ausbourge; and among others, that man that had consecrated Alexander, who requested his help against this usurpation: aventinus L. 5. Annal. Baiorum ex antiquioribus. Alexander (say they) troubleth all; against the laws of our ancestors, & without your consent, he usurpeth the holy priesthood; bought the Popedom of the Normans, holds it by force; he is a wolf, and a thief, not a Pastor, a tyrant not a Pope: Behold here I am that enforced by the Normans, God I take to witness, consecrated him; secure us therefore speedily before this plague disperse itself any farther. The Emperor therefore taking knowledge thereof, sendeth Bocon the Bishop of Halberstat to inquire into the truth hereof; who so long as the controversy continued, maintained Alexander in his place. But Honorius hardly enduring that, entereth with his power into Rome; The Lombard's defend Alexander, the Normans Honorius, and Rome is divided, the towns and other strong places of the city parted betwixt the Popes. But Godfrey of Lorraine, who commanded for the Emperor in Italy, interposed himself; by whose authority the Popes lay aside their arms, and every Citizen betakes himself to his own home: But presently calling them both before him, You are, saith he, the Shepherds that are clothed with the wool, and nourished with the milk of those sheep whom ye abuse, who violate that peace, pollute that piety, which Christ our Lord and Saviour hath left us: Go into Germany to the Emperor, and there decide the matter by Law, not here by arms, who shall be Pope: And so let him whom the Emperor, Princes, and Bishops shall judge the more worthy, enjoy the Popedom peaceably, without force. Wherefore both of them consenting thereunto the business is referred to the Synod at Mantua, but yet so as Alexander being consecrated, and possessed of the Temple of Lateran, retained still the name and title. But both of them being impatient of delays (the Emperor being employed in the wars of Hungary, by means whereof he could make no great speed, to order and pacify these matters) each other by Synods in his own faction, excommunicated one another. Insomuch that the Emperor being hardly thirteen years of age, was feign to send Hanno the Archbishop of Collen, and Wenceslaus of Altaich, with divers other Bishops and Princes to Mantua; where Alexander yielding himself to the law, Honorius on the other side signified to Hanno, That it became not the master to be taught by his disciples, and that he would not come but as the Vicar of Christ, and Precedent of that Council. Hanno, precedent of the Synod, and representing the person of the Emperor, answered him by the advice of the Council, That he must obey the sentence of the Church, and the masters of that Council, and submit himself to the divine Oracle. Whereupon Alexander, being lawfully heard, and, because there wanted an accuser, willed to purge himself by oath, they pronounced him Pope, who nevertheless as we have seen, took no great care of the imperial dignity. These things fell out in the year 1066. An. 1066. But so soon as Hildebrand without the knowledge of the Emperor had got the Popedom, he who in the elections of his predecessors had been often the author to choose them without the consent of the Emperors, not fearing to do any thing, resolved with himself to prevail in this business, after another manner than others had done. Which, forasmuch as Henry the third was now more grown in years, as it was an occasion of great tumults in Christendom, so it enforced the truth out of many men's mouths. This only man, saith the Apology of the Clergy of Liege, in the year 1066, Offered hard measure to the sacred Canons, but let us know how; Apologia Cleri Leodiensi. an. 1066. He did it not as Gregory the first who would not intermeddle with the death of the Lombard's, nor as all the Popes after him, who by the example of Gregory the first, used the spiritual sword only, until Gregory the last, that is Hildebrand, who was the first (and by his example encouraged others to do the like) that armed himself against the Emperor. Until this man came, saith a grave writer, the Popes were chosen by the Clergy, the Nobility, the people, the Senate, the Emperor ratifying their choice, who had power to call them, and other Bishops to Counsels, and was acknowledged by them (according to that which the holy Fathers, and jesus Christ himself did, and taught others to do) to be next under God, their supreme Lord, who likewise reverenced him as a Father. Gregory the seventh contrarily, who was Hildebrand, putting his confidence in the arms of the Normans, who then raged and rioted throughout Apulia, Calabria, Campania, which by violence they had possessed, and trusting likewise upon the riches of Matilda an insolent woman, and the discord of the Germans, was the first that against the custom of his Elders, contemning the imperial authority, possessed the popedom; and durst to say That Christ had put upon him both persons, giving him power to bind and to lose, to exercise both charges (Ecclesiastical and secular) to transfer all power unto himself, not to endure any equal, much less a superior, to contemn Emperors and Kings, as holding their Dominions at his will and pleasure, to bring Prelates and Bishops into order, to denounce, to change States, to sow discords, to raise wars, to authorize factions, to absolve oaths, and though he wrong the Emperor himself, yet in a certain Epistle of his he glorieth that he must be feared, because it is he that cannot err, that hath received of Christ our Lord and Saviour, and S. Peter power to bind and to lose how and whomsoever he please. Then, he likewise addeth, began those perilous times, which Christ and Peter, and Paul had so long before foretold; Then were those fables of Silvester and Constantine, no less sottishly, than impudently devised, and divers others which it becomes not Christian modesty to relate; then did counterfeit religion put on the shape of piety; Then began robberies, the sale of holy things, and divine Philosophy to be polluted, corrupted and violated, by Sycophants subtle interpretations, lies & old wives tails; Insomuch that without the utter overthrow of many, true religion cannot be restored to her ancient majesty. All this began with Hildebrand, who first built up the pontifical Empire, which his successors for 450 years retained in despite of the world, and the Emperors, in such a manner that they brought the infernal spirits beneath, and gods above into servitude, making all subject to their yoke, and terrifying the whole world with their thunderbolts. Quo bruta tellus, & vaga flumina, Quo Styx, & invisi horrida Taenari Sedes, Atlanteusque finis Concutitur, mutant ima summis. As far as earth, as Sea extends, As Styx or horrid Taenaris, Yea where the hill Atlanteus ends, His fearful power carried is. And all this this Author delivereth, notwithstanding he were by profession a Roman, being willing perhaps to have said more, if it had been lawful, for he concludeth with these words; The Roman Emperor is now no more than a bare name without a body, without form, notwithstanding the fruit be known by the tree, and no man gathereth grapes of thistles, and the soldier knoweth his captains colours, but yet we must not judge before the time, but according to the rule of S. Paul we must attend the perpetual decree of the eternal judge: As if he would have alluded to that place of the Apostle speaking of Antichrist: And now ye know what withholdeth (the Roman Empire) that he might be revealed in his time. What manner of man this Hildebrand was, we shall see in his due place. But yet at the first he bewrays not his boldness, but when the Emperor Henry sent the Earl Heberard to Rome, to admonish the Romans of their offence, and threatening withal, that except they did satisfy him he would pronounce the election void; he humbly answered, That he was enforced to undertake the Popedom against his own will, neither would he ever have suffered himself to be consecrated, had he not understood by the relation of his Legates, that the election was approved by the Emperor: By which words he so pacified the Emperor, that he easily yielded his consent to his consecration. But presently after he held a Council at Lateran, where he renewed the Canons against those his Heresies of Simony and Nicholaisme, sufficient pretences to diminish the authority of Henry; and if he should oppose himself against them, to make him an Heretic. The one of them took from him all authority at Milan, if any were left, the other should daily diminish that power which he retained in Germany by the right of investiture. The sum of them was this, It shall not be lawful for a Clergy man to marry a wife, nor to take their investiture at the hands of a lay man, under pain of excommunication. But it is worth the noting, that the Countess Mathilda was present at this Council, a woman no less infamous for her unchaste life, than her pride. Erlembald governor of Milan put the first Decree in execution, continuing his rage against the Clergy; and upon the day called Coena Domini, the Supper of the Lord, he forbade Godfrey, whom the Emperor had made Bishop, to consecrate the oil, An. 1075. and provided other. The year following 1075 he did the like, he himself ministering the oil in the Paschall ceremonies; but all the Priests refused to receive it at his hands, except Luitprand only, Curate of S. Paul. Whereupon the people being much offended, forsook the city, protesting that they would obey no Bishop but him whom the Emperor should nominat; and not long after entering into the city again, they killed both Erlembald and his Luitprand. Godfrey in the mean time not being accepted by the Pope, stood still excommunicated, not without the great indignation of Henry, who nevertheless, to accommodat himself a little unto him, named in his place Theobald Castillon, who was kindly received by those of Milan. And from this only act let every man judge how unwillingly this yoke of single life was received in Italy. Gregory urgeth the same in Germany, writeth to the Princes and their wives, That they should not frequent the Masses of married Priests, That they should execute his Decree, and account those for excommunicate persons that obeyed it not: declaring unto them, that they were neither Priests, nor might sacrifice. Whereupon the common people grew insolent against them, and trampled the Host consecrated by them, under their feet, though it were at that very time when the opinion of the real presence began to spread abroad. From this occasion, saith aventinus, many false Prophets did arise, who with fables & miracles (examples they call them) turned the people of Christ from the truth, interpreting the Scriptures so, as that they might serve their own turns, whilst in the mean time, under the honest name of chastity, whoredom, incest, adultery, were every where freely committed. But yet in the mean time, notwithstanding the attempts that were made at some Counsels in Germany, and the threats that were thundered out by the Legates a Latere of Pope Gregory, they could not persuade the Bishops to yield their consent to this Decree, or to depose those Priests that were married, defending themselves by the authority of the Scriptures, the ancient Counsels, and the Primitive Church; adding thereunto the commandment of God, and human necessity, directly oppugning the Pope's Decree. From hence there arose new matter of malice against Henry, because he did not his best endeavour to countenance the Bulls of Gregory: But another thing there was that troubled him more, which was the right of investiture, which Gregory called simony, for which Alexander the second had already threatened to excommunicate him, because according to the manner of his predecessors he confirmed by his authority such as were chosen Bishops by the Clergy and people, and perhaps took some money for those great revenues they possessed thereby, which Gregory would willingly have got into his own purse. For let no man think he did it out of zeal to discharge the Clergy of that burden, because the history witnesseth that there was none of his predecessors that made a more public sale of Church livings and dignities than he did. He gives him therefore to understand, That under pain of excommunication he must abstain from investitures, and presently excommunicated Otho Bishop of Ratisbone, Otho of Constance, Bernard of Lozanna, and the Earls Eberardus and Vlricus, his counsellors, and he sent presently into Germany the Bishops of Ostia, Prenest, Coire, and Come, to inquire into the matter; who meteing the Emperor at Noremberge, refused to speak with him, because he had been excommunicated by Alexander. But yet nevertheless they demand a general assembly in Germany, in which they were to inquire of Simoniacal Bishops and Abbots, amongst whom they shut them especially out of the Church that were known to be ordained by Henry, and first of all the Bishop of Bamberge. An. 1075. And in the year 1075 the Emperor having appointed a meeting of the Bishops and Princes at Goslaer, to deliberat of this business, in the name of the Pope they let him understand, That the second week in Lent he must make his personal appearance at Rome, to answer to such crimes as should be objected against him, otherwise he was again to be cut off from the body of the Church. Malmesb. l. 3. de Gestis Regum Anglor. And this is that which William of Malmesburie said, speaking of Gregory: That which precedent Popes spoke as it were between their teeth, this pronounceth with open mouth, excommunicating the elect, who had received their investiture into the Churches from the hands of a lay man, by the ring & the staff. Which the Clergy of Liege do likewise affirm in their Apology in the year 1106: Hildebrand and only hath offered violence to the sacred Canons, etc. deriding that zeal which he pretended. The Princes therefore and people of Saxony, being for some pretended griefs moved against the Emperor, and objecting against him for the better strengthening of their cause, his youthful lascivious life, craved the help of Gregory, who presently sets spurs to those that were forward enough of themselves to rebel, promising to be the first day with them in Germany, and to free them from the power of the Emperor. But yet for as much as this was an enterprise of weight and difficulty, he joined himself in league with a more strict band than before, with the Countess Mathilda, whose possessions and wealth were then great in Italy; and also with the Normans, than lords of Apulia and Calabria, which he performed so much the easier, because the diminution of the power of Henry made much for the increase of both their goods. But indeed the Pope had another purpose, that once having gotten authority, he might thrust out both Mathilda, to whose dominions he challenged a right, and the Normans, who defended themselves by no other title than of robbers and thieves. Leo Ostiens. l. 3. c. 48. And therefore, saith Leo of Ostia, The Countess Mathilda fearing the army of Henry the Emperor, devoutly offered to Pope Gregory, and the holy Church of Rome, the Provinces of Liguria, Tiguria, and Tuscia: Which was the first ground from whence sprung the seed of hatred and discord betwixt the Pope and the Emperor. Whereupon the Pope took occasion to excommunicate the Emperor, for usurping the rights of the Church. But he addeth in his Epistle, That he commanded Mathilda, upon remission of her sins, to make war with the Emperor: wherein it shall be necessary to note the divinity of this good man. Henry in the mean time omitting no opportunity to procure peace, Clerus Leodiens. in Apolog. an. 1106. aventinus l. 5. Annalium Baior. sent Orators to Gregory to justify himself against the calumnies of the Saxons: but, saith Aventine, The emperors messengers who came to confute those crimes that were objected by the Saxons, and to withstand their attempts, he cast into prison, tormented them with cold, and hunger and thirst, and being lead up and down through the city, drove them out of Rome; because, saith he, he ought to have come in his own person. Henry therefore (his patience being so much moved that he could bear no longer) commanded a meeting at Worms, to which there came many Bishops out of Italy, and out of France, and Germany all, except those of Saxony, yea and from Rome itself came Cardinal Hugo Blancus with letters from the Cardinals, and principal of the people of Rome, wherein they accused Hildebrand of ambition and perjury, Lambert. Schaffnab. de rebus Germ. Sigon. de Regno Ital. l. 9 Author vitae Henrici 4. complaining that he had done many things covetously and proudly, and therefore this their Pastor being rejected they desire another. There, upon mature deliberation, a sentence is pronounced against Hildebrand. Hildebrand, who calls himself Gregory, is the first that without our consent, against the will of the Roman Emperor, established by God himself, against the customs of the Elders, against the laws, hath by his ambition long since invaded the Popedom. He will do whatsoever pleaseth him, whether by right or by wrong. He is an Apostate Monk, who by his new opinions adulterateth the sacred divinity, the Scriptures by his false and forced interpretations he accommodates to his own affairs and purposes, he breaks the peace and concord of the College, he mingleth things sacred with profane, divine with human, and polluteth both the one and the other, he dareth an ear, and gives credit to the diabolical, and impure and false accusations of our deadliest enemies, to the maledictions of wicked men. He is both witness, and judge, and accuser, and party, himself. He separateth husbands from their wives, prefers whores before chaste matrons, whoredom, incest, adultery, before chaste marriage. He stirreth up the people against the Priests, the vulgar sort against the Bishops. He teacheth that there is no man truly initiated, but he that begs his Priesthood of him, or buys it of his bloodsuckers. He studieth how to gratify the base sort, and deceiveth and circumuenteth the common sort of people: Insenatulo muliercularum, In a Council-house of women he discourseth of the holy mysteries of religion, the law of God wherewith he hath bound himself, he loosseth: as the Deccis and worshippers of false gods were wont to do, he usurpeth both the Empire and the Popedom, etc. He resisteth the divine majesty, and the most Christian King ordained from above, and inaugurated by God himself, he impugneth. And cunningly and craftily, and closely, he goeth about in a sheeps skin, and under the title of Christ, to get into his hands the Empire of the whole world. For these causes the Emperor, the Bishops, the Senate, the people, pronounce him deposed, being unwilling to commit the flock of Christ to the guard and custody of such a wolf. And so both those pretended heresies of Simony and Nicholaisme with one consent they overthrew, and this very Decree not only the Bishops of Germany and France, but of Italy itself, in a Synod holden at Pavia did under their Seals, and by oath confirm. They writ likewise by the authority of the Synod of Worms to Hildebrand, that he should give over the Popedom, and betake himself to a private life, and also to the Clergy and people of Rome, that according to the Law of their ancestors they should choose another, but yet so as that they should lay no violent hands upon the person of Hildebrand, but leave him to the justice of God. Amongst all these Bishops there was not any that contradicted the decree but Albert of Wirthsbourg, and Herman of Metz, who likewise were soon persuaded by the admonitions and reasons of William of Vtrecht to be of the same opinion, and to subscribe with the rest. Gregory so soon as he understood hereof, is nothing at all discouraged, but borrowing a great sum of money of Mathilda, distributeth it amongst the people, with the poor men's money paid his soldiers wages, flattereth the people of Rome setting before their eyes their ancient renown, and gives them hope of liberty, and so calls a Council at Rome; where in a full assembly, in the name of the Synod of Worms, one Rowland a Prelate of Parma, upon the sudden stands up, and without any duty done unto him speaks unto him in these words. Our most Christian Emperor, and the reverend Bishops of Italy, Germany, and France command thee to resign that charge, which thou hast usurped by subtlety, money and favour; For it is not lawful for thee, against their wills, and the authority of the Emperor, and decree of the Church of Christ, to meddle with the Sheepfold of Christ. And presently turning himself towards the assembly; Most holy brethren (saith he) choose according to your own Law a Pastor, which choice of yours, the sacred Consul Tribune and your Prince according to the manner of your ancestors will authorize: For this Hildebrand is neither Pastor, nor Father, nor Pope, but a thief, a wolf, a robber, and a tyrant. Whereupon they rushed upon him, and he wanted not much of being overborne by the people. In the Letters which he delivered there were these words: Because thine entry began with so many perjuries, and the Church of God by the abuse of thy novelties hath been endangered in this so great a tempest, and hast dishonoured thy whole life by thy infamous conversation, as we have promised unto thee no obedience, so will we never perform any to thee. Gregory therefore returning the fault upon themselves, the day following deprived Henry (as much as in him lay) of the kingdom of Germany and Italy, discharged the Princes of their oath of allegiance; excommunicateth Sigefrid Archbishop of Mence, and the Bishops of Vtrecht and Bamberge; threatening to proceed in like manner against the rest if they came not to Rome to purge themselves. In which decree (let the Reader note the cunning) he speaks to Peter as to his revenger; Hear me (saith he) O Peter Prince of the Apostles, thou and thy brother S. Paul can best witness for me besides others, that I was drawn against my will to the government of thy holy Church, and therefore I persuade myself, that it pleaseth thee that I should rule the people of Christ committed by God, especially to thy charge etc. Being therefore confident herein, for the honour of thy Church, in the name of the omnipotent God the Father, son and holy Ghost, and by right of thy authority, I interdict Henry the King, the son of Henry the Emperor, (who by a strange pride, the like whereof was never heard of, hath risen against the Church) all the Kingdom of Germany, and Italy etc. To the end all people may see and understand, that thou art Peter, & super tuam Petram, and upon thy rock the son of God hath built his Church etc. These selfsame words hath Sigonius, and not upon this rock. And some denying that the King could be subject to the Pope's curse or excommunications, Think you (saith he) that God when thrice together he committed the charge of his Church to S. Peter saying, feed my sheep, that he excepted Kings? And so what he would he obtained. Thus Hildebrand being by the Bishops of Italy, Germany, and France deposed in a Council at Worms, and Henry excommunicated and deprived his kingdom by Hildebrand and the Clergy at Rome, they both endeavour to strengthen their own part. But, forasmuch as such Kingdoms as are long time governed under a minority, are seldom or never without factions, there arose presently against Henry many Princes of Germany: to whom Hildebrand alleged that Pope Zacharie had deposed Childerick king of France, only for his negligence, and placed Pepin in his Throne; Why then should it not be lawful for him to do the like, against whomsoever should rebel against S. Peter? And they on the other side under his patronage are content to comfort, and to flatter their consciences with these toys: Of this number was Hugh Duke of Alsatia, who was grown far in debt, Rodulphus Duke of Suevia, the Emperor's brother in law, fed with the hope of the Empire, Bertholdus Duke of Zaringia his son in law, Welfo Duke of Bavaria, the Bishops of Mence, Mets, and Worms, and certain Abbots, either strooken with a fear of the excommunication, or for some special causes bound to these Princes; who with one consent revolt from the Emperor, join their counsels and forces to the Saxon rebels, and fill all Germany with robbery, sword and fire. Insomuch that the Historiographers of those times want words to express the horror and abomination of that disordered confusion, which by all good men was imputed to Gregory, who cry out against this unworthy and wicked act, in their sermons curse Gregory, wish all ill to Hildebrand, publish him to be Antechrist: under a show of piety (say they) he exerciseth his furies, with honest words he makes show of seeking the public good, under the title of Christ, he plays the part of Antechrist, in Babylon he sits in the Temple of God, and extolleth himself above all that is worshipped, as if he were God: he glorieth that he cannot err, and for the greater increase of his glory, he takes upon him to make an Emperor at his pleasure: he absolues men not of their sins, but the Law of Christ jesus and his Sacraments, he weakeneth the peace and piety of our Religion, stirs up wars and seditions: He gives himself to whoredom, murder, perjury, treacheries, rapines, burnings: And the better to hide his ambition, he doth not only find out new fables, corrupt the Annals, altar the Histories, but he likewise adulterateth the heavenly Oracles, gives false interpretations of the Scriptures, making them to serve his turn, he tears in pieces the sacred History, and amongst women discourseth of holy writ: whatsoever he saith, he will have it to be thought the Law of God: he seeks testimonies that are too weak to defend his avarice, and wrists the Scriptures to his own will against the true sense. He savours too much of the pride of the pharisees, in that he makes men believe, that he binds and loosseth as he pleaseth, whereas with God it is not the sentence of the Priest, but the life of the man that is required. Moreover Hildebrand oppugneth the Divine majesty, resisteth the most Christian Prince, ordained from above, and inaugurated by God himself. To this end tend all his endeavours, that the captain of the flock being oppressed, and brought into order, he might the more freely exercise his tyranny against the poor sheep destitute of the emperors protection. If all power be of God, much more the imperial, and greatest of all other. Christ jesus, when the people would have crowned him, and made him governor, refused it, and those two that were at variance for the inheritance, and would have chosen him for their judge, he sent to Caesar to whom the Empire of the whole world was committed. So likewise he commanded the chief Priests of the jews to give unto Caesar those things that did belong unto Caesar, to whom they paid their customs, their tribute, their subsidies. S. Peter teacheth us the same, Fear God, honour the King: The precept of Saint Paul is, To keep faith to the King, etc. To this man, and such as are like him, belongs that saying of our Saviour to Saint Peter, Go behind me Satan, thou art an offence unto me: And again, He that striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword. Here let every man imagine what opinion all Christendom had of this pretended Apostle. They in the mean time in Germany that took part with Gregory, gave him to understand, That these his violent proceed had got him many enemies; whereupon, hiding the cruelty of his mind, he writ a more moderate Epistle to those that took part with the Emperor; the sum whereof was, That if he would become a new man, he should find, that what he had hitherto done, he had done for his good, and that all former matters being utterly forgotten, which he earnestly protested, he would receive him into the Church. Henry therefore, being now brought into great danger of the loss of his kingdom, to the end he might take away the cause of all these evils, accepteth of the condition, and is content to undergo any manner of submission, so he may pacify the anger of Gregory, and reconcile himself unto him. Departing therefore from Spire, with a small train came to Bezanson, passed the Alps, & so came down into Lombardie. And notwithstanding all the Bishops and Prelates that took part with him, upon just suspicion did give him warning of that he did, in the mean time nevertheless seeking their own grace with the Pope; yet he proceedeth in his purpose, to appease the wrath of Gregory, and came near to Canuse, where the Pope was with the Countess Mathilda, who, as the Authors of those times affirm, did seldom part from his side. There he earnestly entreateth Mathilda, Azo marquess of Este, and the Abbot of Clugni, and some others whom he knew to be in the grace and favour of Gregory, to be intercessors for him, That first he might be absolved, and received into the Church, and so into the grace of Gregory. To which their earnest supplications Gregory at the last answereth, If he repent from the bottom of his heart, let him deliver unto me in token thereof, his Crown, and other ensigns of his kingdom, and confess himself, after this his great contumacy, unworthy the name and honour of a King. To which they replying, that it was too heavy a sentence; Let him come then, saith he, and purge that sin which he hath committed against the Apostolic See, by obeying the Decrees thereof. And having obtained thus much at his hands, they thought they had brought the matter to a good pass. This wretched man Henry therefore came, as he was commanded, near unto him, and being received within the second wall (for the city had three) all his company left without, and disrobing himself of his princely attire, bare footed, in the coldest time of Winter, and fasting until the evening, he expected his answer of Gregory. William of Malmesburie adds, That he came barefooted with a pair of sizzers and a scourge in his hands; to signify, that he was there ready to be polled and whipped. There he gave him leave to attend his answer within that second wall until the evening, but had it not. He came again the second and third day, and he handles him in the same manner. At the last, the fourth time, partly moved with his constancy, partly fearing he should be blamed by every man for his rigour, he admits him to his presence. The resolution was this, that Henry at a day and place appointed by Gregory, should appear in a common assembly of the Germane Princes, and there answering to such crimes as should be objected by the Pope, should stand to his judgement. In the mean time he should lay aside all the ornaments belonging to his princely dignity, nor intermeddle with matteers of State: he should remove from him the Bishop of Bamberge, Vlrick of Cosheim, and the rest, whose counsel he had formerly followed, and absolve all those that had sworn faith and allegiance unto him: all which when he had solemnly bound himself by oath to perform, he received him into the Church. Neither did Henry all this while think but that he had made a good market. But he had no sooner trampled this Prince under his feet, but, according to the proportion of his humility, his pride increased, and the more submiss the Emperor became, the more perfidious was he. He dispatched therefore to his associates in Germany, especially the Saxons, Bernard a Cardinal of Rome, and the Abbot of Marselles, to let them to understand, That he would not have them to rest themselves upon that which he had concluded with Henry; For though he were reconciled to the court of heaven, yet not to his kingdom. His confederates therefore joining with his Legates, An. 1077. assembled themselves at Forchame, in March 1077, and by a general consent chose Rodolph Duke of Suevia and Burgundy, and brother in law to Henry, King, upon condition, That he should renounce all right to the creation of the Pope, and investiture of the Bishops, and declare his children to be no successors of his by right of inheritance: for that he had ever in his mind. And shortly after he sent unto him in sign of his confirmation, the Imperial Crown, with this inscription: Petra dedit Petro, Petrus Diadema Rodolpho. This change nevertheless was so odious, that Sigefridus Bishop of Mence anointing him, the citizens' rose in arms against them, as traitors to their country, and faith-breakers to their Prince, and after much effusion of blood on both sides, Rodolph and his followers were compelled to save themselves by flight in the night time, and to retire themselves into Saxony. In the mean time Henry, partly instigated by this great dishonour the Pope had done unto him, and partly by those his followers, whom to purchase his own grace he had left as a prey to the Pope, resolves with himself to shake off this yoke, calls his friends about him, and by all the means he could reconciled himself to his c●●●●●●s, and by the indignity of the fact stirs up all that had good minds, and contagious hearts, to indignation, and so shortly after brings his army into the field, ●●●ets Rodolph, gives him battle, puts him to flight, and with a great slaughter of his men gives him the overthrow. There died in the field amongst others, Bernard Archbishop of Magdeburg, the author of the civil war, the great Duke of Saxony, and Herman his uncle: Sigefride the Bishop of Mence, who consecrated Rodolph, and Warnerus of Me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being dragged to the gallows by the soldiers, were fre●d from their 〈◊〉 Henry, not suffering any man in so just a war to be slain, the battle being ended. From thence forward, Rodolph not know● 〈◊〉 to renew his forces upon the sudden, Henry is not idle in using his 〈…〉 welcome this news was to Gregory let the Reader judge, who 〈◊〉 ●ing the Crown to Rodolph used these words: In our name (of Saint Peter and Saint Paul) I give to all those that shall keep faith and loyalty to Rodolph remission and pardon of all their sins, both in this life and in the life to come: And as I have deposed Henry from his royal dignity, for his pride, so I have placed Rodolph, for his humility and obedience, in his throne. And with this assurance he expressed his law in harder terms: If any hereafter shall receive a Bishopric, or an Abbotship, or other Ecclesiastical dignity, of any lay man, let him not be numbered among the Bishops or Abbots, neither let any do obedience unto them, as to a Bishop or Abbot, and let him be interdicted the grace of Saint Peter, and entry into his house. And if any Emperor, King, Duke, marquess, Earl, or other secular power, or person, shall bestow any Bishopric, or other Ecclesiastical dignity, let him be subject to the same sentence. At the humble entreaty therefore of Rodolph he excommunicateth Henry again, under pretence, That against his oath he had taken into his hands the ornaments or marks of the Empire: All those that follow Rodolph he freeth from hell, and placeth in heaven, and whatsoever may make for the strengthening of their wars, as fire and sword, and the like, he assureth unto them: but all that take part with Henry, and refuse to fall from him, and to join with his enemy, he accurseth to hell and damnation, etc. But all this, saith aventinus, to most of the Bishops, and all learned and honest simple people, except those that were of the conspiracy, seemed a new doctrine, and the most dangerous heresy that ever troubled the Christian Church. On the other side there assembled together in the year 1080, the Bishops of Italy, Germany, France, An. 1080. at Brixen in Bavaria, and condemn Hildebrand again of ambition, heresy, impiety, sacrilege: Because, say they, he is a false Monk, a Magician, a Diviner, an expounder of dreams and prodigious wonders, having an ill opinion of Christian religion; he hath bought the Popedom, against the order of his ancestors, and the wills of all good men, and in despite of us, and as the Lord of the whole earth endeavoureth to keep it, etc. He is a sworn enemy to the Commonwealth, Empire, and Emperor, who hath oftentimes offered peace to him and his followers: He lieth in wait for the bodies and souls of men: Divine and human laws he perverteth: For truth he teacheth lies, allows for good, perjury, falsehood, homicide, yea and commends them, and gives encouragement thereunto: According to his manner, he defends a perfidious tyrant, sows discord among brethren, friends, kindred: Procures divorcements betwixt married couples: Denies those Priests that are lawfully married to chaste and sober matrons, to sacrifice, and admits whoremasters, adulterers, and incestuous persons, to the Altar▪ We therefore, by the authority of Almighty God, pronounce him deposed, and removed from his Popedom. And if, whensoever he shall hear hereof, he shall not willingly departed, but refuse to obey this our Decree, we judge him excluded, and withstand his entrance. Sigonius reciting this Decree, addeth, He was a manifest Necromancer, possessed with a Pythonicall spirit: which is worth the noting, because of that which shall hereafter be spoken of his 〈◊〉▪ But being famous in the art of Divination, the better to give heart to 〈…〉 the Saxons, he tells, nay assures them, as saith Sigebert, Histor. Saxon. that he knew by reuel●●●●●, That the false King must this year die, whom he interpreted to be Henry: which 〈◊〉 it prove not to be true, saith he, and that this my prophesy have not effect before the ●●●st aforesaid, account not me for Pope. Rodolph trusting to this Oracle, makes war the second time, and the third, and ever 〈◊〉 happy success; and the fourth time, resolving to try the utmost, he is not only overthrown, but his right hand, by which he had plighted his faith to the Emperor, being cut off, he 〈◊〉 his life. Gregory presently thinks of a successor like unto him; and thereof 〈◊〉 writes to the Bishop of Passaw, and the Abbot of Hirtzaugen, his faithful friends, That they should with mature deliberation provide that there should be no Prince chosen that was not true and faithful to the Church of Rome, An. 1081. or less true than he that was lately dead; and withal sends the form of an oath, as followeth, which they should enforce him to take. From this hour, and ever after, Gregor. li. 5. Epist. 3. I will be faithful in all true loyalty to Saint Peter the Apostle, and his Vicar Saint Gregory, who now lives and sits in his chair; and whatsoever he shall command me under these words, Per veram obedientiam, By true obedience, I will faithfully, as becomes a Christian, observe. As touching the ordination of the Churches, and the lands and revenues which either Constantine the Emperor, or Charles, gave to Saint Peter, and all the Churches and lands that have been at any time offered or granted by any men or women to the Apostolic See, and are, or shall be in my power, I will so agree with the Pope, that I will never incur the danger of sacrilege, and the perditition of my own soul; and to God and Saint Peter, by the assistance of Christ, I will do all worthy honour and service; and the first day that I shall see him (that is, Gregory) I will plight my faith with my hands, to be a faithful soldier of S. Peter and his for ever. But Henry in the mean time gave him no leave to do what pleased him: for having by his victories and prosperous success appeased the tumults of Germany, he takes his journey with his army into Italy. And this was the last act of Hildebrands' tragedy. Henry therefore, who in the Synod held at Brixen had caused Gilbert of Corrigia, Archbishop of Ravenna, to be named Pope, who was called Clement the third, was absolved by him, and so passed the Alps, and removing all obstacles that stood in his way, or did any way detract from his Empire, pitching his tents, as the manner is, in the Neronian fields, he determined to besiege the city of Rome: but being encountered at the first with strange difficulties, by reason it was Winter, he retired himself to Ravenna, and there wintered. But the year following 1082, An. 1082. in the beginning of the Spring, he sets forward in the same steps as before, An. 1083. and assails the Vatican; and in the year 1083, after a long siege he took the city, and entering into the Capitol, there fortified himself. William of Malmesburie, and others, that writ the history of Godfrey of Bulloine, say, That he was the first who with a ladder scaled the city, & entered into Rome; for which service the Emperor granted unto him the investiture of the Duchy of Lorain. There remained the fort of Crescentius, otherwise called the castle S. Angelo, into which Gregory, with some of his dearest friends, was fled. These wearied by Henry, resolved with themselves to offer twenty hostages, and to take day upon certain conditions to deliver the city. But Gregory unwilling to fall into his hands whom he had so much offended, made choice rather to hazard the bringing of Robert with his Normans to Rome, though it were a course full of danger. This Robert therefore being at an appointed time let in by the gate Flaminia, by some of Gregory's friends, took the Pope out of the castle, and carried him to Cassin, Sigebert. in Chron. Math. Paris in Histor. Angl. and from thence to Salerne. Whereupon Henry returned into the city, by whose authority Gregory was again condemned, and Clement confirmed, who crowned and anointed the Emperor, with Bertha his wife. But Henry returning into Germany, to appease some tumults that were newly risen, Gregory making benefit of the occasion, though he were absent, stirreth up his followers at Rome to rebellion; but in the month of May being suddenly taken with a disease, An. 1085. he died in the year 1085: but yet not without advice given to the Cardinals, to choose either Desiderius Abbot of Cassin, or, if he refused it, Hugh Bishop of Lions, or Otho of Ostia, that it might be said, That the ambitious enterprises of Gregory outlived himself. But Sigebert Abbot of Gembloux, a writer of those times, saith in express words, That he called one of the twelve Cardinals, whom he loved above the rest, and confessed himself unto him, That by the suggestirn of the devil he had stirred up that anger and hatred against mankind, having nevertheless published his Decree throughut the whole world, under a colour of the increase of Christianity. Whereupon he sent the aforesaid Confessor to the Emperor, and to the whole Church, receiving both him and all Christian people that stood excommunicated, into the Church, both dead and living, Clergy and Laity, desiring them and the whole Church to pray for the remission of his sins. It is now of some importance to know what manner of man this Hildebrand was, because the judgement of him throughout all Christendom was divers, some imputing all this to his ambition, more than human, some to his zeal of the glory of God. Touching his private life therefore, Lambert of Schaffnabourg Abbot of Hirtzaw, a grave writer, speaking of the Countess Mathilda, his good friend, saith, That she, her husband Goselon, Duke of Lorraine, yet living, pretended a kind of widowhood, far from her husband, she refusing to follow her husband to Lorain, out of her native country, and he employed about the affairs that belonged to his dukedom, took no care for the space of three or four years to visit his Marquisat in Italy; after whose death she seldom or never parted from the Pope's side, following him with a strange affection. And for as much as a great part of Italy obeyed her, and she abounded above all other Princes with whatsoever men most esteemed of, whensoever the Pope had need of her help she was presently at hand, and was ever dutiful to do any office unto him, as to her Father and Lord: Whereupon she could not escape the suspicion of an incestuous love, the King's favourers every where reporting, and especially the Clergy, whom he had forbidden lawful marriage, against their Canons, That night and day the Pope did impudently sleep in her bosom, and she preoccupated with the stolen love of the Pope, after the loss of her husband, refused to marry again. Others add, That she having married Azo marquess of Este, the Pope impatient therewith, the year following dissolved the matrimony, Sigon. l. 9 de regno Italiae. under a pretence of kindred in the fourth degree of consanguinity. Whereby that suspicion of adultery that was before, did more appear to be a manifest truth: and deservedly to, nothing in those days being more common than dispensations in an equal degree of kindred, and nearer: And if he loved her not but in the way of honesty, what reason had he but to dispense with Mathilda too? There is therefore one that speaks yet more freely: Tractatus de unit. Eccl. conseruanda. By this their frequent and familiar conversation he engendered a cruel suspicion of dishonesty, whilst he observed not more carefully that divine precept of Pope Lucius, That a Bishop ought not at any time to be without the company of two Priests, and three Deacons, as witnesses of his conversation. Which he should so much the more carefully have observed, by how much the more severely he proceeded against lawful matrimony. In this all Author's consent, That Mathilda ruled both Pope and Popedom, and by her the goods of the Church were administered. Whereupon, saith Benno, Benno Cardin. in vita Hildeb. Rome hath seen and heard how he lives, with what persons day and night he converseth, how he hath removed the Cardinals from him, who should be witnesses of his life and doctrine. Neither was Sigonius ashamed to write, Sigon. l. 9 de regno Ital. annal Godefrid. Monachi. That he appointed a place in Counsels to Mathilda. Doubtless the Monk Godfrey saith plainly, That being circumvented by the Pope, she gave unto S. Peter, without the knowledge of the Magistrates and rulers, the Marquisat of Ancona. But as touching his public life and government, Gerochus his follower, Gerochus in vita Hildebrand. who writ the history of his life, describes him to be very obstinate and proud in his own conceit. The Romans, saith he, usurp a divine honour, they will give no reason of their actions, neither can they endure it should be said unto them, Why dost thou this? and they have always in their mouths these Satirical words: Sic volo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas. So I will, so I command, For reason my will shall stand. And that indeed was his humour, according to the description of all writers. Sigebert, who writ of those times, saith, That by his example, and by reason of his new decrees, many things were done in the Church against all laws divine and human, and there arose in the Church by this occasion Pseudomagistri, false Doctors, who by their profane novelties had diverted the people from the discipline of the Church, and that he excommunicated the Emperor, for this very cause, that the Peers of the Realm should withstand their King being for just cause excommunicated. Again, that the Pope meeting the Emperor in Lombardy under a false show of peace absolved him; For all they who had first abjured Hildebrand, adding perjury to perjury, abjure the Emperor, and appoint Rodolph Duke of Burgundy their King, the crown being sent unto him by the Pope. Hereby we may easily gather what opinion he had of him. Another saith, He received for accusation of the King the writings of his enemies, and thereupon excommunicated him. Histor. Saxonica in literis Henrici ad Hildebrand. Benno Cardin. in vita Hildebrand. And with what fury he was carried appeareth by that his apothegm, I will either die, or take from thee thy life, and kingdom. But Cardinal Benno noteth the manifest judgement of God; As (saith he) he rose from his chair to excommunicate the Emperor, then newly made of strong timber, by the sudden hand of God it was strangely torn into divers pieces, to give all men to understand how many & horrible schisms, by that dangerous excommunication and presumption, he that sat in that chair should sow, both against the Church of Christ, and the Sea of S. Peter, how cruelly he should dissipate the chair of Christ, trampling the laws of the Church under his feet, and bearing rule with power and austerity. And another saith, From hence there arose a more than civil war, without respect of God or man: the Divine and human laws were corrupted, without which, neither the Church of God, nor commonwealth could stand, and the public and Catholic faith is violated. And if you ask them where the fault was, they tell you, speaking of the extraordinary submission of Henry to Gregory, Apologia Henrici. that he omitted nothing that might mollify the heart of Gregory, and regain his grace and favour, insomuch that at the last, for a testimony of his reconciliation, he received the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ jesus, at the hands of the Pope, sits at table with him, and so is sent back in peace; But the author addeth, That peace which judas dissembled, not which Christ left: Insomuch that Leo Bishop of Ostia, Leo Ostiens. li. 3. Chron. Cassinen. c. 48. who then flourished, saith, The business being brought to an end, the Pope by the counsel of Mathilda, sent one of his over the mountains with the crown of the Empire, to Rodolph persuading him to rebel against the Emperor. And the letters whereby he incited him, are yet to be read in the History of Saxony; Historia Saxonica, Apologia Henrici. yea, some repeat his own words: Trouble not yourselves (saith he,) I restore him unto you more faulty than before, for the person of the King shallbe more contemptible in his kingdom, if satisfying he lay aside the ensigns of his kingdom; and if without permission he resume his regal ornaments, I shall have the juster cause to excommunicate him. But of both the kings this is his judgement: Henry born & brought up in the kingdom, by the ordinance of God succeeded his progenitors in the kingdom etc. But Rodolph (saith he) was obedient to the Pope, who had discharged him of his faith and allegiance, and assured him that bearing arms against Henry, he could be no way condemned of perjury and disloyalty, because being excommunicated he could be no longer King, it being the duty of all the faithful in the Church, to persecute and kill all those, who favouring Henry the King excommunicated, refuse to forsake him. This was a new Doctrine (saith the Author) never heard of before, there being no other sword permitted in the Church, Helmold. in Historia Sclavorun. c. 28. 29. 30. than that of the spirit, which is the word of God. But the judgement of God acknowledged by Rodolph himself, gives better satisfaction, who being near his end, used this speech to some of his familiar friends, You see here my right hand wounded: with this right hand, I swore to my Lord Henry, that I would never hurt him or hinder his glory; but the command of the Pope and request of the Bishops have brought me to this, that laying aside all respect of mine oath, I should usurp an honour that was none of mine: But what comes of it, you now see, In that hand which hath violated mine oath, I am wounded to death. Let those therefore consider hereof that have provoked us hereunto how they have led us, lest perhaps we fall into the bottomless pit of eternal damnation, And so with these wounds and great anguish of heart he departed this life. The same author addeth that the Saxons gathering heart again, chose one Herman surnamed Cluffloch king, who had conquered Henry in the field, Who by the just judgement of God, entering victoriously into a City, the Gate fell off the hinges, and killed him and divers others: Whereupon the Saxons seeing their purposes frustrated, they gave over the creating of a new King, or to bear arms any more against Henry, manifestly perceiving that the kingdom was reserved unto him by the approbation and permission of God himself. What now remaineth, but that we add the confession of Gregory himself, alleged before by Sigebert and confirmed by Matthew Paris? That by the instigation of the Devil, he had stirred up wrath and revenge against mankind. I willingly here omit the contradictory writing of this age, with the replications and duplications of those that took part with Gregory to maintain his excommunication; who say, that a Pope excommunicated chilperic King of France for his idleness, and unprofitable government only, and established Pepin in his place; That Kings are not less subject to the key of Rome, than the rest of his subjects, for they are all sheep; That whom God hath made a ruler over things Celestial, he hath made him much more over things terrestrial, and therefore the Pope had power over all: Hereupon they allege, or rather abuse the examples of some Princes that have been censured by the Pastors of the Church. Such as took part with Henry, on the other side replied that chilperic was deposed by the common consent of the States of the Realm, and not by the Pope, that it is the office of a Pastor to feed, not to kill, to instruct not to destroy; that the examples that were alleged by them, were either false, or impertinent; That Henry refused not to do any thing, nay had performed whatsoever belonged to his place; That Gregory on the other side carried himself as an actor, not as a judge; That God only ruleth Kings and Kingdoms, and those subjects that God hath given them, no man can absolve of their oath & allegiance: This they confirmed by places of Scripture, and the testimonies of the Fathers; whereupon they conclude Gregory to be Antechrist, who taking upon him the name of Christ, did utterly overthrow the Law of Christ, and his doctrine. But this is nothing, among the rest they strongly maintained, that the Catholic Church is not with him that destroys the Church, and that the title of Catholic belongs not to him or his followers, who speak and hold against the holy Scriptures, against the Gospel of the son of God; But rather according to S. john he and his society are Antichrists, qui jesum soluunt, betray Christ, offer him violence, whilst they violently wrest the Scriptures. And it is well noted of a learned Historiographer of our time, Vignier in Hist. Ecclesiast. that in this whole controversy, there is no mention made by the Gregorians, either for the donation of Constantine, or the renunciation of Lewis. A manifest proof unto us, that there was no such thing as yet found out. But there is none that better layeth open unto us the mysteries of the iniquity of Hildebrand, than Cardinal Benno the Roman Archpriest. As touching his Magic, all writers display him to be skilful in this art, as likewise that truly diabolical Oracle wherewith he deceived Rodolph, and was himself deceived by the devil: for which quality also he was condemned in many Synods, by innumerable Bishops of France, Germany, Italy, in the Counsels of Worms, Pavia, Brixen, and Rome, where in the sentence itself, in very significant words, he is called a Magician, a Diviner, a Soothsayer, possessed with a Pithonicall spirit, a Necromancer. And if this had not been apparent enough, they had spoken doubtless much more, there wanting not matter to object against him. But Benno, who penetrated into the hidden secrets of Gregory, sets down all circumstances, That he had learned Magic of Theophilact, who was Pope Benedict the ninth, of Laurence his companion, and of john the Archpriest of S. john Port Latin, afterwards Gregory the sixth, who by his commerce with devils, and the singing and flying of birds, told of those things that were done in far countries, of the event of wars, and the death of Princes: That he, whilst they lived, yea even in the Popedom, was the chief instrument and companion of all their wickedness, yea the heir of Gregory the sixth, not only of his money, but his perfidious treachery: That he enforced Pope Nicholas, by fearing him with strange apprehensions of death, and presenting before him horrible visions, to make him Archdeacon: That none of the Cardinals subscribed to his election, all forsaking him, but he was created by the open force of the soldiers: That coming one day from Alba to Rome, he had forgot a certain book of negromancy, without which he seldom or never went, which he in his journey remembering at the entrance of Portlateran, he hastily called unto him two of his familiar friends, and faithful ministers of his wickedness, & commanded them with all speed to fetch that book unto him, and withal terribly threatened them, not to presume to open the book upon the way: but by how much the more they were prohibited, by so much the more were they kindled with a curious desire to pry into the secrets of that book. In their return therefore unclasping the book, and curiously reading the precepts of that Diabolical art, there appeared presently before them certain of the devils angels, whose multitude and horror so frighted these young men, that they were almost beside themselves, Benno Cardin. in vita Hildeb. etc. And these are the very words of Benno, That it was a common thing with him, to shake sparkles of fire out of his sleeve; and with these and the like miracles to blind the eyes of the simple, as if they were signs of sanctity: That he sent two Cardinals, Alto and Cuno, to S. Anastasia, to perform a fast of three days, every one every day to sing a Psalter and Masses, to the end that God might show a sign which of the two thought more truly of the body of our Lord, the Church of Rome, or Berengarius; which nevertheless came not to pass: That he consulted the Sacrament itself, as it had been an Oracle, against the Emperor; and the Cardinals withstanding him, cast it into the fire: That he had laid a trap for the Emperor in the Church of S. Mary's in Mount Aventine, and observing the place wherein he commonly stood or kneeled, he commanded a great stone to be laid upon the beams of the Church over his head, that being let fall upon his head whilst he was praying, might dash out his brains: But the stone with the weight thereof bore down with it the instrument of this villainy, who by the just judgement of God was bruised to pieces upon the pavement: and for as much as this succeeded not well, he suborned murderers to kill him. In the mean time whilst he deposed the Emperor under a pretence of Simony, he had no sooner deprived those Bishops, of whom he complained, of their authority, but he restored it to them again, thereby binding them unto him, and against the Emperor. In honour of Pope Liberius, who was an Arrian, he ordained a Feast, and committed many outrages beside, against all law and equity, murders, oppressions, violences, which it would be too long to relate. For which cause, saith he, the blood of the Church crieth out against him, etc. I could wish the Reader would read the book. But here we must answer to the objections of Bellarmine, who strives to affirm that this book is not to be believed: First, because it is likely to be suborned by some Lutheran or other. R. If he had said, of some malicious person, it might have been borne with; but I refer it to the judgement of any Reader that can discern the style, weigh the circumstances, consider of the phrase, and I think there is none to be found that will take it to be suborned. Secondly, some man perhaps, faith he, in Gregory the seventh, would take upon him to describe unto us the Idea of a most wicked Pope. R. Why then hath he marked eight or nine Popes with the same coal, and as many Cardinals? Neither is Benno the only author of these narrations, since we have produced before such and so many witnesses of the like things. Thirdly, this Benno, saith he, was a Cardinal created by the Antipope, Clement the third, and therefore no friend of Gregory's: and Onuphrius, saith he, placed him among the Cardinals of Clement. R. How easy a matter it is to lie, where there is no man to contradict? But Benno, who could not foresee Bellarmine's fiction, named himself among the Cardinals that were created before Hildebrand: Leo, saith he, the Archpriest of the Cardinals, and Benno, and Hugobaldus, and john, Onuphr. de Pontisicibus maximis Alexand. 2. & Clement. 3. and Peter Cardinals ordained before his time, Natro, Innocent, and Leo, consecrated by himself. And Onuphrius himself among the present Cardinals, promoted by Alexander the second, the predecessor of Gregory, nameth Benno a Germane a Prelate Cardinal, afterward the Archpriest of the Church of Rome. This is that Benno no doubt, who in the title of his book is described by these names; for he that by Onuphrius is placed under Clement, hath no other but the title of a Priest. And so the testimony of Benno stands yet good. In the mean time it is to be noted, That this Magician, that is, this disciple or feudatory of the devils, is the very same that thundered so loud, that spit his fire and flame against the lawful marriage of Ecclesiastical persons, and who for this very matter filled both Church and commonwealth with fire and ruin; which putteth us in mind of that which the Apostle spoke to Timothy, That in the later times some shall departed from the faith, 1. Tim. 4.5. c. 2.3. and shall give heed to spirits of error, and doctrines of devils, which speak lies through hypocrisy, and have their consciences burned with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, etc. And from hence he confesseth before that he raised this doctrine. Add hereunto, That it was about the middle of these times that the disputation grew hot about the carnal presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, under the Pope's Victor and Nicholas the second, Hildebrand being the brand that kindled it, who made Berengarius subscribe unto it, That all the faithful in the Sacrament do really tear with their teeth the body of Christ; which Thesis nevertheless in these days is with them accounted heretical. And to say the truth, they really tear the body of Christ, who by their ambition do miserably tear in pieces the Church of Christ. Baronius endeavoureth to defend Gregory in all things, Baron. an. 1073 art. 16. yea following the other extreme, he strives to make him a Saint: He gins with his nativity, He was, saith he, borne at Soane in Tuscan, the son of a Carpenter. And hereby he thinks he hath gotten much, because, saith he, our Saviour taking our flesh upon him, by reason of joseph his father was called the son of a Carpenter: But which is more, from his infancy he wrought miracles; For being a child, and playing at the feet of his father, who was hewing of timber, with the chips that flew from it, before he knew letter in the book, he form certain characters, that being joined together, expressed that Davidicall Oracle, Psal. 72. Dominabitur à mari usque mare, Psal. 72. His Dominion shall be from sea to sea; which the princely Prophet did once speak of our Lord and Saviour. What could he gather from hence, but that this Gregory, as it was foretold, should leap into Christ's place, invade the throne of God himself? From what spirit did this wicked blasphemy proceed, and consequently what was this miracle but that of Pytho, which the whole remainder of his life made good? Secondly he cries out against Cardinal Benno, calling him schismatic, and a man in no sort to be believed, etc. But we have showed Bellarmine out of Onuphrius, that he deceives himself in this point: neither can a Cardinal be called a schismatic, when for so long a time together these Popes contended one against the other, neither of them both approved by Baronius. To conclude, is Benno alone? Doth not Sigebert, a writer of these times, so many other recited by Aventine, so many Bishops assembled in general Counsels of Germany, France, Italy, speak the same? An. 1074. Do they not give the same testimony of his violences, poisonings, Negromancies? Thirdly he endeavoureth to excuse the love of Gregory and Mathilda: But how doth he it? By contradicting all history. He thinks he hath proved, that this Mathilda married to Azo marquess of Este, which marriage Gregory did undo, is not the same that is here spoken of; which we will give him leave to dispute with his own fellows and friends: But so long as he doth acknowledge, that this Mathilda, of whom we speak, was first married to Godfrey le Bossu Duke of Lorraine: that presently by the authority of Gregory they made a divorce, with the great offence of her husband: that this divorce, saith he, was not for any cause of consanguinity, which he proveth, not for any impotency, for he married another, and had children by her, not for fornication, for he might have married another; Yet, saith he, this divorce was lawful, because so great and so holy a Father did it, & by his authority permitted it. Doth not he give us reason to believe what the history told us before? And to say the truth, with what face could this holy man familiarly converse with Mathilda far from her husband, from whom by his authority she was diverted, seduced, taken? How seemly a thing was it for her to follow him, in every place to accompany him, for him to sit with her in Council, in Consistory, in Senate? Did this become the modesty of a virgin, if so he will have her, or if one that had been married, the gravity of a matron? who ought to have been the more modest, the more bashful, the more solitary, by how much the more subject she was to calumny by reason of her divorce. At the last, when she was forty five years of age, according to Baronius, after the death of Gregory, this virgin married Welpho, a young man, the son of the Duke of Bavaria. Will any man now upon the faith of Baronius warrant her chastity, nay her virginity? or admit of his excuse, That it was done for the good of the Church, Baron an. 1085 art. 14. by the command of Vrban the second? At the last it pleaseth him to cover all this turpitude with fables, That the garments of Gregory, after his death, wrought miracles, as Paul's Semicinctia did in the Acts of the Apostles; which selfsame power and virtue was in the apparel of Gregory: And to prove this true he allegeth the Legend of S. Anselme Lucensis. You Epist. 58.65. But in this clear light, in this Sunshine wherein we live, where is the shame? And for as much as he compares him in this with S. Paul, 2. Thessal. 2. let him hear what Paul saith: The coming, saith he, of the man of sin, and son of perdition (that is Antichrist, of whom he foretold before) is by the working of Satan with all power and signs, and lying wonders: Which words of S. Paul are they not accomplished? 41. PROGRESSION. Of the factions that arose in the Popedom by the death of Gregory the seventh. Of the rebellion of Conrade against the Emperor Henry his father. Of the divisions, and strange opinions that grew among the people through the schism between Clement the third and urban the second. GRegorie, if we believe some Authors, neither doth Baronius himself deny it, had provided, as we see, that his enterprise should not die with himself, for he nominated to the Cardinals those whom he thought fittest to succeed him in the Popedom: which Desiderius the Abbot of Mount-Cassin failed not to give those Cardinals to understand that took part with him. And as he was the first of the three that Gregory had commended, so all men's eyes were especially cast upon him; who, whether it were out of a consideration of the greatness of the charge, or to the end he might be the more earnestly entreated, twice or thrice refused it, yea and disrobed himself of his Pontifical ornaments, and retired himself to his Monastery at Cassin, even then when it was thought that he had yielded to the persuasion of his friends. Sigonius gives a little touch: Sigon. l. 9 de regno Ital. Eight days after his retire to Cassin, the Countess Mathilda advertised him of her arrival at Rome, and that she desired much to confer with him: whereupon he returned to the city, and being by her and her army with all duty received, for the space of eight days he continued in the Vatican. Aventine speaks more plainly: Mathilda and the Normans create him, that is to say, in hatred of Clement, who nevertheless held the seat at Rome, and was called Victor the third. But as soon as Hugh Bishop of Lions, one of the three that Gregory had commended, thought that Desiderius had in good earnest accepted of the Popedom, he presently banded himself against him, and in a Synod held at Beneuent he excommunicated him, and with him Richard of Marselles. But Desiderius lived little above a year after: Gullielm. Malmes b. l. 4. and if we may believe William of Malmesburie, he was poisoned in the Chalice saying his first Mass. In that short time nevertheless that he lived, he had published new excommunications against Clement and Henry, and under the selfsame pretence that Gregory did. He retired himself to his Abbey at Cassin, for the better recovery of his health, and there, upon his deathbed, according to the tradition of Gregory, he recommended unto those that were his assistants, Otho Bishop of Ostia, Leo Ostiens. l. 3. c. 72. who had been brought up at Clugni, for his successor: in so much that taking him by the hand, he peremptorily said unto them, Take him and place him in the Roman seat, and until you have done it hold my place. Benno calls him Pedissequum, the Page or Lackey of Hildebrand. The Bishops therefore that took part with him in the year 1088, An. 1088. meet at Terratina to consult of a successor. There were first present, in the name, and by the command of the Romans, who did adhere to this part, for the Clergy john Bishop of Portua, and for the Lay Benedict governor of the city. A new kind of proceeding it was, because Clement held the place in the city: neither was there here any mention at all of expecting the emperors consent herein. There without any other solemnity they nominated Otho Pope, called Vrban the second, who was no sooner entered into Rome, but he was driven out again by Clement's faction. Hereupon, saith Leo of Ostia, if we will judge of the validity of this election, we must say, That he was chosen by the statutes of Gregory. Leo Ostiens. l. 3. c. 72. But William of Malmesburie more freely: To that part that seemed to be the more just, the army of Mathilda joined; Herfeldens'. Theol. in tractatu de unitate Eccles. conseruand. an. 1090. Sigon l. 9 de regno Jtaliae. who forgetting her sex, not unlike to the ancient Amazons, led her army into the field, and by her voice Vrban obtained the Apostolic throne. But another saith more plainly: Using the help and secure of most wicked people, with whom the Law of God and man had no place. Sigonius confesseth, that Mathilda (who called herself the daughter of Peter) took upon her the protection of urban, and that Vrban was the cause that she married Welfo Duke of Bavaria, to the end he might strengthen himself by him, against the Emperor in Germany: Not so much (saith Bertholdus) for incontinency, Bertholdus Constant. Presbyter in Chron. as for obedience to the Pope, that she might be so much the more able to give aid and secure to the Church of Rome against the Schismatics: & therefore he presently addeth, that he wholly sequestered & kept himself free from her, being more greedy of the principality than the woman. Are these then the lawful ends of marriage? Neither is it here to be omitted, that there were certain lots drawn at Rome to know who should be successor to Gregory the 7 (which was then a thing usual at Rome) and it was found that one Otho should succeed him: Fragmentum Monastici Cadomens'. an. 1084. whereupon Otho Bishop of Baieux, and brother to William the Conqueror, King of England, though he were Earl of Kent, and Lieutenant general of his Realm, conceived a hope of obtaining the Popedom; whereupon he sent to Rome great presents, and there built great, and goodly houses, and left nothing undone with the Senators, that either gifts, or his other best endeavours could work. But having embarked himself for this voyage, taking with him divers of the Nobility, king William understanding in Normandy of this expedition, took shipping for England, & meeting him in the Isle of Weight, there arrested him, & for many offences he had committed in the carriage of his matters of State, cast him into Prison. The other Otho therefore, Vrban the second, obtained the chair; and his first exploit was in a Synod holden at Melfe to excommunicate Clement and Henry, and all those that received either orders of the one, or investiture of the other, & to be brief, all those that in any respect had any commerce with them. Moreover, he confirmed Roger Guischard of the race of the Normans, Duke of Apulia and Calabria, the better to retain his friendship and fidelity towards him. But Henry passing into Italy in the year 1091 got into his possession, and wasted the greatest part of those Countries that belonged to Mathilda: but for some important causes being enforced to return into Germany, he left his eldest son Conrade in Italy, whom he had destinated to be his successor; him Mathilda won partly by flattery, partly by terrifying him that he should never possess the Empire, if he had not the grace and favour of the Pope, and so promising an assurance thereof upon his submission to the Pope, made him to rebel against his own father; And to make this band of amity more firm, married him to the daughter of Roger King of Sicilia. Dodechin. an. 1093. Sigonius, after Dodechin, saith that Conrade was enforced thereunto, because (his father commanding him) he would not abuse his mother in Law Adelheida, by which means he would have defamed her, and so conceiving hatred against his son forsook him. Auentin. l. 5. But Aventine hath no such matter, but quite contrary, saith he: There are certain crimes objected against Henry, whose names are unknown to all Frenchmen and Germans, and are no where to be found but amongst those, that have red the lives of the emperors according to the description of Suetonius. Neither doth Sigonius himself believe it, since he saith that the rebellion of Conrade, was both godly and necessary, as serving much to the settling of the Pope's affairs. Neither doth he dissemble that he fled to Mathilda, who joined him in marriage with the daughter of Roger King of Sicilia, herself perhaps being taken with his love; according to that which his father Henry spoke in an assembly at Cologne: Auentin. l. 5. My son being entangled with the allurements of a woman, endeavoureth to deprive me both of my dignity and life. Vrban in the mean time absolues him of all duty and obedience towards his father, and upon condition that he do him homage, he promiseth him all help and assistance to obtain the Empire. It was therefore a matter of no great difficulty for him, staying some years in Italy, to win unto him such as were friends to the Empire, & to settle his affairs there. Henry had created Arnulph Archbishop of Milan, Berthold, in Chron. and according to the custom invested him by the ring and the staff. But for as much as the Bishops made a question of his consecration he retired himself into a Monastery. Vrban in favour of Conrade went to Milan, and there took him out of the Monastery, made him Governor of his Church, and adorned him with the Pall, but yet upon condition (for nothing came freely) that the Church of Milan should be subject to the Church of Rome, which hitherto had never acknowledged him. There was also at that time an occasion offered of the recovery of the Holy Land, by means of one Peter an Hermit Picard: Vrban, who could not stay at Rome, took this occasion to pass the Alps, Partly, saith William of Malmesburie, to solicit the Churches on the other side the mountains to reverence him, partly (and this was the counsel of Boemond) that all Europe being busied about the expedition into Asia, in so great a tumult, the forces of all Provinces being dispersed, Vrban might make himself master of Rome, and Boemond invade Sclavonia and Macedon, which countries, and all besides that lie from Dyrrachium to Thessalonica, his father Guischard had usurped, against Alexius Emperor of Constantinople; upon which title Boemond challenged them to be his by right of inheritance. But for as much as he knew that there were none more willing to undertake this enterprise than the French men, to the end that by their example he might put courage into others, he calls a general Council of the whole West at Clerimont in Auernia: there, in the year 1095, An. 1095. in his own person, he laid open his purposed enterprise to the whole assembly; the conclusion of his speech was this: We release all faithful Christians that shall bear arms against the Infidels, of great and infinite penance for their sins, and receive them under the defence of the Church, and the protection of S. Peter and S. Paul, as true and obedient sons: whereupon many of all sorts of people took to them the cross, the badge or ensign of the army. But in the mean time, under this pretended zeal he forgets not to set forward his own affairs: for in stead of pacifying all quarrels at home, that he might the better proceed in this high enterprise abroad, he continueth his old grudge and malicious exploits against Henry, even to his death, An. 1099. which was in the year 1099, An. 1100. Sigon l. 9 de regno Jtaliae. whom his son Conrade succeeded in the year 1100, for this expressly commended by Sigonius, That he never departed from the counsels of Mathilda and Vrban. All this while Clement the third held the seat at Rome, whereby any man may judge how diversly men's consciences were distracted, when he saw their Counsels one contradicting the other, Clement undoing that at Rome that Vrban had done at Placentia, one pronouncing the others Bishops heretics, the other condemning those Bishops that were his followers, and sealing their condemnation with his own hand, both of them casting each others acts into the fire. And one there was who affirmed, that he saw Hildebrand and his followers burning in hell, and another, that he saw some of Clement's Cardinals there too. Matters thus standing, they both called a Council, Vrban at Clermont, Clement at Rome, where the one excommunicated, cursed, degraded the other, made void each others consecrations, and ordinations, and consequently condemned the Baptism, the Chresme, the Sacraments administered by one part and the other; yea cities, regions, nations, families, bedfellow, married couples, were by this schism divided among themselves. And some there were that allowed of neither part, seeing nothing to bear sway on either side but ambition and malice. And to say the truth, in the Synod at Clermont, Vrban shows sufficiently, that he troubled his head but a little for the recovery of jerusalem; for the principal articles were these: Let the Catholic Church be chaste in belief, the interpretation followeth, free from all servitude: that no Bishops, Abbots, or Clergy men, shall receive any Ecclesiastical dignity from the hands of a Prince, or lay, or secular persons: That whosoever shall take the goods of Bishops, or Clergy men, shall be accursed: That whosoever shall fly to any Church, or to the Cross, shall be redelivered to justice, but yet with immunity of his life and members. Others add, That faith given to heretics binds not. As for Henry the Emperor, and Philip king of France, and whosoever should call them Kings, he put them all in the number of heretics. And there is a Canon alleged by him out of Gratian, 15. Q. 6. l. juratos. that differs not much: Such as are sworn soldiers to the Earl Hugh, let them not serve him so long as he stands excommunicated. And speaking to the Bishop of Gap, he saith, If they pretend oaths, let them be admonished, that they must rather obey God than man: which Saint Peter in the Acts spoke to another sense. At his return into Italy, finding himself more firmly settled in Rome, in the year 1097 he caused those articles to be confirmed, An. 1097. but yet strengthened with a notable reason, Guill. Malm. l. 4 Edinerus in vita Arnulini Archiepiscop. simeon. Dunelmens'. l. 2. Chron. That it was too abominable that those hands that by the sign create their Creator, should be bound as handmaids to serve those that every day and hour pollute themselves with uncleanness. Thus abusing the world with a show of reverence due to the holy Eucharist, because then Transubstantiation began to take footing. To conclude, we read that in these times he made a show upon this occasion, of his authority in France and England; in France, in that Geffrey Bishop of Chartres was not only deposed by him, for his many and grievous offences, but juon Abbot of S. Quintin put into his place, of whom he made choice, being a man famous in those days, that by his commendations he might the better countenance his own usurpation: In England, in that he persuaded Anselmus, an Italian, the disciple of Lanfrane, being chosen Archbishop of Canterbury by the consent of King William the second, to take his confirmation of him: which being once admitted by the Primate of England, was an example for all the rest to do the like. OPPOSITION. But it is now time to consider what the state of the Christian world was, especially in the time of these schisms, which for the space of sixteen years filled it with fire and sword: The Popes, Cardinals, Counsels, Decrees, Excommunications, being opposite the one against the other, each part challenging to themselves the true Church, & affirming, that without it there was nothing but heretics & heresies; Christ himself, if you will believe them, was personally present on both parts; and yet not so much as his footsteps to be found in either. In so much that many Christian States took part with neither of them, but left the government of the Church to their own Bishops, not so much as turning their eyes towards Rome; out fathers having then learned, that the Church of God might subsist without Popes, and that Christ, without their Vicarship, was able to govern the Church. Germany was the Theatre of this tragedy, wherein it much grieved all sorts of people, that such controversies as should be decided by Scriptures, were with a strange disorder of all things determined by civil wars. And therefore in the year 1088, at the entrance of Pope Vrban, An. 1088. the Bishops and Princes on both parts assembled in Council at Garstunghen, to find some course for peace to be proposed to Vrban, before he were touched with the affections of his predecessors, which he seemed nevertheless to succeed by right of inheritance. There Conrade Bishop of Vtrecht laid open unto them how necessary a thing peace was, and how detestable it was for any man, upon any pretence whatsoever, to break his plighted faith: for whosoever did so, contemned him by whom he swore, since we are not so much to consider to whom we swear, as by whom: and we are admonished by Christ and his Apostles, to obey Tiberius, Nero, and the most wicked monsters that are, how much more than good and lawful Princes? Ambitious therefore and proud are they, who with a brazen face abuse the words of our Saviour, Whatsoever thou loossest upon earth shall be loossed in heaven, & adulterating them by their interpretations, enforce them to serve their own appetites; and like children, and such as are unskilful in all things, endeavour to deceive us, as if, saith he, we were ignorant, that it is a familiar and common thing with the holy Prophets and Preachers of the word, to call one and the same thing by divers names, according to the capacity of the hearers; and to express them sometimes figuratively, sometimes simply, according to the diversity of the effects. Doubtless that which Christ jesus spoke more obscurely in one place, he expresseth plainly in S. john, and most plainly in S. Matthew, S. Mark, and S. Luke: Peace be unto you, saith he: Auent. l. 5. As my Father hath sent me, so I send you: Receive ye the holy Ghost: Whose sins ye remit shall be remitted, and whose sins ye retain shall be retained. And to the end he might sow concord, and show himself to be the only true shepherd, he saith to one, If thou love me feed my sheep, that is, go into the whole world and preach the Gospel to all creatures: And again, All power is given me both in heaven and in earth, go therefore and teach all nations. And therefore this heavenly Doctor opened the minds of his Disciples, that they might understand the Scriptures, Moses, the Prophets, and the Psalms, and command them in his name to preach repentance and remission of sins to all nations, and to be witnesses of these things. This good Bishop had not yet learned, that these places were to be restrained to one Pope, to Peter only, excluding all the rest both Apostles and Bishops, or that they were more to be applied unto him than the rest: And therefore he addeth; For these causes Hildebrand is fallen headlong into ambition, since he usurpeth the power of the immortal God, whose messenger he is: such are the customs, the times, the men. The Supreme and Sovereign Majesty had ill provided for human affairs, if it had delivered the sword into the hands of one mortal man whosoever. For who can set limits to the boundless desires of man? etc. We have no need to be taught after what manner Peter and his Colleagues used the Spiritual power, or to speak more truly the dispensation and procuration of the heavenly food, for we are the Butlers, as it were, and Yeomen of God's garner. It plainly appeareth in the book of the Acts of the Apostles, written by Saint Luke the Physician, that the armour of our warfare is the spirit, not sword, nor rapine, nor murders, nor perjuries; but our breastplate, or helmet, girdle, sword, buckler, are peace, love, righteousness, hope, truth, the word of God, faith: all which our most Christian Emperor hath many times of his free will offered to Hildebrand, but he hath refused them. We deny not but he is a man, and apt to sin, without which no man cometh into the world; but it is his happiness that the greatest are not laid to his charge. He is given to the lusts of the flesh, but yet that which nature hath permitted; which as youth hath stirred up in him, old age is accustomed to correct. I confess that this is a great sin, but yet human, and such as many, yea good men, have often committed. And if we truly consider of this our Prince, we shall find, that whatsoever vices there are in him, either by natural inclination, or by reason of his age, they are over counterpoised by his excellent virtues, his readiness in the execution of great attempts, his fortitude in the midst of dangers, his incredible courage, patience in labours, counsel answerable to his magnanimity, and his diligence, as far forth as his age is capable, in military affairs; his knowledge of divine and human laws, an everlasting desire of peace, care of religion, bounty towards the poor, clemency towards the vanquished, benignity towards his friends, benevolence towards soldiers, in all which he hath excelled all the German and Roman Princes that ever were. And if he had been a wicked tyrant, yet it had been our duties to have obeyed him, not to rebel against him: and all human laws, and the decrees of our forefathers, do forbidden a man's adversaries, his enemies to be his accusers, witnesses, and judges. The Emperor made peace with Hildebrand in Italy, whilst, by the perfidious treachery of a few, Saxony fell from him: A traitorous tyrant, who received due punishment for his treachery, contemning all oaths and promises, and all affinity and kindred, invaded him. At the last he concludeth: No man may proceed or pronounce sentence against a man that is deprived, until he be restored to his former estate: See the book and read the law; and so he delivered it to Wesilus Archbishop of Mence. Guebhard Bishop of Saltzbourge, being for his age, eloquence, and learning, chosen Prolocutor, by the Bishops that took part with Hildebrand, was mute, and answered not a word. From that time forward many of the Bishops and Princes of Saxony abjure the sect of Hildebrand (that name they retained in the time of urban) and repenting themselves of what they had done, came to the Emperor: Only fourteen persist obstinate therein, who being assigned to appear the month following at Mence, at their day of appearance came not. There the rest of the Bishops of Germany being present, with the Legates of the Bishops of France and Italy, by the common consent of all, the sect of Hildebrand is judged to be contrary to Christian piety. Otho (called urban) being convicted of sacrilege and irreligion, was excommunicated, and those fourteen being condemned of rebellion, perjury, murder, were deposed. Moreover Historiographers do observe, that in one year all the Bishops and Princes died that had kindled those civil wars, wherewith the whole Empire for the space of seventeen years had been set on fire; and they recite them by name, which was in the year 1090. An. 1090. Waltram. in Epist. ad Ludovic. Comitem. It was at this time that Waltram Bishop of Magdeburge writ an Epistle to the Earl Lodowick, whom he calls a glorious Prince; wherein he proves out of the Scriptures, that obedience is due to lawful Kings and Princes: to the end he might arm him against the impostors of that age, who to women and the vulgar sort of people preached contrary doctrines: setting likewise before his eyes the judgements of God upon Rodolph, Hildebrand, the marquess Egbert, and divers other Princes, who bare arms for the Pope against the Emperor. Sigebert, in Chron. At which time likewise Sigebert speaking of Vrban, chosen against Clement, and of those things that followed thereupon: From hence, saith he, grew scandals in the Church, and divisions in the State, the one disagreeing from the other, the Kingdom from the Priesthood, one excommunicating another, the one contemning the excommunications of the other, either out of a preiudicat opinion of the cause, or the person, and whilst the one abuseth the authority of excommunicating against the other, by doing it rather according to his own lusts, than with any respect of justice, he that gave the power of binding and loossing is altogether contemned. Doubtless this novelty (that I may not say heresy) did not till now appear in the world, That his Priests who causeth the hypocrite to reign for the sins of the people, should teach the people, That they own no subjection to wicked Kings; and though by oath they bind themselves unto him, yet they own him no fidelity, neither are they to be accounted perjured persons, who resist the King, but rather to be accounted an excommunicate person that obeys the King, and that man to be absolved from all injustice and perjury that opposeth himself against him. Others speak more confidently: Then did there arise false Prophets, Apostles, Priests, who deceived the people with a false religion, doing great signs and wonders (and of some he makes instance) who began to sit in the Temple of God, and to be extolled above all that is worshipped: and whilst they go about to establish their own power, they extinguish all charity and Christian simplicity, etc. As if the decree of the immortal God kept not always one course, That no perjured persons shall inherit the kingdom of heaven. The most part of the best sort of men, such as were just, and honest, and ingenuous, and simple, have left in writing, That at that time they foresaw the Empire of Antichrist to be beginning, and those things to come to pass that our Saviour Christ jesus had long before foretold. Sigebert and Aventine, after divers others, do note, Auent. l. 5. That the prodigious wonders that were observed in those times, did astonish the minds of most men: The heavens, saith he, seen many times to burn, the Sun and Moon to lose their light, the stars to fall from heaven to the earth, burning torches, fiery darts flying through the air, new stars never seen before, Sigebert. in Chron. Auent. l. 5. pitched pavilions and armies in the air encountering one another, and innumerable the like, whereby the people were confirmed in their opininion: But especially when they saw the son to conspire against the state and life of his father, Conrade against Henry, who had appointed him to be his successor, An. 1095. and that by the persuasion, compulsion, and approbation of Pope Vrban, instigated, or rather bewitched, by the cunning of Mathilda; his father in the mean time leaving nothing undone that might regain him to his duty & obedience: who prevailing nothing by his just & gentle exhortations, was enforced in the Counsels and solemn assemblies of the Empire, to beg vengeance from heaven and earth, even with tears in his eyes. All this in the mean time was covered under a pretence of that sacred and plausible expedition to Jerusalem, the mystery whereof William of Malmesburie opened before unto us; That by that means Vrban might recover his authority at Rome, or rather divert the minds of men employed about remote affairs, from those more necessary businesses that touched them more nearly at home: That whilst they bended all their endeavours abroad to persecute the Infidels, they might neglect Antichrist freely wasting all at home in the Church. Neither wanted he in that impure and dark world a bait whereby to win and allure the simple people to that war, which was an absolute absolution from all their sins, without any penance. What greater encitement could there be to men who were to invade a country wherein all things were left to the lust of the soldier, to commit all manner of wickedness whatsoever? For we learn sufficiently out of histories, what manner of men for the most part they returned from thence, being all polluted with the abominations of the Canaanites. To the same remedies they had ever recourse, consecrating their children, if they had any, to the selfsame wars, and giving such goods as they had to expiate their sins. On the otherside every unskilful soldier carried with a fervent desire of this war, fell upon the jews, against whom they had liberty, as they thought, to offer any violence, and if they did not presently turn Christians, to massacre them at their own pleasures, to the great scandal of Christian Religion, as if there had been no other mean to convert them to the Faith of Christ. And therefore in many Provinces the soldiers preparing themselves to departed, fell upon the miserable people, making their ruin to bear the charge of their voyage. Insomuch that we read of ten or twelve thousand slain in one place; an evident argument of that false and adulterate zeal wherewith they were carried, and a manifest presage of an unfortunate end. We are not to forget by the way amongst other things, that that Godfrey of Buloin that was the first who by assault entered Jerusalem, was the selfsame who before under the command of the Emperor Henry was the first that scaled the walls of Rome. Let no man doubt, that there wanted in those times wise men, who looked more inwardly into the nature of this expedition. Aventine believing those that writ before him, saith that it was a report spread amongst the common people, Auent. li. 5. that this voice was heard from heaven, Deus vult, God will have it so; whereupon all sorts of people from all parts ran to those wars, some from their Kingdoms, some from their Cities, their Castles, their flocks, their Temples, their families, their wives, their children, their fields, their plonghes, and into Asia passed by flocks, Captains, Governors, tetrarchs, Bishops, Monks, who under a show of Religion, Berthold. in Chron. committed all manner of wickedness. They carried a Goose (saith he) before them, saying it was the holy, An. 1096. Ghost and that Charles the great was come again into the world. As for the jews, wheresoever they met them, they slew them, except they did presently convert, and whosoever refused to turn, they spoiled of his goods; Some of the jews out of their love to their Law slew each other, others for the time dissembling Christianity, relapsed from Christ to Moses. And these were the exploits of Peter the Hermit, the author and procuror of these wars. Sigon. de regno Jtaliae li. 9 A voyage whereof Sigonius himself in the midst of his panegyrique could not temper himself, but that he gave his judgement in these words: Vrban (saith he) applied his mind to the recovery of Jerusalem, which had been a long time held by the Saracens; an enterprise not so famous for the increase of piety, Gulielm. Malmelsburiens. li. 4. as renowned for the glory thereof in future times. Which expedition to the end he might colour with some devotion, he ordained, that no Clergy, or Lay man should eat flesh from Shrovetide to Easter. Thus doth superstition always increase with hypocrisy. The controversy touching the investiture of Bishops, pretended by the Popes to the prejudice of Kings and Emperors, did still continue, though not without some difficulty and resistance, Waltramus de investituris Episcoporum. especially in Germany. Waltram therefore Bishop of Naumburg, writ in his time of this matter against the Pope; his reasons were, That Hadrian in a full Council was of opinion with Charles the great, and his successors that it belonged to them to invest Bishops, yea and to confirm the Bishop of Rome, except some certain Bishops of Italy, who by an ancient grant from the Kings were to be consecrated by the Pope; In which grant he comprehendeth the Abbeys, and other regal dignities: That Gregory the great even before this agreement had by Letters, admonished Theodorick, Theodobert & Brunichild to invest without simony, and that himself was not consecrated but by the consent of Mauritius the Emperor: That Pope Leo and his successors observed the same towads Otho and his, and that under pain of excommunication; And therefore it is very strange that Gregory the seventh should go about to alter it, and that under absolution: That the Popes are to take good heed, that God do not unbind in heaven, what they bind upon earth; which many times comes to pass by the glory of precedency which sets men's spirits on fire, when the successors go about to change the Decrees of their predecessors; And if any man reprehending them they shall answer that The judgements of Rome are not to be revoked; why then do they revoke those of their ancestors, that made for the Emperors? why do they scandal the little flock of Christ? why under the shadow of Religion do they gather even with open hands all unto themselves, since that our Saviour saith, Give unto Caesar, those things that are Caesar's & c? That in Spain, Scotland, England, Hungary, the Kings used this right, purely and entirely: In France a long time before Hadrian the consecrated Kings, and governors of the Palace invested the Bishops, that is to say, Dagobert, Sigebert, Theodoricus, Hildericus, Pepinus, Theodebertus, by whom Remaclus, Amandus, Odemarus, Antbertus, Elisius, Lambertus, and other holy Prelates, were inthronised and settled in their seats, without respect of the manner of their investiture, whether it were done by word, or by the staff & the ring yet it was no matter. But, we must know that that homage that is done unto the king under the name royalty, is before the consecration; And that from the time of S. Peter to Silvester it was not so, both because the Emperors were heathens, and the Churches poor, but afterwards being enriched by kings, and endowed by other good men, they made new laws, especially having gotten into their possession Lands, and great revenues, yea became Lords of Towns and Cities, into which places they might withdraw themselves, against the enemy: That it fell out very happily that the Emperors put themselves into the government of the Church of Rome, which had been so often rend with schisms in the election of their Bishops, and could never obtain any settled peace without their mediation. All this he saith, with many other good reasons too long to rehearse. Trithemius in lib. de scriptorib. Ecclesiast. And in the selfsame sense writ Venericus Bishop of Verseil in Italy, dedicating his book to the Pope himself, which he entitled, Of the discord of the Kingdom and Priesthood. It was at this time also that we have the Apology of Sigebert Abbot of Gembloux, for the Emperor Henry, mentioned by Aventine in his fift book. In France, Vrban having ordained You Abbot of S. Quintine, An. 1072. bishop of Chartres by the deposition of jefferay, writ unto Richard Archbishop of Sens to consecrat him: but Richard as we learn by the letter of Vrban himself refused to do it; upon which his refusal Vrban himself was enforced to consecrat him, commanding Richard to yield his helping hand to You in the government of the Church (reserving still his obedience to his Church: You Carmitens. Epist. 12.8. but Richard nevertheless would not obey him, but writ (saith You) sharp letters, and such as were derogatory to the Majesty of the Apostolic See. Whereupon You warneth him that the Scriptures pronounce him an heretic because he agreeth not with the Church of Rome. I appeal unto his own conscience, out of what piece of Scripture he proveth that. But he likewise acknowledgeth ingeniously, that by the hand of urban he had been raised from the dunghill, and therefore he held himself obliged in duty to advance his honour and commodity; and to that end tends that salutation of his in a certain congratulatory Epistle, Cum Petro pugnare, & cum Petro regnare, To fight with Peter and to reign with Peter, that is (as the Pope's courtiers say) to follow the Pope's fortunes through what dangers so ever. But here the Archbishop stayed not, for he assembled at Estampes the Bishops his Suffragans, namely of Paris, Meaux, and Troy to deliberat hereupon, wherein he showeth that this ordination was against the Majesty royal, which You had greatly offended in receiving it, all of them concluding to restore jefferay into his place, and to depose You; whereupon he appealed to Rome, to which appellation they refused to obey; for which cause he complaineth to urban, employeth his help, That he would be pleased to write to the Archbishop and his Suffragans in his behalf: that it was necessary to send a Legate into France to provide for these and the like matters. But in the mean time whilst they united themselves together for the liberty of the French Church, King Philip the first sent to the Pope for a dispensation to marry his concubine Bertrade, and so withdrew his hand, and commanded You to be established in his Bishopric. Thus it oftentimes falleth out, that the private vices of Princes do greatly prejudice their public dignities. In these Epistles in the mean time it is worth the noting, That You doth not always agree in doctrine with Vrban. For whereas divers Bishops had condemned the investitures of lay persons for heresy, because by this means the great Prelates got unto themselves the right and prerogative of lay founders and patrons; An. 1099. You nevertheless having gotten the Bishopric, and being out of their reach, maintained against Hugh the Pope's Legate the Primate of Lions and others, You Carnutens. Epist. 235.238.239. That it was no heresy, since there was nothing here that concerned faith, which had nothing common with Orders. This was You, who otherwise held with Vrban, and did omit no occasion whereby he might serve him, and did carefully advertise him to assist Manasses with his authority, for his confirmation in the Bishopric of Rheimes, Idem Epist. 48. Because, saith he, it is necessary that the Church of Rome should have one in that See that should be a true and trusty servant unto him. He armeth him likewise in such a sort with his counsels, against those obstacles that may any way hinder the course of his Legates or Decrees in France, that he feared not to say of himself: I think of myself, that there is no man on this side the mountains that hath suffered greater wrongs, endured more contumelies for the maintenance of your commands and that fidelity that is due unto you. Yea Richard the Archbishop of Sens being dead, and Daribert canonically nominated to his place, You being prohibited by Hugh Primate of Lions, and Legate to Vrban, to consecrate him Bishop, because he had not performed unto him his due obedience, You deals sharply with the Legate by letters, giving him to understand, That he would not obey him to the prejudice of the ancient Canons, and the venerable authority of his forefathers: he therefore bitterly reproveth him. But Baronius, who had hitherto approved him, gins now to chide him, because he had not spoken of investitures as was fitting: Baron. an. 1099 art. 8. That which remaineth, saith he, in this Epistle of You, is more harsh, as speaking too abjectly of the ancient investitures, yea of many things he speaks with contempt; which if they were not corrected in other Epistles of the same Author, would call into question that his glorious reputation which he hath gotten by defending the Apostolic See, and the Catholic verity. So much doth reason and affection disagree even in great personages. An. 1093. In England Anselme, by nation an Italian, being chosen Archbishop of Canterbury by the consent of King William the second, craves leave of him to go to Rome, to receive his Pall of Pope Vrban: wherewith the King being greatly offended, answered, That no Archbishop or Bishop in his realm was subject to the Court of Rome, or to the Pope, and that he had that liberty in his realm, that the Emperor had in his Empire. Anselme therefore was accused of high treason, all the Bishops consenting thereunto, except Gondoulfe Bishop of Rochester. Vrban hereupon sent Gualther Bishop of Alba into England, to bring him the Pall, and to reconcile him to King William. But Anselme being still desirous to go to Rome, King William answered him in plain terms, That if he would promise, and bind himself by an oath upon the book, neither to go, nor to appeal to Rome for any affairs whatsoever, he should then well and peaceably enjoy his Bishopric, if not, that it should be free for him to pass the seas, but never to return. And this he spoke in Common Council. He nevertheless went to Rome, where by his counsel the Decree was renewed under pain of excommunication, against the investiture of Layman: Mathias Paris in Guilielmo 2. and so he continued at Lions so long as William lived. Let us add hereunto in these times, the report of the Monk of Malmesburie touching the Romans: The Romans, sometimes Lords of the world, Malmes. l. 5. a people that go in long gowns, are now of all others the most ignorant, An. 1097. selling justice for gold, and the Canon's rule for silver. We must not forget, that it was at this very time that Pope Vrban granted to Roger Earl of Calabria and Sicilia, those letters patents so much disputed by Baronius against the King of Spain, Baron. an. 1097 art. 20. 21. & sequent. who now possesseth the kingdom both of the one and the other Sicily, where in consideration of his good and loyal services done unto the Church of Rome, and against the Saracens, he made him the son of the universal Church, and by a special privilege he granteth unto him, and to his son Simon, or any other his lawful heir, that they should never have during their lives within their dominions, without their own will and allowance, any Legate of the Church of Rome: By the special grace and favour of this privilege giving all to understand, how burdensome and dangerous the presence of a Legate was: In so much that what was to be done by a Legate, his meaning was should be executed by the said Roger and his son, Legati vice, instead of a Legate: And if there shall be called any general Council, it shall be lawful for them to send such and so many Bishops, as they shall think fitting, retaining the rest for the service of their Churches. Thus this good and zealous man overthrew the whole order of his Church to content Roger, who knew well enough to use the occasion to the best advantage of his own affairs. 42. PROGRESSION. Of the entrance of Paschal the second into the Popedom. Of the conspiracies procured by the Pope against the Emperor, with the rebellion of his son Henry. Of the treacherous deposing of the Emperor, and of the miserable estate he fell into, and of his sons most unnatural dealing with him. THe ague are now entering into hath his Progression, whether we respect the authority, or wickedness of the Popes, which together made way one to the other: But by how much the more they discover themselves, by so much the more witnesses do they exhibit unto us, who saw this Mystery of Iniquity either openly, or at least through a cloud. Vrban the second being dead in the year 1099, An. 1099. Rainerius a Tuscan succeeded him, who was Paschal the second, a disciple of Hildebrand, commended by Vrban for this only cause, That he was a likely man to walk in his steps. The principal matter then in hand, was the investiture of the Bishops and Abbots, which they took from the Princes, and got to themselves, affirming that it had been usurped by the Princes, as we have seen before: that it was a wickedness and an heresy: and that they might pretend some show of religion therein, they couple it in all their proceed with that faction of the Nicholites, prosecuting with the selfsame rigour the single life of Churchmen notwithstanding the general clamour of the whole Clergy against it, and that cry of their sins and abominable wickedness that ascended up unto heaven. This Rainerius therefore would not take upon him the Popedom, before the people had thrice cried out, Platina in Paschali. 2. S. Peter hath chosen Rainerius an excellent man to be Pope. Afterwards putting on his scarlet rob, and his mitre on his head, being accompanied with the people and Clergy, he mounted upon a white Palfrey richly furnished, and so was brought to Lateran, where resting himself a while in a throne prepared for that purpose, he was girt with a girdle on which there hung 7 keys, and seven seals, to give all men to understand that he according to the sevenfold grace of the spirit of God, had power in all Churches over which he bare rule, to open and shut, to seal and unseal: He likewise visited (carrying his pontifical Sceptre in his hand) all those places into which the Pope's only might come: At the last he went to S. Peter's Church to be consecrated, in which he was anointed, by the Bishop of Ostia and others: Neither was this new preparation without a mystery. Clement the third in the mean time persisted in his purpose, against whom Paschal first bent his forces, insomuch that he compelled him to departed Rome; which that he might the more easily perform, he fed the Emperor with a hope of peace, and invited him to a general Council at Lateran, whereunto he willingly hearkened, being now wearied with his civil and domestical molestations. The Prince persuading himself that Paschal was desirous of peace, and much alienated from war, or rather because he said he desired peace, he strived to be as forward therein as himself. But he had no sooner obtained his purpose, but he reneweth in the Synod, the excommunication against Henry, raiseth new factions in Germany, and because he went not in his own person to Palestina, he stirreth up new hatreds against him; for he who in regard of the place he held should have been the first, and by his example have encouraged others, left the place empty that he might do every thing according to his own lust: To be brief, following the steps of his predecessors, he stirreth up Henry the son against his father, who had made him copartner in the Empire, being persuaded, as before, that he should never live peaceably without the grace and favour of the Pope; and that he was not to prefer his duty towards his father, being guilty of heresy, before that which he did owe unto the Pope. Auentin. l. 2. And what this heresy was we have seen before. And therefore, saith Aventine; Henry having spent his winter came to Mence, that from thence he might take his journey to Rome, and so into Asia, leaving his son at Baviers: but he in the mean time persuaded by certain Lords &c. (amongst others he nameth Welfo Duke of Bavaria and husband to Mathilda,) and Albert his Secretary, and a Chaplain of his, that if his father should die an enemy to the Popes of Rome, and in disgrace with the Pope, the Empire would be taken by some other; and so under a pretence of piety he rebelleth against his own father. And as touching the accusation against him, That he did not his best endeavour for this holy expedition, he told us a little before, that he had sent into Asia, with a purpose to follow himself, the greatest part of his men of war, that remained in Germany after three and twenty years civil wars, and that by his command there went out of the Low-countries Godfrey of Bullion, with his two brethren Baldwinus and Eustachius, and Robert Earl of Flaunders; out of Bavaria the Duke Welfo, Otho and Eckardus Princes of Scheurn, and divers others; whereby it appeared, that this was only a pretence of the Pope. The father in the mean time gathered courage, gives his son battle, and conquers him; but looking more narrowly into the height of this conspiracy, and finding that it could not be repressed, but with the ruin of the commonwealth, he is content to seek means of peace, and a parley being appointed betwixt him and his son, he simply dismissed his forces, the conspirators commanding all theirs to retire themselves to Mence. The place which was chosen for this parley was Binga, where the Emperor being the fourth that entered the city, was no sooner in but the gates were shut, his friends kept out of the city: His enemies were appointed to be his Guard, & his son (as if he had done an act worthy commendations) triumphantly speeds himself to the conspirators at Mence; where he found the Legates of Paschal, the Bishops of Alba and Constance, with fifty other Bishops, who in this Council armed with force and treason, do again excommunicate Henry, and for the better strengthening of this Decree, they degrade him, and put his son into his place. The circumstances are set down by Krantzius and Helmoldus, Helmold. l. 1. cap. 32. Krantzius l. 5. ca 20. in Saxon. which let not the Reader think tedious to read. The Bishops (saith he) of Mence, Cologne, and Worms were commanded to go unto him, and to bring from him, howsoever unwilling, the Imperial Ensigns, the Cross, Sceptre, Halberd, Kingdom, sword, and Crown: but the Emperor inquiring the cause thereof, they answer him, That he committed Simony, in conferring of bishoprics and Abbeys: To whom the Emperor replied, Tell me ye Bishops of Mence and Cologne, by the name of the eternal God what I have received from you: they answered Nothing; Glory to God on high, saith the Emperor, that in this point we are found faithful; doubtless your great dignities might have brought great gain into our Chamber, if we had sought after it; my Lord of Worms knows, & we are not ignorant whether freely, or for gain we received him. My good fathers violate not your faiths; we now wax old, have patience a little, and end not our glory with confusion: we require a general Court; If we must yield, we will deliver our Crown to our son with our own hands: But they making offer to enforce him, he retired himself a little, and putting on his Imperial ensigns, and returning unto them, The goodness of the eternal God (saith he) & the election of the Princes gave them unto me: God is able to preserve them unto me, and to withhold your hands from this your enterprise, although we want our forces to defend us, not doubting of any such violence: But yet let the fear of God bridle you, since piety cannot; and if neither of them will, behold here am I unable to withstand your force. Hereupon the Bishops paused a while, but at the last the one encouraging the other, they went to the Emperor, took the Crown from his head, and taking him out of his seat, spoiled him of all his royal robes: The Emperor fetching a deep sigh, spoke in this manner, The God of vengeance behold, and revenge this iniquity you commit against me, I suffer an ignominy the like whereof was never heard of before; but it is God the just judge that punisheth me for the sins of my youth. But yet you are not free from this offence, because you have broken your oaths, and therefore you shall not avoid the revenge of a just judge. God never prosper you upon the earth, but let your portion be with him that betrayed Christ. This (saith Krantzius) is the narration of our Annals. And Sigonius describes this matter almost in the same words. Sigon. l. 9 de regno Italia. By which narration it plainly appeareth that this poor Emperor was not deposed because he had invested Bishops for money, which they of their own accords acknowledge, but purely and simply because according to the ancient laws of his predecessors he did invest them; which the Synod calleth the Henrician heresy, or of Guibert, alias Clement 3, the Guibertine; by which account all Princes were in those days heretics. But so farforth did the cruelty of Paschal extend, Krantz Saxon. l. 5. cap. 21. Henric. Herford. cap. 68 that he caused all that were invested by Henry to be digged out of their graves six years after their death: but he demanding penance of the Legates is proudly rejected, until he did humbly submit himself to Paschal. But Paschal (every thing thus falling out according to his own mind) by an honourable embassage is entreated to come into Germany, whilst the Emperor being deprived of his Kingdom, is left to lead a private life in the Castle of Ingelheim: But yet shortly after by the help of some of his friends he retireth himself into Cologne, and being conducted by the Citizens to Liege, he was honourably received by Othbert Bishop of that place, and Henry Duke of Lorraine. And from thence he dispatched Orators to all Christian Princes, especially Philip the first, King of France, to lay open unto them this miserable tragedy. But his son pursueth him even to that place, notwithstanding those protestations he made, that he only fought some little place of rest, where he might end his life: And at the last by his endeavours he brought it to pass, that he got him again by force into his power; where his estate was such at the last, that he entreated the Bishop of Spire, sometimes his dear friend, and advanced by him, to give him a place where he might live as a Clerk in the Church of S. Mary's, which he had founded; which was cruelly denied him: And so a few days after being overcome with grief, he died. And that it might appear that the impiety of his son had not altogether extinguished his love, and piety towards him, he sends unto him for his last present, & testimony of his fatherly love, his Seale-ring and his sword; who nevertheless in favour of the Pope, Auent. l. 5. Annalium Boior. Helmold. l. 1. cap. 33. and to express his obedience towards him, kept his father for five years together unburied in a solitary Chapel of the house. Here saith Helmoldus the Historiographer: He was very good to those Churches, which he found to be faithful unto him, but as for Gregory and others, who lay in ambush against his honour, as they endeavoured the worst they could against him, so he, the like against them; extreme necessity (as many affirm) enforced him thereunto, for who would willingly endure the least loss of honour? We read of many that have sinned, who have been relieved by repentance: David sinning and repenting continued a King, and a Prophet; But King Henry casting himself down at the Pope's feet (praying and repenting) is trodden under foot, and could not obtain that in the time of grace, that David obtained in the time of the Law. But let those dispute hereof, that dare, or know these things. This only one thing we may know, that the See of Rome at this day rues that fact. For, as many as since that time have reigned of that stock, have used their best endeavours to humble the Churches, lest they should gather strength against Kings, and attempt as much against them, as they have done against their forefathers. But Henry the junior reigned for his father, and there was peace between the Kingdom and the Priesthood, but yet not long. For neither did he prosper, being all his life time ensnared, as his father was by the Apostolic See: And he was a Priest that here speaketh. This Henry according to most writers was called the fourth; we following Onuphrius and Sigonius make him the third. All this happened from the year 1099 to 1106. An. 1106. But let us not forget an Epistle of this Paschal writ to the Archbishop of Polonia at the entrance of this age, An. 1102. about the allegation of Counsels, Pascha l. Epist. ad Archiep. Poloniae. As if, saith he, any Counsels may give Laws to the Church of Rome: To what end then are Counsels held? But contrarily (saith he) all Counsels by the authority of the Church of Rome are called, and have their force, and in all their Statutes the authority thereof is manifestly excepted. But where can they show one syllable? OPPOSITION. Platina in Paschaun 2. Prodigious spectacles in the air, the earth and the sea still continued, observed by all the writers of these times; Neither was Paschal moved with these (saith Platina) because he believed them to be wrought by nature, nay he could not endure that others should observe them: but there was no prodigious wonder that so much troubled the world, as himself, which no man could deny that saw him, entering into his Popedom with this belt whereon hung the seven keys and the seven seals, play so formally the part of Antichrist, whether it were to attribute unto himself all that was proper unto Christ alone, or to represent in his person, that Abbadon described unto us in the Apocalyps. And this no doubt moved the Bishop of Florence, in the year 1106, publicly to preach, Acta vitae Paschalis. that Antichrist was borne; which Paschal understanding of, and being much grieved therewith, took the pains to go in person to Florence, and there held a Council to stop the mouth of this Bishop, being content nevertheless, fearing to stir in the matter too much, to admonish him openly, to desist from this bold enterprise, that is to say, Sigon. l. 9 de regno Jtal. lest the matter should more apparently break out. The Emperor Henry, as we have seen, retired himself to Liege, Sabellici Aenneade 9 Platina in Paschali 2. which Paschal could not endure: wherefore under a show of congratuling Robert Earl of Flanders, being happily returned from Jerusalem to his Country, he writ this unto him, It is the part of a loyal and lawful soldier, to pursue the enemies of his King by all possible means: We give thee therefore thanks for executing our command in the Diocese of Cambray, and we command thee to do the like upon the excommunicated people of Liege, who falsely term themselves Clerks, etc. And not only in those parts, but every where else, when thou canst, with thy whole power, to persecute. Henry, the head of the heretics, and his followers. Thou canst offer no sacrifice unto God more acceptable than to withstand him, who raiseth himself against God, and his church etc. This we command thee and thy soldiers to do in remission of your sins etc. Hereby making this his revenge equal, both in right and merit, with that famous expedition to the holy Land. But what do the Bishops, Canons, and Clergy of the Diocese of Liege? There is the second volume of the Counsels, both the Epistle of Paschal to them, and their answer to him. Epist. Leodiens. Cleri in 2. vol. Concilior. Edition. colonians. apud Quiritel. pag. 809. I cry (saith the Church of Liege) with sighs and astonishment, as the Prophet Esay speaketh, who exaggerating the burden of the desert Sea, crieth out, As the Whirlwinds in the South use to pass from the wilderness, so shall it come from the horrible Land, a grievous vision was showed unto me. He that understood not hitherto what this desert Sea was by hearsay, let him now understand it by the eye; It is not only Babylon, but the world and the Church etc. The Church sigheth to see herself abandoned and forsaken, by the holy Counsels and Prelates: for was there ever greater confusion in Babylon, than there is at this day in the Church? In Babylon the languages of Nations were confounded, in the Church the tongues and minds of believers are divided. S. Peter saith in his Epistle, 1. Petr. 5. The Church that is at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you. Hitherto I interpreted it, that Peter would therefore by Babylon decipher Rome, because at that time Rome was confounded with all Idolatry, and all manner of wickedness: But now my grief interpreteth it unto me, that Peter by a prophetical spirit foresaw the confusion of that dissension wherewith the Church at this day is torn in pieces etc. What those whirlwinds are that come from Africa, we rather learn by suffering than by reading; from that horrible Land, that is, the Church of Rome, a grievous vision is showed unto me, from thence cometh a whirlwind, as a tempest, from Africa: For the Bishop of Rome (the father of all the Churches) hath written Letters against us to Robert Earl of Flanders. And so they insert the Epistle. What is he whose reins, reading these letters, are not filled with sorrow, not for the horror of the danger, but the horrible novelty of the thing, That a mother should write such lamentable Letters against her daughters, yea though they had offended? In that judgement of Solomon is expressed the greatness of a mother's love, because Solomon giving sentence, that the infant (for which they contended) should be divided with a sword, the true mother chose rather that her child should live with a stranger, Esay 21. than be slain with the sword. The Prophet Esay saith, speaking of Babylon, The might of my pleasures is turned into fear unto me: But (I say) Rome my beloved mother is turned into fear unto me: For what is more fearful, nay what more miserable? David saw once the Angel of God standing with his sword drawn over Jerusalem: we, the daughters of the Church of Rome, see the Pope of Rome, who is the Angel of the Lord, (for the place he supplieth) with his sword drawn over the Church. David prayed that his people might not be slain: But our Angel delivers the sword to Robert and prays him to kill us. From whence hath our Angel this sword? There is but one sword of the spirit, which is the word of God etc. There is another sword of the spirit, wherewith, the sins of the flesh being mortified, we buy the crown of martyrdom. The Apostles therefore receiving of the Lord only two swords, from whence comes this third to the Apostolical (that is the Pope) which he hath delivered to Robert against us? Ezechiel 21. Perhaps he hath recourse to the Prophet Ezechiel, that taking a third sword out of his hand, he might go to the right hand and to the left killing both the righteous and the wicked etc. This is the sword of occision with which Ezechiel makes me astonished: for what heart faints not to think, that he that is anointed to give life, should be girt with this third sword to kill us & c? And if it be lawful to speak it (with reverence of the Apostolical dignity) he seemeth to us to have been a sleep, yea all his Counsellors slept with him, when he hired at his charge a destroyer of the Church of God. S. Paul commandeth that the word of a Bishop be sound and irreprehensible: we therefore reprehend not the word of the Bishop of Bishops; but because he that is Apostolical should not wander from the Apostle, we humbly in every particular circumstance inquire, whether these words of this Apostolical person, savouring the gravity of the Apostle, be sound and irreprehensible: He promiseth Apostolic benediction to Robert, but doth he command him to do that that should obtain benediction? etc. who hath ever persecuted the Church of God without punishment? And here are alleged many examples out of the Scriptures. See here the works of just malice, that this father ordaineth for his sons to come to the heavenly Jerusalem, by impugning the Church of God. We give thanks to thy wisdom (saith the Church) for that thou hast done at Cambray; who can think of the ruin and desolation of that Church without tears? I, a daughter of the Church of Rome, did condole their estate, for that brotherhood that was betwixt us; but now hearing that all these mischiefs have lighted upon them by the Apostolic authority, I grieve the more, because I fear lest that should light upon my mother, Esay 10. that the Lord saith by the mouth of his Prophet Esay, Woe unto them that decree wicked Decrees, and write grievous things to keep back the poor from judgement etc. That there should be such desolation of the Church, such oppression of the poor, and widows, such cruelty, such rapine, and which is worse, such effusion of blood without respect of good and evil, and all this, and worse than all this done by the command of the Pope, who would believe it if his own mouth had not spoken it? We remain astonished with the novelty of these things, and we inquire from whence this new example should come, that the Preacher of peace with his own mouth, and the hand of another man, 2. Tim. 4. should make war against the Church of God etc. For Apostolic men improve, rebuke, exhort offenders with all long suffering and doctrine etc. And Christ saith, Math. 8.15. If thy brother trespass against thee, go and tell him his fault between thee and him etc. And here they allege the example of S. Gregory towards the Bishop of Salonne reprehending the Emperor Maximus, for that he used force against Priscillian and his fellows. He (say they) that condemned Itachius their accuser for the death of Heretics, doubtless, if he were now alive, he would not commend Paschal, by whose command so many people are murdered for the cause of Cambray etc. We command the like to be done, saith he, against the excommunicate, falsely called Clerks of Liege. And why excommunicated? we are all baptised in one spirit, into one body etc. when hath the Church of Rome heard that there are contentions amongst us? we think and say of Christ one and the same thing: we do not say I am Paul's, I am Cephas, I am Christ's. Are we excommunicated for this our concord & c? Because we keep the law of God, they object against us, that we transgress their new traditions. But God saith unto them, wherefore do you transgress the commandment of God by your traditions? God commandeth us to give unto Caesar, that which is Caesar's, and to God that which is Gods: which S. Peter and S. Paul do likewise teach; Honour the King; Let every soul be subject to the higher powers etc. He that commands every soul to do this, whom doth he exempt from this earthly power? Because therefore we honour the King, and serve our Lords and masters in the simplicity of our hearts, are we therefore excommunicated? But we are simoniacal persons. No, we avoid all such, and those we cannot by reason of the time and place, we tolerate; and we no less fly those who cover their avarice with an honest title, and, under the name of charity, boast themselves to give that freely, which in effect they sell dearly, and like the Montanists under the name of oblations, they cunningly receive gifts. Alas with grief we wonder, why, when, and by whom we are excommunicated; we know we are not excommunicated by our Bishop, by our Archbishop, and we think much less by the Pope, because he cannot be ignorant of that which Nicodemus saith: Our Law judgeth no man before he be heard: Johan. 7. Genes. 18. neither had God condemned the Sodomites except he had first come down to see whether they had done altogether according to that cry which came up unto him. Seeing therefore he hath heard nothing of us, neither hath been solicited by the Bishop or Archbishop against us, who would ever believe that he would excommunicate us? etc. But perhaps you will say that therefore he doth it, because we favour our Bishop who takes part with the Emperor. This is the beginning of our sorrow, and that which may make the cause of the wicked to blush, because Satan being let lose and walking through the earth, hath now divided the Kingdom and the Priesthood: Forasmuch therefore as the Devil came unto us, Apocal. 20. having great wrath (as it is in the 20 of the Revelation.) we pray to our father which is in heaven, for this especially, that he lead us not into this temptation, but that he deliver us from the evil thereof etc. But who can reprehend a Bishop for keeping his faith and loyalty to his Prince? And yet they that tear in sunder the Kingdom and Priesthood with new schisms, and new traditions promise to absolve those from the sin of perjury that break their faith to their King etc. Hereby let all men judge who of the two deserveth punishment, he that giveth unto Caesar, according to the decree of God himself those things that belong unto Caesar, or he that dishonoureth his King and takes that name of God in vain, by which he plighted his faith to the King. See here the reason why we are excommunicated; and why we are called false Clerks, who living Canonically deserve by our lives and conseruations to be called Clerks. He is (I say) no part of God's lot (alluding to the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Clerks) that is to say, he hath no portion in his inheritance, who will exclude us out of his inheritance (where then doth he place Paschal?) It is an injury which out of his wicked heart he vomiteth against us, as old witches use to do. S. Peter teacheth us not to rule as Lords in Clero, over God's heritage, 1. Peter 5.3. Galla. 4.19. but that we may be examples to the flock: And S. Paul, My little children of whom I travel in birth again in in the Lord. These should be examples for Paschal to imitate, or rather admonishers, and not impious railers and slanderers. The curse of excommunication, our Lord Paschal hasteneth upon us; but above all we fear that which the spirit of God by the mouth of the Psalmist hath said, Cursed are all they that decline from his commandments: That curse of excommunication that Hildebrand, Odoardus, and this third, have by a new tradition indiscreetly brought in, we wholly reject, and we hold and reverence those first holy Fathers unto this day, who by the motion of God's spirit, not carried by their own affections, have otherwise ordained. Our Bishop communicateth with his King and Emperor, to whom for those Royalties he holds from him, he hath sworn fidelity: It is a long time since this custom began, and under the same many holy and reverend Bishops have departed this world, giving unto Caesar, that which belongs unto Caesar, and unto God those things that are Gods. And here they produce many places out of Ambrose and Augustine. Now behold, saith the Church of Liege, why we are held for excommunicats, even because we hold and to our uttermost power do imitate the holy and moderate ancient Fathers. We hold with our Bishop and Archbishop, our provincial and conprovinciall Synod, according to the ancient tradition, and whatsoever is there determined by the holy Scriptures; we go not to Rome but for such matters as are not determined by the Scriptures. And as for those Legates a Latere, who run through the world to fill their purses, we wholly reject them, according to those Counsels of Africa, held in the times of Zozimus, Caelestnius, and Boniface: For, that we may know them by their fruits, there proceeds from their Legations no correction of manners, or amendment of life, but the slaughters of men, and the spoil of the Church of God. Forasmuch therefore as we stick to the ancient rule, & are not carried with every wind of doctrine, we are called excommunicats, false Clerks etc. But rather, let Paschal lay aside his spirit of presumption, and let him advisedly consider with his Councillors, how from Silvester to Hildebrand the Pope's have obtained the Chair at Rome, what and how many outrages have been committed by the ambition of that See, how they have been defined by the Emperors, and the false Popes condemned and deposed, and he shall easily see, that the imperial power prevailed more than the excommunication of Hildebrand, of Odoardus, and of Paschal etc. Paul the Apostle resisteth Peter the Prince of the Apostles to his face, and therefore laying aside the wind of the Roman ambition, why should not the Bishops of Rome be reprehended and corrected for great and manifest offences: He that refuseth to be corrected is a false Bishop, a false Clerk; but we who by the mercy of God are obedient and corrigible according to the rule, by the assistance of God's spirit will avoid Schisms, and simony and excommunications in all things etc. Which if we were to be destroyed, it were to be done by the edict of Kings and Emperors, who bear not the sword in vain. But Satan is let lose, Apocalip. 12.12 having great wrath, whom the powerful hand of God will put to flight etc. Alluding to that place in the apocalypse of the church persecuted by Satan. The authority of the Romans will free us from excommunication: Pope Hildebrand who was the Author of this new Schism, and the first that raised the Priestly lance against the Princely Diadem, did first excommunicate those that indiscreetly favoured Henry; but condemning himself of intemperancy, he excepted those out of that excommunication, that by a necessary and lawful subjection, and no desire to do ill, took part with the Emperor: And this he set down for a Decree etc. He still proceedeth in the examination of this Epistle to Robert. Persecute Robert the head of the heretics, and his maintainers, thou canst offer no sacrifice more acceptable unto God etc. When Alaricus King of the Goths went to take Rome, being admonished by one of the servants of God, to desist from so wicked an enterprise, I go not willingly (saith he) to Rome, but a certain man doth daily urge me to destroy it. By this example doth the Pope urge his Esquire to waste and overrun the whole kingdom, which cannot be done without slaughter and blood, and the ruin of the Church of God. Alaricus was more mild, who having taken Rome spared the Churches of God, and abstained from the slaughter of men: Now nothing is excepted, but Robert is sent by the Pope, not only to ruinated those of Cambray and Liege, but to endeavour wholly the destruction of all. Who will cry out now with Esay, How beautiful are the feet of those that preach peace & c? Doubtless that Zeal which S. Peter had when he cut off the ear of Malchus, the same hath the Vicar of Peter in cutting off the ear of an heretical King; but he that will imitate Peter in wounding, let him imitate likewise in putting his sword into his sheath etc. Suppose our Emperor be an heretic, as you would have him, yet he is not to be repelled as such a one by us, by taking arms against him, but by prayer unto God. Against Pharaoh, whose heart was hardened against God, Moses brought frogs, and flies, and grasshoppers, and bail: These only plagues he could no way avert, but by praying with stretched out hands to heaven: jeremiah prayed for Nabuchad-nezzar, and Paul for Nero etc. And these examples he relateth more at large. Which of the Popes of Rome hath by his Decrees given authority that a Bishop should use the sword of war against offenders? Gregor. l. 7. Regist. c. 1. Gregory (the first Pope of that name) telleth us what all the Popes before him did think hereof, & all that succeeded him should think, writing to Sabian the Deacon etc. All contented with this example, from Gregory the first used the spiritual sword alone, unto the last Gregory, who was the first that armed himself (and by his example others) with the sword of war against the Emperor etc. You say with Gregory, howsoever the Shepherd bind, let the flock fear the band of the shepherd, that is, his censure. Gregor. Homil. 26. And we say with Gregogorie, that he depriveth himself of the power of binding & loossing, that bindeth & loosseth not according to merit, but his own will. You say likewise, that be a man excommunicated, for what cause soever, if he die in that state, he is damned. The authority of the Church of Rome helps us in this: For Gregory the first hath authorised by writing and deed, that the Pope of Rome hath power to absolve any man unjustly excommunicated by any man; If then the Bishop of Rome can do it, who will say that God cannot absolve whomsoever the Pope hath unjustly excommunicated? No man can be hurt by another, that is not first hurt by himself: But Robert can offer no sacrifice more acceptable unto God, than to persecute us. I demand of thee my mother, the Church of Rome, Can that sacrifice please God which is not clean and without spot? How then should this sacrifice of war be acceptable unto God, which cannot be but unclean, full of murder & rapine? And this he amplifieth with many places of Scriptures. And this, saith he, we command thee, and thy soldiers to do, in remission of your sins etc. Here I know not what I should say, or whether to turn myself: For if I should turn over the whole volume of the old and new Testament, and all the ancient expositors that writ thereupon, I should never find any example of this Apostolic command. Only Pope Hildebrand hath offered violence to the sacred Canons, whom we read, commanded the marquess Mathilda in remission of her sins to make war against Henry the Emperor. And so having discoursed out of the Scriptures, and some places of Gregory, of the true manner and means of the remission of sins, and showing to a sinner his sins, and making him to confess them, to feel the burden of them, to be sorry for them, to seek the remedy by a lively faith in Christ jesus, the church of Liege concludeth in these words: This manner of binding and loossing thou hast heretofore held and taught us, O my mother the Church of Rome: From whence then comes this new authority, by which there is offered to offenders without confession or repentance an immunity from all sins past, and a dispensation for sins to come; what a window of wickedness dost thou hereby set open to men? The Lord deliver thee o mother from all evil; Let jesus be the door unto thee, let him be the Porter, that no man enter into thee, but to whom be shall open; He deliver thee I say and thy Bishop from those who (as the Prophet Michah speaketh) seduce the people of God, that bite with their teeth and yet preach peace. This was the letter of the church and Clergy of Liege to Pope Paschal the second, fortified with the testimonies of the holy Scriptures, and authorities of the Fathers. Neither need we doubt that such in those times, was the voice of the greatest part of the Churches of Christendom, who consequently acknowledged Satan to be let lose, wasting the Church of God, in the person of Antichrist sitting in his Throne: which the Emperor Henry instructed by his Prelates, spoke plainly in his Epistle to the Christian Princes, exhorting them to have regard to their posterity, the royal Majesty, Auent. l. 5. and the salvation of all Christian people; because (saith he) the Pope under the honest title of Christ goeth about to oppress the public liberty of all Christian people, whom Christ hath bought with his blood, and indeauoureth day and night to bring upon all Christians a slavish servitude, except the Kings and Princes of the earth prevent it; neither will he cease to do it, until like Antichrist he sit in the Temple of God, and be worshipped of all, as if he were God. These and the like letters (saith Aventine) are to be found in many ancient Libraries, written to the kings of France, Denmark, England, and to other Kings and Princes of Christendom, who nevertheless became not the more strange unto him, but being rather sorry for this his condition, detested the author. An. 1104. It was at this time that You Bishop of Chartres writ a letter to Richard Bishop of Alba, the Pope's Legate, who would censure his Clegie of simony, whom he openly giveth to understand that he had done his best endeavours to mend that fault, but all in vain, because they maintained it by the custom of the Church of Rome: You Epist. 133. If the Dean (saith he) and Chapter, or other officers, do exact any thing of those that are made Canons, myself forbidding it, and persecuting the fault, they defend themselves by the custom of the Church of Rome, wherein they say the Chamberlains, and other officers of the Palace do exact much of such Bishops and Abbots as are consecrated, which they cover under the name of oblations or benedictions; for there, they say, neither pen nor paper will be had without money: and with this collop they stop my mouth, not having any other word to answer them, but that of the Gospel, Do that which they say (that is to say the pharisees) and not that which they do. If therefore I cannot pluck up this plague by the root, impute it not only to my weakness, because from the first growth of the Church of God, the Church of Rome hath been sick of this disease, nor to this hour cannot free herself of those that seek their own gain. Moreover, the same man being much molested by the Clergy at Rome, makes a grievous complaint unto Paschal against the Appeals to Rome, which are the cause of much disorder & rebellions in the Clergy against their superiors, whom (abusing that liberty) they slander at Rome: Epist. 75. he nevertheless not long before in the cause of Godfrey appealed to Rome, whose place by the authority of the Pope he supplied; out of the selfsame humour as above, acknowledging reason and justice when it made for their own purposes. 43. PROGRESSION. Of the turbulent estate of the Church and Commonwealth, through the factious pride of Pope Paschal. NOw to follow again the course of our History. Aventine concealeth not ratiunculas, some small reasons (as he calleth them) why these Popes since Hildebrand pretended a right to deject from their Throne vel potentissimum Imperatorem, any Emperor how mighty soever: That all power had been given of God to Christ, and from Christ unto S. Peter, and to the Bishops of Rome his successors, unto whom by Religion of oath, all Christians were bound perpetually to obey; and to other Princes only a limited time, and under condition so long as it should please them: That therefore it was lawful for the Pope, if the Emperor disobeyed him, who represented Christ on earth, to excommunicate and depose him no less than any other Christian; insomuch as he reigneth but by precarie right, and holdeth the Empire in homage of him: That in case he should rebel, he might root him out of the Commonwealth, as a Tyrant, by any means whatsoever: And the people, saith he, bewitched by Hildebrand with such reasons, as they are subject to let themselves be carried away with every wind of doctrine, France, Italy and Germany were pierced to the heart for the space of three and thirty years. Namely Paschal following from point to point this instruction, who seeing his enemy dead, reenforced the rigour of his Decrees, and will not receive to absolution the inhabitants of Liege, till they had taken him out of the Sepulchre where they had laid him: when Henry also his son demanded permission of him to give him burial, he flatly refused him, saying, that the authority of holy Scriptures, and of divine miracles, and of the Martyrs received up into heaven repugned thereunto. This writeth Peter the Deacon l. 4. ca 38. And Aventine noteth expressly, that till that time the Bishops of Rome had accustomed to date their Bulls, Epistles, and other affairs, from the years of the emperors reign; which he first ceased to do, and began to date from the year of his Popedom. He was also the first that gave immunity to Colleges, though erected by others than himself. He noteth further, that till then in Germany Ecclesiastical persons, Bishops, Priests, Abbots, Monks etc. had not any care of their worldly goods, but employing themselves in the service of God, and at their study, referred the managing of those affairs to some neighbour Lord, ordained of the Emperor, who administered unto them provision of meat, apparel, and other necessaries for life, and distributed also to the poor; and this they called Vogt, Patron or Curator, which the Roman Laws call governor or Steward: But from that time forth, the Churchmen rejected them, and took the administration into their own hands, promising to give every year to the Pope nummum aureum, quem Bizantium vocant diplomata, a piece of gold, which the Bulls call a Byzantium; nothing being more easy to Paschal, than in giving away another's right, to take nevertheless tribute of it. And hereupon for the space of sixteen years, all things divine and human were in confusion, until in the end he had attained his purposes. In Italy also his power increased by two occasion: The one was the death of the marquess Mathilda in the year 1115: An. 1115. Platina in Paschal. Vrspergensis in Chronico. who in the time of Hildebrand had made donation of Lombardy and of Tuscan to S. Peter: which ministered new matter of contention between Henry and him; because he pretended to be her heir, and coming into Italy, endeavoured to take possession thereof, and so did of a part. Blondus and Platina make the limit thereof to extend from the River of Pissia, & S. Quirico in the Country of Sienna, unto Ceperan betwixt the Apennine and the Sea, adding thereunto Ferrara. Aventine saith here, that Aeneas silvius, which is Pius the second, saith that Mathilda bequeathed by Testament to the Bishop of of Rome, that which is called Patrimonium Petri, the Patrimony of S. Peter; And then was heard a voice from heaven, as I have learned of most grave Divines, Venenun melle litum foemina propinasse Christianis, that a woman had given Christians poison to drink, tempered with honey. The other occasion was the diminution of the archbishopric of Ravenna, Platina ibidem. which (as the Histories of those times say) had oftentimes, till then, opposed itself against the Church of Rome, whose power to abate, he caused a Council to be held at Guastall, wherein was decreed, that the Cities of Romania, Placentia, Parma, Regio, Modena, and Bononia, should no more acknowledge the Archbishop of Ravenna. Sigon. de regno Jtaliae. l. 10. Let us add yet a third, That Arnulfe Patriarch of Jerusalem, being accused by his Clergy, was deposed in another Synod held in Syria by the Bishop of Orange by authority from the Pope; who nevertheless being come in person to Rome, Larga muneruus profusione, by his many gifts, Guliel. Tyrius l. 11. c. 26. & li. 9 ca 17. & l. 11. cap. 14. & 15.16. saith William of Tire, pleased again Paschal, & by him was absolved & re-established in his seat: A thing never before seen, that one of the ancient patriarchs should be judged by the Bishop of Rome. But this was because they that commanded in the holy Land were Western Princes; and to maintain their enterprise, had need of his good favour. In effect, Dabert, Bishop of Pisa Patriarch of Jerusalem, saith William of Tire, is created in an assembly of Princes, by the common consent of the people, and presently after installed in the Throne. There was no speech of sending to Rome. The only extremity he found himself in, being injured by the King, whose dissolute life he would not wink at, made him take this course against Ebremarus, whom he moved thereunto. And as for this Arnulfe, who by his gifts, had (saith the author) circumvented the Religion of the holy See, it is he, who (as he saith elsewhere) had when he was but Archdeacon, set the whole Church in confusion: Inuita Divinitate, uti credimus, Gibelino substitutus, created for successor (saith he in another place) of the Patriarch Gibeline in despite of the Divinity, as we believe. And such a one was it behoveful he should be for to fit Paschals liking. But let us come again to the principal quarrel of investitures, for that it is the Theme of this age. Paschal by setting the son against the father, had so ruinated the credit of the Empire in Italy, shaken even in Germany itself, that he thenceforth thought any thing lawful for him. And Historiographers do particularly observe, that under this confusion the Cities of Italy had taken a new form, and usurped liberty, the Pope favouring the same, who had rather their forces should be divided, than united together under the authority of the Empire. And yet thereby shall we see so much the greater disorders and ruin hereafter. Paschal then being invited to be present at Augsbourg for ordering of affairs, being in good hope of this son, whom he had authorised against his father, An. 1106 resolved in the year 1106 to go thither: But by the way he held that Synod of Guastalla, a Town of the Countess Mathilda, where were present the Ambassadors of Henry the fourth; he fore-judgeth the said affairs, confirming all the rigours of Hildebrand, Vrban, and his own; provideth absolutely for the bishoprics of Germany, Gebhard to Trent, Conrade to Salzbourge, and others; to the Ecclesiastical Colleges he giveth immunities; on all Churchmen imposeth a certain tribute, Auent. l. 6. and reenforceth his faction: To such, saith Aventine, as take his part, he giveth preferment without delay; others if within a certain day they change not opinion, he forbiddeth their office, pronounceth, and will have all men believe, that all Laws are resident within the closet of his breast, and maketh no scruple of any lie: So that he must more advisedly he dealt withal than before, and men must hold for Law whatsoever he saith, he being resolved to destroy all that oppose themselves against him, and his seat. These are the Author's words. This was hard news to the Emperor, who expected better for his services, thinking at least before he had passed further, he would have conferred with him about it. Which the Pope understanding at Verona, changed his journey, and in the year 1107, passed the Alps, An. 1107. came to Clugni, and from thence to Troy's in Campania, where he thought to hold a Synod more favourably for his pretences; Philip the first then reigning in France, in trouble for his Concubine Bertrade, and withal troubled by the Princes, Barons and Prelates of his kingdom, borne out (namely) by the king of England, and therefore not in good estate to dispute himself for his privileges. This was the renewing of a quarrel between the Pope and the Emperor, wherein Henry the fourth clearly showed, that what he had done (by the Pope's instigation) against his father, had not been for zeal of Religion, but rage of ambition, seeing he now contended for the same right being come to the crown, as in the person of his father, he had detested and blamed of heresy. Krantzius in Saxonia lib. 5. cap. 30. Krantzius though well affectioned to the Pope, hath these words, Henry stayeth some time for Paschal at Augsbourg: who being hereupon warned by some about him, that the Germane Nation would not easily receive his Decree, and that the great heart of this young King was not yet wholly Dominico iugo habilis, apt to receive the Lords yoke (that is to say, the Popes) he turned through Burgundy towards France with the Legates of Spain, pronouncing with a sigh, that the door was not yet opened unto him, into the Regions of Germany. Thus abused he the words of S. Paul, as if the preaching of the Gospel of Christ, and the investitures by the Pope had been one, and the same thing. Note that from Hildebrand Popes have observed, the more to bind archbishops to their homage, not to give them the Pall unless they were present in person; whereas their predecessors did send it unto them, even to the furthest places of Europe, and more in token of honour, than of subjection. Paschal desirous to hold that rigour to Ralph elect Archbishop of Canterbury, to make him fetch it at Rome, his trusty friend You Bishop of Chartres persuaded him, You Epist. 252. if he would not see new troubles in the Church of England, to dispense him from it, especially seeing that it was no matter of faith, and that our Saviour had dispensed of the Law of the Sabbath, preferring mercy before rigour of justice. With such flatteries must these monsters be applauded: So that he sent it him by a Legate of his, Nephew of the late Archbishop Anselme. OPPOSITION. Now Paschal, in the year 1107, cometh to Troy's to hold a Council: An. 1107. And in the same time Henry draweth near Maince to oppose himself against it. Paschal confirmeth his Decree; Henry by his Ambassadors maketh his declarations to the contrary; Paschal proceedeth, and in despite of Henry excommunicateth the Patriarch of Aquilia, and the Bishops of Liege and Cambray, deposeth the Bishops of Mind and Halberstat, suspendeth the Bishops of Cologne, of Maince and of Constance, for being present at the Synod of Maince. And which is more, saith Aventine, Auent. l. 6. Kyantzius l. 5. Sax. ca 30.31. Jem in Metropoli l. 5. 6. 33. He taketh away from the Emperor all knowledge of the election of Popes, and taketh, and ordaineth to be taken of Bishops an oath, not to depend of any but only of the Pope. On the contrary Henry contesteth, That it appertaineth not to French Bishops to be liberal of that which is another man's: That he holdeth his Empire of God almighty: That he knoweth well how, according to the Laws of God, Abbas Vispergens. in Chronico. and the most ancient ordinance of the Fathers, in the time of Charlemagne, to provide that the Commonwealth suffer no damage; namely an ordinance that excommunicateth Paschal and his, if they depart from it etc. That Popes have none other drift, than to usurp the Christian Empire, and will never rest, till they have put all power under their yoke: That in them is perceived the same rage, as was in them that persecuted jesus Christ: That by their guile, when he was young, they had armed him against his most dear father, and having oppressed him, they conspired against himself: That to the end (in a word) it might be lawful for them to do whatsoever it shall please them, they take an oath of every Bishop, to hold for Law whatsoever they shall say, being ready the first day to expect that men should adore them as God. These reasons were published as well in that Council, as esewhere by Patents; the same concluding thus, That although by right and arms he might retain the ancient custom, observed for so many years, by so many holy Fathers, concerning the election of Popes, and investiture of Prelates, yet he would not trouble himself in it, provided that the Bishops and other Churchmen, which the Pope hindered from taking investiture of him, should put again into his hands the Lands in fee, and Castles which they held, and should content themselves with the Tithes, for the maintenance of their persons, and of the poor. And thereupon great difficulties arising, the matter was put off by Paschal to be ended within a year in a Synod at Rome, Krantz. in Metropoli. l. 5. c. 33. between him and Henry, the thing remaining (as we gather out of Aventine) respectively in the state: But Krantzius dissembleth not, that Paschal remained resolute, that none, between this and then, should take Ecclesiastical investiture from the hand of a Lay person. An. 1110. And so was his practice. In the year 1110, Henry passeth into Italy with a mighty army, with intention to agree with Paschal, to take of him the Crown, and in his journey to make the Cities and Provinces to acknowledge him, being assisted with a great number of men, learned both in divine and human knowledge, as well to decide the question as to do justice. But when Paschal perceived him coming, he assured himself by a new oath of the Romans against him; holding in a readiness the forces of the Princes of Apulia & Calabria, & also of the Countess Mathilda, & prepareth to make all things difficult unto him. In the mean time Henry marcheth forward, many places by the way yielding obedience unto him; so that to avoid further inconvenience, an agreement was passed at Sutri between deputies on both sides, as saith Otho Bishop of Frisengen and Leo Bishop of Ostia, That Henry should release to Paschal the investiture of Bishops, and that Paschal should resign unto Henry their Royalties, namely, Dukedoms, Marquiships, Earldoms, Provostships, customs and other rights which they held of the Empire: a thing saith Krantzius which he had not yet treated of with the Prelates of Germany, and which was very hard for him to warrant. In the mean time hostages were given on both sides, whereupon Henry marched to Rome: But, the same Authors say, when Paschal pressed him by oath to renounce the investitures, and that he refused to do it, except he caused his Royalties to be restored him, which Paschal would not, holding himself strong enough, Otho Frisengen. l. 7. c. 14. Sigon. l. 10. by the good order he thought he had taken in the City, Henry by the advice of the Archbishops, that assisted him, committed him to prison, declaring unto him that he was not come thither, to hold the Crown of the Empire by any other title, than as did Charles and Lewis, and after a bloody sedition thereupon happening in the city, led him away into his army. Histories say, that this was done with the applaud of all the Bishops of Germany, that were there, saving of Conrade of Saltzsbourg (who indeed had been created by him) a thing easy enough to be believed, Petrus Dia. in Chron. Cass. l. 4. cap. 37.38.39.40.41. & seq. considering how lightly he would have assured himself of the investitures, with the loss of their Lordships and Royalties. The end was for this time, that Paschal was delivered, & the siege raised from before Rome, on condition that he should never excommunicate the Emperor, nor his people; and should give him a privilege in writing under excommunication, whereby it should be lawful for Henry to invest Bishops and Abbots freely chosen by most voices, without Simony, with the ring and the staff, Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 10. and command the Archbishop to consecrate him: Contrariwise forbidding, That any should consecrate them that had been chosen by the Clergy and people, unless they had been first invested by the Emperor. These conditions were solemnly sworn unto by Paschal, and all the Cardinals, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, that assisted him; and moreover, the day that he crowned him, in confirmation of this agreement, he gave him the Communion in these words: Lord Emperor Henry, we give thee the body of our Lord, borne of the virgin Marie, crucified for us, as the Catholic Church holdeth, in confirmation of a true peace and concord between me and thee, Amen. Some, & namely Sigonius, report the same in other words, that in giving him part of the Host, he said unto him, As this part of the quickening body is separated, so let him be divided from the kingdom of Christ our Lord, that shall attempt to violate this agreement: Which is worth the noting, in respect of the faithfulness he used afterward. And this oath and privilege was dated in the yearr 1111, An. 1111. in the month of February. In this confidence Henry returneth into Germany, where being arrived, he made his father be solemnly buried at Spire, with the consent of the Pope, by means of the agreement abovesaid; which till then he had refused him, as forbidden by the holy Scriptures. But in the year 1112 Paschal, An. 1112. Sigebertus & Abbas Vrspergenssin Chron. whether returning to his natural disposition, or that he was moved thereunto by Bruno Bishop of Sign, and Abbot of Montcassin, holdeth a Council at Lateran, to revoke all: where notwithstanding he played so well his part there, that he would seem to be as it were enforced thereunto, by the lively persuasions and reproaches of the Bishops: And after he had excused himself, That by force and necessity this privilege had been extorted from him, he concludeth the last day of the Council in these words, That he approved and rejected all things that Gregory and Vrban had decreed and reproved; thereby ratifying all that had been by them done against Henry the father, and revoking all that himself had done with Henry the son: and with terms most express, and so absolute, as we read in the Abbot of ursperge, That which they have praised, held, confirmed, condemned, refused, Abbas Vrsperg. Malm. l. 5. c. 40. Petrus Dia. in Chron. Cassin. l. 4. c. 47. forbidden, in all, and through all, therein will I persevere for ever: whence he plainly showed what a strange taste he had taken in this business. Which done, this privilege is made void in full Council, & declared privilegium contra Spiritum sanctum, contrary to the holy Ghost. Henry is excommunicated, & not in Italy only, but in France also, by Guydo Archbishop of Vienna. And thereupon not long after arose new commotions in Germany; the Archbishop of Mence rebelling against the Emperor, he is constrained to put him into prison, & many others. Also, saith Aventine, the Emperor of Greece Caloioannes, son of Alexius, Auent. l. 6. being awakened at the report of this tumult, sent to exhort Paschal and the Romans, to return to the ancient and lawful Empire, in detestation of those barbarous Germans. Paschal placeth his ambassadors on his right hand, their Oration being applauded by the people, Perplacet, We desire it, we restore the Diadem to the ancient Prince of Romans: let us see once more ancient Rome joined to the new, the East to the West, Paschall cruelly declaiming against the Henry's, father and son. In so much that Peter Leo, john of Gaieta, Hugh Abbot of Clugni, and others, desirous of peace, protested against him, and broke off this treaty, as projected against all laws divine and human: And notwithstanding Paschal and his partakers are obstinately bend against Henry, who upon these novelties returneth with the Queen and all his household into Italy, in the year 1115: An. 1115. and then began Paschal again to renew his practices: And to this effect holdeth a solemn Council at Lateran, the Bishops assembling from all parts; to whom he declared, That as he was a man, and consequently but dust and ashes, and for that he saw himself in the power of Henry, he had granted him this privilege; but thereof he confessed himself unto them, and prayed them to ask pardon of God for him: That he detested this privilege as heresy, and prayed them likewise to pronounce as much, which they did. And thereupon some Bishops inferred, If that writing contained heresy, that he was then an heretic that wrote it, namely Paschal himself. And john of Gaieta had much ado to stop their mouths, and could not salve up the matter, but in giving the lie to the company, That the writing was in truth evil, but not for all that heretical. Paschal himself, after silence was made, appeased them only in contradicting, My brethren, this Church had never any heresy. Wherefore then doth he set all Christendom in combustion for an opinion that is not heresy? And yet the Decree is confirmed in this tenor against Henry, who being not able to mitigat it, continueth his journey, and maketh the Pope (hearing of it) withdraw himself into Apulia. Henry being arrived at Rome, that he might not hold his Crown of him, maketh himself to be crowned the second time, by Maurice Bishop of Bracare. An. 1118. And a while after, in the beginning of the year 1118, Paschal died, upon the emperors return from Rome. This is the sum of that which passed upon the question of Inuestitures of Germany, and other Provinces depending upon the Empire. An. 1108. In France also Paschal, in the year 1108, had made an attempt upon our privileges, taking advantage of the controversies between Philip the first and the Clergy of his kingdom, touching his concubine Bertrade: For Manasses Archbishop of Rheimes being deceased about the time of the Council of Troy's, where the Pope was Precedent in his own person, he would confer the archbishopric of Rheimes on Richard Archdeacon of Verdune, as well to draw him from the emperors side, as to establish his affairs in France, according to the counsel that You of Chartres gave to Vrban his predecessor, in one of his Epistles; To have some one at his devotion in a Prelatship of such consequence. You Carnutens. Epist. 117. Which Richard having refused, because that at the same time the Emperor made him Bishop of Verdune, he invested therewith Rodolph with full authority, who without repairing to Lewis the Gross, who then succeeded to the Crown, put himself in possession of the Bishopric. But the said Lewis, though greatly busied at his entrance, Richard. de Vassenburg. in Chron. by the rising of the Barons of the Realm against him, would in no wise approve of him, but on the contrary made himself to be crowned at Orleans, by Giselbert Archbishop of Sens, notwithstanding the complaints that Rodolph made of the wrong done to his Bishopric; and provided and invested Archbishop of Rheimes one Geruais chosen from among his domestical servants, by reason whereof the city was tossed with many troubles, and for receiving Geruais was interdicted and excommunicated. This we learn of You Bishop of Chartres, in his Epistles, namely in the 206, directed to Paschal: We have, saith he, opportunely and importunately requested the King of France, to re-establish Rodolph in the Metropolitan Church of Rheimes, receiving him into favour, and that he should put out Geruais usurper of the same: Thus he spoke the Pope's language: He hath in the end condescended to our prayers, and permitted that we should bring him safely to his Court, which should be holden on Christmas day at Orleans, there to treat with him, and with the Princes of the Realm, of the affairs of Rheimes: But by reason of the contradiction of the Court, notwithstanding our requests and intercessions multiplied, we have not been able to obtain a full peace, except Rodolph did yield fealty to the King, You Carnutens. Epist. 206. per manum & sacramentum, By hand and oath, such as to the Kings his predecessors from all times the Archbishops of Rheimes, and other Bishops of the Realm of France have done, how religious and holy soever they were, etc. We therefore entreat thee, even with bended knees, that in regard of charity and peace, your fatherly moderation would hold for venial, that which the eternal law (that is to say, the law of God) makes not unlawful, but the only prohibition of those that do preside (that is, the Popes) with an intention of gaining liberty. Idem Epist. 238. & 239. And this agreeth with that which he defended afterwards against john Bishop of Lions, That in this investiture there was nothing that concerned heresy: and with that which he writ to Hugh the Pope's Legates in France, in his 65 Epistle, complaining of an Archbishop of Sens invested by the King: For as much as it hath not any force of a Sacrament, whether admitted, or omitted, we see not how it can any way be hurtful to faith or religion; especially when we read, that kings were wont to be entreated by the Popes, to grant bishoprics to those that were canonically chosen, and that the Popes deferred the consecration of those which had not as yet been admitted by the kings: And that kings intended not the gift of any spiritual thing, but yielded at the request of the petitioners, temporal things only, to those that were elected, which the Churches obtained from the bounty of kings. For proof whereof he allegeth S. Augustine upon S. john in his first treatise. So likewise writing to Paschal himself, who endeavoured to alienat those of Tournay from the Bishopric of Noyon, he saith, We your faithful sons humbly beseech, You Epist. 138. and advise you to suffer the Churches of France to continue in the same state wherein they have been for almost these four hundred years, lest by this occasion that schism grow strong in France, which hath already taken root in Germany, against the Apostolic See, etc. For your Holiness cannot but know, that when the Kingdom and the Priesthood agree together, the world is well governed, and the Church flourisheth and fructifieth; but when they are at discord one against the other, not only small things do not prosper, but the greatest that are do miserably vanish and pass away. And the self same judgement of Paschal gave Sigebert Abbot of Gemblous in Brabant, Sigebert. in Chron. an. 1111. a man of that singular commendation, that Platina doubteth not to place him in the same rank with S. Bernard, and thought that Ageblessed wherein he lived, yea in plainer terms, King Henry, saith he, went to Rome, to appease the discord betwixt the Kingdom and the Priesthood, begun by Pope Gregory the seventh, who was called Hildebrand, and renewed by his successors, Victor and Vrban, and especially by Paschal, who was a scandal to the whole world. The king would use the authority, customs, and privileges of the Emperors, who since Charles the Great for three hundred years and upward, governed the Romans under sixty three Popes, lawfully conferring bishoprics and Abbeys, by the ring and the staff. Against this authority of the Elders, the Popes ordained by a synodal censure, That bishoprics, or any other Ecclesiastical investiture, could not, nor aught to be given by the ring and the staff, by any lay man. And whosoever did so receive any such investiture, was excommunicated. Moreover, Trithemius saith, Trithemius de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis. that he made an Apology for the Emperor against Gregory the seventh, and another against the Epistle of Paschal, in which he showed, That the Popes had no superiority over the Emperors, That it is heresy to absolve the subjects of their oath and allegiance to their Prince. And he noteth beside, in the time of Paschal, many extraordinary prodigious wonders, which all the Chroniclers of those times do likewise observe. In England Paschal proceeded in the execution of his Decree, which Anselme with no good success had begun. And when Henry the first maintained in the year 1103, his investitures against Paschal, protesting, That he would rather hazard his kingdom, than yield unto Paschal: Neither will I, saith Paschal, for the redemption of mine own head, suffer him freely to obtain them. But yet by the mediation of Anselme, he mercifully dispensed with those Prelates who had received their investiture of Henry. Math. Paris in Henry. But Matthew Paris expoundeth this mercy: This merciful Chair, saith he, which is never wanting to those that bring with them either white or red, re-established those Bishops and Abbots that were suspended, to their ancient dignities, and received them with joy. Anselme thought that this office he had done unto the king would have been well accepted of, and he the better welcome into England: But the king understanding, that neither Paschal nor Anselme abated any thing of their purpose therein, he joined the archbishopric to his own domains, and confiscated the goods of Anselme, An. 1107. whom nevertheless in the year 1107 he re-established: And in a Council held at London it was agreed, That from thenceforward no Bishop or Abbot should be invested by the King, with the ring and the staff; the Archbishop likewise agreeing thereunto, and that for their homage done unto the King they should not be deprived of their charges. The letters of Paschal to Henry are worth the noting: That by occasion of this investiture he had made himself the door: Epist. Paschalis ad Henric. Regem Anglorum data Beneventi. That they who entered not by him, forsook God, who is the true door, and were thieves and robbers: applying that unto himself which our Saviour spoke of himself, and was to be communicated to no other, putting himself thereby into his place: This, saith he, is to handle the Church as a handmaid, not as a spouse: This repugneth the Canons of the Apostles, and the Synod of Antioch. And yet was there ever word spoken hereof? By which allegations nevertheless he abused the ignorant and simple people. 45. PROGRESSION. Of the strange pride of Calixtus the second, and of his barbarous cruelty towards Gregory the eighth. Of the degrading of married Priests, and of that which happened to Cardinal john of cream, the Pope's Legate, coming into England, to put down the marriage of Priests. IOhn of Gaieta succeeded Paschal, called Galasius the second, being created without the knowledge of Henry, who remained at Pavia, but understanding hereof, went directly to Rome; wherewith Galasius being amazed, fled by sea to Tarrachina, and there caused himself to be consecrated by the Bishops of his own faction, at the same time that Henry caused Mauritius Burdinus to be consecrated at Rome, who crowned him the second time, and was called Gregory the eighth. Whereupon Galasius excommunicated them both, being upheld and defended by the Princes of Apulia. He restored to Gualterus Archbishop of Ravenna, the jurisdiction over the Bishops of Aemilia, whom his predecessors had taken away, that he might draw him away from the Emperor. And yet nevertheless finding no safety in Rome, by reason of the Frangepanes, was resolved to leave there the Bishop of Port, An. 1119. and to go into France, where in the year 1119 he held a Council at Vienna, but died soon after at Clugni: in whose place the Cardinals that were there present, with the help of the Clerks and Laity of Rome, chose Guido Bishop of Vienna, the brother of Stephen Duke of Burgundy, uncle to Baldwin Earl of Flanders, and a near kinsman of Henry's, who was called Calixtus the second: but it is to be doubted, whether their great affinity could support him in the Popedom, D. 12. c. Non Decet. which otherwise would be very feeble and subject to ruin. But let the Reader note, touching their pretended succession, what this election might be without Rome, in a monastery, made by the followers and train of a Pope newly dead, and a few others, although the Romans afterward gave their consent thereunto, Having, saith Aventine, Auent. l. 6. corrupted the Romans with money he bestowed upon them, which he had borrowed and begged of his friends. In the mean time Cunon Bishop of Prenest, the Legate of Galasius, continued his practices in Germany, withdrawing, under the shadow of excommunication, the Princes from the service of Henry, and to this end holding divers Counsels at Cologne, Fritzlare, and elsewhere, always under a pretence to reconcile the kingdom with the Priesthood, that is to say, to draw to the Popedom the authority of the Empire: So that in the end, in a Council at Worms, in the year 1122, An. 1122. the Emperor wearied with so many molestations, and seeing no other end but the ruin of the State, granted to Calixtus whatsoever he would. The form of whose agreement, written by Vrsperge, is as followeth: I Henry, Abbas Vispergens●in Chron. Krantz. Saxon. l. 6. c. 41.42.43. Sigon. de regno Italiae l. 10. by the grace of God Emperor Augustus of the Romans, for the love of God, and the holy Church of Rome, and our Lord Pope Calixtus, and for the sovereign good of my soul, I leave to God, and to his holy Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and to the holy Catholic Church, all investiture by the ring and the staff, and I grant election and consecration to be made in all Churches. See here for what Gospel these Popes did strive. Calixtus in like sort: I Calixtus, etc. grant that the election of the Bishops and Abbots of the kingdom of Germany be done in thy presence without simony and violence, etc. but let him that is chosen receive his investiture of thee by the Sceptre, except in all things which are known to belong to the Church of Rome, and do all things which by right belongs unto thee. But in token of this insolence, the Legates of Calixtus would that these letters should be published with a loud voice, in the open fields near the Rhine, where were assembled people from all parts. But Calixtus, when they were brought to him, caused them to be hanged in the church of Lateran, to the end that all men might behold them. But Otho of frisingen's saith, Otho Frising. l. 7. c. 16. That the Romans boasted that this agreement was but only for Henry, and not for his successors, by which covenant, saith he, the Church under Calixtus the second, in magnum montem crevisse, increased to a great height: Whereupon this was written of him at Rome; Ecce Calixtus, honour patriae, decus Imperiale, Burdinum nequam damnat, pacemque reformat. Behold Calixt, our country's honour, worth Imperial, That wicked Burdine punisheth, and peace reforms with all. Neither did his affairs less succeed at Rome; for Gregory the Antipope, under the favour of certain Earls, was maintained at Sutri: But Calixtus returning out of France, to win his favour they delivered him into his hands. And here the notable insolency of Calixtus is recited by the Abbot Suggerus, Abbas Suggerus in vita Ludovici Crassis. in the life of Lewis the Gross: They put, saith he, this Antipope, or rather Antichrist, overthwart the back of an ill favoured Camel, clothed with raw and bloody Goat's skins; and the better to revenge the ignominy of the Church of God, they carried him through the midst of the city, Calixtus condemning him to perpetual prison in the mountains of Campania: and to preserve the memory of so great a revenge, they painted him in the chamber of the Palace, trodden under the feet of Calixtus. This Gregory nevertheless held the See of Rome three years; D. 12. c. 1. but no fault was imputed to them, when Calixtus was not ashamed to write to all the Bishops, It is not lawful in the least point to wander from the rules of the Apostolic church (that is, the Roman) for as the son of God came to do the will of his father, so fulfil you the will of your mother, whose head is the Church of Rome. The Reader may note in this comparison, not so much the absurdity as the blasphemy; when nevertheless this Canon did still continue reform in a Decree by Gregory the thirteenth, and strengthened by a lie: For, whereas the old Decree said simply, Calixtus Papa omnibus Episcopis, that he might make this Gregorian Canon more ancient by a thousand years, saith, Calixtus Papa primus, and addeth, in the first Epistle to Bishop Benedict, that it seemed to be taken from an Epistle evidently supposed to be Calixtus the first; which if we mark either the sense or manner of style, we shall find to savour of no antiquity: and the like beside was supposed by divers others, and all the learned among them, even before these controversies were. Furthermore, that it is likely that this Benedict was he that is mentioned in the first creation of Cardinals made by Calixtus in the year 1120, An. 1120. as we read in Onuphrius. With the like credit they attribute the Decree of single life to Calixtus the first, which this second Calixtus ended, An. 1119. being Precedent of the Council at Rheimes in the year 1119, That all married Priests should be degraded. But let the Reader judge with what spirit these good Bishops were led, that in the same Council they pronounced authentic the history of Charles the Great, Fasciculus Temporum Ann. 1119. Matthaeus Paris in Henric. 1. Rogerus de Hovend. & Huntingdon. in Hen. Ranulph. in Polychro. l. 7. c. 7. written by the Archbishop Turpin, even and by the judgement of Baronius fabulous and ridiculous. In England likewise, in a Synodholden at Westminster, the Cardinal john of cream, his Legate, caused to be published, after divers disputations, Summum scelus esse, To be a great wickedness to arise from the side of a harlot (for so they called the lawful wives of Priests) to go to create the body of Christ: He notwithstanding having the same day made and consecrated the body of Christ, was the night following surprised in the company of an harlot, as many Authors of that time do affirm, and for the most part Monks: A thing so manifest as could not be denied; whereby he changed that great honour he had gotten, into the greatest dishonour and reproach, and by the just judgement of God with shame & discredit returned to Rome. And so the stain of Discipline doth always accompany the corruption of doctrine. Matt. Westmonasteriens. in Chron. Baron. to. 12. an. 1125. art. 2. & sequent. Baronius would call this history into doubt, because Matthew of Westminster addeth, that this good Cardinal had for his excuse, That he was no Priest, but a corrector of Priests, who nevertheless, saith he, was a Priest. But he did not see that it was spoken in that sense wherein Abbots denied to be Monks, because they were the governors & masters of Monks, that is to say, they were not Monks only. And what he addeth beside is all frivolous. An. 1124. Now about the later end of the year 1124, Lambert Bishop of Ostia succeeded Calixtus, who through his diligence had brought the Emperor Henry under the yoke of bondage, and was called Honorius the second: and not long after died Henry without heir, which caused division in the Empire, one part holding for Lotharius Duke of Saxony, the other for Conradus Duke of Sucuia; who murdered each other with mutual wounds, An. 1125. whilst in the mean time Honorius and his successors lost no time. Honorius purposing to invade the Normans in Apulia, the only obstacles in Italy of his greatness, Romwal. Episc. Salernitan. in Chron. stirred up all the nobility to arms against them, Pardoning all their sins that should die in this expedition for him, and remission for the one half only that should live. So used he his Indulgences to the destruction of Christians. An. 1127. And yet nevertheless finding the matter full of danger, determined with himself to make peace with Roger, yielding unto him the title of Duke of Apulia and Calabria, upon condition he should hold them of the See of Rome. And not long after in the year 1130 he died. Neither would I willingly omit, Guilielm. Tit. l. 3. c. 23. & 25. An. 1130. that at the same time William an Englishman was created Archbishop of Tire in an assembly of the King, and Patriarch, and the Peers of the realm, and soon after consecrated by the Patriarch of Jerusalem (for hitherto there was no speech to attend the Bulls of Rome) This William, to the end he might get the more authority to himself, goeth to Rome to obtain the Pall, which Honorius was very ready to give unto him. But it is expressly noted by the Author, that he made this voyage, invito & renitente suo consecratore, Against the will and liking of the Patriarch Waremond, who can consecrated him. And so through the wicked ambition of the Prelates, he got power and authority in the East countries. Nevertheless Stephen the successor of Waremond, was chosen not long after by the Clergy and people, without the help of Rome. OPPOSITION. But among the enterprises of these Popes there were not wanting those who barked at the thief undermining the wall of the Church. Hildebert Bishop of Man's, famous in that Age, in a certain Epistle speaking of the Court of Rome, saith, Their proper function is, Infer calumnias, defer personas, afferre minas, auferre substantias (that is to say) To slander, to backbite people, to threaten, to carry away other men's goods: Their praise is to seek business, theft in peace, among weapon's flight, victory in banquets: Employ them in your causes and they delay them, employ them not and they hinder them: If you solicit them they scorn you, if you enrich them they forget you: They buy process, they sell intercessions, they depute arbitrators, they dictate judgements, and when they are pronounced they reverse them, etc. They deny unto Clergy men their due reverence, to the Nobility their original honour, to superiors their place, to equals their familiar meetings, and to all, justice: They love not any kind of men, of what order, or of what age soever: In the Palace they are Scythians, in chambers Vipers, in feasts Scullions, in exactions Harpies, in discourses Statutes, in questions Beasts, in their treatises Snails, in their bargains Bankers; Stony in understanding, wooden in judgement, fiery in stirring up anger, iron in forgiving; In friendship Leopards, in their merriments Bears, in deceits Foxes, in pride Bulls, and Minotaures in devouring: Their firmest hopes are in changes, they love best doubtful times, and yet still fearful of their villainy through a guilty conscience: Lions in their counsels, Levorites in armies: They fear peace lest they should be shaken off, war, lest they should fight: Whose nostrils if they vent the air of an rusty purse, thou shalt presently see the eyes of Argus, the hands of Briareus, and the wit of Sphynx. In another, after that he was made Archbishop of Tours, he complaineth to Honorius the second, Hildebert. in Epist. ad Honour. 2. That all things were brought by Appeal to Rome, which we, saith he, on this side the moutaines have not yet heard, much less learned in our holy ordinances, that all Appeals are to be received at Rome: and if perhaps such a novelty hath risen, That all Appeals without difference be admitted, the Pontifical censure will perish, and the strength of all Ecclesiastical discipline be overthrown. For is there any dissolute person whatsoever, who at the only threat of an Excommunication will not appeal? What Clerk or Priest under the refuge of this vain appellation, will not rot, nay bury himself in his own dung? What Bishop shall have any means to punish any disobedience, every Appeal shall shake his rod, dissolve his constancy, mollify is severity, imposing silence upon him, and giving impunity of offences to the wicked. So it will come to pass, that sacrileges, rapes, fornications, and adulteries, will dangerously increase, when the chief Prelate shall not dare to speak against these superfluous appeals, and shall cease to persecute the persecutors of holy places, to revenge the wrongs of widows; and Orphans, and by delay of the censure, wickedness shall be fostered, and such as sin without punishment, shall descend into the bottomless pit of all iniquity. And in like manner he concludeth with the ancient Canons, and rules of the Church; If this should any longer be tolerated, no Bishop could discharge himself of that duty, which is imposed upon him in the Gospel: To conclude describing the City of Rome in verse, he ends in these words, Vrbs faelix si vel Dominis urbs illa careret, Vel Dominis esset turpe carere fide. O happy City if it had no masters, or if these masters (the Popes) were ashamed to have no faith. Honorius Bishop of Augusta, or rather the Abbot, as some say, a worthy Author, speaking of the Church of Rome, saith, Turn thee to the Citizens of Babylon and see what they are, and through what streets they wander etc. See, come hither to the top of the hill, that thou mayest decern all the buildings of this damned City. Behold the Princes and judges thereof (that is to say, the Cardinals and archbishops &c.) Behold, and thou shalt see, the seat of the beast placed in them: they always think upon that which is evil, ever occupied in the works of iniquity, they only do not these villainies themselves, but they teach others to do them: They sell holy things, and buy those things that are wicked: They labour by all means not to go alone to hell. But turn thee towards the Clergy, and thou shalt see in them the tent of the Beast: They neglect the service of God, and serve the lucre of this world: They pollute the Priesthood by their uncleanness, seduce the people by hypocrisy, renounce God by their wicked works, reject all Scripture that appertains to salvation: They practise by all possible means to work the ruin of the people, and blindfold as they are, in the same blindness they go before into perdition. Behold also the conventicles of the Monks, and thou shalt see the Tabernacles of the Beast: They mocking God through a feigned profession, provoke his wrath: They tread under foot all government both in manners and life, deceive the world under the shadow of their habit: They entangle themselves with secular affairs, and neglect the service of God; and many of them being given to gluttony and wantonness, putrify even in the filthiness of their own corruption. Behold also the Cloisters of Nuns, and thou shalt see in them the prepared Bedchamber of the Beast: These learn wantonness even from their tender age, follow many allurements to the heaping up of their own damnation, and earnestly endeavour themselves thereunto, that they may the more let lose the reins of luxury, and prostitute themselves to all filthy concupiscence, and like the insatiable Charybdis, are never satisfied with the corruption of their own uncleanness. These entangle the minds of young men, and take pleasure, the more they entangle; & she gaineth the prize of the victory that excels others in wickedness. This person notwithstanding is recommended for her great piety and learning in this age. In Germany flourished Robert Abbot of Duits, one of the chiefest Divines of these times, who was not of their opinion that attribute to the Pastors of the Church though in what degree soever any temporal Dominion: Notwithstanding he is famous among all Historiographers both for sanctity of life, Rupert. Tuitiensis in Johan. l. 2. cap. 2. and also for his miracles; Upon this rock (saith he) who is Christ, is the Church builded, he says not upon Peter, and by changing the name, Peter hath his denomination of Petra the rock, whereby we are given to understand that all they that are builded upon that foundation (which is Christ) must call upon a new name, which the mouth of the Lord hath named. Every one of them then are in this regard no less the rock than Peter himself, as touching the function: Jdem l. 11. in Johan. c. 13. The Ministers of Christ knew their Apostleship to be no domination, but an humble service, the perfection whereof consisteth in laying down their lives for their brethren. Therefore he saith in another place, Jdem l. 8. in Math. The rod of the disciples of Christ is the rod of the pastoral office, watching diligently over the cure of souls; That rod of Dominion is not permitted to the Ministers of the Gospel of Peace, but rather forbidden them etc. And in the end he saith, Jdem l. 9 c. 11. in eundem. that to a spiritual man it is not lawful for him to draw the sword, or to exercise public authority. He therefore who lived under these troubles in Germany, what might he think of these armed Popes, and the troubles they raised? In Rome itself we may read in the Chronicle of Hirsauge, written by Trithemius, Trithem. in Chron. Hirsaug. that under Honorius the second, God by the mouth of a certain holy man, called Arnulph, did speak with great vehemency: This man was of great devotion, and a great Preacher, who by the word of God reproved the loossenesse, avarice, and pride of the Clergy, and propounded to all the poverty of Christ, and his Apostles, and to imitate their integrity and sanctity of life: who was praised and esteemed of the Roman Nobility as the true disciple of Christ, but held in no small hatred by the Cardinals and Clergy, who took him in the night, and privily murdered him. He afterward addeth: That this his martyrdom was revealed unto him by God, being in the wilderness, when by the Angel he was sent to preach at Rome; whereupon he publicly said, I know you seek my life, and I know that you will very shortly kill me; but wherefore? Because I tell you the truth, I reprove your arrogancy, pride, avarice, luxury, and overmuch care and study in getting riches, therefore I please you not. I take heaven and earth to record that I have delivered nothing unto you but what our Lord hath commanded me; but you condemn me and your creator, who hath redeemed you by his only begotten son: It is no marvel you seek my life, being a sinful man, for telling the truth unto you, for if S. Peter should even now arise, and reprove your vices, which are manifold, you would as little spare him. When he had uttered this with a loud voice, he said, Verily I fear not to undergo death for the truth, but I tell you in the word of our Lord, that the omnipotent God will not pardon your impiety: Ye are full of all uncleanness, and go to hell even before the people that are committed to your charge: God is the revenger. Platina in Honour. 2. Sabell Ennead. 9 l. 4. Platina saith that he was followed by many of the Roman Nobility, as a Prophet, and the true disciple of Christ. But Sabellicus saith, This wicked deed that was committed by the Clergy defamed their whole order, yet it was the fault but of a few, for their licentious life was grown to that height, that they could not endure wholesome admonitions. And Honorius truly took it grievously, saith he, but presently addeth caeterum questione abstinuit, but the restrefrayneth to speak of. By this the Reader may judge what his anger was. Let us here speak of that which is written touching Nordbertus, An. 1125. who came to Honorius in the year 1125, for the confirmation of the order of Premonstre instituted by him; who published that Antichrist was even at hand, and ready to be revealed. S. Barnard writing to Gaufrid Bishop of Chartres saith, Barnard Epist. 56. ad Gaufr. Carnotens. Whereas not many days since I saw his face, and from his heavenly pipe, that is to say his mouth, I heard many thing, yet this I never heard, that he should go into Jerusalem. But when I did inquire what he thought of Antichrist, he protested he knew most certain that he should be revealed in this present generation. And hereupon it appeareth that this question was then very frequent. But, saith he, as I entreated him to declare unto me from whence he had this certainty, as I gave ear to his answer, I thought I might not believe him; nevertheless he affirmed that he should not die, before he saw the general persecution of the Church: which truly he saw not long after, if he observed it, against them that were called the Waldenses, and so bloody and cruel as hardly was ever any. But the mischief was, That Antichrist walked about the Theatre of the world, but so disguised as few knew him, and they that did know him, durst not speak ill of him. Vrspergen. Abbas an. 1119. The Abbot of Vrsperge telleth us of this Norbertus, That he was at the Council of Collen under Calixtus in the year 1119, where he was accused of all that were there touching many things, whereof he wisely excused himself: whereupon it is written of him, That the hands of all these were against him, and he against them all. Upon what occasion he showeth not. 46. PROGRESSION. Of the factions in the Popedom between Innocent the second and Anaclet the second: and how Innocent requited the Emperor Lotharius in defending him against Anaclet. Of the military enterprise of Innocent against Roger Duke of Apulia and Calabria, and the success thereof. BY the death of Honorius arose a great schism in the Church of Rome, the one part having chosen Gregory the son of Guido, who was named Innocent the second; the other Peter the son of Peter Leo, who was first consecrated, and called Anaclet the second, both citizens of Rome, but Anaclet of the more honourable family; so that Innocent after he was consecrated by the Bishop of Ostia, was constrained for his safety to fly into the towers of the Frangepanes, rivals of Piter Leo, and at length to leave the city. Anaclet in the mean time being possessed of the Vatican, and finding therein crowns, cups, crosses, and crucifixes of gold, silver, and other rich ornaments, caused them to be melted, and made into money, to content those that were of his faction and followers. And it is likely the other would have done no less, if he had had power and means according, as the election of the Popes at these times were carried. Innocent therefore embarked himself with his Cardinals, and came to Pisa, and there excommunicated Anaclet: and presently went into France, and sent to King Lewis the Gross, declaring unto him the equity of his cause, to be protected by him. This was the occasion of the Council of Estampes, where our Bishops disputing with those of the Popes, S. Bernard held for Innocent, who at the same time was invited by Legates to take his refuge in France. For having S. Bernard on his side was a great help unto him. And our Frenchmen were willing to bind the Pope unto them, who for a good turn received, might afterward requite them in Italy. There was also by chance at the same time in France, Vincent. l. 27. c. 6. Bernard. vita l. 2. c. 1. Suggerus Abbas in vita Ludovici Grossi. Henry the first, King of England, whom Bernard persuadeth in the behalf of Innocent, against the opinion of all his Bishops; through whose persuasion he went to Chartres to meet him. Then both the Popes endeavoured to defend each others part: but Anaclet thundered his Excommunications at Rome, against Innocent and his partakers: Innocent at Clermont and Rheimes did the like against him and his followers. And moreover, in Italy the Princes of the Normans defended the faction of Anaclet (for he had bound Roger with a new benefit, Leo Hostiens. seu Petrus Diaconus l. 4. c. 99 in giving him the title of a King) and Anselme also, Archbishop of Milan, with all the Bishops of Lombardie his Suffragans. And as on the one side S. Bernard defended Innocent, so Anaclet was authorised by Sinaretus Abbot of Mont Cassin, and all those of his Order, who were of great authority, especially in Italy, where it was a question of holding his seat at Rome. Innocent therefore in the year 1132, An. 1132. endeavoured to procure an interview and conference between him and the Emperor Lotharius, at Liege: where, according to the example of Charles and Otho the Great, he requested him to take upon him the protection of the Church: A thing which he willingly yielded unto, but upon condition, That the investing of Bishops, which the Church of Rome had taken away from his predecessor Henry, should be restored unto him: At which word, Vita Bernardi l. 2. c. 1. saith the Author of the life of S. Bernard, the Romans were amazed, and waxed very pale, thinking they had encountered greater danger at Liege, than they had avoided at Rome; until S. Bernard, whom he had always near unto him, caused Lotharius to change his opinion, telling him, That it stood not with his generous mind, to make a benefit of the division of the Church, because it was a thing that could not be done without much slaughter and blood. Wherefore Lotharius was therewith content, Vrspergens. in Lothario. so that he would promise him to crown him Emperor so soon as he should be re-established in the See at Rome. Then Lotharius came into Italy in the year 1133, An. 1133. and finding Innocent at Pisa, carried him along to Rome. But Anaclet and his followers, when they could continue no longer masters of the city, fled into the towers, leaving the city to the will and pleasure of Lotharius; so that Innocent being received of the citizens, he crowned Lotharius in the Lateran, whom he could not do in the Vatican, according to the usual manner, being possessed by the followers of Anaclet. But behold how Innocent requited this benefit of the Emperor: Krantzius in Metro. l. 6. c. 35. He caused to be painted upon the wall the solemnity of his entrance and coronation, that is to say, Innocent sitting in a Pontifical chair, and Lotharius upon his knees receiving the Crown of the Empire of him: And with these verses: Rex venit ante fores iurans prius urbis honores, Post homo fit Papae, sumit quo dante Coronam. The King before his gates doth come, which swears first to the town, Whom both the Pope his servant makes, and after, him doth crown. Whereby he gave all men to understand, that Lotharius was become the Pope's man, that is to say, his vassal and feudary; so far off was he from restoring unto him the investitures, and that he received the Crown of him in gift. They of Gennes were more gently used, not so much in respect of their thankfulness, as in despite of Anselme Archbishop of Milan, who took part with Anaclet: he gave them an Archbishop, and exempted them from the obedience of that of Milan. Lotharius in the mean time, whether the pride of Innocent had discontented him, or the state of his affairs called him back, returned into Germany: whose absence so soon as the faction of Anaclet understood, descended the towers, & violently set upon the part of Innocent, in so much that he was constrained to leave Rome, and fly to Pisa. And hereupon Saint Bernard writ to the Pisanians in favour of Innocent: Bernardi Epist. 30. Pisa is taken in stead of Rome, and of all the cities in the world is chosen the principal of the Apostolic See. Why then should it seem strange unto them, if we refuse the Pri●●cie to Rome? But note what he further addeth, This hath not fallen unto thee by chance, or through the counsel of man, but by divine providence, and the special favour of God, who loves those that put their trust and confidence in him, who said to Innocent his anointed, Take thy habitation at Pisa, and I will bless it, and will dwell there, because I have chosen it. Innocent therefore held a Council in the year 1134, An. 1134. but for the reformation of the Church (though it were very famous) there was not a word spoken, only Anaclet was excommunicated, and Innocent confirmed. And at length, through the mediation of S. Bernard, Lotharius returned again into Italy with a more puissant army than before, to bring Anaclet, or rather Roger Prince of Sicilia, into order, who only stuck firmly unto him: Henry then Duke of Bavaria, An. 1137. Lotharius son in law, in the year 1137, being General of this expedition, laid first siege to Mont Cassin, held by the Abbot Rainold, who summoned him to forsake Anaclet, and deliver the monastery to Lotharius. And drawing near in person with his army to Amalfa, commanded him to come unto him, assuring him under his faith to reconcile him to Innocent, and that he should confirm all his privileges unto him. But Innocent carrying a malicious mind, commanded Rainold, that before he entered into the army, he should come with his Monks bore footed, as a token of repentance, to satisfy him: whereupon Rainold being suddenly troubled herewith, calleth the Emperor his protector and revenger; & entering the camp by the commandment of Lotharius, pitched his tent near to the Emperors, protesting to go wheresoever he would appoint him. And hereupon began a new envy of Innocent towards Lotharius, who being accompanied with Peregrinus Patriarch of Aquilia, and many Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbots, notwithstanding took notice of this cause, and the Counsellors of both parts being commanded to be called, heard the Pope by his Legates, and Rainold and the Monks by their Advocates, who complained unto him, That if they had erred, or done amiss in any thing, that Innocent was the cause thereof, who had forsaken them. At length Innocent alleging after many reasons and circumstances, the fullness of his absolute power and authority, Lotharius declareth what he had done for him, and his memorable labours for the Church of Rome, that if he would not receive the Monks at his request into favour, he would no more be subject unto it, Chron. Cass. l. 4. c. 29. or defend it, and that there should be a difference between him and the Pope; at which saying all the whole army gave a shout. And so they were absolved, Anaclet and his faction being accursed; but yet there remained still a malicious mind in Innocent, thinking himself not sufficiently revenged for the injury offered him by Lotharius. Peter the Deacon, who reciteth this history at large, observeth many notable circumstances; Jdem l. 4. c. 109. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23. for the Emperor through certain troubles and interruptions he procured to Innocent, received not only the Monks, the Commissioners appointed by Rainold, but also commanded them to be lodged near his tent, albeit they were excommunicated by the Pope. Also this Excommunication the Emperor calleth into question, & willeth Innocent to nominat those whom he would make the Advocates of his cause, that he might decide the difference, the parties being heard: So Gerard Cardinal of the holy Cross appeared in the behalf of the Pope, and Peter the Deacon for the Abbot; who as the Emperor had caused Gerard to sit directly against him, and Peter at his feet, Gerard affirmed, That an excommunicated person ought not to sit at the feet of a child of the Church. The Emperor neglecting the Excommunication, commanded Peter to sit still: whereat the Cardinal Gerard said unto him, The Catholic Church you and your predecessors have made rulers of the whole world. He answered, We have received the Crown from the Apostolic seat, not the dominion and sovereignty, but the mark thereof: whereof Innocent maketh an instance, that the Monks should take an oath of faith and loyalty toward him, but be free from all oath towards the Emperor, or privileges of the Empire. The Emperor desiring Innocent to observe the Imperial laws, which he could not by any means avoid, he very furiously answered him, That he would rather cast off the Papal Mantle, and trample it under his feet. To conclude, the Emperor in the presence of the Patriarch of Aquileia, and the Archbishops, Bishops, Cardinals, Abbots (the Author nameth them in this order) judgeth the cause for the Abbot of Mont Cassin, and dismisseth him. Whereupon Innocent grew into such choler, that he seemed as if he would depose all those that were at this judgement; in so much that to assuage his anger the Emperor was content to send certain of his followers to persuade him. About this time Salerne yielded to the government of Lotharius; whereupon grew a new contention between the Pope and the Emperor, for the right thereof: for they creeping as it were into his bosom, and seeking to be protected and defended by Lotharius, did the more inwardly fret him even to the heart. Likewise, An. 1137. Abbas Vrsperg. de Lotharia. Petrus Diaconus in Chron. Cassin. l. c. 21. & sequent. & Sigon ex eodem regno Ital. l. 10. as it was a question to invest Ranulph Duke of Apulia into the place of Roger, being a favourer of Anaclet, and that the Pope and Emperor together were to give him the Ensign and Standard of a Duke; it was no marvel if Lotharius wearied with so many troubles, was resolved being come to Rome, to return into Lombardie: in whose absence Roger lost no time, recovering by the far distance of Lotharius, that which he lost by his presence. In the mean time died Lotharius, in the year 1137, near to Trident, as he passed into Germany; a Prince commended by all histories, for his great piety, justice, and virtue, and of such patience and moderation, as he could without any passion support the hereditary insolency of this Pope. After him succeeded Conradus the second, duke of Suevia, who before had contested with him for the Empire, through whose oppositions Henry Duke of Bavier, Lotharius son in law, could not so readily order the affairs of Italy. At this time Anaclet died, S. Bernard being at Rome, through whose authority the See remained peaceable to Innocent. And now to consolidat the former wounds, Otho frisingen's. l. 7. c. 23. Abbas Vrsperg. an. 1139. he held a Council at Lateran in the year 1139, where assembled all nations of the West, near to a thousand Bishops and Abbots: and in this mighty multitude notwithstanding, we read of nothing that was there propounded, or decided, touching the reformation of the Church, either in doctrine or discipline, though it was manifestly most corrupt, both before and at this present; which many bewailed, with the hope of a better state. This Council therefore had no other end but to establish Innocent, and condemn the favourers of Anaclet, unless they would perform the penance they were appointed; to weaken the ordinances made by him, or by those whom he had ordained. And here let the Reader judge what scruples they left in the consciences of so many and divers nations, when both Anaclet and the ordinances made by him almost for the space of eight years, were far the better. Roger, remaining Duke of Apulia, and Calabria, and naming himself King of Sicilia, these good Fathers resolved also to suppress and bring into order. Innocent therefore having prepared an army of the Romans, he in his own person intended to lead them against him, yet had he the same success as sometimes had Leo the ninth: for Roger retiring himself to the castle of Gallutz, he very sharply besieged it; but William the son of Roger Prince of Tarent, coming with a valiant company of soldiers, put the Pope's army to flight, took him with all his Cardinals, and carried him to Naples: But he was set at liberty not long after upon two conditions, that is, To absolve Roger of the Excommunication, and to declare him King of Sicilia, Duke of Apulia, and Calabria, and Prince of Capua, and a liege man of the Church, which Anaclet before had done. And in this manner the Popes naturally regard not any but themselves, thinking all others, how great soever, to be borne to do them service: In the mean time Ranulph and Robert were rob of their right, whom Lotharius and he, for their good service some few years before had invested in these domininions. Now as he thought he had ended all his affairs, the Romans themselves vexed with the pride of the Popes, An. 1143. and their Clergy, in the year 1143 earnestly studied to recover their liberty, and restore the ancient customs of the Clergy, whom when he could neither repress by fear of excommunication, nor by taking away the liberty of Suffrages in the election of the Popes, and bring it only to the Cardinals (a notable augmentation of their greatness and honour) being spent and overcome with grief & sorrow, ended his life. But because this motion had his progressions, it were fit we should further discourse thereon: neither is it in the mean time to be forgotten, that we make it appear, how by divers degrees their pride rose always against God, and not only against men. For this Innocent in the year 1131 holding a Council at Rheimes, An. 1131. a certain Monk speaking in favour of him, thus began: Great and weighty is the charge that is imposed upon me, that is, to teach the Doctors, to instruct the Fathers, seeing it is written, Ask the Fathers and they will show thee: But this Moses (Innocent that was present) commandeth me, whose hands are heavy, who is to be obeyed not only of me, but of every one, and is here greater than Moses. To Moses was committed the people of Israel, but to him the Universal Church: Behold, he is here of greater power than any Angel; for to whom of the Angels did God ever say, Whatsoever thou bindest upon earth, etc. alluding to that which the Lord said of himself. And he hath more here than Solomon (he followeth on) I say according to his office, not according to merit: Except God there is none like unto him (mark like) either in heaven or in earth: This is that Peter who cast himself into the sea, when the other Disciples sailed unto jesus. Every one of you (Bishops) is content with his bark, that is, his archbishopric, his Abbey, his Priory; but this man hath authority in all Archbishoprickes, Abbeys, Priories, etc. He saith Misit se. And truly he casts, he puts, nay he intrudes; sent of himself, not of God, without mission, without commission. This Sermon in the mean time to deceive the world, Baron. an. 1131. art. 4. vol. 12. is inserted into the works of Saint Bernard; but Baronius himself denieth Bernard to be the author thereof. Furthermore, this Innocent was the first who ordained, That the Pope should celebrate the Mass sitting. If this than were to be done before God, if holding him really in his hand, did he think he should yield him too great reverence? Neither is it to be forgotten, that under Innocent succeeded to the archbishopric of Tire, William the author of the holy war, who according to the imitation of his predecessors, after he had been consecrated by the Patriarch of jerusalem, went to Rome to receive the Pall. He himself says that the Patriarch hindered him by all the means he could, and that Innocent (abusing the necessity of the East) handled him hardly by his letters. Moreover, Radulph Patriarch of Antioch compared his Church to the Roman, as being no less, nay rather the seat of Peter than Rome, & took the Pall of himself. This Innocent being favoured by the king of Jerusalem, who hated Radulph, sending a Legate into those places, deposed him as guilty of high treason in regard of his seat. But what violence he used, the same is declared more at large; for being oppressed with forged crimes, he was constrained to appeal to Rome: Whereupon intelligence being given of his coming, to Roger king of Sicilia, who lay in wait for him, he took him, and cast him into prison, and afterward sent him back again into Palestina, to be censured by Alberick the Legate of Innocent, Cardinal of Ostia, the king being known to be his professed enemy. To conclude, he, appearing not at the Synod where the Legate was Precedent, was deposed for his disobedience. OPPOSITION. These two Popes in the mean time mutually pronounced each other Antichrist, by authority of famous Synods of the Bishops and Abbots of each side: and in that one thing they very well agreed. All the Bishops of England (as we have seen) refused no less Innocent than Anaclet. The like difficulty had Innocent found in France, had it not been for the favour of S. Bernard, when Gerard Bishop of Angolesme took part against him. Hildebert also Archbishop of Tours, a man then of great authority in the Church, stood a long time doubtful; whom S. Bernard having first admonished, that the most part had already acknowledged him, soliciteth in these words: And herein, father, your sentence, though late, is expected as rain upon the fleece: We blame not slowness that savoureth of gravity, for it abolisheth the note of lightness, etc. yet I say, as one well known to the Bishops, Bernardus Epist. 124. Ne quid nimis, I speak as a familiar, be not more wise than is needful. I am ashamed, I confess, that the old Serpent with a new audaciousness, seemeth to have left unadvised and ignorant women for to tempt the strength of your breast, and to shake such a pillar of the Church. And note that he calleth him Magnum Sacerdotem & excelsum in verbo gloriae, Great Priest and high in the word of glory. But within Rome itself from the time that Innocent was established, he wanted not adversaries. The Clergy of Rome as we have seen, having murdered Arnulph that reproved his pride, another Arnulph notwithstanding of Bresse (some call him the Bishop) being nothing terrified thereby, presumed to do the like, & even in the midst of his glory and authority, when he held that famous Council at Lateran, wherein were present near a thousand Bishops and Abbots. And this man the Authors of those times, and for the most part Monks, call an Heretic; but they accuse him of no other heresy, but for that he mightily inveighed against the insolency of the See of Rome: This man, say they, Ligurinus de gestis Fred. 1. l. 3 having been brought up in learning in France, taketh upon him a religious habit, & returning into Italy, preacheth against Bishops and their royalties, and that they ought to leave them unto Princes, contenting themselves with such things as are necessary for the service of God: he presently is accused, and convented in this Council, and there being charged with heresy, is constrained forthwith to departed Italy. If they had had any other matter of greater moment to object against him, it is to be undoubtedly thought, they would have farther proceeded against him. Nevertheless his sermons had taken such effect, Otho Frisingen. de gestis Fred. c. 27. & 28. Jdem hist. l. * c. 27. Onuphr. in Jnno. 2. Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 11. that three years after the people of Rome invaded the Capitol, resolving to recover again their ancient liberty, & leave to the Pope only the care of Ecclesiastical matters. To this purpose they writ to the Emperor Conrade, That what they did was for him and the glory of the Empire, and to restore unto him that which the Pope's usurped, and had taken from him: That to the same end they had plucked down the fortresses, and razed them to the ground, which they abused against him: That now he should hasten his coming, for the bridge Miluius should be ready to receive him: And concluding with these verses in favour of him: Imperium teneat, Romae sedeat, regat orbem Princeps terrarum, ceu fecit justinianus: Caesaris accipiat Caesar, quae sunt sua Praesul, Christus jussit Petro soluente tributum. He holds our Empire, sits at Rome, and ruleth over all, Like Monarch of the world, as once justinian was said: What Caesar's is let Caesar have, the Bishops his withal; Christ so commanded Peter, when the tribute should be paid. But when they heard, that Conrade being crossed in Germany could not intend the affairs of Italy, they delayed no time, set to their own hands, re-established the Senate, and provided both for peace and war. Innocent in the mean time trieth all means, spareth neither threats nor gifts, excommunicateth all the people, and excludeth them from the election of the Popes, wherein they had till than a principal part: but at length being brought into fear of losing the government of Rome, died with grief and discontent. This contention (saith the Author) beginning with Innocent, Otho Frisingen. was of that moment, that it dured under all the Popes to Celestine the third (that is, about forty five years.) Wido Castellanus, a citizen of Rome, called Celestine the third, succeeded Innocent, being created according to the ordinance of Innocent, by the Cardinals only, adding this advantage to the Cardinals, in stead of the loss they otherwise sustained. By the same law not long after Lucius succeed Celestine, under whom the Romans not content with the Senate only which they had established, chose a Patricius to be their head, to whom they gave all the tributes and rights both of the city and country, taking them away from the Popes, and allowing them for the maintenance of their dignity nothing but oblations and tithes. The first in this dignity was jordan son of Peter Leo, a man mighty in the city both for his ancient nobility, and favour of the people. Lucius then having raised an army, besieged the Senators, whom the Patricius jordan presently set upon, and drove both him and his from the Capitol. Viterbiensis saith, Gotofrid. Viterb. an. 1145. part 17. Chron. an. 1145. That in this broil Lucius received such a blow with a stone, that to his dying day, which was in March 1145, he was not able to sit upon his Pontifical throne. Eugenius the third, who succeeded Lucius, in the seven years that he continued could not prevail against them. But in the mean time as he thought to suppress them, Arnold returneth out of Germany, and by his Sermons stirreth up the courage of the Romans. Therefore, whether seeming as it were to scorn the city, or for that he saw himself there incontempt, he departed thence to Viterb, and was there consecrated contrary to ancient custom. But when he thought he had appeased them, by the means of S. Bernard, returned to Rome, but soon after was constrained to departed again, and from thence under show of renewing the war of the Holy Land, passeth into France, persuading himself, that by feeling the hurt of his absence they would become more tractable. But they being nothing grieved at it, he returned into Italy, and died in the year 1153 at Tivoli: as if the drift of the Romans had been to show, that they could be without a Pope; and of Eugenius, that he could be without Rome. And yet in these days on the contrary, we hear of nothing more than the Pope sitting at the Vatican, & of the chair of S. Peter eternally appointed at Rome. And this is that which then passed in Italy. In France, notwithstanding the good offices that Innocent had there received, he letted not to attempt against the liberties of the French Church, neither wanted he there such as resisted him: For the archbishopric of Bourges being vacant by the death of Alberick, the Pope without attending the presentation of young king Lewis, by full power ordained Archbishop one Peter the son of Emerick his Chancellor. The history saith, that the king thereat was so much moved, That in the presence of many, Propositis publicè sacrosanctis reliquijs, Matthew Paris in Stephan. He publicly swore upon the holy relics, That this Archbishop, so long as he lived, should not enter into the city of Bourges. Whereupon Innocent proceeded to excommunicate the king, so that into whatsoever city or town he entered, divine service was presently suspended. And this dured for the space of three years. Here again in the mean time cometh S. Bernard, and because there was a great contention between the king and him, for that Rodulph Earl of Vermandois having put away his wife, had with his privity married Petronilla the Queen, his wives sister, he addeth one quarrel to another: and notwithstanding that solemn oath of the king, which he called Herodianum juramentum, the oath of Herod, not to be performed and kept, he maketh him consent to receive the said Peter; S. Bernard truly being noted by many, to have been too liberal in giving those things that were ours to the Popes: which was either because he feared their unbridled obstinacy, the cause of so many troubles before, or for that our Princes sometimes abused their power, in giving Ecclesiastical things at their pleasures. Here followeth that which himself speaketh in his Epistle to the four Roman Bishops, after he had warned them of the danger of schisms: Bernard. Epist. 219. Which is worse (saith he) human affairs are come to that evil pass, that neither the guilty will humble themselves, nor the judges have pity: We say to the wicked, Do not wickedly, and to transgressors, Lift not up your horn, and they hear us not, because it is a house heardened. We entreat them, whose part it is to rebuke sins, to preserve sinners, that they break not the bruised reed, nor quench the smoking flax; and it is then with a more vehement wind they break the ships of Tharsis, etc. Scarcely is the wound of the Church healed up, when behold it festereth and is opened again. And thus oftentimes the most obstinate is favoured at the cost of the more tractable. Yet it appeareth plainly out of many places, that he was not content neither with the Church of Rome, nor with Innocent himself. In the Epistle 178, writing to the same Innocent, he saith, Bernard. Epist. 178. It is the voice of all the faithful among us, that exercise their charge over people with a faithful care, That justice is perished in the Church, that the keys of the Church are come to nothing, the authority of Bishops wholly debased, whilst none of the Bishops hath power in his hand to revenge the injuries done to God; it is not lawful for any to chastise even in his own Parish any unlawful thing. The cause of this is laid upon you, and upon the Court of Rome: Ye destroy the things, say they, that they have well done, and establish the things that they have justly destroyed. Yet more boldly in the 176 Epistle going before, written by an Archbishop of Treves to the Pope, wherein the style of Bernard evidently appeareth, for he is not afraid to threaten him, that the Church was able to consist without Rome: Know (saith he) that our Church on this side the mountains, Idem Epist. 1ST. as well in our realm as in the realm of France, is strong in faith, peaceable in unity, devout in your obedience, ready to serve. The loss of Beneuent, nor of Capua, nor of Rome itself, will in no sort astonish us, God so judging it, knowing that the state of the Church is not to be esteemed by arms, but by merits. In the matter of divorce of Rodulph Earl of Vermandois, dispensed with by Innocent, he writeth to him thus: Bernard. Ep●●. 216. ad Inno●● God had conjoined Earl Rodulph and his wife by the Ministers of the Church, and the Church by God, who hath given such power unto men; how hath the chamber (namely of the Pope) separated that which God hath joined together? in which fact it is manifestly forescene, that these works of darkness are done in darkness. In that same also which he wrote to the Cardinal of Hostia, he describeth unto him in the person of Cardinal jordan, the actions and behaviours of the Pope's Legates: Your Legates (saith he) have traversed from nation to nation, Epist. 299. and from people to people, leaving filthy and horrible traces of their steps everywhere, from the foot of the Alps, and the kingdom of Germany, passing through almost all the Churches of France and Normandy unto Rovan, this Apostolic man hath filled all, not with the Gospel, but with sacrilege: (alluding to the journey of Saint Paul, who had filled all with the Gospel from Jerusalem to Illiricum:) It is reported that he committed in all places dishonest things, carried away the spoils of the Churches, promoted, where he might, formosulos pueros, fair boys to Ecclesiastical honours, and would have done it where he could not. Many have redeemed themselves, that he might not come unto them: Of them that he could not come to, he exacted and extorted by his deputies: In schools, in Courts, in highways, he made himself a mocking stock to the world. Seculars and religious persons all spoke evil of him; the poor, Monks, and Clerks complain of him. But for the Popes in general, It seemeth, saith he, oh good jesus, that all Christendom hath conspired against thee, Apud Hagonem in postilla super Johann. and they are the chiefest in persecuting thee that seem to hold primacy in the Church, and to have principality; according as it is written, He that did eat my bread magnified upon me supplantation, made it a bravery to supplant me; transferring to the Pope that which the Apostle expounded of judas, from one son of perdition to another. In the Sermon of the conversion of Saint Paul, Jdem in sermone de Conuersione B. Paul●. speaking to the people, Ah, ah, Lord God, they are the first in persecuting thee, which seem to love Primacy and bear chief sway in the Church: They have possessed the fort of Zion, they have seized upon the strong places, and afterward liberè & potestatiuè, freely and with full power, have set the whole city on fire. Miserable is their conversation, and miserable the subversion of thy people; and would to God they did hurt in this part alone, etc. The last of their thought is the salvation of souls: Can there be any greater persecution to the Saviour of souls? Others do also wickedly against Christ, and there are many Antichrists in our times: yet by good right he esteemeth more cruel and more grievous the persecution that he suffereth of his own Ministers, etc. These things Christ seethe, and is silent; these things the Saviour suffereth, and dissembleth; and therefore it is necessary also that we dissemble them, and in the mean time be silent, chiefly of our Prelates and Masters of Churches. Neither let them think here to escape, by saying, That this is meant of schismatical Popes: he speaketh of the same whom he acknowledged; Thy friends (said he before) and thy neighbours have drawn near and set themselves against thee. It seemeth that the whole world of Christian people have conspired against thee, from the least even to the greatest, from the sole of the foot to the crown of the head is not any soundness: Iniquity hath proceeded from the Elders and judges, from thy Vicars, which seem to govern thy people (note thy Vicars. Vita Bernard. l. 2. c. 8. ) In his Sermons upon the Canticles, which the Author of his life witnesseth to have been written after the death of Anaclet, when Innocent was established at Rome, after he had spoken of the divers temptations of the Church; by persecution, which the Martyrs have overcome; by heresy, Bernard, in Cantic. serm. 33. which the Doctors have convinced, Behold, saith he, our times, through God's favour, are free from them both, but wholly defamed with the business that walketh in the dark. Woe be to this generation for the leaven of the Pharises, which is hypocrisy, if notwithstanding it may be called hypocrisy, which now for the abundance thereof cannot be hid, and for the impudency thereof seeketh not to be hid. A stinking Ulcer creepeth in these days throughout all the body of the Church, being the more desperate by how much the more it is spread abroad; and the more inward it is, the more dangerous: For if an open enemy should rise against her, he might be cast out and there whither; if a vioolent enemy, she might perhaps hide herself from him: But now whom shall she cast out, or from whom shall she hide herself? All are friends (namely in show) and all are enemies, all are necessary, and all domestic, and none are peaceable; all neighbours, and yet all seek their own. Can he more significantly express unto us this disease, spread over all the body of the Church, this running canker feeding upon all the substance thereof? But he proceedeth further: They are the ministers of Christ, & serve Antichrist: They go honoured with the goods of the Lord, and give no honour unto the Lord; thence is, as you daily see, meretricius nitor, that whorish glittering, that apparel of stage players, that royal furniture, gold on bridles, saddles and spurs: and spurs do shine more than Altars etc. It is for these, they will be heads of Churches, Deans, Archdeacon's, Bishops, and Archbishops: For all these are not given to desert, but to that work which walketh in darkness (in hypocrisy:) long ago this was foretold, and now is come the time of the accomplishment. Behold how in peace my bitterness is most bitter: Bitter before in the death of Martyrs; more bitter after in the conflict of heretics; now most bitter of all in the manners of domestikes. The Church can neither put them to flight, nor avoid them, so great is their force, so much are they multiplied above number. The wound of the Church is inward and incurable; and therefore in peace the bitterness thereof is most bitter. But in what peace? It is both peace and no peace; peace from Pagans, and peace from heretics, but not from children: The voice of her that lamenteth in these times, I have nourced children and brought them up, and they have despised me: They have despised and defiled me with their filthy life, with their dishonest gain and commerce, and lastly with that business that walketh in darkness. It remaineth, that now should come forth that Daemon of Midday for to seduce, if there be yet any residue in Christ, abiding yet in simplicity: for he hath devoured the floods of the Wise, and the streams of the mighty, he trusteth that he can draw up jordan into his mouth, that is, job. 40. the simple and humble which are in the Church. There rested but the name, and here it presently followeth; Ipse e●im est Antichristus, For this is very Antichrist, who will vaunt himself not only to be the day, but the midday; will exalt himself against all that is called God, 2. Thes. 2. or that is worshipped, whom the Lord jesus shall slay with the Spirit of his mouth, and shall destroy with the brightness of his coming, as he that is the true and eternal midday, the Bridegroom and Advocate of the Church. For to whom may this last clause be referred, but to the Pope, distributer of all the dignities abovesaid, head of all that commerce, which he calleth the business of darkness. In his 77 sermon of the Pastors of his time: Whence thinkest thou aboundeth unto them that great abundance, In Cantic. serm. 77. glittering of apparel, etc. but from the goods of the Spouse? Hence it is that she is left poor and needy, and naked, with a face to be pitied, unhandsome, undressed, bloodless: For this, is not at this day to adorn the Spouse but to despoil her, this is not to keep her but to lose her, not to defend but to abandon her, not to institute but to prostitute her; this is not to feed the flock, but to kill and devour it, etc. Wherefore let us leave th●se, which find not the Spouse, but which sell her, etc. All would be successors, but few imitators, etc. It sufficeth not our watchmen that they keep us not, unless also they lose us. Out of which we may think, what opinion he henceforth had of them. In his sixth sermon upon the 91 Psalm, where he testifieth that he wrote those sermons after his other on the Canticles, that is, after the Schism was abolished, what before he there had spoken of Antichrist, he now here taketh up again almost in the same words: Then proceeding; Bernard. in Psal. 91. Serm. 6. & 7. The offices themselves (saith he) of Ecclesiastical dignity, have passed into filthy gain and into the business of darkness, neither seek they in these the salvation of souls, but the superfluity of riches. For this are they shorn; for this they frequent Churches, celebrate Masses, sing Psalms, etc. They impudently strive, in these days, for Bishoprics, Archdeaconries, Abbotships, and other dignities, that they might waste the revenues of Churches in such vain and superfluous uses. It remaineth that the man of sin be revealed, the son of perdition, the Damon not of the day only, but of the midday, who not only transformeth himself into an Angel of light, but exalteth himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped etc. This shall be indeed an exceeding great assault; but from this also the truth shall deliver the Church of the Elect, etc. Poor Bernard stayed for him at the door, who had already entered the house. Baronius anno 1130. art. 6. And thus much be spoken to Baronius, who affirmeth that S. Bernard inveighed only against schimaticall Popes. Writing to Pope Eugenius, near upon the year 1151, who had been his disciple, and had not obeyed his admonitions, Benard. Epist. 137. being entered into the Popedom: Who will let me see, before I die, the Church as in the days of old, when the Apostles did cast forth their nets, not to take silver or gold, but to take souls? O how I desire to see thee inherit th● voice of him, whose seat thou hast obtained! Thy money perish with thee. In his books of consideration, Ad Eugen. de consideratione lib. 1. what doth he omit for his amendment? Tell me, I pray thee (saith he) when art thou ever free? ubi tuus, where thine own? Every where is tumult, every where the yoke of thy servitude presseth thee: reply not unto me in the Apostles voice, who saith, When I was free from all, I made myself a servant of all: That is very far from thee, Was it in this seuritude that he served men, in the getting of filthy gain? Was it in this, that from all parts of the world did flock unto him the ambitious, the covetous, such as exercise Simony, sacrilegious persons, whoremongers and incestuous, and such other monsters of men, that by his Apostolic authority, they might either obtain or retain Ecclesiastical honours? This man than hath made thee a servant, to whom Christ was life and death, advantage, that he might win many unto Christ, and not that he might increase the gains of his covetousness etc. And truly every day the noise of Laws are heard in thy Palace; but the Laws of justinian, not of Christ etc. Thou Pastor then and Bishop of souls, with what mind dost thou suffer that to be ever silent before thee, and these to babble? I am deceived if this perverseness move not in thee some scruple. Then for to bring him back to the ancient bounds, Lib. 2. he saith: Thy high dignity need not flatter thee, thy care is the greater. And if then we would think rightly of ourselves, we shall judge that a ministery is imposed upon us, not a domination given. Think thyself as some one of the Prophets: Is not that enough for thee, yea too much, etc. If thou be wise, thou wilt be contented with the measure that God hath measured unto thee: For what is more, is from that wicked one. Learn by the example of the Prophet (to wit, jeremy) to be in authority, not for to command, but to do as the time requireth. Learn, that hast need of a weeding hook, not a Sceptre, for to do the work of a Prophet, etc. It was said to the Apostles, thy predecessors, The harvest is great, but the labourers are few. Take to thee the paternal inheritance; for if thou be a son, thou art an heir: That thou mayst prove thyself heir, watch on this care, and be not idle, lest it be said unto thee, Why standest thou here all day idle? much less to be found lose in delights, 1. Peter 5.3. or wallowing in pomps. The will of the Testator, assigneth unto thee none of these etc. Dost thou think, that he hath given thee domination? hear him: Not as though ye were Lords, saith he, in clero, over God's heritage, but as made ensamples to the flock: And think not that he saith it only in humility, and not also it truth. It is the Lords voice in the Gospel: The Kings of Nations rule and have power of them etc. But it shall not be so among you. It is plain that domination is forbidden the Apostles. If thou wilt have both, thou shalt lose both: Otherwise think that thou art not excepted from the number of them of whom God thus complaineth: They have reigned, but not by me: They have been Princes, but I knew them not. And this speech he extendeth very long. How far different from the Divinity of Hildebrand, who would unite to his mitre, the temporal Monarchy of all the world? For Appeals: How long dost thou dissemble, or not perceius the murmur of the whole earth? Lib. 3. How long dost thou slumber? How long doth thy consideration sleep, at this great abuse and confusion of Appeals? How many have we known to have appealed, that by the help thereof they might be suffered to continue the greater wickedness. Against all Law and right, against all custom and order they are made. There is no discretion had of place, of time, of the person, nor of the cause. And this matter he discourseth at large, Lib. 4. showing the inconveniences thereof, and illustrateth it by many examples, which it sufficeth us only here by the way to point at. There were Pastors afore thee, who gave themselves wholly to the feeding of their sheep etc. Their only gain, pomp and pleasure, to prepare and render them up to God a perfect people. Where is now, I pray you, this custom? There is another, unlike unto it, come in place thereof; affections are much changed, and would to God it were not into worse: Yet care, anxiety, emulation and ponsivenesse do continue; but translated not changed. I hear you witness, that you spare not your substance, no more than before: But the difference is in the diverse employing of it. Great abuse few have respect to the mouth of the Lawgiver, but all to the hands: Yet not without cause, they do all the business of the Pope. Can you show me one of all that great City, that hath received thee for Pope without money, or without hope of having some for it. And here let the Reader see (that we be not tedious unto him) the description he maketh there of the Romans and especially of the Clergy, in all kind of wickedness far worse than others. In the midst of all this, saith he, Thou Pastor marchest all laid with gold, compassed about with so much variety. Thy sheep, what desire they? These pastures (if I durst so speak) rather of Devils than of sheep: Think you S. Peter did thus, or S. Paul played thus? Thou seest that all Ecclesiastical zeal is fervent for the keeping only of dignity: All is given to honour, little or nothing to sanctity. If, the cause so requiring, you endeavour to bear yourself a little more humble and sociable: Far be it (say they) it becometh not, it fitteth not the time, it agreeth not with Majesty, consider what person thou bearest. Of pleasing God, is the thing they last of all speak: with the loss of souls they trouble not themselves; unless we call that salutaris, that is high, & that just, that savoureth of glory etc. The fear of the Lord is counted simplicity, that I say not, foolishness: What then wilt thou do & c? I know where thou dwellest; unbelievers and subverters are with thee, Wolves they are and not sheep: yet of such art thou Pastor. It is good to consider, how, if it be possible, thou mayest convert them, lest they subvert thee etc. Here, here I spare thee not, to the end that God may spare thee. Either deny thyself a Pastor to this people, or show thyself one. Thou wilt not deny it, lest thou shouldest deny thyself to be heir of him, whose seat thou holdest. It is that S. Peter, who was never known to have gone adorned with precious stones, or with silks, nor covered with gold, nor carried on a white horse, accompanied with soldiers, and a troop of servants making a noise about him: Yet, without these things, he believed he might sufficiently fulfil that wholesome commission, If thou love me, feed my sheep. In these things, thou hast succeeded not Peter, but Constantine. Though thou go in purple, and gold, yet thou shouldest not neglect thy Pastoral work or charge, thou shouldest not be ashamed of the Gospel. Howbeit, if willingly thou preach the Gospel, thou hast glory among the Apostles. To preach the Gospel is to feed; do thou the work of an Evangelist, and thou fulfilest the work of a Pastor. Yea, say you, thou warnest me to feed Dragons and Scorpions, not sheep. Even for that, I say, so much the rather undertake it, but with the word, not with the sword. And hence he enlargeth himself, seriously to show unto him, of what weight and moment is the charge that he pretendeth, how largely the same is extended, and that if he will well discharge his duty, he hath a greater burden upon him than can ever be well home. Therefore it better stood with wisdom, that he should renounce all other affairs, and namely secular, which have their judges, the Princes and Magistrates of the earth, there being no need he should thrust his sickle into other men's harvest. A lesson truly far different from that of the Palatines (so call they them of the Court of Rome.) Seeing then nevertheless Eugenius, sticketh in the mud, being so mightily adjured by Bernard, and leaveth the true inheritance of Saint Peter for that of Constantine, of feeding sheep for to devour the world, what judgement hereupon might Saint Bernard make, or what might he leave for us to make? but even this, that this is the second beast, that hath taken (as S. john had prophesied) the place of the first, and under the name of the seat of S. Peter, hath invaded the throne of Constantine, hath changed his sheephook into his Sceptre, under pretext of the Church of Christ, hath stolen into the temporal Monarchy; that kingdom which the Apostle had foretold should perish, before the man of sin were revealed to build up his ruins, and which now showeth itself revived and renewed. For in many of his Epistles he leaveth unto us traces, whereby it appeareth, that Eugenius was not bettered by his admonitions. Whence he oftentimes said, Ego liberavi animam meam, I have delivered my soul and discharged my conscience etc. But in one Epistle he telleth us, Bernard. Epist. 125. that the Beast mentioned in the Revelation, to whom is given a mouth speaking blasphemies, and to make war with the Saints, occupieth the Chair of S. Peter, as a Lion prepared for the prey. If they will needs have it, that he speaketh of an Antipope; yet, doth it not remain firm out of this very place, that it is possible, that Antichrist should sit at Rome, and hold the Chair of S. Peter, and that S. Bernard hath so believed and thought? How far is this from the Doctors of these days, which suppose he is to be exepcted out of Babylon? Neither is it hereto be omitted, that when by the diligence of good S. Bernard, our French Church had held a famous Council at Poitiers, to reduce into a better life by authority thereof, one Gilbert Porretan Bishop of that place, holding an ill opinion concerning the Trinity, and there had conceived in a certain writing, what ought to be held and believed concerning that point, the consistory of Cardinals being greatly moved thereat, came thus to reproach the same to Pope Eugenius: Otho Frisingen. de gestis Frederic. 1. l. 1. c. 57 What hath that thy Abbot done, and with him the French Church? with what impudency have they dared to erect their heads against the Primacy of the See of Rome? For it is this alone, that shutteth and no man openeth, openeth and no man shutteth: She alone can discuss of the Catholic faith, and in her absence may suffer prejudice of none in this singular honour. Surely if the same had been done in the East, as in Alexandria or Antioch before all the patriarchs, yet were their authority of no force without ours, for to define any thing that might hold firm and stable etc. At length Eugenius was brought by them to that pass, that he earnestly resolved without delay to punish so great a rebellion and novelty. Insomuch, that S. Bernard is constrained to go to Rome, with great submission, to purge himself: And the Symbol of the French Church, though it were good and approved of all good men, was accounted for none: So hard a matter it was at that time, to do well and to please them both together. Otho of Frisinghe noteth, that S. Bernard disputing with that Gilbert, had uttered some words that might displease the Cardinals, whereupon Gilbert had said, Et hoc scribatur, let this also be written, S. Bernard replied, Yea, and with an iron style and nail of Adamant: And this perhaps did sting them. Petrus venerabilis Abbas Cluniacens. 16. Epist. 47. Peter Abbot of Clugni, who lived in these times, could never satisfy himself with praising Pope Eugenius, especially in his seven and fortieth Epistle of the sixth Book of S. Bernard, in which nevertheless he ingeniously saith: But some man may say, the Church hath no sword, Christ hath taken it away, when he said to Peter, Put up thy sword into the scabbard; whosoever smiteth with the sword shall perish with the sword. Verum est, inquam, verum est, It is true, I say it is true: The Church hath not the sword of a King, but the rod of a Pastor, of which the Apostle saith, What will ye, shall I come unto you with the rod, or in the spirit of meekness? And what say I, she hath a rod, yea, she hath a sword also, according to the same: Take unto you the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, etc. And yet by that which followeth it is apparent, that against some which had troubled him he would not have refused the help of another sword. I let pass the satires of Bernard a Monk of Clugni, under this Peter his venerable Abbot, wherein he wonderfully disciphereth the Pope and the Court of Rome: not to weary the Reader, I will quote only some few verses to this purpose, although the rest be of the same nature. O mala secula, venditur insula pontificalis, Infula venditur, haud reprehenditur emptio talis; Venditur annulus: Hinc lucra Romulus auget & urget. Est modò mortua, Roma superflua, quando resurget? Si tibi det sua, non repleat tua guttura Croesus Marca vel aureus à modo non Deus est tibi jesus. O wicked times, wherein the Crown and See is sold, And yet the merchandise thereof is uncontrolled: The Ring is also sold: But Romulus doth gain. Superfluous Rome now dies, when shall it rise again? Not Croesus could suffice, if Rome should give he his, Nor any gold, for now no God or Christ there is. Also Peter Deacon, continuer of the Chronicle of Mont Cassin, showeth, Chron. Cassinens. Petri Diac. l. 4. c. 116. & 117. that when the Emperor of Greece had sent his ambassadors to Lotharius, when he assisted Innocent in the war against the Monks of Mont Cassin, there was among others a Greek Philosopher, who disputed against him (Peter Deacon) that Pope Innocent was excommunicated: his words are these, In the Western climate we see that prophesy fulfilled, As the people is so shall the Priest he: Whilst Bishops go out to war, as your Pope Innocent doth: He distributeth money, presteth soldiers for the wars, and is clothed in purple. No doubt but he alleged other reasons which he telleth not. But besides them, that in the midst of the Roman Church we have heard thunder it out so loud against Popes, and the Court of Rome, and their actions, there are found some in these times which openly fell away from it, assailing their doctrine itself; and in our France by their preaching drew many Provinces from it, and from thence, as hereafter we shall see, spread themselves into neighbour nations. These were Peter Bruis in the year 1126, and after him his disciple Henry about the year 1147, the first being a Priest, and the other a Monk, who first in the Dioceses of Arles, of Ambrum, and of Gap, then after throughout all Awergne, Languedoc, and Guienne, preached against Transubstantiation, the sacrifice of the Mass, Masses, Suffrages and Oblations for the dead, Purgatory, worshipping of Images, invocation of Saints, single life of Priests, Pilgrimages, superfluous holidays, consecrations of water, oil, Frankincense, and other Romish trash: but especially they inveighed against the pride and excess of Popes, and of his Prelates, whom they called Princes of Sodom, and the Church of Rome they termed Babylon the mother of fornication and confusion. Which we learn from that venerable Peter, Petrus Abbas Cluniacen. l. 1. Epist. 1. & 2. Abbot of Clugni, in some of his Epistles, where he taketh upon him to confute them. And it is great pity that their books are with so great diligence abolished, that we are constrained to use the writings of our adversaries, for to pick out their doctrine; whose testimony, by reason of their hatred and calumny, may justly be suspected. For it is imputed unto them, That they believed only the four Evangelists, and rejected all the other books of the Bible. And here Peter truly skirmisheth with his own shadow, seeing that they verily affirm, following the ancient Fathers, That the rule of religion is to be sought only out of the Canonical Scripture. And the Abbot himself seemeth to have perceived that he had done them injury, when he saith of these things and the like: But because I am not yet fully assured that they think and preach so, I will defer my answer until I have undoubted certainty of that they say. Also, I ought not easily give assent to that deceiving monster, rumour, or common report, etc. I will not blame you of things uncertain. So Saint Bernard more credulous than reason required, reproveth them, That like the Manichees they condemned the use of matrimony, and of flesh, and denied also baptism to infants: But especially against Henry he objecteth, the keeping of a concubine, and playing at dice. In like manner we read in Tertullian, That monstrous opinions and crimes were imputed to the first Christians. Bernard. in Cantic. serm. 66. Yet Bernard in the mean time saith, They are sheep in habit, Foxes in craft, Wolves in cruelty. These are they that would seem good, and yet are not, wicked, and yet would not seem so. It must needs be then, that their outward conversation was good. It is also confessed, that their disciples went cheerfully to the fire, and constantly suffered all extremities for the doctrine of their faith. Can that agree with a dissolute life & doctrine? And they were in the mean time followed with such a multitude, Epist. 240. & 241. & in vita Bernard. l. 2. c. 5. that the Temples, saith Bernard, remained without people, the people without Priests, Priests without their due reverence, & Christians without Christ, the Churches (to wit, the Romish) were reputed Synagogues. The argument brought against them, was as in these days: Have our Fathers then so long a time erred? are so many men deceived? Yet were they defended by notable persons, both of the Clergy and Laity, and by some also of the Bishops and nobles of the realm, namely by Hildefonsus Earl of S. Giles, under whose protection they preached in his countries: The people of Tholouse also, where Peter preached the word of God the space of twenty years, with great commendation, and in the end was burned. Henry also his disciple, some few years after, being betrayed to Albericus Cardinal of Ostia, was carried bound to in chains into Italy, and never afterward seen: notwithstanding the persecution was hot all that time against the poor people, without any difference of age or sex. Now as we have noted, that the corruption of doctrine ever accompanied the iniquity of this Mystery, there arose in this time Peter Abayllard, a man of most subtle wit, who brought in again the opinions of Pelagius, and others following, who destroyed, as we have elsewhere showed, the free justification in the faith of Christ jesus, that is to say, took the Christian Church by the throat: against whom Saint Benard writeth divers treatises, and maintaineth the aunceint truth, taught by S. Augustine, S. Hierome, Prosper, and Fulgentius, in the Church, sweepeth away by the same means many filthy doctrines, which the semipelagians, Faustus, Cassianus, and others, had brought in, easily getting foundation of their doctrines, out of the natural pride of men. But Saint Bernard being once dead, the school of Abayllard continued in the Schoolmen, who have so followed his method, that he by right may be acenowledged their father. It little wanted then, but that the tars choked the good corn, when with them little or no mention is made of justifying by faith, the fortress of salvation is thenceforth placed in dead works; as if Christian doctrine, that most profound secret, hidden before all time, and revealed in his time, were nothing but a certain moral discipline. In the same time also Gratian compiled his Decrees, not more fortunately than justinian his Pandectes, out of the Canons and ancient Decrees, which he in many places apply to the abuses of the time, and especially to the Roman ambition, although he leave us therein many good footsteps, by help of which the diligent searchers may find out the ancient doctrine & practice of the Church. Aventine, an Author most studious of antiquity, teacheth us, Auent. l. 6. that before Gratian the Canon law was far otherwise; For, saith he, as it is perfect and whole in our Libraries, it containeth two parts, the first the Acts of universal councils, which are manifestly received; the other of the Constitutions, Epistles, and Rescripts of Popes, as every thing was done, the causes, assistants, witnesses, with the circiumstances of places and times. Would to God he had not taken so much pains. And in the mean time Pope Eugenius approveth it, and commandeth it to be read in all Universities, because without doubt he reduced the whole Church under the Pope's yoke, little remembering the good counsels that Saint Bernard gave him in his books of Considerations. The same method hath Peter Lombard (this Gratians brother) in his four books of Sentences, collected out of the places of ancient Fathers, compiled into a certain order, which he oftentimes maketh to serve by changing, leaving out, or adding some word to the corrupt divinity of his time: so that from thenceforth only Gratian is consulted with, and only Lombard is read in schools. In these two consists all Christian law and divinity. No man hence careth for seeking to the fountain in the holy Scriptures of the old and new Testament, in the monuments of the Fathers, or Acts of ancient Counsels, to look more nearly into the matter, is counted heresy. Aventine to this purpose saith: Auent. Annal. Baior. l. 6. I have learned, and heard of my Masters jacobus Faber, and Clitovous, more than a thousand times, That this Lombard had troubled the pure fountain of Divinity with muddy questions, and whole rivers of opinions; which experience, if we be not blind, doth more than enough teach us. Which notwithstanding, as well as himself, are most famous among them of the Church of Rome. 47. PROGRESSION. Of the humility of the Emperor Frederick, and the pride and insolency of Pope Adrian the fourth. The Pope stirreth up the subjects of William King of Sicilia to rebel against him. TO the Emperor Conrade succeeded in the year 1152 Frederick his nephew, An. 1152. in the Empire of Germany; a Prince, by the testimony of all writers, qualified with many virtues: And in the year 1153 dieth Eugenius, An. 1153. whom Anastasius succeed, created (as abovesaid) by the Cardinals alone; who continued but one year nevertheless, peaceable at Lateron, because he let the Romans do what they listed. Then behold Adrian the fourth, an English man borne, entereth into the Popedom, who could not be consecrated at Lateran, unless first the people chased away Arnold, who (as we have said) preached at Rome against the superfluous pomp of Popes; and withal would put down the Senate which they had established. Both which being refused him, he waxeth angry, forsaketh the city, and with his Court retireth to Orvietto. Frederick in the mean time setteth forward to be crowned in Italy, who in his way invested Anselme of Havelburge with the Bishopric of Ravenna, then vacant by the death of Moses, being chosen by the voice of the Clergy and of the people, and moreover maketh him Exarch: whence he took the title of Servant of servants, Archbishop and Exarch of Ravenna. Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 12. This set Adrian already into an ague, who nevertheless met him at Viterbe; where Frederick stepping to him, held his stirrup for him, to light from his horse, and conducted him into his tent. There the Bishop of Bamberge speaking for the Emperor, declared unto him with much respect, That all the Church was come from the end of the world for to bring him this Prince, and that seeing prostrate at his feet he had rendered him due honour, he besought him to do what lay in him to set the Imperial Crown upon his head. Sigonius saith here, that he paused a while, seeming as it were to conceal from us the insolency of this Pope (which we read in Helmold, Helmold, in Histor, Sclavorum c. 81. an Author not to be suspected) because he was rightly ashamed of it. The answer then of Adrian was this; Brother, these are but words that thou tellest us, thou sayest thy Prince hath given due reverence to Saint Peter, but Saint Peter hath rather been thereby dishonoured; Instead of holding our right stirrup he hath held the left. This being told again by the Interpreter to the King, he humbly answereth, Tell him, that it was not want of devotion, but of knowledge, for I have not much learned to hold stirrups, and he is the first (to my knowledge) that ever I did that service unto. The Pope replied, If he have through ignorance neglected that which is most easy, how think ye that he will acquit himself of that which is greater? Then the King somewhat moved, I would be better instructed, saith he, whence this custom hath taken footing, from good will, or of duty? if from good will, the Pope hath no cause to complain, that I have failed in a service which is but arbitrary, and not of right: but if you say, that of duty from the first institution this reverence is due to the Prince of Apostles, what importeth it between the right and left stirrup, so that humility be observed, and that the Prince prostrate himself at the Pope's feet? Helmold, l. 1. c. 73. Thus (saith the History) was this point long and eagrely disputed, and in the end they departed each from other, sine osculo pacis, without the kiss of peace. Let the Reader note here the charity of this Bishop, to reject an Emperor only for having held the left stirrup for the right, and an Emperor endued with such virtues, as the Author faileth not to say, That his wisdom and courage was greater than of all the inhabitants of the earth. And he addeth, The principal Lords, which were as the pillars of the realm, were afraid to return without doing something, & won the King's heart with many persuasions, to entreat the Pope to come again into the camp; and coming again he received him integrato officio, with entire duty, that is, he held his right stirrup. Otho Frising. de gestis Frederici l. 2. c. 20. But whilst they all rejoiced at it, thinking all matters well, Adrian saith unto them, There remaineth yet one thing for your Prince to do, he must conquer Apulia for Saint Peter, which William of Sicilia possesseth by force, and that done let him come to us to be crowned. And very hardly obtained they of him, to defer this conquest till after his coronation. The Acts of the Vatican produced by Baronius, Baron. an. 1155 art. 8. & sequent. do only say, That Frederick refused to hold the stirrup, & in the end was brought to do it, stregulam, say they, fortiter tenuit, that otherwise Adrian would not receive his kiss. Yet this is the Adrian that said, To covet the Popedom is not to succeed S. Peter in feeding the sheep, but Romulus in committing parricides, because a man cannot attain thereto without shedding the blood of his brethren; and now he is entered is as hot in the business as any of the rest. Anton. ex joh. Sarisbur. & Halinando Part. 2. Tit. 17. c. 1. § 9 Now Frederick at the last having recovered his good favour, Arnold was apprehended in Tuscan by the servants of Adrian, and delivered unto him, and was condemned under pretence of heresy, and burned alive, and his ashes cast into the river Tiber. But when Frederick returned into Germany, either because of the hot season of the Canicular days, which the Germans could not well endure, or for the cold satisfaction he had received from Adrian, or some other affairs calling him back thither, Adrian in his absence made so good use of his opportunity, that William Duke of Calabria, and King of Sicilia, who had undertaken the investitures of Bishops in his lands, by the rebellion that he stirred up of the Lords his subjects against him, is constrained to fall down at his feet to obtain pardon, and to acknowledge himself his liege vassal. And so this success, besides his natural disposition, raised up his heat against Frederick upon the first occasion offered. A Bishop of London then was taken by robbers in Germany, and it seemed unto Adrian that Frederick stirred not in it as he ought, who in the mean time was at Bezanson in Bourgondie, whither he was come to marry Beatrice the Earls daughter. He sendeth to him his Legates, the Cardinal Rowland, & Bernard, with his letters of complaint, or rather of reproach, for that he ill remembered, saith he, Radcuicus Canonic. Frising. l. 1. c. 10. Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 12. Quanto studio Imperialis Coronae ensign tibi contulerimus, With what affection we have given him the Imperial Crown, & beneficia, and the good turns, or rather benefits. Thus saith mildly Sigonius. But Radevicus, an Author of that time, Canon of Frisingen, produceth a copy of the letters in rougher terms, Remember thou Quantam tibi dignitatis plenitudinem & honoris contulit matter tua Romana Ecclesia, What ample dignity the Church of Rome hath bestowed upon thee, and that thou hast received from her hand, maiora beneficia, the greatest benefits that might be. Clauses which properly offended the Princes: as if the Pope should have said, That the Emperor held the Empire by homage of him, and that the Empire were his fee. And so much the more, saith Radevicus, did they hold themselves to the strict interpretation of his words, because they knew that the Romans rashly affirmed, That the Empire of the city, and the realm of Italy, had not been possessed till then by our Kings, but of the donation of Popes. Which they were not content only to say, but represented in writings and pictures, and so conveyed to posterity: Insomuch, saith he, that there was written over a certain picture of the Emperor Lotharius, which was set up at the Palace of Lateran: Rex venit ante fores iurans prius urbis honores, Post homo fit Papae, sumit quo dante Coronam. The King before his gates doth come, which swears first to the town, Whom both the Pope his servant makes, and after, him doth crown. That after he had taken his oath he was made the Pope's servant, and received the Crown in gift of him. When Frederick was told of this picture, being then about Rome, he complained thereof to Adrian, who promised him to cause both the writing and picture to be taken away, lest so vain a thing should give matter of strife and discord between two the greatest persons in the world. And indeed that such was the meaning of Adrian appeareth by his own letters to Arnulph Archbishop of Mence, Frederick of Cologne, and Hillin of trevers, in these words: Auent. l. 6. The Roman Empire was translated from the Greeks' to the Germans, so as that their King was not called Emperor till after he was crowned by the Pope. Before the consecration he is King, after he is Emperor. Whence hath he then the Empire but from us? From the election of his Princes he hath the name of King, from our consecration the name of Emperor, of Augustus, and Caesar, From us than he hath the Empire. Call to mind antiquity; Zacharie advanced Charles, and gave him a great name, that he might be Emperor: to the end that from thenceforth for ever the king of Germany might be an Advocate of the Apostolic See, & that Apulia by him reduced, might be subject to the Bishop of Rome, which is ours, with the city of Rome, and not the Emperors: For Rome is our seat, the seat of the Emperor is Aix in Ardenna. All that the Emperor hath he holdeth of us. As Zacharie translated the Empire of the Greeks to the Germans, so may we from the Germans to the Greeks'. Behold it is in our power to give it to whom we will, and for this are we established of God over nations, and over kingdoms, for to destroy and pluck up, to build and to plant, etc. Thus you see the enterprise of Adrian; it remaineth for us to show what Frederick doth thereupon, without forgetting by the way, that this is that Adrian, who writing to Henry King of England, Adrian. Epist. ad Regem Angliae Henr. apud Matth. Westmonaster. was not ashamed to say, That Ireland, and all islands on which Christ the Sun of righteousness hath shone, by right appertain to Saint Peter, and to the Church of Rome: Therefore that he should honourably receive him thither, without prejudice of the said rights, and namely pay him a penny pension by the year for every household. OPPOSITION. Krantz. l. 6. c. 35 So soon as Frederick had seen that picture of Lotharius doing homage, he suddenly turned away his sight, and fretted at it without speaking a word; for there was Innocent the second sitting in his Pontifical chair, and Lotharius prostrate at his knees receiving the Imperial Crown: and when he was returned into Germany, the Pope by two Cardinals sent him the Epistle above mentioned. Therefore all the Princes of the Empire which assisted him, were greatly offended hereat; and as some of them complained of so insolent a Legation, one of the Pope's Legates, Quasi gladium igni addens, as it were adding the sword to fire, replied, for to take away all ambiguity, Of whom then doth the Emperor hold the Empire, if not of my Lord the Pope? At which words Otho Count Palatine set his hand to his sword, and would have slain him, had not the Emperor withheld him, who also without any other answer sent away the Legates in safety to Rome, by the nearest way, for fear lest they should go up and down suborning the people. In the mean time Frederick writeth to all the States of the Empire, complaining of this insolency; and sent them a copy of the letters, observing unto them the clauses abovesaid, Flowing, saith he, from the Mammon of Iniquity, that puffeth him up with a heap of pride, of haughtiness, of arrogancy, and of execrable loftiness (elatione) of heart: notwithstanding that he held the Empire by the election of the Princes, and from God alone: That the Apostle S. Peter himself had instructed the world in these words, Fear God, honour the King: So that whosoever shall say he holdeth the Imperial Crown by the benefit of the Pope, is contrary to divine institution, to the doctrine of S. Peter, and convicted of lying. To this he added moreover, That he was resolute, as he had begun, to warrant the liberty of the Churches from the hands of the Egyptians, to wit, from the Pope, as from a Pharaoh, exhorting them to lend him their helping hands. And it is not to be forgotten, that he found about the Legates many blanks signed and sealed, to be filled at their discretion, for to sow their venom of iniquity through the Churches of Germany, to despoil the Altars, carry away the vessels of the house of God, cruces excoriare, to slay or fleece the crosses, that is to say, to pluck off the gold and silver that covered them, which was the cause that he made them take the nearest way, that he might c●● off such practices. The Legates being come to the Pope, who beside was in contention with the Romans, resolved upon their answer to write to the Bishops of Germany, complaining that Frederick had misconstrued the good meaning of his letters, and namely these words, ensign beneficium tibi contulimus, Radevicus l. 1. c. 15. & 16. We have given thee this notable benefit of the Crown: And much harder were the words in his letters. He requested them to pacify his mind, and to induce him to make such satisfaction of the speeches to his Legates, as that all men might be edified thereby: So doing they should do a good service to Saint Peter. But the Bishops and Prelates of Germany being upon this Legation assembled together, do answer him, That all the Commonwealth of the Empire was moved at the clauses contained in his letters: that the ears of the Emperor could not patiently hear them, nor of the Princes endure them: that themselves, for that sinister ambiguity, could not approve them, being unusual, and never before heard of till then: Radevicus l. 1. c. 16. That in consequence of his letters they had admonished the Emperor, From whom, thanks be to God, say they, we have received such an answer as became a Catholic Prince. Note here his words as followeth: There are two things, saith he, whereby our Empire ought to be governed, the holy laws of Emperors, and the good custom of our Fathers and predecessors. These bounds of the Church we neither will nor can transgress, neither admit any thing that departeth from them. We willingly yield to the Pope his due reverence, but we hold the free Crown of our Empire only from God and his divine bounty. The first voice of election we acknowledge is from the Archbishop of Mentz, and then of other Princes every one in his order, the royal unction from the Bishop of Cologne; the last, which is the Imperial unction, from the Pope. Whatsoever is more than this, ex abundanti est à malo, is superfluous, and from that wicked one, etc. We have not, neither will we by Edict stop the entrance and passage of Italy from them that go to Rome, be it for voyage, or other reasonable causes, having the testimony of their Bishops and Prelates; but we have an intention to remedy the abuses wherewith all the Churches of our realm are grieved, and almost all cloisterall disciplines dead and buried. In time past God exalted the Church by the Empire, now the Church (not by God, as we believe) ruinateth the Empire. They began by a picture, from that they came to writing, and now writing endeavoureth to pass into authority: We will not endure it, we will not suffer it, we will rather for go our Crown than consent, that by us it shall fall into decay. Let them deface the pictures, let them withdraw these writings, that there remain not an eternal memory of enmity between the Kingdom and the Priesthood. In these terms represented they to Adrian the resolution of Frederick, concluding with a supplication, That he would mitigat the former writings by other more mild, for to appease the magnanimity of the Emperor. And in the mean time the Emperor sent into Italy Otho of Witelsbach Palatine, and Renold Earl of Assell, his Chancellor, great personages, for to keep all men in obedience, Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 12. and to receive the oath of the Lords, Bishops, and Commonalties; the form whereof was this, I promise that from henceforth I will be faithful to Frederick the Emperor of the Romans, my Lord, against all men, etc. namely I will not take away from him his royalties of such a County, or Bishopric, etc. Radevicus l. 1. c. 18.19. I will execute all his commandments that he shall command me by himself, or by letter, or his ambassador, to do justice, etc. So that Adrian seeing the commission of these forerunners of the Emperor prosperously to go forward, and perceiving him about to pass into Italy with an army, he sent unto him two Legates, Henry and jacinth, Cardinals, with letters; wherein he correcteth his plea: Which Legates (saith the Author) reverently with an humble countenance, Radevicus de gestis Frederic. l 1. c. 11. and a modest voice, began their Legation in these words: Praesul Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, the Bishop of the holy Church of Rome, and most devout Father of your Excellency in Christ, saluteth you, as his most dear and special son of Saint Peter: Our venerable brethren, your Clerks, all the Cardinals, do also most humbly salute you, as Lord and Emperor, urbis & orbis, of the city of Rome and of the world. How different is this style from that we read before in his letters to the Archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, & trevers. Then they presented their letters which Frederick gave to Otho Bishop of Frisingen to interpret, the tenor whereof we may read in Radevicus, full of submission, satisfaction, & reverence. The particular clauses are: By occasion of the word Beneficium thy heart (as I am informed) hath been moved, which truly ought not to move the heart of an inferior, nor yet of so great a man: For although the word Beneficium be taken by some in another signification, yet it should then have been taken as we meant it, and in the sense it hath from his original; for it is composed of bonum & factum, and with us we call beneficium, non feudum, not a fee, but bonum factum, a good action, in which sense it is found in all the body of holy Scripture, where it is read, That we are governed and nourished, ex beneficio Dei, by the benefits of God, non tanquam ex feudo, not as by a fee, but by his blessing. And so your magnificence knoweth, that we have so honourably set the sign of Imperial dignity on your head, that all men may judge it to be, ut bonum factum, as a good deed, or a good action. And thus corrected he not only his former letters, but also the inscription of the picture of Innocent the second, Post homo fit Papae, He was made the Pope's vassal. He proceedeth: Some have also turned these words to another sense, Contulimus tibi ensign Imperialis Coronae, We have given thee the sign of Imperial dignity (he had said more harshly, plenitudinem dignitatis, the fullness of dignity, that is to say, the whole dignity) but without cause, and of set purpose, because they love not the peace of the Kingdom and of the Church; for by this word contulimus, we understand nothing but imposuimus, we have set it upon thy head. Radevicus l. 1. c. 13. And thereby he renounced also the rest of the verse of Innocent, Sumit quo dante Coronam, That the Emperor received the Crown in gift from the Pope. And by this mild interpretation of Grammar Frederick was appeased, who moreover declared unto the Legates, and gave them in writing certain articles, in default of which a seed of discord would continue betwixt them; to which they promised the Pope should satisfy, being in no manner willing to derogat from his royal dignity. So for this time he yielded them peace. And note here with what faithfulness the same was done: Baron. an. 1158. art. 6. Adrian (saith Baronius) did it in wisdom, for to give place to wrath, interpreting also this word beneficium for to avoid discord, and not in good earnest; An. 1158. for these things could not long subsist. This was in the year 1158. And nevertheless Frederick passed the Alps for to appease the rebellions of Lombardie, and to refresh his army, not long after he led it into the Pope's lands, whereby ariseth again a new quarrel. It was an ancient custom, saith Otho Bishop of Frisingen, Otho frisingen's. l. 2. c. 13. since the time that the Roman Empire was derived to the Frenchmen, until this present, that so often as the Kings had a purpose to enter into Italy, they sent some of their servants afore, being men of understanding, who visiting every city and town, demanded those things that belonged to the King's revenue, which the inhabitants call Fodrum: whence it came to pass, that at the Princes coming the cities, towns, and castles, which either altogether refused to pay the same, or did not wholly pay it, were oftentimes razed even with the ground, for an example to posterity. Another justice also followeth from ancient custom, that the Prince entering into Italy, all dignities & magistracies ceased, and all matters were ordered ad ipsius nutum, according to the laws & judgement of the Lawyers. Radevicus l. 2. c. 15. When Frederick therefore by his officers thought to use these rights, namely in Fodro colligendo, Adrian began, through the instigation of some, to be grievously offended, saying, That he had received evil for good, and that the Emperor was ingrateful for his benefits, especially when he heard that as well the Cities, and Lords, as the Bishops and Abbots had acknowledged the Royalties of the Prince: And thereupon he wrote Letters unto him, in show mild, but in deed being well considered, full of sharp reproof, which he presented unto him by a vild and base messenger, who before they were red, was suddenly vanished. At this, Frederic was again greatly moved, and the rather, for that a little before, he had refused, at his request, to confirm Wydo son of the Earl of Blandrara, in the place of Anselme Archbishop of Ravenna, being by the people and Clergy chosen thereunto, under pretence that he was subdeacon of the Church of Rome, who could not be translated, to any other Church without his command; although Adrian in many other things, & of greater importance, dispensed withal as it pleased him: wherefore nevertheless resolved to try him in this, yet once more, by sending the Bishop of Verde with very honourable letters, is again refused. He therefore then commandeth his Secretary, That thenceforth in the Letters that he wrote to the Pope, Radevicus l. 2. cap. 18. Nomen suum praeferrens Romani Episcopi subsecundet, he should set his name first and the Popes afterward, and should speak to him only in the singular number. Adding that either the Pope ought to write unto him after the custom of his Predecessors, or else not think it strange, if he followed in his letters the ancient manner of Princes. Adrian was not pleased at this, & therefore admonished him, that this was not to give due reverence to S. Peter, redemaunding of him an account of his Royalties and other rights abovesaid. Frederic answered, that he had followed the ancient custom, and agreeable to reason, that Bishops should render unto Caesar the things belonging unto Caesar: Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 12. Radevicus l. 2. cap. 18. For his Cardinals, he had shut the gates of Cities against them, because they came, non ad praedicandum, sed ad praedandum, not to preach, but to make spoil. And to increase this mischief, in the mean time the Letters of Adrian are intercepted, written to them of Milan, and some other Cities, whereby he stirred them up to rebellion against Frederic: Radevicus l. 2. cap. 30. And thereupon also Frederic sent his Ambassadors to Rome to the Senate and people. Then Adrian growing very impatient, sent four Cardinals to Frederic at Bononia, who post lean principium, after a gentle beginning, propound unto him these hard Articles; That he should (unknown to him) send no more messengers to Rome, seeing all the Magistrates there, were of S. Peter, with all the Royalties: That he should not collect the Fodrum of the Demaines of the Church, except in the time when he cometh to receive the Crown: That the Bishops of Italy should give him oath of fidelity, but not of homage: That his Ambassadors should not be lodged in the Palaces of Bishops: That he should restore the possessions of the Church of Rome, and the tributes of Ferrara, of Massa, Figaruola, of all the Land of the Countess Mathilda, and from Aquapendente to Rome, of the Duchy of Spoletum, and of the Islands of Sardinia and Corsica. And when the Emperor constantly offered to do them justice in these things, if they would do him justice in other matters; they would only receive justice, and do none, alleging that it was not in their power, to judge the Pope: And on the contrary the Emperor made his complaints against him, who had broken the concord he had promised him in word of truth: That he would not receive the Grecians, Sicilians, and Romans but with common consent: That he had sent without the emperors leave, his Cardinals, who passed freely throughout his Realm, entered into the Royal Palaces of Bishops, and vexed the Churches of God with unjust Appeals, and many other things: which the Pope refusing to satisfy, Concordiae verbum, saith Radevicus, diu desideratum, peccatis nostris exigentibus, evacuatum est, The word of concord so long desired, for our sins was made void. Notwithstanding Frederic to omit no duty of his side, answereth by letters the Articles of Adrian in these words: I affect not the homage of the Bishops of Italy, If they will hold none of our Royalties: But if they take pleasure to hear the Pope say unto them, Quid tibi & Regi, What hast thou to do with the King? Let him not think it strange, if consequently the Emperor say unto them, Quid tibi & possessioni, What need hast thou of the possession? I am content, that my Ambassadors be not received into the Palaces of Bishops, provided that the said Palaces stand on their own ground, and not on ours: Otherwise, if they stand on our ground, seeing every building solo cedat pertaineth to the ground whereon it standeth, they be our Palaces. It is therefore an injury, to forbid our Ambassadors from the Royal Palaces. Whereas he saith, the Emperor is not to send Ambassadors to Rome, seeing all the Magistrates there, are of S. Peter, with all the Royalties: This thing I confess is great and grave, and hath need of grave and mature counsel: For seeing I am called, and am by divine ordinance Emperor of Rome, I have but the show of reigning, and bear but the vain Title, and name thereof, without the thing, if the power over the City of Rome be plucked out of our hands. At length it was propounded that sixth Cardinals on the Pope's side, and six Bishops on the Emperor's side should be chosen arbitrators in the matter, Radevicus l. 2. cap. 31. to decide the same: But (saith he) of the Romans part this Council is said to be void, alleging that the Pope was not subject to the judgement of any. And when Frederic, upon this refusal was earnest by his Ambassadors, that he would refer himself to the judgement of a general Council, he answered, I ought to call, not to be called; I am to judge, not to be judged; an answer which was very much detested of all the elder sort, that he refused the judgement of the Church: Now followeth out of Nauclerus, Nauclerus Gener. 30 vol. 2. the recipocrall Epistles of Adrian and Frederic: That of Adrian began thus: The Law of God, as it promiseth long life to them that honour their Parents, so it pronounceth sentence of death, against such as curse them. And the voice of truth teacheth us, that whosoever exalteth himself shall be humbled. And thereupon he reproveth him, that he had set his name, first, against the Loyalty sworn to S. Peter; That he required homage of Bishops, who are Gods, and all sons of the most high, and presumed to put their sacred hands, within his profane hands, imputing unto him arrogancy and infidelity. To this Frederic answered, using this salutation: Adriano Ecclesiae Catholicae Pontifici, omnibus illis adhaerere, quae coeperit jesus facere & docere, To Pope Adrian greeting, and to cleave and to stick unto all things that jesus began to do and teach. And whereas Adrian had said, The divine Law pronounceth sentence of death etc. Frederic likewise beginneth, The Law of justice rendereth unto every man, that which belongeth unto him etc. Then he proceedeth, I pray you, had Silvester in Constantine's time any Royalties? But by the grant of his piety, liberty & peace is restored to the Church & whatsoever your Popedom hath of Royalty, that is from the bounty of Princes etc. Turn over the Annals, and you shall find it to be so. He reproved him of infidelity, in that he had taken oath and received the homage of Bishops, whom he called Gods, and sons of the most high: Whereunto Frederic answereth, Why may we not exact homage and royal oaths, from them which of God by adoption hold our Royalties, seeing that he which is our Author and your, receiving nothing from any earthly King, but bestowing all good things to all men, did yet pay tribute to Caesar for himself, and for Peter, giving you example to do the like, and he teacheth you so, saying, Learn of me, for I am meek and humble of heart. Lastly, having repeated again the foresaid clauses, he concludeth: For we cannot answer reports, Sigon de regno Jtal. l. 12. when we see the detestable beast of pride, crept to the seat of S. Peter. And these two Epistles are written by Nauclerus, taken out of the Library of Hirsauge. And upon this died Adrian at Anania, in September 1159: William of tire saith, he was taken with the Squinancy: Johamnes Stella in Pontificib. Willihelm. Tyr. l. 18. cap. 26. Abbas Vrsperg. an. 1156. But the Abot of Vrsperg saith, that having newly excommunicated the Emperor Frederic, he went walking to a fountain, where taking some water, a fly got into his mouth and strangled him, the Physicians being not able to help him. Baronius is herewith offended; yet is he the Author he most useth against the Emperors, in favour of the Popes. Now to this is to be referred the conference of john of Sarisburie Bishop of Chartres, with Pope Adrian, which he himself hath left us in writing: Johannes Sarisburiensis in Policro. l. 6. c. 24. I remember, saith he, I went into Apulia to visit Pope Adrian the fourth, who admitted me into great familiarity; & I remained with him at Beneuent about three months. When therefore we conferred together often of many things, as the manner is between friends, he diligently and familiarly inquired of me, what opinion men had of him, and of the Roman Church, I plainly laid open unto him with liberty of speech, the evil words I had heard in divers Provinces: For thus it is said: The Church of Rome, which is mother of all Churches, behaveth herself, towards others, not as a mother, but as a stepdame: The Scribes and Pharases sit in the same, lading men's shoulders with burdens, heavy to be borne, which they themselves touch not with a finger: They have dominion over the Clergy, and yet are not an example to the flock, leading the right way to life: They heap up precious movables, load their Tables with gold and silver, being sparing to themselves through overmuch covetousness: For the poor, they are never, or very seldom received, and then not so much for the love of Christ as for vain glory: By force of terror they wrist from the Churches, the stir up contentions, incite the Clergy and people the one against the other, have no compassion of the pains & miseries of the afflicted, they delight in the spoils of Churches, and do all account gain for godliness: They do justice, not for the truth's sake, but for gain: All things to day are done for money, but tomorrow thou shalt obtain nothing without reward: They often hurt, wherein they imitate Devils, and they are thought then to do good, when they cease from hurting, some few excepted, who fulfil the name and office of Pastor: Yea the Pope of Rome himself is burdenous to all, and almost intolerable: Moreover we see that although the Churches, which the devotition of our Fathers have builded, go to ruin, and altars to be without ornament, yet in the mean time he buildeth for himself Palaces, and goeth not only in purple, but all covered over with gold: The Palaces of Churchmen glitter in beauty, but in their hands the Church of Christ is foul and without furniture: They take by violence the spoils of Provinces, as if they purposed to repair the treasuries of Croesus: But the most high handleth them well, giving them as a prey unto others, and often unto most vile persons, and (as I think) whiles they wander out of the way, the scourge of God will not departed from them for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it, that with what judgement they judge they shall be judged, and their own measure shall be measured to them again: This is it (say I) o Father which the people say, seeing you will have me show you their opinions. And surely he sufficiently also declared thereby his own opinion, when he said as I think: But Adrian putteth him upon the rack: And thou, saith he, what is thine opinion? I am in a straight every way (said I) for I fear I shall incur the blame of lying and flattery, if I alone do contradict the people, and if otherwise I fear to be accused of high treason, and be thought to deserve the gibbet, for opening my mouth against heaven: Yet seeing that Guido Clemens Priest, Cardinal of S. Potenciana, witnesteth unto the people, I presume not in any sort to contradict him; for he saith, that in the Church of Rome there is a certain root duplicitatis of doubleness, which is contrary to the simplicity of a Dove, which is so much commended to Christians: A nourishing also of all covetousness, which is the head and root of all evils. And this he publicly protested, not in a corner, but to the Cardinals his brethren sitting in Consistory, before Eugenius, when the Ferentines were hot against my innocency. Yet, I boldly say, my conscience bearing me witness, that I have now here seen more honest Clergy men than in the Church of Rome. And here he nameth unto him Bernard of Redon, Cardinal Deacon, and the Bishop of Prenest; without doubt, that he might prepare a way to that which he had to say. Because therefore that you instantly urge and command me, and that it is not lawful to lie unto the holy Ghost, I confess what you command must be done, and yet all are not to imitate you in all works; for he which dissenteth from the true doctrine is either an heretic or a schismatic: but through God's mercy there be some which imitate not the works of all of us, etc. But I fear least in continuing to inquire of me what you will, you hear of an imprudent friend that which you would not. What is this Father, that thou examinest the life of others, and dost in no wise search into thyself? All men applaud thee, all men call thee Lord and Father, and the whole oil of a sinner is poured on thy head. If then thou art a Father, why dost thou expect gifts and retributions from thy children? If a Lord, why strikest thou not a fear in thy Romans? and repressing their temerity, why dost thou not call them back to the faith? For he had said a little before, That God took away godly men from Rome, because being corrupt, it was found with God unworthy of such men. But thou wilt preserve the City to the Church by thy gifts; did Silvester obtain it by gifts? In invio Pater es, non in via, Father thou art out of the way, and not in the way: It is to be preserved by the same gifts whereby it was gotten. That which you have received freely give freely: justice is the Queen of all virtues, and blusheth to be changed for any price whatsoever: for to be gracious it must be freely bestowed. Let not her by any means be prostituted to price of money, which cannot be corrupted. justice is entire, and ever uncorrupt. In oppressing others thou shalt be more grievously oppressed. The Pope, saith he, laugheth at it, and congratulateth my liberty. But what saith the Pope to this? surely he telleth him that fable of Aesop, of the members of one that sometime mutined against the stomach, for it received all and did nothing; and when they had determined to send no more any thing into it, after some few days the whole body pined away: thereupon concluding, that even so would it be with all Christendom, if from all parts they sent not riches to Rome. But whence would he have proved unto him, that Rome, as the stomach, holdeth little or nothing to itself, but digesteth and distributeth whatsoever is put into it, for the good of the whole body, & of every part thereof? Thus spoke this good Bishop to the Pope, having doubtless more in his mind than he durst express: for he purposely set forth a treatise, the title whereof was Obiurgatorium Cleri, Idem l. 7. c. 17.18.19. wherein he grievously reprehended the whole Clergy; and likewise in many places of his Polycraticon more stoutly: and in another place saith, One hoping in the multitude of his riches (entereth into the Church) Simon leading him by the hand (that is to say Magus) and findeth not there any to say unto him, Thy money perish with thee. Another feareth to come near S. Peter with gifts, and nevertheless privily, as sometime jupiter did into the lap of Dance, so this incestuous suitor by a golden shower slideth himself into the lap of the Church, etc. Already all things are openly bought, unless the modesty of the seller hinder it. A profane heat of covetousness doth so hover over the sacred Altars, that these things are bought aforehand, etc. As for manners, they are the last they make mention of, and the Canon laws were in no sort made for these men; Jdem l. 8. c. 17. alluding to the words of the Apostle, Lex non posita est justo, They are free from justice, and are led with that spirit, that they have no need to be under the law, etc. Openly mocking them, You would wonder that Simon were come again to deceive the credulous and simple. In another place, Who would believe that the Fathers of the Church, the judges of the world, and that I may so say, the most clear lights of the world, love gifts, follow rewards, Provincias concutiant ut excutiant, By their concussions ruinat Provinces, empty other men's purses to fill their own, preach poverty in words, and by crimes hunt after riches; condemn the traffic of spiritual goods, but to the end men may contract with none but with them, having no other end, but to be feared of all, and loved of none: preaching peace, that they may raise contentions, seeming humble to dissemble their own pride, beating down other men's covetousness to feed their own avarice, enjoining liberality, and persist themselves in niggardness: and to knit up all in a word, putting their portion with all sorts of wicked people, and applying themselves to wickedness, in solidum, wholly, that they may seem a Council of vanity, the wicked Synagogue of the Gentiles, Ecclesia malignantium, the Church of the envious and evil doers, in whose hands are iniquities, and their right hand filled with gifts. Of the head of this Synagogue what may then be thought? We must not here forget the matters of the East, that Pope Adrian for to oblige unto him the Templars, having exempted them from the jurisdiction of the Patriarch, which the Author calleth Perniciosam libertatem, a pernicious liberty, the Patriarch, with his principal Bishops, being near an hundred years old, is constrained to come to Rome to make his complaints unto him; whom the Pope deluded long with many feigned delays, till at length consumed with grief and great charges he is forced to give over his cause. William the Archbishop of tire saith plainly, Guiliel. Tyrius l. 18. c. 6.7.8. The Templars had corrupted the Pope with gifts, and therefore he held them for his lawful children, and the Patriarch with all his for bastards, and as unworthy put them away from him. Moreover, Of so great a troop of Cardinals there were scarcely found two or three, who following Christ would favour his minister the Patriarch in his cause, all the other hunting after rewards, have followed the ways of Balaam, as sons of Bosor. Soon after died the poor Patriarch, to whom succeeded Almaricus, who received the Pall from Rome, but by means of great bounty and liberality. Thus spoke they of the corruption of Rome. 48. PROGRESSION. Of the factions in the Popedom, and the divers molestations procured by Rowland, called afterward Alexander the third. Of the strange pride and insolency of the said Alexander, and how he insulted over the Emperor Frederick doing him all the honour he could. How this Alexander was the first Pope that took upon him the canonizing of Saints. ADrian was no sooner dead but this fire began to kindle more and more. The Cardinals being divided fell to sedition, and the one part of them chose Octavian Cardinal of S. Caecill, whom they called Victor the fourth, the other Rowland Cardinal of S. Mark, whom they named Alexander the third. This Rowland was one of the two Legates whom Adrian had sent to Frederick into Germany with his sharp and thundering letters, which caused their welcome to be the worse, and thereby nourished, as it seemed, some inward hatred in him toward Frederick. These two therefore used their best endeavours to justify and fortify their own causes, from whence arose those two famous factions in Italy, of the Guelphs and Gibellines. Rowland alleged for himself, That he was chosen by the voices of twenty three Cardinals: Octavian albeit had he but five, was the first that wore the scarlet rob, and sat in S. Peter's chair, with the consent and approbation both of the people and Clergy. But Rowland not daring to contend with Octavian, in the City, being a Citizen of Rome, retired himself to Tarracina, and there was the first that was consecrated, and then condemned all those to the pit of hell that should consecrat Octavian: Radevicus l. 2. ca 43. & seq. Nevertheless he within few days following was consecrated by his own company, and requited him with the like execrations; But with the help of Otho County Palatine he invaded Campania, and the Patrimony of S. Peter: Both in the mean time abiding without Rome, because the Senate of Rome held authority in the City, a thing not compatible with the Papacy. So Alexander the third held his residence at Anaigne, Victor the fourth at Sienna; both the one and the other had need of the emperors favour, who then lodged at cream in Lombardie; but Alexander who had offended him, had the less hope to be supported by him: This is that which we have understood by their Letters, related by Radevicus to the patriarchs, Archbishops, and Bishops etc. of which Letters those of Alexander are more sharp, Radevicus l. 2. cap. 51.52.53.54.55. wherein speaking of Victor, these words are to be noted: He prefiguring the time of Antichrist, is exalted so high above himself, that he sits in the Temple of God, as if he were God, and many have beheld with their own eyes the abomination of desolation in the holy place, not without great effusion of tears. And it is not to be doubted but that Victor saith the like of Alexander, so that the adverse part of either, judgeth the other Antichrist, by which name they excommunicate one another with burning lights, and condemn the contrary part of each other to the pit of hell, with the Devil their Author. These are their very words. Frederic gave them to understand that he would not meddle in this controversy, either with the one or with the other, thinking it fit to be referred to the judgement and censure of the Church. Therefore according to the example of the ancient Emperors he assembled a Council at Pavia by his authority in the year 1160. An. 1160. And to summon them both he sent two reverent and prudent men Daniel Bishop of Prague, and Herman Bishop of Verde: whereby it should appear, he would not do any prejudice either to the one, or to the other; and thither also inviteth the Archbishops, Bishops, and Priests, not only of the Empire, but of France, England, Spain, Radevicus l. 2. cap. 55.56. Hungary, Denmark, with protestation of all security and safe conduct for their persons, and sincere justice in the conduct of these affairs; Having truly understood (saith he) of the Decrees of the Popes, and Statutes of the Church, That a Schism arising in the Church of Rome through the dissension of two Popes, it is our duty to call both parties, and according to equity and justice to decide the controversy. The day therefore being come, he ordained fasting and public prayers, for the good success of this Council: then declared he first unto them, That albeit the convocation of Counsels rightly appertained unto him, For so (saith he) have Constantine, and Theodosius, and also justinian, besides those of later time, Charles the great and Otho Emperors done; Nevertheless the authority of defining and deciding this great and important business he thought fit to commit to their wisdom and judgement. Radevicus l. 2. cap. 64.65. For since it pleased God to ordain them Priests, in those things that belonged unto God, It is not (saith he) our parts to judge of you, to whom God hath given power to judge of us, Only we exhort you (saith he) that you so carry yourselves in this business, as you will answer the matter at the judgement seat of God. This done he retired himself from the Council leaving the examination thereof to the Church and Ecclesiastical persons, that is to say, to fifty Archbishops and Bishops, and Abbots without number, besides Ambassadors from divers Provinces, who promised they would stand to whatsoever should be decreed in this Synod. So the Bishops and all the Clergy continued in the canvasing of this cause the space of seven days: at length the lot fell to Octanian called Victor the fourth; the Council or rather the Court giving their sentence for him, and condemned Roxland, called Alexander the third, who being lawfully summoned, proudly refused to appear. Blondus and Sigonius say, his reason was, That he that ought to judge all men, ought not to be judged of any man. But Radevicus in his narration seriously admonisheth the Reader, that in the inquisition of the verity of this act, a man respect not his words, but the writings that came to his own hands, which are inserted into this work, and will not seem tedious to the Reader. But first he produced an Epistle of the Canons of S. Peter of Rome to Frederick. Jdem l. 2. c. 66. wherein after they had bewailed the corruption of Rome as the Prophets before deplored the state of jerusalem, in these words; For the sins of the Prophets, and the iniquity of the Priests, they have wandered like blindmen in the streets, for the face of the Lord was turned from them; They declare that in the time of Adrian one Boson, whom they call the first borne of Satan, possessed the sorts and holds of S. Peter, by corrupting the guard, who were enforced by oath to give their faith unto him: But Rowland seeing the lawful election to fall upon Octavian, without any contradiction ascended the same fort, and there lurked with his associates in a hollow vault of Nero's, I say the same vault whereinto the Roman Nero fled through fear of the Romans, yet could he never afterward attain the pontifical Mantle for all the care and diligence of his followers. Radevic. l. 2. c. 66.67.68.69.70.71.72.73.74.75.76. And here let the Reader note a piece of strange divinity, that from a mantle cast upon the shoulders of a man, whether by right or by wrong, by free-will or by force, an argument should be drawn of a lawful or unlawful election, especially his that is accounted the chief Bishop of the Christian Church. They come afterward to the act of the Council, which being plainly and simply propounded by the Author, by all circumstances justifieth the election of Victor, and weakeneth and disableth that of Alexander; But yet it is continually a question, An immantatus Rolandus nec ne? which is perpetually denied by all. Then was made a catalogue of all those that had given their consent with Victor, and Rowland himself said to his partakers, De me non facietis ridiculum, ●bi est Papa, ite ad eum & obedite, Make not me your laughingstock, the Pope is there, go to him, and obey him. The Council therefore being led by these and the like proofs pronounced sentence, which was likewise ratified by the Emperor being presented unto him. The Precedents of the Council writ into divers parts of the world, that for these causes aforesaid they had chosen Victor and abandoned Rowland, whom they had cursed with book and candle to the Devil himself, because in the life of Adrian he would have made a confederacy, that none but of the number of the confederates should be chosen Pope; and these synodal letters were signed by P●regrinus Patriarch of Aquileia, with his suffragans, Arnaldus of Menze, Artenicus of Bre●e, Hellinus of trevers, Renaldus of Collen, Wickman of Magdeburge for Germany, with their followers; For France the Archbishops of Bizanson, Arles, Lion, Vienna, with their suffragans; The Ambassadors of the Kings of England, Hungary, Denmark, grounding themselves upon the commands and letters of their Lords, and an infinite number of Bishops, Abbots, and Prelates of Italy and Lords of the Empire, as well within as without Italy, did likewise subscribe thereunto: And the Ambassadors that were sent from the Council to work a quiet approbation of what was done in that Council, was the Bishop of Collen into France, of Verdune into Spain, of Prague into Hungary. Which to this end be it spoken, that it might plainly appear how justly and uprightly Frederick carried himself in that Council, against the practices that were afterward made in divers parts by Alexander. The Abbot of Vrsperge made a short abridgement of all this business: There is law enough, saith he, that the election of Rowland being disproved, Octavian should be judged the right and lawful Bishop of Rome, etc. And Rome continued in confusion through conspiracies, that that might be fulfilled which was spoken by the Prophet, They that rise up against me shall be confounded; and again, My servant shall be replenished with joy, etc. Alexander had no sooner understood these things, but he was the more eager and forward to excommunicate Victor and Frederick; but first he sent to Milan the Cardinal of Anaigne, who excommunicated all those cities that favoured Frederick, and joined in a firm league with his enemies. But doubting it would not fall out well for his advantage to hold a Council in Italy, resolved with himself at the Spring of the year 1162 to pass into France, An. 1162. being the bolder because Lewis the younger, and Henry the second, King of England, were yet wavering, and doubtfully affected the one towards the other, and that those of the Order of the Cistertienses, who then bore great sway in France, would be ready to take his part: He arrived at Montpellier about Easter, where he was received in the King's name by Theobald Abbot of S. German, near Paris; from whence departing within some few days, he held a Council at Claramont in Auvergne, where he cursed and excommunicated Victor & Frederick, and all that took their part. Frederick in the mean time drew to Bezanson, and inviteth king Lewis to meet him near Ararim, to confer touching the peace of the Church: But the mischief was, that Frederick arriving about the evening at the day appointed, Lewis was already departed: whereupon these Princes grew afterwards so jealous and suspicious of each other, Helmold. Histor. Solavorum l. 1. c. 91. as they never afterward agreed upon any point. Whereby it came to pass, that Frederick having in vain attempted to renew this parley between them, few days following Alexander the third was entertained at Tossack upon Loire by the Kings of France and England: An. 1163. from whence he went to Tours in the year 1163, and there celebrated a Synod to the same end; the rest was only to make a show of things, save only an Act against the Waldenses, whereof we shall speak in his due place. An. 1164. And at the end of the year 1164 Victor happening to die, the Cardinals presently created in his place Guido of Cremona, Cardinal of S. Caliste, who was called Paschal the third, An. 1165. Anent. l. 6. approved afterward in the year 1165 by a Council held at Wiertsborge. aventinus noteth a memorable Decree which was then made, That from thenceforth not any Pope should be created but after the ancient manner, with the consent of the Emperor, nor should be otherwise styled but Nuntius duntaxat Christi, The messenger only of Christ, and the successor of S. Peter, and to be no more a rival of the Imperial power: In observation whereof all took their oaths not otherwise ever to admit of any, though the Emperor should die: and whosoever should refuse to do it, to be deprived of their offices. Alexander making benefit partly by this change, and partly by the absence of Frederick being gone into Germany, was resolved to pass into Italy, and so much the rather, because he understood the cities began to be weary of the government of the Germans, especially the Romans being bewitched by the persuasions of the Cardinal john his Legate, desired his return. Whereupon his affairs began to strengthen, albeit Frederick to intercept his proceed, sent Renaldus Archbishop of Collen, and Christianus of Mence, into Italy, whilst he prepared an army to come himself in person. Frederick arriving in Lombardie, all the cities thereof mutually condescended to complain of the injuries offered unto them by the Almane Governors, and made humble petition to be released from their servitude and oppression. But he easily smelling the subtlety of Alexander, resolved to march with his army directly unto him, and in the mean time deferred his answer. These on the other side, who gained nothing by attending the event, concluded a league for the common liberty, in such sort that few cities there were that remained under his obedience. Frederick in the mean time hasted with his army towards Rome, to establish Paschal in the throne; so that Alexander through the help and aid of the King of Sicily's galleys was constrained for his safety to fly to Gaieta. But the heat of the Summer drawing on, and the plague growing very hot in his army, Frederick was constrained to leave Paschal with a strong garrison in Rome, and retired himself into Lombardie; where he understood at his return, that the league of the cities were increased both in number, and strengthened with new oaths, yet adding this clause for fashion sake, With exception of his service: in so much that the Venetians themselves, flourishing in Italy both in reputation and wealth, were willing to join with them, and all at once gave courage to the Milanois to revolt. All this happened through that tickling desire of liberty, which the cities had tasted, by the absence or far distance of the Emperor, being all reduced into the form of commonwealths. Frederick therefore seeing his army greatly weakened, in the year 1168 repassed the Alps, An. 1168. and thereby gave by his absence a fit occasion to Alexander for his advantage, to whom in the mean time Emanuel Emperor of Greece offered to unite the Greek Church to the Latin, if he would yield into his hands the Empire of the West; but it was far from his meaning to establish the one or the other, but rather to destroy them both. In the mean time died Paschal, to whom succeeded john a Hungarian, called Calixtus the third, whom the Romans both chose, and undertook the protection of him against Alexander. Now whilst these things thus happened, and Frederick being returned about his affairs into Germany, Alexander upon this change propounded to the Romans, That if he might be received into the city, he would be contented only with the Ecclesiastical administration, & would never meddle with any civil government: which nevertheless he could not yet obtain for the contradiction of frederick's favourers. An. 1175. But in the year 1175 Frederick being returned into Lombardie, at his first arrival set upon Alexander, where in the heat of the siege, Henry Duke of Saxony feigning himself to be touched with scruple of conscience, for the Pope's Excommunications, departed shamefully from him, and carried away with him the greatest part of the Germans, for which crime he was afterward accused in Germany. The confederates by this diminution of their power gathered courage, and gave him battle at Lignane, where after long and doubtful fight they got the victory: and of this unhappy chance ensued other troubles and molestations in Germany, and then his counsellors took occasion to persuade him to peace. Then Frederick sent an embassage to Alexander being at Anaigne, the chief whereof was Christianus Archbishop of Mence, by whom a perpetual peace was concluded between them, and with William king of Sicilia for the space of fifteen years, and with the cities of Lombardie for six years, upon condition that he should acknowledge Alexander the Catholic Pope, and Calixtus the third to live a contented life in an Abbey, and the Cardinals created by him to return to their pristinat state: The Acts of whose agreement and treaty, are extant in the writers of these times. An. 1177. Naucler. 2. vol. Generate. 40. Jacob. Bergom. in supplem. Chronic. ad ann. 1160. Petrus Justinian. l. 2. rerum Venetarum Papirius Masso l. 5. de Episcopis urbis. Asorius jesuita in Jastitut. moral. part 2 l. 5. c. 43. Hieronim. Bardus in victoria novali. Sabel. l. 7. Decad 1 de rebus venetis. Chronic. Codex Cardinal. Bessarionis. Asseruatus in Bibliotheca Veneta Pluteo 17. citatus ab Hieron. Bard. in Victoria navali p. 140. & 141. apud Baron. an. 1176. art. 2. & 5. Baron. an. 1177. art. 86. But because this peace would not seem firm enough, unless the parties came to interview; in the year 1177, after certain delays on both sides, in the end Venice was appointed the place of their parley, and the performance of their oaths to each other: and there, saith Sigonius, they drawing near to the Palace of S. Mark, Frederick came to meet Alexander, and taking him upon the right hand, leadeth him in, and after divine service followed him out, where Alexander mounting his palfrey, the Emperor holding his stirrup, did him all the honour and reverence he could: But for shame he durst not tell the rest; For the Emperor being prostrate before him, Alexander putting his foot upon his neck, said, It is written, Thou shalt walk upon the Asp, and the Basilick, and shalt tread upon the Lion and the Dragon. Frederic answered, Not to thee, but to Peter, whose successors I obey. The Pope replied, pressing his foot the harder, Et mihi & Petro, Both to me and Peter. This pride, being in the sight of all the people, nevertheless was patiently endured by Frederick, partly fearing worse things, through the great privileges that Alexander had bestowed upon this Commonwealth, namely, The marrying of the Sea every year with a ring, etc. and partly at the instance of his son Henry, who exceedingly desired the kingdom of Italy: Some add, That his son Otho being taken by the Venetian galleys, was set at liberty upon this condition. Baronius in the mean time endeavoureth to make this history doubtful, although he relateth it at large by his own confession, out of that famous Chronicle that is kept in the Library at Venice; and his reason is (let the Reader judge whether it be otherwise) that there is no likelihood that a Pope so mild and patiented would commit so arrogant, so insolent, and so monstrous an act. But first we must agree upon that pretended equanimity and modesty, and the prodigious pride of Gregory the seventh, in receiving Henry the fourth to do penance, and we shall easily give credit hereunto. But it is most certain, and the Venetian history affirmeth it, and the jesuits themselves do triumph therein; so far are they, with Baronius, from blushing at it. Now the Romans in regard of this submission, by their ambassadors invite him to Rome, which he accepted, upon condition that the Senators chosen by them should take upon them an oath of fidelity to the Church of Rome, before they entered into that office. An. 1178. An. 1180. And so in the year 1178 he came into the city, and the year afterward 1180 he held a Council at Lateran, where he ordained, That if the Cardinals could not agree in the election of the Pope, the Pope might be chosen by two of the parts, and whosoever being chosen by the third part should carry himself as Pope, should be deprived of the Communion; and so he declareth the ordinances made by Victor the fourth, Paschal and Calixtus the third (arch heretics) to be of no force. And judge the Reader into what scruple of conscience he brought; by these vain and idle ordinances, the best and greatest part of Europe. But he died not long after, having more valiantly overcome, Sigon. de regno Ital. l. 14. than moderately handled his enmity with Frederick, as Sigonius saith; seeming no doubt under these mild words to conceal that shameful and horrible act which he was not willing to express. Neither were this fit to be omitted, being both an argument, and an augmentation of the Papal authority, That this Alexander was the author of that law, whereby the canonizing of Saints should be only in the power of the Bishop of Rome; Extra de reliquijs sanctorum venerat. c. 1. It is not lawful (saith he) that any should be worshipped for a Saint without licence from the Pope; By which law he challenged to himself the authority of the ancient Bishops of the paynim, who placed whom they pleased in the number of the gods; and to give the greater lustre, he began with S. Bernard, who was famous for his sanctity, than followed Thomas of Canterbury, whom he pronounced Martyr, because he defended his pontifical usurpations against the king's royal authority in England. When notwithstanding (it is a thing worthy the noting) that after his canonizing it was publicly disputed among our Sorbonists, that he was damned, for rebelling against the King, the minister of God. Casorius Monach. in Dialog. l. 8. c. 69. Another law he also made that none should wear the Archbishop's pall unless he had taken an oath of fidelity to the Pope. furthermore he called to this Synod all the Churches of the west, but those which either for the distance of the places, or through other impediment could not appear, were punished by the purse, which redeemed the fault of their absence, which was (saith Neubrigensis) more dishonestly exacted, than paid. Gulielm. Neubrig. l. 3. c. 2. We must likewise remember that he was Vicar unto him that saith in the Gospel, I will give thee all these Kingdoms, if thou wilt fall down and worship me, for he granted to Alfonsus' the first, Duke of Portugal, the title and dignity of a King, Baro. An. 1179. art. 16. & 17. upon condition he should do him homage, and pay him yearly a revenue of two marks of gold, which by a letter from Innocent the third to King Sancius evidently appeareth, finding himself grieved, that since that time his successors had neglected the payment thereof, giving him to understand that he had taken order with his Legate Ramerius to levy the same by Ecclesiastical authority. OPPOSITION. This is an opposition worthy the noting against the Papal tyranny, when so great an Emperor, so great an Empire bent their wits, and endeavoured with the utmost of their courages to resist and impugn it; the Romans themselves shut their gates because they knew him insupportable. But the opposition did best appear when these Popes mutually strived with curses & execrations to put down each other, and pronouncing one another Antichrists in their Synods; but it shall not be amiss to note some of the principal. aventinus expressly telleth us, Auent. l. 6. that the greater part neutrum Pontificem recipiebant, would receive neither of the Popes, using that saying of the Apostle, all things are yours, be it Paul, be it Apollo, be it Peter, one faith, one God, and one Father of us all; and the words of Christ, there is but one master, and ye are all brethren; And furthermore he adds that Gerochus Bishop of Richemberg writ much upon this controversy, and the title of his book is de Antichristo. This Gerochus was afterward Bishop of Halberstat, deposed, as Sigonius saith, through the treaty of a peace with Alexander, Sigon. de regno Jtaliae l. 14. and Vlrich instituted into his place. In England in the year 1164 Henry the second assembled all the principal of his Clergy at Clarendon to confirm avitas consuetudenes, An. 1164. the customs of his ancestors, to the end they should serve as a bar between the usurping enterprises of the Clergy, and the King's justices, and the customs are comprehended in 16 Chapters, recited by Matthew Paris; the most important are as followeth; Matthew Paris in Henrico. 2. That the Churches which hold in fee of the King, be not granted in perpetuity without his permission. That Clerks accused of any crime, being advertised by the King's justice, may come to the place appointed and answer for themselves. That the Archbishops & Bishops may not departed the realm without the King's licence, and without taking an oath, to do nothing, either in going, staying, or returning to his prejudice. That the Archbishops, Bishops, and others, who hold of the King in Capite, and have their possessions of the King, should answer to the justices after the same manner as the Lords and Barons of the realm. The vacation of a Church happening, the King sending for the principal persons thereof commandeth them to make choice of a successor in his Chapel with his consent, and the Council of the realm, in whose presence the man chosen shall do homage, and loyalty to the King, as to his liege Lord of his life, his body, and of his worldly preferment, except his order; and that before he be consecrated: and to this are sworn, all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, and the Nobility of the realm viva voce, in the word of truth to observe towards the King, and his successors for ever. Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury who was the first that had taken this oath, within few days after, being corrupted by Alexander the third (who in a Council held at Tours placed him upon his right hand) requested his absolution, whom Alexander soon discharged both of the oath, and the sin. But this is to be noted, that the thing that urged him most, was, That they of the Clergy that were taken in publico Flagitio, in public wickedness, by the King's officers, might be delivered to the Bishop without any punishment inflicted upon them, contrary to that order the King had ordained, that those whom the Bishops themselves should find faulty, aught to be degraded in the presence of his officers, and afterward be delivered to the King's Court to be punished. But Thomas did here exclaim, that this was to be punished twice for one and the same thing, that is to say, degraded by the Bishop, and punished by secular authority. Now good Reader, he that dies for such a cause, is he a Saint or a Martyr? For what wickedness will not a man justify, if only degrading may discharge the punishment? Now Thomas, having wrought with all the Bishops of England his suffragans to renounce their allegiance, without the king's knowledge passed the sea towards Alexander into France, who from time to time delayed his answer unto him, fearing to offend the King, his affairs then hanging but in a wavering and doubtful manner; but as the author saith pensans periculosa tempora, weighing the dangerous times, granted to the Archbishop of York by a Bull the office of Legate; Insomuch that Thomas displeased with these delays, writing to the Archbishop of Mence, Epist. Thomae Cantuariens. ad Archiepisc. Moguntin. thus complaineth, Matrem Romam factam esse meritricem, & pro mercede prostitutam, Our mother Rome is become a harlot, and prostituted to whosoever will give most. From this we may gather what the other Bishops of England might say, when Thomas, his pretended Martyr, had spoken in this sort. Now of this Henry the second, whom Thomas had wilfully made his adversary, Peter of Blois, Archdeacon of Bath and Chancellor of Canterbury, writing to Gualterus Bishop of Palerme, hath left us this worthy testimony. No man (saith he) is more wise and subtle in counsel, in speech more vehement, more careless in dangers, nor more constant and resolute in adversity etc. having always in his hands either a bow, a sword, or a javelin, except sitting in counsel, or busy at his book; for whensoever he had any respite from his important and weighty affairs, spent his time in private study and reading, or in arguing with learned men; his daily life is as if it were a School of learning in dissolving continually difficult questions. None more mild than he in speech, more temper at in eating, more moderate in drinking, more bountiful in gifts, more liberal in alms etc. Our King is peaceable, victorious in war, glorious in peace etc. None more gentle and meek to the afflicted, more gracious and affable to the poor; none more severe to the proud, for he ever studied as it were by an image of divinity to beat down the haughty and proud minded, to raise the oppressed, and continually to persecute the swelling loftiness of pride etc. But when according to the custom of the realm, he had in elections the greatest, and most powerful part, nevertheless he would have his hands ever free from all partiality and corruption. For the death of this Thomas, who procured his wrath through so many mischiefs and injuries, I tell you (saith he) in the word of our Lord, and by the faith and order of a Deacon, that in my conscience, he was no way culpable, or guilty thereof: And thus much the Lord Theodinus Bishop of Port, and the Lord Albert Chancellor, who came hither as Legates to examine the truth, and have known and reported his innocency, can affirm etc. which Legates after a canonical purgation by the commandment of the Pope, pronounced him clear of this crime before God and the World. Notwithstanding these Legates made benefit, as the manner is, of the rebellion of Henry his son, through certain words that he had uttered in some choler, whereby the authors of his death were emboldened to attempt the life of the said Thomas, who enforced him to purchase his absolution with the hurt of his kingdom, abolishing those customs that were brought in against the liberties of the Church, and approving all appellations to the sea of Rome, and all this for the remission of his sins. Matthew Paris discoursing of this History, Math. Paris in Henr. 2. giveth us to understand by certain circumstances, that it was the pride of Alexander, or at least his Legates: The King and the Archbishop (saith he) being come to Fretevall to be reconciled, they twice descended their horses, and as often mounted again, and both these times the King held the rains of the Bishop's bridle. What duty would the Pope have looked for, when so much was done to his Legate? Again, though the King always protested, that he never commanded nor willed, nor by any devise sought the death of Thomas, nevertheless because through some of his own words, not advisedly spoken, these murderers had taken occasion thereby to kill him, this proud beast enforced him, ask his absolution, to submit his naked skin to the punishment of the whip, and that all the religious people there assembled, being a great multitude, should every man give him three or five lashes: which the King, miserably bewitched by those Romish sorceries, submitteth himself unto. The saying of one Gratian the Pope's Legate, is worth the noting in this cause, to the King of England, who had said somewhat unto him in threatening manner, Sir (saith he) threaten us not; we fear no threatenings, for we belong to that Court that useth to command both Emperors and Kings: And Baronius hath set down this excellent apothegm, in great letters. Baron. an. 1169. art. 11. By the pride of the servant we may judge the modesty of the Master. Doubtless the wisest of this world judge otherwise of the power and authority of the Pope. Otho Bishop of Frisinghen saith, Otho frisingen's. in prologo. l. 4. Chron. Two persons are constituted in the Church by God, the Priestly and the Princely; the one hath the administration of the Sacraments of Christ, and to exercise Ecclesiastical descipline with the spiritual sword; the other carrieth the material sword against the enemies of the Church, defending the poor and the Churches of God from the oppression of the wicked, punishing evil doers, and exercising secular judgement. These are the two swords whereof we read in the Passion of our Saviour; but Peter is said to use but only one. Therefore even as to the spiritual sword spiritual possession belong, that is to say, the tithes, the oblations of the faithful, and others of like sort, so to the material are subject all worldly dignities, as Duke domes, Earldoms, and the like. Now God would that these things should be in his Church orderly, and not confusedly; that is to say, not in one person alone, but divided between two, as I have formerly named. Even as these persons therefore that carry the material sword are not to meddle with those things that are spiritual, so is it not fit for the spiritual to usurp the other. And to make good this saying, many testimonies of the Scriptures, and of our Lord himself, besides the example of Saints, may be alleged, as that Gospel that saith, Give unto Caesar the things that belong unto Caesar, and unto God the things that are Gods. That which our Lord jesus Christ had delivered in words, he declared also by effects, when yielding tribute to whom tribute belonged, he gave tribute for himself and Peter. And S. Paul acknowledged that we ought to yield honour to whom honour belongeth, considering that all power is from God; who being brought to judgement, did not appeal to Saint Peter, who then possessed the chair at Rome, but to Nero, a most impious and a wicked man, ordained by the will of God King of the whole world. And thus much touching the honour of Kings. But he goeth about to defend the Pope by some poor & weak reasons, but in the end concludeth, I confess I know no other refage but this, that we have known holy men, both of Apostolic faith and merit, as Sylvester, Gregory, Vlric, Boniface, Lampert, Gothard, and divers others that have had these things; but for myself to speak my own opinion, I doubt whether this exalting of the Church in these days, be more acceptable to God, than the humility of former times. Verily it seemeth that state was the better, this the happier. Nevertheless I agree with with the Church of Rome etc. That is to say, to be rather temporally happy with the one, than spiritually happy with the Apostles and the holy Fathers; and shortly after he hides not from us upon what foundation he groundeth his reason; That all scruple, saith he, of that controversy, being resolved by his authority and example, is again secretly signified by that which was said to S. Peter, Duc in altum, launch into the deep, and cast your nets to take fish, Luke 5. yea it is so secret, that for the space of 500 of the first and best years, none of the ancient Doctors could perceive this mystery. Jdem. l. 3. Chron. 1.3. But the same author speaks more openly in another place; After the donation of Constantine, the Church of Rome affirmeth that all Realms of the West belonged to it by the gift of Constantine; this he refuteth himself, In token whereof it doubted not to exact tribute even to this present of all those except the two Kingdomed of the French, that is to say, the Gauls and the Germans, which he would gladly draw into his Net, if they would suffer him. But in our France, at the very same time, they that were called Waldenses or Albienses, earnestly set against the Church of Rome, condemning all the traditions thereof, rejecting the ceremonies, and declaring it in express words to be that Babylon in the Apocalyps, the mother of fornications, and the Pope very Antichrist, the man of sin, foretold by the holy Scriptures. These people maintained the purity, verity, and simplicity of the Christian Religion in all the Countries, both on the mountains and valleys of Dauphin, Provence, Languedoc, and Guyan, where the corruptions, and papal inventions could not so easily penetrate: no otherwise than as we see the Tongues, customs, and habits of nations to be preserved in Countries more remote, against the inundation and mingling of the people; as the original Tongue of Spain in the mountains of Biscay, and the ancient Tongue of the Britons in Wales, with their manners and customs also; and so likewise of others: For, that so great a multitude of people spread from the Alps even to the Pirence by the instruction of Waldo had been as it were hatched up in one day, exceedeth all belief, all reason. Contrariwise, he that would retire himself from the world seriously to contemplate his own salvation, it is likely he rather learned it of them, and afterward taught at Lion, where for the renown of the city, they that were his followers, or affected his doctrine, were called Waldenses, as they who preached in the city of Alba ware called Albienses, and not many years before Peter Bruitzius & Henry his disciple publicly teaching at Tholouse, were called Tholousians; and so likewise were they called at the Council of Lateran held under Alexander the third. Of this antiquity (to the end we need not doubt thereof) the adversaries themselves avouch the truth; amongst whom Friar Rainerius, who writ about the year of our Lord 1250, Among all the sects that are (saith he) or ever will be, none can be more pernicious to the Church of God than that of Lions, An. 1250. Frater Rainerius de Waldensibus. for three causes, the first, because it hath continued a longer time than any; some say that it hath been ever since the time of Sylvester; others say from the time of the Apostles; that is to say, inasmuch as integrity ever went before corruption, and the same maintained by them, as it is said of the true Church in the Apocalyps, that it was preserved even in the desert: The second because it is more general, for there is not almost any Country where into this sect hath not crept; whereas in the mean time they ask us, where our Church then was: The Third, because all the other procure horror by their blasphemies against God, this of the Lionists hath a great appearance of piety, in as much as they live uprightly before men, and put their trust in God in all things, and observe all the Articles of the Creed, only they blaspheme the Church of Rome, and hold it in contempt, and therein they are easily believed by the people. To the end that all accusations may vanish away, which were spread against them among the people; although Baronius following the report of certain Monks is not afraid to recite, Baron. an. 1178. vol. 12. art. 17.21. that they have feigned them to be sometimes Arrians, & sometimes Manichees, but wrongfully as he himself acknowledgeth; although Rainerius was more impatient in his whole discourse against them, jacobus of Riberia in his collections of Tholouse, hath these words: Jacob. de Riberia in Collectaneis de urbe Tholosae. The Waldenses or Lagdunenses have continued a long time, the first place they lived in, was in Narbone in France, and in the diocese of Albie, Rhodes, Cahors, & Again; And at the same time there was of little or no estimation such as were called Priests, Bishops, and Ministers of the Church; For being very simple and ignorant almost of all things, it was very easy for them through the excellency of their learning and doctrine to get unto themselves the greatest credit among the people; and forasmuch as the Waldenses disputed of Religion more subtly than all others, were often admitted by the Priests to teach publicly, not for that they approved their opinions, but because they were not comparable unto them in wit: In so great honour was the sect of these men, that they were both exempted from all charges & impositions, and obtained more benefit by the Wills and Testaments of the dead than the Priests. A man would not hurt his enemy, if he should meet him upon the way accompanied with one of these heretics, insomuch that the safety of all men seemed to consist in their protection. What greater testimony could a man expect from an adversary? As touching their doctrine, we cannot better learn what it was, than by their own confession, presented sundry times to the Kings of Bohemia, who after their dissipation in France fled thither, agreeing in substance with the profession of our Churches; although according to the rudeness of the time not so clearly expounded, as also by their Catechisms, wherein they instructed their children. Neither will we refuse to give credit to the acts of the Court of Inquisition, and the writers of those times, who for the most part carried away with malice, endeavoured to make it odious to the world. The aforesaid Rainerius noteth, among the causes of their heresies, That men and women, little and great, day and night cease not to learn, Rainerius de Waldensibus. and to teach. I have heard from the mouth of a credible person, that a certain heretic, whom I knew, that he might divert him from our faith, and pervert him to his own, did swim over the river Ibis in winter, and even in the night to come unto him. Let the Doctors of the true Religion blush at their own negligence, who are not so zealous of the truth of the Catholic faith, as the Leonists are of the error of infidelity. Moreover, they have translated the new and old Testament into the vulgar Tongue, and so they teach and learn it so well, that I have seen and heard, saith he, a Country Clown recite job word by word, and divers others that perfectly could deliver all the new Testament. Then he distinguisheth their errors into three parts, against the Church of Rome, against the doctrine of the Sacraments, and of Saints, & against the honest customs and rites of the said Church; Of the Church of Rome (saith he) they teach that it is not the Church of Christ, but the Church of the malignant, which fell from Christ ever since the time of Sylvester, when the poison of temporal dominion entered into it; that it is that whore described in the Apocalyps; that the Pope is the head of all errors, his Prelates Scribes, his Monks pharisees, and all turned from the Doctrine of the Gospel to follow their traditions: As touching the Sacraments, they disallow the administration of them in an unknown tongue, the Godfathers understanding not what they answer or promise in the Baptism; as also the exorcisms, and the sign of the cross, and others the like; They hold the Mass as nothing, and that the Apostles never knew what it meant, and as little did they know their Canon, holding themselves to the words of the institution of Christ, delivered in a vulgar tongue; That the oblation of the Priest serveth to no purpose; And as touching the sacrament, that it ought to be consecrated in a known tongue, & that for this purpose there needed no altar, and that the changing of the forms, is not done in the hand of the Priest consecrating, but in the mouth of him that worthily receiveth it: And all this, because they admit nothing into their Church, but what is written in the Bible; no decrees, no epistles decretals, not the Legends of Saints, nor Traditions of the Church; and condemn also the invocation, and praying to Saints, and whatsoever is comprehended under the name of honest customs, the feasts of candles, the adoration of the Cross upon Good friday, the consecration of Palms, of Ashes, of the Chrism, of fire, of the Agnus dei, of salt and water, of certain vestments and places, of Pilgrimages to Rome and other places: They deny also Purgatory, saying there is only but two ways, the one heaven for the elect, the other hell for the damned; they condemn Masses, and oblations for the dead, besides anniverssaries, and other suffrages for the soul. These are the points that may be gathered out of that Author, who bestowed much time afterward in refuting them, and mingled by the way many false accusations, Aeneas Silvius in historia Bohemica ca 35. from which they were afterward freed by Aeneas Silvius, called Pope Pius the second, whose doctrine he comprehended in these few words: That the Bishop of Rome is equal to other Bishops, neither is there any difference between them, one Priest being not greater in dignity than another, but in holiness of life: That the souls departing the body, pass either to pain, or to joy eternal: That there in no fire in purgatory: That a man prayeth in vain for the dead, being nothing else but an invention of the avarice of Priests: That the images of God and Saints were fit to be abolished: That the hallowing of waters and palms are but mockeries: That the religion of begging friars was invented by some evil spirit: That Priests ought to be poor, and content to live by alms: That the preaching of the word of God is free to every man: That no man should sin to avoid any evil whatsoever: That whosoever is guilty of deadly sin (they mean a crime) ought not to be admitted either into any secular, or ecclesiastical dignity: That the confirmation by the Chrism, and extreme unction, are no Sacraments of the Church: That auricular confession is but a frivolous and vain thing, and it is sufficient for every man if he confess his sins privately to God: That Baptism ought to be done with common water, without the mixture of oil: That Churchyards have been invented for gain, for the earth is all one every where to bury in: That the world is the temple of God, and that they that builded Churches, Monasteries, and Oratories would reduce the majesty of God into a narrow strait, as if a man should find his divine goodness more propitious there, than else where: That the Priests vestments, that ornaments of the altar, robes, caps, Chalices, dishes, and other the like vessels are little worth, and of no moment: That a Priest, in what place or time soever, may consecrate the body of Christ, and administer the same to others, using only the words of the institution of the Sacrament: That it is in vain to implore the favour of Saints, who reign in heaven with Christ, who can no way help: That a man loseth his time in singing or saying his Canonical hours: That no day a man may cease from his labour, except the Sunday, and not the feasts of Saints: That to observe the fasts ordained by the Church is of no merit. Which opinions the Author, who had looked more inwardly into them, carried by that malice he bore towards them, setteth down maliciously enough in his own words: but being rightly understood, nothing differed from the true doctrine, if distinctly set down as well in their confession as in ours. At the least they free themselves from their false accusations which charge them with errors, against the due obedience to Magistrates, and against a lawful oath, and divers others mentioned by Rainerius. And much more they defend themselves from the sorceries, or divinations by lots, which the malice of the time had blazed abroad, although sorcerers & wicked persons were, and also are in divers Provinces called Waldenses; and from that putting out of candles to commit whoredom one with another, ancient subtleties of the devil to defame the first Christians, and by him renewed again, when it pleased God to send the light of the Gospel. Frederick the second therefore in the costitutions which he made against them, accused them not, but for separating themselves from the Church of Rome, and from the ceremonies and services thereof, without imputing any other crime unto them, Petrus de Vineis li. 1. c. 25.26.27. as appeareth in the Epistles of Peter of Vineis, his Chancellor. And also Claudius Seisellienses Archbishop, a man of great credit under Lewis the twelfth, although he had written a book expressly against them, he acknowledgeth them to be a good people, upright and honest, innocent and irreprehensible in their conversation, and observations of the commandment of God. Notwithstanding they were excommunicated by john de Bellamaine Archbishop of Lion, at the commandment of Alexander the third, and soon after were summoned to the Council of Lateran, but they would not appear, because they knew they should have the Pope both their judge and adversary. Guido de Perpinian pag. 79. de haeresibus. Whereupon he proceeded against them with all persecutions, as wars, slaughter, spoils, massacres; and whosoever could most cruelly pursue them, obtained forgiveness of all their sins. But at length, through the great providence of God, it came to pass, that through their dissipation and scattering abroad, were gathered together a great number of Churches over all Europe, as shall be hereafter declared. We may add, That some writers of this Age, albeit adversaries, tell us, that there was held a conference at Realmont, among the Albienses, where disputed on their side Ponticus jordanus, Arnoldus Aurisanus, Arnoldus Otho, Philibertus Caslienus, and Benedictus Thermensis: On the other side Peter de Castro novo, a Monk of the order of the Cistertians, and the Pope's Legate, and also Rodolphus deputed by the Pope, Didacus' Bishop of Erenenses, and Dominicus a Canon of the same Church, both Spaniards. And there were chosen as Arbitrators two of the Nobility, Bernard of Villa nova, and Bernard of Are, and of the Commonalty Raimond Godeus, and Arnold Riberia: There, they say, Guilielm. de Podio Laurentij Noguier en l'history Tolouse. that these Doctors of the Waldenses did constantly affirm, That the Church of Rome was not the holy Church, nor the spouse of Christ, but a Church polluted with the doctrine of the devil, and that Babylon whom S. john describeth in his Apocalyps, the mother of fornications and abominations, overwhelmed and drowned in the blood of Saints: That the Mass was not instituted by Christ nor his Apostles, but a human invention; and many the like things, and so departed, not agreeing upon any thing. 49. PROGRESSION. The contentions and several differences between the Emperor Frederick & Pope Lucius the third. Of the voyage to the Holy Land by the Emperor and the Christian Princes, for the recovery of Jerusalem from the soldan, with the death of the said Emperor; and of the troubles that afterward arose to his son Henry. The solemnity and manner of the coronation of the Emperor. ALexander the third held the seat two and twenty years, which happeped to few either before or since; and in all this time it fell out so happily for him, that the Antipopes lived not long, so that by these mutations he advanced not a little his own affairs. Four, the one after the other, had opposed themselves against him, whereof every one being entered the throne, laboured with new slights either to do or undo. The only power of Frederick made head against him, being often disturbed as well in Germany as in Italy, through the rebellions which Alexander had stirred up against him; whereby the cities and Princes took occasion, under the colour of his Ecclesiastical reformations, to revolt. Neither did the ambition of his son Henry less trouble him, who at what price soever would be King of Italy, yet feared least the death of his father, then engaged in the Pope's wars, might surprise him in that estate, and so much the rather, because the Popes seemed to be Arbitrators of the greatest part of the Empire of Italy. Alexander therefore being dead, and Hubald Cardinal of Ostia, named Lucius the third, elected in his place, according to the order decreed in the Council of Lateran, by the Cardinals only, without the consent of the Clergy and the people. Henry to persuade his father to be at peace with Italy, omitted no means or opportunity whatsoever; but first of all removing all lets, procured the friendship of Lucius the third, who having a desire to gratify the city of Lucca where he was borne, Frederick at his request soon granted that no other money should be currant through all Tuscan, Marchia, Romania, and Campania, but that which should be coined in Lucca in the emperors name. Lucius in the mean time did no better agree with the Romans than his predecessors, who when he sought to put down the Consuls, they cruelly chastising his faction, and threatening himself worse measure, enforced him, according to the example of his predecessors, to forsake Rome, and to hold his See at Velitre. Who nevertheless providing himself against them, under a pretence of a Sarasen war, called a Council at Verona in the year 1184, where the Emperor Frederick himself was present. An. 1184. Naucler. vol. 2. Gener. 40. Frederick making benefit of the time, having now pacified Lombardie, and received Alexandria into favour (touching which city there had grown so great contention between him and Alexander) seemed to reduce things to their pristinat state, Sigon. l. 14. de regno Jtal. as appeareth by these articles, That all the citizens of Alexandria should at his will and pleasure departed the city, and so long should abide from thence, till they were brought in by his Deputy or Lieutenant in a solemn manner; that by this act it might appear, he gave and they received their country from the hand of the Emperor, and so the city should from hence forward be called Caesaria. In this Council Lucius the third so far prevailed by means of the emperors presence to repress the Romans, that they were proclaimed as enemies to the Church: But on the other part, as Frederick requested to crown his son Henry Emperor, he expressly denied it, unless he would restore first unto him the inheritance of the Countess Mathilda, and other duties which he withheld from the Church; thereby not so much renewing an old quarrel, as determining it at his own pleasure. It was also requested by the Emperor, That he would receive into favour those Ecclesiastical persons that were ordained by the Antipopes; whereunto he consented: but the day following, when he should have laid his hands upon them, utterly refused it, and referred it to another Synod, Fearing, saith Krantzius, lest the Church, Krantzius l. 6. Saxon. c. 47. as in former times, should fall into a most dangerous schism, which evil the nearer they knew it, the more they feared it. Even so both with grudge and discontented minds dismissed the Council. And now Frederick passing forward into Italy, straightly pursued the cities that held with the Church; and on the other part Lucius was resolved to use all extremities, even when he died, in the city of Verona, having never dared to look back toward Rome: and in the same place was chosen for his successor Lambert Archbishop of Milan, who was named Vrban the third. It is a thing worthy to be noted, That this Lucius excommunicated the Waldenses, and Albienses, because they did wear sandals on their feet, and a hood, saying they did therein imitat the plainness and simplicity of the Apostles. But out of all doubt it was rather through malice; let it suffice us, that he had no greater crimes to charge them withal. There is also extant another Decree of his, Abbas Visperg. in Chron. extra de Judicijs Tit. 1. c. Clerici 8. Abbas Vrsperg. Ex Epistola quadam Pragens. vniuers. ad Oxoniensem tempore Wenceslei Jmperatoris scripta. Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 15. ex Naubrig. Vrsprergens. & Viterbiens. Krantxius in Saxon. l. 6. c. 52. That a Clergy man for every crime should be convented before an Ecclesiastical judge, notwithstanding any other custom whatsoever. Here is also of him a certain Epigram, which is alluded to the fish called a Pike, being in Latin Lucius, who devoureth other fish. Lucius est piscis, Rex. atque tyrannus aquarum, Aquo discordat Lucius iste parum: Devorat ille homines, hic piscibus insidiatur, Esurit hic semper, hic aliquando satur. Amborum vitam, si laus aquata notaret, Plus rationis habet, qui ratione caret. Lucius is a fish, a tyrant in water, Like to this Lucius, as mother to daughter; He devours men, this fishes doth eat; He still hungers, this sometime's full with meat: If both their lives we equally should praise, He hath most reason that reason denayes. In the remainder of the history of these times we must follow the self same steps. Vrbanus, although he continued not long, notwithstanding in that little time purchased the name of Turbanus, through the troubles which he everywhere procured. Frederick made peace with William King of Sicilia, and for the better confirmation thereof, married his son Henry to Constance the daughter of Roger, the grandfather of the said William, who dying without issue was the next heir. This manage pleased not Vrban, and the less, because Frederick in an assembly holden at Geilhausen, caused the Prelates of Germany to write unto him, to preserve the tenths held in fee, and other rights, to the Nobility, being by her worthily obtained in the defence of the Church. But as he prepared at Verona to excommunicate him, they of Verona, to whom he was now retired, made known unto him, That they would not endure that in their city such a Decree should be published against the Emperor: Whereupon, he departing to Ferrara for the same purpose, was prevented by death. The Abbot of Vrsperg, of him thus briefly speaketh, Being borne in Milan, in hatred of the Emperor, he was very trouble some to the Church, which had a while been quiet; but he was prevented by the will of God, and died, having continued in the seat but one year ten Months and fifteen days. An. 1187. In the year 1187 the Cardinal Albert his Chancellor, chosen by the Cardinals at Ferrara, succeeded him, being called Gregory the eight; who soon after writ to all Princes to persuade them to go personally into Palestina to recover Jerusalem, which the infidels had forcibly gotten from the Christians, assuredly promising them life everlasting, and the protection of the Church, during the time of their absence, for the safety both of their states & goods. And doubtless the miserable estate there of the Christians persuaded many to undertake this journey, as the Emperor Frederic, Philip king of France, and Richard King of England, and divers other Princes in their own person. Notwithstanding Gregory saw not the success thereof, death preventing him in Pisa even at the setting forward of this enterprise. But the Cardinals that were of his train, chose in the same place Cardinal Paul a scholar of Rome (who was Clement the third; being so named, because the dissension that had continued between the Popes and the Romans the space of five and forty years, was extinguished and appeased by his means) upon condition that they might have a Patricius: But the Senators and Governors of the City created by them, before they enter into that office, should be invested permantum, with a mantle by the Pope. Now Frederic died in this voyage after many notable & worthy exploits, An. 1190. in the year 1190, having entered into a certain river in Armenia, called Serra, to refresh himself in the violent heat of summer, the sudden cold to the extreme heat striking inwardly into him, presently overcame his vital parts. Otho de S. Blasio cap. 35. Abbas urspergen. Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 15. A Prince commended by all Histories for his piety, virtue, clemency, forgetfulness of all injuries, whereby he left a desire in all men of his continuance, & yet no man ever endured greater & more unjust dealings by the Popes. Through his death arose many molestations to his son Henry as well in Germany as in Italy: But the thing that most troubled him, was to get into his possession the kingdom of Sicily in the right of Constance his wife, by the death of William; the which Pope Clement, for want of an heir male challenged to belong to the church, and had sent his forces to invade it, if the States and governors thereof had not opposed against him one Tancred the Bastard son of Roger; by which means the invasion of Clement being delayed, Henry had the better opportunity to provide for himself. Thus did he observe the promise made by his predecessor to those that went into the holy Land, to defend and protect their estates and rights in that state they should leave them. Platina in Clement. 3. Frederic being dead in this expedition, his son Henry, besides the grief for the loss of his father through so extraordinary and unexpected an accident, was no less diversly disquieted and disturbed in the kingdom of Germany: But Clement while he was endeavouring to put by Henry from the imperial Diadem, died in April in the year 1191, whom Cardinal jacynthus succeeded, a Citizen in Rome, and was called Celestine the third. By this change Henry sped the better, and with all diligence came to Rome, where he was crowned by Celestine, whom he had before bound unto him, Naucler. vol. 2. Gener. 40. by restoring into his hands the city of Tusculus which had been delivered into his protection, a means for Celestine to gratify the Romans, because that for the space of 50 years before it had been either the cause, or pretence of many dissensions and brawls between them and the Popes. Vignier. ex Chron. German. manuscr. Baro an. 1191. Sect 1. & 10. ex Rogero authore Coaetaneo part posteriore in Richardo primo. But as soon as he had restored it unto them, he refrained not any kind of cruelty, that he might practise against those miserable people. But the manner of his coronation is worthy to be noted. After the Emperor had taken his oath to defend the Church, and the patrimony of Saint Peter, and to restore whatsoever belonged to the Church, whole and entire, if any thing were withheld or detained from it; the Emperor and the Empress are brought into the Church by the Pope, and Mass being solemnly celebrated by him, he anointeth first the Emperor with words instituted to that purpose, and afterward the Empress. Then sitting down in his pontifical Chair, holdeth the imperial Crown between his feet, and the Emperor bowing down his head, and likewise the Empress, receive it from his feet; And after this immediately the Pope striking the Crown with his foot, kicks it from his head to the ground, in token he hath power, if his merits so deserve, to depose him; then the Cardinals, standing round about, receive the same Crown, and reverently puts it upon the heads of the Emperor, and the Empress. Baronius himself is the Author, and likewise Ranulph in the same words. Ranulph in Polycr. l. 7. ca 26. Thus this proud mystery did still rise by degrees. Now by the death of the Bastard Tancred it was the easier for Henry to make his peace with the kingdom of Sicilia. But Celestine was now ready to excommunicate Henry, and also his brother Philip if his death had not prevented it, by an ancient pretence, whereby he had usurped the possessions of the Countess Mathilda, though before, to the end that Henry should ruinated and destroy Tancred, whom he saw now established by the States, he had invested the said Henry into these dominions as his feudatory. But Henry dying in the year 1197 left only a son by Constance his wife of the age of one year, and the troubles that everywhere rise about the succession, gave Celestine means, or rather a fit opportunity to his successor Innocent the third to do whatsoever they would in prejudice of the Empire: For as Philip the brother of Henry, and Otho Duke of Saxony strived for the Kingdom of Germany, Innocent taking an oath of faithful homage of the Governor of the City of Rome, invadeth the Dukedom of Tuscan, which Henry had given to Philip his brother, and sending to the Bishops of Germany, commandeth them to deliver the hostages which Henry had brought out of Sicilia, with him, namely Sibilla the widow of Tancred, his children, and the Archbishop of Salerne; Butt if Vezilus de Berco (their keeper) should refuse to deliver them, than they should excommunicate him, by which means he seemed to have composed the business of Sicilia to his own desires. The very same way, partly by force, and partly by excommunication he chased away Marcoaldus out of Romania, and Conradus out of the Dukedom of Spoleto, whom Henry had invested, and interdicted all the Cities that any whit favoured them, and strengthened and confirmed the Cities of Lombardie in their society to remain free, in such sort that the Emperors, who afterward came into Italy, found they had no authority left unto them. Furthermore he enforced Constantia the widow of Henry to take an oath to hold of him and his successors in homage Apulia and Calabria, paying yearly six hundred squifats, and for the Country of Mercia four hundred, upon condition that her son coming to age shall take the same oath; And as Constantia not long after chanced to die, he took upon him to be the Tutor and Guardian of the child (who was Frederic the second) and by these cunning sleights hath made himself Arbiter of the Kingdom. Again in Germany he refused the election of Philip brother of Henry, as excommunicated by him, and approved that of Otho Duke of Saxony, thereby taking from his pupil the support and help of the Uncle, neither doth he dissemble it, that what he did was in hatred of his predecesours, who had opposed themselves against due See of Rome, that is to say, for defending the rights of their Empire. And here the Reader may see the care they had of the affairs of the East, that whilst they were bend wholly to the care of themselves all things went to ruin. And here we make an end of the twelfth age. OPPOSITION. I willingly omit those frequent contentions between the Emperors and the Popes in these times, contenting myself to have noted here what the better sort have thought of the Church of Rome. Clement the third solicited the kings of France and England to the voyage of the holy Land, who for the differences that grew between them, thought it not fit and convenient for them to go forward into a strange Country, unless the cause of the discord were first taken away; and it seemed to Clement, that Philip the second, our king, was the cause to delay and prolong it, whereupon he threatened to excommunicate him, and to interdict his Realm, Mat. Paris in Richardo. if he did not the sooner agree. Matthew Paris the author of the English History saith, he made him this answer, That he nothing feared his sentence, as being upheld with no equity; he addeth that it belongeth not to the church of Rome to punish by sentence any King, especially of France, if the said King be disposed to revenge himself upon his ill deserving, untamed people, and rebellious to his Kingdom: He addeth moreover, that the Cardinal of Anagne his Legate had smelled the starlings of the King of England, by whose odour being attracted, according to the fashion of the Romans, he became more favourable to him, and therefore had the more reason to suspect him to be his judge. Moreover the Earl Richard did hardly contain himself, and as hardly could the Lords hold his hands, but that with his sword drawn he had furiously assaulted the Cardinal; insomuch that the Cardinal retiring and hiding himself for fear, Verba continuit ampullosa, stayed his swelling words. Both these Kings hoist up sail, and Richard of England arrived within the River of Tiber, where met him Octavian Cardinal of Ostia, sent from Clement the third; to whom (as Roger Hovenden saith) he spoke many reproachful words, Blaming the Simony of the Romans, that to consecrate the Bishop of Man's they had taken 700 marks, Rogerus Hovenden. in Annalium part posteriore. and 1500 for the legation of the Bishop of Elie, and besides a great sum for not deposing the Bishop of Bordeaux, accused by his Clergy. But he saith beside, that he arrived at Messine about the same time that Philip King of France went with a desire to see joachim Abbot of Courace of the order of the Cistertiens, a man in that age very famous, and thought to have a prophetical spirit, whom he requested to expound unto him and his followers the vision of S. john in the Apocalyps, wherein he received much content, Apud Rogerum de Hovenden. Annal. part posteriore. especially when he spoke of seven Kings, Whereof one was not yet come, he said unto him, this man is Antichrist, who is now in the City of Rome, and is set on high in the Apostolic seat, and of this Antichrist, saith the Apostle, he is an adversary, and exalteth himself against all that is called God etc. The king replied unto him, I thought that Antichrist should be borne in Antioch, or in Babylon, of the progeny of Dan, and should reign in the Temple of the Lord at Jerusalem etc. But joachim persisted in his exposition, adding, That the seven Diadems signified the Kings and Princes of this world, who should believe in Antichrist, etc. but, he saith, in the times of this Antichrist many of the Christians should preserve the Christian faith, in the fear of the Lord, in dens and caves of the earth, and in solitary rocks and desert places, even until the consummation of Antichrist. All this he spoke, notwithstanding the Archbishops of Rouen, Pamiers, and Dauch, who were there present, have endeavoured to prove the contrary: And to this purpose it was that the Abbot spoke upon jeremy, There is another fig tree, who through the malediction of his prevarication is now withered; The Latin Church, or the little bark of S. Peter, whose leaves are temporal things, whereof they make breeches to hide their wicked conversations, wherewith they excuse the dishonesty and shame of their life, as well of Adam the High Priest, as Eve, that is to say, the Church, subject unto them, and miserably hide themselves in the wood of Ecclesiastical glory. Now Baronius toucheth this history, Boron. an. 1190 art. 2. lom. 12. but he taketh good heed for disclosing the principal clauses which expressly deciphers the Pope of Rome. King Richard returning from Palestina, was stayed by the Duke of Austria passing through his country, who delivered him to the Emperor Henry the sixth, who would not release him without a great ransom. Queen Elinor his mother thinking that Pope Celestine was content to wink at this shameful act, because of the friendship that was yet between him and Henry, writ three letters unto him, which we may read in the Epistles of Peter of Blois: the last (for as much as he seemed to neglect the former) was more sharp, and in more express terms, as followeth: Deliver unto me (saith she) thou man of God, my son, Petrus Blaesens. Epist. 144.145.146. if thou be a man of God, and not rather a man of blood, if thou be'st careless and negligent in giving liberty to my son, that the omnipotent God may require his blood at thy hands. Oh and alas, that the Sovereign Pastor should become mercenary, that he should fly from the face of the Wolf, that he should leave his sheep committed to his charge, yea a chosen bellwether, the leader of the Lords flock, in the jaws of a cruel beast! Hardly truly wilt thou adventure thy soul for him, for whom thou hast not dained to speak or write one word; and now three times we have been promised Legates, and yet they are not sent, that, to say the truth, I may think them rather Ligati than Legati, bound that they shall not come, than appointed to come. If my son were in prosperity they had come with all possible speed, because out of his great bounty, and the public profit they make of the kingdom, they expected plentiful rewards of their Legations. And what greater glory can there be, than to set free a captive King, to bring peace to the people, safety to the religious, and joy and comfort to every one? But now they fail at a pinch. The Wolf holdeth his prey, and the dogs either cannot or will not bark. Is this the promise which you made unto us at the castle of Radolphus, with so much protestation of love and fidelity? What can it profit you to deceive simple people, and by a vain confidence to mock the prayers of the innocent? So, long since, King Achab made a covenant of friendship with Benhadab, but their mutual love had a dismal event (comparing the Pope to this Infidel King) and God prospered the battles of judas, john, Simion, brothers of the Maccabees, but so soon as by their embassage they made a contract of friendship with the Romans, they lost the succour and help of God; and not once, but often, their mercenary familiarity was turned into sobs and bitter sighs, etc. I would to God they would remember, that for the negligence of Hely their Priest, ministering in Silo, the glory of the Lord was translated from Israel; neither is it a parable of the time past, but the time present, because God forsook the Tabernacle of Silo, his own Tabernacle where himself dwelled amongst men, delivered their power into captivity, and their beauty into the enemy's hands meaning the Church of Rome.) It was imputed to their pusillanimity, that the Church was trodden under foot, faith in danger, liberty oppressed, deceit and iniquity rather nourished than punished, etc. Where is that which the Lord did once promise to his Church, Thou shalt suck the milk of the Gentiles, and shalt milk the breasts of Kings, & c? The Pope sees these things and yet keeps S. Peter's sword hid in the scabbard; so he giveth strength to sinners, his silence argueth his consent. One polleth, another taketh by extortion; one holds the foot, another strips off the skin. The time foretold by the Apostle is even at hand, a time of departing, of Apostasy and revolt, that the son of perdition may be revealed: Now gins the perilous times, that the unseamed coat of Christ may be cut asunder, that S. Peter's net may be torn in pieces, and the soundness and solidity of the Catholic unity may be dissolved: these are the beginning of all evils; we feel and suffer that which is grievous, but we fear things more grievous and intolerable. And it is here a Queen wounded with grief that speaketh it, but by the mouth of the Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and no doubt with the consent of the Clergy of England; and they differ not much from the judgement and opinion of the Abbot joachim, albeit the one in Italy the other in England; but he also describeth unto us in the person of an Official, the manner and fashion of the Church of Rome, writing to the same: For as much, saith he, as I love thee with all affection even in the bowels of jesus Christ, I thought good to exhort thee with wholesome admonitions, that thou in time departed from Vr of the Chaldees, and from the midst of Babylon, and leave the mystery of this most wicked and damnable Stewardship, etc. I believe that these Officials are so called not from the Noun Officium, but from the Verb Officio, which signifieth to hurt, for the whole intention of an Official is, ad opes Episcopi, to be careful for the profits of the Bishop, whereof he hath the charge, to shear for him, miserrimas oves, the poorest sheep, to poll them, and to pull off their skins: (he sets riches against sheep) and afterward pursues their rapines with foul terms: These Offcialls are those hidden doors, where the Ministers of Bell secretly carried away the sacrifices which the King caused to be set upon the table: So the Bishop cunningly, and as it were with along reach, gets other men's goods; and if the crime happen to be discovered, to quit himself of discredit, layeth the blame on his Officials, etc. The office of an Official now a days is to confound law, to stir up contentions, to break off agreements, to find delays, to supprese truth, to foster lies, to hunt after gain, to sell equity, to gape after exactions, and to be cunning in working and contriving deceits. These are those who burden their clients with superfluous charge, being prodigal of another man's purse, and sparing of their own; lying in wait to catch men in their words, hunt after syllables, and lay snares to get money: They interpret the law at their own will and pleasure, and according to their own wills they admit them or disallow them. Good sayings they deprave, and pervert those that are prudently alleged; break covenants, nourish contentions, dissemble fornications, break matrimony, maintain adultery, thrust themselves into other men's houses, and lead captive simple women burdened with their sins; they defame the innocent, and absolve the guilty: and to conclude many things in a few words, whilst these sons of avarice, and servants of Mammon do all things for money, they make sales of themselves to the devil, etc. If thou believest me, nay if thou believest in God, leave in time this office of an Official, the ministery of damnation, the wheel of all evil, this spirit of giddiness which carrieth thee about to that which is vain and idle: Have compassion of thy soul, pleasing God, whom thou canst not please with this office of perdition. Of Bishops he spoke not more mildly: In the house of a Bishop, saith he, comprehending the Lord with his family, nothing is more damnable for merit, nothing more dishonest for manners, nothing more unclean for conscience, nothing more culpable for reputation, and nothing more pernicious for example: And therefore he oftentimes calleth the heads of the Clergy, Syria Edom, the calves of Bethel, the Idols of Egypt, the fat of Samaria, the Priests of Baal; and very bitterly calls them back to their duty, The profession of thy order admits not the cares of the world, nor the rigour and tyranny of the material sword; the Kings of nations bear rule over these, and not thou. If thou accept the ministry of Christ, if thou refuse not his yoke, stay in that condition, in that rank whereto thou art called, and leave to the Laity the government of the people. But we may read among other things an Epistle of his written to Pope Alexander the third, in the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury, who found himself grieved because he had usurped to himself the only Abbey that was in his archbishopric; which is the more to be noted, because he would seem elsewhere to refer all things to the Popes: After the death of Urias, saith he, and the adultery of Bersabee, Idem Epist. 68 the Prophet sent to David proposeth unto him the example of a certain poor man, who had only one sheep, which a certain rich man took from him, that had many sheep: But David's advice being requested, giveth judgement of death against this rich man, and consequently against himself. And who is now the rich man, that hath innumerable sheep, but the Bishop of Rome, who possesseth all the Churches of the world? And who poorer than the Church of Canterbury, who having but one only Abbey, that is to say, the Monastery of S. Augustine, which in the bosom of his pastoral providence he cherished with a fatherly care; and this rich man, I dare not say the Bishop of Rome, hath usurped it, as peculiar and proper to himself. If we may be bold to say what we think, when the office of justice willeth a man to give to every one that which is his, is it not manifest injustice in the Pope to bestow a benefit upon one to wrong another, to commit that in ecclesiastical things which worldly authority abhorreth even in secular? Then repeating again the general complaint, for that he exempted the Abbeys from the obedience of the Bishops, and so reserved them to himself; in so much that the Proctor of the Abbots did not fear to say, Base and miserable are those Abbots that banish not the power of the Bishops, when for the yearly payment of an ounce of gold they may obtainful liberty of the See of Rome: That is to say, to live without a controller, letting lose the rains of the bridle to lust, without any discipline and fear of correction: They that judge the world, saith he, let them see and judge these things, lest wrong should seem to proceed, from whence equity and justice should be had. We shall be condemned of rashness, and said to open our mouths against heaven; but we writ not these things out of a spirit of pride, but with the ink of grief, we feel our own private miseries and deplore the public, etc. The Apostle speaking to the Romans, saith, Every creature ought to be subject to the higher powers: If the Apostle so writ to the Church of Rome, who in the Church of Rome will presume to contradict this Apostolical doctrine? etc. Some Angels are greater and higher in dignity than others, yet they admit not the pride of emancipation or freedom the one above the other. One of them long since would be freed from the power of God, and of an Angel became a devil: by these extraordinary liberties now adays are wrought the utter overthrow of many. But to dispute of the doings of the Pope is held, they say, for sacrilege; besides the disputation is not equal, where it is not lawful for the defendant to answer, neither is it a quarrel when thou strikest, and I only must endure the blows. In the same sense in the Epistle 158 to john Bishop of Chartres, and upon the same subject, which was then pleaded by the Author before the Pope, he saith, All the laws and the Canons, and whatsoever we could allege out of the word of God, Petrus Blaesens. Epist. 158. to affirm and make good our cause, Maiores inter caeteros, the greatest have held detestable and sacrilegious, and did publicly judge us enemies to the Church of Rome, unless we would relinquish these word, by which we endeavoured to prove the Church of Saint Augustine, which they affirm particularly to be his, to be subject to the Church of Canterbury, etc. For having no regard of the loss of souls, they permit in the Monks all unlawful things, to cast off the yoke of all discipline, to follow all pleasures of the flesh, and to pay for their riot and excess through the whole year an annual pension: We, having then been publicly forbidden to produce in this cause either Canons or Laws, but only privileges, if we had any ready at hand, whereof they knew none we had at that time, saw that in this respect we were destitute of all human comfort; and they being resolved to provide a lay man, and not learned, but rich enough to purchase honours, who had bought this Abbey by simony, not privily but publicly, and as it were in open market, I put myself forward to accuse him, and to make myself a party against him: but when I laid open manifest and notorious things, they whom he had made friends with the Mammon of iniquity, poured wine and oil into the wounds of his infamy. Moreover, having gotten much money from the Merchants of Flanders, and in a manner drawn them dry, notwithstanding borrowed an infinite quantity of gold of the Romans; so by this means the Doves wings were all silver, and the hinder parts of her back glittering all in gold, in such sort that they would hear no more of the liberty and dignity of the Church of Canterbury, for the which the Martyr Saint Thomas fought even unto death. This pretended Martyr notwithstanding suffered for the Pope's authority, who, as Peter of Blois here tells us (according to the example of the pharisees) gilded his sepulchre, that he might the better rob his Church. Neither are we to forget also, That in his treatise of the Institutions of a Bishop, written to john Bishop of Worcester, he attributeth to every Bishop that authority which the Church of Rome restraineth to the Popes, as successors of Saint Peter: We read, saith he, that our Saviour said to Peter, Petrus Blaesens. de Institutione Episcopi. If thou lovest me feed my sheep: thou art the heir and Vicar of Peter, feed my sheep: In being an Evangelist, do the works of an Evangelist, and of a Pastor, be not ashamed of the office of a Pastor. Thy ministery hath more charge than honour; if thou affect honour, thou art mercenary; if thou wilt embrace the burden, the Lord is strong to increase his grace, that profit may come by profit, and gain by gain: But if thou canst not endure the burden, and knows thyself insufficient, it is too late to complain. He said before, Take heed by all means thou wrap not thyself in secular affairs, for there is no agreement with the spirit of God and the spirit of this world; persist in thy vocation, the world is wholly given to wickedness. And this he afterward recited, Animabus Praelatus es non corporibus, Thou hast the charge of souls and not of bodies: Nihil Praelato commune est cum Pilato, A Prelate hath nothing common with Pilate; thou art Christ's Steward, & Peter's Vicar; thou art not to make an account to Caesar, but to Christ, of that jurisdiction that is committed unto thee. And by these and the like places we may judge what he thought of the Popes, who so violently drew all secular power unto them: But he was constrained very often to temper his style according to the tyranny of those times; Petrus Blaesens. in Tractatu de Peregrinat. Hierosolimit. as when he said, The sword wherewith Peter cut off these servants ear exceedeth in these days, according to all men's opinion, the weapons of Alexander and Caesar. Abbas Vrsperg. Let us now come to Innocent the third. The Abbot of Vrsperge tells us of his entrance into the Popedom: I have heard in those times (saith he) things incredible to be related, and hard to be believed, that the same Pope said, That he would take away the Kingly Diadem from Philip, or that Philip should take from him the Apostolical Ensign. Now albeit it were not to be believed, that he would prefer his will before the will of God, nevertheless it appeareth that he was at all times contrary unto him. But God foreseeing from above, permitted not, that through all Germany his divine service and the Ecclesiastical dignity should perish, which continued there more permanent than in other countries, albeit much corrupted and depraved through the instigation of sin, and chief carnal pleasures. And he noteth especially, that Innocent opposed the authority of the Apostolic See against Philip's, regium genus deperiret, To ruinat the royal race: But Aventine saith, That he raised cognatas acies, Auent. l. 7. brother to fight against brother, and the son against the father, and the one to pollute himself with the blood of the other: and then crying out, Who, saith he, can give any other reason of the discord among Christians, but the spectacle of the Roman Bishop, quasi paria componentis, taking pleasure to see, and to cause them, like Fencers, to murder one another? even so the Christian people were slain, the Bishops of Rome encouraging the one against the other. In the mean time Innocent the third, as saith the Abbot of ursperge, Abbas Vrsperg. made profit of this confusion, which he describeth so horrible in the Empire, as the like hardly happened ever in any age: That a man (saith he) could not safely pass from one Parish to another; for there was scarce any Bishopric or Ecclesiastical dignity, or Parish church, that was not become litigious: by which means all process were broughe to Rome, but not with empty hands. Rejoice our mother Rome, for the flood-gates of the treasuries are opened upon the earth, to the end the rivers may flow to thee, and thou mayest heap money in great abundance, make thyself merry upon the iniquity of the children of men; the price is given to thee as a recompense of so many evils; take comfort in Discord thy best friend, because it is broken lose from the bottomless pit of hell, that the heap of thy treasures may be raised to the top: Thou hast that thou hast long thirsted after, sing a song, for through the envy of men, and not thy own religion, thou hast overcome the world. It is not for devotion or pure conscience that men draw unto thee, but through the multiplicity of evils, the deciding of controversies, and all for money. And this was of the entrance of Innocent the third that he spoke. And here end the Annals of Baronius. Neither let us omit the affairs of the East, under the schism of Alexander the third, and Victor. Alexander sent a Legate into Palestina, that he might there be acknowledged Pope: so the two patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem, with the King and his Barons, assembled together to consult thereon. The King's advice was, to admit neither the one nor the other, Guilielm. Tyrius l. 18. c. 29. and to permit the Legate only Sine insignibus Legationis, Without the marks of his Legation, to visit the holy places as a pilgrim, if he thought good thereof, and presently to return again; for there was no need of a Legate in the kingdom, that served to no other use but to burden the Churches with a greater charge, and to impoverish them with extortions: But the greater number carried it, that he was received; whereby it came to pass, That to those to whom he was best welcome, his long continuance was burdensome. 50. PROGRESSION. The contentions between Philip and Otho, procured by Pope Innocent. Of the pride and presumption of the said Innocent, and the bold Decrees he made. Of his intrusions in England, and the many troubles he procured john, than King thereof, after he had excommunicated him. Of the submission, in the end, of the said King, who resigneth his Crown and kingdom, and becometh tributary to the Pope. Of the first beginning of the doctrine of Transubstantiation. Of the two Orders of S. Francis and S. Dominick, and the blasphemous comparisons and opinions conceived of them. NOw as Innocent had kindled the war between Philip and Otho, he taketh this man's part against the other, and the worse truly, if we may give credit to the Abbot of ursperge; For he was, saith he, proud and foolish, but accounted the more valiant. To establish him he omitted nothing, sent to the Bishops and Princes of Germany, to obey him, and absolved them of their oaths towards Philip, and would not give the Pall to any Archbishop unless by oath he would acknowledge him; he made his Legate to crown him in Germany, and excommunicated and disgraded Adulphus, Bishop of Collen, for crowning Philip. But as he understood that Philip had won the field, and that in divers other battles Otho was always overcome, procured a treaty of peace through the mediation of Hugoline Bishop of Ostia, and Leo Cardinal of the holy cross, and the conditions were, that Otho should marry the daughter of Philip, and relinquish the title of the Realm during his life, and after his death to succeed him. But Philip continued not long, for returning from Saxony into Swevia, whilst he stayed at Banbridge for his ease, and the recovery of his health, was let blood in both his arms, and being at rest in his Chamber, accompanied with a few of his own domestical servants, Otho Palatine of Witelspach accompanied with certain servants of the Bishops rushed in with his sword drawn & killed him, though in vain his Chamberlain sought to defend. Here the Abbot of Vrsperge noteth that Innocent had broken the lawful election of Luitpold Bishop of Mence in hatred of Philip; which in the Chapter Bonae memoriae Extr. de electis, is to be read, non iudician facientem, Abbas Vispergens. in Chro. saith he, sed iniuriam, Not doing justice but injury; he addeth that this peace was made, as he understood of credible persons, because it was promised the Pope that King Philip's daughter should marry his Nephew his brother Richard's son, whom he had lately made an Earl (some say he was his Bastard) and therefore resolved with himself not to request the Lands which his predecessors often used to demand of the Emperors both in Tuscan, Spoleto, and Ancona, hoping they should come into his nephews possession through the aforesaid marriage. And so Philip left Otho to succeed him, a man qualified with many virtues, as Vrsperg who lived at that time often reporteth, namely for his great clemency and gentleness; for which good conditions he was never the better thought of by the Pope. But let us see whether Otho, whom the Pope had defended against Philip, found him more propitious, when he challenged to himself the rights of the Empire. In the year 1209 Otho therefore conveying his army into Italy, was entertained with great applause of the people, An. 1209. received the Crown of Iron at Milan from the hands of the Archbishop, and so went to Rome to be crowned with the Imperial Diadem, and hitherto agreed well with Innocent; But trusting to the counsel of his Lawyers he went about to search the rights of his Empire in Tuscan, and to recover into his hands the Towns which through the vacancy of the Empire, the Popes had drawn unto themselves, in prejudice of the Empire; whereupon Innocent presently threatened him with Ecclesiastical censures; Notwithstanding Otho proceedeth in his purpose, taketh Viterbe, Montefiascone, Oruieto, Perusia, and all that was accounted the patrimony of Mathilda; moreover he gave the Dukedom of Spoleto to Bertaldus his favourite; That done he returned into Lombardie to suppress and hinder new revolts there. Now therefore Innocent upon new consultations was resolved to serve his turn, by the means of young Frederic his Pupil King of Sicilia, whom he caused to go into Germany, recommended unto them with the remembrance of his father and grandfather Henry and Frederic the first, there to molest Otho, and to cause him to forsake Italy. Otho being otherwise not greatly beloved of the Princes, Auent. l. 7. nor much esteemed for his virtue; so that not long after being enforced to go into Saxony, was declared through all Italy an enemy to the Church, and those that took his part, namely the Milanese and their adherents were excluded from the communion of the Church: In the mean time Innocent died in the year 1216, and Otho in the year 1218, who as an argument of repentance left by testament the ensigns of the Empire to young Frederic. Krantzius speaking of the causes of discord between Otho and Innocent, although for the most part inclined towards the Popes, Krantz. l. ●. c. 33. & 34. saith, That the Emperor demanded through Italy the ancient rights of the Empire, whereof long since some of them were transferred to the Church: He also challenged that great inheritance of Mathilda a woman of great estate in Italy, as appertaining unto him by a double right, for he seemed to be the heir of his Aunt, who descended from the Marquesses of Saxony, and also as falling to the Empire for want of heirs: And hereupon Innocent, saith he, exhorted the Prince's Electors (that forasmuch as he had cast off Otho, first excommunicated, and then deposed) to choose unto the Empire another Prince, offering unto them Frederic, of the age of 20 years; of whom, although he had the administration of his Gardenship, he coverted all to his own profit: for the Continuor of the holy war saith, Frederic being yet a child, and a pupil, Continuator belli sacri l. 3. c. 10. was deprived by Innocent his tutor of the inheritance of his Kingdom, and being free was made tributory, without respect either of the prayers of Henry his father, or Constance his mother, or his own promise made unto them. Blond. Decad. 2. l. 6. Blondus noteth two bold Decrees of this Pope, the first, so often as one Prince shall offend another, that the correction shall belong to the Bishop of Rome; The which was done upon the difference between the Kings of France and England, and is inserted into the Decretals? The second, That two striving for the Empire, having voices alike, Extra de election. c. Venerabilem. he whom the Pope alloweth shall be preferred (which is there red, and put in practice in favour of Otho the fourth) and ought to be received as lawful: & by this means he was made the Arbitrator of the whole world. But the Books, especially written by himself, do testify how much this mystery did prick him forward: The Bishop of Rome, saith he, Innocentius 3. ser. in festo Syluestri Papae. useth the Globe in sign of Empire (the Globe is the sign of the Empire) & useth the mitre in sign of his Popedom. But the mitre he useth always and every where, but the kingdom neither every where, nor always, because the Papal authority is both the first and the worthier, and further spread than the imperial; for among the people of God the Priesthood went before the kingdom, when Aaron the first priest, went before Saul the first king: Jdem Serm. 1. in festo Gregorij Papae. Noah also was before Nembroth when of him the Scripture saith, That Babylon was the beginning of Nembroth, but Noah built an altar to the Lord, and offered sacrifice upon it. But speaking of the Priests and Kings, he calleth the Priest's Gods, and the Kings, Princes; From the Gods he saith thou shalt not detract, and the Prince of the people thou shalt not curse: and when the Apostle spoke of the King, All human creatures be ye subject even for God's cause to your Kings as the most excellent, or to you leaders as sent by him; The Lord saith to Hieremie, the Priest of the Priests of Anatoth, I have appointed thee over Nations and Kingdoms, that thou mayest pull down and destroy, build and plant etc. But to Peter especially he said, Thou shalt be called Cephas, that is to say, head, wherein the fullness of the senses consist. Who did ever read such Divinity? And yet behold there is worse; When our Lord and Saviour said unto S. Peter, Duc in altum, Jdem in Serm. 2. de festo Sancti Petri. cast into the deep, this deep Sea is Rome which obtained and holdeth the priority and principality above all the world, as if he said, Go to Rome, and transport thyself with all thine to the City, there cast thy nets abroad to take. In another place; The Church of Rome oweth not any reverence to any person but the Pope, who hath no superior but God. But yet see here his companion and corrival: The Bishop of Rome, saith he, hath the Church of Rome his spouse, and yet bringeth in other Church's subject unto him. This is the first (that I knew) that hath gone so far as to call himself the spouse of the Church, arrogating to himself the true and incommunicable title of the Lord, who is the true and only spouse of the true Church: and therefore the Church of Rome cannot be the true Church, if the Pope be her spouse; nor the Pope her spouse, Bernard. ad Eugen. Epist. 237. if the Church of Rome be the true spouse. Let us hear what S. Bernard saith writing to Pope Eugenius: It remains now that thou take care that the spouse of thy Lord, who is committed to thee, be made the better by thee: If thou be a friend of the spouse thou shalt not call his beloved, My Princess, but Princess, challenging nothing to thyself in her, unless if occasion were to give thy life for her. If Christ have sent thee, thou must make account thou art sent to serve, and not to be served. Can a man think that it is sufficiently excused by that poor distinction of Bellarmine, Bellarmin. de Romano pontiff. l. 2. 31. of a principal or subaltern spouse. I omit his comparison of the two lights which God hath placed in the firmament, the Sun and the Moon; the Sun he compareth to the Pope, the Moon to the Emperor: for doubtless he that feareth not to violate the commandments of Christ himself the King of kings, we may think he will little spare the Princes of the earth. And truly under the pretence of this spiritual authority he required at the same time the temporal homage of the kingdom of England; for there being a controversy between the Bishops Suffragans of the Archbishop of Canturburie, and the Monks, touching the election of the Archbishop; the Monks pretending, that they only ought to choose him, and the Bishops saying they could not do it without them: Both of them coming to Rome, Innocent persuaded the Proctors of the Monks to choose Stephen Lanthon a Cardinal Priest, his servant; and albeit they protested they could not do it without the King and their Convent, being overborne with his threats of excommunication, he overcame them, and pronounced sentence for the Monks against the Bishops; giving the Monks likewise to understand, that he would excommunicate them if they obeyed not his Decree. King john, who then reigned, was much offended, as well because Innocent had said, Math. Paris in Johan. p. 216. That it was not his manner to attend the consent of Princes touching elections celebrated in the Apostolic See, as also for that he had disannulled the election made by the Bishops, of the Bishop of Norwich, to whom he had given his consent; protesting to maintain the rights of his realm even to death, and to guard the sea, that no more might go to Rome, except the Pope changing his sentence would make amends for that wrong he had done. But Innocent interdicted his realm, offered it as a prey to the first invaders thereof, absolved his subjects of all oaths both natural and civil, armed all his Clergy, and the greatest part of the Nobility and Magistrates of the realm, against him, and in the end pronounced him deposed, and commanded another to be put into his place: and for to execute his sentence, he appointed Philip King of France, his enemy, promising him in reward of this service remission of all his sins, giving this realm to him and his successors: proceeding so far herein, that he writ to many worthy and honourable persons, into divers nations, seize Cruse signent, That they should sign themselves with the cross, & come to assist the King of France in this expedition, promising unto them in their goods, persons, and souls, the same prerogative and indulgence as those had that went to visit the holy Sepulchre. And it is to be noted, that it is a Monk that relateth unto us this history. In the mean time that Philip prepared to take hold thereof, he privily sent a Legate into England, who being received by the Bishops, caused his approaching ruin to be made known unto him, unless he sought means to pacify the Pope: So that seeing himself beset with dangers on every side, resigned his Crown, Matth. Paris in Johan. p. 225. & sequent. with the realms of England and Ireland, into the hands of the Pope, and his successors, in the person of Pandolph his Legate, confirmed under an authentic Charter, with the general consent of his Barons, expressed in these words, For the forgiveness of all our sins, and the sins of all our kindred, as well they which are living as those which are dead, we freely grant to our Lord Pope Innocent, and his Catholic successors, the aforesaid kingdoms. And thereupon Innocent gave to him the said realms, to hold by faith and homage of him and his successors, upon condition to pay yearly, besides the Peter pence, a thousand marks sterling to the Church of Rome, that is to say, five hundred at the feast of Saint Michael, and five hundred at Easter; that is, seven hundred for England, and three hundred for Ireland; under protestation, That if he or any of his should attempt any thing contrary to this agreement, should be discharged of the kingdom. This Charter was signed by many of the Nobility, and in performance thereof he solemnly did the homage even at Pandolphs' feet. In the mean time King Philip, whom Innocent had stirred up to war, continued an unreconcilable enemy to the King of England. But mark the monstrous pride of the Legate, in receiving the tribute: Pandolph, saith he, trampled under his feet the money which the King paid, as an earnest penny in token of his subjection: yet he took it, and refused it not, for God forbidden he should say with S. Peter, Thy money perish with thee. Now as we have often said, as this Mystery of Iniquity did gather strength, so the doctrine grew worse and worse, for it was in the time of this Innocent, that both the opinion and name of Transubstantiation did first come to light, and at the last expressed in these words in the Lateran Synod: Concilium Lateranens. C. firmiter SS. una vero etc. The body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar, are truly contained under the forms of bread and wine, the bread being transubstantiated into the body, and the wine into the blood, by divine power. And hereupon do arise so many monstrous questions, which we read among the Schoolmen of this age, which we have elsewhere noted more at large: The ceremonies also from time to time were brought in by the Popes that followed, especially by Honorius the third, the successor of Innocent, that ceremony of bowing the knee at the elevation, that is, when the bread is showed in the Mass, and the like. But because to support such Idolatries, otherwise weak and shaken, they had need as it were of a pillar, behold here these that arise so opportunely at this time, Francis and Dominick; the one an Italian, the other a Spaniard; the one principal and head of the friars Minors, and the other of the Preachers; the one confirmed by Innocent, the other by Honorius, his successor; both of them striving by their clients and followers to be equal with Christ, nay above Christ. But what could be done, or approved, that savoured more of Antichrist? Lib. 3. de Euchar. c. 17. And of these things we have spoken more at large elsewhere; but it belongeth to the course of the history, that we here briefly repeat something again. Of Francis therefore they say, Liber conformitatum p. 24. p. 39 that he was greater than john Baptist; john was the forerunner of Christ, S. Francis the Preacher and ensign-baerer of Christ: john received the word of repentance of Christ, Francis both of Christ and the Pope, which is more: john the friend of the spouse (that is to say Christ) Francis like to the spouse himself: Fol. 66. & 247. Prosa de Francisco ibid. initio libri & fol. 194. Fol. 144. Fol. 17. Fol. 24. Fol. 149. Fol. 13. Fol. 5. john elevated into the order of the Seraphins, Francis seated in the place from whence Lucifer fell: Francis was better than all the Apostles, placed in heaven, proceeding out of the wounded side of Christ, made a type of jesus by his passion, who received in a vision the same wounds of Christ, suffered the same griefs, the passion of Christ renewed in him for the salvation of mankind; of whom David hath said, Thou hast crowned him with glory and honour, and hast set him above all the works of thy hands, he is set as a light to the Gentiles; which the Prophet spoke of Christ: Abraham saw that day, and was glad thereof. And to conclude, whatsoever was foretold by the Prophets of Christ only, the same was pronounced of him: Fol. 14. Of whom may rightly be said that which is spoken in the Gospel, All things are given me of my father. Matth. 11. Of whom it is likewise said, I will be to him a father, and he shall be to me a son. And again, that which was never said nor interpreted by any but by Christ, In whom all the virtues of the Saints, as well of the old as the new Testament, are put unitiuè & conjunctiuè, unitively and coniunctively: Wherefore also through his merits he was made the son of God, and sanctified by the holy Ghost, Fol. 4. Fol. 3. Fol. 5. Fol. 144. Fol. 78. by reason of a schedule which Friar Leo saw to descend from heaven, and fell upon the head of Saint Francis, wherein it was written, This man is the grace of God, wholly conformable unto Christ, the example of all perfection, deified in the glory of God the Father, in the glory of the Saints united to God, whereby he preceded all living creatures, is made one and the same spirit with God, whom the Militant Church hath deserved to be an Advocate with God, in whom the passion of Christ is renewed for the salvation of all mankind, in so much that God hath been pacified for the whole world through one Mass of S. Francis. All are saved that dye in the Order, and under the rule of S. Francis; for Francis prayed unto God, and obtained of God, that none of that Order might die any evil death. The same grace descendeth upon him, who taketh upon him that Order of religion, Bernard. in Rosario Thom. in l. 4. Sent. dist. 4. ex vitis Patrum as upon him that is baptized: And the putting on of the hood giveth unto them full remission of sins, and freeth as well from the punishment as the sin; and taking upon him a new purpose of a vow, the which afterward he may repent, is nevertheless baptised again, and hath pardon. Wilt thou any more? Christ hath prayed, Francis hath obtained. And when shall we have an end of these blasphemies? This book notwithstanding was exhibited in the general Chapter of the Franciscans, by Friar Bartholomew of Pisa, and approved by all with a general consent in the city of Assize, the second of August 1389, with this express clause, We have searched, debated, and caused this book diligently to be examined, and we find nothing therein worthy correction: therefore it is called by them The Golden Book, and sent by the commandment of the Popes, Gregory the ninth, Alexander the fift, and Nicholas the third, to all the faithful, under the pain of heresy to believe the marks of S. Francis: Liber conformitatum Impressus Bononiae an. 1590. fol. 3. & 254. Item fol. 3. & 250. Anthon. part 3. tit. 23. 1. 28. bonavent. in Legenda B. Francis. likewise by the commandment of Benedict the twelft, to celebrate the day whereon they had received it: And that by a Bull of Alexander the fourth, the hi●● of Auernia, whereon they say these things happened, should be received into the protection of the See of Rome. And yet the Authors of these times do not agree among themselves upon these marks, for Bonaventura, who lived forty years after, saith in his Legend, That they were seen and acknowledged of many, even to the putting in of the nails. Matthew Paris clean contrary, a most superstitious Monk, who lived at the same time, affirmeth, that there appeared not any mark or trace either in his side, his feet, or hands. There was no less feigned of Dominick, especially when he was to be opposed against the Albienses: Antonius Archiep. part 3. tit. 23. l. 1. § 3. Therefore the Archbishop Anthony, who was of his Order, so compareth his miracles with those of Christ's, as ever they excel them both in weight and number: Christ, saith he, raised three only that were dead, Dominick three in the city of Rome: But what should we think of those forty strangers that suffered shipwreck in the great river near Tolouse, the ship being overwhelmed, and they a long time under water, but that by the prayer of S. Dominick they came safe out of the river, and were restored to life. Christ being immortal entered twice among his Disciples, the gates being shut, but Dominicus as yet but a mortal man (which is much to be admired) entered in the night into the Church, the doors being shut, lest he should waken his brethren: Christ said after his death, All power is given to me in heaven and in earth, and this power, saith he, is not a little communicated to Dominick over all celestial, terrestrial, and infernal things: Note how he always quarrels for the better: For he had the holy Angels at his service, the elements did obey him, and the devils trembled at him, and were not able to disobey him. This he proveth by many examples: He addeth, That at Venice, before Dominick was borne into the world, there was in Saint Marks Church two Images to be seen of all, whereof one was in a very religious habit, of the Order of the Preachers, with a Lily in his hand; the other had the similitude of the Apostole S. Paul, as they use to paint him, over whom was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paulus, S. Paul, but under the feet of the Image was written, Per istum itur ad Christum, By this man we come to Christ: Above the other figure was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dominicus, that is, S. Dominick, but under him, Facilius itur per istum, The way is easier by this man, that is to say, by Dominick, for saith Anthony, The doctrine of S. Paul, and so likewise of the other Apostles, was a doctrine leading to faith, and observance of the commandments, the doctrine of Dominick to the observance of Counsels, and therefore the way more easy by him to come to Christ. And so thou hast one superior to S. Paul and the rest of the Apostles, and his rule better than Apostolical doctrine. But worse followeth, Because he was like unto Christ, he was aptly named Dominicus, by our Lord Christ; for Dominicus, quasi totus Domini, was that principally and by possession, which our Lord was absolutely and by authority: For the Lord saith, I am the light of the world, and the Church singeth of Dominick, Ye are the light of the world. The Prophet's divers ways foretold of our Lord, for they all bear witness of him. Of Dominick and his Order saith Zacharie in his eleventh Chapter, speaking of the person of God, I have taken unto me two staves, the one I have called Decorem, Beauty; the other Funiculum, a Cord or a Band: Beauty is the Order of S. Dominick, for the beautiful habit of their Prelates; the Cord is the Order of the Minors, because they are girt with a cord. Thus play they with the Scriptures. Furthermore, The Lord was borne upon the naked earth, but the Virgin his mother, for fear of the cold, puts him into a manger; Dominick being borne, and a little infant under the custody of his nurse, getting out of his cradle, detesting as it were the delights of the flesh, was found oftentimes by his nurse lying all naked upon the bare earth. At the birth of our Lord there appeared a star, which guided the wise men unto him, thereby insinuating that the whole world should be enlightened by him: likewise in the forehead of Dominick, as he was baptized, the godmother beheld a star, signifying that a new light was come into the world, etc. The prayer of the Lord was ever heard whensoever he would, for, that which he prayed for in the garden, That the cup might be taken from him, was not granted, because he praying according to the flesh, he would not obtain according to reason: but Dominick never demanded any thing of God, which he fully obtained not according to his desire: that is to say, Ibidem paragra. 2. because he never requested any thing according to the desire of the flesh. The Lord hath loved us, and washed us from our sins in his blood; but Dominick, not without a certain perfection of charity, spending the whole night with God in meditation and prayer, did undergo a threefold discipline, even with his own hand, and that every day, not with a whipcord, but with a chain of iron, even to the effusion of his blood; one for his own faults, which were very small, another for those which were in purgatory, and the other for those that lived in the world. And Anthony the Archbishop prosecuteth this comparison through all the parts of the life of Christ. Finally, our Lord departing from this world, promised to his Disciples a Comforter, that is to say, the holy Ghost, And Dominick said to his followers, My dear friends weep not for me, Ibidem 4. paragr. 14. nor let my bodily departure trouble you, in the place to which I go I shall be more profitable unto you than I can be here; for after death you may have me a better Advocate than you can have in this life. What then shall we think of that which S. john says unto us, If we sin we have an advocate, even jesus the righteous? And these blasphemies, because they make to the strengthening of their authority, are confirmed by the Church of Rome: Jdem part 3. Tit. 23. c. 43. 17. for Gregory the ninth canonised Dominick in there 1223, made him a Saint, appointed him a festival day, and both approved, and with privileges strengthened his Order: And he that writ these things was the Archbishop of Florence, very famous among our adversaries, and put into the Canon of the Saints. This is said, to the end the Reader may observe what might be then the corruption of the Church, what the designs of the Popes, when these and the like horrible blasphemies were supported by the Popes: and also with what spirits their Consistories & their Counsels have been carried; in which in the mean time they give us new articles of faith, Transubstantiation, the Adoration of the Host in the Mass, Auricular confession, the Communion under one kind, & the like. But they had need, for the promulgation of such trumperies, of such Preachers as might afterward serve their turn for the spreading abroad of their factions among the people, and insinuat themselves by their preaching into the hearts of men; by making every small matter a case of conscience, they propose an art to extinguish all conscience: Abbas Vrsperg. in Chron. For the Abbot of Vrsperge saith, by the command of the Pope they absolve rapes, depopulations, burnings, seditions, wars; and therefore he said not without good cause, That Pope Innocent had rather approve the Minors and Preachers, than the humble & poor of Lions, Who derogated from the Priesthood by those sermons they made for the most part in the secret places of God's Church; for they preached against the vices of the Clergy, and yet they were not accused of any heresy, because, saith he, they reprehended the vices of men, still obeying the See Apostolic, from which they derive their chief authority. But these things we shall better observe in their due place. OPPOSITION. Now it behoveth us to see what judgement the Authors of these times have left unto us of the wicked actions of Innocent, touching the war he kindled between Philip and Otho. The Abbot of ursperge, who lived in those days, speaks freely in this manner, Innocent endeavoured by all means to hinder Philip to attain to the Imperial throne, upbraiding him with that which his brother and kindred had cruelly done (which nevertheless they did by the instigation of wicked men) wherein, under correction of the Apostolic See, he seemed not to have judged according to equity; when the Lord saith by his Prophet, That the sins of the fathers ought not to be imputed to the children, how much less of brothers, or of other kindred? Ezechias and jozias, most religious kings, had very wicked fathers: In the genealogy even of our Saviour jesus Christ, some wicked ones are recited. There is yet extant an Epistle of the said Innocent, directed to Bartholdus Duke of Zaringia, wherein are written many absurd things against Philip, and some of them false, which he caused to be inserted into the Decretals, etc. Then he began to stand upon frivolous objections, and exceptions, to the end he might hinder him, objecting unto him the sentence of excommunication: that is to say, of Celestine the third. Moreover, he sent the Bishop of Sutrie to demand of him the hostages of Apulia, whose eyes long since his brother Henry the Emperor had commanded to be plucked out. But the said Philip, as he was gentle and courteous, when he heard of the sentence of excommunication, he humbly entreated to be absolved by the said Legate, and beside sent the aforesaid hostages to the Pope. Wherefore the Bishop of Sutrie, for as much as he had unlawfully absolved Philip, exceeding therein the bounds of his command, was deprived of his Bishopric, and banished into a certain island of the sea, where he happily ended his days in a very religious and strict Monastery. So that he exclaims against this wily monopoly: The horn of iniquity is exalted, wherewith many have been anointed, against whom the Lord saith by his Prophet, I have said to the wicked, Do not wickedly, and to transgressers, Lift not up your horn. This horn is now filled with adulterous ointment. The horn of that ointment is far off, wherewith David was anointed King. What therefore should be done in the members, but that which is done in the heads, & c? O Lord, behold such as the ointment is in the head, such it descends upon the beard: Oh that it were but upon the beard only with the reprobat; it descended likewise upon the beard of Aaron: for they that had laid their foundation in the mountain of strength, utpote Claustralis, as cloistered Monks, seeming to lead a religious life (that is to say, they whose help Innocent used to alienat the hearts of the people from Philip) are far from the womb of our mother the Church, in which they were conceived and baptised: They have wandered from the womb, wherein they ought to be comforted & nourished with wholesome admonitions, & now they have spoken nothing but lies. And here the Reader may judge what the Abbot thought of him that used the help of people so dishonest. Through these discords in England Innocent proceeded so far, that king john being brought into great extremity, was enforced to become tributary unto him. That king, saith the history, having known multiplici experiencia, by dear experience, Math. Paris in Johan. that the Pope was ambitious and proud above all men living, and an insatiable thirster after money, Et ad omnia scelera pro praemijs datis vel promissis cereus & procliws, Prone to all wickedness whatsoever, for rewards either promised or given, was resolved to make a benefit of this his ill fortune, purposing with himself a revenge of the Barons and Bishops of the kingdom, with the good liking and leave of Innocent, nay he being the author. Whereupon he sent Ambassadors unto him, who carried with them a great part of his treasure, and withal promising more, swore unto him, That he would always be his subject, and tributary unto him, so that he would find some subtle occasion to excommunicate his Barons and Bishops, especially the Archbishop of Canturburie, for whom the Pope had so much molested him. Nicholas Bishop of Tuscule, his Legate, came into England, to release the interdict that had continued six years, three months, and fourteen days, To the irrevocable loss (saith the Author) of the Church, both in temporal matters and in spiritual. john gave him this infamous resignation of his realm, no more in wax, as to Pandolph, but sealed in gold. And because there was made a question of the losses which the Bishops had received, the Legate in favour of the king deferred it to a farther day. But Innocent, who desired to gratify the king by his Legate of all the vacant Churches, to the prejudice of the Archbishop of Canturburie, Intrusione magis quàm electione canonica disponit, Disposed of them rather by intrusion than canonical election. Hereupon this Archbishop appealed, but the Legate rejected his Appeal, & proceeded in his purpose: and Innocent ratified the acts of his Legate, speaking now of nothing but the praises and commendations of the Prince. The Barons they assembled to demand their liberty, with whom also joined the city of London. The Pope as the chief Lord revoketh them, and because they would not presently obey, he excommunicated them, and stirred up all the subjects of the realm against them, promising them remission of their sins; and included in the same excommunication all the Bishops that delayed to publish the Anatheme: But because Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury, having lately been his favourite, declared that he could not publish it, before he had seen the Pope; and being ready to take shipping for the Council assigned at Rome, because tacita veritate sententia erat in Barones lata, The sentence was pronounced against the Barons, truth itself being silent, the Bishop of Winchester, & Pandolph the Legate, the executioners of this sentence, forbade him the Church, and suspended him from the celebration of his office; of so great force and efficacy was the money king john powered into the lap of the Pope. But beside, he was no sooner come to Rome but the sentence of suspension was confirmed by Innocent. These proceed now put the Barons of England into despair, who (saith the history) seeing all hope of their good to be taken away, and knowing not what to do, Matth. Paris in Johan. cursed the fraud and infidelity of the king: Woe be to thee O john (say they) the last of the Kings, the abomination of the Princes of England, the confusion of the English Nobility. O miserable England, being now wasted, and ready to be more wasted and destroyed. O woeful England, England that hitherto hath been the Prince of Provinces in all good things, art made tributary; not only subject to fire, famine, and sword, but to the empire and command of base slaves and strangers, though there be nothing more unhappy than to be enthralled to such people. We read that many other kings, yea and but petty kings too, have fought for the liberty of their country even to death: but thou john, of a mournful memory to all posterity, thy country that hath been free for many years, thou hast found the mean to bring it into bondage, and employed thy endeavours to draw others with thee into slavery: thou hast first debast thyself, being made of a free king a tributary, and a vessel of servitude: Thou hast bound the noblest of all countries with a band of eternal slavery, never to be freed from servile fetters, unless he having pity upon us, and the whole world, us I say, whom ancient servitude hath held under the yoke of sin, vouchsafe at the last to set us at liberty. Neither do they less complain of the Pope: Thou (say they) who ought to be an example of light to the whole world, the father of sanctity, the mirror of piety, the defender of justice, the keeper of verity, consentest thou to such a thing? dost thou approve and defend such a man? But doubtless thou defendest him, because he hath exhausted the money of England, exacted upon the English Nobility, to the end that all this might be swallowed up in the gulf of the Roman avarice: But this cause and excuse is an offence and accusation before God. In the end they resolved to make choice of some Potent Prince to be their King, who might restore unto them their ancient possessions and liberties; and this was Lewis the son of Philip Augustus, the father afterward of S. Lewis, to whom they sent twenty four hostages, to assure him the kingdom, which he accepted. Innocent understanding hereof, sent Waldo his Legate to Philip into France, willing him, That he suffer not his son to trouble England, nor john the King: but rather to defend him as a vassal of the Church of Rome, and England as the demain thereof. Philip plainly told him, That the kingdom of England never was the patrimony of S. Peter, nor is, nor ever should be: and that john condemned of treason against his brother Richard, is not, nor ever was the true and lawful king, nor could give the kingdom, although he had aspired to the Crown, by the murder of Arthur, for which he was condemned in his own Court. Moreover, no King or Prince can give away his kingdom without the consent of his Barons, who are bound to defend it: And if the Pope be determined to defend such an error, he will give a most pernicious example to all kingdoms. All the Nobility therefore of the kingdom cried out with one voice, That for this point they would fight even to death. This was at Lions a little after Easter in the year 1216. An. 1216. The day following Philip gave the Legate audience, commanding his son Lewis to be present, where all this business was again disputed. The Legate, notwithstanding all these reasons, forbade Lewis to enter into England, and threatened the father under pain of excommunication not to permit him: whereupon Lewis departeth, the Legate demanding of Philip safe conduct for himself, which Philip willingly granted unto him by his letters: But if perhaps, saith he, you fall into the hands of the Monks of Eustachius, or any other belonging unto Lewis, which keep the sea coasts, blame not me: and so with discontent he departeth the Court. Lewis being resolved to this enterprise, who also challenged a title to the kingdom by the right of his mother, protested to his father even with tears, That having given his word to the Barons of England to aid and secure them, he had rather for a time to be excommunicated by the Pope, than incur the discredit of falsehood; and so presently embarking himself with a mighty army passed into England: and instantly followeth him the Legate Waldo, who with all the Bishops of his faction excommunicateth Lewis with burning lights, with all his adherents and followers, ordaining, that every Saboth and festival day, throughout all England this sentence should be published. Lewis nevertheless proceedeth in his expedition, whom the death of john in the mean time stayeth, which ended the hatred of the Barons. Wherefore recompensing Lewis for his pains and expenses employed in their defence, they established his son in his place. All the circumstances of these proceed are wholly related by Matthew Paris, Math. Paris. in johan. who was an eye witness of these affairs, and are there worth the reading. Under this Innocent the Western people having taken Constantinople, created Emperor thereof Baldwin Earl of Flanders: and he, as depending of the Latin Church, made the Greek Church forthwith subject thereunto. Notwithstanding he could not hereby keep the favour of Innocent, who required such things as seemed unjust unto him, complaining, That he let the Patriarch of Constantinople sit beneath him on his left hand; signifying that Innocent preferred the dignity of the Priesthood far above the Imperial, and thinking that what in this behalf he took away from the Emperor, would be so much the more gained for himself. Baldwin therefore writing unto him, could not hide from him that this was not the voice of Peter, who on the contrary commandeth, 1. Pet. 2. vers. 13. & 14. Be ye subject to the King, as unto the superior, and unto Governors, as unto them that are sent of him for the punishment etc. And therefore he subjecteth Ecclesiastical dignities unto secular powers. Hence it is that we have that Decretal of Innocent directed to Baldwin, wherein he expoundeth unto him this place of S. Peter: and his divinity here is worth the noting: The Apostle, saith he, wrote unto his subjects, and provoked them to the merit of humility, yea rather unto strangers of all sorts, scattered in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, etc. By what right were these his subjects, unless it be in as much as they were Christ's sheep, who acknowledged his voice in Peter? He proceedeth, If thy exposition take place, it will then follow, Extra de Maioric. & obedientia c. 6. solicitae. that every servant also should bear rule over Priests; for it is there said, Be ye subject to every human creature for God's sake. But he ought not to be ignorant, that the Greeks' interpret the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Order: Oecumenius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Excellency, power. And here it is he allegeth that pleasant allegory of the two great lights, of which we have above spoken: Whence consequently, saith the Sum, The Empire is not above the Priesthood, but under it, and is held to obey it. Also, Bishops ought not to be under Princes, but above them: and this saying is very worthy to be alleged. We have before made mention of new traditions intruded for articles of the faith in the Council of Lateran. Peter Cantor a most learned Divine was there present, who delivered there a long speech of the multiplicity of vain ceremonies, and of the profanation of the service of God; by occasion of which, that which was chiefest in Religion was neglected. And we have yet his Book entitled, Verbum abreviatum, where he sharply inveigheth against them; but he told a tale to them that had no ears to hear. Also flourished at the same time in England, Walter Mapez Archdeacon of Oxford, a man of excellent wit, who in his verses painteth forth in their right colours, the life of Popes, the exactions and rapines of the Court of Rome, the excess, haughtiness and pride of the Prelates, as may be read in his Book, entitled, diverse poems of the corrupted state of the Church, which are longer than can be here fitly inserted: The beginning thereof is thus, Roma mundi caput est, sed nil capit mundum, Quod pendet à capite totum est immundum. Rome is our head, which nothing but uncleanness doth embrace: And in the same, all filthiness (that is) hath wholly place. But among the rest he composed a treatise, entitled Apocalypsis Pontificis Goliath, by which name he signified, that antichrist was revealed in the Pope. Also praedicationem Goliath, the beginning whereof is, Viri venerabiles, etc. and other treatises in Papam & Curiam, & de malis Curiae Romanae, against the Pope and his Court, Girald. Cambrens. l. 3. c. 1. & 14. in speculo Ecclesiae. and of the evils of the Court of Rome. Giraldus Cambrensis maketh mention of him in his Mirror of the Church, and witnesseth that he was a man in great estimation in that age. In the mean season, the Waldenses or Albigenses multiplied in France, maintaining and publishing every where their doctrine above mentioned, and did so spread themselves from the Alps to the Pyrenean mountains, that very many both in Cities and Countries departed from the traditions of the Church of Rome; yea many great and noble men joined unto them, as namely, Raymund Earl of Thoulouse and of S. Giles, the King's cousin, Raymund Roger Viscount of Besiers and of Carcassonne, Peter Roger Lord of Gabaret, Raymund Earl of Foix, near kinsman to the King of Arragon, Gasto Prince of Bearne, the Earl of Bigorre, the Lady de la vaur, the Earl of Carman, Raymund de Termes, Americ de Montrueil, William de Menerbe, and infinite others, both Lords and Gentlemen; men truly of that rank, that no man of sound judgement will think, they would have exposed to manifest danger their life fortunes and honour for the defence of vices and errors so execrable as they were charged withal: On the contrary it must needs be (whatsoever the Monks of that time, and the Pope's champions do prate) that by the only force of their consciences they were moved thereto. And this doth William Paradin acknowledge in his Annals of Bourgundie, who testifieth that he had red Histories that clearly justified the Albigenses, and the Princes and Lords their favourers from all these false imputations; affirming that they were vexed only because they reproved openly the traditions and corruptions of the Church of Rome. Pope Innocent then, about the year 1208, sent first unto them two Legates, the Bishop of Oxford and Dominicus, to have a conference with them at Carman; and presently joined unto them the Cistertian Abbot with twelve others of the same order, and again held a conference with them at Pamiers: And of the part of the Albigenses were defendants, Theodore (before Canon of Nevers) Baldwin and Bernard of Simorre and others. But their adversaries hide from us here, the points in controversy in these conferences: If they had been Manichees, Gnostickes, Cathares, montanists, Adamites, as they would make men believe they were, no doubt they would not have omitted them. But when these conferences did little satisfy the Lords, and that the people were nothing moved at the preaching of Dominicus, whom the Pope (having been, as he said, warned in a dream) had chosen to uphold his Palace of Lateran that otherwise was ready to fall to ruin; he hath recourse to other counsels, which these fore-proceeding did but colour, for form sake. He therefore excommunicateth Earl Raymund, whose authority was chiefest, exposeth his Country for a prey, dischargeth and absolveth all men that were bound unto him by necessity, league, or other covenant, from that bond, and from their oath of fidelity, and that by Apostolic authority, affirming, that to him that had not kept his faith with God, faith ought not to be kept; and also giveth leave to all men to attempt against his person, and against all the Albigenses, no less than against the Saracens, largely promising them the like indulgences; Insomuch also that the money that had been appointed for the holy war is turned to the slaughter of Christians; The cross which in times past was (at least in pretence) assumed against the infidels, is now taken up for to crucify Christ in his members, by a new and horrible example. So that, such was the fury or ignorance of that age, he incited many Princes, Lords, and Prelates to assemble themselves on all parts, to set upon them; who might better cheap and easier expiate their vices, with the damage of this people, than by fight against the Saracens in the holy land. At their coming, with the fright of this deluge, Earl Raymund is astonished, and promiseth obedience to the Church of Rome. But (mark here the manner) Almarick the Pope's Legate, General of this army, draggeth him into the Church by a stole cast about his neck, and with scourge. From thence the countries are laid waist, Towns are sacked, and all places filled with slaughters, fire, and ruin; nevertheless the Albigenses courage failed not utterly, but many times renewed the war. Earl Raymund also, after this so great disgrace, finding himself no gentlier used by the Pope, taketh arms again with them, assisted with the Earls of Foix, and of Comminges; till such time as there coming new supplies from all parts, of Bishops and Lords of France, into the Pope's army, signed with crosses, Earl Raymund is constrained to withdraw himself into Arragon, and the Albigenses forced to forsake the champain Country and fly unto the mountains, and some unwarlike families to seek new countries to inhabit. Mean time, it is here to be noted, that although this war was made in France, yet King Philip Augustus was not the head thereof, but the Pope and his Legate, who made it his own conquest that was won in this war. The King only suffered his subjects to enroll themselves for the Pope's wars, and the Lords of the Kingdom to lead troops of soldiers thither. An. 1215. For in the year 1215 Peter Beneuent the Pope's Legate in a Synod holden at Monpellier in the name of Innocent, appointeth Simon Earl of Montfort Prince and Lord of his conquest, others say Guardian, until the Council of Lateran should more fully determine of it. The Albigeois History also noteth, that Lewis the King's eldest son coming at that time into the army, the Legate was not well pleased at it, fearing lest he would dispose of the Land by right of war gotten to the Pope, which the Sovereign Lord himself had so long time abandoned to the poison of heresy. Therefore in the Council of Lateran, the Pope pronounceth Simon Earl Montfort, Lord of all that had been Raymunds, yet on condition that he should do homage for it to the King, which also the King admitteth. But presently after, all the Towns from avignon to Thoulouse revolted from Simon to Raymund his son, and by this means the hearts of the Albigenses were restored: So that new work is made, the war revived again, Bishops and crossed soldiers sent for from all parts; and whilst they lost in one place and gained victory in another, the Earl of Montfort having nine months besieged the city of Thoulouse, in a sally received a blow with a stone, whereof the same day he died, so that the city was delivered from siege, and the Albigenses got the upperhand. This Simon de Montfort was indeed a man of courage, and a great captain, but particularly noted of ignorance, which perpetual enemy of truth we have also found in our days; so as they only have persecuted it, as never had, nor would have the care to search after it. And thus much brieflly out of the Albigenses history of Peter des Vallees, and out of the Chronicle of Montfort itself. In the mean season, whether it were by reason of the dispersion of the Waldenses, or for that in other Provinces God, had made the truth known, at the same time in divers places the like sermons were heard, and by consequence had the like persecutions: Chronic. Hirsaug. Naucler. 2. vol. Gener. 41. For Trithemius, and others both before and after him, recite, That in the city of Strasbourge, for the same, were burned to the number of fourscore; and in the country about it were slain an hundred in one day. Nauclerus saith, That in Italy this doctrine (which he calleth heresy) wonderfully increased, as well among the Nobility as the common people; and that every year they sent to Milan some collection for the maintenance of their Teachers. Bruschius saith, That at Mentz were burned nine and thirty. And from this time forth nothing is more frequent, these ashes having been as it were by the breath of God's spirit strewed into all the corners of Europe; and yet this cannot be ascribed to any connivence, Trithem. in Chron. Hirsaug. Godofrid. Monach. in Annalibus. or toleration of it: For Trithemius and the Monk Godfrey telleth us plainly, That Conrade of Marpurg, an Apostolic Inquisitor, was w●nt to prove these men attainted of heresy, if they denied it, judicio ferri candentis, By touching of red hot irons, and those whom the iron burned he delivered over to the secular power, as heretics, to be burned. So all, a few excepted, that were once accused, & brought to this trial, were condemned to the fire. Some believed that he had condemned many innocents, because the hot iron found not any free from sin, though not infected with any spot of heresy. And a few pages after he addeth, In this time many noble and ignoble, Clergy men, Monks, Nuns, Burgesses, citizens, and country people, in divers places of Germany, were under the name of heresy condemned to the fire, by a sentence (as some thought) too rash & headlong; and that by a Friar of Marpurg, of the Order of Preachers, who had been appointed by the Apostolic See general Inquisitor of heretics. For, as one writeth, the same day that any man was accused, whether justly or unjustly, no refuge of any Appeal or defence being able to help him, he was condemned and cast into the cruel flames. And a little before speaking of the great number of them discovered in Germany, Italy, and principally in Lombardie, he saith, They which had been taken at Strasbourg confessed openly before all the people and Clergy, that the number of them was so great, that if any of them were to go from Cologne to Milan, he should find every night by the way an host of their sect; and that they had little tokens about the doors of their houses, and roofs, whereby they knew how to find the dwellings of their complices. Now he ascribeth unto them the enormities above refuted, but I pray you who will believe that they would voluntarily undergo the fire for such things? None other, truly, but monks could write these things, whom no man hardly will be found so sottish as to believe. At length, saith Trithemius, this Conrade having made himself hateful to all both noble and ignoble, especially for that he persecuted the Earl of Seine, falsely defamed of heresy, he was slain not far from Marpurge, notwithstanding his safe conduct, by certain gentlemen, who had found no place of pardon or favour with him. Whereas we said, that they were principally in Lombardie, let us add thereto the testimony of an Author of those times, though an adversary: In all the cities (saith he) of Lombardie, and in other kingdoms and lands, they had many Auditors, and disputed in public, and called the people to solemn stations in a hall, and in the field, and preached on the tops of houses: There was none that durst hinder them, by reason of the power and multitude of their favourers. I have been often present at the Inquisition, and at their examination, and there hath been reckoned up forty Churches infected with their heresy, and in one only Parish of Cammach were ten schools of heretics. And this so notable an opposition happened in the time of the Council of Lateran, so famous for new inventions, and of Innocent the third, whom they are wont in all qualities to compare with Hildebrand. 51. PROGRESSION. The voyage of Frederick the Emperor to the Holy Land, and of the affairs and accidents there, with the wicked practices of Pope Gregory the ninth against him in his absence; & of the tumults & factions in Italy, stirred up by the said Gregory. Of his malicious mind towards the Emperor, and how he procured his own son to rebel against him. Of Innocent the fourth, that he deposed the Emperor Frederick, and corrupted divers of his own domestic servants to poison him. Of the death of the said Emperor, and of his great virtue, magnanimity, and prudence. FRederick the second, being sometimes brought up under Innocent the third, Apud Sigon. de regno Jtal. l. 7. inter literas Frederici 2. quae apud Bononiens. seruantur. as soon as he came to the Empire, found as little courtesy at the hands of Honorius the third, Gregory the ninth, and Innocent the fourth, as his grandfather and father, Henry and Frederick the first, had found before at the hands of their predecessors: For when as purposing with himself to go into Italy, in the year 1220, he had sent before Conradus Bishop of Spires, his Chancellor, with a large commission, Honorius construing this as an alarm, and much distasting the tenor of his commission, wherein he styled himself King of the Romans and Sicilia; directing the same to all Prelates, Marquesses, and Earls, in Lombardie, Romaniola, Tuscan, and throughout all Italy: and declaring thereby, That he had sent before Conradus his Lieutenant, Bishop of Spires, and Chancellor of the Empire, to take fealty of them, and other rights belonging to him, without appeal to any other: was so exceedingly offended thereat, the rather, for that Conradus in his proceed termed himself frederick's Lieutenant general throughout all Italy, that he sought by all means he could to cross frederick's voyage into Italy. For they of Milan, by the persuasion of Honorius, shut the gates of the city against him, and other cities by his procurement did the like: But he setting light by them, passeth on to Rome, commanding the ambassadors of the cities to follow him thither. Now because it was not safe for Honorius to refuse the coronation of Frederick, who was ready to take the accustomed oath, he wrested another oath from him, That by a day limited he should make a voyage to the Holy Land: desiring nothing more than to keep him far from Italy. Frederick therefore making a step into Sicilia, settles that kingdom, and leaving Conradus in Italy, returns into Germany, where he spent two years, much to the Pope's discontentment. But in this interim johannes Bremensis, king of jerusalem, comes to Rome, desiring aid and secure from the Pope, to support the declining state of the Christians in Syria. The Pope embracing this opportunity, persuades john to tender Yolanda his daughter unto Frederick, and to give him with her in marriage the kingdom of Jerusalem, upon condition that he should undertake to recover the same from the Infidels: which Frederic accepted of, requiring only two years respite for settling the state of Lombardie. This was concluded on upon pain of excommunication, which was presently denounced by the Cardinals; and should actually take effect upon frederick's breach of covenant. Now whilst Frederick for the settling of the affairs of Lombardie, had assembled the Estates, and to that end had sent for his son Henry out of Germany, the confederate cities of Lombardie growing jealous hereof, and thereupon combining themselves in a straighter league against Frederick, stopped the passage of Henry, and increased their forces. Honorius himself did much mislike hereof, foreseeing that Frederick would hereby excuse the delay of his voyage to the Holy Land: and at this time, in the year 1227, died Honorius, and Cardinal Hugoline, An. 1227. called Gregory the ninth, succeeded him; who without any respect doth so press Frederick, as he commands all those of the Croysado to be ready at Brundisium on the day of the Assumption, where he presently imbarkes his whole army: but falling sick, after three days sailing, returned back again, not without some loss of his fleet and forces. Whereupon Gregory would admit no excuse, but complained to all Princes, That Frederick was convicted of perjury, by breach of his contract made with Honorius, & therefore stood ipso facto excommunicated. On the other side, Frederick excused himself by his letters, yet extant in ursperge, complaining much that the Pope refused to give audience to the Cardinal of Brundisium, whom he sent of purpose to the Council to make his defence. Collenutius ex Ricobal●. l. 4. It is not my purpose here to justify Frederick, but Ricobaldus discovers the ground of this malice, That whereas Gregory was desirous to make Frederick more firm unto him by an alliance of marriage, this offer was rejected by the Emperor's children, and Frederick was afraid lest in his absence he should invade the kingdom of Sicilia. Abbas Vrsperg. The Abbot of ursperge, being a man of note in that age, hath given this judgement of him: This Gregory, saith he, being a proud man, in the first year of his Popedom began to excommunicate Frederick the Emperor, upon false and frivolous causes, and contrary to all order of judicious proceeding. He upbraided him, That the Church of Rome under the tuition of Innocent the third, had been a mother unto him. Frederick answers, That she was rather a stepmother, being the root and fountain of all his troubles: And therefore he sets before the eyes of Princes her rapines, sacrileges, simonies, and injurious attempts against kings and kingdoms; alleging for instance how cruelly she dealt with john king of England, and others: Math. Paris in Henrico 3. concluding at the last, That it was to be feared lest the Church, whose foundation was laid in poverty and simplicity, should by her wealth and abundance be brought to ruin: and that therefore it is high time for them that see their neighbour's house on fire, to look to their own. Let us note by the way, that the Pope's earnest soliciting of this voyage to the Holy Land, promising pardon of all their sins to such as should go thither, was suspected by those of best judgement, which did not only foresee the mischief that would follow thereof, but felt the present evil which already it had wrought. Abbas Vrsperg. The same Abbot saith thus, Cardinal Conradus Bishop of Portua, when he went Ambassador into Germany, to advance the service of the Croysado, as they call it, and did appoint Preachers for the publishing thereof: Then a certain friar predicant called john, coming from Strasbourge, preached daily and earnestly, laying men's sins to their consciences with great vehemency, and for the entangling of their souls broached certain doctrines before unheard of, which albeit in some sort they might be maintained, yet it was found by experience, that much evil ensued thereof, being misconceived by the hearers, who were thereby encouraged to commit many enormous crimes and offences: for at that time Engilbert Archbishop of Collen was slain by his own kinsmen, and many Priests murdered. For some damnable companions said, I will commit villainies, for by the taking of the cross I shall be not only absolved from them, but shall also deliver the souls of many wicked men. Whereupon Aventine speaking of the same john, and such like, saith, Auent. l. 7. That to encourage men to undergo the hazard of this dangerous war, they delivered many strange doctrines, That whatsoever sin a man had committed, were it parricide, incest, or sacrilege, as soon as he had sowed a cross upon his coat, he was presently absolved both from the fault and punishment: And for proof hereof he brought many examples. Let us now return to Frederick. Gregory upon that day which is commonly called Coena Domini, excommunicats him. The Frangipanes, being an honourable family in Rome, taking offence thereat, incite the people against him, and drove Gregory out of Rome, who retired himself to Perusia. Now Frederick having settled his affairs in Sicilia with as much speed as he could, to the end he might approve his actions to the whole world, upon Christmas eve he arrived with his whole army in Palestina: and therefore Gregory might well have pacified his anger, had not somewhat else than the zeal of Christ inflamed him. But Sigonius himself tells us, That Gregory was so much the more incensed against him, that he durst undertake that voyage before he was reconciled to him: Wherefore taking opportunity of his absence, under the conduct of johannes Bremensis he invades Apulia, stirs up the confederate cities of Lombardie against Frederick, divides, or rather rents asunder all Italy, into the factions of the Guelphs and Gibellines, the one holding for the Pope, the other for the Emperor, that scarce any city or town was to be found, where the higher part against the lower, one quarter against another, the commons against the nobility, & the nobility against the commons, did not exercise hostility with all manner of cruelty; so that this fire could scarcely be quenched without the utter ruin of Italy. Frederick for all this desisted not from his purpose, which he so effectually pursued, that he did not so much as think of Italy before he had recovered the city of Jerusalem. But so soon as he had taken the city, and caused himself to be crowned King of Jerusalem, and had settled his affairs there, being informed that the Pope played rex in his dominions, for redress thereof, in the year 1229, he returns into Italy. Matthew Paris, a writer of that age, though favouring Gregory, saith thus, Matthaeus Paris in Henric. 3. He taking it in evil part, that the Emperor of Rome, being excommunicated, and rebelling against him, went to the Holy Land, did not a little despair of his repentance and satisfaction and returning again to the unity of the Church, and therefore he determined to depose him from his Empire for his contumacy and rebellion, and to place in his room some other that would be a peaceable and obedient son unto him. And yet a little before he had told us that Frederick at his arrival in the Holy land found them in such a desperate case, that the Templars & hospitalers, at his coming, adored him upon their knees, & kissed his knees. Moreover, he produceth a letter of the Earl of Aterne, advertising Frederic, that johannes Bremensis, his father in law, by the instigation of Gregory, had invaded his dominions, & set on fire his towns and villages etc. And if any man made mention of the emperor unto him, he said there was no other emperor but himself; Your friends, saith he, wonder hereat most mighty emperor, especially those of the Clergy, upon what ground, and with what conscience the Pope can do thus, Cuspinian. in Frederico. Abbas Vrsperg. Collenutius l. 4. Neapol. Histor. and war against Christians. The Abbot of ursperge and some other say further, that Gregory to the end he might weaken the forces of Frederic in the holy land, forbade those of the Croysado in Apulia and Lombardie to go thither, and caused the lombards in their journey thitherward to be ransacked and spoiled, and, that he might cross the good success of these wars, scattered letters in frederick's camp admonishing his soldiers to take heed of him, & moreover, that he did write to the soldan to be of good courage, and not to restore any thing to Frederic; Whereupon this good Abbot breaks out into these speeches. Who would not (saith he) both bewail, and detest these dealings? which are manifest forerunners and prodigious signs of the Church's ruin. He saith further, that when it was written unto him of the recovery of Jerusalem, Nazareth, joppa, and other places, he cast away the letters in a rage. Now, whilst the poor afflicted Christians were so overjoyed, saith Matthew Paris, as they thought themselves to be in heaven, Gregory causeth the messengers that brought this news to be surprised and slain, and to blemish frederick's reputation, gives it out that the emperor was dead. Whereupon the cities that were yet subject to the emperor, resolved to yield themselves to the Pope, and most cruelly & wickedly to murder all the Germans that returned from the holy land, and remained in Apulta, had not God of his mercy prevented it. And hereby let every man judge whether Frederic had cause to hasten his return, who notwithstanding with all humility and obedience sent to the Pope for absolution. The soldan himself used Frederic more kindly than either the Pope or the Patriarch & Temlers of Jerusalem, that were his followers: For Matthew Paris thus witnesseth: The Templars and Hospitalers, Cuspinianus in Caesarib. Hieronimus Marius in Eusebio. saith he, envying the emperor's proceed, took heart against him by reason of the difference between the Pope and him, and craftily and treacherously gave notice to the soldan of Babylon, that the emperor purposed to go to the river where Christ was baptised by john Baptist, where he might either take him prisoner, or kill him at his pleasure. Which when the soldan understood, and had received a letter to that effect, the seal whereof was familiarly known unto him, he detested the falsehood, malice, and treachery of the Christians, especially of those that carried the habit of religion, and wore the cross, and calling to him two of his most trusty and wisest counsellors, he delivered the whole matter unto them, showing them both the letter and the seal, and sent the letter to the emperor etc. And this was the original of the malice between the Emperor, the Templars and the Hospitalers. Who (saith he) to cover their treason, procured Giraldus the Patriarch (one of their confederates) to write letters into the West tending to the disgrace of this poor Prince, the copy whereof he produceth. The Abbot of Vrsperge toucheth this in a word, saying, That he endured much by the perfidious treachery of the Templars. Now Gregory seeing him returned, after he had made truce with the soldan for ten years to his great advantage, and therefore the less obliged to return thither again, and perceiving he was ready to revenge the wrongs done unto him in his absence, willingly made peace with him, and released the excommunication against him, in the city of Anania, whether he was retired; nevertheless on condition, Platina in Gregorio 9 that he should pay unto the Pope 120000 ounces of gold for the damages done to the territories of the Church, and also should assist him with his forces to reduce the Romans to obedience; which he exactly fulfilled. But it is observed by an Historian of these times, that of this interview remained to him a perpetual rancour of mind, Continuator belli sacri. l. 3. c. 11. for that when the Pope presented to him his foot to kiss (as the manner is) the Emperor had kissed but his knees, and scarcely with the top of the lip, which neglect was so deeply fixed in the Pope's mind, that he could never forget it. Therefore, when he saw Frederick resolved to appease the tumults of Lombardie, which he ever maintained against him, he sent his Legates thither, under pretence to persuade them to submit themselves unto Frederick, whereas it was indeed to encourage them underhand against him. And in this business he also employed certain preaching Friars and Minorites, and among others one Friar john, who after he had amidst the Caroches and standards of all the confederate Cities begun his Sermon in these words of our Saviour, Peace I give unto you, Author Jtal. Apud Vigner. p. 440. my peace I leave with you; Specifying (saith the Author) the drift of his preaching, concludeth, that whosoever should in word or deed adhere, or take part with the Emperor, should be adjudged rebels to the Church, and so he ended, namely, Apud Sigon. l. 17. de regno Jtal. interpreting this peace to be a general conspiracy, unto which he invited and induced all the Cities, and bound them by mutual oaths, to the utter ruin of Frederick and his Posterity. There remained, that he should trouble him in Germany itself, which he also failed not to do. For after the example of his predecessors, by sending his Legates, he stirred up against him a great conspiracy of his Princes, and induced his son Henry to be head of the same against his Father, the Citizens of Milan offering unto him the Crown of Italy, which they had denied his Father, if he would come and secure them. But the most renowned Lords of Germany, as well Ecclesiastical as secular, went into Italy to reprove Gregory hereof, Bertald Patriarch of Aquileia, Otho Lord of Dalmatia, and of Istria his brother, Eberard Archbishop of Saltzburge, Sigifride of Regensburge, who spoke in the name of the rest, so that he was constrained for shame to revoke his commandments. Mean time, Frederick having straightly besieged his rebellious son, brought him to that extremity, that prostrate at his feet he desired pardon, and, having convicted him of going about to poison him, he gave him his life, but sent him prisoner into Apulia. Thus are we come to the year 1235. In the year following 1236, Frederick being weary of the rebellions of Italy, An. 1235. An. 1236. and especially of Lombardie, requested Gregory the like good turn he had done him; namely that as he had assisted him to bring the Romans to obedience, so he would not deny him his aid in compelling the Lombard's and chiefly them of Milan, whom he could not but know to take part with the Albienses and Waldenses; and therefore it was a cause wherein himself and the Church of Rome was interessed. Gregory answereth, that he should take heed he entered not Italy with arms, nor invade the Lombard's, but rather should prepare himself to pass again into the holy Land, where the truce within two years would be expired: If, notwithstanding, he had aught to demand of them, that he should refer the matter to him as judge, and he would willingly take notice thereof. To which pride Frederick answered both prudently (saith the History) and modestly, Matthaeus Paris in Henrico 3. in this manner; Italy is mine inheritance, and that is known to all the world; to aspire to other men's, and to leave a man's own, were extreme ambition, especially seeing that the Italians, and chief them of Milan, have provoked me by their insolence, in nothing rendering me due reverence. Intimating, that it was no equity to put to compromise, as a thing in controversy, that which evidently pertained to him as his own. Gregory thereupon raised new tumults against him in Germany, the Duke of Austria among others; but Frederick very easily repressed him. He also fostered & incited against him the rebellions of Lombardie; but these same also, in the year 1237, An. 1237. Frederick having overcome in battle at Corte nova, brought them to that extremity, that he constrained almost all to yield themselves to his discretion. Gregory till then could find no cause to manifest himself an open enemy against Frederick, who only sought but his own. But behold an occasion offered, Frederick by force of arms recovered a part of Sardinia, called Galura. Gregory pretendeth, that all Sardinia belongeth to the Church, therefore that this portion ought to be restored unto him; and we have seen before upon what frivolous title: Contrariwise Frederick went carefully about to retain it, as being the ancient demain of the Roman Empire; and hereupon Gregory being obstinately bend, he gave the kingly title thereof to Hentius, his bastard. Then was the Pope resolved, on the day of Coena Domini to excommunicate him, heaping up together many vain and frivolous causes, which before he had not spoken of, to strengthen the same. Which Frederick understanding, being then at Padua sitting on his throne of justice, declared and made his Apology by Peter de Vineis, his Chancellor, who forgot nothing of the abuses and corruptions of the Pope, and of the Court of Rome. To the same end wrote the Emperor to the Romans, and to all the other Princes, cleared the equity of his cause against all the objections of the Pope: and to show how little account he made of his Anathemaes, he sent unto him these verses: Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta Corruet, & mundi desinet esse caput. Rome in great errors long time tossed and shaken, Head of the world no more, shall fall, forsaken. But on the other part Gregory openly professed himself head of the rebels of Lombardie, stirred up new commotions in Apulia, joining to himself in league the Genoese and Venetians: so that daily appeared some new treasons against Frederick, some new rebellions still arose, notwithstanding Frederick, who lost no time, passed into Tuscan, and drew near unto Rome. Now was it time for Gregory to have recourse to Precessions, in show for to mollify the hearts of the people, but in effect to try all extreme means to publish the same indulgences, pardons, and absolutions from all enormities, to such as should cross themselves against Frederick, as were wont to be granted to them that crossed themselves for the Holy Land against the Saracens: So that an army of Croysadoes issued forth of Rome, and met him in the field, but were by him in the first encounter overthrown with a great slaughter. With like faith and devotion Gregory converted against him the money that he had exacted throughout all Christendom, namely in Germany, France, and England, under colour for the Holy Land: and the friars Preachers and Minors had none other theme of their sermons but this, That there was greater merit in ruinating Frederick and his, than in exterminating the Saracens, than whom they were far worse. This rage passeth yet further: Gregory writeth to king S. Lewis, requesting that his letters might be read coram toto Baronagio Franciae, Before all the Barons of France, That he had deposed Frederic and set Robert his brother in his place, being resolved to assist him to this effect with all the forces of the Church. Whereunto answered, in full Council, Circumspecta Francorum prudentia (saith the Author) the circumspect prudence of the Frenchmen (the words deserve to be written at length) By what spirit, or with what bold timerity hath the Pope disinherited and cast down from the top of the Empire so great a Prince, than whom none greater, neither equal among Christians, being not convicted, neither confessing the crimes objected against him? And if he were to be deposed for his demerits, yet he could not be judged but by a general Council. Of his faults his enemies ought not to be believed, of which number the Pope was known to be the chief. For our parts, he hath been unto us hitherto innocent, yea rather a good neighbour, neither have we seen any hurtful thing in him, in secular faithfulness, nor in the Catholic faith. We know that he hath faithfully made war for our Lord jesus Christ, valiantly exposed himself to the dangers of the sea, and of battles. We have not found so much religion in the Pope; but contrariwise he which ought to have advanced and protected him, fight the battles of God, hath endeavoured wickedly in his absence to ruinat and supplant him. The prodigal effusion of our blood against him the Romans little regard, so they may satisfy their wrath. And when he shall have by us or others overcome him, he will trample under feet all the Princes of the world, and lift up his horns of boasting and pride, because he hath oppressed Frederick a great Emperor. But lest we should seem to have received the Pope's message in vain, though it he apparent to us, that the Church of Rome hath not done it for love of us, but for hatred of the Emperor, we will send prudent ambassadors unto him, which may diligently inquire of his faith, and certify us of it, and if they find nothing but sound and good, wherefore should we molest him? But if he or any other, be it the Pope himself, should hold an evil opinion concerning God, we will persecute him to the death: which the Pope's ambassadors hearing, departed confounded. There went then solemn French ambassadors to the Emperor, who rehearsed to him from point to point that which they had heard from the Pope: Which when the Emperor understood, he was astonished at so unmeasurable an hatred, and answered, I am a Catholic Christian, rightly believing all the articles of the Orthodoxal faith, my Lord jesus Christ forbidden that I should ever departed from the faith of my noble fathers, and predecessors, for to follow the steps of vile castaways. The Lord judge between me and him, who hath so wickedly defamed me through the world; and lifting up his hands unto heaven, with tears and sighs he cried out, The Lord God of revenges render unto him his reward. Thus writeth the Monk Matthew Paris, an English Chronicler. And let the Reader judge what opinion France and S. Lewis had of this Pope. In the mean time the affairs of Syria waxed daily worse and worse, and the Christians that last passed thither had ill success in Damascus, which gave pretext to Gregory to call a Council at Lateran, An. 1240. in the year 1240, in which Frederick consented to be present, having made truce with him. But when he heard that he had sent his Legates, james Cardinal of Prenest, and Otho of S. Nicholas, beyond the Alps, under colour to exhort the Princes to send to the Council, but indeed to make him odious, to exact money of the Churches, and to abuse the Council against him, he entreated the Princes his confederates not to send thither; and declared, that he would give no safe conduct to such as should undertake that journey, especially for that he had understood, that the Pope having had advertisement that his Agents had collected great sums of money in England, and in France, was resolved to break truce with him. Here it is good to hear the same Author speak: Matth. Paris in Henrico 3. Cardinal john Columna having been author of the truce, Gregory receiveth letters from the Legate, That in France alone he had gathered already so much money, as whereby he might be undoubtedly able to wage war against the Emperor for a whole year: Whereupon repenting, and grieving that he had accepted the truce, called for the excellent Cardinals john de Columna, and Raymund, mediators of the same: I am ashamed in myself, saith he to them, that I granted truce to Frederic, the enemy of the Church: Go then in haste, thou (speaking to Columna) which waste the spokesman betwixt us, and tell him boldly that I will not hold it, and that I will be his enemy, and do defy him: God forbidden, answered Columna, that in the mouth of so great a man, such light words should be reported to so great a prince, especially by us which are of no common rank; for I cannot consent to this counsel of instability and unfaithfulness, but do constantly contradict the same. To whom the Pope replied; And I hold thee not henceforth for Cardinal; Nor I thee for Pope, said Columna and so departed, and of a friend became his adversary. But it very fitly fell out (addeth the author) that the French king Lewis having intelligence of it, made to be stayed in his kingdom, all that money which had been gleaned from the clergy by his permission, Mellitis sermonibus, & fellitis comminationibus, By honeyed speeches and bitter threatenings; That by this means the Pope, who is called Christ's vicar on earth, might be found faithful, though against his will. Now it so fell out that Frederic was not unarmed or unprepared against him, for he had at that very time five armies a foot, the first before Fayenza, which he himself in person commanded, the second on the Tuscan Sea under Hencius king of Sardinia, against the Genoese, the third upon the frontiers of Germany against the Tartarians under the conduct of Conrade king of Germany, the fourth in the Marca de Ancona and valley of Spoletum, the fift in Palestina, under Rodolph Marshal of the Empire, for to defend the kingdom of Jerusalem; which he did notwithstanding the traverses and hindrances of the Pope, for the space of fifteen years. The war then continuing, the siege of Fayenza dured a long time; neither had he little cause to revenge himself of the inhabitants, who some time before, having shut the gates of their city before and behind upon him, violently assailed him, and wickedly slew another disguised like unto him in imperial armour, thinking it had been their Lord. Yet notwithstanding they imploring his mercy, he gave them their city and the like liberty as to other cities of the empire: which be spoken to them that accuse him of being prone to revenge. The Legates also returned, accompanied with many Bishops for the Council; them he requested to turn towards him, and promised them all safeconduct, desirous only to make known the justice of his cause unto them. Now they refusing it, and choosing rather to commit themselves to the safeguard of the Genoese his enemies, Hencius who watched to surprise them, took them at sea, and led them prisoners to Naples. Collenucius l. 4. At which success, and others prosperously performed in the Marca de Ancona, and in Romania, Gregory the ninth conceived so great discontent, being withal very ancient, that for grief thereof he died. It is not in the mean time to be forgotten, that the Popes to colour their affairs the better, had ever sounding in their mouths the holy land, that when under Honorius the third king john of Brenna had taken the famous city of Damieta, Cardinal Pelagius the Pope's Legate pretended that he was to have the chief command over the army; whereat the king incensed, retired himself through despite to Ptolomais, whereby were lost the best opportunities to do good, and in the end after many bad successes, Damieta was forsaken. Again, when as under Gregory the ninth, Richard earl of Cornwall, the king of England's brother, was bend to the holy wars with an army, at his instance, for recovery of these losses, and was come to S. Giles in languedoc, ready to embark himself; there came a Legate to him from Gregory, with the Archbishop of Arles, commanding in his name that he should not pass the Seas: All which was to despite Frederic, whereat this prince much offended, said unto them, I thought there had been firmness of truth in the Apostolic words, and in the preachers that he sent unto me, and now I am ready to enter on shipboard, this Pope, whom they call the successor and Vicar of jesus Christ (who never failed of his word) forbiddeth me to march forward in his service: And nevertheless resolved, Detestans Romanae Ecclesiae duplicitatem, Detesting the double dealing of the Church of Rome, with great bitterness of mind, to go embark himself at Marseille; giving the Emperor to understand by Robert Tuing, Knight, and other his ambassadors, Papalem muscipulationem, The jugglings of the Pope and his Legates. The same had he done a little before to the crossed soldiers in France and other nations, who being come to Lions, that from thence they might take their journey into the Holy Land, found there the Pope's Legate, who made them the like prohibition, and delivered a commandment in writing, That every man should return back to his own home. This gave occasion to exclaim, unde haec in Romana Curia, & in Papa multiplicitas? Whence cometh this variety in the Court of Rome, and in the Pope? Is not this here both the time and place prefixed and appointed by his Legates and preaching Friars: upon their promises we have set forward our journey, have sold and engaged our houses, bidden our friend's farewell, sent our money before, etc. And little wanted they from laying violent hands upon the Legate, if the discretion of some Prelates had not restrained the fury of the people. To provide for the election of a successor to Gregory there remained but ten Cardinals at Rome: they therefore entreated Frederick to permit them two whom he kept prisoners, to come to them, and to be present at the election; which he graciously granted unto them, yet on condition they should both return, except one of them were created Pope. Now there was nominated Godfrey Bishop of the Sabins, called Celestine the fourth, who died seventeen days after, before he was consecrated. The Cardinals assembled again, and as they were divided some for the Church, others for the Empire, that they could not agree, the two prisoners, to perform their promise given, returned; till at length the Seat remaining vacant for the space of one and twenty months, they not finding any spark of charity at least under the ashes, were on the o●●●●t urged by the Emperor, who to take away all excuse from them, sent them back the said Cardinals, having taken their oath, That they should procure the peace of the Church and of the Empire; and the more eagrely to stir up the Romans, he wasted and spoiled their countries: On the other side, by the French men, who boldly declared unto them, That if they did not the sooner provide, they would elect a Pope for themselves, according to the ancient privilege granted by Pope Clement to S. Denis, who gave unto him the Apostleship of the Western people. So that in the year 1243 they chose Signibard of Flisque, An. 1243. a Genua, named Innocent the fourth, whom strait the Emperor sent to congratulat by Peter de Vineis, his Chancellor: but, as he was a prudent Prince, he foresaw what would be, I have lost, saith he, a Cardinal my friend, and have gotten a Pope mine enemy; assuring himself, that being come to the Popedom he would be no less his adversary than the others had been: As indeed he strait renewed the excommunication against him, and after some speeches of peace interchanged by Frederick, on which they could not agree, because the Pope would absolutely be believed, & Frederick would not submit himself thereto, but Praecognitis causis & praevisa via, & omnibus conditionibus, But with knowledge of the cause, means, and conditions, Innocent privily departed Italy in the Genua galleys, passed into France and came to Lions, there to hold a Council, which began in the year 1245, in show for the Holy Land, but indeed (as the effect proved) against Frederick. Thither notwithstanding he went in person, & was already at Thurin, when he heard that Innocent had excommunicated him, and that he would not hear his ambassador Thaddeus of Suisserland, a man of quality, requesting he would stay a little, neither would he condescend to the entreaties of S. Lewis king of France, and Henry king of England, and the ambassadors of other Princes. Which stayed Frederick from passing any further; nevertheless he offered, that he might have peace of the Church, to defend Europe from the Tartarians, to free the Holy Land at his own charges from the Saracens, to unite the Greek Church to the Roman. But the Pope answered, These are but words, and demanded of his ambassador, what security he could give: The two kings (saith he) of France and England: We will not (answered the Pope) because if he should fail his covenants, neither can we otherwise believe, we must turn ourselves to chastise them, & so for one enemy we should have three, than whom in the secular power are none greater, neither yet equal. The Pope therefore proceedeth to excommunicate him, to depose him from the Empire, to absolve for ever his subjects from their oath of fidelity, and to excommunicate all them that should acknowledge him Emperor: The form of which is read in most proud terms in the histories of those times, and in the Acts of the Synod of Lions. Matthew Paris particularly noteth, That when king S. Lewis set before his eyes the danger of the Holy Land, which could not humanly be preserved by any but by Frederick, and requested him to receive this great Prince into favour, being ready to undergo so great a humility, in the name of jesus Christ, and according to the Lords example and precept, to open the bosom of mercy to a sinner even until seven times seventy times; he answered him absolutely, That he would not do it. It is also worthy observation, That when Innocent had sent to publish this excommunication throughout all Europe, and particularly in France, the Princes in the end requested, That time might be granted Frederick, within which he might personally be present in the said Council. The Pope answered, far be that from me, I fear the snares that I have escaped, for if he should come I would presently departed: I wish not yet the shedding of my blood, neither do I feel myself disposed to martyrdom or imprisonment. And so in the end pronounced sentence. A certain Curate of Paris acquitted himself well towards his parishioners in these words: Give ear, saith he, I have received commandment to pronounce the solemn sentence of Excommunication against the Emperor Frederick, candles put out, and bells ringing. Now not knowing the cause deserving it, yet I am not ignorant of the great quarrel and inexorable hatred between them; I know also that one of them doth injure the other, but which it is I know not: So far forth then as my power doth extend, I excommunicate and pronounce excommunicated one of the two, namely him that doth the injury to the other, and absolve him that suffereth the injury, which is so hurtful unto all Christendom. In like manner Krantzius telleth us, that many Princes and Barons exclaimed against this sentence: It pertaineth not to the Pope to ordain or degrade an Emperor, but only to crown him that is elected by the Princes. In a word, the Author above cited, saith, That all men for the consequence of the matter were wounded and grieved, judging well, that in time the Pope would grow to that exceeding height of pride, that he would for every light cause, when it pleased him, depose Catholic Princes, innocent and just. We have, will they say, trodden under feet that great Emperor Frederick, and who is he henceforth that can resist us? And so the mightiest men being provoked, will lift up their heel against him, and God being the avenger, the authority of Rome may come to nought. This was the judgement of all men concerning this Excommunication, which though it were grounded on pretence of Heresy, yet could there none be found, but in this, That he lightly regarded the Pope's frivolous and vain Excommunication. But Innocent passeth further, for he will ordain an Emperor after his own fantasy; and therefore sendeth word to the Princes that they should proceed to a new election, and also appointeth the Electors that should have to do in it, namely the Dukes of Austria, of Bavaria, of Saxony, and of Brabant, the Archbishops of Colonia, of Mentz, and of Saltzburg, the most part of them sworn enemies to Frederick; who were to pass into an island of Rhine, no man following them, to determine of the matter: mean time, he recommendeth unto them by the Bishop of Ferrara his Legate, Henry Landgrave of Turing, whom also they for his sake choose. But Frederick nothing astonished for all that; The Pope (saith he) in his Council hath deprived me of my Crown: Whence hath he so great presumption? whence such rash boldness? But in this I am in better condition than afore, for I was bound in some things to obey him, at least to reverence him, but now I am absolved from the bond of honour and of all kind of obedience towards him. And yet he forgot not to purge himself, towards all the Princes of Europe, of the crimes objected unto him, which was so much the more easy for him to do, for that (as Historians affirm) all the Popes of that age, had made themselves by their behaviour infamous towards all men. This new pretended Emperor in the year 1247 thought to be crowned at Aquisgrane, having overthrown Conrade the son of Frederick, forsaken of his own people, whom the Pope had corrupted with money: but Conrade repaired his army with great celerity, and upon the very point of the solemnity gave him battle, overcame him and slew all his army; Whereat the Landgrave himself, proprij vulnere doloris sauciatus, wounden (saith the Historian) and suffocate wit●●●s own grief, breathed forth his feminine soul unwept for of any. And then began to be verified, that which ●●had●●us the emperors procurer had foretold in the Council of Lions, when the Pope thundered forth his sentence against his Master; Heu, heu, dies ista, verè dies irae, calamitatis & miseriae, this day (alas) is a day of wrath, of calamity and misery. Neither yet for th●●●●th Innocent yield, but dispatcheth four Cardinals into Germany, Italy, 〈◊〉, and Norway, so much the more grievously to complain against Frederick, interpreting it (perhaps) an injury done unto him, in that he defended himself; And resolved to cause William Earl of Holland to be elected King of Germany, which again by abundance of moneys he obtained: for, all that he was able on all hands to rapine and scrape together, was swallowed up as it were in that gulf. This Earl going to be Crowned at Aquisgrane, was likewise met withal by Conrade, whom Octavian the Pope's Legate laboured with fair words to divert from his purpose: but he answered him, I will never, for any of you traitors, be wanting to my father. Yet it came to that pass, that by the subtle sleights of the Preaching Friars, who corrupted the people, William was received and crowned at Aquisgrane: But, not long time after, constrained to retire himself from Conrade, who got again the upper hand; and Frederick in the end being ready to fall upon him with an army, he was forced to go hide himself again in Holland. Then it remained to have recourse to all sorts of treason; and therefore by how much the more God blessed the just cause of Frederick in Germany, Lombardie and Tuscanie itself, so much the more eagrely did Innocent bend his mind to all kind of fraud: Of his domestic servants and familiars are corrupted Theobald Franciscus, james de Mora, Pandolfe de Fasanellis, William of S. Severin, and others, to lie in wait for his life, of whom some came and revealed to him the conspiracy, the history whereof we have in Matthew Paris, in the letters of Frederick to the King of England; In Epist. Petri de Viners lib. 2. cap. 10. If you demand the Author of the same, his name (saith he) we would willingly conceal, did not the public voice reveal him, and the evidence of the deeds accuse him, though we by our silence would cover him, or by words excuse him; For the executors of the said fact, both the fugitives and the besieged, assisted with the company of the friars Minorites, having received from them the sign of the Cross, pretend the Pope's authority, by Apostolic letters, against us, and openly declare that herein they do the affair of the holy mother Church of Rome, affirming him to be the instigator of our death and disinheriting. And this have the said captives (whom the ready devotion of our trusty servants imprisoned, at the winning of Scales castle) confessed before all men, in their voluntary and last confession at the hour of death, when it is execrable to lie. The Bishop of Bamberg also, returning from the court of Rome, after his purchased consecration, before he was of our faithful servants taken in Germany, said it would infallibly come to pass, that within few days we should be shamefully murdered of our familiars and domestic servants. These things we speak with shame, witness the most high judge, as being never able to believe, that we should see or hear in our days any such wickedness, that our own nation and our Bishops, Matthew Paris. p. 692. in Henrico 3. Anno 1249. would wickedly deliver any man to so cruel a death. Insomuch, that Frederick was upon point to have sent the six conspirators through out all the climates of the world, to all Kings and Princes, with the Pope's Bull imprinted on the forehead, found in the Castle of Scala, where they were taken, that this treason might be publicly known unto all. The same Author noteth, that at Rome not long after, were taken two pretended murders, sent for to kill the Pope, but there were some (saith he) that said, that it was a fraudulent invention, craftily devised, to defame ●●●●●rick with the same crime etc. Innocent was not therefore weary in preparing other snares, whilst to blear the eyes of the world, he published thundering writings against Frederick, making him worse than Pharaoh herod, Nero, and other tyrants; and that so much the more vehemently, as he was ●●ad to see his secret purposes discovered, and that he stunk thereof throughout all Europe. This horrible writing (saith the Author) against ●●●●●ic would have pierced into the marrow of Auditors, but that the covetousness, Simo●●●●urie, and stains of other vices, wherewith his adversaries were defiled, did take away the credit thereof: Who under pain of excommunication, impudently move the crossed soldiers, one while to the Holy land, one while to subdue Romania, another while to set upon Frederic. And, that which is most detestable, they extort by all means the moneys appointed for the crossed soldiers; and for this end make suos Telonarios their publicans and exactors, the Franciscane and Dominic Friars. Soon after another subtle practice cometh to light: Frederic being returned into Apulia, and finding himself ill at ease, would take physic by the counsel of his Physicians. Peter de Vineis, his most familiar Counsellor had near about him a Physician, who made the physic and therein mixed a most speedy and mortal poison; and lest this should fail, he had also prepared a poisoned bath to the same end. Frederick having by good hap had warning of it at the same instant, said unto them; My friends, my confidence is in you, take heed (I pray you) ye give me not poison instead of a medicine: Peter answered, My Lord, this my Physician, hath often given you wholesome potions, why do you now fear? The Physician amazed, feigned as if his foot had slipped and so spilled the most part of it; but the rest being given to condemned malefactors, they died of it within few hours after: the Physician then was hanged, and Peter de Vineis had his eyes put out, whom Frederick caused to be led about through most of the Cities of Italy and Apulia, for to confess this wicked fact before all men. And when he had delivered him to the men of Pisa, that mortally hated him, through despair he dashed his head against the pillar to which he was tied, and killed himself. Thus much reciteth the Monk Paris, and Sigonius after him, who addeth, That the enemies of the Church said, that the Pope had inclined the heart of this Peter, to this fact, by great gifts and promises; And seeing the foregoing practices, who can doubt of it: Mean time, this unhappy Prince, began to loathe his life; What we (saith he) is fallen upon me, that mine own bowels arm themselves against me, That this Peter, whom I esteemed the one half of my soul, hath prepared my death; That the Pope, whom my predecessors have created and enriched of nothing, laboureth both to ruinated the Empire, and by death to destroy me. Et obsorduit domini Papae fama per hoc non mediocriter, And the Pope's reputation was thereby not a little defamed: Yet God the infallible searcher of secrets, knoweth the truth thereof. Of which truth, we may yet give judgement, out of that which Krantzius writeth, in the same year 1249, An. 1249. Krantzius in Metropol. l. 8. c. 14. That Pope Innocent the fourth was transported with so great envy against Frederic eximperatorem, deposed from the Empire; That not only he opposed against him the Christian Princes, but also sent an Ambassador to the soldan of Egypt, to divert him from his friendship. And it is great pity we have not his letters; but at least, he representeth the Souldan's letters to Innocent, translated out of Greek into Latin, and by the answer we may gather what the demand was. The sum is this, after the accustomed compliments, which deserve to be read in the Author, That God would make him of the number of them that affect and do good, and that earnestly seek peace, and persever in the causes thereof; and that God would assist him in things that are convenient, both towards them of his own Religion and towards others, That he understood that which he had declared concerning Christ, to whom be praise: And of Christ (saith he) we know more than ye know, and do magnify him more than ye do: But as touching the Emperor, that there was friendship between them, even from the time of the soldan his father; And between you (saith he) and your Emperor, it is as yourself doth know. Therefore that it was not lawful for him to treat with the Christians, without the advice and consent of the Emperor. And surely it is a marvel, that so many and so great troubles, especially now in his old age, did not overwhelm him. Add to these, that his base son Hencius was taken prisoner by the men of Bovonia, and himself suddenly taken with a grievous sickness, called ignem sacrum. At length being tossed with so many adversities (saith the Author) he resolved by all means to seek peace, and offered to the Pope an honest form of peace: but the Pope rejoicing at his adversities, would not accept of it, whereby he incurred the indignation of many, and namely of the French Lords, who began to comfort Frederic and to adhere unto him, and to detest the pride of the servant of the servants of God. And thus the affairs of Frederic prospered so well, that Innocent entreated the king of England, that he might make his abode at Bordeaux, under pretence of making a general peace: But in the mean season died the greatest of Princes, saith the Author, Stupor quoque mundi, and the astonishment and wonder of the world, having made a most noble testament recited by Matthew in his additions. Collenucius also telleth us, Collenucius l. 4. Hist. Neapol. out of the report of Mainardine bishop of Imola, That his penitency was so great, in the confession of his sins, that thereby alone it might be conjectured, he had been a singular vessel of God's election. And as touching the course of his life, after he had exalted the great and rare virtues, as well natural, as acquired, wherewith he was endued, the excellent and profitable laws he had made both Ecclesiastical and civil, coming to speak of the debate he continually had with the Popes, for which he had been excommunicate by Innocent the 4, he doubteth much that it was without just cause: All these actions considered (saith he) such as diverse authors have described unto us, weighing also his Epistles and writings, I know not verily, whether they declared him enemy of the Church, because he spoke too truly de Pontificijs, of the Papists, and found many things worthy reproof in their manners, and in all that Apostolical life; or because he over stoutly defended the rights of the Empire, or for that he was in Italy more powerful than was to their liking, I leave the judgement hereof to the indifferent Reader of the gests of Frederick: but in the mean time, when I consider that Christ, whom Popes as his Vicars ought to imitate and obey, commandeth us to put up the sword into his place, and to pardon a sinner seventy times seven times, & not seven times only; and that on the other side I see so many ambushes & treasons projected against Frederick, so many Ecclesiastical Legates, which are called Pastors, sent against him into the kingdom, into the Marca de Ancona, Lombardie, and Romania; so many cities and Provinces for the same cause laid waste, so much Christian bloodshed, and Frederick nevertheless always victorious, and the Pope's side that joined themselves against him, ever to be unfortunate and carry away the worst, I cannot but approve that which Pope Pius writeth in his austral history, That nothing excellently evil is committed in the Catholic Church, the first original whereof proceedeth not from Churchmen, it may be by some secret counsel of God. I have truly seen and read many Epistles of Frederick, which are extant, written to Popes and Cardinals, and to other Christian Princes, and private persons; but I perceived in them nothing against the rule of our faith, nothing heretical, nothing that savoureth of contumacy or oppression of the Church. There are indeed in the same many complaints, lamentations, and admonitions, of the covetousness and ambition of Priests, of the Pope's obstinacy, who would not hear his excuses, & the defence of the Empire, and of snares and treasons wrought against him. He that would see the truth of these things, let him read, among others, an Epistle of his written to all Christian Princes, which beginneth, The chief Priests and the pharisees gathered a Council against the Prince, God's anointed; and another also which he wrote to the College of Cardinals, That they should dissuade the Pope from maintaining discords between them and the Empire, which beginneth, In exordio, In the beginning of the birth of the world; and that also which beginneth, Infallibilis veritatis testem, We take to witness the infallible judge of truth and justice. Out of one, among others, written to the Christian Princes, he produceth these words, Petrus de Vineis lib. 1. Epist. 1. That which our ambassadors have reported unto you, believe it as a thing most true, none otherwise than if S. Peter had by oath confirmed it. Doth it not seem unto you, that the sentence of deposition hurteth the Majesty of the Empire? For our conscience assureth us of our integrity, we have God with us, whom we call to witness, that we have never had any other end than to bring Churchmen to persevere in the true faith, such as it was in the Primitive Church, when they imitated the humility of Christ and life of the Apostles: for then Clergy men were often wont to see the Angels, to shine in miracles, to heal the sick, raise the dead, and subdue Princes, not with enemies, but with holiness: whereas they that live in this age are given to the world, and drunken with delights, Deum humeris induunt, they sergeant God, and choke our religion by the superfluity of their riches. To withdraw from them then these superfluous riches that hurt them, and overwhelm them with so great damage, is it to do against charity? To the performance therefore of this work together with us, we invite all Princes: for they which lay aside superfluous things, do serve God the better, and ye ought to take order that God may be well served. And at length the Author (a famous Lawyer in his time) concludeth, And these are (perhaps) the things for which in those times they thought Frederick to deserve the name of the enemy of the Church. But yet Historians are not silent, Math. Paris in Henrico 3. An. 1249. that he was empoisoned; Matthew Paris, Potionatus, the Chronicle of Augsburg, Veneno extinctus, Killed by poison, and Sigonius himself: others say, stifled with a pillow cast on his mouth, namely to hasten his time; whereof Manfred his bastard son was suspected, whom notwithstanding, saith Sigonius, Compilatio Chronolg apud Pistorium. he left heir with his other brethren; for which cause many discharged him of it, without doubt for to burden therewith Pope Innocent, which Cuspinian doth express in these terms, Manfred, saith he, choked him with a pillow, having been corrupted, whether by his enemy (and who was a greater?) or by the Pope. And thus are we brought to the year 1250. An. 1250. All this passed whilst S. Lewis made war in the Holy Land, who there lost the battle, and fell prisoner into the hands of the soldan: neither do Historians dissemble who was the author of this overthrow: The brethren, saith Paris, of the king of France entreated the Pope in the behalf of the said king and of themselves, that he would make peace with Frederick humbled, and humbly offering satisfaction to the Church, according to the honour he bore to the universal Church: The said brethren also of the king, namely the Earls of Poitou and of Provence, laid to his charge, That by his covetousness all this misfortune was happened; for the Pope (saith he) had hindered the crossed soldiers, corrupting them with money, from going to the king's succour, and had absolved from the vow of their peregrination, them which before he had crossed for the Holy Land by the preaching Friars and Minorites. Moreover, he had sold the crossed soldiers to Earl Richard, and other great men, as in times past the jews were wont to sell sheep and doves in the Temple, whom Christ in his wrath cast forth, as it is in the Gospel. This is the testimony that history giveth to this Innocent: contrariwise of Frederick: Aventine saith, That he was without doubt the most potent, Auent. l. 7. and the most profitable Prince to the Commonweal of Christendom, that had been since Charlemagne, and without contradiction, the most wise: Witness Nicholas Cusan Bishop of Brixen, Cardinal of Rome, a man every way most learned; and Egidius Romanus Archbishop of Bourges in Gaul, a famous Philosopher and Peripatetic, who in the books that he wrote of the institution of a king, to the Western Emperors of France, exhorteth them to follow him for example. The same Frederick caused all the books of Aristotle, and many others both sacred and profane, all the treasure of Philosophy, to be by most learned interpreters translated out of the Greek and Arabian tongues, in which he had taken pleasure from his youth: He gave great privileges, yea the Burgesie of Rome, to all the people of Prussia and of Sarmatia, because they had forsaken the service of false gods, for to embrace Christian piety. His power, his strength, his prudence, his high courage, his experience in military affairs, his nearness (for he made his abode in Italy, contrary to the custom of the ancient Emperors, governed Germany by his son, and only twice went out of Italy into Germany) was dreadful and suspicious to the See of Rome: Which Gregory the ninth denied not, but freely confessed. And because the Empire flourished more than was to the liking of the Roman Cardinals, placuit, it was their pleasure, not only to bruise and break it with discords, but also to bring it into ashes, and to cast down Frederick from the highest step of human things. There remaineth summarily to quote what commodities these three Popes, persecutors of Frederick, have brought unto the Church, in counterchange of so many discommodity. Innocent the third, and Honorius the third, approved the rules of Francis and Dominick; Gregory the ninth canonised them, Chronic. Martini & Platina in Innocentio 4. and Anthony of Padua beside; and Innocent the fourth, not to seem inferior unto them, enregistreth in the same Calendar Edmund of Canturburie, Stanislaus of Cracovia, and Peter of Verona. And we have seen what miracles they did by these Friars, and from that time forth you shall hardly meet with any Pope that maketh not some Saints. Let the Reader judge with what warrants these men can place others in the kingdom of heaven, which by so horribly wicked actions make themselves unworthy to live upon earth. Johannes de Oppido. Extra. de Celebr. Missarum C. sane cum olim Durandus in Rationa l. 41. Nauclerus Gener. 42. vol. l. Math. Paris in Henrico 3. Sigon. de regno Jtaliae. l. 18. Extr. C. Propos. de Concess. praebend. causa 25. q. 1. & 16 glossa Plat. in Jnnocentio 4. Also Innocent the third ordained Transubstantiation, Honorius made the Host to be on the knees adored, and to be carried to sick persons with burning torches; Gregory the ninth, that he might not remain behind, ordained the little bell, which being rung, warneth all men to adore it, the Salue Regina also, for to be sung in Churches, and the ave Maria when the bell tolleth. Alexander the third, Innocent the third, Honorius the third, & Gregory the ninth, made many Decrees, the most part to authorize the Church of Rome in her pretended fullness of power; Innocent the third went so far as he feared not say, We can, according to the fullness of power, dispense of the law even above the law, which the Gloss expoundeth, against the old Testament, the Apostles and Evangelists. These Decrees Innocent the fourth made to be compiled into one volume by one Raymund a jacobin Friar, and will have them to be accounted authentical; and is that which is named Decretals. The Council of Lions promised a great reformation to the Church, and here it is; That Cardinals from thenceforth should wear red hats and scarlet cloaks, and should ride, through the city, on horses well caparisonned, for the honour of their dignity. Think that Christendom was hereby wonderfully well restored. And this is spoken to show who have been inventors of this pomp, as also of the superstitious devotions at this day held in so high account. OPPOSITION. Who will think it strange, if no man dare resist a pride so inveterat, a possession of so long time taken to rule the world at his pleasure, to condemn to hell whosoever resisteth him? And yet even in this most desperate wicked age, there hath not wanted some, that have opposed themselves against the exactions, violences and corruptions of the Church of Rome. In England they thought all things lawful for them, boasting themselves to be Sovereign Lords thereof, under colour of the Charter of king john, who had submitted himself to their homage. There we shall see a piece of their government, whereby we may judge into what ruin they would have brought the church if they had been left to their own will. The BB. of England were revolted against their king, at the Pope's instigation; So that peace being made between king S. Lewis, and Henry the third, king of England, they see themselves excluded; they therefore have recourse to the Pope to be restored: Among these was Henry Bishop of Lincoln, of whom Honorius exacted a thousand marks of silver, and so of the rest according to that proportion. Such, saith the Author, was the Spiritual dropsy of the Court of Rome: He also calleth him, Leonem feritate, sanguisugum avaritia, a Lion in fierceness, a bloodsucker in covetousness. This Pope sendeth Otho his Legate into England, who in full Council produceth the Pope's letters, in which he is not ashamed to allege, the scandal of the holy Church of Rome, and her most ancient opprobry, namely the stain of concupiscence, the root of all evils; and in this chiefly, that none can dispatch any business in the Court of Rome, but with great expenses of money, and giving of gifts. And because, saith he, that poverty is the cause of this infamy, children of a good nature ought to help the necessity of their mother. And note the remedy that he bringeth for this; That of all the Cathedral Churches, two prebends should be given him, one of the Bishop, another of the Chapter, and in like manner of abbeys and Monasteries; promising, if this be granted, to do them justice without rewards. The Clergy of England thereupon assemble, and upon the reading of the Pope's letters, look one upon another admiring the covetousness of the Romans, who had not learned this moral distich: Quòd virtus reddit, non copia sufficientem, Et non paupertas, sed mentis hiatus egentem. Virtue, not plenty, makes man rich indeed, A greedy mind, though rich, is still in need. But the king by the advice of the Prelates and Nobles of the realm, answered, That this business concerned all Christendom, in the utmost skirts whereof he was, that like as he should see other Estates govern themselves, erga tales exactiones, towards such exactions, the Pope should find him ready to follow their example. And indeed our Frenchmen being assembled in Council upon the same matter at Bourges, the king being present, where sat Romanus the Pope's Legate; to whom they propounded so many reasons, partly in refutation, partly in derision of the proposition he made in the Pope's behalf, and of the commodity he promised the world thereby, that he himself was even ashamed therewith: the conclusion was in these words, So much wealth would make the Romans mad, and so between the divers kindreds among them, would arise so many seditions (of which now already they are not free) as the ruin of the whole city might justly be feared. This is not the means to dry up the spring of covetousness; that which they now do by themselves, they then would do by others, and would procure to give more rewards to their partakers than now they do. After which the Archbishop of Lions said, My Lord, we will ever have friends in the Court of Rome, and therefore we have need of abundance of gifts. But, my Lord, let the Zeal of the universal Church move you, and of the holy See of Rome, for if there were an universal oppression of all, there would be cause to fear, ne immineret generalis discessio, lest a general revolt (or Apostasy) were at hand, which God forbidden. That revolt is foretold by the Apostle speaking of Antichrist, 2. Thessaly. 2. He therefore protested, that he had never consented thereunto, and that he had received commandment of the Pope, being now entered into France, whereat he greatly grieved. Gregory is no sooner come to the Popedom, but, following the steps of his predecessors, he sendeth into England his Nuntio and Chaplain, who being heard in the assembly of Prelates, produceth the Pope's letters, whereby he openly demanded the tenths of all the movable goods as well of the Clergy as of the Laity, for the extermination of Frederick. The king, who had already by his solicitors engaged himself to Rome, held his peace, as being become a staff of a reed to them that trusted in him. But the Earls and Barons, and all other lay persons, absolutely declared, That they would in no wise suffer that their Baronies and lay possessions should be in any sort obliged to the Church of Rome. In like manner also the Prelates and whole Clergy, who yet three days after waxed calmer, fearing a sentence of excommunication, which the Legate was found to have in commission from the Pope, and indeed he employed it against all them that made difficulty to obey; and of th●se tenths which he exacted with threats, for fear of the excommunications, he agreed and made part with one Stephen Segrave, a Counsellor of the king: in so much that he took the tenth of the fruits of Autumn, which was yet but in the blade, and for to have ready money he constrained the Churchmen to sell Chalices, silver pots, and other vessels of the Altar: the Land is filled with continual but secret maledictions, all people curse both the exactions and the exactors, exactio suis nunquam exactoribus fiat fructuosa, yea the Pope himself, that it might never prosper with him. And after that time England was no more seen without foreign usurers from beyond the Alps, who under the name of Merchants made gainful use of the extortions of the Court of Rome. Whereby in a short time after, the subjects of the kingdom as well noble as ignoble, were brought to that desperate extremity, that to seek some remedy for these mischiefs, they writ letters to the Bishops and chapters with this subscription, To such a Bishop or such a Chapter, Vniversitas, the whole body of them that had rather die than be confounded by the Romans, send greeting. In these letters, they particularly complained, That the Pope had commanded the Bishops under pain of suspension, that they should not give a benefice to any home-born of the kingdom, till first five Romans in every Church were provided of benefices throughout all Dioceses, to the value of a hundred pounds sterling the year. Neither did they design them by their names, but the son of Rumfred, or of such a one, as if they would fulfil that prophesy, They have spoiled the Egyptians for to enrich the Hebrews. Wherefore seeing they had resolved with themselves, to deliver the Church the King and the kingdom, from so great a tyranny, unless they themselves (the Bishops) would feel and suffer in their goods, that which they prepared for the persons of the Romans ere long to suffer, they should not intermeddle in their affairs. In like manner they wrote unto them that had their lands at farm, That they should not pay them their yearly revenues; and their letters were sealed with a seal wherein was graven two swords with this inscription, Ecce duo gladij hic, Matthew Paris in Henrico 3. here are two swords. And the matter came to that pass, that their corn was taken away throughout all England, freely and without contradition; They distributed them in large alms to the poor, and sometime cast their moneys about on the ground and exhorted the poor to gather it up. The Roman Clergymen hid themselves in abbeys, not daring once to mutter at the injuries done them; choosing rather to lose their goods then incur the Sentence of death; Until at length Gregory being advertised of these things, wrote unto the King, that under pain of excommunication and interdict, he should proceed against the Authors thereof: nevertheless he wrote letters of recommendations to the Pope, in the behalf of Robert de Tinghe knight, their head, that he might more easily obtain absolution. But Gregory gave not over for all that, but the next year after, sent his Nuncio's with Legantine power into all parts, one while pretending the ruin of Frederick, another while for the recovery of the holy Land, for to exact money on all sides; Matth. Paris in Henrico 3. Inventing (saith the History) and multiplying argumentosas extorsiones, extortions, fortified with arguments: especially in England, he appointed his Legates, in show simple messengers, yet having power Legantine, who, as if it were for secure of the holy Land, exacted very much money, by preaching, entreating, commanding, threatening, excommunicating, and exacting procurations; whereby infinite many in England were brought to forsake their country and to beg, and yet the Church had never any advancement thereby. And here he giveth us a copy of his letters, Excellent words (saith he) able to pierce the stony hearts of men, had they not been followed with deeds notoriously contrary to humility and justice: he would have said, had it not been for that it was mere hypocrisy, of such as represented in their Bulls, as it were on a stage, the pason of Christ and desolation of the Holy Land, not so much for to move the people, as to pull out their bowels. He therefore addeth, To these men was given power to press crossed soldiers, and for money also to release them of that vow; wherefore many, without number, crossed themselves: But the friars Preachers & Minorites, who had chosen with humility a voluntary poverty, were in a short time advanced to so great Nobility, that I say not arrogancy, that they made themselves be received into Covents and Cities, with solemn procession, with banners and lighted tapers, each man in his best apparel and due order, and they had power to grant pardon for many days to their auditors; and such as to day were crossed for the wars, in giving money, they absolved the morrow after from that vow. And in a short space, so great an exchange is made, and exaction of money so many ways; neither could it be known into what bottomless gulf so much money, as the Pope's agents did gather, could be drowned; so that the business of the Holy Land went not forward, and the charity of the faithful, yea of all in general, waxed cold. Cardinal Otho coming as a Legate into England, at his first arrival refuseth all gifts, contrary to the custom of the Romans (saith the Author) and with his gesture won the good liking of the people: but scarcely hath he given this taste of him, but he taketh all things with both the hands; from the Bishop of Winchester alone, fifty fat oxen, an hundred measures of wheat, eight butts of the best wine, and so from the other Bishops. And when there was a Council to be held, he commandeth there should be set up in the Church of S. Paul, a seat, nimis fastigiosam & solemnem, too solemn and too high raised up, mounting with many steps. There he propoundeth new inventions to the prejudice of the Clergy and Nobility; from the Nobility he took away the right of patronage, & seized it for the Pope; and from the other he took away part of their benefices, and gave it unto strangers. And hence arose new complaints of the States against the Court of Rome: But he taxed also all the Ecclesiastical livings for the succour of the Pope against the Emperor, and exacteth it under pain of most rigorous censures, and for money absolveth from the vow of the holy Land: and a certain sum was set by the friars Preachers & Minorites, according to the rate the same voyage over seas might cost them. Thence (saith Matthew Paris) a great scandal is made among the people, with a schism; even the most simple observed the absurdity, quam diversis muscipulis, by how many mousetraps the Court of Rome endeavoured to deprive the simple people of God of their substance, requiring nothing but gold and silver. He exacted moreover of all the Clergy the fift part of their revenues, to be employed against Frederick, and wrested it away perforce, the Lords of the kingdom in vain crying out to the King; Most renowned Prince, why sufferest thou England, to be made a prey and desolation of strangers, as a Vineyard without enclosure common to all that pass by, and for the wild bores to root up? The King answering them; I neither will nor dare gainsay the Pope in any thing: And thereupon a lamentable despair grew among the people. We must not omit, that at the same time was taken at Cambridge a certain Carthusian Monk, bearing the habit and gesture of an honest and austeer life, who would not enter into the Church: he is brought unto the Legate to be committed prisoner to the Tower of London, and being questioned by him (he saith) Gregory is not Pope, is not head of the Church: The Church is profaned, divine Mysteries ought not to be celebrated, until first it be again dedicated: The Devil is let lose, the Pope is an heretic, polluteth the Church, yea the world, Gregory that is called Pope; All this in presence of many Prelates, named expressly by the Author; Again the Legate asketh, Is there not given from above a power unto the Pope our Lord, to bind and lose souls, and to execute the place of S. Peter on earth? And whilst all men expected what he would answer, believing that the judgement thereof depended on his answer, he replied by way of question, How can I believe, that to any person tainted with Simony and usury, and perhaps with greater crimes, any such power is granted, as was to S. Peter, who being made immediately his Apostle, followed the Lord, not so much by the steps of his feet, as by brightness of virtues? At which words the Legate blushed. Nevertheless he proceedeth for all that in his enterprise begun, in so much as the Abbots of the kingdom are constrained to come to the king to make their complaint, with their heads lowly bowed, and their faces full of tears: We are beaten very sore, and yet we dare not cry out; our throats are cut, and yet we may not weep or complain. The Pope imposeth an impossibility upon us, an exaction detestable to the whole world. New and unexpected services are daily thus and thus revived and invented of the Romans, so that they suffer us not to have never so little time to fetch our breath. The Bishops then universally gather together, and fortify themselves with reasons, which they oppose against it; but the Legate being borne out by the king, who would gratify the Pope, he made a schism amongst them, that he might the more easily (saith Matthew) seize upon his prey, Gregory (de pecuniae congreganda vigil contemplator) a vigilant contemplator in gathering of money together, expecting his desired prey from England, signified to the Legate, That he should not, as before, assemble the whole Clergy together, lest they should encourage one another, and strengthening themselves with their former reasons and exceptions, should flatly contradict him; but rather that he should endeavour to bow every one of them by himself, having first by all means weakened the constancy of the king, to the end that he, who before stood for the Clergy, and had given them horns, being made effeminate, might be for their ruin. When the Legate had understood these things, de docto factus est doctior ad nocendum, becoming more skilful to hurt, called together afore him, by the Pope's authority, the whole Clergy of England, to London, on the feast day of all Saint, and in the end obtained his full desire: For the poor sheep were delivered up as it were rictibus Luporum cruentatis, to the bloody throats of Wolves, by the seducing of the Legate, mellitis & super oleum mollitis, sweeter than oil and honey, which he afterward turned into darts. The same also did Gregory in all the other Provinces of Europe, in Scotland, Denmark, and France itself, in which notwithstanding, according to the measure of his power, the matter had divers events, finding eftsoons many impediments: For, as we have seen before, having gathered money in France, when he would abuse it against the quiet rest of Christendom, S. Lewis intercepted the money, and made it be stayed: nevertheless he continued in the same obstinacy until his death, as Matthew Paris witnesseth; Gregory, saith he, being unable to sustain the griefs he had conceived (and yet stirred up and drawn upon himself) the eleventh of the Calends of September died, pro meritis à summo judice recepturus, to receive of the sovereign judge according to his deserts, etc. The greatest grief which more inwardly pricked the heart of Gregory at his death, was for that the Emperor anon after the feast of the Assumption had taken a certain castle of the Pope's nephews & other his kinsmen, in Campania, near Mountfort, etc. and in sign of the subversion thereof had left a tower half ruinat, that the memory as well of the fault, as of the vengeance taken, might not die. And in this sense it is that he may seem justly to take to himself that saying of our Lord, The zeal of thy house hath eaten me up. Neither are we to expect better of Innocent the fourth: from new Popes proceed new exactions: No sooner is he seated in his Pontifical chair, but he presently sendeth every where new exactors; into England, as into his farm, he sent first one master Martin, with power to excommunicate and suspend; which he so well fenced withal, that he presently obtained whatsoever the Pope challenged to himself in benefices, Ad opus Clericorum & consanguineorum suorum, For the use of his Clergy men and kinsmen; neither was he ashamed, saith he, to exact and extort from the Prelates, and especially of Monks, in a commanding manner, Palefridos concupiscibiles, choice palfreyes, or ambling nags: by letters straightly commanding this Abbot, and that Prior, That he should send unto him such horses as became a special Clerk of the Pope to ride upon; but such as gainsaid, and pretended excuses and causes of denial, though reasonable, as did the Abbot of Malmesburie, and Prior of Merton, he grievosly punished, by suspending them until such time as they made full satisfaction. At length the king himself was weary of these and such like extortions, who, after he had yielded all sorts of subjection to the Pope, so that he placed his Legate in his own throne, could not choose but be moved at the complaint made unto him by the whole Church; and that so much the more confidently, as he knew that when the Pope's chamber at Lions was by chance set on fire, that same Charter whereby king john had made England tributary to the Pope, was withal burned to ashes. Therefore having assembled a Parliament, he began to set down a most excellent order for the well governing of the realm, and for the reforming of justice: But the devil (saith Matthew Paris) enemy of mankind, disturber of peace, and raiser up of schisms, unhappily hindered all that, by the Pope's covetousness: For the Pope believing that the flexible English had already submitted their necks to the said contribution, according to their custom, as well by reason of the kings desire thereto, as for the instance of his request, sent a Latere suo one master Martin, his Clerk, whom many for his wicked ravening called master Mastiff, having a new and unheard of power, greater than ever any Legate had before him. For he stretched forth his hands to exact contribution, made provisions, after his own fantasy, void of reason, ad opus ignotorum, for to supply the need of unknown persons, and violently took away the revenues for to give them to the Pope's kindred, being cruelly armed with the Pope's authority, whose Bulls he daily showed, new at his pleasure, and according as the business on every sudden occasion fell out. Whence it came, that some said he had many papers unwritten, yet sealed, that he might write in them what he pleased, which far be it. But Iste Legatus sophisticus, That sophistical Legate cometh to the king, beseeching him, That he himself would diligently labour in the Pope's behalf, that the Prelates of England might generally give consent to make contribution to the Pope, of at least ten thousand marks. The king answereth, That his Barons and Prelates are so often spoiled of their goods under divers pretences, that they neither would nor could thenceforth promise any thing, They will not, neither are they able to contribute either to me their king, or to the Pope, who yet have promised to aid me. And at this master Martin being greatly troubled, departed from the king's presence. And when he presented his letters to the Prelates, they say unto him, The king our Lord and patron, and founder and repairer of many of our Churches, being destitute of treasure, demandeth aid of us for the strength and defence of the realm, that is, of the Commonwealth, the same also doth the Pope instantly request us for the king. And there cometh moreover another unexpected demand from the Pope; so that on this side we are assailed, on that side we are distressed; on this side we are trodden down, on that side sorely pressed: we are bruised as it were betwixt the anvil and the hammer, and tormented as between two millstones. Nevertheless master Martin urgeth, and is instant, vigilantissimè & incessantèr, vigilantly and incessantly, for the gathering and bestowing of revenues in what fashion they would, for the use of the Pope and his kindred; and of his sauciness and injurious extotion, I think it honester and safer, for reverence of the holy Church of Rome, to be silent, than to offend the ears of the hearers, and trouble the minds of the faithful in rehearsing such things. In the mean time the Ports of England are very narrowly observed, that the Pope's carriers might bring no more dispatches from Rome; and there was one of them stayed a Dover, who brought many bulls, Multas abominationes de diversis argumentis emungendi pecuniam continentes, saith the Author, containing many abominations for to wrest away money; so that the king, detesting the insatiable covetousness of the Court of Rome, resolved to provide a remedy, and to that end sent certain honourable persons ambassadors to the Council of Lions, in the name of the whole kingdom; And to Master Martin, in the mean time is signified by one Fulke Warin, that he should forthwith departed out of England; he asketh from whom he hath that commandment; he is answered, from them which of late were assemble in arms at Luithon, and that, if he were wise, he should not tarry three years longer: then went he to the king and asked if that were done by his authority; the king answereth, no; but that he could hardly withhold his Barons from rising up against him, for having endured such robberies in his kingdom; Martin, trembling, requesteth of him safeconduct, for the honour of the Pope; the king answereth in anger, The Devil lead and carry thee into hell; yet he commanded his Knight Marshal to bring him safe to the Sea side. So soon as he is come to Rome, he declareth this his ill success to the Pope; And behold with what repentance he is touched: The king, saith he, of France, and the king of Arragon have forbidden our Nuncios entrance into their kingdoms, we must therefore, saith he in great anger, make peace with prince Frederic, that we may break in pieces these petty kings, ut hos regulos conteramus, which kick against us; for the dragon foiled or appeased, the little serpents will soon be trodden down, Voce sursurra, saith the Historiographer, oculos obliquando & nares corrugando (thus describeth he his choler) which word being spread among the people, beget a scandal of indignation in the hearts of many. But the ambassadors of the realm of England, being arrived at the Council of Lions, partly by the words of William of Powerick, partly by a most large letter, declared quantum est extortum tributum iniuriosè, how great is the tribute wrongfully extorted; And after some accustomed compliments to the Pope, Behold, say they, by you and your predecessors, not having any consideration, besides the subsidies abovesaid, Italians now are enriched in England, of whom there is already an infinite number, in Churches, the patronage whereof belongeth to the religious persons themselves, and are called rectors of Churches, leaving the foresaid religious persons, whom they ought to defend, altogether undefended, having not any care of souls, but suffering most ravenous wolves to disperse the flock, and devour the sheep. Whence it may truly be said, that they are not good Pastors, for they know not their sheep, neither their sheep them; they abide not in the Churches for to keep good hospitality and to give alms, as is appointed, yet they receive yearly in England sixty thousand marks and more, divers other receipts excepted; they reap more profit of the mere revenues of the Kingdom, than the king himself, who is the defender of the Church and governor of the Realm. Now we firmly hoped, and yet do hope, bearing that affiance of you, that we shall rejoice by means of the mercy of your fatherhood, that our said Alms deeds shall, in your days, be reform to the due and former estate it hath been: But we cannot conceal our grievance, wherewith we are not only grieved, but also beyond measure oppressed; concluding with entreaty, that he would remedy the same so soon as might be, especially that violent oppression, intolerable grief, and impudent exaction, which is committed by that hateful clause often inserted in the Pope's letters, Non obstante etc. But the Pope put them off to a long day, for their answer: neither could he dissemble the passion of his mind, for that they complained to the Council; threatening among his familiars, that if he had once repressed Frederic, he would trample under his feet the English men and their King. The English Ambassadors than are urgent for an answer; to whom by a third he answereth, that they could not obtain what they demanded: And thereupon, they protesting, that they would never pay that detestable tribute: he privily sendeth secret messengers into England, who made every bishop particularly to subscribe to that lamentable Charter of king john; namely (as it is likely) to supply the want of the original burnt at Lions with a copy thus made authentical. But the king hearing of it, made an oath, that whatsoever the Bishops did, he would never pay it, though it cost him his life. Math. Paris. And the author addeth, that in the conference that Innocent had with the king S. Lewis at Clugni, he used all the art he could to persuade the king, to revenge him of this jury, and to make war against ipsum regulum Anglorum, the petty king of the English, either for to deprive him of his kingdom, or to make him, will he nill he, submit himself to the pleasure of the Court of Rome; which if he would do, the Church, with the Papal authority, should to the uttermost of his power assist him: But yet, that the king of france constantly refused him. In the year following, are made new admonishments to the Pope and Cardinals, by the letters of the king, States and Prelates of the kingdom, whereby were represented unto them innumerable grievances, the articles of which are rehearsed by the same author. These among others were new, that the Pope by his letters enjoined the Prelates, that they should every man at their own proper charges, furnish forth one man five, another ten, and another fifteen etc. men of war well horsed and armed, for to do him service wheresoever he should command; to whom they should give a years pay; which is a military service due to the king alone, and from which nevertheless they might be dispensed for money. Also, that, to the end the king might not hinder it, the Pope's Nuncios fraudulently had forbidden the Prelates, under pain of excommunication, that they should not reveal this exaction to any in six months. Innocent then was so far off from revoking them, that in despite of the king he made a new statute in England, That the goods of such as died intestate should be converted to his use, and appointed the Preaching Friars diligently to put the same in execution. Which the king having intelligence of, expressly forbiddeth, detesting, Romanae curiae augmentosam, multiplicem, ac multiformem avaritiam, the augmenting, multiplying and every way manifold covetousness of the Court of Rome: He also forbiddeth thenceforth to pay tribute to the Pope; whereat the Pope being greatly moved, resolveth to excommunicate the king and kingdom. Hereupon Cardinal john an Englishman, a Cistertian Monk, saith unto him; For God's sake, my Lord, refrain your anger, which is (if I may so speak) undiscreet; and with temperance bridle the passions of your will, considering that the days are evil; The holy land lieth open to danger, the Greek church is departed from us, Frederic is our adversary, than whom none, among the Christian Princes, is mightier, or yet like unto him: You and we which are the highest of the church are banished from the Papal seat, yea from the City itself, yea from Italy; Hungary, and the adjacent provinces, expect nothing but utter ruin from the Tartarians; Germany is shaken with civil wars; Spain is grown to that cruelty as to cut off the tongues of Bishops; France is by us already brought to poverty, and hath conspired against us; and England so oftentimes hurt by our injuries, as Balaams' ass spurred and beaten with a staff, at last speaketh and speaketh against, and complaineth that she is overmuch and intolerably wearied, and unrestoreably damnified. After the manner of Ishmael, being hateful to all, we procure all men to hate us; And when for all that, the Pope's mind was not appeased, nor inclined to compassion or humility, but was inflamed to punishment and revenge, there came messengers from England, who mitigated the Pope's mind gaping after profit, assuring him, that by his most special friends in England the king's heart was bowed, so that he remitted it to the Clergy to effect his wish, the joy whereof wonderfully calmed his mind and countenance. Yet whilst he waited and expected the same, taking boldness of this hope, he commandeth the Prelates of England, solito imperiosius, more imperiously than he was wont, That they should cause to be paid him from all beneficed persons resident, the third part of their revenues, and by nonresidents the one half, with this detestable clause, Non obstante, etc. which abolisheth all justice. And for to urge these exactions are sent john and Alexander, Friars Minorites, who armed with Bulls from the Pope, and covering under sheeps clothing their wolvish ravening, presented themselves to the king, and with a simple look, humble countenance, and fawning speech, entreated leave of the king to wander throughout the Realm, ad opus Domini Papae charitatem petituri, to demand a charity for the need of the Pope, promising that they would do nothing by constraint. But a while after they became proud with the gifts of the Clergy, mounted upon noble horses, with golden saddles, decked in most costly apparel, and with soldiers shoes, vulgarly called Heusees, shod and spurred after a secular, or rather a prodigal manner; which turned to the hurt and opprobry of their Order and profession, exercising the office and tyranny of Legates, and exacting and extorting procurations, and account twenty shillings for a procuration but a small matter. First then they go to the chiefest Prelates of England, and shamefully exact money from them for the Pope's use, under terrible pains, setting too short a time for answer or payment, and showing the Pope's thundering letters, as so many threatening horns put forth. In so much that the Bishop of Lincoln, who had ever protected the Order of the Minorites, and was minded to have made himself one of them, seeing such a monstrous transformation, was wholly astonished: and that so much the more, for that they demanded of his only Bishopric six thousand marks. Neither yet is the Pope moved at the complaint made unto him thereof at Lions, but although they appeal unto him, yet are they constrained with all kind of rigour. But we must bring here the whole Author throughout, if we should set down all that he saith of these tyrannical exactions: it sufficeth us here for conclusion, to show the description that he maketh of the miserable state of the Church of England under Gregory and Innocent; under Gregory in these words, In those time's faith waxed cold, and scarcely seemed to sparkle, being almost brought to ashes: For simony was practised without blushing, usurers openly by divers occasions did shamelessly extort money from the meaner sort of people: Charity is dead, the liberty of the Church is withered away, Religion is become vile and base, and the daughter Zion is as a boldfaced harlot, having no shame. And of the Court of Rome he properly speaketh, plentiful setting forth the injuries thereof, which he concludeth in this one word, Armato supplicat ense potens, He entreateth us with a sword set to our throats. It were better for us to die, than to see the evils of our nation, & of the Saints. But these are scourges to Englishmen, they having committed many offences, and God being angry, maketh the hypocrite reign, and the tyrant rule for the sins of the people. But under Innocent, Heu, heu, Alas, alas, now the natural inhabitants of the kingdom are despised, men holy, learned, and religious; and strangers are intruded, that are unworthy of all honour, altogether ignorant of the letters and language of the country, wholly unprofitable for confessions and preachings, not stayed neither in gestures nor in manners, extorters of money and contemners of souls. In times past holy, religious, and learned, the holy Ghost working with them and inspiring them, were unwillingly drawn into the Chairs, which now are violently occupied, per fas & nefas, by courtiers, wranglers in law, and barbarous. All the houses, of which the election pertaineth to the Pope, are thereby destroyed. Patronage is now a burden, not an honour, a damage, not a profit. O Pope, Father of fathers, why sufferest thou the climates of Christians to be defiled with such persons? Worthily therefore, worthily being chased from thine own city and seat, as another vagabond Cain, thou art forced to banishment, thine enemies prosper, thou fliest before the partakers of Frederick, and they which persecute thee are swift and mighty. Every where thy Bulls do shine as lightning against them that obey thee, and is of no esteem with such as rebel. Prelates are every where suspended, that others may he provided of their benefices, which are unworthy, barbarous, and unknown, who seek the milk of the sheep of the Lords fold, shear them, flay them, and pluck out their bowels. O Lord God of vengeances, when wilt thou sharpen thy sword as lightning, and make it drunk with the blood of such men? In France, under the reign of S. Lewis, Innocent spared us not the more, although he sojourned there: hear what the same Author saith, He is no sooner come to Lions, but without the consent of the Chapter he would give away the vacant Prebends: the Canons resist him to his face, & threaten those to whom he gives them, That if they came thither the Archbishop should not be able to hinder them from casting them headlong into the river Rhosne. But as the matter passed further, others more intermeddled in it; For, saith he, all and every one saw and perceived, that the Pope did insatiably gape after money and spoil, to the damage and impoverishment of many. And many already did not believe, that he had the same power of binding and loossing as was granted from heaven to S. Peter, being known to be altogether unlike to S. Peter. In France many noblemen conspired against the Pope and the Church, which we never remember to have happened before, as may be seen in this Charter written in the French tongue, which is there at large expressed: the sum of it is this, All the confederates, whose seals did hang at that writing, unite themselves together for to defend their rights and prerogatives against the Court of Rome; and there was named for heads of the league, the Duke of Bourgondie, the Earl Perron of Britain, and the Earls of Angolesme and of S. Paul, who, if any of the league have need, are to help them with necessary forces; and that, say they, because the Clergy made them of worse condition than the Heathens, of whom God said, Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are Gods: and by these new customs abolished their ancient privileges, whereas indeed the kingdom had not been gotten by the pride of the Clergy, but by the soldiers and men of war. Which when the Pope understood, fearing lest that were done by intelligence with Frederick, he thought it his wisest course to content them in their grievances, and to appease the chiefest by giving them store of benefices; yet nevertheless he sendeth the friars Preachers and Minors to all the Prelates of France, who require of them to lend him money, promising to restore it them so soon as he should be able to take his breath: But king Lewis suspecting the covetousness of the Court of Rome, forbade all the Prelates of his kingdom, under pain of losing all their goods, that none should in any such sort impoverish his land. And so these sophistical Legates of the Pope departed out of the kingdom, hissed at and derided of all men. Yet true it is (saith the Author) that after infinite extortions in France, worthy of eternal silence, the Pope consented to king Lewis, in favour of his voyage to the Holy land, that he might collect a tenth for three years, on condition that himself might also for other three years following receive the like; which was with such rigour extorted, that the Churchman that had yearly but twenty shillings coming in, and was ready to perish for hunger, was constrained, without all pity, to pay two of them: and of this cruelty he bringeth many examples. And for that king S. Lewis did permit or tolerate the Pope to make these extortions in his kingdom, it was undoubtedly believed, that his voyage to the Holy Land took such unfortunate success. Now of all these, as we have abovesaid, these new friars Preachers and Minorites were the executors, being the Pope's ordinary Publicans or Toll-gatherers, who in the mean time also devoured one another, And which is terrible and of unlucky presage, saith he, no Monastic Order in the space of three or four hundred years or upwards, hath grown so much, and so soon near a downfall, as is their Order in twenty four years, that their mansions were first founded in England. When any great and rich men lie at point of death, they come diligently about them, to draw profit and riches from them, not without the hurt and hindrance of the Ordinaries, and wrest from them confessions and secret testaments, only recommending unto them their Order, and preferring it before all others: So that no faithful man believes to be saved, unless he be governed by the counsels of the Preachers and Minorites, who are careful of getting privileges, are Counsellors, Chamberlains, and Treasurers, in the Courts of Kings and Potentates, Paranymphes and mariage-makers, executors of the Pope's extortions; in their preachings either flatterers or most biting reprovers; and in confessions either disclosers, or undiscreet reprehenders. Who doth not here perceive the true picture of the jesuits? And there he further setteth down the great privileges given by the Pope, for to be served of them, which in this and other places may be read. Matthew noteth, That when they had discovered that the king of Norway was devout, with great industry they provided a certain stone of white marble, which they said they had bought for a great price, wherein they feigned was printed the sole of the foot of our Lord ascending up into heaven: That others of them showed some of the blood of Christ, and milk of the Virgin Marie. In those first ages of the Church (gentle Reader) when all things were fresher, how cometh it that there is no speech of any such things? And in the mean time this good Monk addeth, In these days multi generati per incubos, many children were begotten by spirits; which seeing it followeth together in the same place, there is none but may understand what is meant thereby. Gregory attempteth to stretch forth his hands unto the East parts, and behold with what success. By reason of the conquest made of Constantinople by the Western people, the Emperor Baldwin had submitted the Church of Constantinople to that of Rome, in hope to be the better aided of the Pope, for the strengthening of his new Empire, and there rested only, to agree the controversies of religion. Therefore German Patriarch of Constantinople writeth unto Gregory, That he desired nothing more than to enter into conference about them, being ready (old as he was) to resort to any place where need should be, to that effect: But (saith he) because no man ever can see the spots of his own face, unless he look himself in a glass, or be certified by some other, whether his face be spotted or not; so we have many great and shining myrrors, namely, the Gospel of Christ, the Epistles of the Apostles, and the books of the Fathers; let us look into them, they will show us how every man believeth, sive nothè sive legitimè, falsely or truly. The same also to the Cardinals, but that he passeth further: There is a scruple of offence bred in our minds, that gaping only after earthly possessions ye gather together the gold and the silver that ye can from any place extort, & yet say ye are the disciples of him (to wit Peter) that said, Silver and gold have I none: Ye make kingdoms tributary unto you: ye multiply moneys by negotiations: ye unteach by your actions that which ye teach with your mouth. Let temperance moderate you, that ye may be to us and to all the world an example and pattern, etc. But Gregory answereth him with his Tu es Petrus, thinking to put him down with the only name of Primacy: And indeed German said unto them, The division of our unity proceeded from the tyranny of your oppression, and of the exactions of the Church of Rome, which of a mother is become a stepdame. To this Gregory answereth, That to him alone belongeth the decision of the questions of faith: moreover, that to the Pope of Rome belongeth both the swords, material and spiritual, by the testimony of the Gospel, where it is said, Ecce duo gladij, behold two swords: consider, I pray you, what a goodly course he taketh to convert the Greeks. These admonitions being heard, but not yielded to, the Grecians submitted not themselves to the Church of Rome, Fortè (saith the Author) tyrannidem & avaritiam ejus pertimescentes, Fearing perhaps the tyranny and covetousness thereof; the Pope and Cardinals having a diligent treaty thereupon, they resolve to turn the whole army of crossed soldiers against them: And a publication thereof being made, many are crossed to go against the Greeks', and chiefly them of Constantinople. He addeth, This was the seed of schism between the Roman and the Greek Church. A certain Archbishop canonically chosen to a noble archbishopric in Greece, went to Rome to be confirmed, but could not obtain it, unless he would promise infinitum aurum, abundance of money for the same. But he, without doing any thing, returned, detesting the simony of the Court, and told it to all the Nobility of Greece: And others that had been at Rome, witnessed the like and worse actions; and so all, in that Gregory's time, departed from the subjection of the Church of Rome. Hereupon the Author giveth his judgement: The Greek Church having seen so much malice and oppression, rise up against the Roman, and expelling their Emperor, obeyed only their Archbishop German of Constantinople. Not long after the Patriarch of Antioch also followed the same steps, and proceeded so far as to excommunicate Gregory, Solemnly preaching, That he and his Church in time and dignity was to be preferred before the Pope and the Church of Rome, and that it was more excellent than the Roman Church, because the Apostle Peter had first governed with great honour the Church of Antioch the space of seven years, and there was received with all due reverence, and likewise established in the Chair; whereas at Rome he was manifoldly vexed with many injuries and reproaches, and at length suffered under the Emperor Nero a cruel death, with his fellow Apostle S. Paul, the special Doctor of the Gentiles. The power of binding and loossing he rather bestowed on the Greek than on the Roman Church, which is now manifestly defamed with the spots of simony, usury, covetousness, and other enormities. And these things passed in the East. What shall we say then, if the Romans themselves have not been able to hold their peace? When Gregory went about to excommunicate them, they spoke against him, maintaining, That for no cause the city ought to be subject to his interdict: And the Pope replied, That he was less than God, but greater than any man whatsoever, therefore greater than any citizen, yea than any King or Emperor. Secondly, the Magistrates and Senators exacted a yearly tribute of the Roman Church, which they of new and ancient right were ever in perpetual possession of, until Gregory's time. He answered, That this was a free gift which the Church under persecution was wont to give for to redeem their peace, which ought not grow into a custom, seeing for so many ages there had been no persecution at Rome, but that which the Popes themselves used against others. If this right had had none other foundation, who can doubt, but that many ages afore that, they would have exclaimed against it, and abolished it. Thirdly, the Romans extended their county or bounds of their jurisdiction, so that they included therein Viterbe, Montalto, and other towns & castles, which were pretended to belong to the Church. He answered, That this was to usurp another man's right, and that Christ on the cross by his blood had made the city of Rome so free, that the gates of hell could nothing prevail against it. Note, gentle Reader, the pleasant divinity of this Pope. For these causes therefore contentions being debated between the Pope and the Romans, he with his Cardinals depart the city, and withdraw themselves to Perousa; thence he thundereth forth an excommunication against them: whence came (as the same Author saith) wars, and many conflicts, and great effusion of Christian blood for many years. And for this cause Innocent his successor set no firm footing at Rome, but assigned a Council at Lions; and also by his Ambassadors requested Henry the third, king of England, That he might with his good leave sojourn at Bourdeaux, because the brethren of king S. Lewis (being prisoner among the Infidels) did vehemently press him to make peace with Frederick. But the wisest men of England (saith Matthew) feared such a guest, Because from thence he might soon pass by ship into England, and by his presence make it worse, and defile it. And this is that which Cardinal john the Cistertian Monk said, in his admonition to Innocent, above recited, We are in exile, chased from the Papal seat, from Rome itself, yea and from Italy. But as in Germany their venom did chief spread itself, so it is worthy our observation, to see what strong resistance the force of nature made against that strange force. And Gregory the ninth (as we have seen) had taken upon him to ruinated Frederick; not forbearing to say, that the Empire of Germany flourished more than was for his profit: But saith Aventine, that could not well be brought to pass by the means of the Bishops of Germany, and the reasons are these, Because they were then yet universally given to the love of arts, Auent. l. 7. Annal. Boiorum and of the common good, and not subject to servitude; not, as now, shunning labours, and given to sloth, idleness and pleasures; they applied themselves to wisdom, in study on books, in loving Christ, and diligent feeding their sheep; they took care of the Commonwealth, and provided for Christian preaching. The Ecclesiastical dignities of these men, were first conferred upon them by our Emperors and Princes: then, from the time of the Emperor Henry the fift, the Clergy and people being assembled, and suffrages by each man particularly given, they were chosen, with the joint consent of the people and all the Priests, the common Pastors of souls; and at length, in the time of this Frederick the second, by the Clergy alone, the people excluded. For which causes the Bishops of those times, in their titles, beginnings of Epistles, and Decrees, did not write Apostolicae sedis gratia, that is to say, By the favour of man, as now they do: but after the manner of S. Paul, sola miseratione divina, By the only mercy of God, they acknowledged they had received that gift and office, etc. Wherefore Gregory would take away and make void this order, and subvert this authority of Bishops, and reduce all things to the power of one man; neither could he otherwise oppress Frederick, whom they openly proclaimed their most dear and most pious Prince, and seemed they would in no wise for sake him, matters remaining as they did. The Emperor then (saith the Author) after he had appeased the rebellion of Austria, came to winter at Turin, and Gregory by the counsel of one Matthew a preaching Friar (for there is nothing that such sort of men will not undertake) entereth into a league with james Tiepoli Duke of Venice, having alured into the same confederacy the Bishops of Milan, Bononia, Bresse, and others of Lombardie, over whom was appointed General, Gregory de Montelongo, that they might break forth into open rebellion, upon the first occasion offered. And lest Frederick should receive aid from Germany, he won the German Princes and Captains, according as he understood they were led with covetousness or ambition, in distributing unto them the tenths and other Ecclesiastical goods, for to engage them against their Bishops: and did so much by the cunning practices of himself and of the Preaching Friars, that working upon the passions and naughty affections of men, he brought a good part of Germany to sheathe their swords in their own bowels. Wherefore, things thus set in order, he proceedeth to excommunicate Frederick, and under pretence of zeal, the conspirators of Italy take arms; at the same time assemble the troops of Germany, assisted with his Legates, men of chief authority, but particularly pricked forwards by one Albert Behan, a noble Churchman, factious and learned, to whom he had committed the care of the whole business for four years, having first by oath secretly bound him unto him, and armed him to that end with three Bulls. The first was an invective against Frederick, a Prince (as it said) believing amiss concerning Christ, having none other drift than to overthrow Christian Religion, which that he may more easily effect, he laboureth to bring the Pope and Cardinals into extreme poverty. The second contained an interdiction of Divine service to all the followers of Frederick, and pronounced all his officers, vassals and subjects, absolved from their oath of fidelity. The third, a prohibition, that no man of what quality or condition soever, should assist him in deed, word, or will, under pain of eternal damnation. And he fortified these Bulls with gifts, benefices, and dignities, for to corrupt and win more easily the Counsellors & Secretaries of Princes, according as he knew each man more or less capable of this service. And here Aventine declareth particularly all the circumstances. Thus at length this mighty rebellion in Germany broke forth; and at the same time were these Bulls carried about by the Preaching Friars. But on the other part Conrade son of Frederick calleth to him all the good men, and inviteth the faithful Princes and cities of the Empire to their duty, and settleth himself to a defence. Of all the Bishops to whom those Bulls came, not any one obeyed the Pope, and of all the Abbots as few: they all were astonished at this novelty, all are inflamed with anger, all protest publicly, That the Pope hath in Germany no right, without the consent of the Bishops of Germany. Let the Bishop of Rome (say they) feed his Italians: We being ordained of God dogs of the flock, will keep away the Wolves that come covered in sheeps skins. Learn hence what this counterfeit Vicar would do to others, when he beareth himself thus towards his brethren and colleagues. And in like manner said Sigefride Bishop of Ratisbone, and others, in a solemn sermon before Otho Duke of Bavaria, promising at their own charges every year to maintain six hundred horsemen for the excellent, most Christian, and most pious Emperor Frederick. So Conrade Bishop of Frisingen, so Eberard of Saltzburg, and Radiger Bishop of Bathaw or Passaw, in so much that he gave a box on the ear to him that delivered him those Bulls in the temple, and cast him into prison; Wherefore they all declared that Albert (and in him the Pope himself) to be an enemy of the Christian Commonwealth, a disturber of peace, a most dangerous hypocrite, and a false Prophet. Neither yet is Eberard content with this, he reconcileth Frederick of Austria with the Emperor; and the Pope excommunicateth this Prince of Austria, but Eberard presently absolveth him, and moreover, writeth to Otho Duke of Bavaria, That he could do nothing more acceptable to God, than to expel that Albert, a serpent in his bosom, out of his dominions. Also the Bishop of Bamberge taketh the messengers of Albert and strippeth them: the Bishop of Brixen stoppeth the passages of the Alps, to the end that none might go to Rome: the same did also the Bishop of Alteich, whom he had excommunicate for praying to God for Frederick. In a word, All the Bishops not only called his commandments into doubt, but as a hater of Christian concord, and as a most pernicious arch heretic throughout the religions of all Priests and Monks, excommunicate him, and declare him worse than the Turks, jews, Saracens, or Tartarians, published with a loud voice, That such things were done by the Pope among Christians, against divine and human right, against the laws, against the Commandments, against the law of nations, and the doctrine of Christ, as would not be committed among the most cruel Tartarians. It came so far, that the Bishops of Ratisbone and of Bathaw led troops of crossed soldiers against Albert. Wherefore the Duke of Bavaria himself, with whom he was retired, began to faint, especially upon the receipt of the Emperor frederick's letters out of Italy, by which he was commanded to chase him away as guilty of high treason. All which the Pope was advertised of by a devout old woman named Katherine Begute, and a certain young stripling called Henry, oftentimes sent from Albert into Italy. In this extremity they have recourse to superstition: Agnes the Duke's wife was religious (he might have said more truly superstitious:) Albert deceiveth her by Henry the Duke's Secretary; Provost of Munster, and Theodoric Otholim her household Chaplain, they affirming unto her, That on the feast eve of Saint Philip and jacob, whilst they were in their quiet sleep, they saw twice a sword let down from heaven to Albert, the Virgin mother of God and the Apostles of Ivory, with inscription in letters of gold, That they approved and confirmed all the actions of Albert, and made themselves authors of all that he should take in hand. Whereupon he boldly commanded the Bishops of Ausbourg and of Eichstat, That they should deprive from the communion of the Church, all the cities of their dioceses that had sent men of war to Frederick: but none obeyeth him. Then he calleth them together to Landshut, yet no man also appeareth. At last the Pope in his favour sendeth to the Canons and religious persons, that they should choose themselves other Prelates: neither are yet these any thing moved. He citeth to Rome out of every diocese, them that Albert designed unto him: but no man prepareth himself to go thither. In the mean time Eberard Archbishop of Saltzbourg, and Radiger Bishop of Bathaw, go to Otho Duke of Bavaria, admonish him of his duty, promise him the emperors favour, and entreat him to be present in their assembly at Ratisbone, there with a great number of Bishops to treat of the affairs of the Commonwealth; which he granted them. Then Eberard Archbishop of Saltzbourg opened his bosom in an Oration, which we have at length set down in Aventine, where after he hath said unto them for Preface, That Christ had left unto us for his badge, whereby we may be discerned from others, the duty of love and peace; He earnestly also, saith he, admonisheth us, that we should avoid false Christ's and false Prophets, who covered with sheeps skins, that is, under the name of a Christian, and title of Pope, seek to have dominion over us, and delude us. Whom he teacheth us to know by their thorns and works, namely, covetousness, excess, contention, hatred, envy, wars, discord, desire of domination, ambition. With what words could the Emperor of heaven more plainly have demonstrated unto us the Scribes and pharisees of Babylon? If we be not blind we may discern under the title of Sovereign Bishop, in Pastor's clothing, a most cruel Wolf. The Bishops of Rome take arms against all Christians, make themselves great by presuming, deceiving, and sowing war out of war: They kill the sheep, destroy peace, drive concord out of the land, draw out of hell civil wars and domestic seditions, etc. They provide not for their flock after the manner of a Bishop, but rather after the manner of tyrants they licentiously rage's in cruelty. justice goeth to nothing; but impiety, covetousness, desire of honours, love of money, and lust, grow apace, etc. And here he amplifieth his discourse upon this confusion of things: Hildebrand about an hundred and seventy years ago, under show of religion, first laid the foundation of the Empire of Antichrist, first began the horrible war which his successors have continued ever since till now. At first they excluded the Emperor from the election of Popes, and transported it to the people and Clergy: And afterwards having had both these in mockery and scorn, they now also labour to constrain us to subjection and servitude, that they may reign alone; and being now delighted with the custom of command, and having often weighed their own and their adversaries forces, they use the specious colour of Ecclesiastical liberty, for an occasion of violently taking to them domination, and of oppressing Christian liberty. Believe him that hath experience of it, They will not cease till they have brought the Emperor under, dissipated the honour of the Roman Empire, oppressed the true Pastors which feed, taken away the dogs that can bark, that after this manner they may extinguish and destroy all things. They would therefore confound all things together in uproars, yet even in despite they contend for dominion. Paul the storehouse of Philosophy commandeth, Be ye subject one to another in the fear of Christ, etc. That supreme Majesty took upon him the form of a servant, that he might serve his Disciples, and wash their feet. The Bishops of Babylon covet to reign alone, they cannot endure any equal: They will not give over till they have trodden all things under their feet, and sit in the Temple of God, and be exalted above all that is worshipped: Their hungering after riches, and thirsting after honours, cannot be filled; the more is given them, the more they desire; reach to them a finger and they will covet the whole hand. This servant of servants coveteth, like as if he were a God, to be Lord of Lords: He despiseth the sacred assemblies and Counsels of his brethren, yea of his Lords: He feareth lest he should be constrained to render an account of those things that he doth, daily more and more, against laws and commandments, ingentia loquitur, he speaketh great things, as if he were a God; meditateth new counsels in his breast, that he might get an Empire to himself: He changeth the laws, establisheth his own: He polluteth, teareth asunder, spoileth, defraudeth, killeth. This is that son of perdition (whom we call Antichrist) in whose forehead is written this name of contumely, I am God, I cannot err. He sitteth in the Temple of God, and hath dominion far and wide: but as it is in the mystery of holy Scriptures, Let him that readeth understand, The learned shall understand, but all the wicked shall do wickedly, and shall not understand. And here he briefly noteth unto them, what of these things is said in the Revelation, which he apply to the present state of the world, and chiefly to the corruption of Rome: then by and by after he saith, The Emperor is but a vain name, and only a shadow. There are ten kings likewise which have divided the whole earth (sometime the Roman Empire) not for to govern, but to consume it. The ten horns (which seemed incredible to Saint Augustine) to wit, the Turks, Grecians, Egyptians, Africans, Spaniards, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Germans, Sicilians, and Italians, possess the Roman Provinces, and in these failed the Roman Colonies: And the little horn (alluding to the place of Daniel) having grown up under these, which hath eyes, and a mouth speaking great things, holdeth under, and constraineth to serve him the three kingdoms especially of Sicily, Italy, and Germany, vexeth the people of Christ and Saints of God with an intolerable domination, confoundeth together divine and human things, and enterpriseth most wicked and execrable things. What is more clearly manifest than this prophesy? All the signs and prodigies which that our heavenly Master hath advertised us of, are already come to pass, etc. If this fire be not quenched it will burn the whole world. It becometh him that first kindled it to quench it, by the ruin of that monster which hitherto hath lain hid at Landelshut in the town of Boior, to the great danger of Christians. And at length concludeth, That this Albert the Pope's incendiary, as a pestilent fellow and a Serpent, should be banished by the Duke. And hereupon, by the joint consent of the whole assembly, without doubt approving those speeches, sentence of proscription was given against him and his; and about this time Gregory died. Innocent the fourth succeed, who (as above is showed) left nothing unattempted against Frederic, and opposed against him two Emperors one after another created at his pleasure. Albert also continueth constant in his service, till he was taken by Otho Duke of Bavaria in the town of Pathaw, which with many others he had moved to rebellion against him, and being presently convicted of perjury, sacrilege, treachery and impiety, by his commandment is flayed alive. About the same time died Sigefride Bishop of Ratisbone, and Eberard of Saltzbourg. Innocent ordained for successor of Sigefride, one Burchard de Zighenhaghen, and of Eberard one Albert Pitoegius. And when they of Saltzbourg refused Burchard, he accepteth of Philip the Duke's son of Carinthia, whom they had chosen, but on this condition, that they should excommunicate Otho, unless he renounced frederick's part; a part that seemed to be weakened by so many rebellions he had stirred up in divers parts in Germany. Otho on the contrary, declareth unto the bishops and Prelates of the province, assembled in Synod at Myldorff; Ye have preached unto me (saith he) that the Bishop of Rome is Antichrist, and I have left the sect of the chief Priest to take part with the Emperor, ye have persuaded me to it, I concluded peace with you, and now again war better pleaseth you, ye are more variable and mutable than an ordinary man. Why do ye so fond delude the Christian people with your childish sentence, etc. I appeal unto Christ our saviour, who had foretold us, that we must keep ourselves from such Pharises, and promiseth to bless your cursings: So that whilst of you we are condemned, of Christ our Lord and God we are absolved. Whom will the wicked and impious hands of this sacrilegious kind of men abstain from, which have not spared Christ our Saviour? And who is he that burned such like Priests alive, with their wives and children, and by that famous act made so pleasing a sacrifice to God, that he obtained the kingdom of Palestina for himself and his posterity? Alluding hereby to jehu king of Israel. This being said, Otho departed, and having joined his forces with Conrade, the emperors son, goeth to besiege Dornberg. The Prelates assembled at Myldorff, concluding his words to be true, determine to win his favour, and give him absolution of the Pope's excommunication. And this than was the judgement they made of the Pope in Germany. Hither might be referred many things out of the Epistles of Peter de Vineis, Chancellor of Frederic, but which may be thought to proceed from passion in the heat of contention between the Popedom and the Empire. There doth Frederic reprove the Pope, how unlike or rather contrary he is, by the testimony of all men, to S. Peter; That the Pharises sat in Moses' chair; That he was excommunicated of the Pope, by a key manifestly erring, without having heard him; That the Pope, contrary to Saint Peter, adoreth his belly and his money, gapeth only after richness, and continually seeketh whom he may devour; That, contrary to Christ, he preacheth nothing but war, and thinketh he is in the world for none other end; Petrus de Vineis l. 1. Epist. ca 1. Then he exclaimeth, And when this gluttonous belly and stomach is full gorged with wine, than thou thinkest that thou sittest on the wings of the wind; Then the Empire of the Romans pertaineth unto thee, than the kings of the earth bring thee gifts, than the wine maketh thee admirable armies, than all the Nations of the earth serve thee. Let the Church our mother weep, for that the Pastor of the Lords flock is become a ravenous Wolf, eating up the fattest of the flock, not binding up that which is broken, nor setting in joint that which is loossed; but as a lover of Schism, a principal author of scandal, and father of fraud against the Laws and honour of the Roman Emperor, he defendeth heretics; The Lombard's and men of Milan, who then in great number professed the doctrine of the Waldenses; which that zealous man little regarded, so that he might bring his own purposes to pass; and in the mean time he leaveth Jerusalem to destruction, and the land of God subject to dogs, and tributary to Saracens, whilst he troubleth that great Emperor, and maketh the ways of Sea and land cumbersome and dangerous; the impious enemy Herod, the stone of offence. In the letters also of Frederic to the Christian Princes, Petrus de Vineis Ep. 13.14 15.16.17.18.20.21.31.34. he feareth not to call the Pope, hypocrite, Apostata, the old serpent, which converteth the fruit of justice into bitterness, a Pharisie anointed with the oil of wickedness above his fellows, the beast arising out of the Sea, full of names of blasphemy, and like unto a Leopard, the beast of which in the Apocalyps, there went out another horse, red, and he that sat thereon took peace from the earth that the living might kill one another; The Angel coming forth of the bottomless pit, which filleth Sea and land with bitterness, the great Dragon that seduceth the whole world, the Antichrist foretold should come, another Balaam led with reward to curse us, a Prince by the Princes of darkness, which hath abused the prophecies, whose Cardinals are called sons of Belial; Satan is in the midst of them, for to serve them. Yet no man can impute to Frederic the opinions of the Albigenses, seeing that in many places he inveigheth against them, and stirreth up the Popes to destroy them; yet he giveth them a testimony much contrary to the lose wantonness by their adversaries objected unto them, when he describeth them to be, prodigal of their life, and constantly undergoing martyrdom, et quod est, saith he, ipso dicto durissimum, superstites etiam non terrentur exemplo, and which is even hard to be spoken, they which survive them are nothing terrified with their example. Now there was given unto them divers names according to their teachers, for to make them the more odious. Epist. 26. & 27. lib. 1. Among these Epistles also we read one of Philip king of France, son of S. Lewis, written to the Cardinals of the Church of Rome, the Sea vacant, who, by reason of the ambition of parts in choosing the Pope, could not agree, out of which may easily be gathered, what judgement the French church had then of the Roman; though otherwise not very favourable to the Emperor Frederic or his cause: Behold, saith he, the noble City of Rome liveth without an head, Epist. 35. l. 1. which hath been the head of others. But what hath provoked them to discord? the covetousness of gold, and ambition of dignities. For they consider not what is expedient, but what is their own will. They prefer their own particular profit before the general, & unduly prefer profit before honesty. How then will they govern others, that cannot govern themselves? who do good to their enemies and hurt themselves, and do nothing profitable for themselves? The Court of Rome was wont in times past to shine in honesty, knowledge, good manners and virtue; and was not moved with the treats of fortune, because they placed their refuge more firmly in virtue, than in chance. But now they are beaten down in adversity, and exalted in prosperity; and it may be called non curia, sed cura, marcam desiderans, plus quam Marcum, more desirous of a mark (of silver) than of Saint Mark (of the Gospel) or of taking a Salmon, than of reading Solomon. Then declaring unto them, how great wisdom was necessary in this election; But, saith he, we may not forget, that wisdom is for evil, when they which desire honour, do shun the burden of it; desire to be chief rulers, and neglect the profit of their subjects; fly care and labour, and give themselves to sleep and lust, and are delighted with plays and banquets. Such Pastors truly, are not Pastors, but may be called most impious Wolves, by whose perfidious dealing, our holy mother Church is trodden under foot, faith consumed, hope taken away, and charity rooted out. Wherefore he concludeth, Keep the truth, fear God, resisting naughtiness manfully, whereunto ye over much submit your necks, & ultra, and more yet, but we will not say it, lest perhaps we arrogantly seem to set our mouth against heaven, etc. Thus spoke our Philip. In the same Author is also read an Epistle, in which the Sacerdotal Order complaineth of the friars Preachers, who were in that time crept in: We are constrained to lay open by a lamentable complaint, the disordered Order, which hath been brought in in contempt of us, and to the scandal of all; whereby, in making believe that the force of faith groweth, error ariseth, and matter of dissension is propagated. Then he declareth, How the Predicant Friars and Minorites having conceived a hatred and rancour against them, have depraved their life and wicked conversation by preaching, and have diminished their rights, in so much that they are already brought to nothing; and they which in times past have governed kings in regard of their office, are now in opprobry and derision, and their most famouss praise is turned into a fable to all flesh. Then by what means the said Friars, thrusting their hands by little and little into other men's harvest, have supplanted the Clergy in every dignity, and have tied to themselves all the force and authority of clerical ministery; so that these cannot live being deprived of their due tithes and offerings, unless they betake themselves to some work, or to mechanic arts, or else to unlawful gains. What remaineth, but that their Churches, builded to the honour of God and the Saints, utterly go to ruin, in which resteth nothing for service or ornament, but some little bell and old Image soiled over with dust? But these Preachers and Minorites, saith he, yea rather our Prelates and betters, began with cottages, but since have erected Princely Palaces of curious workmanship, the expenses whereof should have been employed for the poor. And they which in their first rising, and beginning of their religion, having laid aside pride, seemed to tread under feet the glory of the world, now take again Pride, and embrace the glory they had formerly trodden on: These men, whiles they have nothing, possess all things, and wanting riches, are richer than the rich; and we which are said to have something, are beggars. And they conclude with this supplication to the Emperor, That he would remedy the same the soon that might be, lest (say they) the stream of hatred increasing between us and the said Friars, faith suffer thereby shipwreck, whence it is thought to take growth. Neither wanted there of all nations divers excellent persons, which observed the same things: William Bishop of Paris in his book of the Collation of benefices, speaking of the Clergy of his time, In them (saith he) appeareth neither piety nor learning, but rather devilish uncleanness, monstruousness of all filthiness & vices: their sins are not simply sins, but most horrible monsters of sins: They are not the Church, but Babylon, Egypt, and Sodom; Prelates that build not the Church, but destroy it, and mock God, and with other Priests they profane and pollute the body of Christ: Prelates, that honour with Ecclesiastical dignities the members of the devil, and enemies of God; they restore Lucifer into the heaven of the Church of Christ. He often particularly noteth, That among the Papists (that is, the Pope's parasites) are some such industrious fowlers of benefices, that one man hath caught to himself to the number of an hundred, either Prebends or Canonries; and there was found one that had seven hundred. Caesaris in Dialogr distinct. 10. Caesarius also telleth us of another William surnamed Goldsmith, who in that same time made a treatise, wherein he proved the Pope to be Antichrist, the Prelates to be his members, and Rome to be Babylon. And in England Robert Bishop of Lincoln is commended for a man of great piety and learning, famous also for his knowledge of the tongues: Matth. Paris in Compend. Historiae Angl. An. 1250. He went to Rome for to bring the Monks of his diocese to a better discipline: To that Court (saith Matthew) which as a gulf hath power and custom to swallow up the revenues, and almost all things whatsoever the Bishops and Abbots possess (for they obtain of the Pope whatsoeever they will for money:) This Bishop therefore complaineth to the Pope of it, I thought, my Lord (saith he) by your counsel and help to chastise all them that I have complained of, and to bring them back from their error; but they, proh dolour, for money have redeemed themselves. The Pope answereth, Brother, thou hast delivered thy soul, what is my grace to thee? We have given them grace. And so being returned into England, he opposeth himself against the Pope's extortions in England; for which he is excommunicated, and dieth in excommunication, disputing even to his last gasp, That the Pope straying from justice and truth, is worse than Lucifer and Antichrist, and appealeth from the Pope's excommunication to the judgement of Christ. There is read a certain sermon of his, the Pace, of Peace, which he made before the Pope; where after he hath described and bewailed the wicked Pastors, that have no care of their sheep, authors of schisms, heresies, and infidelities, he stoutly maintaineth, That seeing the principal work of Christ, for which he came into the world, is the quickening of souls; and Satan's proper work invented by him, as being a murderer from the beginning, is the kill and mortification of souls, those Pastors which put on the person of Christ, and preach not the word of God, although they add thereto none other wickedness, are Antichrists and Satan's transformed into Angels of light, thieves and robbers, killers and destroyers of the sheep, making the house of prayers a den of thieves. But they also add all kind of prevarication. Their pride doth ever most manifestly show itself, and their greedy covetousness, so that now is fulfilled the voice of the Prophet, which saith, Every man declineth after his covetousness, following the gain of avarice, and cannot be satisfied, etc. And here he largely discourseth of them: But (saith he) what is the first cause and original of this great evil? I most vehemently tremble and fear to say it, yet I dare not hold my peace, lest I should fall into that Vae of the Prophet, Woe to me because I have held my peace, because I am a man of polluted lips: The cause, spring, and original hereof is this Court, not only because it purgeth not these abominations forth of it, when it alone may and is bound to do it; but further in that by provisions, dispensations, and collations, it ordaineth to pastoral charge, such Pastors as we have before touched, which are rather betrayers of the world, and that in sight of this Sun. But of this we are to speak more hereafter, in following the history of Innocent the fourth. There is read an Epistle published in England about the same time, bearing this title, De extrema expilatione Angliae per Papam effects, Of the extreme pillage made by the Pope in England; wherein the Author having particularly reckoned up all his extortions, at length bursteth forth into these words, Shall we compare him to king Nabuchadnezzar, who destroyed the Temple of the Lord, and carried away the gold and silver vessels? For what he had done this man doth also: and he spoiled the ministers of the house of God, and made it destitute of due aid, the same doth this man also. Surely better is the condition of them that die by the sword, than of them which are killed with hunger; because the first die presently, but these are consumed by the barrenness of the earth. And ever and anon he useth this versicle, Let all that pass by, daughter, have pity on thee, for there is no sorrow like unto thine: For already through too much sorrow, and over much shedding of tears, thy face is made blacker than coals, so that thou art no more known in the streets. Thy foresaid superior (meaning the Pope) hath set thee in darkness, he hath made thee drunk with gall and wormwood. Hear▪ O Lord, the affliction of thy people, and their groves, behold and come down, for the heart of this man is hardened more than the heart of Pharaoh, he will not let thy people go free, but by the strength of thy arm: For he doth not only exact miserably above the earth, but after death; because what Christians soever die intestat, he devoureth their goods after their departure, etc. Lest therefore thy daughter be brought to longer misery, it is expedient that the mighty men of the kingdom resist the imaginations, conspiracies, pride, and arrogancy of this man, who not for the contemplation of God, but for the foresaid respects, and for to enrich his kinsmen, and feather his own nest, extorteth by a kind of new principality all the money of England. And thou (speaking to the Pope) take heed to the words of the Lord, and prophesy of jeremy (to beat down such proceed) which say, Thou Pastor, which hast dispersed my people, and cast them forth of their habitations, behold I will visit upon thee the malice of thy designs, neither shall there be a man of thy seed to sit upon the throne of David, or have further power in juda: let thy nest be made desert and overthrown as Sodom and Gomorra. And if terrified with these sayings he give not over his enterprises, and make not restitution, then, his heart being wickedly hardened, let them sing for him the hundred and eighth Psalm. This is that Psalm of David full of all sorts of imprecations against a most desperate and reprobat enemy of God and Christ, and is interpreted by S. Peter to be a figure of judas. This is with the Hebrews the hundred and ninth. Neither is it needful we should add any thing here of Matthew Paris, a Monk of S. Alban, a notable English Historiographer, seeing it is enough manifest out of divers places above cited, what was his judgement of the Church of Rome; it is ordinary with him to say, That the covetousness thereof is grown so insatiable, confounding divine and human things, that having laid aside all shame, as a common and shameless strumpet set to sale to all men, she deemeth usury a small fault, and simony none at all. All this time the Waldenses, or Albigenses, continued in Dauphinie, Languedoc, and Guienne, and in all those mountains which reach from the Alps to the Pyrenean. These had some release and respite of breathing under S. Lewis, who molested them not, but in as much as they were subjects of Raymund Earl of Thoulouse, who had war with the Earl of Provence his father in law, whom he was bound to secure: but the war being ended, they maintained their religion principally in those mountains. But they had spread themselves very much in other places, for in Germany were a great number of their Preachers, who at the sound of a bell, having called the Barons, preached in publica station, in a public place, That the Pope was an heretic, his Prelates tainted with simony, and seducers: That they had no power to bind and lose, neither yet to interdict the divine service, or the use of the Sacraments: That those their friars Preachers and Minorites, by their false sermons perverted the Church: That the truth was held and preached only among them: And that although they had not come, God would have raised up others even of the very stones, for to enlighten the Church by their preaching, rather than he would have suffered faith utterly to perish: Our Preachers (say they) have till this time preached, Krantzius l. 8. c. 18. in Metropol. & Saxon. l. 8. c. 16. and have buried the truth and published falsehood: We on the contrary preach the truth, and bury falsehood, and in the end give unto you not a feigned or invented remission from the Pope or Bishops, but from God alone, and according to our calling. In which words Krantzius expresseth their doctrine, though very contrary unto them. Matthew Paris saith further, That they spread themselves so far as into Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia, and there took such such root, that they drew unto them many Bishops: And thither came one Bartholomew from Carcassonne in the country of Narbon in France, unto whom they all flocked, who in his letters wrote himself Bartholomew servant of the servants of the holy faith: and he created Bishops, and ordained Churches. These words are taken out of the letter that the Cardinal of Port, the Pope's Legate, wrote to the Archbishop of Rovan, full of abashment; and he calleth him Antipope, without imputing unto him any other crime or doctrine; namely because this Bartholomew re-established the order of the Church a new in those Countries, and laboured to set true Pastors in the places of the false. And the Cardinal commanded the Archbishop to be present in a Synod holden in the City of Sens, to give counsel in a business of that importance, otherwise he threatened he would signify his disobedience to the Pope. This was about the year 1220 under Honorius the third; and it must needs be, that they have largely multiplied since, for the same Author telleth us, that in a certain part of Germany, under Gregory the the ninth, a great number of them were enclosed in a place, with marish on the one side and the Sea on the other, where they were all slain. At the same time also in Spain they ordained Bishops, which preached the same doctrine, though the adversaries feign lies of the same at their own pleasure, for to make them the more odious. But we cannot be ignorant what manner of doctrine it was, partly by their confession, and partly by the acts of judgement passed against them. We read of one Robert Bulgarus, who was fallen away from them, and become a jacobin Friar, & wholly gave himself to persecute them, & in Flanders especially delivered up many to the fire. But he being found to abuse his power, and that he imputed crimes unto them, of which they were clearly innocent, he is presently discharged of his office, and being found guilty of many crimes, which (saith the Auhour) it is better to conceal than to speak of, is condemned to perpetual prison. Let the Reader judge, considering the furious rage wherewith they were transported against these men, whether as well their innocency, as that man's filthiness be not hence manifestly and sufficiently proved. In Lombardie at last they were very greatly multiplied, when in the year 1229, An. 1229. Sigon. l. 17. de regno Jtaliae. at the instance of the Pope's Legate it is ordained, that they should be banished both out of Cities and Countries, their houses razed, their goods confiscate, & they which received them put to a great fine; and in the City of Milan is appointed in every quarter two Friars Preachers and Minorites, who in the authority of the Archbishop should make enquiry after them, and take care that having taken them and delivered them to the Governor, they should be, at the charges of the Commonwealth, carried whether the Archbishop should appoint; when also the Emperor Frederick, in the year 1225 in the letters he wrote to Gregory, An. 1225. Jdem l. 18. complaineth that they increased, imo siluescant, yea grew up to a forest; In Italy and in the Cities began already to choke the good come (so spoke he according to the style of the time;) And to conclude, when, the truce being made between Gregory and Frederick, from which them of Milan were excluded, that they might justify themselves to each other, and gratify one the other, they took a great number of these poor men, whom they offered up in sacrifice by putting them to death. Whereunto may be added also that which an ancient writer of those times wrote of the Waldenses, that in the only valley Camonica they had ten schools; as also that of Petrus de Vinei, in his Epistles, that their little rivers streamed so far as to the kingdom of Sicily; who in the mean time allegeth none other cause for which they should be persecuted, but for that they withdrew the sheep from the keeping of S. Peter, to whom they had been committed of that good Shepherd to be fed, and departed from the Roman Church which is the head of all Churches: But were in this their profession, above all belief, constant, prodigal of their life, and careless of death, and which is more hard than can be spoken (saith he) the survivors are nothing terrified by example, affecting to be burned alive in the presence of men. This virtue in the minds of men, whence can it flow but from the spirit of God? 52. PROGRESSION. Innocent to disturb Conrades proceed, returns into Italy, but after many contrarieties of fortunes his hopes were frustrated, and he died at Naples. THe death of Frederick thus occurring, afforded opportunity to Innocent not only of renewing his own designs in Italy, but also of disturbing other men's affairs in Germany. He intending therefore these molestations to Conrade, frederick's son, he thought good to return into Italy. But it is not altogether unworthy of observation, how ceremoniously he took his leave of those of Lions, after the Council was dismissed: For assembling together the Lords and Nobles therein assisting, as also the whole people, Cardinal Hugo made a farewell sermon in behalf of the Pope and the whole Court of Rome, and so at last began to speak in these words, Matthew Paris in Henrico 3. Loving friends, since our arrival in this city we have performed much good, and done great alms; for at our first coming hither we found three or four stews, but now at our departure we leave but one, marry this extends itself from the East to the West gate of the city. And these were very scandalous words in the ears of all the women, who were present at the sermon in great numbers, for the inhabitants of the city were cited by public proclamation, in name of the Pope ready to departed. He therefore went down to Genoa, and from thence he went to Milan, where being received in triumphant sort, he obliged the cities by new oaths against the Emperor, many he drew again into a new league, and they which persevered in fidelity towards Conrade, he excommunicated, and most severely persecuted; to conclude, he omitted no means whereby he might prevent frederick's successors entry into Italy. When he came to Ferrara he preached to the people out of a window, and he used prevalent persuasions to intimate, that this city was his: His text was, Happy is the nation that hath the Lord for their God, and the people whom he hath chosen for his inheritance: inferring by this, that the city and people was happy which were particularly subject to the Pope; and so he made but a mock of the holy Scripture. But Historiographers wonderfully extol this sermon, because it was no small wonder that the Pope then preached. Going from thence he confirmed all the cities of Romania and Tuscan, leaving Cardinal Octaviano behind in Lombardie with an army: but yet being very doubtful in mind he delayed his entry into Rome; for the Romans through his absence augmented in reputation, & the Pope's leaving Rome had now for many years held their seat in divers other places, as at Viterbe, Oruietto, Perugia, Anagnia, Assisia, that there they might rule and govern over other Provinces, being uncertain what authority or power they should retain within the city. And at this very instant the Romans called Brancalone from Bologna (a man very famous for his justice and equity) to be a Senator of Rome, who doubting the petulancy and insolency of their Youth, would not accept of it, without being confirmed therein for three years, and pledges given him of thirty of the chief citizens sons, as also they themselves bound by solemn oath to do their uttermost endeavours that they might faithfully obey him; whom he presently sent to Bologna, there to be kept under safe custody. And questionless he bore himself so strictly in this charge, as he struck terror into the best of them: but the more authority was ascribed to him, the more the same was extenuated towards the Pope. In the mean while the Romans began to grieve, that the mighty gain which daily accrued by the wonderful concourse to the Roman Court, did now through the Pope's absence both cease, & was otherwhere diverted; and so at length they supposed, that without singular imputation they could not for so long time have their Bishop wanting. Wherefore they sent ambassadors to Innocent, being at Perugia, to entreat him that he would return to Rome, That so he might help his flock, Matth Paris in Henrico 3. like a good Pastor, and that Rome might enjoy her Bishop, as other cities enjoyed their Prelates: For they thought it a great abuse and error, that only Rome which was instiled the Empress of other cities, should among so many other cities, for so long time be deprived of her Prelate and Bishop. For (saith Matthew Paris) while he lived beyond the Alps, gaping after the profit of concurrents, and opening his bosom to gifts, he was vagrant and altogether unsettled, by being resident amongst the Cisalpines. But he framing delays, they once again urged him after a prevalent manner, Intimating to him, how they greatly wondered that he would run up and down here and there like a wandering and instable person, & leaving Rome, his Pontifical seat, together with his sheep, whereof he was to yield a strict account to the supreme judge, he left them to be rend & torn by the incursions of wolves, himself only gaping and thirsting after coin; as also with this peremptory clause annexed, That he should either come then or never. But when he saw that the Romans threatened the Perugians & Assisians, both with siege & ruin, if they longer detained him, departing from Perugia he went towards Rome, yet trembling & fearful he made his entry, because it was reported, that the Romans would presently redemaund of him that money which at his instigation they had disbursed in the attempts against Frederick. And in effect, not long after, the people required at his hands the damages which they had sustained through his absence; For (say they) the world knew well enough, that he was neither Bishop of Lions, Perugia, nor Angiers, where he did often reside, but of Rome. In which very words we may see they did not acknowledge him for universal Bishop; and out of doubt had not the Senator pacified the people, he would have undergone some great troubles. Now on the other side Conrade, frederick's son, passed over into Italy, the more to encourage his adherents, and divers times conflicts and slaughter fell out in the cities, while the Guelphs rose against the Gibellines, and the Church raged against the Empire, both of them cruelly prosecuting and subverting one another: and the more horrible this war was in that it fell out within the selfsame walls, and under one roof and building, that the like plots and examples of revenge were never read of throughout all Antiquity. Afterwards marching further up into his kingdom, he took in Naples, which had formerly yielded itself to the Pope, overthrowing his army, over which his kinsman William was General, and putting to the sword four thousand foot, which were even the flower of the Italian Youth, he recovered all his cities, reduced his subjects under due obedience, and thus brought the Pope to a very hard point. But amidst these anxieties the Pope thought good to excite an opposite against Conrade, which was Richard Earl of Cornwall, brother to the king of England, being a Prince (according as the fame ran of him) of indomptable courage. Wherefore to this end and scope he offered unto him the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, to be held in homage of him; Using herein (as the Historiographer saith) his diabolical sophistication, who said, All this will I give thee, if falling down thou wilt worship me. Besides, his Bulls should not be spared against Conrade, wherein he should be anathematized, and his subjects absolved of their oath of obedience, with other like interdictions: for he had formerly denounced him an heretic, and the heresy was, in that he obeyed not his interdict, and left not the kingdom to his disposition. Richard, though he was earnestly solicited by Legate Albertus, who was sent to this end and purpose, not remaining satisfied in words, required pledges to be given him of the most eminent persons of his family, as also sufficient sums of money to defray the charges of the war: certain holds also which lay on the frontiers of his kingdom, he demanded to be delivered into his hands, whereinto, being urged, he might at any time retire, Otherwise (said he, speaking to the Legate) it is as much as one should say, I sell, or give unto thee the Moon, ascend and lay hold on her. When therefore they could no ways agree upon the matter, he had recourse to the king of England himself, Richard's brother, a Prince (saith Matthew) very credulous, and apt to embrace his own prejudice; to whom he made offer of all the Croisado forces, destined for Palestina, and they should serve in this expedition. Hereupon grew a wonderful discontent and murmur of the Patriarch of jerusalem, and all the Prelates of Palestina, together with the Templars and Hospitalers, who fell into a great detestation of the Pope's delusions, that having long time been fed with such large hopes, he went now about, not to forsake, but rather to betray them. Yet the king of England proceeded on, and accepted of the kingdom of Sicily offered, in his son edmond's name: whatsoever money he was able to raise, either of the Christians or jews, he sent to the Pope, and gave him authority to raise what treasure soever he could, or at what rates soever any where in his name, and hereunto he obliged himself upon pain of deposition from his Crown and State, with which sums of money the Pope being backed, he levied an army. Conrade on the other side was no whit hereat dismayed, but intended to resist the Pope, and therefore he the more encouraged his nobles and subjects: And here our Historiographer, a Monk, bursts out into these words, Whether the Pope did well herein or no, let the judge of all judges decide. But for an abridgement of this war, this miserable Prince had poison presented him, who wasting away by little and little, when he drew near to his last breath, in complaining manner he uttered these words, The Church which should be a mother, to my father and me is rather a stepmother: and so he left behind him a son, who was but two years old. Some impute this poison to a brother of his, others, to the Pope's ministers, which, of the two, were most likely, as may be presumed by the state and condition of the present affairs. Matthew saith, That having heard this news, with great joy of heart, cheerfulness of countenance, and elevation of voice, he uttered these words, I rejoice certainly, and so let all the upholders of the Roman Church exult together with me, because two of our greatest enemies are now dead, one Ecclesiastical, the other of the Laity, Robert Bishop of Lincoln, and Conrade king of Sicily. He therefore embracing this opportunity, found it an easy matter to recover into his hands, Naples, Capua, and a part of the kingdom. But Manfred, being assisted by the nobles of the kingdom, he both crossed him in this prosperous course of his proceed, and daring to wage battle, vanquished and overthrew him in the same, and so his last error was worse than the first. Whereupon Innocent took such sorrow to heart, that within a few days after he died at Naples, surviving Conrade but a few months, and being molested by the Bishop of Lincoln's means even to his last gasp, as in proper place shall plainly appear. These things occurred in the year 1254, An. 1254. in the month of December. And so both the king of England's treasure and ambitious designs perished together with him. The volume of the Decretals is ascribed to this Innocent, wherein his drift and main scope was, That whatsoever had been by his predecessors out of wonderful pride digested and decreed against the temporal Monarchy, by them it might be ratified, and made authentic; as also whatsoever profane or sacrilegious act they had performed against the Spiritual, it might be in them as it were hallowed and consecrated. To him also the Canonists have reference, over whom he was head and principal, having promoted them to some of the highest dignities of the Church, and many of them also he raised to the cardinals hat: out of which fountain sprung that hideous gulf of forensiall contentions, and first of all that detestable clause of Non obstante, of which Matthew so often makes mention: after the induction whereof all the ancient Canons of the councils, and Decrees of the old Popes, as also the very liberties and privileges of the Churches, began at length to be put down: So that this abuse breaking afterwards into the civil Courts, it wrought wonderful subversions of equity and justice. From hence proceeded that common complaint, Out alas, alas, why looked we after these days: Behold the Courts civil are now corrupted, according to the example of the Ecclesiastical; and the rivers are poisoned by a sulphuroous fountain. Now the manner was, that the money ordained for war in the Holy Land, and the Indulgences of the Croysadoes were then, in their use, by the Pope's diverted against the Emperors, and other Princes. This man, that he might exceed all others, divulged out of the Pulpit, That whosoever took up arms against Conrade, he should obtain more ample remission of sins than if he fought against the soldan: So that if any man were crossed against Conrade, both he, his father, and mother, should gain full pardon of all their sins. He married also his nieces very highly, and amongst the rest, one he married to Henry, frederick's son, and nephew to the king of England, that thus he might be adopted a son of the Church: Which seemed a thing marvelous strange to all the Nobles of the Empire, That a Pope (said they) would presume so to disparaged a noble & royal gentleman. In conclusion, he so peeled and polled the Christian Commonwealth, as upon due competation made, it was found (saith our Author) and that most truly and exactly, that this present Pope, Innocent the fourth, had more impoverished the Church universal, than all his other predecessors, from the time of the primitive Papacy: and the revenues of the Clergy by him alienated in England, which had anciently been endowed therewith by the Church of Rome, amounted to more than seventy thousand marks, whereas the kings mere revenue could not be valued at a third part so much. OPPOSITION. And for that same Robert Bishop of Lincoln, whom we formerly spoke of, it should seem Innocent had commanded him to perform some wicked office, Which (saith Matthew) he did both to him and divers other Prelates of England: Wherefore he made answer by an Epistle, which he produceth whole and entire in this tenor: Health: Your discretion shall understand, Matth. Paris in Henrico 3. that devoutly and reverenly I obey with filial affection, the Apostolical injunctions, and so affecting reverent honour, I oppugn and resist such as are opposite to commands Apostolical; for to both these courses I am obliged by commandment divine. The Apostolical commands neither can be nor are any other than the doctrine of the Apostles, and of our Lord jesus Christ, Master and head of the Apostles, whose figure and person our Lord the Pope specially representeth in the Hierarchy of the Church, being consonant and conformable. And there he enters into a detestation of that clause, Non obstante, From whence springeth up (saith he) the head and fountain of inconstancy, boldness, and obstinacy, of shameful lying, deceiving, distrustfully believing, or giving credit to another; and so from these a number of other subsequent vices, which do but disturb and coinquinat the purity of Christian religion, and the peace and quiet of civil conversation. Furthermore (saith he) next to the sin of Lucifer (which shall be the same of Antichrist the son of perdition, in the end of times, whom God shall destroy with the breath of his mouth) there neither is nor can be any kind of sin so opposite and contrary to the doctrine evangelical, and of the Apostles, and to the same our Lord jesus Christ, so odious, detestable, and abominable, as to kill and destroy souls, by defrauding them of Pastoral offices and ministries, etc. The introductors of such manquellers and butcheries amongst the sheep in the Church of God, are worse than the murderers themselves, nearer both to Lucifer and Antichrist; and particularly, they are worse in this degree, in that being supereminent of place, out of a greater and more divine power granted unto them from above, for further edification, and not for destruction, they were the deepelier engaged to exclude and extirpate such bloodsuckers out of the Church of God. And so inferring, that his commandments were of this nature, and therefore not Apostolical: For this (saith he) would be but either a manifest defect, corruption, or abuse of his sacred and absolute power, or an absolute recession from the glorious throne of our Lord jesus Christ, and a present accession to the pestilential chair of infernal torments, intimated in the two forementioned Princes of darkness. Neither can any subject or faithful one unto that seat (in immaculate and incontaminat obedience, and no ways by schism dissevered nor rend from the same body of Christ, and the same holy seat) obey the same precepts, commandments, or injunctions, from whence soever they come, yea though it were from the highest order of Angels, but of necessity he must needs with his whole power contradict & oppose them: For the sanctity of the See Apostolical can enjoin nothing but that which tends to edification, and not destruction; for herein consists the fullness of power, That all things may be done to edification: and these things which are termed Provisions, tend no way to edification, but to manifest destruction. Wherefore the blessed seat Apostolical may no ways entertain them, because flesh and blood, which shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven, hath revealed these things, and not the father of our Lord jesus Christ, who is in heaven. Upon the receipt of these letters Innocent so stormed, as he vowed by Peter and Paul, That if a certain natural clemency did not dissuade me, I would bring him to such a confusion, that he should be an example, terror, prodigy, and a very fable to all the world: Is not the king of England our vassal, nay and to say more, our bondchild, who at a beck of our finger can imprison and impose upon him any reproach or shame? And the Cardinals could hardly assuage his fury, by saying, How it was not convenient to denounce any hard Decree against the Bishop; for, to confess but truth, said they, these things are most true which he inferreth: Condemn him we cannot, he is a Catholic, nay and a most holy one, more holy, more religious, and more excellent than ourselves, and of a far better life, so as it may hardly be believed, that amongst all the Prelates there is any one better, or equal to him. This the whole French and English Clergy know, and therefore our contradictions would but little avail; and so the truth of this Epistle, which peradventure is well known to many, may excite and stir up many against us: For he is reputed a great Philosopher, absolutely learned in the Geeeke and Latin tongues, a lover of justice, a public Reader in Divinity Scholes, a Preacher to the people, a lover of chastity, and a persecutor of Symoniacks. This was uttered by the Lord Aegidius a Spanish Cardinal, and others, who seemed to be touched even in their own consciences. And so they advised our Lord the Pope connivently with dissimulation to pass over all these matters, not raising any stir or tumult thereupon. But observe the reason which he annexed to all the former allegations, Especially (saith he) because it is known that a departure must one day happen. That departure foretold by the Apostle in the second to the Thessalonians, cap. 2. Antichrist himself being to be the author hereof, whom they expected and looked for; not as they would have it believed, from Babylon, but even out of the heart of the Church, from Rome itself. And hereupon grew Innocents' mortal hatred to Lincoln. But this very year he fell sick in his house at Buckdon, where speaking to Friar john of S. Giles, one of the Predicant Order, he both sharply reprehended him & others of his institution, vowing poverty, That they did not reprehend the sins of great men, with whom they were familiar, yea though it were of the Pope himself; who committed the care of souls to his own unworthy kinsmen, that were both ignorant and green in years: this being a true heresy, contrary to sacred Scripture, which commands us to ordain fit and convenient Pastors: and therefore the Pope was an heretic in doing so, and they in conniving thereat, being both worthy of eternal punishment. Then calling about him his Clergy, and mourning for those souls which perished through the avarice of the Court of Rome: Christ (said he) came into the world that he might gain souls; and therefore whosoever fears not to lose souls, he may not worthily be termed an Antichrist? God in six days created the whole world, but for man's redemption he traveled and suffered therein more than thirty years: may not therefore a destroyer of souls be thought to be the enemy of God, and Antichrist? The Pope impudently annihilates the privileges of the holy Roman Bishops his predecessors, with this Proviso, Non obstante, etc. Grant that any of those Popes were saved, and God forbidden the contrary: doth not our Saviour say, He that is least in the kingdom of heaven is greater than john Baptist, a greater than whom there was never any amongst the sons of women. Is not then such a Pope who was a giver and confirmer of privileges, greater than this man living? Wherefore do they then that follow, root up the foundations laid by their predecessors? Many Apostolical persons confirmed divers privileges, which had formerly in piety been granted. Are not many already saved through divine grace, of far greater authority than one who yet hangs in danger? From whence then proceeds this injurious temerity, to frustrate the privileges of so many ancient Saints? And here he spoke liberally against the rapines and simonies of the Roman Church, which enjoined the friars Mendicants to be always near at hand to those who were departing the world, to the end to persuade them to bequeath a part of their goods by Will and Testament for the aid of the Holy Land, or if they recovered health to vow a journey thither. They sold the Croisado to lay persons, even as they were wont to sell oxen and sheep in the Temple: they sold many things, and these, peradventure, to be appropriated to their own uses. And we also viewed the Pope's letter, wherein we found written, That they which made such Testaments, took upon them the cross, or afforded any aid or secure to the Holy Land, the more money they bestowed, the more plenary Indulgence they should receive. In brief: Eius avariciae, totus non sufficit orbis, Eius luxuriae, meretrix non sufficit omnis. The whole world not sufficed his avarice to content, Nor harlots all, his lust: so ill his mind was bend. And it was in this, that he did manifest by what means the Roman Court, like as Behemoth (in job) promised to swallow up all jordan in his throat, might usurp unto herself the goods of all intestates, and distinct legacies, and for the more licentious performance hereof, how she might draw the king to be a partaker and consort with her, in her rapines: For (said he) the Church shall never be freed from her Egyptian servitude, till she imbrue her sword in blood: But towards the end of this prophesy, being much pressed with sobs and tears, this same holy Bishop of Lincoln, Robert the second, left the banishment of this world, which he never loved, who was a severe reprehender of our lord the Pope and the king, a reformer of Prelates, a corrector of Monks, the director of Priests, an instructor of Clerks, a supporter of scholars, a preacher to the people, a persecutor of incontinent men, a careful searcher of divers Scriptures, and the very mallet, and cannoneer down of the Romans. Innocent notwithstanding, out of an obstinate will, against all his Cardinal's consent, caused his bones to be thrown out of the Church, and that he should be proclaimed over all the world, for an Ethnic, disobedient, and rebellious; and such a letter he caused to be written, and sent over to the king of England, in that he knew the king would willingly assume any occasion of rigour towards him, and to prey upon the Church. But the night following the Bishop of Lincoln appeared to him, in his Pontifical robes, and so with a severe countenance, and ghastly aspect, he approached and spoke to the Pope in a lamentable and mournful voice, as he lay in his bed, taking no rest, and giving him a forcible push on the side with the point of the Pastoral staff he carried on his shoulder, saying unto him: Senebald, thou miserable Pope, from whence proceeds it, that thou determinest to cast my bones out of the Church, both to mine and the reproach of my Church of Lincoln: It were more fit that thyself being exalted and honoured by God, thou shouldest likewise respect, and esteem Gods lovers, though dead and buried: God will suffer thee in no wise, to have any power over me: I writ unto thee, in the spirit of humility, and love, that thou wouldst correct and amend thy frequent errors; but thou, with an obdurate heart, and proud look, didst contemn my healthful admonishions: Woe be to thee that contemnest, shalt not thou also be despised? And so Bishop Robert, going back, he left the Pope, who when he was pushed (as I told you) lamented wonderfully, as one pierced through with a lance half dead, sighing and sobbing with a submiss, and deploring voice, so as they of his Chamber hearing the same and being astonished, they demanded the reason thereof; the Pope with sobs and sighs, made answer, and said; I have been mightily vexed with visions of the night, and there is no means for me to be absolutely restored to my former state, out alas, alas, how my side torments me, which was gored through with the lance of a Ghost: So as he neither eat nor drunk all that day, but feigned himself to be grieved with the fever asthmatical, and again, that he was sick of an incurable pleurisy: neither did the Pope ever after this, live one good or prosperous day, while the night, or one night, while ●he day, but altogether without rest, and much disturbed and molested, till his whole army was difcomfited, and then his sadness converting into deep and grown melancholy, he ended his life at Naples; when perceiving his kinsmen to lament and howl, renting their garments, and tearing their hair for grief, lifting up his eyes, which were almost drowned in death, he said, Poor miserable souls, why do you lament? do not I leave you all rich? What would you have more? and instantly upon the words he gave up the Ghost, his soul being to undergo the strict and severe sentence of the everliving God. Auent. l. 7. aventinus observes thus much in few words: that Innocent intending to devour, and swallow up the kingdom, from Conrades' son of 2 years old was suddenly taken away, in a day divinely prescribed unto him (as we find in the Annals) by the supreme and highest judge. Caestr. l. 7. Caestrensis says that the same night he died a voice was heard in the Pope's Palace, Veni miser ad judicium: and a pale deadly wound was found in his side: But the vision of a certain Cardinal which happened the same week, is worthy of special note, and Matheus conceals his name for some purpose: He though the was in heaven, before the Majesty of the everliving Lord, sitting on the Tribunal; & on his right hand stood the blessed Virgin, and on his left, a certain noble Matron very venerable both in body and in habit, who stretching out her right arm over her left hand, she supported as it were a Temple, on the Frontispiece of which Temple, was written in golden letters, Ecclesia; and Innocent the fourth prostituted before his divine Majesty, with hands joined and erected, and bended knees, requiring pardon and not judgement. But this noble Matron contrariwise said, Most just judge give a just judgement, for I accuse him in three points: first, when thou laidst the foundation of thy Church on earth thou didst endow it with liberties, which proceeded from thyself; but this man hath made her a most contemptible bondmaid: secondly, thou didst found thy Church for the salvation of sinners, that so she might gain the souls of miserable caitiffs' & offender's; but this man hath made it a table of money changers: thirdly, the Church was founded in constancy of faith, justice, & truth; but this man hath made both faith & good to manners waver and fleet, he hath removed justice, & overshadowed verity: yield me therefore just sentence. Then the Lord said: well, depart and receive the reward of thine own demerits: and so he was taken away. But when the Cardinal, out of the terror of the sentence, awaked, he was almost out of his senses, and all his men supposed him to be mad. At last his distraction being mitigated, he began more at large to explain his vision, & so it came to be published over all those parts. Of the same kind was that of Alexander his successor, who saw him in this state, and a beautiful woman expostulating with him before God on his throne in these words: Dissipasti Ecclesiam Dei, dum viveres, & carnalis penitus factus etc. And he heard God denouncing the same sentence formerly related; whereupon (saith the author) being vehemently terrified, for the space of certain days, he could not well come to himself again: & therefore one presenting him a gift, to obtain from him a grant of a certain church, he made answer: No brother, the Church seller is dead: but it is thought, that if out of the astonishment of this vision, he do not amend, he will be more severely taken up before God. All which things have some reference to Robert of Lincoln's History, whom he, of all Ecclesiastical persons, took to be his greatest enemy, although he is celebrated by writers of those time, to have been a man most renowned, both for sanctimony and miracle. Matheus avers, that divers excellent men were also of this opinion, whom he had both seen and heard in France, as the Abbot of Flaie, of the Cistertian order, james de Vitry, Robert Curkham and others. The same Author also makes mention of an Epistle written by Innocent from Lions, to the bishop of S. Alban's in England, wherein he entreated him, nay, and by authority Apostolical commanded him, to invest one john de Canecava, his nephew and chaplain, in the Church of Wengrade, over which he was Patron, but so, that he might change the same for another, whensoever the same john, or any procuror of his should desire it; that of Wengrade being perpetually notwithstanding reserved to his donation, non obstante the privilege & indulgence granted to the English, That no benefices should be immediately conferred upon Italian Priests: And this we thought good (saith he) to insert into this book, that the Readers may discern, with how many injuries and oppressions the Court of Rome surchargeth us miserable English: but this was, that the threatening saying of the Apostle might be fulfilled; Except first a departure come, the son of iniquity shall not be revealed. Behold here the cause, behold here the matter, why hearts, though not bodies, fall away from our father the Pope, who grows austere and rigorous like a stepfather; and from our mother the Roman Church, who persecuteth and vexeth like a stepmother. And on this all men fix their eyes. Let us now come to France. We see how Innocent excited and stirred up the Croisado against Conrade, the Emperor frederick's son, promising larger indulgences to them that would serve against him, than to those that should go into Palestina; for remission of sins was not granted only to every one of the Croisado, but further, to their parents and kinsfolks also; yea and that even at the same time (saith Matthew) when S. Lewis lay distressed for all necessary things at Caesasarea, the which he intimated to his mother, brethren, and faithful subjects, in a lamentable Epistle: But when Madam Blanch heard of this, who swayed the French government beyond feminine force or ability, she convocated all the nobles of the kingdom, to advise seriously on this affair; and in this treaty much murmuring and anger occurred, they alleging how our Lord the Pope excited a new and intestine war, which within the confines of Christendom raised Christians against Christians; and preaching to this end to men ordained for God's service, for the augmentation of his dominion, he showed himself careless and forgetful of our Lord the King, who sustained for the Christian faith so many discommodities and adversities. For now his foresaid sermon was divulged over all the French confines. Blanch being therefore herewith much moved, because this murmur grew not without just cause, she took into her hands the lands and possessions of all them of the Croisado; she alleging, They that serve the Pope let them live on the Pope's means, and so be gone, without returning any more. All the Potentates in like manner bordering on France, in whose countries this sermon had signed all to this war, did the like. And thus the sermon grew invalidious, and the signed were revoked: as also the Predicants and Minorites, who had so highly advanced this affair, were very severely reprehended by the nobles, they objecting, We build you churches, and houses, we educat, entertain, apparel, and feed you, what benefit reap you from the Pope? He disturbeth and exacteth of you, he makes you his toll-takers; and so you become odious even to your own benefactors. To whom they replied, Mere obedience moves us hereunto. From that time forward the Pope, blushing for shame, listened to treaties of peace. In the mean while, under pretext of such great obedience to this war, S. Lewis his succours were cut off, his army defeated, all Palestina exposed to spoil and prey, and himself was taken by the enemy: whereupon he conceived such an irradicable grief and sorrow, that for a certain time after his liberty procured, he would not be comforted. The friars Mendicants, as hath formerly been said, were either chief ministers, or in a great part authors of these calamities, whereupon they grew so powerful, that the rest of the Clergy began to be afraid, while by their confessions they dived into the people's hearts, beat the Pope's ears with continual flatteries, and at length deprived all ordinary ministers of place and function: whom they termed Blind, Matthew Paris in Henrico 3. and leaders of the blind, which never studied in the Decretals, nor had learned so much as to resolve one doubt: not shaming to demand of many, Are you confessed? to whom if they answered, Yea; they would ask, Of whom? Why by my parish Priest: And who is that idiot? I think he never heard of Divinity: Confess hardily unto us, to whom you both see and hear such authority is granted. Wherefore many of the Nobles and their wives, contemning their proper Priests and Prelates, were confessed by these Predicants. And here again (courteous Reader) observe the form and express Idea of these times. The matter grew to such an head, as the Pope himself perceiving them transported so headlong to ambition, was forced to suppress it: What means this, brethren (said he) where is your humility, your vow of poverty? And hereupon the University of Paris began first to stir & oppose, but especially, because with their subtleties and sophistries, they had adulterated the true Christian doctrine; teaching first, That the divine essence was neither beheld by angel nor glorified man. Secondly, That though the lively divine essence be one and the selfsame in the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, yet as it comes within the reason and compass of Form, it is one in the Father and the Son, and not alike unto these in the holy Ghost; and yet Form is the same thing with divine Essence. Thirdly, That the holy Ghost as he is Love, and connexed, doth not proceed from the Son, but only from the Father. Fourthly, That neither the glorified soul nor purified body, shall be in the Imperial heaven with the angels, but in the watery or crystalline heaven, which is above the firmament: the which they also affirmed by the blessed Virgin Marie. Fiftly, That the evil angel was evil at the very instant of his creation, and how he never had been good. Sixtly, That there were many verities from eternity, which were not God. Seventhly, That an angel at the same instant could be in divers places, and that every where, if it so pleased. Eightly, That beginning, present time, creation, and passion, is neither Creator, nor creature. Ninthly, That the evil angel never had the means to stand, no nor yet Adam, in his state of innocency. Tenthly, That he who hath the best natural gifts must of necessity receive most grace and glory. All which positions, the Ecclesiastical Prelates, together with the University of Paris, being assembled, expressly condemned in these words, We severely prohibit this error, Matth. Paris in Henrico 3. and excommunicate the maintainers and defenders thereof, as men (saith our Author) that dare touch the holy hill, to be oppressed with God's glory, and that rashly endeavour to search out the inscrutable secrets of God, and are presumptuously inquisitive into the judgements of God, which are like bottomless depths. Afterwards the Author also noteth in divers places, how they laboured as much as in them lay to overthrow the Parisian Academy, to whose laws and statutes they would in no wise be subject, since they were made Confessors and Counsellors to kings. The students therefore were constrained to contribute and make a collection, every one according to his means, to send to Rome; and every one's weeks allowance was cut shorter. But they found the Pope adverse to their projects, as also the Cardinals of the same stamp, who in the behalf of the Mendicants augmented the number of Divinity Doctors, that so they might be brought in: by means of which schism the University was in great danger of a dissipation. What was the effect and issue of all these turbulencies, will afterwards more manifestly appear. Concerning the Waldenses, they did so spread abroad both in France and Germany, that throughout the course of all histories, we may as it were discern their prints and footsteps. And also in Lombardie, where Petrus Veronensis, a Dominican, used all rigour of Inquisition against those who were called Credentes, Believers, indicting upon them all kind of severe punishment; when seizing on some of the principal, he was found slain in the territories of Milan. One Carinus was apprehended for this slaughter, who notwithstanding the tenth day after was dismissed by the Praetor, as guiltless, and Petrus Veronensis, lest others should be discouraged, canonised by the Pope for a Saint. But we must not omit to mention, how Innocent, though he employed much labour and study to this end, and in authorizing his Decretals (nor any of his successors) could ever effect that the French Churches would be subject to them. As concerning the Canons, they rested in the ancient collection of them which commonly is called Corpus Canonum; and for the Epistles of the Popes, they approved of none, but till Gregory the seconds time, that is to say, before Boniface Archbishop of Magunce infringed the liberty of the French Synods, about the year 742: which was so sound and good law, Johannes Andreas in Prologun l. 1. Nichol. 1. ad Episc. in Gallia constitutos in Epist. Bonifacij l. 3. Epist. 42. that john Andreas, a famous Civilian, testifies in his Prologue upon the Decretals; That whosoever cited any thing not conceived within this body of the Canons, he was to be esteemed a criminal of false testimony: The which is far from that opinion which Pope Nicholas the first held in the nineteenth distinction, above by us mentioned. 53. PROGRESSION. Alexander the fourth succeeds Innocent. He treats with Richard Earl of Cornwall, and with the king of England, for his son edmond's investiture in the kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily. Conradinus pretended Emperor, and Frederick Duke of Austria, not much differing in years, are both beheaded in the market place of Naples. A duel appointed between Peter king of Arragon, and Charles of Anjou. divers succession of Popes. POpe Innocent dying at Naples, the Governor shut the gates, and enjoined the Cardinals to choose a successor. This was Renaldus of Anagnia, Cardinal of Hostia, who was called Alexander the fourth. This man, whether out of the late vision moving him, or his own natural instinct thereto inclining, gave greater hopes of better regiment; which principally was conceived from this, because after his arrival he solicited in general by letters, to make prayers in his behalf unto God, That he might prove fit and sufficient for the government of the Church; For his other successors (saith Matthew) never used any such custom: as also for that in his letters, especially in those to the Bishops of Germany, a copy whereof is to be seen in Aventine, Auent. l. 7. Matth. Paris in Henrico 3. he sharply rebuked their abuses and vices: But (saith Matthew) giving too much ear to the imposterous whisperings of flatterers, and to the wicked suggestions of men avaricious (that is, to his Cardinals) his simplicity was suddenly diverted and misled: And his Bulls, which is as it were the earnest and testimony of Papal integrity, came to be termed unexpected fraud; although in these points also I cannot excuse him, that relying on the advice of some in whom he was most confident, and by the persuasion of Pope Innocent the fourth, his predecessor (who on his death bed animated the Cardinals thereunto) in that he powerfully determined to continue the war begun against frederick's partakers, especially against Manfred, frederick's natural son. The which resolution was pretended with devotion and piety, because Nocera, a city of Calabria, was then held by the Saracens. And in that it was not fit the king of England should so soon discover the fraud intended to him, a Legate was sent, which by a ring invested Edmond his son king of Apulia and Sicilia: and this incircumspect Prince thought that he both possessed the cities and the hearts of the subjects too. Wherefore he presently set forward on his journey, taking care for nothing, but how he might convey his treasure through France. Presently after, another Legate called Rustand was sent to demand a Tenth in England, Scotland, and Ireland, as also he had authority to absolve the king of his vow of going to the Holy Land, so he would commence a war against Manfred. Thus this credulous Prince suffered himself to be deluded with these arts; nay, and Rustand moreover both in London and other cities, preached the Cross against Manfred in express words: And Christians wondered (saith the Author) when they heard him promise as largely unto them for the effusion of Christian blood, as sometimes he did for killing of Infidels: And the Preachers instability moved mockery and laughter: As also on a certain day, at the end of a sermon, not doubting to add, Be sons of obedience: And wherein should this consist, I pray you? Why, be bound to such or such a Merchant in such or such a sum of money. But now observe the Catastrophe: Manfred defeated the Pope's forces in Apulia, and the subjects of the kingdom understanding that the Pope had constituted them a foreign king, unknown to their Nobility; as also that the Croisadoes were diverted from their first ends, and employed against them as Infidels, they all repaired to Manfred, yea even they who before were of the Pope's partiality, raising against him a mighty army: Wherefore (saith our Author) the usual respect and devotion borne by the Prelates and people towards our mother the Roman Church, and our Lord, our Father and Shepherd, the Pope, was almost expired. For though that Court had many times with great bitterness of spirit terrified Christ's faithful ones, yet it never so mortally wounded, both in general and particular, the servants of Christ, as both in this and the year following; for innocents were enforced to idolatrtes, and as Apostates to renounce truth, which is God himself. And here the Author stays a little in declaring some circumstances, which were these, Prelates were sold like Oxen and Asses: Behold the uttermost condition of servitude: behold the sellers which should have been cast out of the Temple and been whipped. But because it is a more unworthy thing to commit an injury violently, than to suffer innocently, it may be thought that the complaining cry of this will ascend up unto the Lord God of revenge. But at length he concludes, The Pope hath power in all those things which tend to edification, not in those which lead to ruin, according to Robert Bishop of Lincoln. Neither did matters succeed any better with him in other places; for (saith he) when they perceived his actions so different from those prayers which at his first coming to the chair he had caused to be made in his behalf, Manies' devotion grew cool towards him, and divers construed it to be mere hypocrisy, and masking of his secular power; therefore their former hopes conceived of his sanctimony fell to the ground. And first at Rome Senator Brancalone, of whom former mention was made, executing justice at Rome without any exception of persons, and the Nobility hardly digesting this severity, after apprehension they put him in prison, but his wife escaped out of the tumult, and got to Bologna, and there caused the hostages to be closely kept. The Romans moved the Pope, that out of his Pontifical prerogative he would command the Bolognians to deliver them: who to gratify the Romans, omitted neither threats nor entreats herein; yet he had the denial. Then the people rose against the Nobility, and in despite both of them and the Pope restored and set at liberty Brancalone. The Pope, being hereunto solicited by the Nobility, excommunicated both the Senator and all his followers, that is to say, the people of Rome, omnes cachis nantes, all of them with scorn and laughter condemned and mocked at his threatenings. The Senator suppressed all the seditious, not sparing the Pope's friends and near kinsfolks; and at length he urged himself to forsake the city, and threatened to demolish his natural town and country Anagnia. The matter came to this pass, that, will he nill he, in very submiss and humble words, he was enforced by Legates to entreat them to forbear the ruin of his natural City: lest he should become an opprobry to the whole world. In the mean while, Brancalone makes even with the ground the Palaces of the Roman Nobility, part of them he casts into prison, and other some he hanged, & maimed, many of which were kinsmen and near allies to the Cardinals, being as great a friend to Manfred as he was an enemy to Alexander. Yea, and after his death, his memory was so venerable amongst the people, that in hatred and detestation of the Pope, they chose his uncle Senator in his place, and closing his head within a rich urn, they set it upon a marble pillar, for a monument of his integrity and justice. These things turn the rather to the scorn and contempt of the Roman Court, because the Pope understanding of his death, admonished the people, That they should choose no man Senator without his consent: but they laughing hereat, and despising the Pope's injunction, chose forthwith Brancalone his uncle, solemnly electing and constituting him Senator in his nephews place. These things Matthew relates, whereby he proves as much as he had formerly spoken, in what great contempt and scorn the Pope was held of all men, for his evil proceed and government. An. 1259. In Germany, about the year 1257, William Count of Holland retained the Title of Emperor, being conferred, and continued in him by the Popes; who retiring out of an hot battle, being shot through the body with an arrow, died. Conrades' son was yet too young to be chosen Emperor; Alexander notwithstanding, commanded the Archbishop of Magunza, and the other Germane Prelates, threatening them with all in very grievous penalties, if they did elect this boy, son to the excommunicated Emperor, seeing they could not be ignorant how opposite his grandfather Frederick was to the Popes: but so he highly commended unto them Richard Earl of Cornwall, of whom, part of the Princes accepted, especially for this respect, because he was reputed to be rich in treasure and coin: whereupon grew this verse, Nummus ait pro me, nubit Cornubia Romae. The money plainly says itself: Rome marries Cornwall for vile pelf. Part of the Electors, made choice of Alphonsus king of Castille, but the most voices concurred, at last, with Richard, who being sent for out of England, he was conducted into Germany. Alphonsus began to move war, for the holding of his place, and solicited the Pope by Ambassadors, that no other might be crowned but himself. Answer was returned from him, that the custom was, that none could receive the imperial crown, except he had formerly been installed in the German and Italian kingdoms. Summa constitut. Firma profecto consistit. An. 1262. Sigon. l. 19 de regno Jtaliae. The Empire therefore hanging in doubt, Germany was divided, while Octavius (his Legate) abusing the institution of the cross, proceeded with all kind of cruelty against the imperial adherents; and during these ambiguities, Alexander died in the year 1261, to whom, three months after, Vrban the fourth succeeded, borne of obscure parents in troy, a town of Campania Celtica. Men observed one notable constitution of his (our author calls it most cruel) which was, That every Bishop or Abbot elect, was bound personally to travel beyond the Alps, Math. Paris in Henrico 3. that is, to enrich to his own hurt, nay, and utter ruin, the Romans purses. Vrban called a Council at Rome, not about matters of faith, which now grew obsolete, but about the expelling of Manfred. He thought good therefore to produce against him the Croysadoes, and augmented for this end their indulgences. Charles Earl of Anjou, brother to S. Lewis, he also called into Italy, out of hope to be installed in the kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily. And thus all the treasure which Henry king of England had so unadvisedly disbursed, was sunk and swallowed up in this ambitious gulf: And Charles took counsel of king Lewis about this affair. But Urbans death prevented his coming, whom Clement the fourth (prosecuting the same design) succeeded, borne at Narbone, & elected at Perugia, he presently sent Legates to Charles: who commanding his army to follow him by land, went by sea to Rome, where he was lovingly entertained by the Romans, being created perpetual Senator, which then was the supremest dignity of that city: And Clement in the mean while held his residence at Viterbe, by reason of some controversies that occurred betwixt him and the Romans. Wherefore by four Cardinals the investiture of the kingdom was conferred upon Charles, on this condition, That he should pay 40000 crowns yearly, in token of homage, which he reserved to himself; as also further, that he should not accept of the Roman Empire, though it were imposed upon him. Collen. l. 4. Charles therefore went forward into Apulia, the Bishop of Constance, who was Clement's Legate, accomganying him, Giving plenary remission of sins to those that should take up arms for Charles. near to Benevento he discomfited Manfred in battle, who was there slain; by means of which victory he presently after secured to himself the kingdom, and did no little revive the factions of the Guelphs and Popes, which before were prostrate and trodden under feet over all Italy. But the Gibellines on the other side rousing themselves up, called Conrade, frederick's nephew (commonly named Conradinus) out of Germany, to oppose Charles. He in the later end of the year 1267 coming to Verona, about the beginning of the Spring he went forward into Apulia, and so being proclaimed Emperor by all the Gibelline faction, not far from Arezzo, he by the way defeated part of Charles his forces, and then going to Rome, overslipping the Pope that lay at Viterbe, he was with general voice and acclamation received by all the people: But not long after joining battle with Charles in the confines of the kingdom, upon the first charge he put his army to flight; but while his men were attentive on booty and spoil, Charles reenforcing the fight, obtained victory, and himself with the chiefest of his nobles being driven to fly, he fell into his enemy's hands. And here Clement's pastoral mercy and commiseration plainly appeared. Sigonius glancingly useth these words, Conradine, by Charles command and definitive sentence, Collen. l. 4. was put to death like an ordinary thief, because by arms he made claim to his fathers and grandfathers kingdom. The Princes are at great variance amongst themselves, upon ambiguous title. But the Neapolitan Historiographer, and some others, writ freely, That after Charles had kept him a whole year in prison, he consulted with the Pope what should be done with him; who briefly made this answer, Conradines' life is Charles his death, and Conradines' death is Charles his life, Collen. l. 4. Hist Neapolitano. understanding by this, that he was to be put to death. The Historiographer observes, That divers of the French Nobility could not be brought to condescend unto this sentence, but especially the Earl of Flanders, Charles his son in law, who thought it fit to set him at liberty, and have him obliged by some matrimonial affinity, whose opinion the nobler sort were of, especially those who were free from preiudicat passions: but (saith he) the more cruel sentence took place. Neither certainly happened this (to omit the law of Nations) without some superhumane instinct; for besides the Vespers or Sicilian Evensong, which took public revenge hereof; Charles Prince of Salerno, son to the above mentioned Charles, having thirty galleys overthrown, himself with a number of other Nobles was taken, and with nine other kept close prisoners, and two hundred other gentlemen had their heads cut off at Messina: others also that were in durance, in a popular tumult, who set fire on every part of the prison (in contempt of the Pope's excommunication) were burned together in the same flame. And the Civilians of the kingdom, assuming a precedent, from the proceeding against Conradine, sat in trial upon Charles; & the like sentence & execution he had undergone but only for Queen Constantia, wife to Peter king of Arragon, a Lady of singular prudence and piety, who under pretext of conveying him into Catalogna to the king, prevented this intended just revenge; for which she purchased amongst all men immortal praise and commendations. To return to our former subject, Charles caused Conradine, being scarce eighteen years of age, to be beheaded in the public market place of Naples; who called God to witness of the injury and injustice done unto him herein; and so throwing his gloves up into the air, he denounced Frederick of Castille, his aunts son, heir and successor to his kingdoms. Henricus Guldelfingensis in Historia Austriaca. In his view and sight Frederick, Duke of Austria, his inward familiar, and equal in years, had his head cut off, that by his death he might the more be daunted and terrified; which he took up and kissed: then after him, eleven other noble men, Italians, and Suevians. The Historiographer adds, that Charles would needs have the executioners head chopped off in the place by an other appointed to perform this office, because he might not hereafter boast of the cutting off his head, who was descended from so illustrious a family: as also, that the Count of Flaunders in a rage slew him with his own hand that had pronounced the sentence. All Christendom held this wicked deed in most odious detestation, especially all the Princes, in that they remembered how king S. Lewis, and this Charles his brother, being taken prisoners, not long before, by the soldan in Palestina, were courteously and friendly entertained. And from hence it proceeds, that Peter of Arragon exprobrateth to Charles in some letters of his: Tu Nerone Neronior, & Saracenis crudelior, thou art more bloody than Nero, and more cruel than the Saracens. There was not any one which ascribed not this cruelty in the greatest part to Clement; and the very sentence itself denounced against Conradinus may testify as much: Apud Pertam de Vineis. which was, For disturbing the peace of the Church and falsely usurping to himself the Royal title. But I pray you was not his right good enough for the claiming of this title? Furthermore, we have the same Clement's own letters, that is to say, the letters of this Charles king of Sicily, to Peter of Arragon, ordained and devised, saith the Author, by Pope Clement the fourth, wherein he proudly threatens Peter of Arragon, being backed by this Pope, that sought to obtain the kingdom of Naples by arms: Thou most wicked man, saith he, didst thou not consider the inexplicable excellency of the mother the Church, who is to command over all Nations, and whom the whole earth and all the people in the same do obey? She it is, whom land, Sea, and skies obey, worship and resound; to whom, all that live under her Sun are bound with stooping heads to pay due duties and tribute. So as he exprobrated & cast him in the teeth with Conradines' death for a terror to himself, of whom notwithstanding he shamed not to say, that he had well deserved: who being taken in fight like a thief, & by the just sentence of death had deserved the gibbet, yet he permitted him to undergo the stroke of cruel death, by the sword of a bloody headsman, presaging unto him also the same ruin: which sounded not like the style of a king or prince descended of the French royal race, but of the Popes of these present times, of the same unclement Clement. And thus much the Author himself intimates. Peter of Arragon returning an answer to the same, set before his eyes the just judgement of God, in that he lately put his hand to such a brutish immanity, as was detestable & execrable to all men. And long time they slept not in this flagition, for as Collenucius notes, Charles from that time forward was continually afflicted and tormented with the anguish & terror of his daily misfortunes and overthrows; & Clement survived them but one month, when, as the fruit and triumph of victory, he thought to have gotten all Italy into his hands. The Papacy was then vacant for two years and nine months, though his predecessors had every way studied and endeavoured to prevent such an inconveniency: For those Cardinals which were resident at Viterbe, supposing no one was inferior to another, could resolve upon nothing certain; amongst whom one of the number, laughing at the others curiosity, said, Sir, Onuphrius in Pontificibus. we had need open the top of this Conclave, for the holy Ghost cannot descend through so many roofs down upon us. At last Philip king of France, and Charles king of Sicily, were feign to come thither, to their rebuke and shame, and for the further encouragement of the Gibelline faction; who after long and many contestations, at last brought it to pass, that they consented to choose Theobald Vicont of Placentia, and Archdeacon of Liege, who was then in Syria: he returning into Italy obtained the place, and was named Gregory the tenth; and hereupon grew these verses of the Cardinal de Porto. Papatus munus, tulit Archidiaconus unus, Quem Patrem Patrum, fecit disdordia fratrum. An Archdeacon obtained the Papal dignity, Father of fathers made by brother's enmity. These things occurred in the year 1272. An. 1272. In the mean while Richard Earl of Cornwall died, being another competitor for the Empire, for supply of whose place the Princes assembled together to take some order. Part of them, after Richard's death, thought good to retain Alphonsus of Castille: others alleged, That a king of Germany was to be brought from no other part but Germany, when Gregory put in his spoke, and told them plainly, That if they presently resolved not upon some body, he, out of his Pontifical authority, would constitute them an Emperor. All things therefore being maturely debated and considered, at last they concluded upon Radulph, son to Albert Count of Hasburg, a Prince of no great State, but renowned for his military experience and judgement, whom they declared Emperor. All gave their consent, except only Otocarus king of Bohemia, whose steward this Radulph had been, and he was herewith highly moved, so as they came to a sharp war amongst themselves. He was chief of the house of Austria, in which family the Empire at this day continues. Alphonsus was much discontented because Gregory gave his consent thereunto, complaining wonderfully against Gregory, in that, unknown to him, he had condescended to this election, advising him to desist from this enterprise, proceeding no further in it. During Pope Gregory's reign a Council was celebrated at Lions, whereat Philip king of France, the Emperor of Greece, and many other Princes were, and for the better success and issue hereof, certain Prelates out of every Province, well affected to him, were cited to be there present. Their proposition was out of the example of the Maccabees, to show, That the Bishop of Rome, as he was high Priest, had power over both swords, and therefore that it concerned him to ordain war, especially when it was for sacred ends: for deluding them with this sauce he made them swallow and digest many unsauroy cates. Consequently he decreed, That a tenth of all benefices should be paid for six years to this purpose. All Penitentiaries and Confessors were enjoined to urge vehemently all sinners and offenders, to assist him with their riches and wealth; he imposing on all Christians in general, without exception of sex, age, or quality, a yearly penny, under pain of excommunication. Rodulphus, without the privity of the States of the Empire, did first yield unto him Romania, which before was wont to pay to the Empire yearly seventy thousand drams of gold. The Emperor of Greece complained, who was at this Council, That he being daily threatened and menaced by the Turk, who lay hard by him, yet Charles of Anjou disturbed him with other attempts; and after his return into Greece he promised Gregory by ambassadors, That if he would but cross Charles his designs, he would join a new to an old Rome, which was Constantinople. The which embassage Gregory readily gave ear unto, returning unto him again by his Nuntios, who were to accord with him of three conditions; Nicephor. Gregoras l. 5. First, That in their sacred administrations and offices, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with the four patriarchs he might be first nominated. Secondly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That any might be permitted to appeal to Rome, as to the higher and most sovereign tribunal. Thirdly, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That in all things he might be allowed supremacy and highest place. About any other points of divinity (saith Gregoras) there passed not a word, No not of the addition made to the Creed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but all things were quiet and pacified. In these things there was a long addormentation and silence, only he regarded that which belonged to his own peculiar interest. But it fell not out well with him, that the Greek Church disavowed the Emperor, especially in this Council, where a certain form of electing the Pope was set down, which at this day is observed in the Conclave, Vbi pericul. de election. & electi potestate in sexto. Innocent. 3. in serm. 3. de Consecratione Summi Pontificis. as we may read in the chapter, Vbi periculum de electione in sexto. And there he doth not only exhort the Cardinals, That they would choose the Vicar of Christ, Peter's successor, governor of the whole Church, and guider of the Lords flock, but further is not ashamed to add, For a necessary provision of the whole world, & as a fit spouse for the same Church. That which Innocent the third, in truth, did formerly produce, in the third sermon of his consecration, he brings it out more audaciously from a Decretal, which they esteem of highest authority, being the order and form according to which the Popes are chosen and invested, with their proper attributes and titles. What can be done more to Christ our Lord, the only true Bridegroom of the Church? Oseae 3. Or besides him who could say, In mercy and pity I have espoused thee? Ephes. 5. v. 25. & 26. Who besides him doth sanctify her? He yielded up himself for her, that so she might be sanctified and cleansed, by the washing of water in the word: and therefore who is that fit Bridegroom for the Church but he? and who will arrogate to himself these titles, but Antichrist? not by way of comparison, or in any proportion (which yet had been too much) but simply, properly, absolutely. But if Bellarmine here say, Bellarm. de Romano Pontific. l. 2. c. 31. Bern. Epist. 237. ad Eugenium. That Gregory did this but as he was Christ's Vicar; I ask him, Whether he ever so much as heard, that if a Prince's ambassador contract any matrimony in his Master's name, he calls himself the Bridegroom, or if he could do this without committing an heinous offence? Or how can he in thus doing avoid S. Bernard's reprehension, who forbids Pope Eugenius this title, but rather that he should take heed of S. john's prophesy, in assuming to himself such blasphemous titles. Thomas de Corsellis apud Aenean. Sy●uium 7 Comentar. de Concil. basilians. Questionless Thomas de Corsellis speaks not so in the Council of Basil, We said (saith he) that the Church was Christ's spouse, and the Pope we know is his Vicar: but no body substitutes a Vicar in such a sort as that he will submit his spouse unto him, nay the spouse in matters very important may be thought to have more authority than the Vicar, whereas she and her husband have but one body; but so it stands not between the Vicar and his Lord. This Gregory died about the beginning of the year 1276, whom Peter of Tarento succeeded, that was Bishop of Ostia, of the Order of Predicants, being nominated Innocent the fift; and about five months after Otho Fliscus, a Genua, came to the Papacy, after this man also, who was called Adrian the fift, he being chosen at Rome in king Charles his presence, who was created and chosen Senator of that city. This manner of election was no ways pleasing to the Cardinals because their authority herein seemed to be somewhat impaired. Presently after his coming to the Papacy he departed to Viterbe, the better to abate Charles his power and greatness, for extenuation whereof he sent for the Emperor Rodulphus into Italy, to oppugn and make head against Charles; who being formerly solicited by Gregory, had promised to come. And here the Reader may easily judge, whether he was not wonderfully transported with this affair, that having occupied the chair Pontifical but eleven days only, and not yet being fully consecrated, he studied and devised how to supplant Charles. Platina in Adriano 5. Neither were the Cardinals satisfied with that form of Conclave instituted by Gregory, the which was not observed in the election of his successor, nor likewise of this present Pope, but contrariwise it was revoked by Adrian, in the small time he lived, by an express Bull published to that end, that so by this means all ambition and practice might be cut off, and all means of attaining to the place by bribes & gifts, that so they might rather choose to create the Pope by bandy, and partiality. When therefore this Bull could not stand in force and vigour, by reason it was made before his consecration, john the 22, who succeeded him, presently confirmed the same. And hereupon Nicholas the third, Martin the fourth, Honorius the fourth, Nicholas the fourth, and Celestinus the fift, were elected without Conclave. Whereby you may plainly discern how inconstant the spirit is that leads and directs them. john treads his predecessors footsteps, though he was but a foolish and unworthy man, Platina in Johan. 22. Bringing (as they say) more detriment than either honour or profit to the Papacy: and therefore he importuned Rodulphus to come into Italy. But he excused himself through the war he had in hand with the king of Bohemia: and john in the second year of his Papacy died at Viterbe, being by the fall of a vault crushed to death. Upon this occasion the Cardinals returned to Rome, and now likewise Charles discharging the Senator's place of the city, carried greatest sway in the election, who labouring (but in vain) that some French man might be nominated, after much altercation, Platina & Stella in Nichol. 3. Machiavelli. hist. Flor. l. 3. the sixth month after, john Vrsinus was chosen, being afterwards called Nicholas the third, who was a man full of ambition and insolency; for so he is deciphered by Machiavelli, and he impatiently supporting Charles his so great power, he instantly propounded to him how behoveful it was that Rodulph should come into Italy, and so from thence to pass by sea into Palestina, which otherwise could by no means be succoured and relieved: also, That Tuscan was under the jurisdiction of the Empire, and except it were restored again to Rodulphus, he would make this serve for him as a just excuse. Under this pretext therefore he took away from him Tuscan, which his predecessors had conferred upon him, by way of Vicariate, as also at Rome, in that he could not endure to see him a Senator of such sovereign authority, he excited his favouries against him, labouring to be chosen Senator himself. And thus deposing Charles, he alone discharged both the Pontifical and Senatorian dignities. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 8. He furthermore ordained, That no King, Prince, or any other borne of royal stock, or otherwise of any high & eminent dignity, should be preferred to the Senatorship, and that the city, under no title or office whatsoever, might not be governed by any one for above the term of a year, without his special favour and permission. And thus the Suevian family being wholly extinct, in that he could the more easily forbear his amity, he now began to tread Charles under foot: For Rodulph, he heard that he had business enough in Germany, without attempting any thing in Italy; in whose mouth the saying was very frequent, Vestigia Italiam adeuntium videre se, non cernere redeuntium, He saw the steps of those that entered into Italy, but not of such as came well out again. Wherefore out of this confidence he so much the more urged him, seeming to be very angry with his delays, but especially in that he prepared not himself for a voyage to jerusalem, the which was wont to be a common pretext for excommunicating of the Emperors. Rodulph therefore not minding to lose a certain substance for a greater shadow, Martinus Polonus in Chron. ad an. 1277. Platina in Nichol. 3. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 8. Stella ibid. that he might be freed from this burden, he peaceably surrendered and confirmed unto Nicholas the possession of all Romania, upon this condition, That taking Tuscan out of Charles his hands he should restore it unto him. Which being done Nicholas created Bertold Vrsine, his brother, Count of Romania, furnishing him with an army wherewith to recover those towns that were held by the Gibellines. He also allotted another army to Franciscus Latinus, his sister's son, being Bishop of Ostia, with the same to scour over all Tuscan, the Marquisat, and Lombardie. And thus he disposed of the greater part of Italy. Martinus and Platina say, That if death had not prevented him, he was minded to have made two kings of his name, one of Tuscan, and the other of Lombardie, that the one with his power might ever be ready to suppress the Germans beyond the Alps, and the other to over awe the French within the kingdom of Naples: but against these principally he stirred up Peter king of Arragon, whom he persuaded, that enjoying his favour and assistance, he would set afoot again his title, that grew from his marriage with Constantia, Manfreds' daughter, although formerly, both by very many Bulls of his predecessors, as also by the Decree of two Counsels at Lions, all frederick's posterity was excluded. And doubtless some two years after this Peter by him incited, plotted the Sicilian Vespers, or Evensong (so by writers termed) on an Easter Monday, every one killing his lodger and guest. And so by this means Peter was reduced into his kingdom by the inhabitants. Here we must note, that after he had taken from Charles the Vicariate of Tuscan, and the dignity Senatoriall, by some privy intelligencers of his he dived into his mind, to see whether he now ought any rancour or revenge against him: who affirming, That they found him no other ways affected to the Church than before, Yea, yea, saith he (measuring the Prince's nature and disposition by his own) his fidelity he hath from the House and race of France, his pregnancy of wit from the kingdom of Spain, but the gravity and weight of his words, from his often frequenting the Court: Well we may tollerat others, but this man is no ways to be endured. Furthermore, this good Nicholas was author of that famous Decretal which is extant in the chapter Fundamenta de electione & electi potestate in sexto; Ca Fundamenta de electione & electi potestate. whose words run thus, Peter (saith he) God called into the society of the individual Trinity, to be called as he was, the Lord saying, Thou art Peter, etc. that from him, as from a certain head, he might derive and power forth all his gifts throughout the body, meaning the Church: That the worse men they be, and the wickeder actions they enter into, Ca Fundamenta de electione, & electi potestate. An. 1282. so much the more they might continually and impudently arrogat and assume to themselves. Nicholas dying in the year 1282, Simon of Tours succeeded him, who was called Martin the fourth, the French Gardinals prevailing in number, and he was consecrated at Oruetto. He prosecuted the same design which his predecessors begun, of getting all Italy into his hands, but by contrary means: for he restored the Senatorian dignity to Charles, and in favour of him, excommunicated Peter of Arragon, publishing the Croisado against him and all his abettors, as if the spirit that governed them had been quite contrary in himself; johannes Novio dunensis in illustrationibus Beatae. concurring only with his predecessor in this, that he retained his concubine, and because she brought forth to him a bear, to avoid the like inconvenience, he caused all the arms of the Vrsin within the Court to be razed out, least by continual beholding the same she might again conceive such a form. Historiographers here report, that Peter of Arragon being mightily pressed by Charles his forces, who intended a revenge of the Sicilian butchery, he took occasion out of this man's letters to turn the war into a duel; and therefore he offered to decide the quarrel of the kingdom in a battle of a thousand to a thousand, an hundred to an hundred, or in single fight: Charles cheerfully embraced the condition of single combat, a day was constituted, and the field appointed at Bordeaux in Aquitane, and the king of England, as a kinsman to them both, was to be judge of the field. Blondus decad. 2. l. 8. Collenu. l. 4. They relate also that Martin (though this seemed very absurd) consented thereunto, and sent thither Gerard, Cardinal of Parma, to observe both the progress and event of this matter, Charles appeared attending there the greatest part of the day, which the judge of the field did testify; but Peter of Arragon failing of his presence, he departed and left the field, the Pope for this cause excommunicating Peter, and denouncing him unworthy and incapable of the kingdom of Naples: as also he deposed him from the kingdom of Catalogna, which then was conferred upon Charles, second son to Philip king of France. Not long after, he turned likewise the Croisado against him, and in the assistance and favour of Charles, he promised plenary remission of sins to all those that would assume this conscription military upon them. Genle Reader do but observe what manner of Christ's Vicar this is, who permitted two such mighty Princes to entertain a duel; make you any doubt but Christ did abjure him? All the Sicilians being likewise included in the same excommunication, & Peter's affairs obtaining hard success, in most submissive manner they had recourse to Martin, and so prostrate on the earth they were enjoined to cry out aloud, far off from him, Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, dona nobis pacem, Lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world, grant us thy peace: which blalphemie he no ways refused to but back, neither did these miserable souls discern that while he showed the horns of the Lamb a Dragon spoke out of his mouth. Nicholas de Biberach, Pul. Aemilius in Histor. Francorum in Philip. tertio. a Divine of Erford, complains of this selfsame Pope, that in his young years at Rome he would prostitute himself in the detestable office of a Ganymed: these are his words that he mortally hated Germany, that he often wished it were turned into a standing mere: whereupon also he framed unto him this Epitaph, Hic jacet ante chorum submersor Teutonicorum Pastor Martinus, extra qui totus ovinus, Nicholaus de Biberachin. l. qui in scribitur occultius. Et lupus introrsus, cui nulla redemptio prorsus, Sed sit ad inferna, detrusus ab arce superna. Before the Choir, a restless enemy To Germane name, Pope Martin here doth lie: Without a sheep, within a ravening wolf, From heaven thrust down into th'infernal gulf. And hereupon many instile him Teutenicorum inimicum, the Germans enemy, but especially the Author of the history of the South. There succeeded him about two years after, jacobus Savellus, a Roman, who was called Honorius the fourth, who proceeded in the reduction of Romania under the obedience of his See, and at last obtained his desire, partly by subjugating in a war Guido of Montefeltro, head of the Gibelline faction, that principally withstood it, and partly urging him to come to an accord, who was feign to retire himself into the county of Ast, and so upon this condition was received into grace and favour. But that which principally then set the Popes agog in Italy, was Rodulphes either too great simplicity, or too great wisdom: from the one side he fearing the powerful oppositions which the Popes had raised against his predecessors, and then on the other understanding by Princevall Fliscus his Chancellor, how hard a matter it was to reduce the cities of Italy, now for so long time enured to liberty, under their ancient obedience, he resolved to yield them their absolute liberties, so that each of them would furnish him with a certain sum of money, whereof he stood in great need: He therefore sent Princevall again to pass these covenants with them. He for the sums above mentioned gave them several charters; and so from hence came most of their immunities and liberties: as the city of Luca obtained her liberty for 12000 crowns, Florence for six thousand, and so of the rest: jahannes Novio magus in illustr. Bedae. which being by this means made free, they were afterwards called Imperij fideles, Feudatories to the Empire. The Historiographers, Blondus, Sabellicus, Trithemius, Cuspinianus, Krantzius, Nauclerus, and others, reprehend Rodulphus much, because herein he wonderfully impeached the authority of the Empire: But so Pope Honorius (say they) was no ways displeased with this redemption, though it did altogether misbeseeme so great a Prince, because he thought the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction would in the future come to be the more secure, and better confirmed. Hereunto may briefly be added, the superstition which together with ambition so much augmented under Alexander the fourth: for then at Perugia, where he held his seat, rose up the sect of Flagellantes, a certain hermit being author and patron thereof, and men and women stripped naked to the navels, for expiation and satisfaction of their sins, would whip themselves throughout the towns and villages, with fearful howl and cries, calling out upon the Virgin Marie, compassing in this manner the whole city, exciting others by their example to do the like, and drawing after them people of all kinds and conditions. Out of Tuscan they went and spread themselves in the Marquisat, and then in Romania, this foolish superstition like a fire devouring whatsoever it met withal. Blondus l. 8. Decad. 2. Aventine says of this, A bloody kind of penance did then arise at Perugia in Tuscan, neither could any weather or way stop them from going forward in their journey once undertaken, or afflicting upon themselves these sacred cruelties, especially in Germany, where for three and thirty days continuing in these austere regularities, without so much as taking their quiet sleep and rest, they then thought themselves absolved from their sins, and perfectly reconciled unto God. Now (saith he) they were passed the Alps, gone through high Bavaria, and entered as far within the land as Frisinghen, where Lewis forbade them to go any further forward in his country, and Henry commanded them by public Edict, That, as profane and vagrant persons, they should not set foot within his confines. But Krantzius delivering what the better sort of men thought of them, Krantzius in Metrop. l. 9 c. 44. In this sect (saith he) horrible errors did lurk, which being by God's goodness discovered, were occasion to banish these diabolical inventions: In the mean while they being of dejected countenance, and framing looks to move commiseration and pity, they sung hymns in praise of Christ's cross, and as often as the name of Christ was mentioned, which was not seldom, they fell down flat on their faces, no ways respecting the place, whether it were dirty, craggy, brittle, asperous, moist, or dry, fearing nothing. For the devil amongst mortal men hath also his Martyrs. These be the words of the Pontifical Author, although this fearful superstition was not only by the Pope's approved, but even moreover adored. By this Pope's authentication also S. Clare was canonised, having her festival day by herself apart, that she might obtain the same respect from women, as S. Francis had from men. Other such blasphemies as these even scraule and creep all over his Legend. Vrban the fourth out of the same spirit at this very instant instituted the festivity of Corpus Christi, or Corpus Christi day, of whose original divers Authors have written diversly. Some say it sprung from this, That the Priest celebrating the Sacrament in the city of Bolseva, blood was seen to come forth of the Host: From whence that Bull came, which began, Summa constitut. Et in Clement. 3. de Reliquijs & Veneratione sanctorum tit. 10. c. 1. Petrus Praemonstrat. in Chron. qui inscribitur, Biblia pauperum. Arnoldus Bostius. Krantzius Saxoniae l. 8. c. 17. Auent. l. 7. Volaterra in Antropologia. c. 21. Chron. Aeditui. Transituris de hoc mundo, etc. Others report, That a certain woman, a Recluse of the town of Liege, called Eve, whom Pope Vrban, before his being Pope, had known familiarly, told him it was revealed unto her from above: Whereupon that other Bull came, Scimus ô filia, etc. grounded on the like foundation. Under Clement the fourth john Semeca was the first that dared to write commentaries against Gratians Decree; for thus they relate of him, Some call him john Teutonicus governor of Haluestat, who thought he had not slenderly deserved of this chair, by many good maxims and digests which he had published in favour of the Popes, of which we will speak in their proper place. But when unclement Clement demanded the tenths of the Germane Clergy, under pretext of an holy war, he discerning the knavery, opposed himself, and appealed to a Council; for which cause he was excommunicated: in which state notwithstanding he dying, for the renown of his miracles he was afterwards canonised. Gregory the tenth, as before you saw, ordained a form and use of electing the Pope in the Conclave: he also in the Council of Lions reduced the Orders of Mendicants to four special observants, new daily creeping in, and were now grown to be in number nine or ten; that Saccorum Fratres, Fratres Pratorum, and others. But Nicholas the third would have the Minorite regularities publicly read in the schools, threatening him with excommunication that should but withstand it. And yet we may clearly see what manner of man he was, for as every one of the rest did, he likewise augmented the esteem and repute of the Mendicants, that so they might make them the ordinary toll-masters, and gatherers of his impositions and exactions. But it was Honorius at last that gave them the height of their authority, so as afterwards the Popes grew into a jealousy and fear of them: that as they that were the sons, nephews, and progeny of heretics (for thus they might nominat any whom they pleased) under no pretext or colour whatsoever, they could not be received to no personal dignity, no public function, nor Ecclesiastical benefice. And in France we have observed by experience, what that beginning of the Bull meant, Exhibita nobis, etc. which was sent forth against the upholders and favourers of heretics, that is to say, even as their humour or passion lead them. OPPOSITION. This monster of the Papacy grew at length to such a greatness, that all the Christian parts would scantly satisfy their ambitious thirst; to which the Legates and Mendicants were like cloukes and talons to gripe and fasten on their prey: For first Princes feared their censures, not so much out of religion, as that they feared lest their people would be abused by these stratagems; or that ambitious neighbours, under this pretext might make some use of them, for their own avarice and greediness. And yet there wanted not those that opposed and withstood them, even, as above all others, our king S. Lewis, who shined in an example herein beyond all the rest, in that his pragmatical sanction, which discreetly runs in this manner: Bochellus l. 4. Decret. Gallican. p. 647. We will and command that the pestiferous crime of simony, which defaceth and ruinates the Church, be utterly banished and extirpated out of our kingdom: As also we will in no wise permit any such exactions, and grievous pecuniary impositions, laid, or to be levied upon our Church by the Court of Rome, whereby our kingdom is miserably impoverished; or that hereafter shall be imposed and laid, to be levied or collected, except upon a reasonable, pious, and very urgent occasion, or inevitable necessity, and that by our own voluntary & express consent, as also by that of the Church of our whole kingdom. He likewise reform the location of benefices called Provisiones, according to the ancient Canons of the Church; expressly forbidding the transporting of any money to Rome, Matth. Paris in Henrico 3. for the confirmation of Prelates, either elective or presentative. But the Clergy of England were yet somewhat more bold, for seeing the Legates never came thither but to pill and poll the kingdom and the Clergy, they humbly entreated the king, That according to the ancient laws and privileges of England, no Legate might be suffered to cross the seas without express leave and permission first demanded. They likewise instantly required, That the like Decree might be enacted about the Mendicants, Predicants, and Minorites, especially those who are vulgarly called Legatos sophisticos, sophistical Legates: and no doubt they had obtained this suit, but that they light on a king who was ready to join hands with the Pope, that so by a common accord they might both glib, and even slay the people. Rustand the Pope's Legate urging a most tyrannical and cruel exaction, whereto the king gave his consent, steaming out of the sulphury fountain (Oh miserable) of the Roman Church, Fulco Bishop of London, in a very solemn assembly, said, Before I will agree to such a servitude & injury to the Church, I will by intolerable oppression yield first my head to be cut off: Then followed the Bishop of Worcester, who spoke in a loud voice, Before holy Church shall be subject to such corrodiation, and utter subversion, I will be hanged on a gibbet. Rustand replied, All Churches were under the Pope; when master Leonard modestly made this exception, Tuitione, non fruitione, in tuition, not in fruition; not to be ruined, but preserved. The king, to whom the Legate had granted a share in this gain, threatened the Bishop of London with severe punishment, as he that instigated the rest; when he replied and said, The Pope and the King, who are stronger than I, may take away my Bishopric, which notwithstanding by no equity they can do; they may take away my Mitre, but yet I shall have an headpiece left. All this occurred under Alexander the fourth, to which the people added, This is the Pope who at his first coming to the chair caused prayers and supplications to be made to God for him, that he might reign and govern well, how can it be that he should perform worse things than all the rest? God forbidden. But no man bore himself herein more stoutly than Sewal Archbishop of York, of whom, S. Edmond, Archbishop of Canturburie, out of whose school he came, had presaged so many excellent things. This man perceiving how the Pope with his provisions, left nothing throughout his whole Archbishopric unharrrowed, he with a noble constancy oppugned his proceed. First, because he placed all the Ecclesiastical benefices in Italians that were about himself, and so consequently were levers of their flocks: and secondly, in that he commanded all the Prelates of England to pass personally over the Alps, to be confirmed at Rome: Our Lord the Pope, therefore bare an heavy hand over him, Math. Paris in Henrico 3. and procuring him ignominiously to be excommunicated all England over, with lighting of tapers and ringing of Bells, that by this terrible and fearful form he might quail and daunt his constancy: but he no ways despaired of comfort, to be sent down to him from heaven, patiently undergoing the Pope's tyranny: neither would he suffer the large revenues of his church, to be conferred upon unworthy and unknown Transalpineans, nor yet leaving the letter of strict equity and right, effeminatly stoop to the Pope's will and pleasure. Wherefore, the more he was cursed by the Pope's order & commandment, the more the people blessed him, although closely for fear of the Romans. Flying out of this worldly prison, he ascended into heaven, while most constantly, with his whole power, he stoutly defended his Church from the tyranny of the Roman Court, and so being depressed and vexed with many tribulations, for this earthly life, as all men firmly believed, he purchased the kingdom of the highest heavens. And here it must not be omitted, that S. Edmond was ever wont to say unto this his dear and special disciple, O Sewal, Sewal, thou must leave this world a Martyr, either by the sword, or else overlayed and even killed with insuperable and grievous worldly afflictions. Yet let him be thy comfortor, who inspired that saying into his Psalmist, Multi tribulationes justorum, de quibus quandoque liberabit omnibus eos Dominus, Many are the tribulations of the righteous, but God shall deliver them out of all. The same Author also recounteth, that perceiving himself approaching to death, lifting up his watery eyes unto heaven, he burst out into these words. I call the Pope by appeal before the supreme and most incorruptible judge, and both heaven and earth shall be my witnesses, how unjustly he hath prosecuted and scandalised me, with sundry & important oppressions. Wherefore, in this bitterness of soul, after Robert the bishop of Lincoln's example, he by letters laid down to the Pope all his enormous actions, and that he would observe his admonitions in abandoning his accustomed tyrannies, and returning again into the humble paths of his holy predecessors: For the Lord said unto Peter, Feed my sheep, do not shear or slay them, do not eviscerat and by continual devorations consume and destroy them. But our Lord Pope, scoffing and deriding hereat, conceived no small indignation, that they would break out into such a presumption and rashness, as to dare in any wise to solicit and move him: and therefore he stopped his ear to the healthful admonitions, both of Archbishop Sewal, as also of Robert of Lincoln. And yet our Author ascribeth miracles to this man. And these things also happened during the Papacy of Alexander the fourth. Under Gregory the tenth, one Nicholaus Gallus a country man of ours, flourished, who was borne in Languedoc, the seventh Prior general of the Carmelites, who distasting the corruptions that then crept into his order, returned into his ancient hermitage, and there ended his life, he being Author of that book, entitled, Ignea sagitta, wherein he lays open the customs and manners of the Monks of his time, especially the Mendicants, who being but newly risen up, were yet grown to such an height of depravation, that in their convents there was no so much as any mention made of studies, or any Christian exercises; so wholly they were transported with pleasure and uncleanness. That these, after the leaving of hermitages, and entering into cities, were so degenerated, as they seduced the present, and were like to corrupt those future and to come. And this was wholly the Pope's fault, Elias Rubeus in Semidiali l. 2. c. 3. & 4. who denied them nothing, both to the Church's prejudice, and the danger of their own salvation. Much after this vain Elias Rubeus an English man, in his Simidiali infers, That the Monks had converted religion into superstition, and turned from the interior to the exterior, to the form of an hood, to colour, and to meats; making salvation to consist in things of themselves vain, or indifferent. That there was no kind of men more blind in concupiscences, or infamous for uncleanness, than the Clergy: that a man who otherwise was good and commendable for his life and manners, if he but once attained to any clerical place, he was instantly transformed into a thief; of a lamb he became a wolf, and of a soldier of Christ a base broker and huckster. And therefore it was deservedly spoken of a Monk, who was consecrated to be a Bishop, Monachum promovendo perimunt, They kill the Monk by promoting him. All Bishops, breaking down the walls, entered not into the bishoprics by the open gate, neither could inferiors by any other means be promoted or preferred. The saying was in the Court of Rome, Except you bring purses laden with money, you cannot be promoted to the honour of any Ecclesiastical dignity. No esteem was made of learning, virtue, or religion, In such a case real allegations of royals prevailed above learning, virtue, or moral understanding: And therefore, because they thus promoted do glory in their exaltation by means of money, they afterwards become extreme and shameless extorters of money; but, in my opinion, Ecclesiastical persons err mightily in this, nay what may we say of the very governors and rulers of the Church? certainly, to aver nothing but truth, without lying, we can deliver no good of them in general. Nicholas of Biberache in Germany affirmed no less: He tells how he was at Rome, and declares how they there used only feigned flatteries toward strangers & learned men, and that juramenta per oscula judas, Oaths passed for judas kisses: Faith and piety were there rare and dear like aromatical spices. And that the Pope and his assistants raked all to themselves, being robbers and thieves, worse than Pharaoh, Perpetuò in sinu mulierum, and daily lulling in women's laps: he concluding in these verses: Papae dicatis, precor intuitu pietatis, Quod stat in Ecclesia, iam multiplex simonia: Et mala quamplura, fidei quae sunt nocitura, Quae si durabunt, eclipsin forte creabunt. Show to the Pope in zeal and piety, That in the Church reigns too much simony, And evils many more that hurtful are, Which will eclipse true faith in spreading far. He presaging herein some eclipse and revolt in the Church. But Arnold de Villa nova, borne in Catalognia, a man endued with the knowledge of all Tongues and Sciences, speaks somewhat more broadly: The devil (saith he) led all Christian people from the verity and truth of jesus Christ. The faith that Christians now retain is but such as the devils themselves hold. All cloisterers serve from charity, and are damned. All falsify the doctrine of Christ, and Divines did ill, namely the Schoolmen, in mixing Philosophy with Divinity. The Popes in their consultations have no regard but to human respect and interests. And as for doctrine, he expressly condemneth the sacrifice of the Altar. Masses are not to be celebrated. We must not sacrifice for the dead: Nothing herein is offered unto God. Alms rather represents the passion of Christ, than this sacrifice. He therefore for these propositions was condemned of heresy by Friar john of Longuil, of the Order of the Predicants, and Geoffrey of Crudilles. But Germany under, Honorius the fourth, renewed her ancient virtue, Bernard. Luitzenbergens. Catologo haereticorum. & sent john Bishop of Tusculum, a Roman Cardinal, to Rodulphus the Emperor, under pretext of entreating him to go into Italy, there to be crowned, which notwithstanding he did not greatly desire: and he demanded of all his Clergy for five years, a fourth of all revenues as well secular as Ecclesiastical; as also of the convents of women and Nuns. A Diet therefore was called at Wirtzberge, where his demands and patents were opened, being corroborated and urged with many intimations and reasons. By a general consent the Archbishop of Collen rose up, who opposing himself, appealed to a general Council; and as he was delivering there reasons, according to the charge imposed upon him, he was by the Cardinal interrupted, threatened, and excommunicated. The Monks and Priests received him with scorn and laughter, filling the whole temple with clamours and tumult. He exclaimed of the wrong and violence done unto him, imploring aid of the Emperor, who was present; who by his Marshal caused him to be conducted, half dead, into his lodging. Then Probus Bishop of Thoul, a Doctor of Divinity, standing on his feet near to the Font, made this Oration: How long (dear Colleagues) shall these Romultan Vultures abuse our patience, Auent. l. 7. Nauclerus vol. 2. Gener. 43. if rather I may not say, our folly and blindness? How long shall we endure their impiety, avarice, pride, and exorbitancies? This wicked race of arch Synagoguists will never give over before they have brought us all to poverty, & slavish servitude. And comparing the Popes to the jewish Priests, Our own discord (said he) brought forth this inconvenience. These impostors have made use of our differences, and as long as they are upheld the Christians will never be able to enjoy happy peace, to avoid the miseries of war, or to exercise piety and charity one towards another. They lately set the Suevians and Saxons together by the ears, than did they deprive both of State and life Frederick the second, an excellent member of the Christian Commonwealth, and Conrade the fourth, both Suevian, and worthy Princes. The imps of Satan and Antichrist sowed seditions and dissensions in Germany, then afterwards by fraud and deceit they intercepted and put to death Conrade, a most innocent and harmless young gentleman, of singular hopes, and one might say, an offspring of heaven, in seeking, by the law of nations, but to recover the inheritance of his royal progenitors. They stirred up the Suevians against the French (Conrade against Charles) causing them to take up arms, as a spectacle of pleasure and delight to themselves; afterwards against these they excited the Spaniards, and now they would set us against the French and Spaniards, being our consanguinians, and coming heretofore out of Germany (to drive both the one and other out of Italy.) You must needs remember what that famous Decimist, Gregory the tenth, about ten years since, did with his tenths, and the same will this Honorius the fourth do with his fourthes. Thus this subtle Gregory, to wipe us of these tenths, he armed against us the Scythians, Arabians, and Turks: And, if I should not lie, I verily believe, considering the great profits that come in to him by this means, that be wishes better to them than us. These of the Order of S. Bernard, to whom notwithstanding he professed much kindness, were feign to redeem themselves with a sum of 600000 crowns. Hereby you may see what his conventions cost, and what sums of money are raised thereby. One deceit intrudes another, and his Decrees pass under the form rather of subtlety and deceit, than of open equity and justice. And even as Satan transforms himself into an Angel of light, so do they invent means and devices how to cast a mist before the people's eyes. And that these things are no ways agreeable nor pleasing to Christ our Lord and God, the events and issues, except we be utterly blind, do plainly prove, daily effects teach us, and the holy Scriptures in every place declare and manifest. Wherefore, most reverend Fathers in Christ, wake yourselves out of this sleep, provide and secure things almost lost and perished, regard and defend the Commonwealth. Our predecessors, who notwithstanding held not then the Empire, did ever shake off the Roman yoke, though they were a people expert in arms, skilful in military discipline, conquerors of nations, subduers of the whole world, and a terror to mankind, not well enduring their Empire so much as over confining and bordering countries, and shall we (not to speak more bitterly) basely submit ourselves to boys and effeminats? What this Tusculan is I am not ignorant, I know well his manners and fashions, he is a gold-sucker, an usurer, a perfidious man, and a servile slave to money and coin. I lightly esteem of his threatenings, and appeal unto the general Council of the whole Christian Commonwealth. When Probus had uttered these words, and all the rest both approved and followed his opinion, Tusculan fearing some violence to be offered, and therefore not daring to come abroad, in a few days by little and little they all slunk away. And so nothing at all being done in the matter, the assembly was dissolved. But the Pope for revenge of this contumely, thundered excommunication against Probus, and did what he could to deprive him of his Bishopric. Matthew Paris in Henrico 3. In the like case Matthew Paris the Monk breaks out into this exclamation, O the servile and vain solicitations of the Roman Court, O blind, though holy ambition (so he speaks by irony) which notwithstanding is oftentimes abused by the counsel of the wicked, why dost thou not suppress thy violence with the bridle of discretion, learning wit by things past, & having been taught and chastised by so often and much experience? In thy ruins we are all punished. We all suffer and feel with opprobry a general confusion. Thou didst attempt to create two Emperors in Germany, in whose preferment infinite treasures (howsoever gotten and brought in) must needs be wasted, and yet both of them uncertain and doubtful of the dignity. And now in the parts of Apulia the Pope's army being twice most shamefully overthrown, that is to say, once under the conduct of William the Cardinal, and secondly under the Legatship and government of Cardinal Octavian, it hath prejudiced the children of the whole Church by stealths and rapines, drowned them with opprobries, and even mortally wounded them with anguishes and vexations. And to conclude in few words, the general Church, which was supposed to be defended by the Roman Court, complains herself to have been rather in many things aggravated and oppressed. These things fell out a little before under Alexander the fourth. Under the same Pope also fell out the controversies between the Divines of Paris and the Mendicants, who of pharisees becoming the Pope's Publicans, proved the very scourge of other ordinary Pastors, and the disturbers of all Universities: As also we have lately seen that they were rebuked and condemned for many heretical propositions, ready to have been excommunicated if they had persevered and stood in the same. And now again they are censured of a new crime and error, especially the Dominicans, being the authors of a new Gospel, which they call Eternal, by which they meant to have buried in oblivion the sacred Testament of our Lord jesus. Author's therefore speak of it in these words, Rancours and hatreds multiplying between the Masters of Paris and the friars Predicants, Math. Paris in Henrico 3. certain famous Doctors, public Readers, were chosen, with sound deliberation and advice, that is to say, Master William de Sancto Amore, or S. Amours, Master Otho of Douai, who had worthily discharged themselves in the Arts and decretals, and then in Divinity, Master Christian, Canon of Bewais, a great Philosopher, and afterwards a Divine, Master Nicholas of Baro upon Aube, professor in the Arts, Laws, and Decretals, being ready to read publicly in Divinity, Master john of Sechvill, an English man, the University rhetorician, and Master john Belim a French man, all these being famous Philosophers, and professors in the Artes. These men proceeding from worthy parents, because the Christian faith began to be much shaken and depraved, were out of mature advice and judgement chosen to go to Rome, and to move our Lord the Pope for a reconciliation in the University of Paris, and a re-establishment of the Christian faith, especially in that this evil threatened a further propagation and increase: and for their charges a common collection was made over all the University. For it was reported that the Friars preached, read, and taught, certain new opinions and errors, drawn out of a book of one joachim an Abbot, whose writings Pope Gregory condemned: and they had written a book which it pleased them to entitle thus, Incipit evangelium aeternum, Here gins the eternal Gospel; with some other points which it is not requisite to repeat. The Predicants on the other side sent their special messengers against the University, that they might oppugn the master's face to face. The people scoffed at them, withdrawing their accustomed alms, and terming them Antichrists, hypocrites, and the successors of Antichrist, false preachers, flatterers, and misleaders of Princes, contemners of ordinary Pastors, and their supplanters, creepers into royal chambers, and adulterators of confessions; as they that roaming over unknown Provinces, administered a liberty and boldness of sinning. All these complaints being heard, the Pope commanded that this new book, which they called The eternal Gospel, should secretly, and with as little scandal as could be to the Friars, be burnt, with some other inventions, which were said to proceed from joachims' erroneous brain. This execution therefore was closely and privily performed, and with as little scandal as possible might be to the Friars, through the special diligence of Cardinal Hugo, and the Bishop of Messina, both which were of the Predicant Order: so as this tumult at that time ceased and slept. The opinions of this Gospel were these, That God the Father reigned under the Law, and the Son under Grace, but by the rising of the four Orders Mendicants, the holy Ghost began then to reign, and so should do while the end of the world; and that from this time forward they only should be saved, that believed in this new Gospel: That Christ's Gospel was not true, perfect, nor sufficient to salvation, as also his Sacraments were of little esteem; but if this new one were compared with that, it as far exceeded it as the Sun doth the Moon, and so consequently, that the Church which should be grounded on this new Gospel, would in the same proportion excel the other precedent. The authors notwithstanding of these inventions, which were to be extirpated, the Pope did tollerat and support; because any thing whatsoever, seems just and equal to them, so it make for their prerogative and power; and they were afraid especially, lest these their hucksters should grow out of grace with the people, by whose tongues and talons so much good booty and spoil came unto their hands. Wherefore that same William of S. Amours, one of wonderful estimation amongst good men, both preached & writ against them, declaring in his sermons, That he affected above all other crimes, to be zealous in discovering of hypocrisy, because this brought more damage and prejudice to true piety than all the other beside; as also in that the Church was now overgrown with the same sin, and no body, for fear of the Pope and Prelates, durst lay hand to the irradication of it. Amongst others, we read at this day a book of his entitled, De periculis mundi, seu novissimorum temporum, which gins thus, Quia nos vacantes sacris Scriptures, Matth. Paris in libro de Antichristo. etc. printed at Basil in the year 1555, and no ways to be suspected of falsity, seeing Matthew Paris in a great volume that he writ against Antichrist, comprehends the same wholly and entirely, ascribing it to the University of Paris, and this questionless, because it was made and published by authority thereof, especially in that he always speaks in the Plural number. In which book he convinceth them, That they preached unsent, or at least without a Mission canonical, against, and contrary to the verity of the sacred Scriptures, and fraudulently concealing that which should most principally be delivered: That they crept into houses, and insinuated into the people's privities by confessions, Gulielmus de Sancto Amore lib. de periculis mundi edito Basileae An. 1555. whom by this means they bring under their power, the easier to command and rule them: And they call themselves General aiders and supporters of the Church, preferring themselves before all men, even before the religious Orders themselves: And to appear the more holy, they devise new and superstitious traditions: That they loved the highest places at invitements, the chiefest chairs in Synagogues, reverences and low bowings in the open market places, and of men to be called Rabbis: That they vaunted of the great good they did in the Church of God, boasted of their own and their followers miracles, and challenging the praise of that they never performed: That under pretext of humility they insinuated themselves into the Courts of Princes, and affect to be reputed Courtiers: That they smoothed the defects of men, and arrogantly assumed a far greater zeal than that of ordinary Pastors: That at first men entertain them joyfully, but at last they grow weary of them, the which happened quite contrary with the true Apostles: That they asked with importunity, and received indifferently, not to relieve necessities, but to prosecute their delights and pleasures: To conclude, That they solicited and sued to obtain letters commendatory from great men. (And here the Reader may observe the manners and carriage of these Neotericke pharisees.) The same man delivered in a certain sermon, Duo Conciones Gulielmi de Sancto Amore in Antilogia Basileae edita, An. 1555. That Christ chose plain and simple men to preach, but Antichrist on the contrary, for the propagation of his falsities and errors, made election of men of a double heart, subtle and expert in worldly policies, and not only Antichrist himself made choice of such, but also his members and champions. No marvel therefore though they persecute the professors of the Christian faith to death, seeing john saith in his Apocalyps, I saw a beast rise out of the sea that had seven heads and seven horns: this beast was intended by Antichrist and his followers. And certain years after, john de Poliaco, William's disciple, and Laurence an English man, defended these propositions publicly in Sorbon: In a sermon of his he particularly admonished the Church, Laurentius Anglicus in defension Gulielmi de Sancto Amore, & Tractat. Cavendum esse à Pseudoprophetis. Serm. 2. in die Philippi & Jacobi, Thomas Cantipratensis in Apibus mysticis. That a great danger hung over her head by the Monks: That they were the seducers and ministers of Antichrist, of Antichrist who was hard at their doors. But when the Pope had suppressed the scandal of this new Gospel, lest it might have prejudiced his affairs, taking an occasion of revenge against William of S. Omers, and some other his like, for the denunciation of these truths, whether by right or wrong, he published and declared him for an heretic; as also he complained of him to our Princes, that had need of his help and favour, and caused him to be expelled out of the University, which remained as it were desert and forsaken; exciting in like manner Thomas Bonaventura and others, to write against him: so as all true Divinity yielded to Sophistry, and Paul to Aristotle. But so the Mendicants on the other side even seized on the Divinity Scholes, and the Canonists on the Civilians chair, that so all points were decided by Gratian and Lombard, and of the holy Scriptures there was not so much as any mention in schools. Out of their studies therefore from this time forward came books, easy to be smelled by their very titles, as Summae, Repertoria, Quodlibeta, Rosaria, Legendae, Specula, in Sententias, Decreta, Ordines, Monachorum Regulas, Confessiones, Tractatus de Potentia Papae & Clavium, de utilitate vitae Monasticae, de Mendicitate, de sex alis Seraphim, de septem gradibus contemplationis, with other such like: by means of which the mists and darkness of ignorance and superstition taking further condensation, even in these our days, the Papal tyranny is risen to her very top and height. And here we must by no means omit, that Michael Paleologus Emperor of Greece, upon hope to be succoured by Gregory the tenth, promised in the Council of Lion to make the Patriarch of Constantinople consent to the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome, & that whosoever would he might thither appeal, by a necessary counsel saith Trithemius, at his return into Greece putting john beck, and some of his nearest friends into a deep dungeon, and there detaining him a good while, he wrought him to such a pass, as that he by letters gave his consent and agreement thereunto. Chron. Hirsaug. Nicephorus Gregoras in Histor. l. 5. & 6. But Michael was no sooner dead when the Bishops of Greece deposed john by common consent, created another in his stead, and renounced all that which had formerly passed in the Council to the prejudice of their liberties and prerogatives; so as also the Clergy of the country being wonderfully provoked by this matter, they denied Michael burial in the holy Temple, notwithstanding any instance and suit that his son Andronicus made. The Waldenses still continued during all these times in divers countries, Thomas Cantipratens. l. 1. c. 56 Blondus Decad. 2. l. 9 against whom the Dominicans, taking upon them the office of Inquisition, they omitted no kind of rigour, but burned them alive by dozen, and yet they augmented in such sort, that their very ashes, by the power of God, being converted into the seed of the Gospel, the very Bishops and judges (which appeareth out of the Decrees and sentences that were then denounced, especially in avignon) were even amazed at their constancy; and so by the inutility of rigorous punishments they were deterred from their cruelty. These things occurred in the year 1283, Martin the fourth having the Papal dignity. An. 1283. 54. PROGRESSION. An accord of peace made betwixt Charles of Anjou and james of Arragon, by the Pope's means is broken, and re-entered into again. Pope Nicholas dies. IOhn de Ascoli, of the order of the Minorites, succeeded Honorius, being elected on Mount Aventine, who was called Nicholas the fourth. He presently removed the Court to Rietto, either through the intemperature of the air, which had been very infectious the year before, or that he was vexed with popular seditions, but being weary of the place, the year following he returned to Rome. The Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicilia, were then the very roots of all discord: wherefore it was accorded between Charles the second of Anjou, and james of Arragon, that james should have Sicilia, wherein he should be invested by the Pope, and this, Charles took upon him, and the Pope promised. The occasion of this accord grew from a naval overthrow that Charles received, wherein he was taken and imprisoned, and being set at liberty he promised to return again, except within three years he made a full satisfaction: and in the mean while he left Charles and Lewis his sons for hostages. The affairs of Syria were now reduced to so miserable a pass, as nothing but final ruin and destruction was daily expected: for the soldan having taken in Tripoli, tire, Barut, and many other important places, there remained only Ptolomaida to the Christians in all Palestine, and this likewise cried out incessantly for succour. These occasions excited Nicholas to convert all the Christian forces that way: and so consequently by his authority to ratify a peace between Charles of Anjou, and james of Arragon. And himself sent fifteen hundred horse at his own charge to Palestina, but so unseasonable and with such ill direction, as employing their first force against the Christians, they filled all places with rapines, adulteries, whoredoms, and devastations: then secondly they broke the truce with the soldan when it was most necessary to have been observed, for the attending of fresh supplies: and this first error of Nicholas is specified unto us in the History of his time; Another is annexed, which defaced the only happiness of his Papacy; Blondus l. 8. Decad. 2. For desiring to gratify Charles the second, he broke the peace constituted betwixt him and Arragon: And meaning to confer upon Charles, the kingdom due unto him by paternal succession, he created him king of both the Siciles, of that beyond, and of the other of this side the Sea: with this permission, That for six years it should be lawful for him to demand the tenths. The which james being no ways able to digest, he pressed Charles so hotly, as that the Pope himself consenting thereunto, he was enforced to his former accord, which he promised within two years to perform: but then during these protractions, Ptolomais was miserably lost, and whatsoever had been recovered in Asia, by so much toil and Christian blood spilled, Cyprus only excepted and the coast of Cilicia. An. 1290. This happened in the year 1290, wherein both Pope Nicholas and Rodolphus the Emperor died. Rodolphus, who while he lived never made account of his consecration at Rome, though he was often persuaded thereunto, both by the Popes and by his own Nobility; Chronic. Hirsaug. Italy, said he, hath overthrown many Alman kings, I will not go to Rome, I am a king and an Emperor, and I hope I shall discharge myself no worse for the benefit and good of the Commonwealth, than if I had been crowned at Rome. And Nicholas at his death endeavoured to propagate the Papacy, Krantzius l. 8. cap. 35. in the order of the Minorites. It is reported, saith Krantzius, that when he saw he should die, he called all the Cardinals together, and recounting unto them his whole life past, out of his plenary and absolute power, he discharged them of the place and dignity they held, for the remainder of their lives to live privately: whereat the Cardinals at the first much wondered, afterwards (as a man that drew near to his end, supposing him to be extaticall, or frantic) they left him: but then be called so many Friars of his own order, on whom he imposed the Titles of Cardinals, obliging them by oath, That after his death they should create none Pope but of that Order, nor suffer any to be admitted into their College, but those of that Fraternity: and so having made this Testament he died. A most wonderful thing, if a true report. And hereupon it is said, that till Sixtus the fourth's time, there used to be a privy Pope amongst the Minorites, which failed in his person when he came to be elected Pope publicly. This so singular a note of blind and precipitant ambition, both in and after his death, deserves thus briefly an end of this Progress. OPPOSITION. Under Nicholas, the Clergies complaint against the Mendicants was revived, they informing, That these men supplanted all ordinary Priests; the University of Paris joining with them herein, but especially the College of Sorbon. Now let but the Reader judge what equity or conscience one might expect in this Pope, transported with such a violent ambition of perpetuating the Papacy in his Order. Wherefore four Archbishops and twenty Bishops, together with the Rector, faculties, and supposists of the University, assembled together in the Bishop of Paris hall, before whom the Archbishop of Burges, a profound Clerk (saith our Author) generally reputed, made an Oration of charity in these words, At this day charity is waxed cold, and Order Ecclesiastical wholly confounded, seeing many put their sickles into other men's corn; so as the Church may now truly be termed a monster: For even as in a natural body we count it monstrous, when one member dischargeth another's office, even so is it in a body spiritual, that is, in the Church, when the learned and prudent Friars, I mean the Maiorites and Minorites, usurp the place and office especially committed to us, though most unjustly, in that no man should assume unto himself this honour, except, like Aaron, he were called thereunto by the Lord. Because therefore we have many times cited for this cause the Monks personally before the king, as also by the mouths of divers other of the Nobility, entreated them to desist from intruding into our office, yet have they not done it, but preached throughout all our dioceses against our wills, and heard confessions, warranting themselves herein by the Pope's privileges. We come unto you before whom we are present, having letters of ratification from all the Bishops in France, to make complaint unto you of the Friars great insolency, because what we are, ye are one day like to be. For I suppose there is not one Prelate amongst us, which was not called to his place out of this University. After this the Bishop of Amiens rose up, who declared by many reasons, how it was no ways probable the Pope's mind was, that the privileges granted to the Mendicants should be prejudicial to other members of the Church, especially in that Decretal of Innocent the third, Omnis utriusque sexus, he entreating the University to join themselves in this cause with the Prelates, who were resolved to repel this injury, though it were with the loss of their lives: Exhorting likewise the friars Mendicants to repair to Rome for a solution of these doubts and difficulties. The Mendicants by one of their society made answer, That the same Bishop of Amiens was at Rome when these privileges were granted them; as also that the Prelates had then there both procurers and solicitors, who spared no labour nor endeavour, and yet the Pope absolutely denounced, Placet, it pleaseth me: And therefore (said they) what hath authentically been granted us, we have no reason now to debate or call in question again, because we are no members of any University. The day following the festivity of the Virgin Maries conception was celebrated at the Minorites, when one of the Majorites (the Dominicans I mean) applied his whole sermon to this point: There the Scripture was fulfilled, which said, That day Herod and Pylat were made friends; for concerning her conception the difference was betwixt them. At length in an assembly following, held at the Bernardines on Saint Thomas eve, the Bishop of Amiens again rose up, and expounding that place, Propè est Dominus invocantibus eum in veritate, according to a certain Gloss of the Decretals, he made three kinds of truths, The truth of Life, the truth of Doctrine, and the truth of justice; showing by many authorities both in Divinity, the Canons and the Laws, as also by evident effects, That there neither concurred with the friars truth of Life, because they are convicted of manifest hypocrisy; nor verity of Doctrine, because their mouths preach honey, and their hearts harbour gall; neither any truth of Equity and justice, because they usurp and take unto themselves other men's functions. And so coming to a conclusion, he caused the said privileges to be once more read with the said Constitution. Thus much Godefridus de Fontibus, Godefrid. de Fontib. in Quodlibet. Sorbona. who was then a Sorbon Doctor, reports. But Germany neglecting the branches, put her hatchet to the ve●●e root of the Tree: For Nicholas had commanded the Archbishops of Germany, every one in his several Province, to call a Council: where under pretext of recovering the holie-Land, he demanded again the tenths, which had so often afore been abusively exacted, and employed: and the Bishop of Saltzburg to this end convocated his Suffragans and Diocesans: who perceiving the Roman avarice, to aim again at the tenths, some few in behalf of the whole assembly made answer, How it was an hard matter to be granted, and that with extraordinary tribute and taxations they had been wonderfully worn and wasted; and therefore it were much more necessary to debate of an head for the Christian Common wealth, and then to reduce the Princes to love and amity, for without their authority, nothing could be decreed. In the same Council, by the Pope's command, Meynard Count of tyrol, was excommunicated out of the Church, for two causes: first because he detained certain holds, within the Bishopric of Trent, by main force, and then in that vexing Henry the Bishop with continual war, he enforced him at last to give over his Bishopric: but when he was dead Nicholas gave this Bishopric to Philip of Manton, by whose instigation he had excommunicated Meynard. He therefore protested against the injury done unto him by the Fathers, & by a public Apology, Auent. l. 7. made a defence of himself. Undoubtedly, saith he, I do not raise but repel a war, for there was never any thing more dear unto me than to maintain peace with every man, especially with the Bishops; but that these good Fathers, being corrupted with too great abundance, as other men are, have cut of a disordinate desire of rule, taken up arms against us altogether undeservedly, and laboured to drive us out of our hereditary Lands: Then indeed I betook myself to arms, recovered certain Castles from the enemies of my Country, that so I and my people might enjoy peace without the tumult and disturbance of war. But if any man would be a security or pledge that I might not stand in fear of these Wolves, and their treacheries, and that the like outrage shall never be committed upon us, by these proud and puffed up Archisynagoguists (for I doubt whether I may name them Pastors) I would forthwith surrender all things again: but otherwise I never mean to show myself so foolish, to suffer my sleeve to be ripped off my arm, or witting to expose both me and mine for a scorn and laughing stock to these effeminate Antichrists and prodigious eunuchs. For who infringe Christian concord more than they, not giving their minds to interpret or teach the holy Scriptures, but to get children; they love wine, accumulate and most eagerly affect wealth, kingdoms, glory and domination: For these things they contend with us, in the blood of their sheep: Christ's poverty and simplicity, they are so far from desiring, as they deride the same and study how to raze out all memorial thereof: and therefore if these be not Antichrists, what then I pray you are they? Is this to feed the sheep? to love the flock? to affect kingdoms, wealth, and other men's proprieties, for mere glory and dignities sake to draw the sword, oppress their flocks, to kill and make war? The precepts of Christ they invert and condemn, and your coat and cloak they will take away by main force. Who is so stone dull, or to speak more truly, so dull and stupid, patiently to bear the pride, arrogancy, perfidy, fraud, flagition, wickedness, excess, and avarice of such Insolents? being worse than Turks, Saracens, Tartarians, and jews, in that they worship Christian integrity more than all these, by infringing that liberty obtained and purchased in the blood of Christ, and drawing to themselves all authority and power. They being borne our natural subjects, against the Laws of Notions, contrary to the Laws, Oracles, and authorities divine, they themselves would rule & have their Sovereignties obey: The common saying is true, That the Priests by superstitious delusions, cast a mist before mortal men's eyes, and by ceremonies, & cassis carminibus, ambiguous verses, deprave their understandings, and dull their senses, as it were with a potion of Mandragoras: does it belong to the Shepherd, to share or milk the flocks? and must not a messenger advance the affairs of his Lord, or of those whomsoever for whose benefit he is sent and employed? And therefore from a cruel and unjust Pope, I appeal to a most just Pastor, and a most clement Father. While these things daily came to the Pope's understanding; he left this life: And Celestine, the fift, did afterwards release Meynard of this excommunication. 55. PROGRESSION. After a long vacancy, Peter Moron, an Hermit, was chosen Pope, but out of his simplicity, being abused by Benedict, who was afterwards Boniface the 8, he renounced the Papacy; and privily returning to his hermitage, he was in the way by Boniface intercepted and put in prison, where he died, as reports went, being by Boniface put to death. AFter Nicholas death, the Cardinals by reason of the intemperature of the air left Rome, and went to Perugia: and some were ready to affirm that all the disasters, which Nicholas brought upon Christendom grew from this, that he was chosen at Rome in an infectious time. But in deed the true cause was their own ambition, which so distracted their minds, in such sort, that in three months space they could agree upon no successor. Although Charles king of Apulia, who foresaw these inconveniences removed thither, to press them forward, yet they delayed it for certain months, so as Benedict, Cardinal of Cajeta, who afterwards was Boniface the eight, urged them with many entreaties, as if his words should have enforced them. But when he was gone they chose Peter Moron, an hermit, one that was very old, but voiced to be of a very good life. This was Celestine the fift, if we may believe Stella, Stella in Pontific. Platina in Celestino. 5. Christianus Masseus in Chronico. Henricus Erfordiensis in Chronico. Auent. l. 7. elected by way of scorn and derision. And because it seemed strange, that any should be chosen Pope but out of the midst of the Roman pride, 200000 are said to have had recourse to his coronation. And in the first consistory, resolving to reform the Roman Church, after Christ's example, he made show that he would ride on an Ass, and that the Cardinals should do the like, which was a thing remote from their manners & customs: afterwards they wilfully suffered him to fall into many gross and childish petulancies, through his inexperience, that every man might hereby plainly discern how requisite it was to make choice of another. But he scenting out these stratagems, began to be weary of his imposed dignity, desiring to be cased of it, though Charles persuaded him by all means to retain the Papacy, and for this end, carried him to Naples, causing the Archbishop in presence of all the people to demand his benediction, and seriously adjuring him that he would not renounce the Papacy. At length Cardinal benedict's policy carried the matter shear away; for being returned to Rome, Benedict being a very subtle Canonist, put many toys into his head, representing herein unto him the great burden and trouble of his function: what a charge it was to give an account of all the souls in the world: then how the course of his salvation should be hindered, if either through the infirmity of his years, or ignorance in affairs, the Christian Church should suffer any detriment: Nay further, he suborned divers, who privily in the night by a reed or trunk conveyed to his ear, should admonish him as if it were from above, Platina & Stella in Bonifac. 8. Continuator Vircentij l. 37. Celestine, Celestine, give over the Papacy, if thou meanest to be saved, it is a burden beyond thy strength to support; that so he might think himself persuaded and urged thereunto by some angel. This simple man therefore intended nothing else but how he might resign the Papacy, so this scruple could be removed, That he might do it with a good conscience; wherein Benedict easily gave him satisfaction, and producing many reasons, he caused a Decretal to be passed, Extra de renunciatione cap. in Sexto. That the Pope might lawfully give over his charge. And not long insisting in this, he digested another like Decretal, which we find in Sexto, That the Pope might freely renounce the Papacy; although when Celestine was dead he passed another, That it was scelus inexpiabile, an inexpiable sin to renounce the Papacy, the same Cardinals affirming and denying one and the selfsame thing, with their suffrages and consents. Celestine therefore revolved only in his mind how he might renounce the Papacy, and return to his hermitage; but withdrawing himself privily to go thither, Boniface intercepted him in his journey, & cast him into a most straight imprisonment, that so he might hasten his death, as was thought: Auent. l. 7. For this subtle man much feared (saith our Historiographer) and not long time after it plainly appeared, lest the people should rather follow Peter, so famous for his unspotted sanctity, than himself swerving in doctrine, swelling in pride and arrogancy of mind, as Pope of Rome, successor to Peter, and christ Vicar upon earth. There was none out of doubt which did not utterly condemn his violent imprisonment, and upon the rumour of his death divers opprobrious and ignominious reports were openly divulged both in the Court and City, against Pope Boniface. Thus spoke Blondus, Collenuc. l. 5. Platina, and others, of the ambition, impudency, insolence, & ingratitude of Boniface. But above all others Colenucius speaks plainly to the point, and avers, That he cruelly caused him to be put to death in prison. His Papacy afterwards exceeded in all kind of injustice and violence, so as not without cause Langius Monachus Citicensis said of him, Langius ad An. 1295. Tyrannising rather with a Lion-like mind, than Papizing, he sought to strike a fear and terror of himself in all the world. Being jealous of james and Peter Colonna, Cardinals, as also of the whole family of the Colonesi, he raised the Croysado against them, so as they were driven to retire into Preneste, which then was held by Sarra Colonna their uncle. This town he presently besieged with the Croysadoes, who, to escape his hands, left the town, and the same afterwards being driven to yield, in revenge and hatred to them, he utterly demolished it, extending the same fury and rage to Zagaruolo, and other places whither they fled. Afterwards he deprived both the Cardinals of their hats, he excommunicated and banished out of Rome & the Church the whole family, and Sarra by name, their uncle, as Petrarch says, he drove to such plunges, as he was constrained to rove privily up and down the woods and deserts, not daring to commit his life into any one's hands, for fear of being betrayed unto Boniface. They complained to all Christian Princes of this violence offered them, which he stuck not to insert into the sixth book of Decretals, which he then published, glorying therein, as in a thing honestly and justly performed. With the same fury and intemperance he proceeded against all the Gibellines and allies of the Empire. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 9 Ex Petrarcha. And here we will make mention of a stratagem well beseeming and worthy of this profane Pope: Porchetto Spinola, one of the Minorites Order, was nominated to succeed james Varagine, Archbishop of Gennes; for his confirmation he came to Rome on an Ash-wednesday, amongst many others Porchetto also fell down at his feet, Blondus ibid. to be signed on the forehead with a cross of Ashes: when Boniface, Carmine mutato, changing the words of that Scripture, Remember, saith he, that thou art a Gibbeline, and with the Gibbellines, thou shalt return to ashes: and so casting ashes in his eyes, the same day he deprived him of his archbishopric. The Reader may hereby evidently judge in what esteem and reverence he held his own ceremonies: and afterwards, in the year 1300, An. 1300. celebrating the jubilee, whereof he was the inventor, he used no better respect, being the first, according to Historiographers, that opened the golden gate; a gate, at the opening whereof there is such a concourse of people, from all parts of the world, as if by this they expected infallible salvation, and plenary remission of sins, the which he ordained to be opened every hundredth year. Krantzius in Saxon. l. 8. c. 36. And let but the Reader here observe how this sacred ceremony was derided and mocked even by the Author, and inventor thereof: Before him (saith the Historiographer) the Popes never dreamt of troubling Christendom with such glorious festivity: & to show his pomp and majesty, in this jubilee, which then was celebrated in Rome, he is reported to have showed himself on the first solemn day, to all the people in his Pontificalibus, bestowing upon them his Apostolical benediction; but the day after, Krantzius ibidem. John Marius Belga. lib. antiq. quinto. Liberties of the French church. Extra Tit. de moioritate, & obedientia C. unam sanctam Ecclesiam. he presented himself in imperial habit, which was very resplendent and remarkable, in an imperial Diadem; when having a naked sword borne before him; and sitting on a throne he uttered with a loud voice: Behold here two swords. And now Authors exclaim, Here, O Peter, thou seest thy successor; and Saviour Christ, thou mayst here discern thy Vicar: (The which words notwithstanding, many father upon himself.) See to what height the pride of the servant of servants is mounted unto. And because he would not be satisfied in these extremities, he prosecuted the matter hotly in effect: For he published a decretal, which is in the extravagants, wherein he peremptorily declared: That faith urging us thereunto, we were bound and obliged to believe one holy Catholic Church, and that to be Apostolical. And from this he brings us to the Roman Church, to obey one Pope: to whom in the person of Peter it was said, Feed my sheep: so as whether they were Grecians or others, they were not to be accounted Christ's sheep except they obeyed him. In this, and his power, saith he, are comprehended two swords, that is the temporal, and spiritual, as in the said gospels we are taught: For the Apostles saying to our Saviour, Behold here two swords; that is to sway in the Church: when the Apostles thus spoke, our Lord did not answer, It was too much, but, It was sufficient. And questionless he that denies, the temporal sword to be in Peter's power, ill understands our Lords words when he says, Put thy sword into the scabbard: Arguing out of these words quite contrary to the Father's sense made thereof, That both the material and spiritual sword, was in the Church's power; but the one to be used for the Church, the other of the Church: one by the hand of the Priest, the other by the hand of Kings and soldiers, but this by direction and permission of the Priest, that is of the Pope: but, saith he, one sword must be under another, and the authority temporal must be subject to that spiritual: For when the Apostle says, there is no power but of God, and that power which is, is ordained of God; and ordained it should not be except one sword were under another, and as the inferior were not by another reduced to supremest power: And here again shamelessly against his own understanding and conscience, he cities the Apostle in these words (behold the place) Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God, and whatsoever power is, is ordained of God. In which words, by all the Father's explications, it is manifest that the Apostle in this place meant temporal powers, he in those general words, excepting no man from their obedience, of what quality or order soever he were. Then he goes forward, affirming, That we must needs confess the spiritual power so far in dignity and worth to excel the temporal, as things spiritual go beyond things temporal: and thus the prophesy of jeremy is verified in the power of the Church and persons Ecclesiastical, Behold this day I have set thee over nations and kingdoms, with the rest which ensues. If therefore any temporal power err and offend, he must be judged by the spiritual; but if the spiritual inferior serve or err, he must be tried by his superior. Which sense of that place none of the Ancients ever applied to the Pope: and thus he might easily be victorious, where he had no opposite. But if this supreme spiritual power should offend, whether in this case must be our refuge? I pray you see how perspicuously he resolves this doubt, If this supreme power err, 1. Cor. 1. v. 14. & 15. must only be judged by God and not by man, the Apostle testifying, The spiritual man judgeth all things, but he is judged of no man: but is this spiritual man of Paul's to be only understood by the Pope, doth he not there rather oppose one to another, the man merely animal and living, to the man spiritual, the man regenerate by the spirit of God, to one vnregenerat? and have all the faithful this power to judge of Kings and Princes as their superiors? Is the Bishop of Rome then only a faithful one, in that he only assumes to himself this power and prerogative? And thus in their decretals the Popes make as mere a mock of the Scriptures, no less than Roman Pasquil doth. Yet notwithstanding out of these ridiculous antecedents he impudently concludes, We therefore affirm, declare, determine, and pronounce, That under pain salvation every creature must be subject to the Pope of Rome. But now let us see how wicked an use he makes of so impious a Decretal. After the Emperor Rodulphes death there grew a schism and rend in the Empire, there concurring at the same time a vacancy of the Popedom; for part of the Princes, especially the Ecclesiastical, chose Adolph Count of Nassau, and the other part Albert, Rodolphes son. But when Boniface came to be Pope he rejected them both, under this pretext, that without his approbation they could descend to no election. Hereupon grew a civil war in Germany, and at a last a battle was fought, wherein Adolph was slain, so as then Albert came to be easily confirmed in the dignity by all the Doctors. When the jubilee was ended he sent ambassadors to Rome to have his election by him ratified and confirmed: Krantzius in Saxon. l. 8. c. 36. But this stout Pralat made answer, That without his authority the election past was not validious, affirming, that he had in his hands the power of both swords. Another pregnant testimony he gave of himself in the Eastern Empire: Charles Count of Valois, brother to Philip le beau king of France, married Katherine daughter to Baldwin Emperor of Constantinople; he permitted him to invade the Eastern Empire, out of which his father in law was driven, under colour (saith Platina) of using his aid in an expedition to the Holy Land, Platina in Bonifac. 8. Extra in Sexto l. 5. c. 23. Clericus. but rather, in truth, to constitute him his Lieutenant in Tuscan, for the extirpation of all the Gibellines. And at last he grew to that height of insolency, as that he commanded by authority Apostolical, all Prelates, Clerks, and persons Ecclesiastical, to pay no tributes, tenths, twenties, nor hundreds, to any lay powers, to Emperors, Kings, Dukes, Counts, Barons, or inferior Lords, etc. as also that they should impose nothing upon them, upon pain of incurring excommunication: enjoining the like to all communities and governments, upon pain of interdiction, from which they could not be absolved before the very point of death, Matthaeus Westmonast. in Floribus Temporum, an. 1301. and that by the Pope himself. A bold enterprise, very injurious and prejudicial to all Princes and magistrates, which notwithstanding presently took effect in England, where the Clergy proudly answered the king returning from a war with the Scots, That it was no more lawful for them to pay tribute; which he hearing, presently laid hold of all the Clergies temporal goods: where he also by express Patents forbade the attempting of any thing against Scotland, because pleno iure, in true right and equity, it belonged to the See of Rome. Thus far he prevailed without any resistance: but attempting the like oppressions in France, he light upon king Philip the fair; who making no such extraordinary account of his decretal, to the great benefit and emolument of all Princes, kerbed as we see and bridled his unjust insolences. OPPOSITION. In the year therefore 1301, An. 1301. Boniface sent the Bishop of Pamiers into France to Philip the fair, a man very like himself in pride and arrogancy, to stir him up to a sacred war, with no greater fidelity questionless than his predecessors formerly had done. He furnished his Legate with imperious and menacing Letters unless he stooped at his beck, to thunder out against him excommunications, as also the Legate out of his own froward disposition, inserted with his persuasions, very unseemly and distasteful words. But Philip could not digest so great arrogancy, for apprehending his Legate, he committed him in custody to the Archbishop of Narbon, while he should further determine of him: Boniface grew into a rage herewith, and sent the Archdeacon of Narbon, by birth a Roman, to Philip, by whose embassy he commanded the king forthwith to set his Legate at liberty: the Bishops and Peers of France also were enjoined to appear in Rome at a Council by a certain day. But Philip moving some scruple herein, Henricus Steron. in Annalib. Ann. 1301. Chronique de S. Denis. Paulus Aemilius in Philippo Pulchro. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 9 Naucler. vol. 2. Generate. 44. Bochellus Decret. Gallican. Eccles. l. 2. c. 32. Chronic. Monsort. Theodor. à Nyem. Gulielm. de Nangis. jean le Maire de Belges. the Pope protested that the kingdom of France did belong to the Roman Church; and therefore he should refrain the government thereof, committing the same to him and the Church: forthwith he absolved his subjects from the oath of fidelity, speaking to them personally that were present; and for want of obedience in this point, he suspended all the indulgences, pardons, and grants, which unto that day the Popes had given to the kings and kingdom, presuming of his own head to invent and devise, That in the Treasury of Rome he found a certain record which made mention, that France belonged to the Pope. Philip being exasperated with these threatenings, forbade the Prelates to go out of the kingdom. The Pope rattled out his excommunications the more against him, because he had laid hands on a Bishop, disposed of the goods of seats vacant, and invested Bishops. True it is that Philip, to justify and confirm his own right, freed the Bishop out of prison, but snatching the Bull out of the Archdeacon's hand while he read it, he gave the same to Robert of Artois, to be burned in the Palace Court at Paris, commanding him presently to withdraw, which he did. And here it is not amiss to see, what letters he brought, and what he returned: These of Boniface were of this tenor, Fear God and keep his commandments: We would have you to understand that both in Spiritual and Temporal things you are subject to us: The collations of benefices and prebends no ways belong unto you; for though you have the vacancy of places, in your custody, yet reserve the fruits and profits thereof to the due successors: And if you have conferred any, we denounce such collations void; or being already past, we revoke them again: and whosoever believe otherwise, we declare them heretics. Philip's of return, were to this effect: Let your gross foolery take notice, That in matters temporal we are subject to none: the collation of certain Churches and Prebends vacant, belongs unto us, out of our regal prerogative, and the fruits and benefits during their vacancy shall be ours: That collations formerly conferred by us, and to be conferred hereafter, shall be validious, and by vigour and force of those grants we will stoutly defend their possessors against all men: and whosoever thinks otherwise, we repute them to be but fools and mad men. Even as he was answered by Peter Flot, Philips ambassador, to the like menaces and threatenings, Your sword is verbal, but my Sovereign's sword is real. And here our country man john Tillet, Bishop of Meaux, is worth the hearing, Let us but behold (saith he) this man's impudency, who dares affirm the kingdom of France to be feudatary to the Papal Majesty. Platina in Bonifac. 8. Nauclerus vol. 2. Gener. 44. Chron. Martin. manuscriptum. And yet more foolish are they whosoever go about to debate whether the Pope may do thus much or no. During these controversies the States of the kingdom assembled at Paris, assisted with all the Archbishops, Bishops, Prelates, Decretists, Divines, and Masters of Faculties; before all whom the Bishop of Narbon making an oration, he produced ten several heads of accusation against Boniface; First, That he was a Symonist: Secondly, in that he said he could not commit simony: Thirdly, That he was an homicide: Fourthly, an usurer, which was most manifest: Fiftly, That he gave no belief to the ministers of the Eucharist: Sixtly, in that he affirmed the soul to be mortal, and there was no other joy but of this present life: Albertus' Argentic. in Chron. Krantzius in Saxon. l. 8. c. 37. Seventhly, because he was a revealer of confessions, for he enforced a Cardinal to reveal unto himself a confession that was made unto him by a certain Bishop of Spain; which being known he removed the Bishop from his place, but the Pope afterwards being pacified with money, he restored him again: Eighthly, because he kept two of his own nieces as concubines, and had begotten children by either of them (O fertile and lusty Father:) Ninthly, because he had granted all the tenths of Ecclesiastical goods for an aid of war against the French king: And tenthly and lastly, for that he entertained the Saracens into pay for the invasion of Sicilia. Wherefore he appealed unto the See Apostolical, as he said, then vacant, and unto the next Council. In the mean while it was enacted under grievous penalties, That no man might transport any gold or silver out of the kingdom, to the use or service any ways of the Court of Rome. Wherewith Boniface bursting for anger, calling a Council at Rome, he imposed his interdiction upon the kingdom of France, excluding out of the Church the king himself and all his posterity, to the fourth generation: sending the Archdeacon of Constance, to thunder out these things in all parts, whose journey notwithstanding was cut short by the apprehension of himself and of his Bull, at Troy's. And now Boniface resolved to confirm Albert in the Empire, whom before he had so often repelled, so he would promise to undertake a war against Philip, and to invade his kingdom; upon which condition he gave him both the titles of king of Romans, and king of France. But Albert, doubtless out of his wisdom and discretion, refused these offers; but to the end he might not make him his open enemy, his answer was, That he could not entertain these offers, except he would permit the perpetuation of the Diadem Imperial to his posterity and family. But in the mean while this war turned into royal nuptials; and so rejecting Pope Boniface his vain and hollow counsel, he embraced Philip's affinity and alliance by the marriage of his daughter. And Philip seeing himself entangled with an implacable man, resolved to make an end of this great altercation & strife. As formerly we heard, Boniface had deprived the Cardinals Colonnaes' of the hat, & their uncle Sarra wandering up and down by sea & land, fell into the hands of pirates; who now had nothing left but only his will and desire of revenge: a certain noble man of France knew him as he was fastened to an oar with a chain in the Tryreme of a Pirate, and so suing for his liberty he privily conveyed him to king Philip. Now the king was formerly determined to send William Nogarete of Narbone, a gentleman by birth, into Italy, to declare unto Pope Boniface presentially, how the king appealed from him to a Council, and whatsoever came of it, to put upon him such an affront as his insolency worthily deserved. Philip therefore joined Sarra with Nogarete in commission, and Nogarete made some stay at Sienna, about taking up some money out of the Bank of the Petrucci, while Sarra in disguised habit visited and solicited his old friends, but above all others he secured to his party three hundred French horse, which being remainder companies of the Sicilian war, trouped up and down here and there: Wherefore betimes in the morning he suddenly surprised Anagnia, where Boniface then was in his father's house; who upon so sudden a tumult, being ignorant what the matter should be, roabing himself in his Pontificals, he sat on a throne, and Nogarete entering in, showed him the Appeal in the king's name, signifying, that the Pope must come to Lions, that so afterwards he might be deposed of his dignity, in France: and taking him by the neck, when he made some resistance, he gave him a good blow on the cheek with his gauntlet, and caused him to be carried to Rome. The History relates, That when they had taken him they set him on an unbridled horse, his face turned to the horse tail, and so they made him run as long as he had any breath in him: This Bonifacie (saith the Author of Mounforts Chronicle) who lately made Kings, Popes, Prelates, and oftentimes the people, to tremble and fear, now suddenly in one day both fear, trembling, and grief, assailed and overwhelmed, and thirsting so much after gold, he now lost the same, that all superior Prelates may learn by his example not to tyrannize too insolently over the Clergy and people, but rather be an example to their flock, and to take care of those under their charge, striving more to be loved than feared. The same Boniface, Platin. in Bonifac. 8. who (saith Platina) sought rather to strike terror and fear into the minds of Emperors, Kings, Princes, nations, and people, than there to plant religion and piety; as he that at his pleasure would give and take away kingdoms, expel, and reduce men back again, greedily thirsting after gold, howsoever gotten or come by. But after this just judgement he fell into such a desperation and madness, as some thirty days after he yielded up his life; giving occasion of a proverb, which did as it were epitomize his whole Popedom, He entered like a Fox, lived like a Lion, and died like a Dog. Some say, thus much was presaged unto him by Celestine in these words, Ascendisti ut Vulpes, Ranulph. in Policronico l. 7. c. 39 Walsingham in histor. Angl. thou didst ascend like a Fox. The Tuscan story questionless delivers it written, That in the election of Popes it ran by way of prophesy, Intrabit ut Vulpes, which the history called Fasciculos Temporum notes to have been fulfilled in every respect: This Pope grew to such an height of arrogancy, as he would style himself to be the Lord of all the world, as well things temporal as spiritual: and many things he did out of magnificence, which at last failed most miserably. Concerning matters of doctrine, there flourished at this time in France one Robertus Gallus, a man very famous, who of a Prelate became a Dominican, and as it seemed he did not approve of the manners and customs of that Order. There is a book of his extant at Paris, coming forth together with the prophecies of Hildegard, wherein comprehending certain visions of his own, in the fift chapter he calls the Pope Idolum, an Idol; and he brings in God speaking in these words, Who set this Idol on my throne, to command over my flock? he hath ears, yet doth he not hear the clamour and cry of those that lament and descend down into hell, though their howl drown the sound of trumpets, and the fearful claps and reports of the thunder. Eyes he hath and yet he sees not the abominations of his people, nor the exorbitancies of their pleasures: what wickedness does his people perform daily in my presence & yet he will not look into it, except he may gather money and coin thereby: A mouth he hath, and yet speaks nothing, for it is enough for him to say, I have appointed those shall speak good things to them; it sufficeth that either by myself or others I do good. Accursed be that idol, and woe be to him that set it there, for who can be equal to this idol upon earth? For he hath magnified his name upon earth, one said, who shall bring me under? Is not my family linked with the most Noble of the earth? I exceed them in all my sumptuous fare: Knights and Nobles serve me, that which was never done to my Fathers is done unto me; Behold my house is paved with silver, and gold and gems are the ornaments thereof. Can that place of Zacharie be more fitly applied to the Pope? O Pastor idolum, O idol Shepherd: In the first, and twelfth Chapters, in the figure of the Serpent, he describes the Pope, or Antichrist, who extols himself above measure, oppressing the godly, though they be but of a very small number, and being environed with many false Prophets, who, in contempt of God, and Christ, only preach and magnify him, contrariwise, obscuring and defacing the name of jesus: In conclusion, deciphering the Roman Church, I did pray (saith he) on my knees, with my face towards heaven, near to the Altar of S. james, at Paris, on the right hand, and I saw in the air before me the body of the only high Priest, clad in white silken Robes, and his back was towards the East, and his hands lifted up towards the West, Priests do usually stand while they say Mass: I did not see head; and beholding wistly, whether he were altogether without an head, or no, I saw his head lean, withered, and as if it had been all of wood: and the spirit of the Lord said, This signifies the state of the Roman Church, that is to say, wherein there is no blood nor humour of life remaining. That it might also signify what manner of bread she distributed to her children; Again, saith he, intending the same work another day, I saw in the spirit: And behold a man of the same habit went about, bearing on his shoulders delicate bread and excellent wine: and the bread and wine hung down on his sides, but he in his hands held a long hard stone gnawing it with his teeth, as an hungry man would do bread, but effecting nothing at all: out of the stone came two Serpents heads; and the spirit of the Lord instructed me, saying, Curious and unprofitable questions are this stone on which the hungry chew, and gnaw, omitting points substantial for the salvation of souls: And I said, And what means those heads? And he answered, The name of one of them, is Vain glory, and of the other Difference of religion. Was it possible in more significant words to express the Sophistries & cavillations of these times, which having the word of God ready at hand to distribute unto the people for their nourishment, they rejected this (though this was a burden laid upon their shoulders) continually living, and dying, in chewing, and eating of idle and contentious questions. The which, in like manner the Prophet objects to the jews, Esay 55. v. 2. Why lay you out your money for no sustenance, and bestow your labour in a thing that affords no repletion? As also in the vision before he thought that he saw the Church reform: I saw (saith he) a certain clear bright Cross of silver, like the Cross, the Arms of the Counts of Toulouse; but those twelve Apples which are in the extents of the Cross, were like certain rotten corrupt Apples cast up by the Sea: and I said, Lord jesus, what means this? and the spirit said unto me, This Cross, which thou seest is the Church, which through purity and cleanness of life shall be bright, and resonant through the shrill voice of the preaching of verity: and being inquisitive, I said, What is meant by these rotten and corrupt apples? and he said, The future humiliation and digression of the Church. The which cross undoubtedly did truly decipher the Church, in that the cross of Christ is the Church's salvation; the true preaching of this cross the exact reformation of divine worship, involved in human traditions, which do but obscure the glory of the Cross, and even cast a black cloud over the Church. Possevinus in Apparatu tom. 2. An. 1302. And yet Possevine the jesuite calls this Author, An excellent preacher of the word of God. Neither need we to doubt, but that in such a general coherence of the French Clergy against Boniface, there were many more who together with Robert discerned both the Pope's tyranny, and the Church's deformity. For king Philip in the year 1302, when he made his progress through the Province of Narbon, heard many complaints made to him against the Inquisitors of the Faith; who participating in all forfeitures and confiscations, they apprehended whom they thought good, without due proof condemning them: whereupon the Vidame of Piquigni was constrained to go personally to the Court of Rome, to release those that were innocent and guiltless out of their prisons. Whereunto we may annex, That the same Nogaretes' father, Paulus Aemilius in Philippo Pulchro. Guido Perpinian. de Haeresib. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 9 Gulielmus de Nangiaco. Nicholaus Emericus l. 1. Jnquisitionum. who by Philip the Fairs injunction took Pope Boniface, was burnt in Languedoc, for the opinions of the Waldenses: for these Waldenses did not only persist and go forward in France, but even out of the blood which the Inquisitors daily shed, their steps and impressions grew more frequent & famous over all Italia and Germany. In Italy, where Boniface with all rigour & severity, rooted out those whom he called Fratricellos, The brethren, whose principal Doctors were, Gerardus, disciple to Sagarellus of Parma, & Dulcinus, disciple to one Novarius Hermannus, who while he lived, being in Italy esteemed for a Saint, was afterwards by Pope Boniface his commandment digged out of his grave at Ferrara; whom notwithstanding, after their manner, they accused of six hundred several foul crimes, now plainly convinced to be false and untrue, because they seriously did inculcat, and above all other things beat upon this point, the adversaries themselves bearing witness, That the Pope was Antichrist, the Church of Rome the apocalyptical Babylon; and that they who would feign seem and appear to be spiritual, were rejected of God. And no man will presume there was any just cause why they should undergo such impiety and cruelty from Boniface, a most unconscionable and profane Pope: yet we see that at the same time we find them to have been in Germany. Hereunto we will annex, That under Nicholas the fourth, Guido Perpinianus de Haeresibus. Peter the son of john de Besiers, a Franciscan, made the Postille upon the Apocalyps, wherein he refers all those special places to the Roman Church, the which he calls a carnal Church, the Synagogue of Satan; and the Pope mystical Antichrist, as also his Prelates Antichrist members: For which cause he was condemned of heresy by the Inquisitors: and because they could not come by him when he was alive, they plucked him out of his grave being dead. And also Peter Cassiodorus, an Italian, who writ that vehement and persuasive Epistile to the English Church, Bernard. de Lutzemburg. de Haeresibus. Nicholaus Emericus l. 1. Inquisitionum. Super Cathedram Mosis sedent Scribae & Pharisaei; cuinam illos aequiparabo? etc. Wherein he exhorts them to shake off the yoke of Antichrist, with his unjust and continual exactions. And these things fitly lead us unto the fourteenth Age. 56. PROGRESSION. Benedict the eleventh succeeds Boniface: he is poisoned, and Clement the fifth, a French man, obtains his place. Henry son to the Count of Lutzemburg going into Italy to be crowned Emperor, was poisoned in receiving the Host. Clement dies in the way betwixt Vienna and Bourdeaux. BEnedict the eleventh, a Tuscan, of the Dominican Order, succeeded Boniface, being elected by the Cardinals at Perugia, whither they were retired upon Boniface his overthrow. At his first entry he excommunicated Nogarete and the inhabitants of Anagnia, which assisted his enterprise; but so he restored both john and james Colonna to be cardinals, and yet they were commanded for a time to refrain wearing of the hat. King Philip he absolutely released of all censures, restoring to him all those privileges that Boniface had taken from him: but in the ninth month of his Papacy, as many writ, being killed with a poisoned fig, he died. Thomas Walsingham in Chronico. Leandro Alber. An. 1305. Wherefore in the year 1305, after ten months altercation, the Cardinals chose Raymond Goth a Gascoine, Archbishop of Bourdeaux, who was absent, who took upon him the name of Clement the fifth. He understanding of his own election, commanded presently all the Cardinals to repair to Lions, who forthwith obey: and he determining to transfer the Papal See into France, made choice for that end of the city of avignon; which also liked the Cardinals so well, as there it continued for seventy four years. Some say the cause was, in that there they might more freely wallow in their delights than in another place, though this no doubt they might have done in Italy: but this seems to be the more reason, Because at Rome, through the supreme authority & power of the Senators and Nobility, they were kept within due bounds, being oftentimes driven with their whole Court to remove to Perugia, Viterbe, Oruietto, Anagnia, and Assisia; And his predecessors having in divers voyages into France met with a more open & courteous conversation, having here greater reverence vouchsafed them than at Rome, as not being there yet so plainly discovered and looked into: These men also hoped they should more peaceably reign in avignon, and from hence, with less opposition, extend their authority and power over other nations. Doubtless Herman and Ocean, friars Minorites, who were renowned Divines, in this contentious age of the Church, lay upon this Pope the notes of wonderful ambition, avarice, and sensuality: but more particularly Villanus and Antoninus, who peremptorily write, That he kept a concubine publicly in avignon, who was daughter to the Count de Foix: Moreover, That all the vices, crimes, sins, impieties, and flagitions, which formerly possessed the Roman Church, under a vale and cloak of virtue and piety, did openly and most impudently in this man habituat and grow shameless. And hereupon our whole country of France brought forth little better fruits, Nicholaus Clemangis in l. de corrupto Eccleclesiae statu. if you consider lose and lascivious liberties: for Clemangis Archdeacon of Baieux says, That Rome might clearly herein discern the imminency of her own ruin & overthrow, because leaving that city for her odious & abominable fornications, she fled into Auignion, where the more freely, the more openly & shamelessly, she discovered the courses of her simonies and wicked prostitutions, and so brought strange and corrupt manners into our France, which were the introductors of many other calamities. As also for forensiall delays and traverses, because they taught us all the wiles and subtleties of the Roman Court, and the very style and form of the Rota, which utterly extinguished our natural simplicity, so as we could never afterwards be repurged of these corruptions. Neither shall you read of any man who alleged, That Rome was S. Peter's seat, or that we must go thither where the holy Ghost had his residence. Out of question Auignion, which liked and pleased them well, was then to them no less the same than the other: whereas now at this day they refer the universal Church to Rome only, as also only to Rome this seat and chair. When the Cardinals came to Lions, they crowned Clement with a wonderful concourse of nobilie from all parts. King Philip and his brother Charles were present, which Charles was lately returned out of Italy, and had not faintly furthered Clement's election: john also Duke of Burgundy, and many other Princes: The recourse was such, as at the entering in of the multitude a wall instantly falling down many were crushed, amongst whom Charles the king's brother and the Duke of Britain were sore hurt, and the Pope himself was overthrown, and his Mitre struck from his head, whereof one jewel of inestimable price was lost: And all these things presaged disaster and ruin. This made all men believe that he transferred the Papacy into France for some special end, because this new Pope at his first entry created many French Cardinals, in whose hands lay the whole authority and power of election: Then on the other side, that the Romans might not grow into any great discontent, he sent them three Cardinals, on whom he conferred the dignity of Senators, that so they might in some sort supply his absence. Now in the years 1308, Albertus being slain, An. 1308. the electors chose for Emperor Henry, son to Henry Count of Lutzemburg, called the seventh, being a Prince of noble valour and fortitude, imposing on him the Diadem at Aquisgrane: who presently sent ambassadors to Clement being at avignon, to obtain at his hand, that his coronation might be celebrated at Rome: which Clement yielded unto upon this condition, That within the space of two years he should go into Italy. But Henry not attending an appointed day, passing the Alps, came into Italy, where he found many cities of the Guelphish faction, ill affected towards him, who had formerly bound themselves unto him in very strict league, as also Robert king of Sicilia, the Pope's friend, who supplied them with forces, to erect strong garrisons where special need did require. An army in like manner he brought with him, to defend their league and society. But so on the other side many that received him with great applause, suffered him willingly to have both succours, and captains, but especially in Lombardie, which being more remote from Robert, was the less subject to his plots and stratagems. When he came to Viterbe the Clergy and people of Rome met and saluted him, conducting him honourably to Rome. At his entry he discovered a conspiracy on foot against him, and therefore for his security he bond the Nobility to him by oath, and put sufficient defensive forces into all the strong places. Many also add hereunto, That out of a new and unknown example he would have exacted a tribute of the people on the same day when other Emperors contrariwise were wont to give great largesse. For these respects therefore the Guelphs found fit opportunity to stir up the people against him, especially being backed by Robert king of Sicilia, who, under colour of honouring this festivity, was come thither. Henry therefore being crowned at S. john Lateran's, leaving the city to the Cardinals, was enforced to retire to Tivoli, whither he being gone, they then manifestly showed, how they were not so precisely enjoined to set the Crown on his head, as to forbid him the City. For upon his occasion, Clement presently enacted this Law, Henricus Steron. in Anna●ibus sub annum ●313. Clemès Ne sede vacant aliquid innovetur. Jdem de sententia & de re iudicata. Collenuc. lib. 5. Henricus Stero in Annalibus Trithem, in Chron. in Abbate Hen. 13. That the elected kings of Romans in Germany, could neither be held nor taken for absolute Emperors, before they received this title and investiture from the Popes own hands: and moreover, That during the Interregnum, and vacancy of that dignity, the Pope should rule and command over all the Cities and precincts of the Empire. But the controversy betwixt them lasted not long; For this good Prince going towards Sienna, and besieging Bonconuento by the way, in few days after he was poisoned, whereof he died. Out of the precedent Story, let the Reader conjecture of his death, although in this point all writer's consent that this poison was administered to him, by one Bernard a Dominican, who was Henry's confessor, in the Host, from whence grew this verse. jure dolet mundus, quod jacobita secundus, judas nunc extat; mors Caesaris haec manifestat. The world much grieves, a jacobine, making great show of piety, Should prove a second judas, poisoning th'imperial Majesty. And some affirm, the Pope's Legate, instigating him thereunto. They that put their hands into these practices, believe they unfeignedly (think you) in their heart's Transubstantiation? Others relate, that the Dominican Priests in commemoration of this heinous deed, were commanded afterwards to communicate only with the left hand. An indictment was framed against this criminal by Henry Count of Flanders, and other Noble men of the Army; but the party, after he saw the effect of this poison, made an escape. Aventine notes, that Clement became an enemy to Henry, because in receiving the Crown he denied to take an oath before the Cardinals, saying, How, it was against the custom of his predecessors, and the liberty of Christian religion, that a Prince of Princes, and Lord over all the whole earth, should be put to an oath by a servant of servants: By means whereof, he stirred up Robert of Naples and other Princes against himself: then he perceiving this Robert's practice to take away his life by poison, appointed him a day of trial, when he meant to have pronounced him a rebel and Traitor, and so have stripped them of his kingdom: But Clement gave him to understand, that it belonged not to him, to dispose any way of the kingdom of Naples, but to the Roman See, of which he held in homage. Clement being made Pope, by Charles Count of Valois his procurement, according to Antoninus, he promised by solemn oath, to perform six things, which are set down, Antonin. part; Tit. 21. c. 1. parag. 3. Villain. in Historia Florent. both in Antoninus and other writers. First that he should absolve all those that had colleagued against Boniface, and that he should redeliver the hat to the Cardinals Collanaes': one thing he reserved to be propounded in due and convenient time, which was to raze out the very memorial of Boniface, excluding his name out of the Catalogue of Popes, and to disinterre his carcase. An. 1310. Chronic. Martini. Chronic. Monsort. Thom. Walsingham in Chronico. In the year therefore 1310, in avignon, Philip King of France being publicly excused by him of some matters that he had attempted against the memory of Boniface sometimes Pope, he pronounced further in the King's behalf, That what he did he did out of a good mind, intention, and zeal, the King's Orators, being then present: and these things consequently as hath been said were confirmed by the testimony of the Pope's Bulls: this business was presently referred to Pope Clement, who in this Process of Boniface took upon him to be both accusant and defendant, the Pope undertaking both to examine, and finally to determine this controversy, Item, At the same time Pope Clement absolved William de Nogarete of the sentence of excommunication which was laid upon him for the surprising of Pope Boniface. A further clause of favour was added by the consent of the whole Consistory, which was, That neither the kings nor kingdom of France could not be subject to any excommunication or interdict: which Bull is reserved in the Treasury of the Charters. Momforts Chronicle says expressly, That he revoked two of Bonifaces' Decrees, one wherein he had written to the king, That he was subject to the Church of Rome both in spiritual and temporal things: and another inserted in the sixth of the Decretals, whose beginning is, Clericos etc. The, Colonnaes' were already provided for; but the defacing of Bonifaces' memory remained yet to be performed, being sufficiently convicted by Philip's testimony, and the absolution of the attemptors: but this point was referred to the Council of Vienna, which began about the end of this present year. There it was debated on the behalf of king Philip, That Boniface was to be condemned for an heretic; which three Cardinals above all the rest vehemently argued: but at last the stronger party overcame, partly because the Cardinals by him created feared least by this means they should endanger their own places; and partly, because Clement's election, wherein their hands bore the stroke, might wonderfully by this proceeding be weakened and disjointed. But certain it is, that king Philip was so perseverant in this affair, Walsingham Chronic. That by special messengers (saith Walsingham) he with much importunity demanded the bones of his predecessor Boniface to be burned as an heretics. And this questionless he did not without the consent of the Parisian Senate, and of the Sorbon. In this Council three heads were propounded, The affair of the Templars, The war of the Holy Land, and The reformation of the Church. The Templars were condemned both of heresy and other crimes, and hereupon cruelly burnt in many places, proscribed over all Europe, and spoiled of their goods. And yet many Authors afford testimonies of their innocency, as Bocatius, Villanus, Antoninus, Nauclerus, aventinus, and others: Some say, that greediness of enjoying their goods brought upon them this prosecution; and herein they blame Philip, and Clement himself, who would deny him nothing. Others affirm, that the Pope's choler was incensed against them, because they detested the Court of Rome, which was the only cause of all the miseries in Christendom, and of the utter destruction of the Holy Land. So as by no torments nor cruelty of punishment inflicted, they could be brought to confess the crimes imposed and laid upon them. Paulus Aemilius in Philippo pulchro. And they of Germany proved their own innocency in an assembly called at Mogunce, as Aemilius witnesseth: They be not obscure Authors (saith he) which allege that james Burgond, Principal of that Order (some call him Molanus) being brought forth to die, and environed with a mighty multitude, while the fire was a setting about him, and being offered his life, and release of that painful punishment, if confessing publicly that which he had delivered during his imprisonment both of himself and his whole Order, he uttered these words: In these my last actions, it being unpardonable impiety to lie, I freely and frankly confess, that I committed a great offence both against myself and my Order, and that I have therein deserved a most tormenting punishment, because in favour of them for whom I should not, and alured with the sweetness of life, I have in my tortures slanderously imposed many impieties and detractions, upon my Order, which hath ever deserved well of the Christian religion. I have now no need of a life obtained by entreaty, much less retained by lying and defamation. And then being set to the pile, and fire kindled about the neither parts of his feet, to wring out from him some confession, even when the flames began to waste and fry his entrails, he never swerved from the constancy of his former speech, or showed the least change or alteraion of mind, neither he, nor two others of his Order, being of a great family, one of which was brother to the Dolphin of Vienna. From hence the Reader may easily observe and judge of the calumniations and slanders that the Popes in all ages have imposed and laid upon their oppugnants. Some Authors of no small esteem add, Supplementum Martini Parad, in Historia Burgundica. That two Cardinals were present at this execution, and that this great Master summoned Pope Clement before the tribunal of the everliving God, to answer to the judgement and sentence he had denounced against him; who some forty days after died justly on the same day: for this execution was the eleventh of March, and he died the twentieth of April, a month after the publication of his Clementines. For that which concerns Palestina. The cross was published to be assumed against the Turks, with a more ample and large grant of Indulgences than ever before, that is to say, Whosoever took upon them the Cross for this expedition, he could not incur damnation, in these plain words, We will not that he be subject to the torments of hell: We further granting to those that be signed with the Cross for this end, three or four souls at their pleasure to be delivered out of Purgatory, by their supplications and prayers. Whereat the Parisian Divines were wonderfully scandalised, and so much the rather, because there was a special clause annexed to this Bull, We command the Angels, that absolutely freeing the soul from Purgatory, they conduct it into the glory of Paradise. Conformable to a doctrine taught then by themselves and their adherents, That the Pope could command the Angels as his officers and sergeant. And many copies of this Bull are yet reserved at Vienna, Poitiers, and Lymoges. As for Church reformation, little or nothing was spoken at all, as shall appear in the section ensuing. But by the conclusion and shutting up of Clement's life we shall see what manner of man he was, which with such confidence took upon him to dispose of Paradise. These be therefore the very words of Antoninus himself: After the celebration of a general Council in the year 1313, Clement going from Vienna to Bourdeaux, fell sick by the way, and died. This man, as Chronicles relate, was too much addicted to concupiscence, and for this cause the sin of simony, so deeply detested, and punished by the Canons, took deep root in his Court, about the recommendations to benefices. And whereas some say, That simony cannot concur nor stand with the Pope, S. Thomas sharply reproves them. Besides, it is reported, That when he was departing out of this world, a certain nephew of his, whom he had sensually before affected (mark well these words) brought in one that was skilful in the art of negromancy, that by his wicked art he might seek out how his nephew should be disposed of in another life: who putting in practise his skill, he cause one of the Pope's Chaplains, a bold spirited man, to see the places infernal, and a Palace wherein was a fiery bed, on which this the Pope's nephew lay: All which being related to the Pope, he was never after seen to be merry, but within a while departed: Whose body being laid in a certain Church, with many lights about it, in the night the Church was burnt with fire, and his body from the loins down to the feet. Clement. l. 2. tit. 11. de sententia & re iuditata C. Pastoralis. And yet this is he which in his Clementine, Pastoralis, We, as well out of the superiority which undoubtedly we have over the Empire, as out of the power by which (in the Empire's vacancy) we are to succeed the Emperor, but more especially out of the fullness of that power which hath pleased Christ the King of kings, and Lord of lords, in the person of blessed S. Peter, to confer upon us, etc. do decree and ordain. May we not rather believe, by the points above mentioned, that he took his power from him that said to the Lord, I will give thee all these kingdoms, if falling down thou wilt worship me? This is he also that commanded Corpus Christi day to be kept holy of all men, in a Council at Vienna, which was first instituted by Vrban the fourth, and then afterwards came to be neglected again, and therefore he granted new Indulgences, which is to say, Lib. 3. Clementinarum tit. 16. de reliquijs & veneratione sanctor. To all (saith he) penitents and confessed which shall be present at the Matines of this feast, in the same Church where it is celebrated, shall have 100, and he that is present at Mass as many: as also they that were present at the first beginning of Evensong of the same feast, 100, and they that were at the second as many: and they that were present at the offices of the first, third, sixth, and ninth hours, and at those completorie, for each of the hours he had granted forty Indulgences: And to him that was present at the Matines of the Octaves of that feast, and the Masses of the foresaid hours, he obtained an hundred for every day of those Octaves; And trusting the mercies of God we release him of all enjoined penances. Can we better judge of these inventions, than by the inventors themselves, who made but laughter and scorn of these things, whether in life or death? And yet abusing the reverence falsely by them usurped, they dare presumptuously upon any occasion offered, most unworthily dare and provoke Princes and Emperors. This was the Pope, amongst others, who being angry with the Venetians for taking of Ferrara, exposed them all both in general and particular to booty and spoil; so as they might have been brought under slavery and servitude. To be redeemed from which misery, they sending Francis Dandulo to require absolution in their names, after many detractions & delays, the matter was thus concluded, That he lying prostituted at his feet so long as the Pope's pleasure was, to obtain the same, he was enforced, with a collar of iron about his neck, by way of penance, like a dog to lie under his table; and therefore amongst his countrymen he was termed Canis, a Dog. And yet Baronius would needs excuse the cruelty of Alexander the third against Frederick the first, Because (saith he) to be true, it digresseth too much from the accustomed clemency of the Popes. OPPOSITION. When Clement published the Council of Vienna, to give some hope of Church reformation, he commanded Durandus, Auditor of the Rota, and Bishop of mend, a French man (vulgarly called the Visitor or Examiner) to digest certain principal heads thereunto tending, to be propounded in this Council. There is a treatise yet extant, whose title is, The celebrating of a Council, printed at Paris Anno 1545; this book began with a sharp reprehension of the Roman Clergy, with an intention, if he might have been heard, or believed, not to have spared them a jot: They follow (saith he) the way of Balaam of Bosor, who loved the reward of iniquity, and bore the chastisement of his own madness: for a dumb she Ass speaking to him in a man's voice, discovered the Prophet's folly and impiety. The same happens amongst us at this day, seeing so many foolish and dissolute parts are played in the Church of God, by the said Ecclesiastical persons (who should be a light unto others, as candles set on candlesticks, according to that which the Lord saith) as that they dull and amaze the sense both of jews and Pagans: yea, and they who are altogether deprived of the understanding of divine wisdom, do detest their folly, and their by and digressing steps from God's paths, they correct, and convince by a sounder understanding. And therefore he briefly sets down what course must be held to effect a reformation: Tit. 2. By a sacred Council (saith he) both Kings and Popes joining their hands together, we must have recourse, First to the Law, to the Gospel, and to the Counsels approved and confirmed by the instinct of the holy Ghost, as also to good and wholesome human laws; And whatsoever we find to the contrary to have been attempted in worldly government, let it be reform and amended, as well as may be, and the contrary no ways permitted to escape unpunished. Let all abuses, customs, dispensations, privileges, liberties, and exemptions, which are opposite to the same reformation, be removed, being to be reputed but mere depravations and corruptions. Tit. 2. Secondly, Let the Popes themselves conform their words and deeds, both to divine and human laws, submitting themselves thereunto for imitation sake, and setting forth examples of those things to be performed in themselves, for their followers and subjects to imitate and behold: but otherwise, if they themselves serve and digress from laws and precepts, desiring rather to overrule and command, than to advise and counsel their subjects, Their honour will swell up into pride, and what was ordained for concord will turn to offence and discord. Thirdly, It cannot be denied, but that the Roman Church hath in many things declined from the Institutions of the sacred Primitive Church, and from the sentences and approbations of the holy Fathers, Counsels, and Decrees, So as it appears to have utterly forgotten the first Institutions, although we should prefer the truth of the holy Scriptures before any custom, how ancient soever. Fourthly, That the Popes should not easily permit causes and controversies to be transferred out of their Provinces to be decreed in the Court of Rome. That Ecclesiastical government was manifestly confounded, when the Pope's place benefices depending on the Bishops, yea and that before their vacation; so as it is to be feared, that the Roman Church hooking all to herself, will give an occasion to verify the proverb, Qui vult totum, perdit totum, All crave, nothing have. And here he inveighed against the promotion of strangers, whose voice the subjects could not hear, they neither understanding the people, nor the people them, being therefore unworthy, blind leaders of the blind: And thus the whole Church may come to be overthrown. Fiftly, He spoke also against Simony, which in the Roman Court so reigns (saith he) as if it were no sin. part 2. tit. 2. 11.12.20.21. Titul. 32. eiusdem partu & 4. Plurarilitie also of benefices he reprehended, and Cardinal's pensions, wherewith the bishoprics were charged; as also other benefices perpetuated to the Pope's nephews and kinsmen, which never die, nor are vacant: and that Saint Gregory the Great refused the title of Universal Bishop, neither would have had any other to assume this nomination: Further, That the old Popes in their Epistles were wont to prefer other Bishops before themselves; which he proveth by examples: and therefore the Church of Rome was so to be honoured, that the reverence and honour due to other Churches might not likewise be abridged, he averring, That the Canon of the Council of Miletum was to be confirmed, unaquaque causa in sua provincia terminetur. Sixtly, That it seemed very behoveful in this Council to allow the marriage of Priests, seeing hitherto they had idly and in vain been urged to chastity, the Priests of Greece being permitted to marry, as also it was used in the Apostles time. Seventhly, That hand-labour was to be imposed upon Monks, conformable to the customs in times passed in the Churches of Egypt, who would by no means receive any Monk which had not learned some trade or mystery; marry above all the rest, it was no ways to be suffered that they should, discharge pastoral Offices, minister the Sacraments, visit the sick, or bury the dead, Part. 2. Tit. 53 & Part. 3. Tit. 16. & 28. Part. 2. Tit. 57 Part. 3. Tit. 15. & 16. and much less therefore the Mendicants. Eightly, That the abuse of Images was necessarily to be suppressed, and the sale of indulgences and penances: as also the vagrant liberty and roving of Monks in their Sermons, who leave the sacred Scriptures, to preach the mere inventions of men. Ninthly, Returning ever to the first point, That there was no hope nor means of reforming the Church, either in policy, discipline, or manners, except that of Rome would begin with an example, whose corruptions in every respect he displayed; except the Pope, before all others, prescribed a Law to himself, and were comprehended within sacred Laws, both divine and human, affecting nothing in any wise to the contrary, nor performing nothing without the advise and direction of his fellow Bishops, seeing they hold the place of Apostles, on whom Christ conferred equal power and dignity with Peter, not on the Roman Courtries: Except also, the primacy of the Roman Church might be distingusht by Ecclesiastical and secular Laws, and that the Pope would forbear to be called the highest Priest of the Church universal, taking this person upon himself which Gregory utterly forbade. But, saith he, Part. 3. Tit. 32. The Church universal suffers much scandal by the bad examples of the Roman Church, and the whole people in general are infected, the rulers of the people, according to Esay, tolerating by this means the name of the Lord to be blasphemed: For, according to S. Augustine, nothing more confounds or hurts the Church of God, than when it is said, That the Clergy is worse than the laity. And from hence he proceeds to the rapine of Legates, Nuntios, and of all the Pope's Ministers, the exactions of indulgences, of privileges, of dispensations, the excess and pride of the Pope, and his Prelates, by many degrees surmounting that of any King or Prince: as also, therewithal, the ignorance and negligence of a number, whereby innumerable souls perish. And then here again he exclaims, casting away all hope, as in case of a most desperate disease: Part. 3. Tit. 28. & seq. Oh what a grief is this, saith he, for the saying of the Prophet Esay, seems now to be verified even in the Church itself, Chap. 34, in the figure of the City of Babylon, glorious above other Kingdom, and renowned for the pride of the Chaldees, of whom it is said, It shall be a den of Dragons, a pasture for the Estriges, the Devils shall there meet, and the Onocentaures, the hairy Hobgoblins shall cry out one to another, the Sorceress shall there have her couch, there the Scrich-Oule shall have his nest, and bring up his young ones, there the Kites assemble, meet one with another. Also, I would the words of the Prophet Esay might not be verified upon the Clergy, when he said, Part. 3. Tit. 28. & 50. This people honours me with the lips, but their hearts are far from me: with many other places occurrring in this treatise, which is very worthy to be wholly read over, neither will the Reader repent his pains taken. But in the mean while, these good admonitions brought forth no fruit: Contrariwise, in this Council, that Decretal came forth, which gins, Pastoralis etc. wherein Clement magnifies himself far 'bove the Emperors, seeing he was Vicar to the King of kings; & no other reformation was wrought, than that which proceeded from the ridiculous Law, whose beginning is set down in the Clementines: I came out of Paradise, I said I would water the garden of plants, saith that heavenly husbandman, who was the true fountain of wisdom, the word of God proceeding from the Father, in the Father remaining, begotten from all eternity etc. But in uttering these words, see what he adds: That is to say, this garden is the sacred order, and institution of the friars Minorites, which being immured round about, with the walls of regular observance, and satisfied only within itself, with God's comforts, is wonderfully adorned by the new plantations, on initiants and novices, which throughout all this prolix Bull he studies and contends to ordain, that so those weighty scruples might be removed, wherewith they appeared to be vexed: as whether they were bound to observe all the commandments comprehended in the Gospel, as also whether all the Counsels, or some only, and particularly the precepts of vestments, what stuff or cloth they should be of, what colour, what length, what breadth, what form. Profound mysteries doubtless of the Christian religion, and worthy the discussion of a general Council, of which notwithstanding he so ambiguously determined, as not long after by new Decrees they were driven to prescribe and order them. Dant the Florentine Poet flourished also in that time, who amongst the writers of the same age obtained the praise both of piety and learning: he writ a Tractate, whose title was Monarchia, wherein he proved, that the Pope was not superior to the Emperor, having no right nor prerogative over the same; which is diametrally opposite to that Clementine, Pastoralis, wherein the Pope peremptorily arrogates to himself both the one and the other: he proceeding thus much further, when in his Canto of Purgatory he says, Di hoggimai che la Chiesa di Roma, Per confonder in se due reggimenti Cade nel fango & se bruta & la soma. The Church of Rome which now will needs confound And join in one two divers governments, Herself defiles in dirt, and brings her keys to ground. He refutes also the donation of Constantine, that it neither was de facto, nor could be de iure, and therefore by some he was condemned of heresy: There are a third sart (saith he) whom they call Decretalists, ignorant and unlearned in all Divinity and Philosophy, who cleaving absolutely to their decretals, putting all their hope, as I suppose, in the vigour and force of them, they derogate from the Empire: And no marvel, when I have heard one of them say, & constantly aver, That the traditions of the Church were the foundation of faith: which wicked opinion and belief let them banish away far from them, those men, I mean, which before the traditions of the Church did believe in Christ the Son of God, either to come, present, or past, and so believing they hoped, and hoping were inflamed with charity, and being thus divinely inflamed, the world makes no doubt but they shall be coheirs with him. In his Poem of Paradise, written in Itaalian, he complains, That the Pope of a Pastor was become a Wolf, and diverted Christ's sheep out of the true way, and therefore the Gospel was forsaken, the writing of the Fathers neglected; they relied only on Decretals, no man thinks on Nazareth, where Gabriel displays his wings, but the Popes and Cardinals only repair to the Vatican, and some other selected places of Rome. These things (saith he) were the absolute eversion of Christ's warfare imposed upon Peter, whose pure doctrine in the mean while lies deeply buried at Rome. In times past war was made upon the Church by the sword, but now the same is inflicted by a famine, that is, by taking away the bread which God allotted for the nourishment thereof, Dante del Paradiso C. 9 & 20. Del Purgatorio C. 32. this being denied to no man, which is the preaching of the holy word: But thou (saith he) addressing his speech to the Pope, which by the Chancellor only writest thus: Cogita Petrum & Paulum, qui mortem oppetivere Propter vineam, quam vastas, etiamnum vivere. Potes tu quidem dicere, firmum habeo desiderium. Sic ad eum, qui voluit vivere solus, Quique per saltus fuit pertractus ad supplicium, At qui nec piscatorem agnosco nec Paulum. In another place he delivers what an unworthy thing it was, that the holy Scriptures were either wholly laid apart, or violently perverted: That there was no consideration had with how much blood they were planted in the world, and how highly they accept of him that comes to them in humility of heart and spirit: Whereas on the other side every man applauded himself in his own Fictions and Comments, but the Gospel was buried in silence. The public chairs and Oratories resounded nothing all the year long but vain questions, and mere fables; and so the poor sheep being fed with the puffs of wind, pined and consumed away: with many other things which might be produced out of his works, against the Pope's Indulgences, and the abuses of the Roman Church, the which he so lively describes, that one may most easily perceive how he plainly acknowledged her to be that Whore in the Apocalyps. It is a thing very memorable, That at this time Frederick the third, king of Sicilia, a most religious Prince, was so moved with the depraved government of the Church of Rome, that he began to doubt of the verity of the Gospel; but being urged by a vision, wherein his mother appeared to him with her face uncovered, and whom he knew by these words, My son I give thee my blessing, Colloquium Frederici Regis & Arnoldi de Villa nova. that thou mayest study daily to obey the truth, he sent for Arnold de Villa nova, who was then of great estimation amongst all men, that by his assistance he might be resolved in his doubts. His principal doubt was this, Whether the doctrine of the Gospel was an human invention, or a divine tradition. And here three things principally disturbed his mind; First, That the whole Clergy, as well great as small, conformed their lives no ways according to the Gospel; they discharged sacred offices but even for form sake only, or else in very mockery & scorn, and for the government of souls they took no care, being contrariwise transported with all violence to vice and vainglory. Secondly, In that the Monks, who seemed to draw nearer to Apostolical integrity, they were now so swerved and strayed from the ways of God, that in respect of them not only the secular Clerks, but even lay men themselves might rather be justified, they being serpents and vipers, without any spirit of piety. And there he deciphers them by all the notes of dishonesty, by hypocrisy, impiety, cruelty, rapine, wantonness, divine contempt, incredulity, and also about the very Gospel itself. Thirdly, That in a doctrine so weighty, and of such consequence, he could not sufficiently wonder at the negligence and carelessness of the See Apostolical. When he sent into divers countries, he was by some inquisitive what progression the Gospel made: who returned him answer, They could discern no such matter, and that outwardly no course nor care was taken for the propagation of the Gospel; as also inwardly no greater study employed for the extinguishing of schisms, but rather of nourishing and setting them on fire. The Legates were daily entangled in worldly affairs, being little careful either for the promotion or preservation of the Gospel. And consulting with some Friars about his vision, many made answer, it was but an illusion. divers out of this made implication, That his mother was yet in Purgatory, and wanted prayers and suffrages. But Arnold de Villa nova, by many reasons and examples, and especially, in that her admonition was consonant to the words of the Gospel, plainly affirmed, That questionless this vision was of God, and thereupon exhorted him earnestly, to serve God according to his vocation, to perform justice and charity, to provide as well for the cause of the poor as of the rich; and for matters belonging to God, he should continually prefer them before all human respects and considerations. For the doctrine of the Gospel, that he must firmly aver and believe, that all the doctrine of the Evangelists is the very doctrine of God: That jesus of Nazareth is the Christ promised unto the Ancients for a Saviour, even God himself which created the whole world: which may be confirmed not only out of the Articles of the Creed, but also by such evident demonstration as no man could oppugn or infringe: And setting down the same in writing, he delivered it him. Then for the reasons of his wavering and being in doubt, they were of that nature, as they rather strengthened the belief and truth thereof, than any ways impaired or weakened the same; especially the first and second, which touch the depravations and corruptions of Regulars and Seculars, because our Saviour himself, being the foundation of the Church, both by his own, and by the words of his Heralds, foretold expressly, That this should come to pass in those times, and that not only in the Canonical Scriptures, but further as much hath been exhibited to us in the revelations of the holy Church, by many sacred persons of both sex and kind, which the holy Popes with singular zeal and devotion have reserved in secret Records of the Apostolical See, Even as (saith he) I have seen, and handled with these my hands in the sovereign city. For the third point, of the negligence and carelessness of the See Apostolical, That which our Saviour Christ did in his own time, and would shortly again perform, might satisfy him: he formerly did it in that he twice commanded, That the See Apostolical should be taxed with a diabolical Apostasy; first under Boniface the eighth, and lastly under Benedict the eleventh, and that sometimes with plenitude of directory light: For (saith he) the denouncer declared, first, that the things he denounced proceeded not from himself, neither was he stirred up by any motive of his own to declare these things, but by the illumination and precept of the Lord of lords. And so he laid open unto them both the place, time, and means, he meant to make choice of in the declaration of them. Secondly, he denounced unto them a deceitful snare of Satan laid for their seduction, in so much that openly these two things were inculcated to them: First, That they had counsellors and assistants about them, who were the Angels of Satan, who under show of religion, and a cloak of true zeal, should endeavour to misled them from the sifting & cleansing of the above mentioned Decrees & Statutes. Thirdly he declared to them, That if they should neglect to execute this message, God would make them taste a presagement of he eternal judgement; so as it was told Boniface in writing, that he ●hould fall into such and such a danger and confusion, and he took no heed thereof, till he tasted the same: As also the like in writing was insinuated to Benedict, That if he neglected the same he should swiftly be thrown down from his seat; and from the day he read this he sat not above five and thirty days more: So as neither the things written to him, nor the fearful events of his predecessor, could move him to believe, but he contemned all things. Fourthly, for illumination and motive, many diabolical and abominable depravations were declared particularly unto them, of many of that state formerly mentioned, which is to say, That those things above expressed were very severally laid open; and moreover, other things in this form: Certain pestilent men dissever and rend the City of the celestial Lamb, especially in the State which so much glories of the height of all evangelical perfection; they subvert verity evangelical, and overthrow the edifice thereof, in the people, not only by perverse works, and examples, but by corruption of doctrine in their Sermons and preachings. For they preaching in the delusion, and subtlety of malignity, do sometimes allege indirectly, otherwhiles impertinently and perversely apply, and sometimes sophistically distinguish and most improperly expound. And thus the truth of the Scriptures was by them darkened and not clearly delivered to the Auditors, but God's sayings they did adulterate and falsify. And in the spirit, saith he, of Antichrist they endeavour to divert the people from excellent ordinary Priests, and to pluck the Sheep from their own proper Pastors, by so many means; and in such sort as particularly are expressed in the writings, reserved to this day in the treasury of the See Apostolical. Fiftly, the same writings objected unto them the devilish plague of the inquisitors of that State and others: That is those, who bought these offices in Provinces, not for the reducing of those that erred into the way, but rather that by mere calumniation and slander, they might thrust the man righteous and of good conversation, into the furious oppressions of devils and tyrants: where he enueyes mightily against divers coinquinations, which reigned commonly amongst them, as also the frauds and deceits wherein they maintained themselves: which being prolix and long, I would rather refer to the Reader, to peruse them in Arnold: but yet these things ensuing by him prosecuted, are no ways to be omitted: They burn and condemn the Scriptures, saith he, as superstitious and erroneous, expressing the verity evangelical, declaring the mysteries of the sacred texts, and touching too nearly to the quick their transgressions and uncleanness, not upon any erroneous or false, but only for some ambiguous and doubtful saying. They forbidden all the Colleges of that state, to read or study the foresaid holy Scriptures, under pain of death, and so by damning up the well of the water of life, they deny the understanding of the holy Oracles, and this water of life to those that are thirsty and cry out for the same. Sixtly, because the Popes were by this denunciation enjoined to reveal these things in the behalf of God unto men; which plainly appears out of such writings which the holy Fathers left both at Rome, and in the ancient Monasteries: but they being wholly oppressed with spiritual lethargy, would give no ear to any good thing, or to extirpate Christ's opprobry on earth, but being bewitched as they were, made choice rather to embrace most palpable and evident lies, than the mystery of the truth and of the Gospel. And therefore the whole Church was so infatuated by these seducers, as that she took the disordered multitude, which supplanted and rooted out the Gospel, to be a Religion and Order. Seventhly, That this denouncer, exciting the universal Church in these instigations, That she would prevent the Gospel's extirpation, all notwithstanding out of consent and compact, turn aside her ear, either condemning the message, or raging against the Herald, That amongst them all, not one arose up, endued with Catholical verity, armed with justice evangelical, and encouraged by the equity and righteousness, of this celestial warfare, who would so much as say, This man is zealous, for the honour and glory of Christ's spouse, and the salvation of souls: Let us therefore examine and diligently by experience make trial, whether those things he speaks, and declares, tend to the conversation or corruption of the Gospel: But the Senate was all mute, and only because he revealed the blemishes and defects of the spouse unto the Bridegroom (out of a zeal obscuring and healing these wounds) he was whipped: And they that bore the colours of evangelical sanctity, persecuted him more cruelly than any other strangers, not only in renouncing the rules of equity and charity, but moreover laying apart the bridle of all human modesty, they laboured to pollute innocency, and to destroy the innocent. He concludes notwithstanding. That Fredederick should in no sort be scandalised with this negligence of the See Apostolical, for these reasons to make any doubt of the infallible verity of Christ's Gospel, seeing he himself foretold as much long time before, and God had now in one self same time made twice denunciation thereof: and this Herald being unworthily repulsed, scorned, and cast into bonds, was not at all therewith shaken, nay, more constantly and firmly than ever before, he persevered in the Faith: For I know (saith he) that God will yet the third time denounce his predictions to the Seat Apostolical, but by whom, where, or when, I precisely know not, because it is not revealed unto me. And if this See receives the denunciation, prosecuting it with Moses and Phineas zeal, he will honour her by his divine power, both with all ancient and new glories: but if she neglect and contemn the same, be assured that God within the foresaid three years, will bring upon her most fearful and terrible judgements, such as shall give wonder and amazement to the Eastern and Western parts, what manner of ones I will tell you before my departure in the sense spiritual. And certainly much about that time grew that great and long discord between the Emperor and the Pope, Lewis of Bavaria then wearing the Diadem. But this Denouncer and Herald, of whom mention hath been made, was questionless Arnoldus himself, being a man then very famous all Europe over, for the knowledge of all Tongues and Arts; who delivering a speech about Church reformation, at Rome, answer was returned him, Meddle in Physic, and not in Divinity, and we will honour thee: In which words (saith he) they endeavoured to seclude Christ's little ones out of the field of Divinity, desiring only to have this field possessed by Giants; that is, with such as make war against God. Frederick therefore being moved by Arnolds' relations he resolved in himself very curiously to search out the truth of the Gospel, to frame his life according to Christ's doctrine, who is truth itself, and can only bestow on men eternal life: That he would by all labour and endeavour procure the propagation thereof, rooting out whatsoever was adverse and opposite thereunto: And he exhorted the king of Arragon his brother to do the like, whom by letters he certified of all the proceed; to which he likewise with the same resolution and intention made answer. Both of them are yet extant, being dated in the year 1309. We also read an Epistle of king Edward's to Clement, wherein he infers, how many kings and nobles of his kingdom, from the very original of the Church, had religiously built many Churches, liberally endowed them, and placed therein very sufficient and fit ministers, so as the Catholic Faith might the more spread and increase among the people and nations subject to him: and by this means the Lords vine did wonderfully grow and spread; But (saith he) a thing much to be grieved at, the very branches of this vine are degenerated into briars and brambles, and the wild boars of the forest extirpate it, and all the wild beasts seed thereon. But if you doubt whom he meant, observe, While (saith he) the impositions and provisions of the See Apostolic, which daily grow more burdensome, contrary to the intentions of the donors, and the best benefices are conferred on strangers, and those many times very unworthy, and not altogether free from just suspicion, who are not resident in the said benefices, know not the countenance of those sheep committed to their charge, nor understand not their language. And he set many discommodities before his eyes, that thereof ensued, to the unspeakable and wonderful detriment of the States Temporal and Spiritual, both of Church, Kingdom, and people; earnestly requesting him, That he would forthwith remedy these inconveniences, because so principal an evil was no ways to be shuffled up: The successor (saith he) of the Prince of the Apostles received a commandment from Christ, to feed, and not to feed upon, the Lords sheep; to confirm and strengthen, and not to suppress and tread upon, his brethren. But because Clement opened not readily his ears to these things, Edward forbade the Annates to be conveyed out of his kingdom, as also that Prelates should not go personally to Rome for their ordination. The Epistle began thus, Pensata sedis Apostolicae clementia, etc. The Waldenses continued still in divers Provinces, and under divers nominations, according as their adversaries were for the most part pleased to impose upon them: for we see that in Lombardy they were called Fratricelli, Little brethren, and because they hated the Pope, the Roman Court, and such as had brought in depravation and corruption, both into doctrine and manners, they were not only most cruelly put to death, but further by calumniation and detraction made infamous to posterity, in many kinds of uncleanness, though their opinions were never any other than those of the Waldenses and Albigenses, being in the greateh part consonant to the confessions of the reformed Churches. This is most apparent out of the relations of Raynerius, a writer of those times, who saith he was present both in Lombardie and other places, when they were examined by the Inquisitors: But formerly, out of his works, we extracted those things that were pertinent to their confessions, that they need not here any further repetition. Concerning their manners, he writes, they were modest, simple, meddling little with bargains or contracts; to avoid lying and deceit, living on their labour, being content with a little, chaste, and sober, inviting others by their example to every good thing. Moreover, he adds, That the first rules and instructions which for rudiments they gave unto their children, was the Decalogue of the Law, the ten Commandments of God, that they should learn to abstain from those sins which vulgarly were called mortalia, mortal: all which points have small coherence with the distasteful detractions imposed upon them by many. Clement therefore commanded the Cross military to be taken up against them, exposing these poor souls to prey and spoil, proscribing them to be stripped both of life and goods, and four thousand of them he destroyed, being assembled together in one place. Others of them recovered the inaccessible and insuperable places of high mountains, where, till Pope Eugenius time, which was about an hundred years after, our Author Antoninus says, they abode. Antonin. Part. 3. Tit. 22. c. 10. And these be the very race of them from father to son, which we see in the valleys of Host, Angrogne, and other places. The same opinion is held of them which at the same time were burned in great numbers within the town of Crema, in the Duchy of Austria, which the Abbot of Hirsaug, believing his predecessors, taxeth with the same faith and belief, inuoluing the truth in many lies and fictions: Yet by his testimony it is manifest that they rejected the Mass, as vain and unprofitable, and the consecrated Host, a god invented by men; affirming that the Church of Rome was a congregation of unfaithful, and not a Christian assembly: as also the merits and intercession of Saints to God, the difference of days, and meats, the Roman consecrations, with many other things of this nature, they utterly detested, and held frivolous. What the Author lays further upon them proceeds from the father of lies. But he testifies, Chronic. Hirsaug. that there were innumerable multitudes of this profession, in Austria, Bohemia, and other bordering countries; and that one of their Preachers being condemned to be burnt at Vienna, and conducted to the place of execution, more than eighty thousand upon the same embraced that religion in those parts, of whom many were committed to the fire, in sundry places, But they (saith he) with joint will and consent persevered in their errors even unto death. Now let the indifferent Reader judge, whether any one could ever cheerfully and joyfully lay hold of the flames for such heinous crimes and offences as they are imputed and charged withal, much less so great a number of all kinds and qualities. Not long after Lombardus was taken at Collen, a principal Pastor amongst them, who drew unto him both there and elsewhere many disciples, by his books which were written in the Germane tongue, and vulgarly dispersed: Wherein (saith the same Author) he defended his doctrine, strengthening and fortifying the same out of the holy Scriptures: and therefore he was condemned to the fire, leaving many (as himself confesseth) both within and without the city, secret professors, and disciples of his errors. Moreover he adds, That Bohemia being then infected with this heresy, even to this present day abounds and swarms with such errors & obscenities, as hereafter in the year of Abbot Blasius 17, shall more fully be related; though afterwards it was evident enough to all the whole world, what the Bohemians were, especially in the time of the Council of Constance, in whom no blemish of those corruptions appeared; and therefore Trithemius mouth may herein fitly be stopped, who transported too violently with a vulgar aspersion, replenisheth his history too plentifully with these calumniations. 57 PROGRESSION. Afer a vacancy of two years, three months, and seventeen days, the Cardinals dissenting, and referring it to his own arbitrement, james de Ossa chose himself Pope, and was called john the two and twentieth. Lewis of Bavaria subduing Frederick of Austria, went to Rome with an army, where, against the Pope's will, he was crowned, and afterwards he elected another Pope, Peter Corbario of Rietto, being named Nicholas the fift: This Nicholas coming into john's hands by treachery, was cast into prison. john dies at avignon. An. 1316. IN the year 1316, after a vacancy of two years, three months, and seventeen days, during which time the Cardinals could not agree of their election, james d'Ossa of Cahors, whom Platina calls john the three and twentieth, came to the dignity. The Cardinals dissenting, referred it to his arbitrement, to make choice of any one out of their number, whom he should judge worthy and most fit. But beyond all men's expectation, and through Cardinal Neapolion Vrsinoes' advice, deluding them all, he chose himself Pope, and so mounting upon the throne, I am Pope, Antonin. part. 3. tit. 21. c. 4. saith he. And here Antoninus adds, Though in other elections no man can choose himself, yet in the electing of a Pope this is not prohibited, when the election is thus absolutely referred to himself. Let the indifferent Reader but censure of this kind of vocation to the Seat, by events ensuing. All these things passed at Lions, and not long after he went to avignon, there to settle his residence. This john was borne of very obscure parents, and as it is noted by the writers of those times, he much affected innovations, and was very ambitious. Henry the seventh being dead, for supplying the place of the vacant Empire, the Electors were greatly divided in their voices, many inclining to Lewis, Duke of Bavaria, and divers to Frederick, Duke of Austria. Lewis to procure his own coronation, solicited by Ambassadors john's consent. john alleged, that he had already presumed to do things every way exceeding the power of an absolute Emperor: and so he repelled his entreaties. Then Frederick on the other side propounded unto him by Ambassadors, the demerit and valour of his predecessors, Rodolphus and Albert, both Emperors: His answer was brief in one word, Blondus Decad. 2. l. 10. Auentin. l. 7. That salomon's son was not so wise a man, and so dismissed them: detaining them thus as long as he could betwixt two stools, That he, according to the Law of his predecessor, might sway and govern the Empire; the which he challenging out of that law, arrogated to himself. Lewis, notwithstanding, still held his possession, and subdued Frederick in battle, taking both him and the chiefest of the Nobility in the field. Afterwards, providing for the affairs of Italy, he constituted Matthew, Viscount of Milan, and restored the Gibbellines in many places. When john observed these proceed, he commanded him to lay down the government of the Empire, under pain of excommunication: as also he sent a Cardinal, Legate into Lombardie, who upon the same penalty enjoined the viscounts, Antonin. Part. 3. Tit. 21. l. 6. Parag. 10. both father and son to departed Milan: and they using some protraction, he excommunicated them, interdicted the City itself from all sacred offices, and armed the Croysadoes against them. To this end therefore, in the Cathedral Church of Auignion, this excommunication was solemnly thundered out, as shall in proper place be mentioned; that Lodovick only making some delay in his obedience, might be charged with heresy. And hereupon, Italy was divided into more cruel factions than ever before, and the Guelphs rose against the Gibbellines in the self same Cities, being one fleshed against another, yea the very Monks themselves, some holding with the Pope, and others with the Emperor, the Minorites against the Dominicans, and the Dominicans rent and divided amongst themselves. Notwithstanding amidst all these tumults, Lodovick passing through Italy with an army, was lovingly entertained at Rome: and that he might the better manifest to all the world, the incredible love and consent of the people herein, he deferred his coronation, while the Nobles of Italy, and the Ambassadors of Cities, could arrive, which came daily to him from all parts: Nauclerus vol. 2. And then they set the Crown on his head, at S. john Lateran's, or as some say in S. Peter's Church; and at the people's great instance by the hands of Stephen Colunna, and Vrsinio d'Vrsini, he being consecrated likewise by james de Prato, Bishop of Castello, and the B. of Ellera: for they thought it not requisite to attend the Pope's coming or any Legate from him, because then the government of the city was in the hands of certain principal Barons, or Nobles, who instiled themselves to be the king of Romans Substitutes, they executing full and absolute authority; but they were yearly changed, except the Senate at any time thought good to use some prorogation: Lewis proceeded yet further, by the Romans instigation (who had many times in vain summoned and solicited the Pope as their natural Bishop, to reside at Rome) causing election to be made of Peter Corbario of Rietto, An. 1327. a Friar Minorite, by the Clergy and people of Rome, he being a very learned man, and fit for the managing of any government, who was called Nicholas the fift: and there were many that he made both Cardinals and Bishops. Nay and moreover, john being convinced in a solemn Council of heresy, he condemned him to be burnt: which sentence was presently and publicly executed in effigy or picture. After the performance whereof, setting all things in as good order as was possible in Italy, he thought good to return into Germany, which was wonderfully molested by john's arts and stratagems. From such a form of contention kindled in Christendom, what could be expected but a general confusion? and so much the rather, because some years before john called Philip de Valois, and other Princes, into Italy, with prevalent forces, against Lewis; and the more to endear unto him Philip, who afterwards came to the kingdom, he permitted him to levy a tenth of his whole Clergy, Antonin. part. 3. tit. 21. c. 6. part. 6. & 9 Auent. l. 7. Guiielmus de Naugiaco. under pretext of an entering into a war against the Infidels: which custom his predecessors had formerly taken up. Thus all things hung in doubtful balance, by the variable success of affairs, till Lewis in Germany came to an accord with Frederick, who was glad to redeem his own liberty by yielding up the Empire. Now Nicholas the fift, john's corrival in Italy, An. 1334. Supplem. Martini. being delivered into john's hands by the Pisanes, who revolted from Lewis, Antonin. part. 3. tit. 21. c. 6. part. 15. Summa Constit. à Greg. 9 ad Sixt. 5. usque constit. paternum morem. annal Franciae. Christianus Massaeus in Chronico. Guilielmus Ockam. in opere 90 dicrum. Ad●ianus 6. in quaest. de confirmat. he was cast into prison: Wherefore john king of Bohemia interposed himself to procure some peace betwixt them upon conditions; but during the negotiations, in the year 1334, john died at Auignion, Christendom being all over in turmoils, but especially all the Provinces and cities of Italy. All Historiographers concur in this, That john left behind him a huge treasure in ready coin, some say fifteen, and others five and twenty Milliones auri, millions of gold, which for those times was very wonderful: For under colour of recovering Palestina he gramd and gripped all the world. And yet he was not ashamed to admonish Edward king of England, That he should not impose such grievous burdens upon the Irish, The government of whom (saith he) my predecessor Adrian granted unto you under certain conditions. But by what right or succession, suppose you, should these people any ways belong to the Pope? For other matters, he publicly preached in avignon, That the souls, yea of the most holy and faithful, did not behold the face of God before the last day of judgement: which he pretended to understand from certain visions of one Tundall an Irish man. And two Monks he sent to Paris, one a Minorite, and the other a Dominican, to preach this opinion out of his suggestion, and to exhort the Sorbon to embrace the same: labouring also the like in other Universities. But king Philip of Valois assembled all the learnedest Divines of his kingdom at Bois de Vincennes, who expressly censured this opinion to be plain heresy. In these things Thomas Wallis, Durandus de Sancto Portiano, William Caleth, and other Authors, are plentiful: Aventine adds, That he read a certain Epistle of the Divines living amidst these dissensions, especially of those of Paris, by which they taxed him of heresy, persuading him to renounce this opinion; which, they say, he did, by their persuasion, not many days before his death. But he might rather, peradventure, be condemned of heresy by the modern Divines of the Roman Church, because (as the same Author relates) he sent for certain men that dwelled in the confines of Bohemia and Austria, who had painted the Trinity, Auent. l. 7. under the forms of an old man, a young man, and a dove (as yet at this day they use to do) whom he charged with irreligion, denouncing them to be Anthropomorphites, whom he condemned to be burnt; although, in so clear a Sunshine of the Gospel, both Bellarmine and other of his followers, are not ashamed to allow, and defend the same. In extrauag. Johan▪ 22. tit. de verb. signific. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. & cap. ad Candidorem, Cum inter, non nullos quia, quorundam. Nicholas the fift wonderfully promoted the Minorites, and john laboured hard, according to the usual inconstancy of the spirit of lies, to suppress & beat them down, and this by such arguments as plainly overthrew the Mendicants foundation: For concerning the question, Whether Christ or his Apostles held any thing in proper, he saith, we must herein believe the holy Scripture, by which the articles of our faith must be confirmed, which teacheth us, That they possessed something in proper; and therefore to believe otherwise was heresy, and he that otherwise affirmed, was to be reputed an heretic. And because their most glorious pretext was in a wilful poverty, he turned them to beggary indeed, enjoining them to be content with mere alms: showing how the custom de facto, permitted to them by Nicholas the fift, with an exception of property reserved to the Church of Rome, was but a plain delusion and cozenage, that so they might cunningly be exempted from that poverty which they professed: and therefore the Mendicants being driven to beg their living from door to door, grew mightily incensed against him. He further argued, That Christ never commanded nor advised Christians, to relinquish their goods: That he never set down any other rules of piety to the Apostles, than to other Christians, to whose perfection the possession of movables or immovables were no ways repugnant: That the Apostles never vowed poverty, nor never out of vow renounced their temporal goods, who questionless, even as other godly men do, both might and may with a good conscience contend for temporal goods: and the naked vow was no furtherance at all to Christian perfection. But to this point he grew (saith Aventine) That such Franciscans as now lived from hand to mouth, and begged from door to door, that spoke against his opinion, in preaching, That Christ and his Apostles possessed nothing, he condemned of impiety and pernicious error, banished them out of the Christian Commonwealth, called them Fraterculos, Silly brethren; and many also he burned. The same Aventine observes in these times, That what was formerly distributed for the sustentation of the poor, was now converted to ornaments, setting forth of walls, and glorious pomp, which was out of Ecclesiastical goods, Then came in private sacrifices, sacrificing Priests, sacrileges, pillories, peculiarities of temples, and these that we call Incorporations, and Non-residencies, all which may be found out in the ancient Records. From this john also proceeded that Decretal Supplement called Extravagantes, so called of john the two and twentieth, as the Clementines were of Clement. And some affirm, That they were both published by him, because Clement perceiving many things in his repugnant to Christian verity, Summa Constit. C. cum nonnulli. C. super gentes extr. de consuetudine. Can. Solita de maiorii. & obedient. Clementina unica de jure iurando. Clementina Pastoralis de sententia & de re iudica●a. C. Venerabilem de electionibus. C. 2. de sententia & re iudic●ta. August. de Ancona in lib. de potestate Eccles. q. 36. art. 2 et q. 35. art. 1. 37. 38. 44. 45, 46. De Rescriptis 6. & ibi Glossa Decis. Rote. he called them in again. We read of one beside these in the Abbreviate of Constitutions, wherein he commands the Inquisitors to proceed against them, as against heretics, in that they had associated themselves with heretics: And these were some Provinces and towns of Italy, who had followed the Emperor Lewis party. The heresy was this, in that they served their lawful Prince against the Pope, which there he says is, in praecipitium damnationis & mortis sese iminergere, to throw themselves down headlong into damnation and death. And thus at length the Decretals came forth accomplished, from which our fathers left unto us a common proverb, That since the decretals had wings (which is, that Decretals were added to Decretals) the world daily grew worse and worse: Those Decretals which denounce thus unto us, That the Pope of Rome is constituted by the Lord over nations and kingdoms. There is as much difference betwixt Popes and Kings, as there is betwixt the Sun and the Moon. That the Emperor was bound to take an oath of fealty to the Pope. That the Pope is the emperors superior, and the Empire being vacant, his successor. That he may depose the Emperor, and, if he so think good, elect another only of himself. In like manner, That he may appoint him an overseer, and so any other King or State. Kingdoms he may transfer from one to another, as he that is their rector and corrector. All these privileges accrueing unto him (so you will believe it) from that saying of our Lord, Omnes potestas mihi data in coelo & in terra, In Decret. Gregorij tit. 7. c. Quanto Glossa Lancelot in templo omnium Judicum l. 2. c. 1. par. 4. Bald. in l. rescripta, C. de praecib. Imperat. offer. num. 7. August. de Ancona, de potestat. Eccles. q. 18 art. 1. 2. 3. 5. Canonistae ad cap. Quanto de Translat. Episc. & C. Proposuit de Concess. Praebend. Gloss. dist. 4. C. 4. August. de Ancona ut supra. Hostiensis in caput cum venissent de judicijs. Cravetta post Baldum, Concil. 566. colum. 2. & Rolland. Concil. 1. num. 93 & num. 130. Baldus Concil. 359. & Cravetta Concil. 241. num. 3. Glossa in Can. 4. de concess. Praebend. & Can. 3. q. 6. causa 15. Decisius 1. vel 447. in compilat. Rebuffi edition. Lugdunens' ann. 1555. p. ●7. Bald. in Lege ultima. as also that which David prophesied of Christ, He shall bear rule from one sea to another. And hereupon the Canonists enlarge, hand over head, in their Glosses and Decisions of the Rota: The Pope undoubtedly is Christ's vicar, not only in earthly, celestial, and infernal things, but further, over the Angels both good and bad: He only hath the power and jurisdiction of all the patriarchs together, a greater privilege than all the Saints, or all the Angels have; so as he may excommunicate the Angels themselves. The whole world is but his Diocese, the square he may make round, right of injury, and something of nothing. He also may against laws natural, of nations, those civil, human, and divine, determine absolutely, and yet justly. Above and contrary to any law, above and contrary to all Decrees, Canons, and Statutes of Counsels, as he whose decree and sentence is above all the Bishops of the earth, he being the cause of causes, of whom no reason can be yielded, but himself; and he that demands any other, presumes to liken himself to the most high, make himself equal to God; and therefore the Pope is their god: But hear more, He may dispense against the Apostle, as superior, and against the old Testament, in that he is greater than all the Authors of the same. Why says he not greater than the holy Ghost, which inspired them? And some say, against the Gospel itself: For the Pope's will is the rule of all justice: whatsoever he does, God holds it well done: God and he have one Consistory, Christ and he one tribunal, the Pope being like to God, sin excepted, so as if he might change opinion, we may as well presume that God can change opinion. Item, We cannot appeal from him to God, in that upon earth he is God, and as God he judgeth. In conclusion, He may command the Angels to transfer souls into Paradise, and devils, out of the vigour and virtue of his Indulgences, to draw them out of hell and purgatory. The books of this Age are full of these Axioms, and no man is ignorant thereof, and now they strive who shall blaspheme highlyest; for the Canonists are not only thus violently carried, but even the Authors themselves of the Glosses, who should have made a more strict examination before the yielding of them up for authentical; they recommending unto us the Pope for a god, yea and that in essence, if it were lawful for us to believe them: The which who would ever have believed, if the spirit of God had not foretold as much? The Gloss upon the chapter Periculoso, of the state of Regulars in Sexto, terms him, The Prince of the whole world; but I suppose they call him not so in the same sense that Satan is so called. What remains there more, Cod. de sententijs rescindend. & ibi Lancelotus & alij. Lancel. l. 1. c. 1. par. 4. de respon Pontif. C. debetur de Appellat. Lancel. Conrade. in Templo omnium judicum l. 2. c. 1. but to be accounted God himself. But Peter Bertrands addition upon Pope Boniface the eight his Extravagant, speaks peremptorily to this purpose, jesus Christ the Son of God, both while he was in this world, and also from eternity, was natural Lord over all, and out of natural right might denounce sentence of deposition and condemnation against the Emperor, or any other whatsoever, as against such persons whom he had created, endowed them with gifts natural, and those of grace, as also preserved them: by the same reason therefore his Vicar may do the like. But did he, I pray you, create or preserve these creatures? In stead of any reason alleged, observe but the execrable blasphemy: For the Lord should not else have been discreet (that so I may speak with his reverence) except he had left such an only Vicar behind him, Bald. in cap. Cum super de causis propr. & possess. In Extravagant. Comm. l. 1. de maiorit. Et obedientia. C. unam sanctam, & ibi Glossa. Et additio Petri Bertrandi in iure Canonic, Editionis Gregorianae Lugdunens'. C. Fundamenta de Electione in 6. that could do all these things: now Peter was his Vicar, and so the same may be affirmed of Peter's successors. But because many Canonists of those times, were ashamed of such words, in certain editions they were quite razed out, and Gregory the thirteenth, under colour of reformation, restored them again. The Gloss upon the chapter Fundamenta electionibus sexto, pronounces flatly, That the Pope is not a man: and in a little verse it is said, Thou greatest of all ehings, thou art neither God nor man, but some intermediant power: whereupon he surnames the Pope Admibilis, Admirable, by which name Christ is called in the 9 of Esay; & it was a wonder omitted the attribute following, Emanuel, God be with us. That Gloss upon the Extravagants of john the two and twentieth, titulo 14, says, Non est purus homo: Glossa in proemium. Clementinar. but yet that of the chapter Cum inter nonnullos, titulo 14, speaks as it were infuriated, To believe that our Lord the Pope could not so or so decree, is merely heretical. Now judge by all precedent inferences, Ius. Canonicum impressum Lutetiae an. 1●20. apud Claudium Chevalonium in sole aureo. Ius. Canonicum Gregorij 1●. impressum Lugduni postreme. Editionis apud Rovillium in Extravag. johan. 22. C. cum inter. nonnullos. Tit. 14. ni verbo declaramus circa finem. what reformation is to be expected from these men, when Gregory the thirteenth perusing the whole Canon law, left this Gloss absolute and entire, and being formerly razed out by others, precisely renewed the same: such an heartgrief it is unto them, howsoever they may feign and dissemble, to abridge the least title of Antichristian privileges. But as Antichrist augments and multiplies his blasphemous names and titles, so does God daily excite and stir up men in the world, to detect and point him out with their finger, which we shall better observe in the sequel of these relations. OPPOSITION. Lewis the fourth, Emperor, suppressed his competitor Frederick, and fortified himself by the king of England's affinity, whose wife's sister he married, being daughter to the Count of Holland: and therefore Pope john thought to raise a very dangerous conspiracy against him, either to detain him still in Germany, or to make all enterprises more difficult to him in Italy. He therefore entered into a league with Charles the Fair, king of France, and Robert king of Sicily, enjoining further Leopald Duke of Austria, and brother to Frederick, to take up arms: he made the Duke of Poland a king, upon condition that he should war against him: and further, he commanded the Teutonian Knights, to make peace with the Lituanians, who were yet Pagans, to invade the Marquisat of Brandenburg, which belonged to Lewis his son. When he saw that in all likelihood he would not leave Germany, he sent Philip de Valois into Italy, with Cardinal Bertrand, a Dominican, in his company, to open a way for him, and he excommunicated all those whosoever that were of Lodovikes partiality. Lodovikes partakers cried out unto him in these distresses, requesting his aid: He notwithstanding; to claim his right, fairly sent an ambassador to john, yea to his Legate, to treat of a peace; who being entertained with threats and contumelies, returned back again. john still reiterates his thundering excommunications; so as all other affairs laid apart, Lewis must needs enter Italy with an army. Auent. l. 7. In Aventine john's Bull against Lewis is to be read, taken out of the ancient Libraries of Bavaria, the which it will be very requisite here to insert absolute and entire: After (saith he) that the Roman Empire, transferred by our predecessors from the Greeks to the Germans, was committed to the custody and protection of Charles the Great, this sovereign honour was wont to be the benefit and prerogative of the highest Priest: For it was then decreed, That if the Almans at any time made choice of a king, this election should be of no vigour nor force, except the Pope of Rome, Father and Prince of Christendom, did ratify the same, and he so assigned by the Princes and States of the Empire, could neither govern nor take upon him royal Title, before the Pope, God's Legate, authorized and approved him, suo numine, with his divinity. And further, the Empire being destitute of an head, the absolute power and prerogative lay in the Pope, whose see it manifestly is. And we have seen throughout all precedent discourse, what strife hath been about this word Benefice, or Fee, as also how much blood was shed in all parts of Italy: In like manner when the seven Electors are divided, neither the one nor the other of the elected can be king: And so the Roman Bishop, as the common parent to all men, is to manage at his own will the Roman Empire, being by such a dissension destitute of an head. And as the mind commands the body to serve, by whose benefit it only lives, so no man can deny but that then the Christian affairs go best forward, when things frail yield to those eternal, profane to sacred, and those corporal to the other spiritual: Which then comes to pass, when the Pope at his discretion governs both dignities; for both the the Church is governed, and all other power is reduced under his laws and obedience. And the Emperor by oath is bound unto him, who by a vicegerency under the celestial Emperor, sways and rules the earth. For this cause it is, that two after Henry the sevenths' death, having been nominated Emperors, Frederick and Lewis, both the one and the other were incapable of this sovereign dignity, and so consequently the Christian Commonwealth came to be dissipated, and abandoned, and therefore in all right was to be directed and governed by us. As also Lodovike to his own great hurt and prejudice, and no less detriment to the Roman Church, before he was thought worthy by us to rule, out of his own head took upon him the royal Titles, rashly usurping the authority and power of Emperor, which still he holds both in Italy and Germany: For he hath given into his sons hands the Principality of Brandenburg, contrary to all laws: And notwithstanding our opposition, he succoured Galeazzo and his hrethrens, who were condemned of heresy: (And this is continually for such an heresy as neither the Apostles nor the Fathers ever made mention of:) We therefore, according to the authority derived to us from heaven, peremptorily command Lewis, within the space of three months to abjure all royal Title, and absolutely to forbear all government, public adminstrations, and managing of affairs; disannulling all things formerly by him acted, and never hereafter to reassume the dignity, except by our express injunction and command. But if he delay any ways in this case to obey, We command all patriarchs, Bishops, Priests, Princes, and immunified cities, to fall from him, and forcibly to urge him to submission. Dated and published in Auignion, the eighth of the Ideses of October, in the eighth year of our Pontifical dignity, and in that of Christ 1321. And that we may aggravat nothing out of our own constructions, let the Reader but only observe this form of speaking, which retains with it a certain similitude of that which he says in one of his Extravagants, where without any ambiguity, God hath committed to me (saith he) the prerogative of Emperor, both celestial and earthly. When this Bull came to Lodovikes hands, prudent as he was, he seriously consulted with all the famous Divines and Civilians both of Italy, Extravag. ne sede vacant C. si fratrum. Germany, and France, but especially with those of Bologna and Paris: and all their opinions agreed in this conclusion, That john's Decrees and promulgations against Caesar, were altogether repugnant to Christian integrity, and divine Philosophy. These resolutions of the Divines (saith Aventine) are yet extant in Libraries, written in parchment. Many renowned men also, of whom some were Civilians, and some Divines, writ stiffly against john, whom they sharply refuted out of the holy Scriptures, and the ancient laws and Canons: And amongst others, some Minorites of greater note forsook john, to cleave unto Lewis, summoning john as it were to a day of hearing. Lodovike in the mean while being constituted, published a solemn Diet to be held at Ratisbone, whither all the greatest Princes and Bishops of Germany had recourse. Amongst these there assisted john king of Bohemia, Matthew, Henry, and Baldwine, of Magunce, and the two Archbishops of Collen and Trevers: Where it was decreed, That Lodovike the Emperor should be provident to prevent the bringing of the Germane liberty into servitude, and that the Majesty imperial might be freed from tyrannical talons: and therefore by the Acts of this Diet all the Decrees of john the two and twentieth, were declared void and invalidious; and whosoever stood in defence of them, he was to be reputed an enemy to the Commonwealth, and his goods to be confiscated. By the force of these Acts Otho Bishop of Carinthia, and Lambert of Tolouse, the Pope's Legates, were expelled out of Germany, and all the Bishops, Prelates, Priests, Monks, yea, and the Franciscans themselves obeyed this Decree; only the Dominicans hung neutral, bending sometimes to john, and sometimes to Lewis, as their own interests moved them, one while observing john's interdict, & another time for fear of being expelled, celebrating and discharging sacred functions: as also by the high authority of this Diet an Act was published, which is to be read absolute and entire in Aventine, whose principal heads (to avoid tedious prolixity) it may suffice here to insert: Christ the Saviour our Lord and God, Aventine l. 7. and his chief Legates, Peter, Paul, james, and john, ascending into heaven, told us of very dangerous times, imminent and hanging over our heads, but above all they instantly admonished us, That being subtle in some sort as serpents, we should take heed of the leaven of the pharisees, and avoid false Christ's, false Apostles, and false Prophets, being so termed, by reason of the lying and hollow hypocrisy of their religion, who call themselves Christ's Priests, when they are the very messengers of Antichrist: They may be discerned by their unquenchable thirst of honour, power, and worldly treasure, and their excess avarice and pride is grown to a proverb. We cannot deny, but must clearly confess, that our times can abide no strict examination or censure: For now manners being wholly corrupted, Christian sincerity is trodden under foot, & enured customs more prevalent than truth, overcome: but yet indignation cannot but break silence, and being placed in a most high watch tower of discovery of human proceed, we must not hold our peace, lest, as the holy Prophet says, we show ourselves like to dumb dogs, that cannot bark. And though we be not able utterly to expel such Wolves clad in sheeps skins, yet it is our parts and duties to resist, and in some sort to discover them. For though we cannot do as we would, yet our mere good will, when we can attain no further, is both honourable and commendable. At last he applies this theme to Pope john, declaring how many sundry ways he wasted and spoiled the Christian Church; as he that provoked Christians to draw their swords against their own bowels, and stirred up nations to perjury, treachery, rebellion, and conspiracy: And this Antichrist (saith he) will not suffer us to keep that peace recommended to us by God, so great is the perverseness of that man, or rather of Satan, as in public sermons he sets forth his own flagitions, for singular benefits. When Christian Princes are at discord, than the Roman Priest reigns. In brief, the Pope is then of greatest authority and power, when all others being weakened and plucked down by discords, seditions, and mutual hatreds, his thunderings grow terrible, every beck of his obeyed, and we observe even his very spittings, etc. And questionless it was by this policy that both of us were created to the dignity, whom a very brief letter from him might easily have reconciled, or at least have persuaded us to determine our right, rather by juridical proceed, than by arms. But contrariwise, he no ways laboured to procure peace betwixt us, but rather to nourish discord, inclining one while to me, and then another while to my adversary of Austria. Now he would be on frederick's side, and then on Lodovikes party, and which of them grew weaker, him would he always fortify with his aids and supplies. First of his own accord he invited us secretly to communicate, giving fair and equivocal speeches to us both, and being almost come to agreement, he would then again persuade us to reassume arms. All this he did politically, that while we thus ruin one another with domestical and intestine wars, he might rack the Empire, demolish castles and cities, and invade and spoil both the people and the Commonwealth, whose destruction he hath conspired, reduce Christ's flock into servitude, and fight against the Saints and holy ones of God. He boasts, that he may presently, without all delay, denounce sentence against us, before we are condemned: Being our capital adversary, and public enemy, yet in his own cause, he says he is both suitor, witness and judge: The which we never read of amongst the Turks, jews, Saracens, nor Sarmatians: Those that hold their loyalty to Caesar, observing herein Christ our saviours commandment, he for no other cause condemns of heresy. What is his will, he thinks to be lawful: wealth purchaseth authority for all things etc. He assumes the spirit of Satan, makes himself like to the most high, is content to be worshipped (which was forbidden john from above by the Angel) and permits his feet to be kissed, after the manner of Dioclesian, and Alexander, most cruel tyrants: when Christ a freeman, nay the Lord of heaven, and our God, washed the feet of poor fishermen, his disciples, that his Apostles and messengers, by his example, might do the like to those to whom they were sent. That there was one divine Majesty, and providence, rich enough in itself, and needing nothing of ours, being present every where, consulting and providing of itself for all things etc. And Emperors were not constituted upon earth, by fortune, chance, neither by mortal men, or the secret power of the fates, but they were chosen by supremest deity, divinely created, and by a most merciful and indulgent Father, placed in the administration and government of all human things. Furthermore the Roman Priest, whose conversation should be in heaven and heavenly things, holds and possesseth Cities, Castles, Boroughs, Provinces, riches, power, great worldly honour and magnificence, the power of the sword, and accruments, not out of any right of his own, but by others liberality & benefit, that is by the benevolence & bounties, if I may not rather say, the vility and baseness of the Potentates of Germany. But they of all others most ingrate, study how to deserve ill of their benefactors; for the sword, which through our munificence they hold in their hand, they are not ashamed to draw and sheathe even in our bowels, which have been their benefactors: now these goodly Pastors, raised by our predecessors, to honour and riches, can endure no equal: They have excluded Caesar out of Italy, and Christ out of Rome: true it is they yield him heaven and hell, and the world they challenge to themselves: And they will not only be called, but firmly believed to be the gods of this world, and of men, as if they could rule over men's thoughts and tongues, or had an Empire equally divided betwixt them and jove. Christ crucified, and supreme power on earth, are very repugnant and opposite, the soldier and the Priest, the Emperor and the Pastor, the Kingdom and the Cross, corporal and spiritual things, arms and sacred offices, war and peace, Caesar and an humble messenger, the Prince and the Minister, the Lord and the servant: whosoever would be greatest amongst you (saith the highest heavenly Arbitrator, to his Legates) let him be lowest and your servant. To be both Emperor and Pope at one time, is a monster with two heads: for in coins and medals we see that Decius and Nero, with such like tyrants, than worshippers of false gods, were the like. It is an abominable reproach to nature, a great provocation to God, and our own mere slothfulness, and stupidity, that the Prince of Princes, should serve the servant of servants. If he be the servant of God's servants, why serves he not? Why does he not minister? Why feeds he not? Why does he not teach? Why does he not preach? For greediness of power and pelf he confounds heaven and earth, all matters are vendible, he hath hell and heaven at command. Then he comes to refute the Pope's Bull, by a precedent from his predecessors, especially the prerogative that he so arrogated to himself; as that in the vacancy of the Empire, and upon the dissenting of the electors, the government of the Empire belonged to the Pope. He justified also the course and proceeding of his election, and all his actions since the same, explaining and laying open unto all men, how justly he applied himself to a necessary defence both in Germany and Italy: And so going forward, He most falsely, saith he, accuses me for a favourer of Heretics; I am a Christian, but he is an Heresiarck; for he cannot be Christ's disciple that scorns his life, contemns poverty, despises piety, pollutes Religion, profanes holy functions, sets light by modest manners, condemns institutions, and treads under foot all rule and precept: For S. Francis, who was an Herald of verity divine, the ensign-baerer of Christian poverty, and all his whole order he condemned of impiety in avignon, the sixth of the Ideses December, anno 1322. I pray you hear for what cause. An. 1322. This pernicious man, thirsting after dominion and Empire, preferring silver before the Gospel (where wealth is termed sin) and gold before Christ's poverty, calls the Franciscan Friars, of contemptible opinion with him, a foolish kind of cattle, and pernicious foxes, who with religious hypocrisy, delude the world and deceive the people. He attempted to put down their order, because they taught, preached, and proved to their followers, That Christ possessed nothing in proper on earth: But they, calling a solemn assembly, at Perugia, by common consent of all the Divines, set him forth in his liveliest colours, defending the truth by the holy Scriptures, and divine Testimonies, though such kind of men deserve rather to be chastised with imprisonment and bands, than with arguments and disputations: but yet they deciphered him most truly, evidently declaring him, to be an insatiable gulf of Avarice, and a worshipper of Idols: For that wonderful mass of gold, said they, which he raked together out of all Christendom, but principally out of Alman, the kingdom of Arles, and Italy, under colour of an expedition, into Asia, he distributed amongst the Saracens, to make war upon the Christians of Armenia, who refused to be peeled and pulled by him. At last, drawing to a conclusion, he says, If he be not Antichrist, yet he must needs be his predecessor and forerunner: and therefore, for defence of God's Temple (whereof he hath charged us to have a special care) we appeal from him, to a general and universal Christian Council. This appeal many supposed to be full of peril and danger, but William Ockham, a Franciscan, a Divine of great reputation, and his colleagues, divulging Books upon this subject, they fully satisfied all those, saith Aventine, who made a great scruple where none was. This Apology of Lodovickes, was of such force among other Princes, yea even with his adversaries, that the Counts of tyrol and Goritz, treated a peace betwixt the two competitors, Lewis and Frederick, Lodovick taking Frederick in battle, as hath been related, held him in custody for certain years, he therefore restored him to liberty, upon condition that Frederick, should abjure all royal Title and plight his faithful promise, That the house of Austria, should never contend with that of Bavaria for the Empire: hereupon they received the Sacrament together; but as many Historiographers make mention, Frederick did not afterwards perform his promises. Lewis, in the year 1327, as you have heard, went into Italy, An. 1327. and ordering his affairs in Lombardie, the imperial Diadem was with sumptuous celebration, & solemnity, set on his head at Rome; There he assembled also a celebrous Synod, wherein, he grievously complaining of Pope john, divers heavy censures passed, and many things were spoken freely, boldly, and resolutely: and so at length john, being deposed, another was chosen in his place. It will be very material, here to express the principal points of that decree, Auent. l. 7. which may be read in Aventine whole and entire; which Lewis in form of patents directed to all Christians in general. He therefore declares, with what patience hitherto, he had borne so many gross and important injuries, to whom notwithstanding God had given a sword to be revenged of them: but because that which he did out of a mere love to peace, might not be ascribed to him for cowardice, or that by sparing the wicked he should but be injurious to good men, he meant to pluck up this evil by the root: According to the prerogative granted to us from above (saith he) we will pluck the lambs skin over the Wolves ears, and to tell you in few words, without any collusion, the whole affair, do but give ear, and attend, for all in general in this matter are interessed. We are all vulgar Communities, without authority, without favour at home or abroad, exposed to base sale: True Majesty and authority, the liberty of religion, the Empire of the Christian people, the laws, and whatsoever is either divine or human, is come into the hands of a most cruel enemy, his repose lies in sedition, and his trouble in peace; a most wicked man, of bloody hands, of brutish avarice, most nocent and most proud; also in lusts effeminate, in ambition precipitant; with whom fidelity, modesty, and piety, are vices, and the vices virtues, all things honest and dishonest end in unlawful gain: he possesseth the Christian Commonwealth, stirring tumult out of tumult, and war out of war. The head of all these factions is james de Baburco, but more truly, Cadurco, who calls himself Pope: the mighty treasure which he fraudulently amassed together from all the Christian nations, he employs against the Saints of God, and the subjects of the Christian Empire, like Abiathar the Priest (who followed Absalon against David) converting the Imperial sword granted to us from heaven, even against ourselves: contrary to divine precept be only intends the temporal cares of this world, gapes after worldly dominion. As he is a masked shepherd, so is he a mystical Antichrist, who being covered with a dog's skin, like a ravenous Wolf he devours the flock of Christ, sells sins, makes merchandise of hell, heaven, and celestial benefits: He entered into league and society with the Saracens, who molested the Armenian Christians for five years together, they daily imploring his aid and succours, with terrible threats and menaces he enjoined the Duke of Prusia to take truce with the Lituanians, cruel enemies to Christian religion, betraying the country unto the enemy, and opening unto them a way whereby to invade the Christians of the Marquisat of Brandenburg: For the Lituanians combining at Baburco, they foraged without fear over all the confines of Brandenburg, put the Christians to slaughter and sword, and most cruelly killing crying infants in their cradles, and in their parents arms. The Temples, Monasteries, and Colleges of Priests and Monks, were peeled, , and demolished; sacred virgins violently enforced, the sacred Host fastened on the end of a lance, the enemy insulting, and using this exprobration, Behold here the Christians God. And all these things came to pass through the impiety of john the two and twentieth. This two headed monster will needs be both spiritual and temporal. Christ our Saviour, to whom all power was given in heaven and earth, yet he refused the Empire and kingdom of the earth, offered unto him by the people. And it is most manifest, by the opinions of all the most learned in divine Philosophy, the laws civil, and laws Pontifical, that both the dignities sacred and profane stand not with the Bishop of Rome. We absolutely deny the sacred Roman Empire, which Christ and his disciples obeyed, and were tributaries to, to be the fee and property of a silly arrogant Priest. This james therefore formerly by the divine and learned Prelates denounced an heresiarke, by the Counsels Decrees, and after the manner of our predecessors, being deposed from his Seat, and by Christ rejected, I renounce and disclaim. We have before our eyes the examples of many good men, whereby we think the same lawful for us to do, which others have done before us. Otho the first, together with the people of Rome, and the whole tribe of Priests, razed john the twentieth out of the Catalogue of Popes, for certain impieties (which compared to those of john the two and twelfth, are but very May-games) constituting another Pastor both over the world and that city. And as it is related to us in the Fasts and Annals, many Emperors and good Princes have done the like: and therefore this james, for the crime of true irreligion, being before by the Franciscans, and other Divines, branded with heresy, a contemner of Christian poverty, and author of Antichristian Empire, by our prerogative, decree, sentence, and common consent of all the Princes and Prelates of Germany and Italy, the Priests likewise and people of Rome instigating us hereunto, we declare and proscribe, as exaugurated, abjured, and condemned of heresy, and so annihilat and frustrate the force of all his Acts. Let all Christians therefore from this time forwards repute him in the number of the impious and wicked: all men depart from him, let them fly his access and conference, and like a contagion, for fear of infection, let them shun and avoid him. Afford him no honour nor reverence, and let them whom it may any ways concern use all endeavour to apprehend him, that after the custom of our predecessors he may be justly punished. And whosoever does any thing contrary to this Decree, be he proclaimed enemy to the Commonwealth. We forthwith, assisted by the Clergy and people of Rome, will by common consent, and after the institution of our Elders, conformable to the laws of holy histories, constitute a Pastor over the city, and the whole world. This Edict was signed by the Emperor, as also by the Clergy and people of Rome, and published in a most celebrous assembly of Bishops, Roman Lords, Governors, and Cardinals, in the Minorites Convent. Apud Marquardum Frelierum rerum Germanic. Tom. 1. in Appendice. An. 1328. Given and published before the famous Temple dedicated to Saint Peter and Paul, Christ's Legates, the eighteenth day of April, in the city of Rome, Anno 1328. And to this time, or much thereabout, aught to be referred the answer of the same Emperor to john the two and twentieth his Bull, directed to all Princes and States, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, in which contrary to that the other contended to prove both by the Canon law, Glosses, and opinions of Doctors, he averred, That the Empire no ways depended on the Pope, and how all the laws never approved the Pope's plenary power both in spiritual and temporal things: That an Emperor formally elected, before his consecration at Rome might execute all his authority and prerogatives: and whosoever thought otherwise were traitors and heretics. Of which kind also that information is, De nullitate processu johan. 22, whether Marsilius Patavinus, or Ockam, be Author thereof. Wherein Lodovike appeals from a Citation unduly made in avignon, unto a general Council, convocated in some safe and secure place with due form, and according to the sacred Canons; and after a lawful Appeal he avers that no place remains for any Excommunication or Interdict. And thus it was enacted against john the two and twentieth, or, according to Platina, the three and twentieth. Furthermore, Trithemius in Chronic. Hirsaugiens. the Divines and Civilians of these times argued this question by way of Thesis, De potestate Imperiali, & Papali, earumque distinctione, Of the Emperors and Pope's power, and their several distinction. For, to omit what Vldarick, the Emperor Lewis his Chancellor, Apologia Ludovic. 4. contra joh. 22. publicem proposita. wrote to john in certain letters directed to him in his Master's name, wherein, amongst other things, he calls him Bestiam illam de mari ascendentem, That beast arising out of the sea, of which mention is made in the Apocalyps; an Apology was published in Lodovikes behalf, by the Divines, whereby they stiffly affirm, Quod nullus Papa potestatis plenitudinem in temporalia sibi arrogare potest, That no Pope could arrogate to himself any plenary power in temporal things, much less in the Empire, and yet much more less such an one as john, a man most unworthy of the Papal chair: as also, that the Pope swerving from the Faith might have a superior on earth, which is, the whole Church represented in a general Council, which out of their authority may judge him, and to which for this cause it was lawful to appeal. And the same we read printed at this day. But beyond all others, out of doubt William Ockam, a Franciscan, an Englishman borne, being a very witty and learned Doctor, assails him very stoutly: Defend me Caesar (saith he) with thy sword against the Pope's injuries, and I will by word, writing, and irrefragable reasons maintain thee against him: the which indeed he performed while he lived; he constantly averring, That the Pope was an heretic and schismatic, whose censures were nothing at all to be esteemed. From hence came those Dialogues of his, Pro Ludovici defension, Liber nonaginta trium dierum, pro Michaele Caesennate, General of the Franciscans, excommunicated for the same cause, Errores johannis 22, Dialogus inter Clericum & militem, and other such like: In which he debates this point with so unanswerable arguments, as no man need to call his opinion into doubt or question. The principal heads were these, That the Pope, ex iure divino, hath no Primacy: That Peter never had, nor never sat at Rome, and therefore the Pope cannot have it: That the Pope may err, yea and the whole Roman Church, and therefore aught to be liable to a Council. Concerning the controversy betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, he discusseth eight several questions, First, Whether the Imperial and Pontificial dignities might be jointly discharged in one man. Secondly, Whether Caesar only received his authority from God, or from the Pope of Rome also. Thirdly, Whether by any authority from Christ the Pope and Church of Rome have power to confirm Caesar, and other kings, in the exercise of royal jurisdiction. Fourthly, Whether Caesar being elected, hath at the same instant absolute right to govern the Commonwealth. Fiftly, Whether other kings besides Caesar and the king of Romans, being consecrated by Bishops, receive any authority from them. Sixtly, Whether such kings are in any sort subject to those which consecrated them. Seventhly, Whether if they should use any other rite or solemnity, or assume another Diadem, they lost in so doing their royal title and prerogative. Eightly, Whether the seven Electors confer as much right upon the Emperor elected, as other Kings and Princes have by lawful succession. All which questions he arguing on both sides, he determines in the greatest part for the civil Magistrate, I mean for Kings and Princes; utterly overthrowing by the way, the Extravagants of john the two and twentieth, as false, heretical, and by many condemned: Whosoever think otherwise, they may be numbered amongst them of those times whereof the Apostle to Timothy admonisheth us, 2. ad Timoth. c. 3. v. 3. & 4. The time will be when they shall not give ear to sound doctrine, but according to their own lusts they shall seek out for teachers that may delight their ears, which themselves shall stop against all truth, and open wide unto fables: For this is the state of the present time, that all men in a manner inquire not what was the doctrine of Christ, of the Apostles, or of the Fathers, but only they listen what the Pope wills and commands them. Ascentius in his Preface says, That he writ six other tractates, which he wittingly omitted, because they were somewhat too sharp and bitter against the Pope of Rome. Editus Basiliae. Marsilius Patavinus, the Author of that golden Treatise, whose title was, Defensor Pacis, of the authority of the Emperor, and of the Pope, writes much out of the same vein; where, out of the holy Scriptures, the Laws, the Canons, and both the sacred and civil history, he affirms and avers these propositions ensuing: That Christ was the only head and foundation of the Church, and not Peter: That he constituted none of the Apostles, no not Peter himself, Universal Vicar, and head of the Church; and that by as good right any one else may usurp to himself this title: That Peter was never Christ's general Vicar, neither did Christ appoint the other Apostles to be subject unto Peter: How it was most probable, that Peter was never at Rome, much less that there he held his seat, who, as the rest of the Apostles, had no peculiar seat: That the Pope labouring to confirm his Primacy by succession, hath no right at all, and therefore it is not validious: That he hath no greater authority than other Bishops, no not in that which appertains to Indulgence, and remission of sins, and that otherwise by divine right all men are equal with him; the Bishops of Magunce, Collen, and Trever, are primates as well as he: That the plenary power attributed to him, was a manifest lie, an execrable title, and the very original of all evils, and the use thereof was to be interdicted the Popes by some good general Council. But concerning temporal things, Christ, whose Vicar he would be thought to be, never exercised any temporal authority upon earth; but contrariwise, both himself and the Apostles submitted themselves to the civil Magistrate; and after his ascension into heaven, they both obeyed Princes, and enjoined their disciples to this obedience: and therefore that no temporal jurisdiction did any ways belong to the Pope over any man, much less over Princes, and least of all over the Majesty Imperial; and if he usurp the same, they are bound by divine laws to resist him therein, by word, by deed, by all means, and all endeavours, and not doing so they should be unjust and injurious to God; as on the contrary they that fight for him and these false prerogatives, may be reputed to be the devils champions: That the emperors confirmation belonged not to the Pope, much less his election, nay and this manner of his coronation, by reason of many abuses growing from the same, brings some danger to the Empire: But so on the contrary the Emperor being a Christian Prince, by the consent of the Clergy and people may nominat a Pope, and (the party being absent) confirm him nominated: If he be accused, or objected against, he may reduce him into the true way, and judge him by a Council. That Peter when he lived, as he was a man, might fall, nay, and err; neither was the Pope by any privilege exempted from error. And whereas it was said to Peter, Oravi pro te, this may be extended likewise to the rest of the Apostles; & therefore he could be no surer of his faith & constancy than the rest of the Bishops: That only the Canon of the sacred Bible is the fountain of truth, in whose disesteem we must neither believe the Pope nor the Church: That we ought not to believe the Popes and Cardinal only, about the sense and meaning of the Scriptures, or any principal point of faith, because very often, by their wicked interpretations and opinions, they have led miserable men to hell: That the Christian Church is properly the general body and number of the faithful, not the Pope, or the Cardinals, no not the Roman Church itself: and the same is truly represented in a lawful and general Council of the Churches, which was to be called by the Emperor, with the consent of other Christian Princes, and in times past was so perpetually called. And surely my very conscience urgeth me to comprehend as briefly as I can, what he speaks of these things, because never any man more plentifully displayed by what degrees and pretences the Popes have attained to this height of tyranny: As also I would request the Reader not to think it tedious to read over the book itself, especially speaking of the Court of Rome: Marsil. Patavi. part. 2. c. 24. Those (saith he) which have visited the Roman Court, or to speak more significantly, a Staple of traffickes, more horrible than a den of thieves; Or they, who have not seen it, may understand by the report of a multitude of men worthy of credit, that it is at this day become the very receptacle of all bad and wicked practitioners, both spiritual and temporal: For what other thing is it than a concourse of Simoniacs? What other than an harsh rude bawling of Barretters, an Asylum for slanderers, and the trouble and vexation of honest men? There the innocents justice is hazarded, or at least so long protracted, if they be not able to compass it by money and bribes, that at last exhausted and toiled with innumerable disturbances, they are enforced to let fall their miserable and tedious suits: For there indeed human laws reecho and sound out, but divine precepts are are silent, or seldom heard: There are counsels and consultations of invading Christian Princes by armed and violent power, conquering and taking the same from them to whose custody and jurisdiction they were lawfully committed: but for purchasing of souls there is neither care nor counsel taken. Whereunto we may annex, That there no order, but perpetual horror and confusion inhabits. And as for myself, that have seen and been present, me thinks I behold that fearful statue which in the second of Daniel was represented to Nabuchadnezzar in a dream, having an head of gold, arms and breast of silver, belly and thighs of brass, iron legs, and the feet one part iron, and the rest of earth. And so applying it in every part, Brazen breasts and thighs (saith he) because of the shrill and large promises, and the vocal, though fallacious, absolution from sins and penalties; and the unjust and terrible maledictions and condemnations of such as but defend their own liberty, or observe due fidelity to their Sovereigns, though, through God's protection, all this rage and tumour is but vain and innocuous. And no marvel it is, that the Index Romanus forbade all men the reading thereof. john de jandun a Gantois, maintained the same propositions, who also was comprehended in the same sentence of condemnation, a man of rare learning in those tempestuous days, as may plainly be collected by his works, printed both at Venice and Florence. Also Leopald of Bebemburg, Doctor of the laws, and Bishop of Bamburg, who handled the same argument, namely, That the Emperor had absolute power of governing the Empire, presently after his election, and the Pope's coronation added nothing to him, to whom he was neither vassal nor feudatory. He also convicted Constantine's donation to be a mere fable. The title of the book is, De translatione Imperij, printed at Paris anno 1540: but Michael of Cesenna, General of the Franciscans, spoke much more broadly and confidently; for he said expressly, The Pope was Antichrist, the Roman Church Babylon, which was drunk with the blood of the Saints: And therefore Antoninus placeth him among the Fratricelli, or poor Friars of Lions, who, as formerly we saw, were the very progeny of the Waldenses. This man and his followers particularly averred, That Pope john was an heretic, and all the Popes and Prelates that should come after him. Antonin. part 3. tit. 21. c. 5. sect;. 1 And divers (saith Antoninus) were burnt in sundry parts of the world, that stood firm in this opinion. He also notes, That long time after the Marquisat of Ancona, & Florence itself was full of them, from whence being expelled, they dispersed themselves over the countries of Greece; as also that Lewis of Bavaria the Emperor was a supporter of these opinions: and amongst others he makes mention of one john Castiglio, and Francis de Harcatara, Franciscans, Paulus Aemilius in Carolo Pulchro. who were burnt. Hereupon our Paulus Aemilius descends into these words: Under king Charles the Fair there lived many admirable wits, and most learned men: This age flourished in learning: Some of them were very holy men, and some contending ambitiously to excel others, exceeding a mean, grew to be wicked and impious: Others there were, of whose manners and intentions a doubtful conjecture may be made: Good men grieved for the evils of the times, and silently lamented. And they who were called Fraterculi, condemned both by deed and writing, Ecclesiastical wealth and opulency, and preached, That riches, the purple rob, and domination, were unbeseeming and unproper for religion, etc. But in the life of Philip de Valois, we learn both out of him and other French writers, That Pope john, what need soever he had of our help, made no such great account of us, nor we of him, but that these amities burst forth many times into open war and contention. Those of the king's Council, and of the body of the Parliament, showed him how diversly the Pope and his adherents sought to infringe and cut off his prerogatives: The king's officers complain that all jurisdiction was transferred from the royal tribunal to sacred decisions: That many more temporal causes, and controversies between temporal men, were heard and adjudged by the Bishops and other Priests than by the king's officers and judges. Whosoever in any thing stood not to the censure of the Prelates, he was expelled the Church, removed from communicating with the godly; and it was come to that pass, as even for debt, when the party was altogether unable, he was interdicted water & fire. Wherefore the deputies of the Prelates and Clergy were commanded to appear in the month of December, at Bois de Vincennes, near Paris: there Master Peter de Cugnieres, the king's Attorney, defended his Sovereign's cause, and producing those words of our Saviour in Saint Matthew, Give to Caesar that which is Caesar's, and to God that which is Gods, he argued the distinction betwixt the jurisdiction spiritual and temporal, very worthy of observation: of which the one belonged to the civil Magistrate, the other to the Church, which could not interpose herself in matters temporal, without mingling heaven and earth together, and entangling the whole earth in an utter confusion. His speech he also confirmed by many apt and well applied places out of the Scriptures, and the sacred Canons; and insisting much upon that text of the 22 of the proverbs: Exceed not the ancient bounds and limits which thy fathers laid; Because (saith he) if any customs were introduced contrary to the same, they could be of no worth, nay rather they should be corruptions: and Prescription can take no place against the king's royal prerogative; neither can the king himself renounce these laws and jurisdictions, as may be proved by many chapters which are in the tenth Distinction. If therefore (saith he) the king is sworn at his coronation, no ways to alienate the laws of the kingdom, and to revoke again those alienated, so if they should be suppressed or usurped by the Church or any other, he is bound to renew and revive them again. And with that he brought forth a schedule comprehending sixty six particulars, wherein were expressed such aggravations and oppressions, for which the Clergy was to make satisfaction. Bertram then Bishop of Hutum being to speak in behalf of the Clergy, he ripped up the memory of Charles the Great, Lewis the Godly, and S. Lewis, and other Pinces', who in times past had endowed and immunified the Churches, advancing highly their glory, who had augmented Church liberties; and so by many examples exaggerating their reproach and infamy, who had prejudiced and impaired the same: and this cause being referred for a day of hearing, even to the very festival of S. Thomas of Canturburie, might fitly put the king in mind, that this Thomas as on that day shed his blood for the liberties and immunities of the Church: and yet we formerly observed, that the Divines of Paris disputed how this Thomas was more probably (to be supposed) condemned, because he suffered death for his rebellion. But the king plainly made answer, That he would have a special care of all things to come. Bertram urgeth further, for the better explication of himself, when the king replied, I would rather have the liberties of the Church augmented than diminished, I mean, the true immunities and liberties, but not usurpations. And therefore he consulted with them about the preservation of royal rights and jurisdictions: in hatred of which fact they endeavoured to deprave the memory of Peter de Cognieres. This is he who in a corner of our Lady's Church in Paris, is commonly called Master Peter de Cogniet. An Epistle of Lucifer to the Pope and Roman Church fell fit with these times: Epist. Luciferi ad Papam. Some think it was written under Philip the Fair, but because in some exemplaries it is said to be dated in the year of his Palace overthrown 1351, Here seems in the original to be some error in computation of the years. about the year from Christ's birth 1318, it is referred to that year. Lucifer is in it brought in discoursing, How in times past Christ's vicar preaching the word in poverty of life, the world was so converted, that Erebus was turned into Eremum, Hell into Hermitage: but he had carried the matter so wisely, as to suborn in their places those that should with both their clookes lay hold of worldly kingdoms, which Christ heretofore refused, being offered him; & that therefore they should not now teach as he and his Apostles did, Reddite Caesari, quae sunt Caesaris, etc. Subiecti estote Principibus; but seizing both on spiritual and temporal things, they should assume unto themselves both swords, endeavouring proudly to bear rule over Princes themselves. And hereupon came in all excess, pride, wantonness, wicked devices, and simony, which carried that sway (as he plentifully laid open) that what anciently in times past had been forespoken by the Prophets, was completely fulfilled: The Church of Rome is become the Synagogue of Satan: The purpled harlot hath committed fornication with the kings of the earth: Of a mother she is become a stepmother, and of a Bride an adulteress, forgetting her original charity, and chastity; and principally ruinating the Christian Faith, which before she built up and erected. Then he exhorts the Pope vehemently to persevere in these offices, Because (saith he) we are about to send forth Antichrist, for whom all these treasures are to be reserved, in the mean while we would have you to be our Vicars, etc. They that spoke so broadly in general of the Roman Church, what thought they, suppose you, of many her particular abuses. Hereunto we may add, That john Mandevil, an English man, a writer very near to those times, said, Pope john sent to the Grecians, exhorting them to be united to him and the Roman Church, for the known and accustomed reasons of that plenary power granted unto him over all the Church, in the person of Saint Peter: But they answered him laconically, We undoubtedly believe thy Sovereign power over those that are subject to thee, but we cannot endure thy extreme pride, nor are we able to satisfy thy greedy avarice. The devil be with thee, for God is with us. 58. PROGRESSION. Benedict the twelfth succeeded john. He holds the See while the year 1342, when as Clement the sixth came to the chair after him. Lewis the Emperor dies, and, after some opposition Charles, son to the king of Bohemia, obtains the Diadem imperial. BEnedict the twelfth succeeded john, the Cardinals having been sixteen days in the Conclave, before they could agree upon an election: at last they resolved either for envy, or in despite one of another, to give their voices to this man, nominated jacobo de Furno, the son of a Baker of Bearne, or, as some said, of Tolouse, of a Doctor of Divinity being made Cardinal, called the White, the basest and most contemptible of all the rest. And the Bulletines, or schedules ran in these words I N. name such an one, and if he may not be, I name The white: Albert. Argentinens. in Chron. sed advert in Jndice Hispanico p. 1. multa eradi. whereat, himself being much amazed, You have done very well, said he, for you have chosen an ass. For though he was a great Divine, yet he was thought but an ignorant man for this place, because he was not learned in the Canon-Law, wherein consists all the depth of their Mysteries. It is worthy of memory, that a certain Bishop of Rome, going to avignon, it was told him in a vision, the same night that john died, Papam quaeris, non est, You seek the Pope, and he is dead; then being showed the Pope that should be: when he came to avignon, and looked for him amongst the Cardinals, and not knowing him he asked whether they were all present, answer was made one was wanting: which was the white Cardinal, to whom he presently went, and knowing him, by his vision formerly had, he spoke to him in these words, Father you are to be Pope: Then he added, He that showed me your countenance, brought me into a most foul and unclean stable full of dung, where I saw a very white Marble chest, but nothing in it; yourself no question is that Chest, which in your office and place you must seek to fill with virtues, and wonders: And therefore, O Pastor & stabularie, O shepherd, and horsekeeper together, you must now strive to purge the Court and See Apostolic, at this instant, a most unclean stable of avaricious and simoniacal dung, & take unto your cure the holy Roman Church and the City. And yet if we may believe Hieronimo Squarzafico, in the life of Petrarch (who deeply protests, that he would write nothing rashly, nor nothing without ample and large testimony) he also, though extremely old, brought in his obscenities, as well as the rest: For while Petrarch, saith he, Hieronimus Squarzaficus in vita Petrarcae. was in esteem in the Pope's Court, and was promised honours both by the Pope himself and other Princes, he had a sister, about some two and twenty years old, which dwelled in avignon, where she was borne, with his brother Gerard, being exceeding beautiful, and endued with singular manners and customs; with whose beauty the Pope was desperately in love, and many ways he attempted to enjoy her: For this end he thought to purchase Petrarchs' good will, by rewards and preferments, promising that he would make him a Cardinal, so he might compass his will of her. Francis Petrarch, who in all things had God before his eyes, from whom nothing is hid, and as he that had not learned to flatter, feign or dissemble, being, as he had just cause, wonderfully provoked, and uttering that with his Tongue which was deeply printed both in his heart and countenance, he made answer, That so filthy a hat was not to be put upon any one's head, but rather to be shunned & abhorred of all men, as profane and shameful, and were it not for the reverence of his place, being God's Vicar on earth, which detained him, he would be revenged with his pen for so great an indignity: as he was, saith Philephus, in a moral Sonnet of his, that gins thus in Italian, Io non vo'piu cantare come solea. The Pope notwithstanding, enamoured beyond all patience, tampred likewise with his other brother Gerard, who being corrupted with a few bribes, yielded his sister; when Francis understanding of this heinous offence, and seeing the Church of God so violently transported to all vice and wickedness, he fled from Auignion, and took his journey towards Italy: and his brother strooken with repentance, after he had married his sister, entered into a religious order, and became a Carthusian, in the Convent of Materne, near to Marselles, abandoning and forsaking all worldly affairs. Theodorick Enghelshuen, in his Chronicle, sets down a speech of his, wherein Benedict clearly manifests, what himself thought of his own Court; for creating six Cardinals presently after his coming to the Sea, and demanded why he made no more, he replied, I would willingly have done so, if at the same instant, I could likewise have created a new world, for that already made is not enough to satisfy those that are. In the mean while the Emperor Lewis was the butt whereat he meant to shoot all the arrows of his wrath, who, though he were well entreated by this man's predecessor, omitted no means whereby he might assuage the swelling humour of the Pontifical Court: And Benedict certainly gave the better ear unto him, because Philip de Valois importuned, that himself might be constituted the Pope's Vicar general, both in Italy and over all Christendom beside; and that a tenth might be granted him of all tenths for ten years, as also that all the Church's treasury might be delivered into his hands, for the expedition and succour of Palestina, to wit, that unspeakable treasure left by john the two and twentieth: so as all of them were herewith mightily vexed and perplexed. Albertus' Argent. in Chronic. Apprehending therefore due opportunity, the Emperor Lodovike sent Robert Count Palatine of the Rhine, his brother's son, and William Duke of juliers, to avignon, to congratulat with Benedict, who were closely whispered in the ear, That if Lewis, under certain articles which should be set down in writing, would demand absolution and pardon, it should be granted him. When they were returned he sent other men of high note, with ample commission to perform the greatest part of that which he desired: amongst whom Marquard de Randeck, a Canon of Auspurg, afterwards Bishop of Bamburg, a man of special estimation, delivered the embassage. And Benedict made a very mild and courteous answer, How he was very glad that this branch of Almain would be rejoined again unto her stock●, this Prince, the most noble and renowned of all the world; much commending Germany, and the Emperor Lodovike, whom he termed the worthiest Prince alive: complaining that Italy was governed by tyrants, and the kingdom of Armenia overrun by Pagans, whose Princes, both in Pope john's time and his, called out for the Christians succour, and the Holy land was almost lost for want of an Emperor: and therefore he said he was deservedly to bestow upon him absolution; and the same was expected (saith the Historiographer) the day following. But the Cardinals who were partly created by john, and partly again feared lest their commings-in in France would be intercepted, & then further moved by a great embassy sent from Philip king of France, and Robert king of Sicily, who protested, That he could not without a great scandal receive again into the bosom of the Church so famous an Heresiarke, and that the Pope had need take heed lest he were reputed a favourer of Heretics, they suddenly resolved, that Lodovikes submission was to be rejected, and so they withdrew the Pope from his absolution, though he constantly maintained, that Lewis was not in fault: and they objecting, how Lewis had done many things against the Church: He replied, nay rather we did against him, for he would have come with a staff in his hand, falling down at our predecessors feet, but he would never receive him, and whatsoever he did, he did it by provocation. In which words he manifestly condemned both his predecessor and his proceed. The ambassadors therefore returning into Germany, made relation what was there to be hoped for: In brief, that the court of Rome was wonderfully afraid of peace and concord: how it was an usual proverb amongst them, That it made well for them the Germans were so foolish. And so in the year 1328 an Imperial Diet was summoned at the Bourg of Reynsey, Auent. l. 7. An. 1328. on the bank of the Rhine, where all the Electors of the Empire were present, and many Princes, both lay and Ecclesiastical: where giving up an oath, and all solemn rites performed, they published a Decree, That the Empire depended only on God, to whom the Emperor is bound to yield an account: That being once chosen by the Electors, he is absolute Emperor: That with a good conscience he could not against the Imperial Majesty solicit the Pope by Legates, yield him an oath, or demand leave of him to govern the Empire, who had nothing to do with the Empire, but was a keeper of sheep, bound in this respect to look well to his flock: That so he was taught out of the holy Scriptures, and they that thought otherwise, that the Emperor was the Pope's vassal, and except he were by him approved he could not be acknowledged Emperor, did but evidently abuse the Scriptures, contaminating and wresting them with their corrupt interpretations, which they apply to their own behoofes and interests, contrary to the meaning of those Scriptures, no question, even by the very instinct of Satan, the Prince of this world, as may plainly be discerned by the mischiefs that derive therefrom, civil wars, intestine seditions, devastation of nations, taking of cities, deflagrations, slaughters, and violations: Wherefore (said they) we perpetually enact, That all power, and the Empire itself, proceeds only from the benefit of election, and that by no means we need herein the Bishop of Rome's sanctimony, consecration, authority, or consent: and whosoever speaks, thinks, or practiseth to the contrary, let him be condemned of high treason, let him be reputed an enemy to the Commonwealth, and proscribed, let him be punished with the loss of his head, and his goods confiscated to the Emperor. And so the whole assembly concluded in these words. Not long time after Edward king of England crossed over the seas into Germany to see Lodovike (for the Empresses sister was his wife) and they met both at Franckfort, whither many Nobles & Bishops, both of Italy, Germany, France, and England, repaired: There, by the advise and consent of both Princes, as also of the whole assembly, this Decree was divulged: That whosoever brought in any of Pope john the two and twentieth his Bulls (for to spare the living they laid upon the dead) he should be condemned of high treason. The principal heads and points of this Act, may more fitly be reserved to the section following. Albertus' Argent. in Chronic. Auent. l. 7. Nine days after the Princes of the Empire assembled again together at Lenstaine, within the Diocese of Magunce, binding themselves mutually by oath to defend this Decree, and denouncing him that did otherwise, a pernicious schellem, or knave. This Decree is extant in Albericus de Rosata in Legem 3. Cod. de quadrienni praescriptione, & apud Hieronimum Balbum Episcopum Gurcensem, in his book de Coronatione ad Carolum quintum, Imperatorem: William Ockam, a most famous Divine, and his whole society assisting in all these promulgations. And the Dominicans themselves understanding that Pope Benedict out of his own inclination was not opposite to Lewis, made choice rather to join with him than to departed out of the cities. In some places also, to avoid the blame of weakness and levity, being resolved to obey, they caused themselves to be enforced to celebrate sacred functions. And to this time Pope Benedict held the chair, that is to say, until the year 1342, An. 1342. described for his time in these two short verses: Iste fuit verò Laicis mors, vipera Clero Devius à vero, turba repleta mero. This man the Laities death, the Clergies viper proved, Himself did serve from truth, the people strong wine loved. Peter Roger, a Lymosine, of the Order of S. Benedict, succeeded him, called by the name of Clement the sixth. Albertus declares, That after his election, Albertus' Argent. in Chronic. making a speech, he said, That first he was promoted to be a rich Abbot, then to be a better Bishop, and lastly to the best archbishopric of all France (which was, of Rouen) that he left all these dignities deeply indebted; Then (said he) I afterwards rose to be Cardinal, and now Pope, by divine instinct, because the former places could not support him. Observe how this man feared the weighty burden of his Pontifical office and function. It is specially noted in him, That contrary to the custom of his predecessors, he was the first that fastened the arms of his family to his Bulls, which was the five Roses. And at Paris, in a public sermon, while he was Archbishop of Rouen, the kings of France and of Bohemia being present, he grossly and foolishly preached against Lewis. Afterwards being Pope he overthrew all the Churches of Christendom by his exactions. He was addicted to women, was covetous of honour and dominion, observing no mediocrity in his promotions; so as he made himself and the Court of Rome infamous for simony: And being demanded whether simple Clerks were not to be well examined & interrogated, or no, he made answer, That the hills and mountains (which they were to pass) had examined them sufficiently; Idem ibidem. that was to say, had drawn their purses dry enough. And amongst other things the English Historiographer observes, Thom. Walsing. in Hypodeigm. Neustriae. that when his Cardinals told him that he had made the king of England's Secretary Bishop of Excester, An. 1345. a lay and ignorant man, he replied, That at his entreaty (the king of England he meant) he had made an Ass Bishop. Lewis, though he had sufficient testimony of his ill affection towards him, yet defatigated as he was with civil wars, he sent unto him an honourable Embassy, which was Henry Dolphin of Viennois, Lewis Count of Ottinghen, and Vlric Hagenhor his Secretary of State, having commission to attend while any hope of peace remained: as also Philip king of France affected the same matter, by this means to abate Lewis his affection towards the English: But (saith the Author) the Cardinals, Auent. l. 7. a perverse kind of men, detracted day after day for the space of three years, in divers convocations deluding him, while at length they resolved, That his impiety towards the Popes, the greatest gods upon earth, was no ways to be let pass unpunished. The sum therefore of his answer was this, That Lewis should first so dispose of himself, as to give full satisfaction to the Church, and then he might solicit the Pope for his absolution. The Pope caused his Monetorie in form of a Placart, to be fastened on the gates of all the Churches in Auignion, wherein he was commanded to surcease his Imperial administrations, and under pain of excommunication, within a certain day to submit himself to the Church. The ambassadors declared, That they had a large commission to give the Pope contentment, so he would but set down his demands in special articles: Albertus' Argent. in Chron. when he thus enjoined, That he should unfeignedly confess all his errors and heresies. Item, That he should resign the Empire, and not to reassume the same before by the Pope's favour it were conferred upon him: to commit both himself, his sons, his goods, and his whole state, to the Pope's will and disposition: with many other strange and unusual injunctions. There was no man supposed that ever Lewis would have accepted of these conditions, and yet he did not only subscribe unto them, under hand and seal, but a Protonotary being present, who was sent from the Pope, for this purpose, he both swore their observance, and also never to revoke them: so as the Pope and all the Cardinals were herewith astonished. The ambassadors therefore taking an oath in his name, desired certain articles of penance to ●e delivered to them, supposing that no obstacle now remained behind. But then the Pope abusing maliciously his simple humility, digested other articles which concerned not his person, but the very State and respects of his Empire, As that he should revoke all the Decrees enacted against john the two and twentieth, Christ's Vicar, cut off former Acts, recant all opprobries, and publicly by a perpetual Edict establish, That the Empire was the fee and donation of the Pope, and that he neither could justly be, or be called Caesar, before he confirmed him in the same: as also, that he should deliver Ockam with his Colleagues and associates into his hands. The which articles being communicated to the Prince's Electors, and cities Imperial, by copies sent all over, they met at Franckfort the year 1344, in the the month of September, to deliberat and consult of them: There with joint consent, all solemn rites observed, they decreed, That these articles were most impious, and tending to the overthrow of the Empire: That the Emperor by his oath Imperial undertaken, could by no means assent thereunto: That ambassadors should be sent to the Pope to complain of these articles, and if he persisted in this severity, they would let slack no means to preserve the honour, rights, and safety of the Empire. To conclude, they sent Princes and great States to the Pope, who understanding their resolution, was the more incensed to Lodovikes destruction & ruin, and thereupon he began to plot with the king of Bohemia, with Charles his son, and the Bishop of Treves their uncle, to erect another Emperor opposite to Lewis, the which egg was hatched some two years after. Aventine here notes, That the king demanding of the Parisian Divines about this affair, they made answer, That Clement's answers were not only wicked and insolent, but contrary to all Christian equity and justice. Clement therefore the year 1346, An. 1346. in the administration of the Sacrament bitterly cursing Lewis, he denounced him both an heretic & schismatic, admonishing the Princes by a certain day to choose another Emperor, That the Church might not long be destitute of an Advocate, otherwise the Apostolical See would think upon one. He also deposed the Archbishop of Magunce from Virnberg, because he had maintained the prerogatives of the Empire, constituting Gerlac Nassau in his place. The Bishop of Strasbourg he absolved, after he had taken an oath no more to assist Lewis: He employed Bernard of Lutzemberg Elector of Treves, and by his solicitations, through money and promises, drew unto himself many Princes. And thus by the negotiations of this new Elector of Magunce he called a Diet at Reynsey upon Rhine, wherein Charles of Lutzemberg, son to john king of Bohemia, was anointed Emperor, the fourth of that name: And he being then in France to aid king Philip against the English, the Pope absolved him of his oath made to Lewis, and encouraged him both with words and means to assume the Diadem imperial. Lewis on the other side assembled the States at Spire, complaining of so great and singular a treachery, entreating and importuning the Princes both Ecclesiastical and secular, to revenge this injury done unto him, who also undertook his protection, detesting both the Popes and Charles his attempts. Then Ockam and many others writ the more vehemently against Clement, as hereafter you shall see, and a more cruel war than ever before arose in Germany; wherein, notwithstanding the Pope's favour and assistance, Charles having always the worst, when he came to Aquisgrane to be crowned, the gates were shut against him, and when the Bishop of Liege would have received him, the citizens expelled the Bishop himself, and raised the siege laid to it. Yet being confirmed by the Pope, he determined to be crowned at Collen, especially the Bishop favouring him: but the inhabitants refusing him, he was enforced to be consecrated at Bona, while at length Lewis, opposing his wisdom to Charles his youthful heat, was taken out of the world in the year 1347, An. 1347. Paulus Langius in Chron. Citicens'. de an. 1347 leaving the place vacant. Some say he died of poison, othersome say of an Apoplexy: But certainly the most famous men of that age highly commend this Prince, who, to the accumulation of all virtues beseeming a noble and renowned Prince, was in nothing defective, but in his mild and soft proceeding with the Popes: In the mean while Clement publishing a Bull in favour of Charles, wherein he enjoined the Princes of Germany to receive him, as the faithful child of the Church, extorting this fruit from all his labour and study employed, That from that time forward none was to be reputed Emperor whom the Pope, Christ's Vicar, did not approve of; and to believe otherwise was a most pernicious heresy. And for the surer obligation of them to these points, he urged them to an oath, which part of the Princes shrunk from, and some very openly oppugned: For (said they) doth that servant of servants so swell and insult in pride and arrogancy, as that openly with a shameless countenance he contends to surmount the vices and insolences of all the most cruel tyrants we have ever read of? From words therefore they came to blows: for when Charles heard of Lewis death, he came to Ratisbone, the Consuls themselves giving him entry into the city; and when the people heard of the Pope's pretences, they ran violently to arms, himself was scarcely exempted from their fury, so as of necessity he must needs departed the city. From thence going to Nuremberg, and being honourably entertained by the Senate, the people again expelled him, and sent for Lodovikes son: All this proceeding from a detestation of those articles imposed by Clement upon Charles; as also from the form of a Commission granted to the Bishop of Bamberg, for the urging of such to a reconciliation to the Church, who had followed Lewis party: which ran in this manner, They shall swear, hereafter to hold the Catholic Faith (but mark wherein it must consist) to be faithful to the See Apostolic, to believe nor favour no heretic: That it is a condemned heresy, to think that the Emperor may depose the Pope, and create another: That the Emperor is to be esteemed no Emperor, except he be first approved by the See Apostolic: neither were they to cleave or adhere to the progeny or children of the same Lewis, except they were reconciled to the Church: And lastly, That they should obey Charles king of Romans, approved and confirmed in the throne; otherwise they were not to be absolved from these censures and penalties. Charles was advised, not to publish this form, if he meant to be lovingly entertained of the people: But the Bishop fearing the Pope's displeasure, durst not absolve any of the Interdict, unless he would perform this manner of abjuration; which many resisted, and namely at Basil, Conradus Burneveld, Burgomaster, who when Charles entered the city, he protested before a public Notary in behalf of the whole city, My Lord of Bamberg, understand, that we will neither believe nor confess that our Sovereign Lewis, Roman Emperor, was ever an heretic: and whosoever the Prince's Electors commend unto us, or the greater part of them, for king of Romans, or Emperor, for the same we will take him, though he never seek to the Pope; neither will we perform any thing which may be in any sort repugnant to the royalties and jurisdictions of the Empire. Yet the Bishop was counseled to remove the Interdict, and Charles by stealth left Basil, coming by water to Strasbourg, where he met with the like, and yet more bitter distastes; as also presently after at Spire, and other cities, where much sedition & strife grew about this form, which he was driven to moderate and qualify. At Worms the Bishop was constrained to absolve the Interdict, without any oath taken, or conditions at all. Charles was received into Magunce, with this proviso, That he should not establish Gerlac, constituted their Archbishop by the Pope, nor suffer any patent to be publicly read in his behalf: In many places, this Gerlac, minding to departed, all his people guarding before his lodging in arms, the hosts not being paid for the charges of his train, and kitchen, he was detained, and namely at Worms, upon the complaint of a public executioner: And having no other m●●nes, he was enforced to pawn his Patent, or collection Warrants, to pay his hosts. And all this, out of doubt, not properly out of any hatred to Charles, but to the Pope & Pontificial exactions. But the Princes yet attempt further; for assembling in the greatest part at Reinsey, upon the Rhine, under the castle of Longstein, they con●●●ed about the deposing of Charles, and choosing Emperor Edward king of England, Lewis his near ally; to whom, by ambassadors they solemnly offered the Empire: but, after many thanks given, he excused himself by reason of the war he had in hand with the French men. Then they betook themselves to Henry marquess of Misnia, Lodovikes son in law, but for a sum of money he yielded his right to Charles. At last they resolved on Gunther, Count of Swartzburg, as renowned a gentleman for martial prowess as was in that age: who accepted of it on this condition, That in a solemn assembly of the Princes to be co●●ocated at Franckfort, the vacancy of the seat were confirmed by the greater part; which was effected in the year 1349: An. 1349. So much they grudged to receive an Emperor from the Pope's hands. But being sick (as our Author Albertus says) one master Fridanck, a famous Physician, ministered to him a p●tron, which Gunther commanded him, though greatly against his own will, to assay and taste of in his own presence; and presently after his assay Gunther himself took some: but the Physician, who incontinently began to discolour in his countenance, within the space of three days died, and Gunther mightily swelling, grew to be weak and unable of body, so as it was thought this physicians servant had put in some poison. By reason of this bodily indisposition Gunther was the readier to come to accord, being also excited thereunto by divers of the Princes his friends, who looking into this discommodity, meant to advance their own interests, both by benefits and affinities with Charles. It was therefore covenanted betwixt them, That for the right of his election accepting of 22000 marks of silver, and two Imperial towns in Turingia, he should renounce his title for term of life. But within a month after Gunther died, & Charles remained peaceably installed; but this was by sinister means, and to the irrecoverable damage of the Empire: For in him, and by his baseness, the process was ended, to the Pope's benefit, commenced anciently by Gregory the 7, called Hildebrand, for con●●rmation of the authority of their Sees, against the liberties of the Empire, being wholly exhausted of treasure; and therefore to appease the towns & States, who were provoked by his molestations, and to be acknowledged in them, Charles was constrained to acquit them of the greatest part of his taxes & subsidies, in such sort as the Majesty of the Empire was scarce able ever after to recover itself again. By the same means the Germane Emperors lost all their authority in Italy, while Lewis the fourth was at variance and strife with the Popes, partly because Popes ordained Magistrates in the cities Imperial, and out of the Vicariate which they arrogated to themselves in the Empire's vacancy, they appointed the principal of the Guelphish faction to be their substitutes: and partly also in that the Emperor being employed in Germany, to retain still some authority and power, he constituted the more illustrious personages of his party (who were termed Gibellines) his deputies & vicegerents in those cities that remained under his subjection. And thus it came to pass that many of these Vicars and Substitutes grew at last to be Lords and proprietaries of the places. Many cities likewise shaking off the yoke of subjection, redeemed their liberty. And so amidst these great agitations and disturbances, the more mighty and potent devoured and swallowed up their weaker neighbours. For thus we see that Clement by authority Apostolical, made Lucino Viconte, and Io●● his brother, his Vicars in Milan, with absolute authority and power over all the places they held in their hands. In like manner he appointed Mastinus de Scaliger to be his Vicar at Verona, William Gonzaga at Mantoa and Rhegio, Alberto Carrara, at Padua, Opizo d'Este at Ferrara, Modena, and Argento: All which places, did undoubtedly formerly belong to the Empire. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 19 The same course Benedict the twelfth entered into, which, being prevented by death, he could not accomplish and finish. As also Lewis, out of his imperial authority, placed john de Vico, his substitute at Viterbo, Galeot Malatesta and his brethren at Rimini, Pesara, and Fano. Antonio de Montefeltro at Urbin, Gentile de Varano at Camerino, Guido di Polenta at Ravenna, Senabaldo Ordelaffi, at Furli and Cesena, john Manfredi at Faenza, and Lewis Alidosio at Imola: places no question pretended to be Papal. Now the Venetians amidst these tumults, apprehending opportunity, found means to rise by the ruins of the Empire: As also, during these dissensions, one Nicholas Laurentius notary or Chancellor of the Capitol at Rome, attempted to expel the Senators out of Rome, to invade the Capitol, to summon the people to recovery of liberty; to whom such multitudes flocked, that all Italy was only attentive on him and his proceed, nay divers foreigners visited him by Ambassadors: he enstiled himself Nicholaus Severus, and Clemens the Tribune of liberty, peace and justice, and the famous deliverer of the Roman Commonwealth. Machiavelli. l. 1. Hist. Florent. And Petrarch speaking of his beginnings with great admiration, by and by reprehends him, because he flattered the worse sort of people, Where is now become, saith he, thy redeeming spirit? Where is that same consulting genius of good actions, with which thou wert supposed to have daily conference? for it seems such things could not be performed by a man, and it is very wonderful, how this man desisted from his commendable initiations. But distrusting the issue of his innovations, he stole privily out of Rome, and went into Germany to Charles the fourth, to have some treaty with him; who being of a base disposition, sent him bound to avignon to the Pope, condemned to perpetual imprisonment: where the Popes yet remained as it were in an hired and borrowed habitation. When Robert King of Sicily died, he left joane his niece by the brother's side, his heir, to whom by Testament, he allotted Andrew his cousin for her husband: But joane being married a little while, grew into great detestation of him, and thereupon caused him to be slain in the City of Auersa, and then she chose Lewis of Tarento, another cousin of hers, to be her husband. Lewis king of Hungary, came to be revenged of Andrew his brother's death; but joane, not daring to attend Lewis presence, consulted of flight, and so she and her husband retired into Provence, committing herself to the Pope's protection; who through the intercession of Guido Cardinal of Porto her kinsman, made her peace upon this condition, That he might be restored to the kingdom; That Lewis her pretended husband should lay down the style of king, and be contented under him, with that of Prince, and that the king of Hungary after her death, Pandolf. Collenucius l. 5. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 10. Matt. Villani ● Annal. 1. Jac. Card. Papiensis 〈◊〉 Epistolis. should to succeed all her rights & titles. And that you may not suppose the Pope laboured herein in vain, behold the reward of his arbitration: The City of avignon, together with the County, a part of her father's inheritance, was granted to the Pope, but yet this under a certain show and colour of sale, as if the sale of the City, had not countervailed the Tribute which joan was yet to pay out of her kingdom, since her obtaining the dignity. Blondus speaks very plainly out of Petrarch. The Pope did not all this mere gratis, for he enjoyed the city and county of avignon, her father's Patrimony, and the payment of money was changed into the payment of a Fee, or Recognition, which joane, formerly crowned, had promised for her kingdom. Matthew Villanus writes in deed, that it cost him three hundred thousand florins, whereof the discharge of the said pension and arrearages was a part. He at would but know what valuation the Court of Rome made of this purchase, let them read the Epistle of james Cardinal of Pavia, about this matter; when a motion was made of restoring it again to the house of Anjou, We must provide by all means, saith he, Henricus Reb. dorff. in Annalib. that the Roman See, lose not her patrimony beyond the Alps. It is a refuge to distressed Popes, an hard bit in the mouths of the Italians to curb them from too licentiously disturbing the Church: If we cannot be quiet here, in threatening only to transfer ourselves to that City of ours, we work our own peace. Boniface, as formerly you have heard, had ordained the jubilee to be celebrated every hundredth year, promising many great indulgences: and Clement knowing what profit it turned him to, would needs have one also in his time: wherefore in the first year of his Pontificat (let the Reader observe his zeal) he brought it to every fifty year, so as himself being absent, it might be celebrated at Rome, and this was done the better to reconcile the Romans to him, who should be greatly enriched hereby. And because it concerned him so nearly, he sent thither four Cardinals, his Legates, with plenary power if need required, upon this occasion, to reform the state of the City of Rome. His drift was indeed under this pretext to have put down the Senators; but though the Roman mouths watered at the gain and lucre of a jubilee, yet could he obtain no further of them, but that in the election of Senators, contrary to the ancient custom, there should be this addition, A Papa declarabuntur, they shall be declared by the Pope. In the Records of many famous Cities, there is yet at this day, a Bull extant, which he pubisht upon the proclamation of the jubilee: Legitur haec Bulla in Tractatu de materijs Jndulgentialibus joan. Phesteo Professoris Friburgensis. anno 1472. wherein these clauses are expressly set down, Whosoever by way of pilgrimage determines to come to this city (he means Rome) the same day that he goes out of his Inn, onwards on his journey, he may choose a Confessor or Confessors, both on the way and in any other place whatsoever, to which Confessors by our authority we give full power to absolve all Papal interests, as if we were there in proper person. Item, we grant, that if being truly confessed he die in the way, that he be absolutely freed and discharged of all his sins. And no less we expressly command the Angels of Paradise, that his soul being quite set at liberty out of Purgatory, they immediately convey it into the glory of Paradise. But the Parisian faculties of Divinity, condemn the Pope of intolerable error, and temerity. There are that refer such an other, as you have heard to Clement the fift. Questionless all Authors exclaim of wonderful Simony in his time, and unusual reservations of Benefices, throughout the whole Church; some of which he revoaked, only to avoid public scandal. But, gentle Reader, while thou seest him here thus commanding over Angels, why dost thou not listen to the Apostles prediction in the second to the Thessalonians 2, where he speaks of the man of sin, bearing himself as God, equal to God, and extolling himself above all that is called God; in so many ages after succeeding, to whom may it fitlyer be applied than to him? OPPOSITION. The oppositions declared throughout this whole Progress against the Papal Tyranny, may seem sufficient, without adding any other: because we see him to have been ever mightily oppugned, by all the famous men of those ages; as also by most commendable and virtuous Princes: yet for the Readers better satisfaction, we will not think it amiss to annex some thing else. The imperial Decree published in the year 1338, against the acts of john the two and twentieth, as you heard, was approved by Edward king of England, who also was present at the digesting it: For the flanckering and seconding of which, the Emperor Lewis dimulged another Edict, whose principal heads it will not be altogether impertinent here to insert. Lewis the fourth Emperor, and by God's grace Caesar Augustus, to all Christians health: S. Peter and S. Paul, the first Ambassadors from the eternal Majesty, declared and foretold long time before, seriously informing us, That after their times there should arise false Prophets, audacious and subtle, and that Priests should become lying messengers; plainly deciphering their works unto us: In the Temple of God, said they, that is the Church, they shall sit as gods, and be exalted above all that is reverenced or worshipped by any Nation, as God. That those things are most true, which the true Prophets of God, and the interpreters of his secrets, did denuntiat, by manifest experience it is confirmed: and except we be dull and senseless, we cannot but perceive and even feel the same. We cannot deny but that men now are too superstitious to oppose the abuses of the times; though in hypocritical frauds & delusions, wherewith the ignorant vulgar are many times taken and ensnared, they are most witty, and crafty; brazen-faced to uphold customs and rights received, and herein abusing the simple credulity of silly fools, whereof the number is infinite. But it is my part to detect and refel such impostures and digressions, to the end they may not affront Christian integrity, and plainly mock & deride divine verity. Men gather not grapes from thorns, and the Prophet of God receives no bribes or rewards Christ commanded his messengers, that whosoever amongst them, sought to be highest should be lowest: And the Kings of the earth bear domination and rule over people, but you are the servants of my flock, that is to say, Shepherds you are & not Lords. Notwithstanding all these things are most true and evident, yet pharisees, and pernicious Antichrists, sustain, That an Emperor chosen by voice and custom imperial, and by the suffrages of Princes, cannot be Emperor, except the high Priest, who is Lord over all, and possessor of both powers, allow and confirm him. And here he refuted this proposition, as being flatly opposite both to the sacred Scriptures, to the ancient Laws and Canons, and to the customs of all ages: further adding, For these reasons, well, rightly, and wisely I appeal, from the enemy of the Christian Commonwealth, to a future general Council of all Christendom to be held, whereof he is but a member and no head: for as S. Jerome says, The church of the whole world is greater than that of the City etc. Clement persevering in this his rage and fury, William Ockham incessantly defended Lewis right, especially because (through his plot and devise) Charles came to be nominated Emperor: and in a book which he published upon this subject, He taxed Clement, with the note of an heretic, calling him very Antichrist, an hater of Christian poverty, an enemy of the Commonwealth, a mortal foe to the Germans, a most Christian Nation, and a follower of Clement the fift, and john the two and twentieth, false Popes, and most devouring Wolves: Charles also, he accuseth of perjury, treason, parricide, and of impiety towards his grandfather, and near kinsman, in breaking the oath, Auent. l. 7. wherein he stood bound to Lodovick, and perfidiously infringing the Laws of Constans, Franckfort, and Longsteine, promulged by the Diets Edict: and terming him a vile servant to the Priests of avignon, of whom, he bought the Diadem imperial. Leopald also, Bishop of Bamberg, and Ockhams' Colleagues do no less, in a Tractate entitled, Vindex pacis Christianae, wherein they affirm, That the Pope except he had rather take upon him antichrist's pride, than emulate Christ's and his Apostles poverty, was but a servant to the meanest Christian, much more to sovereign and supreme power; so far from reason it was, that to the singular prejudice of the Christian Commonwealth, he should domineer and rule, do whatsoever he thinks good, and requiring not only to be called, but to be believed, a god. Indeed Conrade of Magdeberg laboured hard in the answer of these men, but seven years after Ockams' death, who dying anno 1347, and was honourably buried at Franckfort, in the Franciscans College, together with other two of his companions, Bona gratia de Bergamo, and Michael de Cesena. Some few years also before Vlric Hengherohr, Lodovikes Chancellor, and Secretary to the Empire, deceased, who fearing the avignon Antichristians revenge (so he termed them) he gave order in his last Will and Testament, to be buried without the Church, lest they should have persecuted him in his very bones. But no man shows us more plainly than Florentine Petrarch, what opinion all the renowned men, of those troublesome seasons, held of the Pope and of the Court of Rome, who was Archdeacon of Parma, the very light of that age, and greater had been if he could have soothed and flattered the Popes, of whom he might have obtained any thing. And so much the rather, because he writ for the most part as one exempted from the heat and spleen of those present contentions and partialities. I omit to set down how lively in his Poems he deciphers the Roman Court, many times calling her the Babylonian Harlot, the School of all error, the very Forge of deceit, and the Temple of heresy. But here it may be said, That Poets have ever been permitted to speak broadly: Let me request the Reader therefore but only to read his Latin Epistles, full of gravity, zeal, and learning; wherein he sincerely explains his opinion. In the eighth of those Epistles which are called Sine titulo, where he describes the Court of Rome under the nomination of the Occidental Babylon: Know (saith he) in brief, Petrarch. Epist. 8. that neither mine nor Cicero's pen himself, if he were alive, would suffice to decipher it: Whatsoever we read of the Egyptian, or Assyrian Babylon, whatsoever of the four Labyrinths of the mouth of Avernus, of the groves infernal, or of the marish of Sodom, being paralleled with this hell, they are all but fables and babbles. Here is tower-topping and blaspheming Nemrod: Here is Symiramis and her quiver: Here inexorable Minos, and Radamant: Here is all-devouring Cerberus, Pasiphae prostituted to a Bull; and here is the mixed kinds, and prodigious progeny of Minotaurus: Here are the execrable delineations of variable and wicked Venus: To conclude, whatsoever confused, hideous, or horrible form was ever poetically imagined and feigned, may here be really seen and discerned. Surely thou hast heretofore been happy for thy virtues, but now thou art much more happy in thy absence and remotion. Take you this to be the same city that you saw it sometimes heretofore to be? Fie no, it is sure another, far unlike to the same. Questionless that then was very bad, and those times most defiled and polluted, but this modern Rome is not a city, it is an habitation for spirits and devils; and to speak in a word, the sink of all sin and licentiousness, and that same hell and gulf of the living, described by the mouth of David, so long time before it was founded or known. Ah how often do I call to mind that same fatherly voice, and healthful admonition, when upon my departure thou saidst unto me, Whither goest thou? What dost thou intend? What headlong ambition makes thee so unmindful of thine own safety? Questionless he that he writ to, whom he calls Father, must needs be a man of some eminent note in those times. In his ninth Epistle to the same party he subscribes himself an exile from jerusalem, amongst and upon the rivers of Babylon; Epist. 9 alluding to the hundred thirty and seventh Psalm, where the Psalmist deplores the state of the Church, and his own condition, in the Babylonian captivity. And in his tenth Epistle he lays open his reason: You marvel (saith he) at the subscriptions of my letters, and not without cause, in that you have only read of two Babylon's, one in times passed amongst the Assyrians, where Symiramis lived with so great renown, and another amongst the Egyptians, which flourisheth still in this our age: But cease to admire (saith he) for this part of the earth hath also her Babylon (avignon) for where, I pray you, may the city of confusion be better seated, than in the quarters of the West? By whom it was built is very uncertain, but by whom it is inhabited is manifestly known, by people certainly, who in all right may give her this name: And, if you please, believe me; Here dwells puissant Nemrod on earth, the strong and mighty Hunter, conspiring against the Lord, and with his airy towers aspiring unto heaven: Here also abides a more furious Cambyses than he of the East, nay than the Turk himself. Do but consult with Catholic Authors, but especially with Saint Augustine, and you shall find, what this name of Babylon means, which having read, you will then say it belongs no less to Rodanus, than to the rivers of Euphrates and Nilus. You may also peradventure greatly wonder at the five Labyrinths, when amongst other writers you find no mention made but of four; this fift being the worst and most inextricable, whether it then were not, or as yet was not known. Whosoever would truly view and peruse it, let him come hither, here wants no horror of imprisonment, no error of palpable darkness, no fatal Urns, shuffling together the lots and destinies of mankind: and to conclude, no Imperious Minos, no tearing Minotaures, nor lascivious pourtraitors of damned Venus, are rare and scarce. All hope of salvation lies in gold, the cruel king with gold is pacified, the prodigious monster by gold is subdued; for gold the web of salvation is woven, only for gold the hard thresholds of this gate are shown; for gold bars and stones are broken, with gold the grisly Porter's mouth is stopped, for gold heaven lies open: and what needs many words? Christ himself for gold is sold. And in the eleventh Epistle protesting what danger hung over his head for speaking truth, Epist. 11. Even as (saith he) without the kingdom of virtue verity was always feeble and weak, being destitute of any aid or help, what must needs happen, do you suppose, where virtue lies clean extinguished, and deeply buried? There verity, no question, is a most capital crime, and only of itself sufficient to acquire many men's hatred, where one man's love shall be sought with many obsequies & flatteries, etc. Where no faith, no charity, no piety remains, but rage, envy, excess, and avarice, reign with all their arts and falsifiers: where every bad man is exalted, the greatest thief extolled to heaven, and the just poor man flatly oppressed: Where simplicity is called madness, and malice sapience: Where God is contemned, and money adored, laws trodden under foot, and good men laughed at, so as now there are almost no more left for them to laugh at. I would willingly exempt one from this deluge of impietietie, and I confess he would well deserve it, but then me thinks it would be ridiculous to cut off so solid and general a rule for one nouns exception. And therefore here no Noah, nor no Deucalion, shall float upon the water: and suppose that Pyrrha made no more happy navigation and escape than the rest, for a mighty flood of obscene sensualities did overflow the city, a wonderful rage and tide-gate of feminine delights, together with a foul and unclean shipwreck of chastity, without any exception at all of virginity and modesty. This little, of a great deal more, Truth dares relate. Then he concludes, To this Epistle I have neither set to my hand nor my seal, neither time nor place, you know where I remain, and can understand me well enough by my words. Then in his twelfth complaining in his heart to God for the miseries of the time, Epist. 12.13. in the thirteenth he does particularise the same: That renowned Court of Christ (saith he) that famous Propugnacle of divine worship in times past (our sins being the occasion thereof) being now destitute of heavenly aid and potection, is become a den of unclean thieves: And the original of all these evils proceeds from one only fountain, though many other lesser heads and springs rise out of the same, from whence a raging floudgate of all manner of miseries breaks in, wherein we cannot but perish and be overwhelmed in the surges of extremest mischiefs: and if the mercy of heaven prevent not human transgression and enormity, the Church doubtless is like to suffer a most lamentable and fearful shipwreck. How different are lives and manners, and how discrepant the minds of some that build, and others that ruin and pluck down. The Almighty God provide speedily for the safety of his holy house. Certainly I plainly discern a far off, yet dare no ways meddle nor disturb, and therefore if I could would not see at all, the cruel and infamous treacheries, by which that same Ecclesiastical Dionysius seeks to molest and deface our Syracuse. In regard of the Church, comparing the Pope to that monstrous tyrant of Sicil. I see with what a Mitre, though counterfeit, Symiramis adorns her head, by what arts she enchants the eyes of the beholders, and being polluted with incestuous embracements, treads under foot men of constant disposition and manners; alluding to the Harlot in the Apocalyps. I perceive by what arts and stratagems our Pericles defends himself, that he may not be urged to render the account he is not able justly to give up; as also his Alcibiades, that runs violently headlong into all wicked devices and practices. Wherefore he confounds and turns all things topsy-turvy, and for what cause may you suppose? Why questionless, that like a juggler or Mountebank, with an hair or small thread, not seen, or a counterfeit wound, he may the more artificially delude, his own fraud and deceit lying covered and hid under the gloomy shadow of a tumultuous Commonwealth. And surely for the scope and end of his determinations, he useth stratagems that are neither new nor strange: for the Fowler loves the woods, the Fisherman troubled waters, and the thief darkness: and for us, what could I wish to happen unto us more base or abject, than always to remain, like to ourselves, before a vigilant adulterer, blowing and puffing over the cup, being ignorant, I must needs confess, whether his impudence or our patience is more servile and dejected. Then in the 14. What hath a virtuous man to do with bad places, Epist. 14. or what commerce hast thou with Babylon? We read, that the more magnanimous and valiant Romans used to shun and avoid Baia in Campania, though a very healthful and pleasant place, but where little honesty, many pleasures and delights offered themselves, all other respects laid aside; so bend and intentive they were on the study and prosecution of virtue. If this be so, who would not fly Rhodanus? Who, I pray you, will not shun Babylon, the doleful habitation of all vices, toil, and miseries? Whereof, me thinks, you should have some experience: I speak of things seen with mine eyes, not heard of with mine ears, etc. Piety there is none, nor charity, nor faith, no reverence nor fear of God, nothing just, nothing equal, nothing upright, nor so much as civil and human. Love, modesty, seemliness, and true honesty, are from thence exiled: Of verity I may well be silent, for what place can truth have there where all parts are replenished with lies, the air, the house, the turrets, the villages adjacent, the Courts, the streets, the porches, the lobbies, inward chambers, the rafters, the crevices of walls, the windings and passages of the edifice, the secretest parts of the Temples, the seats of the judges, and the Pope's throne, and in brief, men's mouths, becks, gestures, words, countenances, and hearts? Then he delineats their hypocrisy to life itself, propounding many examples and instances thereof: But my singular loving Father (converting now my style to thee) I pray, beseech, entreat, and even conjure thee no otherwise than by thyself, to whom if thou be'st dear, or still retainest the accustomed vigilancy and care over thy soul, that it never hereafter enter into thy heart to go thither, from whence never any returned by example bettered, but innumerable multitudes depraved and corrupped. In his fifteenth Epistle he concludes, That God was no less angry with them than with Egypt and Pharaoh, Epist. 15. and that he would lay upon them, the plagues of his indignation, wrath, displeasure, tribulations, and the emission of evil Angels; finally, That daniel's imprecation could not more aptly be applied to any than to them: Let them be like dust before the face of the wind, and the Angel of the Lord driving them: Let their ways be dark and slippery, and the Angel of the Lord persecuting them: unless therefore God take him from thence, Epist. 16. who can escape? In the sixteenth, he hearty congratulates with a friend, his departure from the Pope's Court, If there be any presagements true, than God's revenge must needs be near at hand; God give, and retribute plentifully to the proud doers, for it is his own justice and revenge, etc. I cannot but call to mind, what, many years past, I said to a friend of ours, which of all that wicked number, might well be reputed the best; to whom you were tied in consanguinity, and I only in familiarity: That the fatal day of this man's ruin drew near, wherein, the patience both of God and men, being weary of supporting his pride and insolency, he should perish and fall: when he with a smile, mixed & tempered with choler, wished unto me rather Tiresius blindness than his gift of prophesy; answering me with that saying of the Gospel, Simon, I have prayed for thee, that thy faith may not fail: and I freely replied, That I spoke not of the defect of faith, but of their ruin that were the overthrowers of the same; whereby faith would rather be augmented: and then turning towards me with a serious and knit brow, Be silent, said he, and though this be true, let not us be the Authors thereof. At length he concluded, All things will they, nill they, return again to their proper place and centre: and no question, the end of long and perpetuated delusion, is at hand, which, if I may but see, I shall think I have lived long enough. And even so all the godly in those times, with sobs and sighs, groaned after the Church's restoration, Epist. 17. and Babylon's ruin. In his seventeenth Epistle, the same friend, notwithstanding his own admonition to the contrary, would needs enter into the like discourse, concurring then with him in the same judgement, that the infernal rivers there had their course, and whatsoever wickedness had ever been in the world, it ran and fell thereinto, as into the centre and gulf of such innundicities: wherefore, that he might not perish therein, If, saith he, thou worshippest Christ, which you always most religiously have done, let the beholding of his enemy's impiety lend an hand to thy zeal, and be as a spur to thy faith: For, thou observest a people not only adverse and contrary to Christ, but, which is far worse, serving under his very colours and yet are rebellious unto him, standing for Satan, being filled and swollen with Crists blood, and saying, Our lips are our own, who is our Lord? An hard hearted, and wicked people, proud, beggarly, thirsty, of a puffed up countenance, sharp teeth, hooked talents, slippery feet, stony breast, hearts of brass, leaden wills, and mellifluent tongues: A people with whom, not only that of the Evangelist and Prophet fitly concurs, This people honoureth me with their tongues, and their hearts are far off from me; but retaining also that property of judas Iscariot, who, when he betrayed his Lord, kissed him, and said, ave Rabbi, God save thee Master: and cladding him in purple, and crowning him with thorns, they buffet, and spit upon him, with most bitter scorns and derisions, and with bended knees worship and salute him, ave, King of the jews: whom as a King they neither reverenced with divine or human honours, but contrariwise, out of a carnal and corrupt judgement denounce him a blasphemer and guilty of death, worthy of all contumely and punishment. For I pray you, what other thing is performed amongst these enemies of Christ, and the pharisees of these our days? The same Christ whose name both day and night they exalt with high praises, whom they clad in gold and purple, whom they lad with gems, salute and adore; the same I say, they buy, sell, and make merchandise of upon earth; the same as if his eyes were blinded and that he could not discern, they crown with the thorns of their wicked wealth, & defile him with the spit the of their unclean mouths: & as far as in them lies, being poor, naked, mocked and scourged, they hale him often along to mount Caluarie, and with their blasphemous censure, fasten again to the Cross. Doubtless, saith he, in the same Epistle, if judas should bring into this Court the 30 pieces of silver, the price of blood, he would be admitted, & poor Christ would be driven out of doors. That thus it is, no Christian can be ignorant, there is no man but laments, and yet no man doth revenge. And thus while one looks upon another, impunity of evil, as you see, doth gather strength; and that evil which in the beginning was medicable, is now with time grown rotten and putrefied. In deed, I confess (and so much we have received from our progenitors) that this filthy ulcer, before our times, began to swell and inflame, but distemperature hath augmented the malady, so as this pestilence is now altogether mortiferous. Hereunto he adds the testimony of a great man in that age, who with sighs was wont to say, Two of our Clements in a few years have more spoiled and defaced the Church, than seven of your Gregory's were able to restore in many ages: neither do I myself, or any man else, as I think, doubt thereof. Then in the eighteenth, describing the French Babylon (for so he called avignon, whether the Roman Court was transferred) The hope, saith he, of the life to come sounds in thy ears but as a mere fable, and all the relations of hell thou takest to be idle dreams, the resurrection of the flesh, the end of the world, and Christ's coming to judgement are accounted but old wives tales. As far as in a few lines was possible, I have expressed unto you the state of that sacred city, which you cannot so well read at this day, in these letters, as you may plainly discern it in men's favours and countenances, whose lives, no style nor wit is able lively enough to explain and relate. Thou art, saith he, addressing his speech to her, that famous, or rather infamous harlot, which committest fornication with the Kings of the earth; the self same strumpet thou art, which the sacred Evangelist saw in the spirit; she, the self same, I say thou art, and no other, having thy seat upon many waters: the people, Nations, and Tongues are the waters, on which, being an harlot, thou sittest: observe thy habit; a woman, girt about with silk and purple, daubed with gold, precious stones and pearls, having a golden cup in thine hand, full of the abominations and uncleanness of thine own fornications. Dost thou know thyself Babylon? except peradventure thou mayst mistake in this, because it was written on her forehead Great Babylon, and thou art but little Babylon; little in deed in respect of the circuit of walls, but in vices, in the compass of minds, in infinite concupiscences, and the very accumulation of all evils, not only great, but most great, nay and immense: and certainly what follows, only fits thee and no other; Babylon the mother of fornications, and of the earth's abominations, a wicked mother, of worse progeny, seeing whatsoever is adulterous, or abominable upon earth, came forth from thee; and ever when thou bringest forth, thy womb swells, is big, and replenished with such impieties. And if thou dissemblest, hear the rest: And I saw, saith he, a woman drunk with the blood of the Saints, and with the blood of the Martyrs of jesus: Why art thou silent? either show some other drunk with this blood, or if thou canst not, deny not thyself to be this drunken strumpet. For the Evangelists and Apostles vision, must needs be true, who admiring with such extraordinary wonder, when he but beheld thee in spirit, into what an admiration may we justly be driven, that see and discern thee with open eyes? Of all the fornications which the Nations and Kings of the earth have drunk, and of all the abominations, what other end dost thou expect, but the same prophesied by john, Great Babylon is fallen, is fallen, and made an habitation for Devils? it is well known what follows: For thou art now truly become such an one, and how much better is a pernicious and most wicked man, than a devil? A very habitation, nay a kingdom of devils thou art grown, who with their devilish arts and stratagems, though cloaked in a human shape, reign in thee. But thou my dear friend, with the same Apostle hear another voice speaking from heaven, Come out of her my people, and be not partakers of her iniquities, that so you may receive none of her stripes: for her sins are mounted up into heaven, and God remembreth her iniquities. Afterwards he exclaims against the disordinate lusts even of the Elders in the Roman Church. Devastations, whoredoms, rapes, incests, and adulteries, which now (saith he) are the sports and May-games of Pontifical fire & lust; I, banishing the husbands of ravished wives, not only from their father's seats, but from their country's confines: and which of all contumelies is the most grievous and insupportable, they constrain the husbands to receive again their violated wives, being great with strange seed, and after their delivery to restore them again to be further abused by other men's lusts. And he propounds many fearful examples of these things. Now (saith he) under these men's conducts, do but suppose whether Christ can be favourable to this people, or prosper the Commonwealth. In the nineteenth Epistle he congratulates with his friend, because he saw him departed safe out of the Roman Court. Epist. 19 Such a man (saith he) was a faithful, but an unprovident persuader of me to make choice to live and die in Babylon: but why, I pray you, or to what end? That I may see good men suppressed, and evil erected? Eagles to creep, and Asses to fly? to see Foxes in chariots, and Crows on turret tops, and Doves on dunghills, Wolves at liberty, and Lambs in bonds? and in brief, Christ an exile, Antichrist a Lord, and Belzebub a judge? I am revoked to these spectacles, but I will not hear: I can neither humour them, nor they me. O cruel and wicked sect of men, loving nothing, nor anybodie, but themselves, and that most perversely and wickedly. Who shall relieve the oppressed world? Who will redeem the afflicted city? Who will reform manners corrupted? Who shall call together the dispersed sheep? Who will correct erroneous shepherds? Who shall reduce and bring them back again unto their proper seats? Will there be no mean of the licentiousness of sin? Shall the holy Ghost thunder out in vain by the Prophet? These things thou didst, and yet I held my peace, thou wicked wretch supposing that I was like unto thee: but I will convince thee, and set my face and countenance against thee, etc. These points Petrarch roundly touched to his familiar friends: from whence we may collect, that many were of the same opinion, being terrified with the horror of those monsters; and some there wanted not, who were even overcome with zeal, An. 1351. Albertus' Argent. in Chronic. as Albertus Argentinensis in his Chronicle, anno 1351, A certain preaching Carmelite making a Sermon upon the Pope's Mass, so reprehended both him and the Cardinals, of their enormous vices, that all who were present were wonderfully astonished: and for this he was disgraded. He also adds, A closed letter was fastened on a Cardinal's door, directed to the Pope and Cardinals: which being opened, they found there written, That Leviathan, the Prince of darkness, saluted the Pope his Vicar, and the Cardinals his servants, by whose endeavour he hoped to overcome Christ, labouring to exalt the poor and humble against the Commonwealth of this world: and so bringing in the Prophets, he sets them forth with all vices. Afterwards, And your mother Pride, and your sister's Avarice and Luxury, salute you, etc. who rejoiced, that by their assistance they were very well. With many other things. And it was subscribed, Given in the infernal Centre, before a multitude of devils. And the Pope being mightily stirred up with this Pasquil, laboured what he could to find out the Author: but presently upon it he fell into a dangerous infirmity, whereof notwithstanding he recovered; but the writer of this letter could never come to be known. Albert, it seems, had reference to that Epistle of Lucifers, a little before mentioned; but that seems to have been written at Paris, and that with the consent of the better and more learned sort, because it was printed together with that Tractat of William of Paris, De Beneficiorum Collatione. And many writings of this nature came forth at the same time. Not long before which, in the year 1345, An. 1345. Haiabalus a Franciscan preached publicly many times at avignon, and plainly said, That he was commanded from God to declare the Roman Church to be the Babylonian Harlot, the Pope and his Cardinals to be true Antichrist, and that Benedict and john, his predecessors, were damned; with many other things pertaining to this purpose. Henr. E●ford. in Chron. And being brought before the Pope, he constantly euerred, That this was expressly commanded him by God in a vision, and that out of office and duty he was bound to preach it. And here the Author doth not clearly set down what was decreed of him. For matters of doctrine, though we have spoken more copiously hereof in another place, yet by the way let us here note, That the article of Free justification through faith in Christ, the principal Base and foundation of Christian religion, began in these times to rise as it were out of darkness: For Thomas Brandwardine, who was vulgarly called The profound Doctor, taught the same in his public Lectures, not only in England, but also in the University of Paris. And there is yet extant a book written by himself of this subject, at the entreaty and persuasion of many godly men, divided into three parts: Wherein he complains, That the same had happened to him, which sometimes fell out with Elias, when the eight hundred and fifty Prophets of Baal rose up against him, in this cause: How many, O Lord (saith he) contend with Pelagius at this day, for Free will, against free grace, and against Paul the spiritual champion of grace? How many at this day reject free grace, and only declare free will to be sufficient unto salvation? Or if they make any use of grace, they speak of it but for form sake only. And so he extends himself at large in the explication of this doctrine, agreeing herein with Augustine, Jerome, Fulgentius, Prosperus, Bernardus, and many other ancient writers: In such a conflict (saith he) not being lightly afraid, I was long time perplexed, but with my whole heart I had refuge to divine aid, and so being presently comforted with the spirit of fortitude, I grew to have great hope: for it was not my cause, nor my war, but the cause of the God and Lord of science, of armies, and of powers: but under him I maintain his right. Whose countenances or high looks need I therefore to fear, or whose rage and fury, being guarded and environed with the safe protection of so mighty a Patron? Whosoever therefore belongs to the Lord, let him join with me, or rather let us both be joined to the Lord, let us stand stoutly to it, for who can be against us? For I know the man with whom the Lord is, will be able to sustain the charge of a thousand enemies, and twelve thousand he shall profligate. These things he properly delivered against the scholars of those times: he preaching also unto his disciples, That the days would come, and they were not now far off, when their false doctrine should be plainly detected, and themselves contemned amongst all the godly. But I would not willingly range beyond the bounds of our history. Raphael Volterranus, and john Picus Mirandola, who had perused his books, make mention of him, with singular praise and commendation: also Gregorius Ariminensis, of the Order Heremeticall, a man of great fame among scholars, who flourished at this time in Paris, in his Commentaries upon the sentences, calls all them that thought otherwise Semie pelagians, Thomas, Scotus, and others. There backed him in this his opinion, john Buridanus, and Andreas de Castello, men at that instant of great renown. This was the first point wherein the Church was likely to have recovered her former state. And yet Conradus Hager of Wirtzberg, proceeded somewhat further, and taught, That the Mass was in no sort a sacrifice, neither profitable for the living, or for the dead, and therefore not at all to be celebrated: That money bequeathed by men on their deathbed for Masses, could not be received without sacrilege. And many in that diocese for the space of four and twenty years, he had confirmed in that doctrine: Wherefore being cast into prison by the Bishop, he freely confessed these things, not denying himself also to be the author and means that many abhorred and left the Mass. 59 PROGRESSION. Clement dying at avignon, Stephen Albertus, a Lymosine, was chosen, by the name of Innocent the sixth. Charles is crowned Emperor at Rome, where he makes no stay, but returns into Germany. CLement dying at avignon, Stephen Albert, a Lymosine, succeeded him, being nominated Innocent the sixth. He presently commanded every Bishop to be resident in his proper diocese: but in stead of retiring himself to his own, he dispatched a Legate into Italy, Giles de Carilla, a Spaniard, with all ample commission to confirm upon him absolute authority and power. john de Ursini, and Peter Colonna, were both by the Popes and people's consent ordained Senators at Rome, till the sixth year of his pontificacy, when Francisco Baroncelli invading the Tribunal with open violence, enstiled himself, Scribe to the Senate, by the grace of God second Tribune of the city, and Roman Consul: understanding herein Nicholaus Laurentius, formerly mentioned, who was the first. When Innocent had notice of this, he loossed Nicholas out of prison, and gave him authority to suppress Baroncelli, which by the assistance of the Nobility, and the greatest part of the people, he easily effected: But afterwards exceeding the terms of his commission, he was enforced privily to slink away, and being discovered in his flight, he was slain. Such was the state of the city of Rome, and of the chair committed, as they say, unto Peter, being abandoned by her Bishops. The Emperor Charles on the other side laboured nothing else but to set on his own head the Imperial Diadem: to this end therefore he going into Italy, he was presented with an iron crown at Milan, and then he went forward to Rome, where two Cardinals were enjoined by Innocent to impose it on him; but expressly upon this condition, for the adding of somewhat to his predecessors attempts, Blondus Decad. 2. l. 10. Albertus' Argent. in Chronic. That he should convocate no assemblies at Rome, nor enact any ordinance in any thing that concerned the Romans, without the Pope's advice and counsel. Item, That he should neither reside at Rome, nor in Italy. And indeed he presntly departed; for taking his journey through Tuscan and Lombardie, he returned into Germany. And hereupon grew that grievous complaint of Petrarches, to Nerico de Furli, his familiar friend: I cannot by any means (saith he) conceal thus much, that I know the emperors destinies, and that they might reign more happily in the West, in the South, or any where else, than in the North, all things are there so cold and frozen: there is no noble vigour, no vital heat of royal Empire. Fortune, if the Fates deny us Romulean Caesars, yet send us at least some Theodosioes out of Spain, or Severoes out of Africa. Ah, what would then the great Architect of this Monarchy say, when he should see his successor contend in humility with a simple Priest, calling to mind that superbious Prince in times passed of the Gauls, who coming submissively into the camp, as Florus says, laid down his quiver and arrows at Caesar's feet, saying, Take these, thou being most valiant haste vanquished a valiant man. Many observations of this kind offer themselves to be considered, etc. By things past I conjecture of things to come, I am not therefore so much moved, that the Legates horse rushed against Caesar, as that I discern the minds and courages of men to be daunted and crushed: and I know that all eminency and dignity is impatient of a companion. He adds further, If ancient examples do not suffice to testify thus much, I am afraid this late occurrent will furnish us with too true an one: For as it is reported, the Roman Priest hath forbidden the Roman Emperor to reside at Rome: Petrarch. apud Blondus Decad. in 2. l. 10. And the Pope doth not only enjoin the Emperor to be content with the mere Diadem and Title, but further he rules and commands him: and permitting him to be enstiled Emperor, yet he will in no wise suffer him to sway and govern. And writing to Charles himself, I know not, saith he, what you have promised and vowed by oath to the Pope, that he should by the same as by a strong wall and unpassable mountain, prohibit you access to the city; what manner of pride is this, the Roman Prince, being the Patron of liberty, to be deprived of liberty himself? that he should not be his own, whose all things else are? Then in his Book De vita solitaria, he cannot almost moderate himself, Petrarcha de vita solitaria. l. 2. sect. 4. c. 2. This our Caesar, saith he, even snatching, as it were, the Dyadem, presently departed into Germany, contenting himself with the lurking holes of his own Country, and with the title of the Empire, whose remotest members he embraceth, and takes no care of the head; losing that absolutely, which we hoped he would have recovered, not daring to preserve his own: but flying away though no body pursues, he rejects the sweet embracements of his spouse, and the beautiful aspect of fair Italy, as if there were any thing fairer than it under heaven. I confess, that rash and subtle faith reprehends him, in that, wherein she presumes to blow and thunder against the highest; and he excuseth himself by saying, he took an oath to the Church that he would continue at Rome no longer than one day. Oh infamous day, Oh reproachful oath, O God observe this oath, this Religion, this piety, the Roman Pope hath so forsaken Rome, as he will not yet have it frequented by another! And of this he capitulates with the Roman Emperor. I know not what I should here say, and though I know, yet it is wisdom to be silent. One thing there is which though I would conceal, the matter itself would utter: surely, he that drives out of the City the natural enhabitant, would bring in the Boor and swain if he could: and whether he doth this well and justly let it be duly considered. In the mean while, Cardinal Carilla, the Legate, reduced under due subjection Romania, reaping there his golden harvest, whose whole crop lay at Furli, and was afterwards conveyed to avignon: I call it an harvest, because these are the very Authors words, He had at Furli a Treasury, which might rather be called a barn of gold and silver, for the Muletters laded it upon their Asses, neither more nor less than if it had been grain, carrying it daily to Furli. This was the cause that William Grisan a Lymosine, who was called Vrban the fift, about the year 1362, being successor to Innocent the 6, to whom, Cardinal Adrian, Abbot of the Cistercian order, An. 1362. had not done so painful and industrious service; he resolved once again, to send the same Carilla into Italy, who made such a way for him, An. 1366. as he determined in the year 1366 to see Rome again: whether Charles the Emperor with the Empress came to salute him, and then again to remove all suspicion, three months after he departed out of Italy. One only thing Charles performed in this journey, for he caused the Pope to seek for Peter and Paul's heads amongst the old ruins and rubbish, which, saith our Author, being by God's favour and furtherance found, he put them in an eminent place in Saint john Lateran's Church adorned with much silver, gold, and many gems. Let the Reader but mark well this imposture, what probability or likelihood there is, That after the revolution of a thousand and three hundred years, they could be discerned or distinguished from other skulls. The Pope during all this was not idle, for besides Carillaes' erecting of citadels in all the strong places of Romania, Vrban particularly bend his whole study to build palaces at Oruietto, and Montefiascone, for the cardinals Transalpines thither to retire in time of immoderate heat; lest, complaining of distemperature of air, they might make this an occasion to departed far from the city, whither he meant to have reduced them, but that in his return into France he died at Marselles. These things occurred in the year 1371, when Peter Beaufort, a Lymosine, and nephew to Clement the sixth, was created Pope, by the name of Gregory the eleventh. At which time Rome was governed by a Senator, who by the Pope's order was to be changed every sixth month: and the guard of the city was committed to certain Banderets, which is to say, to divers captains of several wards, or quarters, so termed of certain Banners or Colours, which every one had. And this order took place since under Vrban the fift, certain noble strangers being preferred to the dignity Senatoriall, as Rubeus Tissius, a Florentine, a Guelph, out of Prato, and Bolsena, and Boniface, and Richard out of Pistoria: which I deliver to this end, because the Banderets to the year 1400 possessed the greatest part of the Roman State. Italy moreover was every where tumultuous with factions, but especially the Florentines made some sign of affecting liberty, whither many cities from all other parts sent their aid, and not being able to maintain themselves, they foraged all over the territories of the Church. The Popes could not digest the Emperor neither at Rome nor in Italy: and therefore Gregory determed to reduced again at length his See to Rome. Blondus relates, That a Bishop being admonished by him to repair into his own diocese, he made this answer, And you, holy Father, why go you not to your own Church? Others say he did this being persuaded in revelations, by S. Bridget, and Katherine of Sienna. But when he saw this was dipleasing to the French Cardinals, and also to his near kinsmen, he caused a number of Tryremes to be privily built upon the Rhodan, and so with such as he made privy to his resolution, he was in them first conveyed to Genoa, from thence to Coruetto, and so in the year 1376, in the month of januarie, he came to Rome by land. Thus after seventy years continuance, his seat at Auignion came to an end. But Gregory not long after dying, there began the most grievous schism that ever was in the Roman Church. And at his first access Gregory was entertained by the Romans with great applause, they supposing, that together with him wealth and riches would enter into their city. But when Gregory seemed to terrify the whole world with his thunderings and excommunications, that he sent forth near at hand, & among the rest excommunicating the Florentines, by the means of Bernabo Visconti, they drew thither one john Haucut, and English captain, a man of great fame for his martial prowess, with his forces, and nothing respecting the Popes interdict, but contemning his censures, they enforced the Priests to celebrate sacred offices: and the Genoese themselves permitted the use of all holy functions to those Florentines which were fled into their city, though they were generally interdicted wheresoever they lived; they therefore called likewise upon themselves the Popes interdict. And Bernabo, whom he held for a friend afar off, coming nearer hand, drove Gregory into some suspicion and jealousy, lest, unlooked for, he might procure him one disturbance upon another. Now therefore he began to repent himself of his return, and being at point of death in the year 1378, An. 1378. he advised the Cardinals, that they should no more give any credit to revelations, seeing he, being deceived by the persuasions of S. Bridget, and Katherine of Sienna, returned into Italy with such disastrous and ominous success. Amongst other Doctors, Gerson notes this in his treatise De examine doctrinarum. Machiavelli. l. 3. de Historia Florentino. Machiavelli is the Author that writes, how this Cregorie, while he lived in avignon, governed Italy by Legates, who through their wonderful avarice and pride overthrew many cities: one of which had his seat at Bologna, who abusing to his own purposes the famine and dearth of an hard year, attempted to make himself Lord of all Tuscan, and namely of Florence, by reducing them to such an extreme misery and famine. From whence sprung the original of that war above mentioned: All which his designs notwithstanding fell to the ground. For other matters, these good Popes were ever hammering of some deep mystery; Gerson. in Tractat. de examine. doctrinarum. for Innocent the sixth instituted a festival day in memorial of the lance and nails wherewith our Lord was pierced: and by the same Theology, I pray you, why may not Caiphas and Pilate be put into the Legend of Saints? And Pope Vrban the fift consecrated that Sunday which is called Laetare Rosa, which hymn was first sent to joan queen of Sicilia, that famous harlot, who killed her husband. Then after him all his successors continued the custom every Lent to gratify one Prince or other with this donative, Aurea illa Rosa, With that golden Rose, which they consecrated in a Mass with wonderful pomp, divers prayers, anointed over with Balsamum, scattered with powdered Musk, sprinkled with holy water, and lastly, fumed with Frankincense: in sign, say they, both of triumphant and militant jerusalem, in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. For Antichrist (Christ's Ape) must needs have his Sacraments apart, which Jerome foresaw would come to pass. At the same time also came forth those Sigillaries, certain Formularies in the Roman Church, called Agnus Dei, which are usually hallowed of the Popes in the first year of their Papacy, and are also renewed in the seventh year; the prayers by which they are consecrated being altogether execrable and accursed: By their veneration and honour blot out the sins of us thy servants, let the spots of our offences be cleansed, pardons obtained, graces conferred, and at length let them deserve to enjoy eternal life together with thy Saints and elect. Of Christ the true Lamb of God what could be spoken more devoutly, or divinely. We read that urban the fift sent three of these Agnus Deies to the Emperor of Greece, Ceremoniale Romanum l. 1. p. 32. 33. 37. 38. 39 Jmpress. Venetijs. An. 1516. with these verses underwritten, which described both their form and efficacy, as they would have it. Balsamus & munda cera cum Chrismatis unda Conficiunt Agnum, quod munus do tibi magnum font velut natum, per mystica sanctificatum, Fulgura de sursum depellit, omne malignum Peccatum frangit, ut Christi sanguis, & angit Praegnans servatur, simul & partus liberatur Dona defert dignis, virtutem destruet ignis Portatus mundè, defluctibus eripit undae. Where the Reader heareth blasphemy, which can come forth from no other place but the deep pit of hell, That this little Idol thus framed and enchanted by the Pope, doth break and wipe away sin like the blood of Christ, the immaculate Lamb of God. If it be so, what need have we any more of the Lamb himself? and yet the book of Pontifical ceremonies dedicated to Pope Leo the tenth, affirms thus much, the which I request the Reader to peruse, that so he may see how full of abominations and blasphemies they are. OPPOSITION. Neither wanted there in these times such as diversly opposed themselves to the Popes: Froissart. vol. 1. c. 211. Froissart. vol. 3. c. 24. Under Innocent the sixth (saith Froissart) there was at Auignion a certain Franciscan Friar, endued with singular wit and learning, called johannes à Rupescissa, whom the Pope kept in prison in the castle of Baignoux, for wonderful things which he affirmed should come to pass, especially upon Ecclesiastical Prelates and Governors; that is to say, by reason of the wonderful excess and ambition they were given to. The like also to happen to the kingdom of France, and the mightiest Princes of Christendom, because they so miserably oppressed the poor people. This john offered to prove all his assertions out of the Apocalyps, and the ancient books of the holy Prophets, which were revealed to him by the grace of the holy Ghost: so as he affirmed many things very hardly to be believed. divers events were observed to happen at the same time, by him foretold. Neither spoke he any thing as a Prophet, but out of the ancient Scriptures, and through the grace of the holy spirit, which had imparted unto him the knowledge of explaining all the old Prophecies, by setting down to all Christians both the year and time wherein they were to be fulfilled. And many books he wrote, grounded upon deep and great learning: in one of which, written in the year of our Lord 1346, he comprehended such admirable points, as no man could hardly believe them, but the effects of many of them are now evidently seen come to pass. In another place, after he had deplored the state & condition of the Church under the schism of Vrban the 6, and Clement the 7, to which the Christian Princes had no eye nor care, he makes mention of the same Friar john in these words: In my youth (saith he) Pope Innocent reigning in avignon, he detained in prison a certain Franciscan, being a marvelous learned man, whose name was Friar john à Rupescissa: this Friar (as the Pope said, and as I have heard it reported in many places privately, but not publicly) had and did propound many notable authorities, and collections, especially of some adverse and ominous events, which came to pass both in his own time, and afterwards also in the kingdom of France. He plainly foretold john the French kings captivity, and expounded many things consonant and agreeable to reason; which was, That the Church had yet much to suffer, for the enormous excess and exorbitancies which he discerned in those which h●ld in their hands the staff of Ecclesiastical policy and government. And at the very same time when I saw him still kept in prison and durance, an example thereof was related to me in the Pope's palace, which he had recited to the Cardinal of Ostia, who was commonly called of Arras, and to the Cardinal of Auxerre, who went to see, and confute him in his words and speeches. In conclusion, That the same happened to the Church which in times past fell out to a goodly fair bird, who being hatched hopeless of feathers, and therefore could not fly, her life was wonderfully in danger: but other birds pitying her, would have covered her with their feathers (Kings, I mean, and Princes, conferring upon the Church many goodly inheritances and patrimonies of their own, had enriched and honoured her above measure:) but when this bird saw herself so fledged and grown, as if she wanted nothing, she began to bear her head high and wax proud, fluttering and striking at the others with her beke and claws; (that was, I say, when the Church undertook wars and enmities with the Emperors) and then the birds redemanded their feathers again (even as, no doubt, Princes will one day withdraw their gifts and benefits, so as at length the Church should be constrained to crave pardon: which if she did not, but returned to her former pride, the Emperor and Christian Princes would at last take away all.) And here Froissart himself demands, Why read you not (saith he) the life of S. Sylvester Pope of Rome, etc. how and upon what conditions the Emperor Constantine gave goods to the Church? Out of question S. Sylvester jetted not all over the world, being guarded with two or three hundred horse, but contained himself humbly at Rome, leading a sober and moderate life only amongst his Ecclesiastical associates. Then the Friar admonished them, that this change would not be long a coming: And this in such a manner, as the Cardinals were greatly amazed, and wondered at him. Feign they would notwithstanding have taken away his life, if they could but have invented and found out any colourable cause of death: but sure there was none at all to be found, and therefore they suffered him to live as long as he could, but they durst not let him out of prison, because he propounded such profound arguments, and searched out so deep and mystical Scriptures, as he would peradventure have led the world into some error. In the mean while questionless many things came to pass (as many affirm that observed his speeches more precisely than I did) which he foretold and writ of during his imprisonment. And whatsoever he uttered, he would always confirm it out of the Apocalyps: and the true proofs wherewith he was armed for his defence, preserved him many times from being burnt. Some Cardinals also there were, who stroke with commiseration and pity, were not so rigorous and severe towards him, as they might have been. And surely that Apologicall similitude of his of the bird, by him recited, was most expressly taken out of the Apocalyps, cap. 17. where it is said, Apoc. 17.13.16. The Kings gave up their strength and power to the Beast: At length, They shall hate this Strumpet, this Beast, leave her desolate, naked, and forsaken, her flesh they shall eat, and consume her with fire. Petrus Premonstratens. in Chron. quod inscribitur Biblia Pauperum. This Franciscan writ a prophetical treatise in prison, the title whereof was, Vade mecum in tribulationem; wherein he averred, That Antichrist reigned in the Papacy, and he presaged the Church's reformation. Some there are, who say he was burnt at last. Under Vrban the fift lived one master Nicholas Orem, a Doctor of Divinity, who in the year 1363, on Christmas eve, An. 1363. before Vrban the fift and his Cardinals made a sermon, which we may yet read whole and entire, but we will here only deduce some principal branches and clauses of the same: his text was, juxta est salus mea, ut veniat, & justitia mea ut reveletur, Esay the 56: where after he had showed that the text had reference to Christ's coming in the flesh, he proceedeth to his coming in judgement, when he would punish the corruption of the Christian Church; whereunto he expressly applied the place of Ezechiel cap. 16. In die qua natus es, vidi te conculcari in sanguine tuo, understanding martyrdom in this, & multiplicata es & grandis effecta, & mundavi sanguinem tuum ex te, when persecution came to be somewhat mitigated, Et dedi coronam decoris in capite tuo, etc. which he applies to the more happy times of the Church under Christian Emperors. Then at length, Et habens fiduciam in pulchritudine tua, fornicata es in nomine meo, Thou hast communicated thyself by all means, by simony, by abuses, by sacrileges, forgetting the days of thy youth, thy first and former state: Where (saith he) it seems rather an history, than a prophesy of the Church's prosperity. Presently after follows the punishment: And behold, saith the Lord, I will yield thee into the hands of them that hate thee, and they shall destroy thy brothelry, thy stones shall be demolished; that is to say, the place where thou didst exercise thy unlawful courses: they shall strip thee of thy garments, and take away the vessels of thy glory, and so they shall leave thee naked, full of reproach and infamy. Behold (saith he) you may easily discern what shall become of the Church. And the Chapter of the prophesy adds, saying, Thy sister Samaria (which was the Israelitish Church) committed not half thy sins: thou hast subdued her in thy wickedness, wherefore bear thine own confusion. By the same means he applies to this argument the 23 chapter of the same prophesy, 2. Hosea, 3. of Nahum, and many other places of Esay, jeremy, and the rest of the Prophets. And thus he concludes, Because the Prelates did not stick for price, entreaties, and depraved actions, to defame the venerable chastity of the Primitive Church, that therefore God would one day reveal his primitive judgements upon this Church. It remained to expound whether the time were near at hand or no, because his text was, juxta est, etc. And although (saith he) it belongs not to us to judge of times, yet peradventure by some infallible signs, which I will demonstrat, some things to this purpose may justly be conjectured: As first of all I collect out of the Apostle to the Thessaly. 2. cap. 2. where he says, Except a departure and falling away first come, the man of sin, the son of perdition shall not be revealed (Antichrist he means) which Jerome in the last question, ad inquisitiones januarij, allegorically expounds of the desolation of the Roman Empire, between which and the persecution of the Church by the presence of Antichrist, he makes no interposition. Now what the present state of that Empire is, especially compared with the original Majesty thereof, let any man judge. The second sign was, That the Church should be of worse manners and customs than ever the Synagogue was. Our Saviour (saith he) reprehended the pharisees of avarice, because they permitted doves to be sold in the Temple of God; and because with their lips they only honoured God, and what they said and professed they performed not, but were hypocrites. Do but therefore examine whether it be not worse to sell benefices and Sacraments, than to permit doves to be sold in the Temple? Here be some men that do not only, not honour God with their lips, and not only perform no good operations, but they do not so much as preach or persuade the same: Dumb dogs, not able to bark; shameless dogs, being never replenished. The shepherds themselves have no understanding, every man inclines to his own ways, every one to his avarice, from the highest to the lowest. When he comes to his text again. So are there also many, whose malice and insolency, like fire, is spread and kindled so far, as the cloak of hypocrisy can no longer cover it: but they are become immodest, and brazen faced; to whose Church, by way of reproach, it is said, Thou hast put on an harlot's brow, thou wilt not blush, nor be ashamed. The third sign is taken from the proportion of two great inequality, because one hungers and starves, when another is drunk and full gorged, contrary to all just harmony and symmetry, etc. Some Priests are greater than the Princes of the world, and others more abject than the base vulgar. In an human body, if nourishment defuse itself superfluously to one member, and the rest pine and wear away for want of the same, that body cannot long live. And to this purpose he doth produce some other places of the Prophets. The fourth sign is, the pride and insolency of Prelates, etc. For by a natural right & proportion, it is proper for Priests to hold and enjoy so much as wherewith to live more liberally than the popular sort, and that the Prelate should be maintained better than the parishioner: but yet for all this, they are not permitted any superfluous equipage, or pomp and magnificence in their families, which can hardly be tolerated without pride, nor be sustained with integrity of justice. Such pomp and solemnity in the Church of God especially, as is now used in these days, not only stirs up but few to true reverence and devotion, but rather the contrary, many to indignation and offence; and divers it invites to the above named abuses, who would think themselves to have sacrificed unto God, if they could but rob and pillage some fat chopling Priests, especially of those that have neither nobility of birth, nor any science to make show of, but rather mere lying, servile, and fraudulent men, to whom the Lord speaks in the fourth of Amos, You fat Oxen of Samaria, that offer contumelies to the needy, and even break the hearts of the poor, Behold the day shall come etc. The fift sign was, The tyranny of rulers and governors, which being a thing violent, could not long be permanent: Wise. 6. The property of a tyrant, is to seek not the good of his subjects, but of his own: Such are those shepherds, that feed not the Lords flock, but themselves, to whom it is said in Ezechiel 24, Mich. 3, You hate good and love evil, You violently flay the skin over their ears, and tear the flesh from their bones: and so they have eaten the flesh of my people, and flayed the skins from off their backs: The same saith Ezechiel cap. 34, I will cause them to cease from feeding any more my flock, for I will deliver them from their mouths, and they shall be no longer their bait and food. The sixth sign was, The promotion of men unworthy, and contempt of the better sort: According to Aristotle, these things are the speciallest cause of the dissolution of any political government: and oftentimes in a secular welfare it happens, that the dishonour of men famous and meritorious, and the exaltation of the base and inferior sort, breeds great mutiny and sedition: For both in this respect, and because of some of the premised reasons, we do not only read in Books, but further have seen with our eyes, divers kingdoms to have been almost ruined and defaced, etc. But this hath always been the incredulity of human obstinacy; that though they do not only hear, but also see it with their eyes, yet will they not believe others perished through such and such vices, except they feel it by experience in the destruction of themselves. The 7 sign was, The tribulation & affliction of temporal policy, with the commotion and rebellions of people, which is already come to pass in divers parts. And because, as Seneca saith, evils scorn to come unaccompanied or alone, it is to be feared, that after this, the Ecclesiastical policy also, will not only suffer and be replenished with these perturbations outwardly, but also inwardly, within the very bowels of the Church, which is prefigured in the 3 of jeremy, Desolation shall suddenly come in upon desolation, my Tabernacles are wasted and ruined. In the 7 of Ezechiel, Tumult upon tumult, terror upon terror: and the Law shall fail in the Priest, and counsel in the Elders. The eighth sign was, The refusal of correction, and amendment: when that comes to pass, in the principal Prelates of the Church, which was written by jeremy, cap. 7, They would not attend nor hearken, but made their hearts of Adamant, lest they should hear the words, which the Lord in the spirit uttered unto them, by the mouths of his Prophets: As also by Esayas, Lying children, children that would not hear the Law, who say, stop your ears to the words of truth; speak unto us things pleasing and acceptable. And this shall then be fulfilled, when the Prelates do malign learned men and revealers of truth, even as it is written of them in the 5 of Amos, They hated him who reprehended them at the gates, and abhorred him that spoke truly; and therefore to the Church of Jerusalem, the Lord speaks in the 4 of Osee, Because thou hast rejected knowledge, I will reject thee, so as thou shalt not execute thy Priesthood to me, for thou hast forgotten the Law of thy God, therefore I will change the glory of thy sons into reproach and ignominy, and even as the people are so shall the Priest be. And so observing well the forementioned signs, you may easily judge whether the present times be secure, and whether those do not now take place, which the Lord delivereth in the Text, juxta est justicia mea, ut reveletur. He could not in more plain and express notes, have described the Congregation, that was to entertain Antichrist. It than remained only for him, to answer certain objections, which he omits not. There are a sort of men, saith he, too confident, and affirming, that the Prelates are the Church, which the Lord will always keep and preserve, not leaving the same, even as he promised them in the persons of his Apostles, he saying in the 28 of Matth. I remain with you, even unto the end of the world. But this is to be understood in respect of faith, which shall remain for ever, continuing always in some few, though charity and zeal wax cold, amidst all worldly disturbances, the which the same our Saviour oftentimes presaged and foretold. And because none may suppose themselves secure from tribulation, by being of the Church, the Lord refells this opinion, when he saith in jerem. 7. Trust not to the words of lying and untruth, saying, The Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, etc. which shall no ways profit you. There is another opinion of those that prorogue and protract God's judgements, for they grant, That the Church indeed shall be disquieted and molested, but not so quickly, because many reasons have been heretofore touched, and other signs were made manifest; seeing not long since the Prelates were reprehended by the Doctors, Gregory and Bernard, for receiving of bribes, for their pomp, for promoting the unworthy, and for sundry other vices which then reigned in the Church, nay more than now; and yet by God's grace it still remained in prosperous estate. God most fitly prevents all these debatements, in an example in Ezech. cap. 12. saying, Son of man, behold the house of Israel, who said, The vision that this man saw, he hath prophesied of long time ago: Thou shalt therefore tell them, saith the Lord, My word shall no longer be protracted, but I will perform it in your days. And in Esay 3. We have seen things come to pass in our days, which before seemed incredible: and the like hath otherwise happened. Others say, Come what come will, we will conform ourselves to this age, we will temporize like those which said in Wisdom 2. Let us enjoy those good things that are, and replenish ourselves: Such are very prejudicial, especially to good men in the Church of God. And if Ecclesiastical Prelates were so base as to retain these bad cogitations, they could not be too deeply plunged in hell, etc. for herein they incur the temporal danger, which they most fear, the Lord speaking thus unto them in the first of the Proverbs, You have neglected all my advertisements and counsels, and therefore I will return to your destruction, when tribulation and anguish shall even violently rush in upon you. Some distrust altogether, and it seems that no due remedy in this case can be applied: but even as other things and former kingdoms have had their periods, according to that of Matthew, they have a time in the irrevocable revolution of ages: and so this government of the Church must likewise have an end, the governors just deserts and obstinacies requiring the same; as it is in the eighth of jeremy, There is none that reputes, every one returns to his own course, like an horse that violently presseth into the battle. If an Aethiope can change his skin, or a Leopard his spots, than you may do good, having learned nothing but evil: and in the seventeenth chapter of juda, which implies the Church, The sin of juda is written with an iron pen, with the point of a Diamant; as if he should say, it is indelible. But all these things pretend not impossibility, but only difficulty, because the perverse are hardly corrected or reform: For in the third of jonas it is said, Who knows whether he may be converted, and acknowledge God. It is therefore said in the 26 of jeremy, Do not withdraw the word, for it may be they will hear, and every one may be converted from his evil way. At last he concludes with a serious exhortation to repentance, conversion, and amendment of life. This is that Nicholaus Oremus, who by Charles the fift his persuasion, our king, and surnamed the Wise, turned the whole Bible into the French Tongue. Many copies of the same are to be found at this day in the libraries of the noble families of this land, but especially there is one in the king's library, wherein Charles testifies by his own hand writing, That this Bible was translated by his commandment. And here we may fitly set down, That Charles the Sage was the Author of a book written by Alanus Charterius, his Secretary, whose title was, Somnium Viridarij, The Gardens Dream, printed at Paris above an hundred years since, against the Papal tyranny, both spiritual and temporal. That book stiffly maintains, and so consequently our king Charles, That the Roman Church, from Constantine's days, had obtained priority through a silent and voluntary consent of the Churches, not that it had any authority properly over them; as also because there did reside in that place many famous men, who out of their charity were very careful to admonish brotherly the other faithful, and these men again embraced their admonitions, as the rules and precepts of learned men: which seemed wonderful beneficial and profitable. They also were subject to their censures, to preserve the unity of the faithful: and this their voluntary obedience was in stead of a formal election, though no ways, by any divine or human laws, they were no more tied to the commands and institutions of the Roman Church or the Pope, than the Pope himself was to him or his Churches. And the reason hereof certainly was, because they had not yet over them any supreme Christian Prince to comprehend and keep them within order and unity: the which is most plain and perspicuous, because we cannot gather out of any place of the holy Scriptures, That by the commandment of Christ, of any one of the Apostles, or of any primitive Council, that the Churches or Bishops in general were subject to the Church or Bishop of Rome, no not in those things that appertain to rites Ecclesiastical: Which, in no appearance, Christ and his Apostles would have omitted, if it had concerned the salvation of the faithful, much less in that which concerns iura coactiva, laws of constraint, not only over Clerks, but over secular Princes themselves: the which the Popes take upon them, against the express precepts and injunctions of Christ and his Apostles. And therefore the Church and Bishops of Rome obtained priority out of the commendable ends above mentioned, from Constantine the first Christian Emperor, which afterwards they persuaded the world, but most falsely, that they held ex iure divino, by law divine; further extending the same over all Kings and Princes, as also, that they are to govern during a vacancy in the seat Imperial. Which the later Popes have presumed to ratify by many decretals, by which, out of a plenary power, they pretend to create or depose kings, and they not obeying their Decree in this point, are subject to interdict and excommunication. All which propositions are sharply refuted in that book, the Pope being reduced to these terms, That both he and the Church of Rome had no further authority over other Churches, than what by the same Churches was voluntarily conferred upon them. Hereunto let us annex, That Edward the third, king of England, after he had oftentimes complained in vain to the Pope's▪ of the exactions wherewith the Churches of England were continually pressed, he at length determined to free England from that jurisdiction which the Pope usurped in England: Wherefore in the year 1374 he ordained, An. 1374. That the Bishops afterwards should be created by himself, and so other inferior Ministers by the Bishops; and thereupon not long after it came to pass, that the Pope lost the tenths, which before time he used, without check or control, to impose upon the Clergy. As also it was prohibited under grievous pains, That for the obtaining of any benefice in England, no man should repair to the Pope wheresoever he were, and the Peter pence which were yearly paid to Rome, were quite put down. The which when Gregory the eleventh understood, he was mightily vexed, and exclaimed, That this was nothing else but to divide the Christian Church, to annihilat Religion, and to cut off all laws both divine and human: Wherefore he first dealt with Edward to revoke this law: but after this Pope's death, Polidorus l. 19 schism arising in the Church (saith Polidore) there was no other of his successors that minded this matter, till Martin the fift wrote letters of great vehemency and persuasion to king Henry the sixth; but both the one and the other received a like answer, which was, That the Decree of a Council, or Parliament (that is of England) could not be abrogated without the authority of another Council, or Parliament, which he would presently cause to be summoned: the which notwithstanding was never performed. At this very time S. Bridget and Katherine of Sienna were celebrated for Saints, both supposed to have received divine revelations from above, and therefore they were canonised; both of them notwithstanding conceiving very well what manner of monster the Pope was. And Bridget, being borne in Scotland, and married in Suethen, came to see Vrban the fift, who was then at Montefiascone, near Rome, supposing by her journey to have gained great Indulgences. And yet in her revelations she calls the Pope a murderer of souls, the disperser and devourer of Christ's sheep, more abominable than the jews, more despiteful than judas, more unjust than Pylat, worse than Lucifer, and that his seat should sink like a weighty stone, (the Apocalyps says, like a millstone) and that his assistants should burn in a sulphurous and inextinguishable fire. Afterwards she reprehends the Bishops, and other Priests, that through their default the doctrine of Christ is clean neglected, and almost abolished, the divine wisdom and knowledge was by the Clergy converted into wicked and vain sciences; That they were lepers, and dumb men, turning all God's commandments into one only saying, Da pecuniam, give money: To conclude, she affirms that she saw the blessed Virgin speaking thus to her son, Rome is a fertile and plentiful field; when Christ made answer, So indeed it is, but of Cockle and Darnell. But yet she said, she was admonished in a vision to go to Rome rather to remove, than confirm the opinion she formerly conceived of it. Katherine also gave the like censure of the state of the Roman Church, nay, and if we may believe Antoninus, she presaged, That even then the Church's confusion was at hand, and that presently a reformation would ensue. When she heard of the Perugians rebellion against the Pope, Begin not your lamentation (saith she) so soon, for you shall have weeping too much: for this you now see is but milk and honey in respect of those miseries to ensue. Thus do the Laity, and presently you shall see the Clergy will do worse, for they shall give a general scandal to the whole Church of God, which like an heretical pestilence shall disturb and dissipate the same. It shall not properly be an heresy, but as it were an heresy and a certain division of the Church and all Christendom. This (saith Raimond, who writ her Legend) we see accomplished in the schism that followed upon Gregory's death: For when the schism began, Raymond told her, That what she had prophesied was now come to pass; and she replied, Even as then I told you, that the present molestations were but milk and honey; so I say unto you, That this you now see and behold, is but children's sport in comparison of future miseries, especially in adjacent and bordering Provinces. Which we have seen come to pass (saith he) over all Italy and Sicilia: whereunto we may worthily annex France, which never felt a more sharp and terrible war than at this instant. Then Raymond again prosecutes: Being curious (saith he) to demand of her what would follow after this wonderful agitation and revolt (because it manifestly appeared that she entertained celestial revelations; (she replied, God shall purge his Church from all these tribulations and miseries, by a means altogether inperceptible and unknown unto men: and after this shall occur such a wonderful reformation of God's Church, and a renovation of sacred and holy Pastors, that through the cogitation thereof only my spirit even rejoiceth in the Lord. And as otherwhiles I have many times told you, the spouse that now is deformed and rend, shall then he adorned with goodly and precious jewels, and all the faithful shall exult for being honoured with such holy Pastors. Antoninus adds further, What this sacred virgin foretold of schisms and tribulations, we have seen them clearly and evidently come to pass: but for that she denounced touching good Pastors, and the Church's reformation, that hath not yet been effected. And yet he wrote in the year 1450, after the schism extinguished, and the dissolution of the Counsels of Constance and Basil; the which, as it seems, he thought had not sufficiently provided for the reformation of the Church, conformable to this virgins predictions; neither can it any ways be perceived in the Church of Rome, or in the Popes, whether you consider doctrine, or manners: so as this prophesy may very well be applied to that reformation that began not long after, which purged both the errors of doctrine, and the abuses of discipline, through the diligence and zeal of those godly ministers which God stirred up in the age following, by a means (as she said) inperceptible of men, the which was then a preparing before his death. In Bohemia mention is made of one Militzius, a famous Preacher of prague, whom jacobus Misnensis terms renowned and venerable. This man declared, how against his will he was enjoined by the holy Ghost to search out of the holy Scriptures the coming of Antichrist, whom he found to be now already come: the same spirit conducting him, he was constrained to go to Rome, where he preached publicly, and afterwards before the Inquisitor he confirmed, That the great Antichrist, of whom the Scriptures do prophesy, was already come. The same man said, That in the Church Idols should be erected, which would destroy jerusalem, and make desolate the Temple, but that they were covered with hypocrisy: That many know the truth, and yet through injustice suppressed it, and therefore in this silence they renounced Christ, and durst not avouch his truth before men. He also inveighed particularly against many abuses, as we may see in jacobus Misnensis his treatise, de Aduentis Antichristi, which he wrote about the year 1410. An. 1410. We find also a Bull of Gregory the eleventh directed to john Archbishop of prague, wherein he is commanded to excommunicate and persecute Militzius and his auditors, who were taught and instructed by him, That the Pope and his companions were Antichrists, That there was no truth amongst them undepraved. So as it is manifest, that the Church in Bohemia came to have some reformation, and so much the rather, because the Waldenses, as we formerly saw, fixed here their habitations long time before. In these very days, about the year 1460, one john Wickliff, An. 1460. a man of singular understanding, began to lift up his head, who was trained up at Oxford in all learning and science, being both a famous Divine and Philosoph●●, who was for these parts highly honoured and esteemed of all the Faculties: and Degrees in that University. This man questionless charged the Roman Church on every side very stoutly: for not satisfying himself in showing the Pope to be an Heresiarch, the Antichrist deciphered in the Scriptures, the abomination of desolation, in abstracto, in abstract, brought in by Satan's guile, and their Church's imposthume: and that he convinced him to be the same both by the Scriptures, the course of all histories, divers prevalent reasons, and his own proper actions; but further he assaileth the inward points of his doctrine, taxing it with vanity, superstition, and idolatry, reprehending the service of the creator converted to the creature, to mortal men, to Saints, to relics, to images: That the Sacrifice of the Redeemers Passion was turned into the foolish spectacle and mummery of a Mass; the benefit of the death and passion of Christ the son of God, into dispensations, absolutions, pilgrimages, and indulgences, the benefits or rather enchantments, not of a pure, but most impure man: The people were fallen away from the incomparable merits of Christ our Saviour, to their own works; from the firm tuition and defence of Christ's cross, to the shaken reed of their own demerits: To conclude, from God the general creator, to a ridiculous host which must be worshipped as God, though it were knead and made with men's hands. And for the furtherance of this so high a work of Gods, he translated the whole Bible into the vulgar Tongue: all those heads of doctrine he delivered to the learned in Latin, and to the ignorant in the vulgar Tongue. In public lectures at Oxford, he was a Doctor, in ordinary Sermons of the Church a Pastor, putting on a brazen forehead against the shameless strumpet, and a breast of Diamant against the power and violence of the whole Clergy, thundering the like even into the ears of Edward the third then reigning in England, and he drew unto himself the attention of all the great men in the Land, which then flourished either in letters or arms: obtaining so far by his divine labour and zeal, that truth from his mouth was hearkened unto, by many embraced and received, and happily preached for many years: so as that light of the Gospel revived by his operations and endeavours, no puff or whirlwind could extinguish, but rather it kindled unto us another fire all Europe over. I forbear to speak of the learning & incomparable solidity of his writings, all which being duly weighed, especially in so tenebrous an age, amidst so fearful flashings and lightnings, whereat the greatest Princes of the world stooped and trembled; I think no man can justly make any doubt but that his spirit received illumination, courage and confidence from above, that God wrought in and by him, and in the weakness of a wretched and abject man, in respect of the world; he intended the ruin of Satan's Empire, of that same plenary power, so much boasted of, and so long time affected by the Popes: In so much as Luther seems to have spoken most worthily, The bodies of the Saints rise again when there is a resurrection of the Gospel of jesus our Saviour, so as these petty desperate Bishops are able to prevail nothing at all against them, with their Herod's and Pylats'. All the Clergy out of doubt he wonderfully amazed and astonished: For Thomas Waldensis, in his Epistle to Martin the fift, spares not to tell, how he wondered and admired at his irrefragible assertions, at the perspicuous authorities, and inconuincible reasons which he produced. Thom. walden's. in Epist ad Martin. 5. Thom. Walsingham in Rich. 2. Gulielm. Caxtonius in Chron. Anno 1171 & 1372. alias fructus temporum And the Chronologers of those times seem greatly to complain, that both king Edward and all his chief Counsellors gave attentive ear to him: as also, that the king was won by him to enact by Parliament, That the Bishops from thenceforth should be confirmed by their Metropolitans, as in times past, and not be tied upon this occasion to go personally to Rome. But Waldensis mentions some particular men that in England entertained his doctrine; certain Divines and Masters of the University of Oxford, Robert Rigg Chancellor of the same University, together with the two Proctors and many others, whom he severally nominates. In the Court, the king himself and the Prince of Wales his son, were his auditors, john Duke of Lancaster, Lewis Clifford, William Nevil, john Klenbow, Richard Struny, Thomas Latimer, john Montacute, who defaced Images throughout all his jurisdiction, john of Salisbury, who being at point of death, rejected the Papistical Sacrament, with divers others of the chiefest Nobility. Besides, john of Northampton, the Major of London, and sundry other notable Citizens and Burgesses, who many times disturbed the Bishop's assemblies and conventicles, which were called for the suppressing of Wickliff. But so on the other side, he wanted not many potent and mighty adversaries among the Bishops, Prelates, Monks, but especially the Mendicants, who after Edward's death, obtained of Richard the second, that Wickliff should be expelled England: he therefore repairing into Bohemia, brought a great light to the doctrine of the Waldenses; when john Hus, being yet but a young man, had divers conferences with him about divine matters. But at length being recalled home again from exile, about the year 1387, the last of December, An. 1387. he meekly in his Country yielded up his soul to God, and was buried in the Church of Lutterworth within the County of Leicester: not without a singular miracle showed herein, notwithstanding the implacable rage and fury of his adversaries: although in the year 1428, by Pope Martin the fifth's order, An. 1428. he was by the Prelates in England disinterred and burnt. But God in his good time will redemaund the bodies of his Saints of all the elements, to whom, he will then most graciously communicate his happiness and glory, Amen. Here we may also adjoin the principal heads of Wicklifs doctrine, as they are set down by William Wydford his adversary, who invents many of them out of his own brain, the more to stir up envy against him: but in a ward, we may boldly affirm that they are no other in substance then such as are received into the confessions of our Churches, as may evidently be seen in many treatises which are extant, both in Latin and English. Touching the Pope, besides the points by us premised, he taught, That in the Apostles time there were two only orders of Clerks, those were Priests and Deacons, for other degrees they proceeded from the pride of the Papacy: That the Pope who counterfeitly professed himself to be the servant of God's servants, in the work evangelical, was of no place or degree, but Satan's special Attorney and procurator, that he might perpetually project and practise treason against Christ; also, that he was pointed at throughout all the Scriptures for Antichrist, not his person simply, but the chair and Papal dignity, from whence, by means of the creeping in of all excess and sensuality, confusion hath invaded the Church; how it was a most palpable heresy to believe that every militant Church in Europe depended on his See and authority, That no man could ground out of the Scriptures, how such a Vicar entered into the Church, and therefore must needs have come in otherwise by worldly courses and Satan's subtleties, That Christ had never any meaning to constitute a Caesarian Pope, one that should be both Pope and Emperor at an instant. And therefore it belonged to Princes seriously to join both their hearts and hands, for the prohibiting of such a Satan to bear rule in the church. His principal Disciples in England grew very famous, both by edition of books and for martyrdom, as Walter Bret, john Aston, john Ashwaly, Nicholas Herford, john Puruer, Richard's Wits, john Oldcastle, Peter Clarke, William Taylor, William With, whose works and labours Bale cities out of the ancient monuments, the seed whereof, brought forth afterwards the fruits into England which we both have and daily see. Thomas Walsingham specially notes, Thomas Walsingham in Richard 2. that when the Archbishop of Canterbury had sent Wicklifs condemnation to Robert Rigg, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, to be divulged, he appointed them to preach that day whom he knew to be the most zealous followers of Wickliff, in contempt (saith he) of the archiepiscopal precept: and among others, he ordained one Philip Rippinton, a Cannon of Leycester, to preach on Corpus Christi day, who concluded his Sermon with these words, For speculative doctrine (saith he) such as is the point of the Sacrament of the Altar, I will set a bar on my lips, while God hath otherwise instructed or illuminated the hearts of the Clergy. The same Author saith, That in the year 1378 Pope Gregory the eleventh his Bull being presented and read at Oxford, An. 1378. and seconded with express letters both to the king, the Archbishop, and all other the chiefest and principallest Bishops, wherein he used to them great reprehension for the slight care they had taken in the suppressing of Wicklifs doctrine: Those of the University were long time in suspense, Whether they should receive the Pope's Bull with honour, or reject it with reproach: and at last very small account was made of it. 60. PROGRESSION. The contention between the Romans and the Frenchmen, about the election of the Pope. Of the division in the Popedom between Vrban the sixth and Clement the seventh. Of the Practices of Vrban to advance Charles Duras to the kingdom of Sicilia, and of the treacheries towards joan Queen of Naples, and Otho Duke of Brunswick, her husband. Of the jubilee begun by the said urban, but ended in the time of Boniface the ninth. THe Church of Rome, as we have seen, is marked in Histories with many schisms, of which some of them lasted for many years: And now we enter into the six and twentieth, so quoted by their Authors, and the longest of all the rest, for it continued for fifty years, Pope against Pope, the States of Europe and all the Churches of Christendom divided, or rather rend and torn asunder, whiles they repeal the Acts one of another, and condemn each others ordinances, curse and excommunicate the one the other, and openly pronounce the one the other to be Antichrist; and that in books published, and yet extant concerning that matter. Whereby many (even in despite of their teeth) open their eyes to know them for such as they are; insomuch that many detesting openly their hypocrisy, forsake their Synagogues, and the others are made at least so much the more unexcusable of their enormities. In the year than 1378, Gregory the eleventh being deceased, the Cardinals enter into the Conclave at Rome, and the Romans requested that they would create Pope, if not a Roman, yet at least an Italian, least if he were a Frenchman, he should withdraw his seat to avignon; yea not content with prayers, they make a tumult about S. Peter's, by the instigation, as it was thought, of Cardinal Vrsino, who affected the Seat. But the Frenchmen on the other side being desirous to have the Seat with them, left nothing unattempted to the contrary, though weary of the Lymosine Popes, who for many years had transported the Mitre over from one to another. Notwithstanding in the end, partly for fear, and partly by bribing, Bartholomew Archbishop of Barrie, a Neapolitan, is created Pope, and called Vrban the sixth, the Frenchmen in the mean time complaining that they had been forced in their suffrages. Theodor. à Nyem. l. 1. de Schism. inter Vrban. 6. & Clement. 7. Platina in Vrban. 6. Blondus Decad. 2. l. 10. And here some Author's note, That Vrban had promised by oath to renounce the Popedom whensoever they should require it, though the Cardinals signified by letters his election to the Christian Princes, as lawful, and themselves adored him. Three months then being passed, and the weather waxing very hot (for he had been created in March) the French Cardinals, for change of air, request leave of him to departed to Anagnia, which urban granteth; and they assign their place of meeting at Fundi, whither they come, and to make their party the stronger, they entice thither three Italian Cardinals, with promise to each of them secretly, to make him Pope, if he came thither; and then they chose for Pope the Cardinal of Genova, by the name of Clement the seventh, against urban the sixth. It is observed, That when Vrban was requested not to return into France, these words chanced to escape from him, That he would ever abide at Rome, and that he rebuked the Bishops openly, for that they resided in Court, whereas they ought to be in their Dioceses: which the Cardinal of Pampelone took very grievously against him. Platina addeth, That these Cardinals had peeled the former Popes after their death, and feared to be called in question for it. And let the Reader hence judge, with what goodly and lawful reasons matters were governed in these Conclaves. Each of them then laboured which could draw more Princes and States of Christendom to their obedience: and to Vrban obeyed all the Italians, and the Florentines themselves, being absolved from the excommunication of his predecessor, so that there only wanted to him the Earl of Fundi, Francis de Vico, who held Viterbe, and joan Queen of Naples, whom he had lost only by his peevishness: and of strangers, the Germans, Englishmen, and Portugals. To Clement obeyed the kings of France and Spain. And some there were which acknowledged neither the one nor the other, whence they were called neuter. Let us come to Vrban: in him was manifestly verified the proverb, Theodor. à Nyem. l. 1. c. 1. He which maketh a Pope knoweth not what he doth. For Theodorie à Nyem, his Secretary, who wrote this history, telleth us, That before his Popedom he was an humble and devout man, and withheld his hands from all bribes, an enemy and persecuter of simony, and zealous of chastity and justice. And out of that which followeth may easily be judged, whether he were an hypocrite, or whether the infection of the Seat did not change his habitude. This good Queen of Naples had rejoiced exceedingly at his promotion to the Popedom, and for many days in Naples had caused bonfires of joy to be made, to honour him, and besides other things, had sent unto him in gift 40000 ducats, part in gold, and part in silver, for his first expenses. Otho also, Duke of Brunswick, her husband, had held him very dear before he was Pope, and wonderfully rejoiced of his Popedom; but he notwithstanding was the first that felt his pride, for one day presenting drink unto him in his collation, in presence of many Cardinals, he out of pride stayed a long time before he would take the cup out of the hand of so great a Prince kneeling before him, tell one of the Cardinals said unto him, Holy Father it is time to drink. And some such like actions helped forward the schism not a little. The Author addeth here of his master, That this saying as then failed not in him, Asperius whilst misere cum surgit in altum. None's more proud than the wretch that's high advanced. And also, that Cord stat inflato, pauper honore dato, A poor man advanced to honour, L. 1. c. 8. hath his heart puffed up with pride: But likewise verified that saying of the Wise man, His heart shall be hard with evil in his later days. Notwithstanding Otho, before the schism broke forth, omitted nothing that he could to reconcile him with the Cardinals, yet receiveth no better usage from him; for having requested him to approve the marriage of his cousin, the marquess of Mont●errat, with Marie heir of Sicily, whereunto all the Barons of the kingdom consented, he flatly refused him, having an intention by any means to make the kingdom of Sicily fall into the hands of Francis Pregnan, L. 1. c. 12. his brother's son. And this is that humility which Theodorick commended in him before his Popedom. When he saw the Cardinals fall away from him, he remained astonished, and would have returned to humility, yet gathering courage to himself, he thought he should not want some ambitious, to take the Cardinal's hat at his hand: wherefore in one day he created twenty six, three Romans, the rest Neapolitans, his countrymen. The chief strife was for the possession of Rome, and already he ruled there: but the Vrsines, that held for Clement, and the Frenchman captain of the castle S. Angelo, who shot off thence upon his people, made the city dangerous unto him: therefore with the forces of his confederates he besieged him, and constraineth him through famine to yield. He won unto him also the favour of the Emperor Charles the fourth, and of Lewis king of Hungary, by giving them hope of great matters, and by their help got unto himself the obedience of Lombardie and Sicily. Hence therefore taking courage, he seriously bendeth his thoughts on the promoting of his nephew, and sendeth for Charles Duras out of Hungary, against his promise by oath (That he would never attempt any thing against the daughters of king Lewis) and crowneth him king of Sicily, on this condition, That he should give the dukedom of Capua and of Melfe in the realm of Naples, and many noble earldoms in Sicily, to his nephew, though he were a man effeminate and unprofitable. And because this Charles had no money, he sold to the Roman citizens the proprieties and rights of many churches of Rome, to the sum of eighty thousand Florins, & more, also gold & silver Chalices, crosses, and other precious ornaments of the said Churches and Monasteries, he took away in great number and value; and he coined many silver Images of Saints into money, for to pay wages to the army of Charles. And here again let the Reader weigh that devotion which our Author had attributed unto him before his Popedom. His other conditions were found to be no better. Charles, led by his natural pride, marcheth to Naples, and through the treason prepared by Vrban, is received by his partakers into the city; for he had bound unto him the best families by his Cardinal's hats. But Queen joan was retired into the new castle, and Otho Duke of Brunswick with his army besieged the city. He then counterfeited the seal of Queen joan, and forged a letter as from her to Otho, whereby she entreated him to come unto her with six only of his dearest and most faithful friends, for to resolve together in so great extremity, what was best for them to be done. Otho suspecting nothing, taketh his journey thitherwards by night, accompanied with the marquess of Montferrat his cousin, Balthasar Duke of Brunswick his brother, son in law of the Earl of Fundi, and three captains, in whom he greatly trusted: but they fall into a deep pit prepared for them, with their horses, in which was hid in ambush fifty men, who kill the marquess and the three captains, take the Duke Otho and his brother Balthasar, and carried them prisoners to Charles, who commanded Balthasars' eyes to be put out in the public market place, where the innocent young king Conradine, by the commandments of Charles the first, had been beheaded: and he keepeth Otho full three years under custody. Queen joan, when she heard that her husband was taken, hoped that in yielding the castle, which beside was in distress for want of victual, she might at least redeem her life; but he sent her presently prisoner into a certain castle of Abruzzo, in the chapel whereof, as she was kneeling at prayer before the Altar, by his command she is strangled by four Hungarian soldiers. All this was done by the counsel of urban, whose Legate a latere was ever by him, the Cardinal of Sangro, who thought he offered to God good sacrifice, when he destroyed them that had been faithful to Queen joan, as well of the Clergy as laity, either depriving them of their goods, or deposing them of their Ecclesiastical dignities, without any respect of age, condition, or merit: insomuch that in one day at their cost, he created thirty and two Archbishops and Bishops, and many Abbots, all Neapolitans and followers of Charles his part. He addeth, that they used the enchantments of a certain vagabond, well known to the Author, who named himself a Knight, and a little after was burned, by commandment of Lewis Duke of Anjou, whom he would have deceived. Neither was Clement in the mean time idle, A man (saith the Author) of a large conscience and of great experience, very needy, whom Gregory the eleventh, by reason he could not otherwise maintain his prodigality, had appointed Legate in the Marca de Ancona and in Lombardy, more perhaps, Jdem. l. 2. c. 21. that he might by that means have wherewith to live, from the inhabitants of those regions, under pretence of his Legation, than for any quiet or safety that he might procure unto them. Of which he bringeth us some examples. Nevertheless he is covetous, or rather a greedy griper, by reason of his prodigality: For Otho, Duke of Brunswick, having taken Verseil and forty Castles in those parts from Viscount Barnabo, than commander of Milan, who had delivered them to Gregory; Clement, being at that time Legat, sold them all to Barnabo for ready money, who exercised against them all sorts of cruelty, and exacted from them the money he had disbursed to Clement; And being come to the Popedom, he retained still the same humour, granting in fee for a very small yearly revenue without any difficulty, the Lands and demesnes of Cathedral Churches and Monasteries, for to bind great men unto him; and giving (saith the Author) large th●ngs of another man's leather, that he might recover money at any price whatsoever. And when he saw that urban had at his pleasure created a King of Apulia, he resolved to give him a competitor; this was Lewis Duke of Anjou, whom he crowned and sent into Italy, with an army of sixty thousand men: so that Vrban determined to leave Rome, and to go into the kingdom of Naples, whom Charles cometh to meet not far from Auersa, and did unto him the office of a groom or yeoman of his stirrup. And the same Author, being an eye-witness of this meeting, noteth, Lib. 1. c. 29. 30. 31. 32. that many Country people came and kissed the said Urbans feet, but before they did so, they had thrice kissed the ground or earth. But Charles, under colour of showing him the Castle of Auersa, kept him prisoner, suspecting some evil of Urbans journey into Apulia, and so much the rather, for that he had not fulfilled his promise in putting Pregnan his Nephew in possession of the Duchy of Capua and of Mel●e. But soon after, at the entreaties of the Cardinals, and under certain conditions, he set him at liberty and bringeth him to Naples. Lib. 1. c. ●3. ●4. That Pregnan was a man given to all vices, and of whom notwithstanding he was so exceeding fond, that when his petulant looseness was told him, he was wont to answer, He is young; and yet was he then forty years old. It happened among other things, that he violated and ravished by force a certain professed Nun and recluse of the order of S. Clare of the Monastery of S. Saviour at Naples, and descended from a Noble house; her he kept certain days with him: The people is moved with that wicked fact, whereupon the guilty person suddenly saveth himself in a Church, under the protection of his uncle; the king according to Law having convicted him, condemneth him to die; the Pope contesteth against it, that he is a superior Lord, in whose presence the king cannot punish a nobleman of his kingdom. Thereupon he fortifieth the gates of his palace, and gathereth his partakers about him; so that this so infamous a crime remaineth unpunished, because it so pleased the Pope; yea, which is worse, that peace might be made between the Pope and the king, it is agreed upon, by the Cardinal's procurement, That Pregnan should marry the daughter of the Lord chief justice of the realm, the king's kinswoman; and that the king, for so long time as the duke of Anjou should remain in the country, should pay unto Pregnan every year, in stead of the revenues of those dukedoms, seventy thousand Florins. Of his own accord he gave him also the castle of Lucera, with the appurtenances, being between Naples and Salerne, Idem c. 40. whither he with the Pope his uncle retired himself, a place very pleasant, and safe for their persons, being lodged in the castle; but the town was not so, which was appointed for the Cardinals and courtiers, who in a state so troubled between two Princes in war together, had many great alarms, L. 1. c. 42. and yet could not make him resolve to departed thence. Wherefore at the instance of Cardinal Reatine it was treated amongst them, out of the opinion of many Doctors, If a Pope were too negligent, or unfit to govern, and leaned so much to his own wit, that he brought thereby the whole Church into danger, or were so unbridled, that without the advice of the Cardinals he would do things after his own fantasy and pleasure, Whether it were not lawful to substitute, by the election of the Cardinals, a Curator, or some fit Curators, by whose counsel and advice the Pope should be held to dispatch all the affairs of the Church: which was concluded to be lawful. But Vrban being advertised hereof by the Cardinal of Manupello, when the Cardinals of duty came to visit him, he kept six of them, whom he most feared, prisoners, whose goods, without any order of law, he presently confiscated, and by that means terrified all the rest: yea a few days after he gave their hats to certain unworthy persons of Naples, who knowing their own unworthiness, were ashamed to wear them in public. Idem l. 1. c. 45. His cruelty was such, that he cast them into a dungeon, commonly called the old Cistern, and without any respect of age, infirmity, or quality, put them to the rack, and all manner of tortures, his nephew Pregnan being present, and urging the tormentors: so that here Theodorick moveth all to compassion: neither yet, whatsoever these do testify and protest, could he ever be mollified, not towards the Cardinal Sangr●, a man broken with old age, and before his Legate in the realm, who, to please him, had exercised so many cruelties, and now acknowledged that he was justly punished by himself. But when Pregnan was so proud and audacious as to seize upon the castle of Scifatti, three leagues distant from Lucera, and was presently besieged by the king's servants, and forced to yield, Charles resolved to besiege Vrban himself within Lucera, who feeling himself extremely pressed, Idem l. 2. c. 45. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. led by a Germane called Loter of Swe●e, fled through byways of the mountains, and so saved himself at Salerne, where he is received of certain galleys of Genua, prepared for him; and caused the captive Cardinals through these incommodities to accompany him ever by his side, ga●ded with halberdiers▪ and when the Bishop of Aquila, broken with tortures, was not able to follow him, he commanded his hangman to kill him, and left his body in the fields without burial. Then directing his course into Sicily, which was under his obedience, he arrived at Palermo, where having made provision of things necessary, he put to sea again, and came to Genua, where he continually kept with him those Cardinals in bonds, all except one Cardinal Adam, a poor Monk, whom he gave to Richard king of England, on condition that he should ever have a certain Clerk of his chamber watching over his actions. At Genua he receiveth great gifts from john Duke of Milan, Perhaps (saith the Author) that he should absolve him from the fault he had committed, for that whilst Vrban remained at Naples, the Duke had taken his uncle Lord Barnabo, the daughter of whose cousin german he married by dispensation from the Pope, and strangled her in a castle near Milan: and a while after he empoisoned Barnabo himself. In the end, being ready to departed from Genua, to rid himself from the cumber of those five Cardinals, he made them all in one night be beheaded, others say, cast into the sea, and others, burnt in his stable. Collenucius saith distinctly, Collenuc. l. 5. That four were sowed up in a sack and cast into the water, and three beheaded, whose heads dried in an oven, were laid and carried upon his sumpter moiles; and so by his reckoning there should have been seven: but out of Theodorick his Secretary this at least is clear, That they were never seen more. And yet this is he whom before his Popedom he describeth unto us to be zealous of justice. In the last year of his Popedom, being mindful of the great gain that the jubilee had brought to Clement the sixth in the year 1350, against all reason he abreviated the same, namely to every thirty three years, An. 1350. Theodor. à Nyem. l. 1. c. 68 & 69. yet so, as that it should begin at Christmas in the year of our Lord 1388, and should continue a year inclusively: but, being prevented by death, he saw it not, and so left that fruitful field to be reaped by his successor Boniface. An. 1388. For being departed from Genua to go to peruse, by the fall of his mule under him he was bruised in many parts of his body: and nevertheless having still an intention to return into Sicily, he is carried to Rome, where after some few days he died, some say of poison. It is here worth the noting, That when Elizabeth Queen of Hungary had caused the head of Charles Duras, king of Naples, to be cut off, as he was drinking in a banquet at Buda, whereunto she had invited him (notwithstanding he had yielded unto her all the rights of the kingdom) and had sent to Vrban to gratify him, the sword, yet bloody, wherewith his head was smitten off: Collenuc. l. 5. The history telleth us, that Vrban received it with so great a pleasure, that he could not satisfy himself with beholding it. And thus much for urban, him of the two, which by Platina, Onuphrius, and others, is put in the Catalogue of Popes, as the more lawful. For full increase of his good deeds, he caused a book to be written by one john de Therano, his Chamberlain, the beginning whereof is, Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are Gods: wherein he affirmeth, That these words of Christ have place only for a time, namely until his ascension; but that from the time of his ascension they should be of no moment, seeing that he himself saith, joh. 12. When I shall be taken up from the earth, I will draw all men unto me; that is, all kings and kingdoms under the Empire of the Pope; whom he therefore concludeth to be King of kings, and Lord of lords: not fearing in so weighty a matter to abuse the sacred word of God, worse than the very Pasquil's. As for Clement, he was the first author (as Gaguin witnesseth) of expectative graces and Annates: yet because he is held for an Antipope, whose acts therefore were the less firm, the honour of them is attributed to Boniface, successor of urban, by whose care, in his obedience, they were received. But Nicholas de Clemangis, Archdeacon of Baieux, who lived in the time of this schism, in his book de Corrupto Ecclesiae statu, of the corrupt state of the Church, describeth Clement unto us in few words: After (saith he) that by the insupportable burden of our sins, the furious evil of schism hath crept into the Church, to omit the mischiefs done through the error of such as follow the false Pope, a man wholly defiled with all impurity: Was there ever man more miserable than our Clement while he lived? Who so made himself a servant of servants to the Princes of France, that the threatenings and contumelies daily cast upon him by the Courtiers, were hardly fit to be spoken against the basest slave? He gave place to fury, to the time, and to the importunity of troublesome demanders; he feigned, dissembled, promised largely, drove off from day to day: to these he gave benefices, to those words: he chiefly laboured to please all flatterers & jesters in the Court, and by benefits to deserve well of them, that by their help he might win the favour of their Lords; and therefore on these neat and trim young men, in whose company he chief delighted, he bestowed almost all the vacant Bishoprics, and other chief dignities. Lastly, That he might the more easily obtain and continue the good will of the Princes, he gave them very many gifts, consented unto whatsoever exactions they would require of the Clergy, and often of his own accord offered them unasked. In this miserable slavery he passed more than three lustres, or twelve years, with incredible waist of the Church. Moreover there is extant horrible Bulls which these Popes published the one against the other, wherein they called each other Schismatic, Paulus Aemilius in Carolo Sapiente. Heretic, sour of tars, thief, traitor, tyrant, Antichrist, son of Belial. john de Ligniaco wrote in favour of urban, and the Abbot of S. Vaast of Arras, Counsellor of king Charles the fift, in favour of Clement. After the decease of urban, the Cardinals that were his followers elected Pope, Peter de Thomacellis, a Neapolitan, who was called Boniface the ninth, ignorant (saith the Author) of writing and singing; and so unfit for administration of the affairs of the Court of Rome, Theodor. à Nyem. l. 2. c. 6. that whilst he lived he hardly understood the propositions made before him by the Advocates, in his Consistory, in so much that in his time, Inscitia ferè venalis facta fuit in ipsa Curia, Ignorance was well-nigh set to sale in the Court itself. And yet in all kind of simony he so far excelled all his predecessors, that he promoted not any Cardinal or bishop without extorting a great sum of money from them. And such a one indeed had Vrban the sixth found him out to be, who for his goodly stature, of a vagabond Clerke had made him Cardinal; but after he discovered him to be so open an arch-simoniack, that it is likely he would have taken his hat from him, if death had not prevented him. Of his invention then, as Theodorick his Secretary teacheth us, are the Annates, which he reserved to himself of all the vacant Cathedral Churches and Abbeys; so that they which were promoted unto them, were forced beforehand to pay all, before they could get the possession of the same. Usury also, whereby they which came to the Court might find money, at any rate whatsoever, which was no more accounted a sin, yea rather was oft exacted before their judges and Officials: that the saying of the Psalm might be veried, Both usury and guile wanteth not in their streets. The Dates, as they call them, to wit, the priority of the time of graces, which they sold to such as gave most; and that with such impudency, that this so open a buing and selling became a mock among the people. The Expectatives, which did tread under feet those graces, commonly Cum clausula Anteferri: And innumerable subtle deceits, extortions, filthy and unhonest pillages, which the Author describeth in the 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 chapters of his second book, and would be too long for us here to recite. Out of which may be judged, what manifest proceed forward, this Romish robbing had made under this Pope. But the most vile of all was that of the jubilee by urban appointed; Theodor. a Nigh. l. 1. c. 68 For innumerable strangers, out of the divers kingdoms and Provinces of his obedience, came to the city, and exceeding great offerings were given to the Churches and Temples of the city, the greater part of which came to the hands of Boniface, and of some others. But Boniface himself not content with these offerings, although they amounted to an exceeding sum (for he was an insatiable gulf, and in covetousness none like unto him) sent his money-gatherers, or chapmen, into divers kingdoms, for to sell the said Indulgences to such as offered so much as it would cost them to go to Rome to fetch them: these extorters or chapmen also subtly extorted very great sums of money from simple and barbarous people: so that by such sales they sometime brought away out of one kingdom, or one Province, more than an hundred thousand Florins, because they remitted all sins to all, confessing them even without penance, for money dispensed of all irregularities, saying, that they had all the power over the same that Christ had given to Peter of binding and loossing on earth. And by this means these chapmen being fatted well, return unto the city with many fair horses, and a decent family, and make an account of these their collections to Boniface, etc. which he most severely required of them, and many taken in fraud he put to death. Thus Vrban had sowed the year of jubilee, which in his stead Boniface reaped. But the testimony of Theodorick shall not be heard alone, though, without all exception, the greater, because his Secretary: Platina himself saith, Indulgences, yea plenary, Platina in Bonifacio 9 were sold every where, in so much that the authority of the keys and Apostolical letters were in contempt, etc. and many wickednesses were done by simony. Krantzius in Metrop. l. 11. c. 10. & 12. And Krantzius, Under his Popedom were made many and often translations of Bishops, many and often givings of Indulgences, even to the breeding of loathing in men's hearts: He gave graces and Indulgences unheard of; and what he easily gave he as lightly revoked, stirring up a report throughout all Christendom, that he could not be filled with gold. The Romans had hitherto retained the chiefest authority in the city, which was the cause that the Pope's abhorred to abide there. This Pope taking occasion by their discords, dealt so with them, that in the tenth year of his Popedom he got to himself alone the temporal domination, in alto & basso (saith the Author) high and low, in all and through all: and to maintain the same, he spared no subsidies nor tributes exacted from the Clergy. He re-edified the castle of S. Angelo, and the Capitol, and therein placed a garrison: And this truly he obtained by a very notable sacrilege. He greatly desired the coming of the year 1400, An. 1400. to celebrat the great jubilee, notwithstanding the other that Vrban had interserted. Boniface a little before departed to Assisium, making a show to stay there: Whereupon the people fearing least by reason of his absence who should give the blessing, the jubilee would not be celebrated at Rome with that solemnity, they come humbly with great pomp to entreat him to return unto them: But he, the more he is entreated, the less he is moved, and upbraideth them of their evil behaviour towards him, and seemeth to loathe the city: That since the later years of urban they had not received any Senators from without, but I know not what conservers of the chamber, men unsufficient, who had suffered all things to be done at the pleasure of the Banderets. Wherefore the Romans were brought to that pass, being desirous of gain by that fair, that they bought his blessing with the price of their liberty, consented that authority should be taken away from the Banderets, received from his hand a stranger Senator, Malatesta de Pisaro, & admitted also, for his safety, a garrison into the city; in which from thenceforth he ruled as absolute Lord all his life time. And hereby taking more boldness, he established the law of Annates in all nations, which till then he had practised only in Italy, where he might: That by the same (saith Blondus) he might make the Roman Bishops, his successors, no less Lords of all Christendom than of Rome; for in the law set forth he ordained, That it should be lawful for no man promoted to a benefice, to possess the same before he had paid so much money into the Pope's treasury as the first years revenues thereof might amount unto; and the Englishmen alone obeyed the law in the Cathedral Churches, but in the smaller benefices they contemned the Pope's command. Now in this jubilee he sold Indulgences to the most giver, as he had done in the former, and though the pestilence grew hot at Rome, yet he would not departed thence, Theodor. à Nyem. l. 1. c. 28. Yea for fear lest he should lose in the mean time the temporal dominion of the city, he remained there also in the Summer time; neither gave he any alms to sick pilgrims in that dangerous season, although he then abounded in all things, for he was accustomed to catch away, and not to communicate any thing of his prey to the needy. Now between the two jubilees died the Antipope Clement, at avignon, who in his obedience was in nothing less diligent than Vrban and Boniface: To him succeeded Peter de Luna, a Spaniard, Benedict the thirteenth: He being urged by the king of France (who by the advise of the University of Paris had received him only on condition, That he should endeavour the union of the Church) sent his Nuntios to Boniface and his Cardinals, to request him, That they might meet together in some place safe to both parties, for to take counsel for the concord of the Church. This he propounded indeed discreetly and diligently, though (as it thought) fraudulently. And thus also did the Cardinals of Boniface seem to take it. But Boniface answered not very gently, affirming, That he was Pope, and the said Peter an Antipope; and the like words, making little or nothing to the cause. Whereat the Nuntios being angry, said in his presence, That their Lord was not a Simoniack; noting Boniface to be one. At which words being greatly moved, he commanded them to departed the city; and when they answered, That they had safeconduct from himself and from the people of Rome, and had some time yet left unexpired, which they would enjoy; he was so immoderately chafed with anger, that his disease of the stone beginning to torment him, he went to bed, and the third day after died. Krantzius Saxon. l. 10. c. 13. Yet nevertheless (saith Krantzius) that he might obtain by the mediation of the mother of God, the union of the Church, he published by his Bulls the feast of the Visitation of Marie, instituted by his predecessor. Let the Reader judge with what faith, in so wicked an intention. Neither is it here to be omitted, That Francis Pregnan the nephew of Vrban the sixth, for whose advancement he so much laboured, when he had a long time beheld a dancing, entered into his chamber, and gave himself many blows with a sword, and by them that ran in at his crying out he was hindered of finishing his purpose. But the judgement of God, which pursued him, stayed not long; for whiles he was going to Venice with his mother, his son, his daughter, and eighteen servants, men and maids, his ship was cast away near Brundisium: And so (saith the Author) all the posterity of Vrban the sixth was extinguished, the waves of the sea requiring vengeance, to wit, for the Cardinals whom he so wretchedly had cast into the sea. And thus are we come to the year 1404, when Boniface died; for this schism is longer than can be at once declared. OPPOSITION. The only history of these Antipopes, described by such as were near about them, and inward with them, the judgement also which they gave the one against the other, the one no better nor more lawfully being created or reigning than the other, might suffice, without seeking any other Opposition: for what can we have of greater proof than this, That such as were in most eminent place amongst them, being maliciously bend one against another, have related how rudely they vexed and annoyed each other? Yet is it worthy our pains, to see what was the opinion of the better sort of them, which may easily be gathered out of their writings and by the Acts of those times, I know, saith Froissard, Froissard. vol. 3. c. 24. that in time to come men will wonder by what means the Church could fall into such troubles, and to stick in them so long; But this was a wound inflicted by God, for to admonish the Clergy in what great excess and superfluity they lived. But no man took heed thereof, being blinded all with pride and arrogancy, whereby each man would be equal one to another: Wherefore all things became worse, and if our faith had not been strengthened by the hand and grace of the holy Ghost, who enlighteneth the hearts of them that go astray, and confirmeth them in unity, without all doubt it had fainted and fallen. Therefore, if we believe Froissard, it is but ill grounded on Popes. He addeth, For the Princes of the earth, from whom in the beginning came the wealth of the Church, give themselves wholly to plays and jests, whilst I writ this Chronicle in the year 1390, whereat a very great number of the common people exceedingly wondered, that so great Princes, especially the Kings of France and Germany, thought not upon any remedy or counsel. So then after his opinion, remedy is rather to be expected from the Princes, than from the Popes, who are themselves the disease of the Church, and the principal peccant humour in the body thereof. And there he showeth at large, that every Prince took part with the one or the other of them, according as stood best for the wise governing of their affairs. But he cometh to this, that the pride of the Church is such, that it must of necessity be chastised and purged; and to this purpose he bringeth that story of Friar john de Rupescissa. Epistol. Vniversit. Paris. oxonians. Pragens. de tollendo schismate editae per Huttenum. An. 1520. The University of Paris had approved Clement; That of Oxford and Prague on the contrary, Vrban the sixth. In this they all agreed, as by their writings on both sides published doth appear, That the Pope and Cardinals exercise a tyranny over the Church of Christ; That the Emperor hath the right of the patronage over the Pope and Church of Rome; That the Pope with his Cardinals may err, and very often have erred; That the election of the Pope belongeth not to the Cardinals by divine right, but to the people, as also to the Emperor the confirmation of the same; And that before Gregory there were no Cardinals. Moreover there was pulished in Germany an Epistle, from the part and authority of the Emperor Wenceslaus, though he were but weak, wherein he gravely exhorted the Church to free themselves from the servitude of the Pope, Epistol. Wenceceslai. Jmperat. de eodem. By those Princes (saith he) of Priests, the Church is profaned, the Priesthood defiled, all order confounded, and whatsoever is of religion is corrupted; what is of the Law, of life, of manners, of faith, of discipline, is destroyed and confounded: insomuch that although the blessed son of God hath suffered many & grievous things by men of the Synagogue, yet now he suffereth much more grievous things of princes of Priests. There is also recited there a vision of a certain holy man, concerning the state of the Church: Seeing her appareled as a Queen, he thought she had been the blessed Virgin Marie, but she expressly told him, I am not her whom thou deemest, but the figure of her for whom thou so often sighest and prayest, namely of the Church, whose dolour is wonderful, and corruption descending from the head throughout all the limbs even to the feet: and that thou mayst sorrow with me, behold argument of sorrow; and taking off her head her most glorious Crown, she bowed her head unto him. And he saw the upper part of her head cut into four parts in form of a Cross, and worms breaking forth of her brain, and sores running with corrupt matter; and she said unto him, Behold, by these which thou seest in my head, thou mayst judge of my corruption and grief in the other members: and having said this she vanished from his eyes. Neither is it to be omitted, that in this Epistle honourable mention is made of Marsilius of Padua, and john de jamduno, who (as we have above seen) had defended the Emperor Lewis of Baviere against the wicked enterprises of Popes. Johannes Petrus ferrarians. in Practica utriusque juris in forma libelli actionis confessoriae, si verbo plenam, etc. With the same mind wrote john Peter of Ferrara, a famous Lawyer of Pavia; That it is a thing ridiculous to be spoken, and abominable to be heard, that the Pope hath superiority over the the Emperor; That he cannot by any right have temporal dominion, or possess Provinces & cities, & that he doth so is of mere violence; That the temporal sword must be taken from him, that otherwise Christendom will never be quiet; That it is by the foolishness of Princes, that they are made the slaves of the Clergy; That the Pope in absolving men from their oath, maketh them perjurers; And that Clergymen carry their consciences in their cowls, which being laid aside, their conscience is no more to be found. Jdem in forma libelli de substitutione. And in another place he crieth out, That there may arise a good Emperor against them, which in time passed through devotion drew the world after them, and now by reason of their covetousness and rapine, have destroyed and brought to nothing the state of the Empire and of all the Laity; Not without cause, seeing that john Andreas surnamed Speculator, that great interpreter of the Canon law, was wont to say, That Rome having been first founded by thieves, hath returned to her first estate. Jndex Expurgat. Hispan. fol. 135. & Antuerpian. p. 116. But the fathers of the Council of Trent in their Indices in Spain and Antuerpe, command these places to be razed out. At the same time was set forth the Dialogue of Peter and Paul, the title whereof was, The golden Mirror, in the year 1404. An. 1404. In the Preface is this, All the Court of Rome, from the sole of the foot to the crown of the head, is manifestly blinded with errors, and the same hath with the poison of their errors made drunk almost all the parts of the world, as if the Pope could limit the infinite power of the creator. Then he divideth his matter into three points; First, saith he, I will discover the most grievous errors of the Court of Rome; Secondly, I will confute the writings and sayings thereof as erroneous, and less Catholic; Thirdly, I will declare out of most true grounds, that the Court of Rome is wholly erroneous and sick in the state of damnation, etc. And he handleth each of these in order. At last after many complaints, despairing that it would suffer reformation, and much less, that from itself any were to be expected; The only son of God, saith Paul, vouchsafe to reform his Church himself. And to show that it was not his opinion alone, he plainly saith in his Preface, All men truly do inwardly murmur, but none cry out. And the Doctors themselves that sat near Boniface the ninth, seeing this so manifest corruption, partly could not dissemble it, and partly were divided in opinions concerning the remedy thereof. Theodorick à Niem saith, Many also skilful in the Law, Theodor. à Niem. l. 2. c. 32. by reason of the continuation of Simony in the Church of Rome, in the time of the said Boniface, would publicly argue and hold, That the Pope could not commit Simony, yea in benefices and goods Ecclesiastical, by intervention of gain or covenant of money. What will they not say, as that harlot in the Apocalyps, I sit as Queen, neither can be a widow, I cannot err; And what readier way is there unto all mischief? The Author addeth, Which seemed unto me very unjust, seeing that at least it is uncivil and against good manners, if that which ought to be given gratis to persons worthy, be gaunted for vile gain of money to the unworthy; and that the Pope, who is over all and from whom others ought to take example of life, should be so defiled with such a crime, not being able to punish another for that wherein himself offendeth; for it is a shame for the Doctor that the fault should rebuke himself. For this cause even among the common sort, the Pope's authority is abased, blamed and defamed; namely in this, saith he, that dispensations, which should be done with great deliberation of his brethren, he did them in his Chamber after the manner of Merchants; being himself Bullator, scriptor, & forsan numerator, the maker of the Bulls, the writer, and teller of money; But he also addeth, In his life time some Doctors in Divinity, and others learned in the sciences, grieving that Simony was so commonly and openly committed in the Court, and that many jurists and others obstinately affirmed, that it might be so done, arguing to the contrary, determined conclusions which they reduced into volumes, yet with great fear; That the Pope, in selling Ecclesiastical benefices by bargain made, was a Simmoniack, that is, the successor of Simon Magus not of Simon Peter; because he is not established for to sell them, but to bestow them freely on persons worthy. But in all Nations there arose up some that passed further: Vincent at Venice, about the year 1400, An. 1400. a great Preacher and famous for holiness, who freely condemned all the Roman Hierarchy, Prophetiae editae Parisijs in 8. ex varijs authoribus collectae & ibi Epist. S. V incentij. affirming That religious persons that ought to be the way of life unto souls, are throughout the world become unto them the way of perdition; That Priest's fish for honours, but not for manners; That the bishops (none excepted) have no care of the souls of their Diocese; That they sell the Sacraments for money: yea he passeth so far as to pronounce the Pope to be Antichrist himself. In a certain Epistle also printed at Paris, entitled The Epistle of S. Vincent, he saith, That Antichrist is already in the world, whom he expected not to come from the jews, or from ancient Babylon, but already beheld him reigning at Rome. In Bohemia, Mathius Parisiensis wrote a great volume de Antichristo, where he proveth that he is come by this, That fables and human inventions bear sway in the Church, That images are worshipped, Saints are adored in Christ's stead, every City and each person chooseth out some one of them for to worship as their Saviour, whom by consequent they place in Christ's seat; That our Lord himself had foretold, Lo here is Christ, lo there; That the Monks themselves have left him, and have sought unto themselves other saviours, in whom they boast, as Francis, Dominick and others; The word of God being neglected, they bring in their Monkish rules; That such like hypocrites reigning in the Church, are those Locusts of which the Apocalyps speaketh; Neither is it to be doubted but that Antichrist is come, who hath seduced all the Universities and all the Colleges of learned men, so that they now teach nothing sound, neither can they any more give light to Christians by their doctrine; But God hitherto as seed raised up godly Doctors, who inflamed with the spirit and zeal of Elias, both refuted the errors of Antichrist, and discover him to the world. And he inserteth in this Book, the opinions of many famous men, near to those times, concerning this matter; amongst whom he extolleth the Divines of Paris, who perceiving the tars of the begging Friars to grow, brought to light again and published the book of William de S. Amour, Of the perils of the last times, which before time Alexander the fourth had laboured to abolish. These Doctors (saith he, in his Preface) faithful in Christ, etc. Whose multitude was then the health of the world, acknowledging partly that most wicked Antichrist and his members and his ●●●re, and parley prophesying for the time to come, have openly and nakedly revealed these things, for the holy Church and her governors to take heedof. In England, john Purvey Disciple of Wickliff, wrote many books in defence of his doctrine, but among others a Commentary upon the Apocalyps, the Title whereof was Ant centum annos; There he openly saith, Seven years are passed, since generally the Pope of Rome was published to be that great Antichrist, by the Preachers of the Gospel, namely from the year 1382. And behold how God worketh in our infirmities his own glory, I never had written such like things against Antichrist and his, if they had not imprisoned me, for to make me hold my peace. And then it was God infused his spirit into him so much the more, that being delivered, he might speak so much the more boldly, although by force of torments he had been constrained by the Archbishop of Canterbury to abjure. This book was since set forth in Germany, in the year 1528, where he apply that famous prophesy in the Apocalyps, from point to point, to the Church of Rome; and out of the 10 and 11 chapters it is manifest that he wrote the same, lying fettered with irons in prison. Lastly, the Waldenses in this time every where for the testimony of the truth submitted themselves to the fire: for in Saxony and Pomerania in the year 1490, An. 1490. there were taken of them four hundred and more, and examined, who testified, That this had been the profession of their ancestors, and that their Doctors were come unto them out of Bohemia, namely from those first who many ages before, as we have showed, settled themselves in those parts. And it is clear by the Acts of the Courts wherein they were judged, that they were of good manners, grave, modest, abhorred lying, perjury, and other vices, which the adversaries themselves, to their great commendations, do testify; Walsingham in Hypodeigmate Neustirae, & in Henrico 2. Idem in Richard. 2. as also doth the writer of the English history, in the year 1401, speaking of the persecution of the Lollards, imputeth to them the same doctrines as to the Waldenses; howsoever others maliciously disguise the same: and by that name were especially called the disciples of Wickliff, who had drawn many after them from the year 1389. Moreover, their Priests (saith he) more Pontificum, after the manner of Bishops, An. 1401. created new Priests, affirming that every Priest had as much power of binding and loossing, and to administer other Ecclesiastical things, as the Pope himself giveth, or can give. 61. PROGRESSION. Of Benedict the thirteenth, and Innocent the seventh, and of the faith they promised before they entered the Popedom, & how they afterward performed the same. Of the contentions between the Pope and the Romans The solemn oath taken by Gregory the twelft, to procure the union of the Church, and how he performed the same: And of the sundry shifts of the said Gregory, to avoid the meeting of Benedict, touching the union. The Cardinals call a Council at Pisa, and with the help of Princes depose Benedict and Gregory from the Popedom. The preposterous and prodigious entrance of john the 23. into the Popedom, and his most infamous departure. TO Boniface in his obedience succeed Cosmarus cardinal de S. Cruse, named Innocent the seventh; but before they proceeded to election, the Cardinals took a solemn oath, That whosoever were chosen Pope, for the better effecting of the union of the Church, should renounce the Popedom, whensoever he were requested thereto, on condition that Peter de Luna, called Benedict the thirteenth, created in avignon, did yield to perform the like oath. Thus have we here two rivals, Benedict the thirteenth, and Innocent the seventh. Benedict when he was Legate in Spain, before the Kings, Princes, Prelates, Clergy, and people, blamed openly Clement, to the king of France and University of Paris, protesting in his sermons, Theodor. a Nigh. l. 2. c. 33. and public acts, That if he came to succeed him, he would leave nothing undone pertaining to the same: which was the cause that many Princes upon this hope promoted his dignity with the Cardinals; who nevertheless being admonished to fulfil his promise, he flatly refused to do it: so that by the kings command certain noblemen of France are driven to besiege him in his palace of avignon, kept him prisoner the space of three years, and openly renounced his obedience; whiles the Princes of Germany, by counsel taken among them, labour greatly the same with Boniface, no more resolved to leave the Popedom than the other: Which the Frenchmen perceiving, set Benedict at liberty, and again acknowledged him. Innocent the seventh on the other part, Platina in Jnnocent. 7. successor of Boniface, who before his Popedom was wont to say, That it was the fault only of the Popes, that this schism so pernicious to all Christendom, was not extinguished: but after he was advanced to that dignity, cannot endure to hear the least word spoken of that matter; yea being requested by the Romans to take away this schism, and to quench the seditions, especially considering the king of France promised to put to his helping hand, and Benedict at his instance repugned not the same, he sent the Romans to Lewis his nephew, lodged in the hospital of the holy Ghost, tanquam ad certum carnificem (saith Platina) as to a certain hangman, who cut the throats of eleven of them, and cast them out at window, saying, That by this and none other means the schism and seditions were to be taken away. Thus they performed the faith they promised afore their Popedom. Boniface, as we have seen, had spoiled the Romans of their liberty, with the hope of profit by the jubilee, who not long after made them feel his cruel tyranny. Innocent being come to the Popedom, took the same course. The chiefest and most honourable of the people, being willing to return to their ancient liberty, entreat Innocent to restore unto them the state of the Commonwealth, and namely to put into their hands again the Capitol, Ponte Miluio, and the castle S. Angelo: and in this they were borne out by the Colonni. On the contrary the Ursini, their adversaries, disputed, That it were better the city should be governed by the Pope; and thereupon arose sedition, combats, and slaughters, in the midst of the city, and whatsoever violences are wont to be done in civil dissensions. The Colonni bring in Ladislaus king of Hungary and Naples, into the city: The Pope on the other part one Muschard●, a great captain of the Church, and both of them with great forces. But when he saw himself to be the weaker, he fell to capitulation, and released Campania to Ladislaus for certain years, to the people and the Colonni the Capitol, and the government of the city, on condition, That the officers should be approved and allowed by him: and upon this Ladislaus departed the city. And scarcely is he returned into his kingdom, but the Pope continueth his former cruelty by his nephew, so that the fire increased so much in the city, that Innocent goeth to Viterbe, Theodor. l. 2. c. 34. 35. 39 41. whence notwithstanding a while after he is called back by the people, who were weary of so many and so great disorders, stirred up by the factions ever and anon, and feared least by the flight of Innocent, Ladislaus would take occasion to invade the city; and having there strengthened his affairs, he sent forth his thundering Bulls against Ladislaus. But as concerning the union, Benedict being solicited by the Frenchmen, L. 2. c. 38. dealeth with Innocent to grant a safeconduct to some of his, to treat with him about the union. Innocent suspecting that he went about some guile, refuseth to do it: Whereupon Benedict excusing himself, often saith, That there is no want in him; and in his Epistles published, casting all the fault on Innocent, who could hardly save himself from blame. Theodorick noteth, though very favourable to him, That he made question of it at Viterbium, Whether he were held to make the said union, calling then into doubt (saith he) that which, when his election was in hand in the Conclave, was said to be altogether expedient; whereby no little suspicion against Innocent arose among them of the Court, murmuring and saying one to the other, That indeed he would not make the union. And he could hardly appease them, but that when he was fallen into a palsy, L. 2. c. 41. they said it came by the judgement of God upon him. Neither proceedeth he any further in this business, being prevented by death in the year 1406. An. 1406. Angelus Corrarius, a Venetian, succeed him, being Cardinal of S. Mark, named Gregory the twelfth: Theodorick calleth him every where Errorium, as being created by error; Theodor. l. 2. c 42. Ink, paper, and time (saith he) would be wanting to him that should from point to point describe the frauds, practices, deceits, guiles, hypocrisies, and subtleties, by which he was elected by the College of Cardinals, by which he with Peter de Luna deferred to make an union in the whole Church, and excused themselves from doing it, mocking and deceiving all Christendom, and also the collusions, crafts, and cloking, treating one with another by some third persons: But this is clear, that they have their consciences feared with a hot iron, making a show to be simple, but are indeed filled with the craft of the devil. Which he saith he hath treated of more particularly in his book entitled Nemus unionis, The Forest of union. Notwithstanding (saith he) many Kings and Princes do yet cleave unto them, damnably fostering them in their obstinacy, schism, and heresy, and uphold them in error by making them their Idols, etc. As if there were no God in heaven, or as if all the salvation of souls and bodies depended on these two Elders of Babylon, Errorius and Peter, from whom hath proceeded, and doth proceed, into all the earth, greater iniquity than hath ever come before our times, from any other contending for the Popedom. And (proh dolour) these things are so notorious and manifest, that by no tergiversation they can be hid; for the Catholic faith is thereby obscured, all religion suffereth shipwreck, Christians are confounded in discords, wars, and other calamities do grow, the fear of God, and shame of men, and virtues, are departed far from the rulers, and from inferiors of all estates, etc. Many Archbishops which governed the people, forsaking for the most part the love of religion and honesty, conform themselves to Lay men in their habit, manners, and follies. And here speaketh a Pope's Secretary, who hath set forth a whole book of this history, referring the rest to his Nemus abovesaid. But we will abridge these things in few words, lest we should be over tedious to the Reader. This Gregory then when his election was in hand, did himself first propound the solemn oath of the union: neither would he receive the Crown before that in a most frequent assembly he had ratified the same; Theodor. à Nyem. l. 3. c. 1. & 2. and which is more, he had made a sermon concerning this matter, on this text, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, exhorting the Cardinals to take pains in so necessary a work; so that he was commonly thought to be the man by whom salvation should be wrought in Israel. The sum of the oath, made first in the Conclave, and after confirmed in the chapel before God, the Virgin Marie, the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, and taken upon the holy Gospel, was this, That he that should be chosen Pope, should, being requested thereto, leave the Popedom, provided that the Antipope did the same likewise: That he and the Cardinals should presently after the election admonish all Princes to set to their hands to this necessary work: That in the mean time they would create no Cardinals, and would faithfully procure by all means, that within one year this schism should be ended. These things were so done, that none of them could be absolved from that. And we shall see by the proceed, whether these men were touched with any feeling of God, who called God for witness of their oath in so solemn a form and manner. Lib. 3. c. 4. & 5. Gregory writeth to Benedict in this sense, and Benedict the like to him again; and they seem in these letters to deal in good earnest. But the Author noteth, That whereas it had been decreed, that they should send these letters by some notable person, Gregogorie sent them, per quendam conversum Ordinis Praedicatorum, L. 3. c. 5. 6. By a certain Friar convertite of the Order of Preachers: and the letters also that he wrote to the Princes, he sent per Lollardos' seu begardoes, By certain petty Friars whom he loved: When in the mean time this notable hypocrite ever protested, That he would go to the place assigned, though he should journey on foot with a staff; neither would he grant any beneficial graces, especially expectative, that he might make all men believe that his mind was only bend upon the union. It had been agreed upon, That Gregory should send his Legates into all parts, within three months, and namely to Benedict; but he stayeth of purpose till the last day but one, of the three months, and then made his nephew Anthony chief of the embassage, and committed the business unto him. There then is concluded with Benedict, That both the Popes should meet at the feast of S. Michael next, or of all Saints at the furthest, L. 3. c. 13. in the city of Savona, which place, by reason of the commodity of the sea, seemed fittest. This was approved with great applause of all the Princes: and the Genoese, to take away all scruple from Gregory, by their ambassadors offer unto him their city, and all they had: but then so much the more doth Gregory allege his wily shifts and excuses, first, That the place was for him unsafe, Genua and Savona being in the power of the French, and in the obedience of Benedict: which place nevertheless, when the matter was debated with his nephew, was chosen, and which without doubt he had accepted of, that he might reserve this excuse to his uncle: and yet hereupon those cities yielded for his security whatsoever could any way be demanded. Secondly, He entereth into complot with Ladislaus king of Hungary, that he might defend him against the pretended union, who had about him a certain Franciscan Friar, guilty of many wickednesses, Daemonium meridianum, A devil of the midday, working the work of darkness, who departed not from the presence of Errorius. Ladislaus was interested in the like cause, who would defend the kingdom of Sicily against Lewis of Anjou his competitor, no less than Gregory would the Popedom against Benedict. Thirdly, Idem ibid. c. 16. To uphold his Popedom hereafter, he advanceth to great dignities his nephews Paul and Mark, and other his kinsmen, to whom he committed the government of the Provinces and principal castles of the Church: so that he thought not at all of giving over his Pontifical robes, as he had promised. Fourthly, C. 17. He openly professeth, That he cannot, neither aught to be at Savona on the day assigned, because what diligence soever he made, he could not have till then the galleys of Venice. And when it was answered him, That he galleys of Genua were then ready for him, which they had before offered him, he replied, That he was a Venetian, and that he worthily had the Genoese in suspicion, for the ancient hatred that was between the Genoese and Venetians: And moreover, to pass by land to Savona he could not, for want of commodities necessary; and so, intricately denied to pass thither by land or by sea. Wherefore he appointed four and twenty of the best learned Lawyers of his Court, to give their advice upon this question, Whether by the treaty of the present instrument celebrated at Marseilles, he ought to go to the place of Savona. And when all of them testified by their writing, That he was bound to go, he was not ashamed to say, this Father of discords, That he suspected them, as favouring more his Cardinals than him. Fiftly, He covenanteth secretly with Ladislaus, That he should send an army to the Colonni against the people of Rome, who should enter in by night, with intention that they should besiege himself in the castle of S. Angelo (into which by complot he retireth;) and his Cardinals, who knew nothing of the matter, went to Viterbium: this feigned siege serving him for an excuse to exempt him lawfully from performing his promised appearance. And let the Reader here judge with what conscience he brought in (for to shift off the union) so great a confusion into the city. But when the soldiers were dispersed after prey, and spared not the Nuns themselves, the Ursini through despair take arms, gather the people together, and set upon the ambuscado laid for them by the Colonni: in which onset they took them, and led them ashamed about the castle, wherein was enclosed that good Gregory, whose detestable conspiracy thereby vanished to nothing. Sixtly, He feigneth that this victory of the Ursini was his, and sendeth congratulatory letters thereof to the Cardinals to Viterbium, and in recompense of his valour giveth to Paul of Ursini the earldom of Marni, for a number of years; and made them believe by sending away his carriage before to Viterbium, that he indeed minded to go to Savona: But he himself followed a far off, and arrived near unto them about the month of August; and when they urged him to it, he maketh known unto them, that he would do something for his nephews before he left his charge: and lastly pleaded, That poverty was the cause he could not undertake so great a journey. And then to take away from him all excuse, all the Bishops and Abbots of Italy are rated, and commanded under most grievous pains, L. 3. c. 18, 19 by a certain day, and that very short, to send every man his sums of money (he was taxed at) to the chamber. And other exquisite means of extorting moneys are invented, Ibid. c. 20. for to satisfy him: whereby in a short time great abundance of money extorted from many, was continually brought in abyssum camerae, into the bottomless gulf of the chamber. And as for his nephews Mark, Paul, and Francis, to them are given with mere and mixed empire, power of the sword, & all kind of temporal jurisdiction; to the first Faenza, to the second Furli, and to the third Vobeta, notable cities with their counties; also Corneto, and certain towns and castles in the country of Ravenna, for a supply, by the like right, to be possessed by them and theirs for ever. The tenor of this grant is worthy to be noted, for Gregory bringeth in the Cardinals beseeching him, That he would vouchsafe to reward his nephews, for the great pains and sweat they had employed for the union of the Church: who at their most humble and most instant request consenteth to pass over unto them this donation, by which they are made, if not heirs, Cap. 21. yet at least Legataries of S. Peter. Seventhly, When he could no longer with honesty abide at Viterbium, at last in the month of September he cometh to Sienna, and there he delayeth them till januarie, driving out the time in receiving of ambassadors which came unto him from all parts: but when he knew that these delays were undoubtedly suspected, he feigneth, that he was presently ready to renounce the Popedom, without traveling any further: only for to maintain his dignity, that he might keep the Patriarchship of Constantinople, which he had before, the Bishoprics of Couron, & of Modon, under the Venetians, & some Priories, which before he held in commendam, and the Archbishopric of York in England, which he said was vacant, although it was not vacant. And to all these things the Cardinals gave their assent, and thereupon are made their letters and process. Eighthly, Benedict and his at the feast of S. Michael arrive at Savona, for our Frenchmen spurred them forwards. Then he began to say, That he had no other desire, but that he saw it to be no place of safety for his Court, which he would not rashly expose unto danger: That he was resolved to pass into Lombardie, and there to stay with the marquess of Monteferrato, until the whole business of the union were passed and concluded with Benedict. Therefore to draw the time in length he sendeth to the marquess, who writeth him back, That he should be welcome▪ and also for the setting forward of the union promiseth he will leave nothing undone. But the wars were so hot in Lombardie, that there was no likelihood he would take his journey that way. His evil intention also appeared in this, That when the Bishop of Tudert and Anthony de Butrio, famous Lawyers, whom he had sent to Benedict and to the king of France, had met him at Sienna, and hoped for their good services to be at least gratefully received of him, as having happily laboured for this pretended union, he cast a frowning look upon them, and refused to pay the money which they had borrowed for the charges of the journey: Whereat this Anthony de Butrio went home, and overwhelmed with sorrows, within a while after died. L. 3. c. 22. In the mean time he wholly gave himself to the scraping together of money on all sides by his deputies whom he had left at Rome, not sparing the domains of Churches and Monasteries, neither chalices, crosses, candlesticks, and other jewels of gold and silver, which were every where sold for the payment of his tributes. Ninthly, The Archbishop of Bourdeaux, Cardinal of Santiquatro, a Prelate of great reputation, arrived at Savona, where he had been honourably received of Benedict, and seeing Gregory the twelfth absent, he went to Sienna with intention to persuade him; he exhorteth him morning and evening, and can nothing prevail. Also the Cardinal de Quinquecclesijs, an Hungarian, though decrepit with age, went thither likewise in vain: yea falling grievously sick, word was brought him, That the Pope and his nephews gaped after his movables, and cast lots as it were on his horses, money, and jewels: Truly (saith he) he shall neither have me nor my goods; and without delay having made ready his coach, commanded to be carried in it (though it were the depth of Winter) so far as to Venice. Yet because among so many delays he must needs pretend some colour of reason to the world, by fair promises he winneth unto him certain begging Friars, who preach unto the people, That with a good conscience the union cannot be made: and by their ministery publisheth eighteen articles against the same, L. 3. c. 23. That if he should give over his Popedom, to the end that the union might thereupon follow, he should in so doing sin mortally, and should damn his soul for ever to be tormented in the pains of hell, by reason of the dangers of souls, and great hurt of bodies that might ensue thereupon. Abusing with such lies the simple people. That if Gregory and his Cardinals and Courtiers, had gone, or should go to Savona, they all had been, or should be the sons of death. And this in the mean time whilst solemn processions were made at Sienna for the union, in which he himself was present, covered with the cloak of hypocrisy, bestoweth large Indulgences on such as followed them, and on them that prayed for the same, in so much as he sent of them into divers nations, Beguardis, by certain Monks whom he affected. Tenthly, New counsels seem to give unto him new causes of delays: He treateth with the governor of Luca to be received into the city, that being nearer to Benedict he may the more commodiously confer with him, persuading himself that he should be denied, and so might have a new excuse; whereas he on the contrary willingly yieldeth to his request. Then Gregory requireth fifty of the best families in hostage: an unhonest request, which nevertheless is granted him, lest any thing should hinder so necessary a work. Yet here he findeth out a new subtle shift, That he would not enter into the city, but would have the castle of Pietra Santa in his power, which was the strongest place of the said Governor; which he also granteth him even without hostages. At length having no more pretences to make, he entereth into Luca, trifling away the time till the beginning of the month of August, all the times before assigned being long ago past. And when the ambassadors of Princes were instant with both of them on every side, they have the same answer from each of them, That the fault is not in him that the union goeth not forward: in which doubtless they both agreed together. Gregory in the mean time privately with his Chamberlain and his nephews disposed of all businesses, for money, of Bishoprics, Abbeys, governments, and expeditions; although in public he was ignorant of the things belonging to the Popedom, and ridiculous in his speeches and answers, being wont to say in Consistory, That the Cardinals had conspired against him to make him leave the Popedom, to the prejudice of his obedience. eleventhly, Benedict was come as far forward as Porto-venere, to the end that he might seem to perform his duty: whereupon Gregory is by his followers with greater instance urged. Then being given into a reprobat sense, against his oath so oftentimes repeated, he resolved to create new Cardinals, namely his nephews, though his Cardinals persuade him to the contrary, That this would be to give Benedict some colourable reason to say, That he was the cause that the union was not made; till at last overcome with the importunate requests of the ambassadors of Polonia, Prussia, and other nations, expostulating with him, he consenteth to defer the same for certain weeks. And then about mid-Lent, on the Laetare Sunday, Nicholas de Luca, a Carmelite Friar, durst preach against him even in his presence; whom about the evening, in the sight of all the ambassadors, he commanded to be carried to prison, from which he was hardly at their earnest requests at length delivered, yet on this condition, That he should preach no more: Cap. 4. & 25. neither durst any man thenceforth go up into the pulpit, unless with resolution to please his ears. Many Bishops also, lest they should communicate with him at Easter, some one way some another withdrew themselves from him; yea many ambassadors returned into their countries: so that, lest he should altogether lose his dignity, he determined at length for once to write back an answer to the letters of Benedict: There he complaineth, That Benedict had drawn the time out so long, by being obstinate in retaining still the place of Savona (so that you would say, that there were great wrong done him) and offereth to meet him, if he please, at Pisa. Benedict on the contrary, in his answer showeth, That he was proceeded as far as to Porto-venere, that therefore Gregory might come so far as to Pietra Sancta, a town under his obedience, where the Lord of Luca promised to give him his only son, some of his near kinsmen, and forty citizens beside, for hostage: That for his part he had offered to commit himself to the faith of his countrymen the Venetians, and many other things, which would have cut off all delay: And that whereas now he maketh to him a new motion of Pisa, without specifying any assurance for him, he could not yet resolve of it, but sent in the mean time his Legates, well informed of his intent, who might with Gregory and the Lord of Luca determine of the whole business. The resolution of Gregory was at last, after many tergiversations, That both of them should request the Florentines by their ambassadors, to assign unto them a safe and fit place, because that at the request of one of them alone they would not easily do it. But during these delays Ladislaus king of Hungary, by the counsel of Gregory, is received into Rome by Paul Ursini governor of the city, and maketh himself Lord of the City, which was the cause, that on the one side he held the Popedom the more assured, because he had the seat thereof in his power; and on the other side, it prepared a ready excuse for him to return to Rome to take order about it. For that this was done by this politic devise, is manifest even out of this, that his followers triumphing as of a thing well done, could not refrain from making dances for joy, even in his palace. Twelftly, Gregory therefore taketh no more pains for a place to set forward the union, being now assured to break it off by the assistance of Ladislaus; and so returning to his nature, against his oath, and notwithstanding any thing that the Lord of Luca objected against it, he created four new Cardinals, Cap. 31. and added unto them a kinsman of his, for to bind the said Lord unto him: And when the Cardinal refused, he commanded some bishops and auditors of the Rota to sit and assist him therein; these were Anthony his Chamberlain, and Gabriel Gondemar, his nephews, a protonotary of Vdena, and one john a Dominicke Friar, one of them that preached at Sienna by his commandment, That with a good conscience and without the damnation of his soul, he could not consent to the union. The old Cardinals laboured to get away from him, but he chargeth them under most grievous pains, that they should not departed; yea, if the regent of Luca had not by his wisdom provided for them, their persons had been in no safety. But the Cardinal of Liege, a man of a great spirit, in disguise escaped from Luca, and got to Pisa; yet being discovered by some servants of Gregory, he continued there not without great danger of his life. In like manner all the rest by little and little steal away, being moved neither with his promises nor threats, from which they publicly appeal, and solemnly signify the same unto him sitting in consistory amidst his new Cardinals. The Cardinal of Liege, first maketh known to the world by his Letters, Cap. 33. & 34. That God ought rather to be obeyed; for if (saith he) the Pope command or would constrain to such things as tend to the destruction of souls, it is most manifest that he ought not be obeyed, neither by divine nor human right; yea and that man meriteth, who for not obeying in such a case doth suffer his severe censures. And thus have we now a twofold Schism, of Benedict against Gregory, and of Gregory against his own Cardinals. Now upon this departure of the Cardinals from Gregory, Benedict making use of this occasion, objecteth unto him his crafty sleights, which at length hath burst forth into so evil an issue. Whereupon, he withdrew himself into the country of Arragon, where he was borne, seeing there was no more hope of the union. But Gregory, seeing him departed, and being not yet weary of deceiving, assigneth a Council at Aquileia, and to strengthen the same, createth again new Cardinals; whilst on the other side Benedict appointeth likewise his Council in Arragon: Both of them ever under pretence of union, but which neither of both desireth, both labouring to assure thereby the Popedom to himself alone: Which, part of the Cardinals of Benedict perceiving, they find means to escape away from him and come to Pisa. There the Cardinals of both sides joined together, and by the consent of the Florentines, Lords of Pisa, determined to hold there a Council. Thither are both after a solemn manner cited, to be present either personally, or by their proxy, having fit and due commission. Both do testify, That it belongeth not to them to call a Council. The Cardinals on the contrary maintain, that seeing the Popedom is doubtful and divided, neither of the strivers for it could call a Council, because it would be a particular and not an universal one, where a part only should be present. Cap. 36. 37. 38. Wherefore they pass further, and entreat the Emperor and Princes of the Empire, the Kings of France, England, Hungary, Arragon, Polonia and others, that they would be present by their Ambassadors, which the greatest part agreed unto. Then after many Sessions, when neither they themselves, nor any in their name appeared, all things well and duly examined, Cap. 44. they all with one voice pronounce, That Benedict and Gregory damnably contending for their Popedom, are pronounced truly and notoriously in a petition presented and exhibited to the sacred and universal Synod, That they have been and are very Schismatics, nourishers, defenders, favourers, approvers, and obstinate maintainers of an old Schism; heretics strayed from the faith, ensnared with notorious crimes and enormous perjuries, notoriously scandalising the universal holy Church of God, with incorrigibilitie, contumacy, and obstinacy, in notorious, evident and manifest crimes: and for these and other causes, have made themselves unworthy of all honour and dignity, and also of the Papal: they and each of them, besides the foresaid iniquities, crimes and excesses committed that they might reign, command and bear sway, are ipso facto cast away and deprived of God and of the sacred canons, and also cut off from the Church, etc. Moreover, all Christians of all sorts, yea Emperors, Kings, and others in any dignity, are declared for ever absolved from their obedience, forbidding the faithful of Christ in no wise to obey or intend to obey the foresaid strivers for the Popedom, or either of them; neither shall they yield them either counsel, help or favour, or receive them, or repair unto them, under pain of excommunication etc. Moreover all and singular proceed, and sentences of excommunication, suspension, or other censure and pain of privation, also of orders and dignities, etc. given and thundered forth, have been and are disannulled, revoked, void, of no strength, efficacy or moment. Moreover, promotions, or rather profanations made of any whomsoever to be Cardinals, by the said contenders for the Popedom, and either of them (to wit, by the said Angelus from the third day of May, and by the foresaid Peter from the fifteenth of june of the year past 1408) have been and are disadnulled, An. 1408. revoked and made void. Which when Benedict understood, swelling with choler, he createth twelve Cardinals in Arragon; Gregory as many in Germany; but some of the wiser of them refused the hats. And for an upshot of his deceitful slights, he feareth not to publish, That all difficulties removed, he was ready to repair to what place the Emperor Robert, Sigismond king of Hungary, and Ladislaus king of Sicily should like of. Cap. 46. 47. 48. But seeing (saith the Author) that there were manifestly so many enimities and rancours, for the causes aforesaid, between Robert, Sigismond, and Ladislaus, it seemeth unpossible by any reason or human wisdom, that they should be able to agree together, how to make a union in the Church. I would we could have as good a witness of the crafty wiles of Benedict, though this man doth in many places lively enough represent them, whence it is apparent that they strove to excel each other in wickedness: But it was needful that the guiles of Gregory should be more exactly showed, as him whom they do rather approve and enregister in the Catalogue of Popes. Theodor. à Niem. l. 2. c. 33. Furthermore, he at length, having suffered many troubles from his countrymen the Venetians, whom he used no better than others, he getteth him to the coast of the Abruzzo, and flying for refuge to Caieta, committeth himself to the protection of king Ladislaus, who commandeth him to be obeyed in his jurisdictions. In the mean time the Cardinals of both obediences, chose Pope, Peter Philargas of Candie, by Nation a Greek, a Franciscan Friar, and named Alexander the fifth, he that was wont to say, That he had been a rich bishop, a poor Cardinal, Cap. 51. 52. and a beggarly Pope. A man (saith the Author) living delicately, and drinking of strong wines, who wholly governed himself by the counsels of Balthasar Cossa Cardinal Deacon; who was afterward john the three and twentieth, the most wicked among all the Popes. Therefore, saith Theodorick, he was no sooner come to the Popedom, but that all things broke forth into unbridled licentiousness, so that in the ten months that he reigned, he brought more infamy to the seat, than others in so many years: The said Pope also inserted in the signature of the Roll that he made for the familiars of Cardinals, that he had made that signature so largely, because that every one of the same Lord Cardinals in the Conclave had promised, That if he were chosen Pope, he would grant all things that their familiars should request; Which he particularly describeth, the Reader may see further there. So hard a thing it was, even in a matter so long consulted of, after so great a confusion of all things, to find an honest man among so many of the Roman Court, and to proceed in election without manifest Simony. Now he died at Bononia the third of May 1410, and here Theodorick finisheth that History. Baptista Panaetius of Ferrara, a Carmelite, telleth us, that Balthasar Cossa, Monstrelet. vol. 1. cap. 62. Baptista Panaetius ferrarians. Serm. 56. the inward familiar of Alexander (who after was john the three and twentieth, or as some others say the four and twentieth) nevertheless that he might succeed him, poisoned him by Marsilius de Parma his Physician, hired with abundance of money; and that being near his death, he said to his Cardinals, that which Christ had to his Apostles, My peace I give unto you, my peace I leave with you. How could this slave of Satan, Prince of the world, give that peace which the world cannot give▪ who in that very little space of time, had banded and opposed Wenceslaus king of Bohemia against the Emperor Robert in Germany, and in Italy had crowned Lewis of Anjou king of Sicily, and sent him against Ladislaus, by his own absolute power, without any form of law? But it may be they will be more wise and circumspect in choosing his successor. Being then at Bononia, where that Balthaser resided as Legate, or rather ruled as Lord, he commandeth the Cardinals to elect a Pope that should be to his liking; And they offered unto him many, of which he thought none fit enough, Johan. Stella in Pontificibus. till at last they requested him plainly to express his opinion, Give me (saith he) the cloak of S. Peter, and I will give it to him that is to be Pope; which done, he put it on his own shoulders, and said unto them, Papa su●●ego, It is I am Pope. How far from Christ, whose Vicar he maketh himself? I am not come (saith he) of myself. And though the Cardinals did in no sort approve the same, yet none durst at that time speak against it. But he fearing lest in tract of time they should attempt something against him, dispatcheth Legates presently into Germany to the Princes, to entreat them that the Emperor Robert being deceased, they would choose for king of the Romans, Sigis●●nd king of Hungary, whom to that ●nd he commendeth for all kind of virtues requisite. Which having obtained, he assigneth a Council at Rome, under colour to set the Crown on his head, but indeed that by his aid, whom thus he had obliged unto him, he might firmly establish his seat. Memorable is that which Nicholas Clemang●● Archdeacon of Bayeux, a man famous in those times, hath left written in a certain Epistle of his, Almost four years ago (saith he) at the great instance of some, that most perfidious Balthasar lately deposed from Peter's seat (which he most filth●lie defiled) had assembled a Council at Rome, in which were very few strangers, held some sessions with some Italians and courtiers, wearing out the time in matters superfluous, and nothing belonging to the profit of the Church. And when before the first meeting of the Council, Mass was celebrated after the accustomed manner, for to invocat the holy Ghost; when the Council was set, and Balthasar himself in a chair provided for him higher than the rest, behold a direful and deadly Owl, the messenger (as they say) ever of death or calamity, coming forth of her lurking holes, suddenly with a horrible voice flew and sat upon the middle beam of the Temple, with her eyes directly fixed on Balthasar. All began to wonder, that this night-bird which shuneth the light, was come in full day light into the midst of a company, and not without cause took this prodigy for a presage of evil luck. Behold, said they, with a low voice one to another, the spirit is present in form of an Owl. And whilst they beheld Balthasar and one another, they could hardly refrain themselves from laughter. Balthasar himself, upon whom only the Owl had bend the sight of her eyes, blushing with shame, began to sweat, to be troubled in mind, and to burn within himself, and at length, not finding any other means whereby to help himself from this confusion, he broke up the Council, rose and departed. There followed afterward a second Session, in which again in like manner as before, the Owl failed not to come (without being called I believe) turning her sight ever towards Balthasar; who seeing her come again, was with good cause troubled with greater shame than before, and not being able to endure her look any longer, he commanded she should be driven away with frighting clamours, and with staves; but she would not be feared neither with shouts nor other disquietings, till being grievously stricken many blows with staves, she fell down dead in the sight of them all. This (saith he) I learned from a faithful friend of mine, who in those days came directly from Rome, and being adjured by me with all vehemency, when by reason of the rareness I had begun to doubt of the matter, he confirmed the things he had uttered to be most true. He added also, That all they that were present there were brought into great contempt and derision of this Council, and by little and little the whole Council being dissipated, nothing fruitful was there at all enacted. But they think it sufficiently provided for, when they caused this place and the like to be quite razed out of books, yea whole books, according to their accustomed good faith. In the mean time Benedict and Gregory retained still on both sides the Papal dignity, notwithstanding their condemnation, the one at Rimino in Romania, the other at Perpignan in the frontier of Spain, each accompanied with their Cardinals, and upholden by the Princes above mentioned: and all Christendom was exceeding weary of so long a schism, whereunto after so many years they had in vain sought remedy in the Council of Pisa. Wherefore the Emperor Sigismond undertook to call a Council, and the better to induce all Christian Princes to embrace the same, he taketh pains to ride about almost all Europe, and visit them in person, that by communicating his mind unto them, he might remove out of the way the difficulties that might hinder so great a work. Neither did Pope john seem to be against it, either because he hoped he should be thereby confirmed, by exclusion of others, through the requital he expected from Sigismond, or rather for that he foresaw he could not with their good leave deny a thing so just, Leonard. Aretinus An. 1413. and so much desired. Yet Leonard Aretine, his Secretary, freely telleth us, That the Pope had secretly communicated his mind and intention with him▪ saying, All lieth in the place of the Council, neither would I have it in any place where the Emperor is the stronger. In show therefore of honesty I will give to those Legates that are sent by me, most ample commissions, and very great power, which they may openly show and lay forth: But secretly I will restrain the commission to certain places, and he reckoned them; that is, appointed them. Which notwithstanding he mitigated▪ when he sent them away: for after he had told them how great confidence he reposed in their wisdom and fidelity, he tore before them the catalogue of places that he had appointed them. Antonin. part. 3. c. 6. §. 1. I had purposed (saith he) to name unto you certain places, from which ye should by no means departed, but at this very instant I change my purpose, and remit myself wholly to your prudence. For your parts bethink yourselves what is safe for me, and what to be feared. But he was exceedingly astonished, when he understood that they had concluded with Sigismond upon the city Constance, a place depending of the Empire, and situate beyond Alps. There then do meet in the year 1414, the Emperor, Pope john, the Cardinal of Raguse, An. 1414. and others of the obedience of Gregory the twelfth, and in his name, Charles Malatesta with special commission of renouncing the Popedom; and the ambassadors moreover of the most part of Christian Princes: But not one man from the obedience of Benedict, although Sigismond had taken the pains to go to Perpignan, to persuade him in the presence of the king of Arragon, to appear himself, or send his Legate, or else in all events to undergo the decision of the Council. Unto all which obstinately stopping his ears, he presently after withdrew himself into an inaccessible island called Paniscola. Not long after john the three and twentieth thoroughly perceived, that his matters were in an evil place for him, notwithstanding that the Archbishop of Mentz, and Frederick Duke of Austria, had promised him all favour. Wherefore, unknown to the Cardinals, in disguised apparel, and with small company, he escaped away by night to Schaffuze, and from thence he took his course into Burgundy. Sigismond impatient to be so mocked, and believing it to be some guile of the Duke of Austria, he commandeth him under pain of confiscation of all his goods and honours, to represent or bring john forth in presence: who, ex protectore proditor factus (saith Anthonine) catcheth him by the way in his flight, bringeth him back, and keepeth him in safe custody for the Emperor, at his pleasure to be delivered up at Constance. It remained to proceed against him according to law, Henry de Pira, and john de Scribanis, Procurators of the Council, undertook to prove against him innumerable crimes both before and after his Popedom, and that by the testimony of Cardinals, Archbishops, and other persons of note, his vices, exceeding voluptuousness, tyranny, Concil. Constant. Session. 11. art. 4. 21, 22. homicides, empoysoning, simony, sacrilege, heresy, impiety, infidelity, notorious Atheism, or contempt of Divine majesty, as in the Acts of this Council, second Session, are contained in fifty four articles, in which also he is called Diabolus incarnatus, An incarnate Devil. They specially note, That as a Heathen he maketh not any esteem of any office or service, That he said Mass running, gave his graces and censures to merchants, to lay men, and married, to be dispensed for a certain price, who sold them, & rendered to him an account; and that he was wont to send them with all power into the most remote Provinces: That he had sold many lands of the patrimony of the Church, yea the Churches themselves of the city of Rome: That he had wastefully spent the movables, jewels, & relics themselves, sold the head of S. john Baptist for 50000 ducats, which was kept at Rome in a certain Monastery of Nuns of S. Sylvester, which had been delivered if some citizens of Rome had not discovered it, whom he cast into prison, and condemned to great fines: That he had conferred benefices, curatships, and other Ecclesiastical charges, to children, to bastards, yea of the age of five years: That he had committed incest with Nuns, ravishment with virgins, and adultery with married women, and other crimes of inconstancy, for which the wrath of God cometh down on the children of infidelity: That he had empoisoned Pope Alexander by master Daniel de Sancta Sophia, his Physician, that he might make way for himself to the Popedom: And to fill up the measure, by the persuasion of the devil he obstinately said, affirmed, and held opinion, That there is no life eternal, Session. 11. neither any other after this; yea he said, and obstinately believed, That the soul of man dieth and is extinct together there with the human body, after the manner of bruit beasts: and he said, That being once dead, even in the last day there should be no resurrection. Of which crimes being certain he should be convicted, he hath recourse by letters to Sigismond, putting him in mind of that which he had before time done in his favour; In the secret of our heart (saith he) preferring you before all men living, we have predestinated you to be king of Romans. These are his words, and entreateth him to have his honour and state in recommendation. But the Fathers of the Council send deputies to Sellas, a place in the Diocese of Constance (where he was kept by the Duke of Austria) who heard him, and being heard and convicted by the often confession of his own mouth, they condemn him. A definitive sentence is pronounced against him, which notwithstanding was mitigated, when in this despairful estate he absolutely subjecteth himself to the will of the Council: nevertheless he was declared schismatic, scandalous, and deadly to the whole Church, and as such a one, and for many other crimes before, and in his Popedom committed, he was to be deposed, and indeed was deposed from his charge of chief Bishop. Forty articles (saith Platina) and more, Platina in johan. 24. were proved against this man, of which some (which could not be changed in him) were judged to be against faith, and othersome scandalous to all Christians. And he himself approved the sentence pronounced against him, for just. And he is removed away thence to Heidelberg, under the custody of Lewis of Bavaria Palatine, who kept him prisoner in his castle of Monheim, very straightly, without any Italian servant, served only by Germans, with whom he could have no communication but by signs. As touching Gregory the twelfth, already decrepit and destitute of the support of Ladislaus king of Sicily, Charles Malatesta his Proctor appeared in Council, having on him the Pontifical robes, which in token of renunciation he put off before all the assembly. But Benedict having been very oftentimes cited in vain, by sentence of the Council is declared to be a perjurer, Session. 11. a scandalizer of the Church, a fautor and entermedler of schism, an heretic straying out of the way of faith; and for these causes is deprived of his Papal dignity, and cut off from the Church, as a withered and dried member; forbiddeth all men therefore from obeying him, under pain of excommunication. And though he were almost of all men forsaken, yet he continued still in obstinacy, Idolum cum idolis suis Cardinalibus (saith Krantzius) An Idol with the Idols his Cardinals. Krantzius in Metrop. l. 9 c. 1. An. 1414. Yea being at point of death, in the year 1414, he adjureth the Cardinals which remained with him in the castle of Paniscola, that they should incontinently choose him a successor, which was Giles Munion, Canon of Barcelon, by them called Clement the eighth, who the fourth year after renounced his charge. Of this Benedict was that saying of Gerson, very often repeated in Council, There will be no peace to the Churches till Luna be taken away. So much did Luna darken the Sun; so much also had these good Popes their hearts set on the union of the Church. It was meet that impiety of doctrine should grow after the measure of the abuse of power: Paulus Aemilius in Carolo 6. Therefore we read, that this Benedict the thirteenth was the first that instituted, That the Sacrament of the body of Christ should be carried before him for the safeguard of his body, that so he might seem to have a protector against his adversaries on earth, whom he believed to be none in heaven: which without doubt he had invented by the example of the kings of Persia, who made their god be carried before them. Alexander the fift also, because he was a Minorite, that he might gratify the Friars of that Order, Theodor. à Nyem. l. 3. c. ultim. who wonderfully rejoicing at his creation, ran about the streets every day, very many in troops together, as if they had been mad men, made a law, That all Christians should be bound to believe the wounds of S. Francis; and in veneration also of those wounds instituted a feast. These things, as we have said before, although they are judged doubtful, yet are found in their own Histories of those times. So john the four and twentieth, Waldensin Fasciculo. for that Wicklif had translated the holy Scriptures into the English Tongue, would needs have that translation of the Bible into the vulgar Tongue, to be heresy in England. But our wise king, Charles the fift, was of another mind, when a little before he commanded that the sacred Bible should be translated into the French Tongue, for his own and his people's use. And let the Reader judge of the inventions by the piety and honesty of the devisors. In the mean time the Council of Constance itself, whilst it arrogateth power above the Pope, doth not withal omit, in emulation of Popes, to extol itself above the Lord Christ. For when many nations complained unto them, That against the express institution of Christ, in the participation of the Eucharist, the cup of the Lord was taken away from them; the Fathers of this Council feared not to publish a Decree, commanding it severely to be excuted, which was conceived in these execrable words, Concil. Constant. Session. 13. Although Christ after supper hath instituted and administered to his Disciples this venerable Sacrament, under both kinds of bread and wine, yet notwithstanding, the authority of the sacred Canons, the laudable and approved custom of the Church, hath observed, and doth observe, that this Sacrament ought not to be finished after supper, etc. And seeing that this custom hath been according to reason brought in, and a long time observed by the Church and holy Fathers, it is to be held for a law. In which words this clause Non obstante, notwithstanding, so odious (as we have seen) to the Church in former ages, for that by it, added to the Pope's Bulls, no laws so holy but were revoked; now by the authority of this Synod manifestly abrogateth not only the use of the Primitive Church, but the express commandment of the Lord himself, in instituting a Sacrament of so great moment. And these things extend to the year 1417. An. 1417. OPPOSITION. Let us now consider what the Christian Church thought hereof, being distracted, and as it were torn in pieces by two, sometimes three Popes, openly warring one against the other. We have already noted something out of the history of Theodorick, Theodor. à Nyem. l. 1. c. 7 & 8. who was successively Secretary to urban, Boniface, Innocent, Gregory, and Alexander: Neither doth he conceal from us the murmur and distraction of minds that then was in the whole world, whilst some take part with one, others, content with the conduct of their own Bishops, hold with neither: from whence in the mean time this benefit did arise unto us, in this so great mischief, That by occasion of this schism there was a way made unto the truth, and the mouth thereof in divers things opened. And therefore he confesseth ingeniously, that it is agreeable unto reason, that the Roman Emperor, with the Prelates, and Christian people, as the spiritual son of the Church, whose power is immediately from God, should by his authority appease these troubles; and that they are fools and flatterers that say, That the Pope or Church hath two swords, the temporal and the spiritual: which great error being brought into the Christian Church, they raise a perpetual emulation and discord between the Pope and the Emperor, trampling under their feet the Imperial authority, to the great hurt of the whole Commonwealth. That it appeareth out of the Decrees themselves, that whensoever any schism shall arise in the Church, that the Emperors are bound, and by law have power to provide a remedy. Which he likewise proveth by the example of Theodoricus the king, taken out of the Decree itself; and is much offended that the Emperor Robert did so flatter and gently entreat Gregory the twelfth, who should have compelled both parts to have restored the peace of the Church. D. 17. C. Consilia Theud. l. 3. c. 9 & 10. That the power of the Emperor doth especially tend to the repressing of a wicked and incorrigible Pope, scandalising the Church; as it appeareth out of the acts of the Roman Emperors and kings: where he allegeth the example of Otho the first, who came out of Germany to Rome, to chasten the disorderly & stubborn behaviour of john the 13, whom by the authority of the Council, notwithstanding he were upheld by his kindred and friends at Rome, he deposed: For (saith he) in those days the Pope had not so many temporalties as the Church of Rome seemeth now to have, because that great Emperor Otho and his successors, the second and third of that name, enriched the Church of Rome, and other Churches in Italy and Germany, with secular dominions. And so it manifestly appeareth in those books that were drawn of the donations made unto the Church by the Emperors and kings of Rome, and are still kept in the Apostolic treasury, or chamber. That from the pomp of these temporal dominions sprung the neglect of spiritual things, tyranny gathered strength, and divisions in one and the same Church increased. Against which Otho quickly provided a remedy, extinguishing the two schisms at Rome, whereof the one part had seized upon the Capitol, the other the castle S. Angelo; which having besieged and taken, he cut off the heads of the principal of those factions, and in a Council approving the one of these competitors, he took the other with him into Saxony. It was not then objected unto him, That the Popes might not be judged but by God himself. But it were to be wished (saith he) that such an Emperor would arise in our times, that in this Labyrinth would abolish the multiplicity of books that are so increased by reason of the multitude of writers touching this point, that an hundred Camels can hardly carry them. For it is manifest how much it standeth all Christians upon, that the Pope be a man of pure conversation, no simoniacal or bloody person, no adulterer, diceplayer, drunkard, hunter, lecher, or public whoremaster (he toucheth the Pope's ulcers of those times) for who, knowing the Pope to be such a one, can without remorse of conscience, or the sin of flattery, kiss his hands or his feet, or with a good heart call him holy Father? etc. Neither is the Emperor or king of Romans bound to keep his oath or fidelity given to a wicked Pope, or other Ecclesiastical Prelate, that is a notorious and incorrigible offender: For where abuse succeed, all power ceaseth, and an oath must be no hand of iniquity: for otherwise it must follow that an oath binding, no man can hinder such as are wicked and perverse, or admonish them to return into the right way; which is contrary to all law and reason, & hurtful to the Commonwealth. Because not to withstand the course of the wicked when we can, is to encourage them in their sin; and that error which is not resisted, seems to be approved. Neither doth that which the Canonists affirm, contradict it, That the Pope, except he wander from the faith, may be deposed, That no man can judge the first and highest seat, or take away that authority and power which he cannot give. From hence they would infer, that none but God can or may judge the Pope, because the Popedom excelleth all dignities, being the Vicar of God, and judging the whole world: Whereas these Maxims in a supposed Pope, and in these times of schisms, are not in force, nor can with reason be so understood in an undoubted Pope scandalising the Church, because he cannot be truly and properly called the Vicar of Christ, that keepeth not Christ his commandments, nor followeth his example, to the great detriment of all Christendom: and therefore is more truly and properly called a beast than a Pope. For he that wandereth from reason is not to be accounted a man, but an unreasonable creature. And the Pope being such a one, seems rather a tyrant than the Minister of God, and therefore for his demerit is contemned of all, and removed, as unworthy, from so holy a government, because a wicked Priest is not said to be a Priest, and a wicked Bishop is no Bishop. This is proved true out of the Gospel, where it is conditionally said unto Peter, If thou love me feed my sheep, whereby it is inferred that he that loves not God, that is to say, a simonical person, an adulterer, or otherwise a public incorrigible offender, deserves not to be, neither is the true shepherd of the sheep, but a mercenary, or a Wolf, because he exerciseth not the office of a good an true shepherd, and therefore may, and aught to be judged by others. Wherefore, he showeth in another place that the Cardinal of Liege having forsaken Gregory the twelfth, for his many treacheries, thus defended his cause, That we must rather obey God than man. L. 3. cap. 34. For if (saith he) the Pope command those things, or enforce that to be done that shall endanger our souls, or bring them to perdition, it is manifest that he is not to be obeyed either by the Law of God or man, as Augustine, Ambrose, Beda, and others do affirm: yea, rather by not obeying, and for that cause to endure his censures and severities, is meritorious. At the last amongst so many confusions he thus concludeth, Cap. 41. But are these things the preambles to the coming of Antechrist? Truly according to the opinion of our Saviour, the Gospel having been preached throughout the world, the consummation shall come, before which there shallbe a division and a departure from the faith, according to that of the Apostle 2. Thes. 2. Nisi veniat primùm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, except there come a departing first. And therefore he showeth how the Empire departed from Rome; And as for faith, it was no where to be found. Whereupon he saith, Tu portentorum locus es conformis eorum Cum Nilo portenta paris, nutris Crocodilos jam cum portentis reor exterminia sentis, Si quid in his possem, facerem steritescere Matrem etc. Thou art the place where monsters great are bred, And Nilus-like where Crocodiles are fed: Now like monster's race, thou art rarely seen, Had I power, barren had thy mother been. Which two notes (saith he) are evident in the Priesthood, and the kingdom; Jdem. l. 3. c. 41.43. And whether these be foretakens of the coming of Antichrist, let th●se judge and examine that understand the sense and meaning of God himself. He therefore (as we have said heretofore) looked not for Antichrist out of old Babylon, but out of the bowels of the Church of Rome: For he that thought here of the suburbs of Antichrist, held him not to be far off from the city. Those poor people looked for him out of the window, that was before stolen in at the postern. Moreover, he saith, he was the author of another treatise entitled Nemus unionis, printed at Basill, in the year 1566, where in six books he sees down all the stratagems of the Popes of his time; the titles are, of the first Via, the second Inuia, the third Semita, the fourth Inaqu●sa, the fift Colles reflex, the sixth Labyrinthus: A work worthy the reading, and so much the rather, because the principal acts of this schism are there produced; especially in the sixth, he delivereth his opinion touching the schism between these two Popes, Behold (saith he) that it appeareth by this Epistle (that is to say, Theodor. à Nyem. Tract. 6. c. 12. of the Cardinals) that these two old men contending for the Popedom (if it be lawful to speak a truth) do strangely mock and abuse Christian people. And briefly he setteth down their subtleties. These two Lords seem to play together like two Champions or Tilters, who have made an agreement not to hurt one another, and yet entertain the people with a kind of show or ostentation, as if they would do wonders. There he likewise produceth the conclusions of the Doctors of Bologne touching this schism, wherein they declare, first, That this schism by their obstinacy and the long continuance thereof, Tract. 6. c. 16. is turned to an heresy. Secondly, That in ancient schisms, if the lawful Pope himself do not his best endeavours to extinguish them, he is to be accounted a nourisher of them, and consequently of the heresy; and that the Cardinals ought to forsake him, and to withdraw their obedience from him, as from a man incorrigible, and an heretic: and if they should refuse to do so, they were likewise favourers of the schism and heresy, which they made good by many Canons and Ecclesiastical laws. Thirdly, That both Popes refused the means of union, and so were both faulty; and therefore he that of the two had most right to the Popedom, at the request of any provincial Council, or the instance of a secular Prince, aught to leave the Popedom, and to permit the Cardinals to proceed to a new election: which if he did not agree unto, they were to forsake him. By which reason he condemned them both, and consequently their Acts and ordinations. And here let our adversaries consider, where that succession than was they so much boast of. Cap. 19 In the nineteenth chapter there is an Epistle in mitte, sent to Gregory and his adherents, who of the two was thought to have the better right: It began with these verses, Perfide qui phrenesi raptus Plutonis Tartareis invectus equis, haeresimque secutus. Ausus es Ecclesiae tentare pericul● sanctae. Perfidious wretch carried with Pluto's frenzy On hellish horses, and following Heresy, Hast dared to attempt the danger of holy Church. If this man were thought to come from the devil, what shall we think of the other? As for his Cardinals, they were tainted with all horrible wickedness, yea Sodomy itself. In the selfsame style is that other written in the eight and twentieth chapter, whose Author F. writeth himself of Verona the faithful servant of Christ. This setteth out the nephews of Gregory and his Cardinals in their colours, infamous for treachery, hypocrisy, simony. jam Nero, iunque Magus, non ulli gratia gratis Affluxit vestrum, etc. Now Nero, now Magus, never came grace gratis from you to any, etc. And let not the Reader think it lost labour to read it out, nor that Epistle of Theodorick in the four and twentieth chapter. Idem 24. Cap. 29. In the nine and twentieth chapter he sets down an Epistle written at that time in the name of Satan Emperor of the kingdoms of Acheron, to john Dominick of the Order of Preachers, professor in Divinity, created Cardinal by S. Sixtus, chosen Bishop of ●aguse, whom he calleth the scholar of perdition, the worshipper of our works, to whom he wisheth health, and pride everlasting. There he thanks him for his good endeavours he used to break the union, and to excuse the perjuries of Gregory, to put in practise his hypocrisy, luxury, simony: thereby discovering all the infamies both of the Pope and Cardinals of those times. But the Author himself in the 39 chapter, in good earnest, and without jesting, cunningly describes the manners of Ecclesiastical persons in Italy: Cap. 36. & 37. They are always careful (saith he) to advance their brethren, kindred, and nephews, honouring them with Ecclesiastical titles, at whose gates there are seldom or never seen any poor. And if perhaps any poor body beg an alms of a Bishop or Abbot, they presently turn away their eyes; and if perhaps extreme want urge him to ask the second time, they threaten him. Into the Apostolic chamber there is every day carried great store of gold, but it is never filled. They are a wicked generation, who carry swords in stead of teeth, to eat up the poor from off the earth. Amongst them are many bloodsuckers, that cry bring, bring. The officers of the chamber are called Gentes Camerae, the Gentiles of the Camber: and well may they be so called, for Gentes are barbarous nations, having manners and laws strange, and different from the laws of men using reason. For as Turks and Tartarians use those unfortunate Christians that fall into their hands, roughly and inhumanly, so these Gentes Camerae, Gentiles of the Chamber, being void of all pity and piety, sp●y● those new Ecclesiastical Prelates that are promoted amongst us, by strange and exquisite means, of all their substance. And if perhaps they be not able to pay the full sum which the Chamber requires of them, but a time must be given for the payment thereof (which grace is seldom granted, and to a few) they extort from them such horrible uthes, that there is no wise man that will not fear to take them, either to obtain a great benefit, or to avoid as great an evil. And upon this delay letters are given him in the Chamber, non propter jesum tantum, not for the love of jesus only, but for silver, if there be any remaining for the expense of his journey homeward: so that being freed from this Chamber, he may well say, Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator. He that empty pursed travels on the way, May boldly before the thief sing or say. For all pretty, mercy, and clemency, have taken their flight from thence. And if thou art to pay a thousand Florins in gold, and one of them want but a halfpenny in weight, except than deliver one more weighty than that, or supply that in silver which it wanteth in gold, there is no departing, notwithstanding that what Florins they receive of others, they pay again to others without weight and measure. And if a Prelate, within the year wherein he is bound to pay the remainder, discharge not the Chamber, be he the most excellent Doctor in the world, of a Bishop he is made a Clerk, of an Abbot a Monk, of a Prior a posterior; there being no law or justice to relieve him. O our just Gentiles, one day to have their portions with the infernal Furies, or Harpies, and thirsty Tantalus, who are never satisfied. They have hard heads, and flinty breasts, made of the stones of Deucalion, and hearts harder than steel, without all compassion. Unhappy therefore is that poor Prelate, who being entangled in the nets of that Chamber, is enforced to endure such torment. Touching the Popes of his time, well known to himself, he spoke ingeniously: of Vrban the sixth, Before the time of his election to be Pope, so long as he was conversant in the Court of Rome, he was reputed humble and devout; but he was no sooner settled in the Popedom, but he was changed into another man: he began to tyrannize, ill demeaning himself towards those Cardinals that had chosen him, and doing other outrages unadvisedly. He had a nephew called Francis Pregnan, an unprofitable member, & more licentious than is fit to be spoken, upon whom he would bestow many dukedoms and earldoms in the kingdom of Sicilia, and entitled him unto them, and would willingly, if it had been in his power, have made him soldan of Babylon too, notwithstanding it were too apparent that he was unable to govern a small family. To conclude, there was no man ever in the Popedom more wicked and more cruel, in so much that he caused many Bishops and Cardinals barbarously and cruelly to be murdered, Secum super hoc, ut aestimo diabolo dispensante, the devil, as I think, dispensing with him for it, or at least wise joining with him in the execution thereof. Of Boniface the ninth. He was of a goodly stature, but a vicious nature: For we read of none that ever bare rule in the Apostolic See, that durst presume so publicly, and with so little shame to commit the sin of simony, scandalising without respect of difference, and ordaining Archbishops, Bishops, Prelates, Clerks, and Priests, and all for gain. He likewise made his brother's Marquesses, Dukes, Earls. Of Innocent the seventh. In him virtue and vice was at variance: he was a great dissembler, fiery in carnal affection: He enriched his kindred with temporalties, and took no care to confirm the union in the Church, which he had promised, and sworn to do. Of Gregory the twelfth. How he hath and doth carry himself touching his kindred, and that union that is to be made by him, 〈◊〉 is apparent enough. And these four gave no alms, which is a sign of damnation, and though a fault in all, yet worst in a Prelate, because no man can be saved without charity. And this he writ being notary of the Apostolic letters, An. 1408. in the year 1408. There was likewise an Epistle directed to this Gregory, which he calleth delusory of the officers of the Church of Rome, wherein he is called, The damnable forerunner of Antichrist. Neither is Benedict his competitor forgotten therein. There they protest, That the world from thence forward will make no account of their excommunications, but rather make a jest of them, since it manifestly appeareth, that they both draw men into open perdition, being the one and the other unworthy of the Popedom; especially Gregory, to whom they attributed most, was a drunkard, an heretic, a destroyer of the Church of God, a man accursed. And in like manner they speak of his most familiar friends, namely of Gabriel, who was afterward Eugenius the fourth, whom they call his first borne, sprung from his rains; and of the Cardinal of Raguse, they say he was a demoniacal Monk, an infernal Legate: and the like of divers others. The Author in the end concludeth, That this schism was come to that pass, that the Princes of both parts contemned these Popes, and nothing regarding their Bulls, knit themselves in friendship, alliances, and marriages one with the other; in such sort that a man might truly say, that all things on both sides were doubtful, We have neither a true Pope, nor a true king of the Romans. Behold here again that succession they boast of. He likewise writ a treatise of the investiture of Bishops and Abbots, and attributeth the right to the Emperor. Henry Token, Deligat of the Bishop of Magdeburge in the Council of Basil, maketh mention of him in his treatise, That the Council is above the Pope. Here our France doth the rather offer itself to our consideration, because one of these contendants was then resident at avignon. Clement therefore being departed, the Cardinals chose Petrus de Luna, called Benedict. Froissard saith, That the election was made upon condition, If it pleased the king of France and his Counsel, otherwise he was not to be received: yea, that when he gave the king to understand of his Popedom, he carelessly answered, That it was doubtful whether he should acknowledge him to be the true Pope or no. He sent therefore unto him some of the most learned of the University of Paris, as master john of Gigencourt, master Peter Playons, & others, to admonish him, That the Christian faith was much weakened by this schism, & that the Church could not long continue in that state: In so much that the University of Paris was not of opinion, that the Clergy seeking grace and favour, should send their petitions to avignon, notwithstanding that Benedict had before opened the fountain of grace to all Clergy men: which the king likewise forbade by their counsel, until it were otherwise determined. The Duke of Britain did the like, notwithstanding some Princes of France favoured Benedict, because he denied them nothing. The king therefore without the knowledge of the Pope, disposed of such benefices as were void, in so much that the Cardinals began to fear lest he should likewise lay hands upon those benefices they held within the kingdom; and therefore they sent a Legate unto him, to assure him, That if Benedict were less pleasing unto him, they would enter the Conclave again to choose another to his own contentment. The Legate being heard, and withal a Friar Minorite, who resided with the king in behalf of Boniface Pope of Rome, it was concluded in Council, not without the consent of the University, That both the rivals should be commanded to resign the Popedom, Froissard. l. 4. c. 58. and all the Cardinals their Cardinalships, and that certain Clergiemen, that were men known to be honest and of a good conscience, should be chosen out of Germany, France, and other nations, who deliberating of the cause amongst themselves, with good advice, and without all fraud, should restore the Church to her former state and unity. Which sentence of the University the king approved, and so did the Dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, and their Counsellors. Whereupon he sent embassadous to the kings of Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, and England (undertaking for the kingdom of Castille, Navarre, Arragon, Sicilia, Naples, and Scotland) that they should yield their obedience unto him to whomsoever he and his realm should grant his. There was much time spent in these embassages, but yet with this fruit, That Richard king of England agreed to whatsoever the king of France thought convenient: and the Emperor Wenceslaus, in the year 1398, with many other great Princes, came to Rheimes to consider of this business with the king: notwithstanding he pretended the cause of this his journey to be the marriage of the daughter of the Duke of Orleans to the marquess son of Brandebourg. There, after many deliberations, those great Princes being assisted with the greatest and gravest personages of their States, decree, That Petrus de Alliaco Bishop of Cambray, should go in their names to Boniface at Rome, and there should summon him to renounce his Popedom, that a new election might be made; wherein that right which he had should be still reserved: and having received his answer, he should likewise do the like to Benedict; the Emperor and king promising each of them for the kings and Princes their allies and confederates, to confirm this their decree. The Bishop therefore, one of the greatest men of name in those times, took his journey to Rome, where having had audience, the Cardinals thinking it necessary to dissemble, advise Boniface to answer, That he would willingly yield to whatsoever he should be by them advised; provided, that Benedict should renounce the name of Pope, and then he would be ready wheresoever it should please them to appoint the Conclave. And yet the Romans at that time murmuring hereat, because they feared they should thereby lose that gain they hoped for by the jubilee, he answereth them ingeniously, My sons, assure yourselves I will continue Pope, and whatsoever these kings shall determine, I will never stand to their arbitrement. This was concealed from the Bishop of Cambray: He therefore returned to the Emperor, who sent him to the king with this message, That he was first to make Benedict to submit himself, since Boniface his obedience depended thereupon. Whereupon our Nobles and Prelates assembled at Paris, whither nevertheless the king, out of his wisdom, thought it not good to call the Archbishops of Rheimes, Roven, and Sens, because the Pope had many ways bound them unto him. There, by the council of the University of Paris, it was determined, That the king should presently send Monsieur Boucicant, his Marshal, into the parts of avignon, who either by treaty, or any other means, should endeavour that Benedict should yield his Popedom to the Counsel of the king of France; and that the Church to the utmost bounds of the kingdom, should follow neither part, until by the judgement and decree of the Prelates who were deligated to that purpose, the union were confirmed. The Bishop of Cambray arrived at avignon, leaving the Marshal at Lions, there to attend the news: but as he delivered his message, Benedict (saith Froissard) changed colour, and with a loud voice said, They will that I yield to renounce my Popedom, whilst I live I will never do it; And I would have the king of France to understand, that what he appointeth I will not do, but I will retain my name and Popedom to the death. To which the Bishop answered, I took you to be wiser than I find you: take a day to consider better of the matter with your brethren. Whereupon they being assembled together, and the Cardinal of Amiens showing, That whether they would or no, they must be obedient to the kings, and that the king of France did already threaten the loss of the fruits of their benefices, whereby many did already stagger; he grew the more obstinate: I will not resign (saith he) nor submit my Popedom to any treaty, for any King, Duke, Earl, whosoever. And with those words he dismissed the Bishop, adding withal, You shall say to our son of France, That hitherto we have taken him for a good Catholic, whom now we see by a wrong information fallen into error, but he shall repent him of it. Whereupon the Bishop went presently to the Marshal Boucicant, who was come as far as Port S. Andrew, nine leagues distant from avignon: who presently upon the news sent for the nobility and men of war from all parts, stopping the passages both by land and water, and by a Herald denounced war against Benedict within his palace. His Cardinals almost all studied how to satisfy the king, and so did the citizens of avignon: but he persisting still obstinate, told them their city was strong, that he would send for the king of Arragon to his aid, who he knew would come to serve him, being bound thereunto both by propinquity in blood, and that obedience which he did owe unto the Pope: and that they were frighted with small matters. But the Marshal having threatened the inhabitants, That he would burn all their vines and houses in the field: without the knowledge of the Pope they resolved, with some of the Cardinals who joined with them (that is to say, of Amiens, Poitiers, Neufchastel, Viviers, and divers others) to receive him into the city, and to besiege the palace, upon condition that he should offer no violence to them or theirs: which was performed on both sides. Benedict in the mean time defended himself in his palace, being well furnished with all manner of victual, and still expecting the coming of the king of Arragon, to whom, if he would now set him at liberty, he promised by an instrument drawn to that purpose, to keep his residence at Perpignan: but his answer was this, Doth this Priest think, that I, to defend his subtleties, will undertake a war against the king of France? the world would think I was ill advised. And the nobility likewise that were about him, were of opinion, That the king of France was so wise, that he would do nothing that was unlawful, and that it was fit that the Clergy should learn how to obey their Lords, from whom they had their maintenance, & remember from whom they received their good. He therefore resolved, by the king of France his example, and at his request, to follow neither part: And the greatest part of his Clergy & kingdom were of this opinion, since by no other means the peace and union of the Church could be restored. Benedict therefore seeing himself thus forsaken, and his provision to decrease apace, began to fly unto mercy: The conditions were these, That he would not departed out of the palace of avignon, until the union of the Church were restored, a special guard in the mean time being appointed over him, and some of the principal Cardinals & citizens bound to have him forth coming dead or alive: which being done the army was dismissed. These are the words of Froissard. Froissard. c. 97. 98. 99 So the king of France performed that which he had concluded with the Emperor, whereof he presently gave him to understand by an honourable embassage, the chief whereof was the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who was to require of the Emperor, according to promise, the like faith and diligence in this business. Now there were that had given their consent to this neutrality, the kings of Spain, Scotland, Arragon, Navarre, to whom by the authority and endeavour of the Emperor, there joined the Germans, Hungarians, Bohemians, Italians; so that England only remained, for whom the king of France had past his word. But king Richard could not persuade his Clergy thereunto, they alleging, That this Richard of Bourdeaux was wholly French, Cap. 120. and that they would be advised by some other than a Frenchman. Besides he was shortly after troubled in such sort with his domestical affairs, that he had no leisure to think of foreign matters. Yea not so much as the people of Liege but they resolved to forsake Boniface at Rome, and to embrace this neutrality, to whom, the better to retain them in their faith and obedience, he sent a Legate, but he, not daring to pass any farther, stayed at Cologne, and from thence by a carrier sent letters; who was forbid to return to the Legate, except he loved to be cast into the river Mosa. Thus was the miserable state of the Church known to the whole world. And this brings us to the year 1399. An. 1399. There passed many years in these contentions betwixt these Popes, either of them intending union, whilst neither of them embraced it; and both of them in their own jurisdictions, amongst whom they were obeyed, laying exactions, burdens, and exercising tyranny upon the Churches: violently exacting likewise certain annuities, brought in by the invention of Boniface, wheresoever their power did extend. Whereupon there followed a Decree of our Parliament, assisted by the great Council, dated the eleventh of September, in the year 1406, An. 1406. the University of Paris requesting the same: by which it was forbidden to be paid to the Pope, or any of his Cardinals; and if afterwards they shall request it, not to receive any thing from him, or to have aught to do with him: In the narration whereof the University feared not to say, that it is written, Withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh inordinately; presently adding that of the Apostle, I know that after my departure shall grievous Wolves enter in amongst you, Arrestum Curiae an 1406. impressum cum Nicholas Clemangis. not sparing the flock; and that of the Prophet, Because my flock was spoiled, and my sheep were devoured of the beasts of the field, having no shepherd: neither did my shepherds feed my sheep, but the shepherds feed themselves, and feed not my sheep, therefore (saith the Lord) I will cause them to cease from feeding the sheep; neither shall the shepherds feed themselves any more, for I will deliver my sheep from their mouths, and they shall no more devour them. Which words the University applies to Benedict; showing likewise, that Rome received the pre-eminence of her See from Constantine, but yet had not therefore any power to command or to impose any thing upon others. There followeth the Edict of Charles the sixth, then reigning, dated the eighteenth of February, in the year 1406, whereby both his annuities, and his base services, as they call them, and innumerable the like grievances and oppressions, which are there particularly expressed, are utterly made void, as being dangerous to the Church and Commonweal, causes of poverty amongst the people, and perdition to a million of poor souls, that by that means are destitute both of corporal and spiritual nourishment. The occasion of this Edict was, because the later modern Popes being often admonished, made no account thereof, but hardened themselves, and stopped their ears against all complaints: Another cause was, because the regal power for the establishing of the Church, is ordained of God, in so much that the celestial kingdom may be amended by the terrestrial; when the Church is destroyed by them who hold the highest places therein, and are to be repressed by the severity of Princes, to whom in such cases we are only to fly, since by their oath made unto God they are to provide for the good of the Church, otherwise to yield an account: In this case especially, wherein all the Doctors teach, That we are to deny obedience to the Pope himself. And this whole Edict is yet to be read, much differing from that their axiom, That the Pope hath the chiefest command both in heaven and on earth. These things fell out in the time of Innocent the seventh, one of the competitors. Gregory his successor thought good at the first to flatter us, and by his Legate sent a Bull to the king; wherein he promiseth in good earnest to do his best endeavour to procure a union upon those conditions before mentioned: It bare date the eleventh of December 1406, and is to be had in Monstrelet. Whereupon the king and the University of Paris, the matter being deliberated with the chief of the Clergy and Council, sent ambassadors to Benedict, the Patriarch of Alexandria, the Bishops of Cambray and Beauvais, the Abbots of S. Denis, and Mount S. Michael, and certain Doctors of the University, who should let him understand, That except he would do his office, and come to some reason, that the king and the Dolphin would withdraw themselves from his obedience, and refuse his Bulls. Benedict continuing obstinate in his purposes, entertained the ambassadors with fair words; and in the mean time, without the knowledge of his Cardinals, made a constitution, which he sent by special messengers to the king and University, threatening grievous punishment to all those that should withdraw themselves from the obedience of himself and his successors. Monstrelet. vol. 1. c. 33. And afterwards with doubtful speeches sent away the Ambassadors. The king and his Council began now to perceive, that these Popes abused the world, both the one and the other, but yet are nothing terrified therewith. But the year following they sent john de Castro morando, and john de Courseno, Jdem 1. Cap. ●0. knights, to Benedict, to let him know, That if the union were not restored to the Church by ascension day, that he, the Clergy, Nobles, and people of his kingdom, and Dolphin, would no longer obey him nor his adversary. To whom he answered without delay, That he would send an answer by a special messenger; who was a certain man, I know not who, that came into the palace of S. Paul, where the king's Court then was, and entering into the king's Oratory at the beginning of Mass, delivered Benedict his letters, and presently departed. The letters were read, which contained an excommunication against the king and his subjects: but the messenger vanished. Wherefore the king by the counsel of his Princes, and the persuasion of the University of Paris, forsook the Pope, and withdrew himself from his obedience. The letters are to be read in the same Author, wherein the Pope complaineth, That the subjects of his kingdom rebel against the Church of Rome, in appealing from him against the canonical constitutions, and that the king permitted divers errors to be sowed therein, contrary to the purity of the law. So he calleth the reprehension of his exactions. Furthermore, that the union which he dreams of is properly a sin, and a perseverance in a Schism, and that such as exhort him thereunto do but abuse him: Concluding, that if he continue in this vain error, besides those punishments and sentences pronounced in the law, he will send constitutions comprehended in his Bull, by the tenor whereof both he, and all other that shall offend shallbe punished. These letters nevertheless are intermingled with some flattery, but the Bull mars all: We excommunicate all those that shall appeal from us, or our successors the bishops of Rome, entering into the Popedom by the right way; and all such as shall yield any help or favour to any such appellants or perturbers etc. or shall affirm them not to be bound and excommunicated by our sentence, of what degree or dignity soever they be, whether Cardinals, patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, of authority or majesty royal or imperial, of whatsoever state or condition ecclesiastical or civil; from which sentence none can be absolved but by the Pope, except it be at the point of death, etc. Which excommunication being denounced by us, if he shall obstinately bear, for the space of 20 days, if he be a prince we subject him to the determination of the Church, with all his lands, towns, cities, castles, etc. If Universities, so likewise &c. Notwithstanding all liberties, graces, Apostolic indulgences, granted from us, or our predecessors. Now it was in the beginning of the year 1408, that the university of Paris by the mouth of Master john Courteheuse, a Norman, in the great hall of the palace of Paris, made their complaint in the presence of the kings of France and Sicilia, the dukes of Barry, of Bar, and Brabant, the Earls of Mortaigne, Nevers, S. Paul, & Tancarville, the Rector of the university and deputies thereof, and a great multitude of the Nobility, Clergy and people, also the earl of Warwick an Englishman, and the ambassadors of Scotland and Galicia. The text of this master john was taken out of the 7. Psal. v. 16. His mischief shall return upon his own head, and his cruelty shall fall upon his own pate. From which words he drew six conclusions. The first was, That Petrus de Luna (that is Benedict) was an obstinate Schismatic, yea, an heretic, a troubler of the peace and unity of the Church. The second, That he was not to be called a Pope, nor a Cardinal, or to be honoured with any other title of dignity, nor obeyed as a Pastor of the Church, upon those pains ordained against such as favour Schismatics. The third, That the acts, sayings, collations, provisions, etc. from the date of the letter made in form of a Bull, and all punishments Temporal and Spiritual, public or private therein contained, were of no force. The fourth, That the said letters were wicked, seditious, full of fraud, troubled the peace, offended his royal Majesty. The fifth, That those letters are not to be obeyed, and he that doth obey them to be censured as a favourer of Schismatics. The sixth, That the said Peter his favourers, and such as received his letters, were to be proceeded against by a course of law. Whereupon the University requested his Majesty, First, That due inquisition should be made of those letters, and their receivers, that such a punishment might be inflicted upon them, as the University at fit time and place should appoint. Secondly, That the king nor any of his realm, should any more receive any letters from Benedict. Thirdly, That the University of Paris might be enjoined by the command of the king, to preach the truth throughout the whole kingdom. Fourthly, That the Bishop of S. flower, Master Peter de Courselles, Sancien de Leu Deane of S. German d' Auxerre, being apprehended, should be punished according to their demerits, that is, for joining in Council with the Pope. Fiftly, That, that pretended Bull might be torn, as injurious and offensive to the Majesty of the king: the University protesting to proceed to greater matters touching the faith, (note these words) and to expound them, and to show them to those to whom it appertained. All which being granted by the king to the University, the Pope's letters were presently in that honourable assembly torn by the Rector of the University; the above named apprehended and cast into prison in the Lovure, and the messenger that brought the Bull by the diligence of the king's Proctor was taken, not far from Lions, and brought back bound to Paris. Which Benedict understanding, was so astonished, that with four of his Cardinals, by Venus' gate he secretly stole away, and went to Perpignan. There was, in the month of August following, another assembly touching the same matter, where the Chancellor of France was precedent, all these Princes and great personages assisting as before. There a certain Doctor of Divinity, famous amongst the Dominicans, took upon him to expound that Scripture in the 14 of the Romans, verse 19, Let us follow those things that concern peace, and wherewith one may edify another. In the handling whereof, he proveth Benedict a Schismatic, six ways, his Bulls fraudulent and injurious, and that the king in that he took part with neither, and had withdrawn himself from the obedience of both, had done that which was right and just. But in the mean time (saith Monstrelet) Master Sanctien, and the messenger of Peter de Luna (Benedict) who had brought the letters before mentioned to the king, both Arragonians, being both mitred, and attired with habiliments wherein the arms of Peter de Luna were painted upside down, were drawn out of the Lovure upon a sled, into the court of the Palace: where, near the marble pillar that is next the stairs, there was a Scaffold built, whereupon they were set to be seen of all that would behold them; and on their miters there was written, These are disloyal to the Church and King. The day after, there was a Council held again in the Palace, where Master Vrsinus Taluenda, Doctor of Divinity, spoke for the University of Paris, and took his Theme out of the 122. Psal. v. 7. Peace be within thy walls, etc. In the handling whereof he exhorted the King and Princes, to provide a remedy for this Schism, proving Peter to be a Schismatic and an heretic, and all that obeyed him to incur the punishment due to the favourers of Schisms and heresies, alleging many examples of the Popes of Rome that made to that purpose. Moreover, he did earnestly request that the Bulls might be publicly torn, with others of that kind brought to Thoulouse; which was presently granted and put in execution the twentieth of August 1408. Cap. 52. And all Prelates and other ecclesiastical persons likewise commanded within the confines of their benefices, with a loud voice to publish this neutrallitie, etc. And the morrow after, both the Arragonians before named, were again led through the City, and put to open shame upon a Scaffold, as formerly they had been. Which vigour and courage is so much the rather worth the noting, because it fell out in the most perilous divisions of our State. Now it followed that the Cardinals, both of the one part and the other, taking heart, for the most part forsook both Popes, & assembled themselves at Pisa, where in a Council, they deposed them both, as being both heretics and Schismatics: The acts of which Council are set down at large in certain letters of the Abbot of S. Maxence to the bishop of Poitiers, who was present at that Council. Cap. 53. & 54. There, a certain bishop of Arragon, a great Doctor of Divinity, in a solemn Sermon, chose for his text that of the Apostle, Purge the old leaven etc. wherein he feared not to say, That they were no more Popes than his old shoes, worse than Anna's and Carphas, yea, to be compared to the Devils of hell. Whereby, let the Reader judge of those Archbishops & Prelates that he ordained, and of those things that by them were done whom he ordained. The selfsame is to be read in the letters of the Ambassadors of the University of Paris, to their Lords and Masters, That the neutrallitie and subtraction of obedience was good and lawful, and the process and sentences of the competitors against those that had withdrawn themselves, justly pronounced to be of no force: Approving in all respects the sentence of the University. As there is likewise extant the definitive sentence against both the contendants, for their horrible sins, and a revocation of all their acts in the year last passed, with the Epistle of Alexander the fifth to the Bishop of Paris, Cap. 67. who expressly pronounced them the enemies of God and his Church for their grievous and horrible notorious sins. john the four and twentieth (alias, the three and twentieth) the successor of Alexander, in the year 1410, sent his Legates, namely the Archbishop of Pisa, to demand the tenths due in the vacancy, procurations, and mortuaries. An. 1410. Bochell. l. 2. Decret. Eccles. Gallicanae p. 323.324. Jdem l. 4 p. 51.52.53 54.55.56. ex ijsdem. The University assembled at the Bernerdins, the three and twentieth of November, and calling unto them such Prelates as were then at Paris, concluded, that those Laws and ordinances above mentioned, made in the year 1406, were to be defended, that is to say, That the Church of France was freed, from all tenths, procurations, and other subsidies and annuities whatsoever. And if the Pope or his Legates, shall constrain any man by ecclesiastical censure to pay them, that it should be lawful to appeal from them to a general Council. And if any of the collectors shall go about to exact them, they are to be punished with the loss of their goods, if they have any, if not, with imprisonment. They humbly besought the king and the Council thus to determine the matter, and his Proctor general to join with the said University. But if the Pope should allege some manifest necessity of the Church, that a Council should be called, wherein some charitable subsidy should be determined of, which honest men chosen by the Council should gather, and being gathered, by the authority thereof distribute it. The Monday following, there was called a royal Council, where the Archbishop delivered unto them, That what he demanded, was due to the Apostolic chamber by law Divine, canon, civil, and natural, which, whomsoever should deny to pay, was no Christian. Let the Reader here note, the definition of a Christian. The Rector interrupting him affirmed, That these words were pronounced to the dishonour of the king, and the University, and consequently of the whole realm. Wherefore, the thirtieth of November, he called a general congregation, wherein it was agreed to send Orators to the king, to request that the Legate might be commanded to revoke his words, and if he should refuse to do it, that then the professors, graduates of Divinity and Law, should write against him, upon the Articles of the faith, That both he and his Colleagues might according to their desert be punished. That they would likewise write to all other Universities and Prelates to join with them in this controversy, and to the Archbishop of Rheimes likewise, and others of the kings grand Council to that purpose, who have been sworn to the said University; otherwise, to be deprived that dignity. Whereupon the Pope's Legates departed without taking their leave. Nevertheless the Pope is nothing at all herewith discomfited, but sendeth his Legates again to the king to require the Tenths imposed upon France, who pronounced in the king's Council, the duke of Aquitan being present, That not only the Church of France, but all others whatsoever were bound to this subsidy, not only by the positive law, but also by the law of God. The University withstood it, and in a congregation concluded, That the manner in demanding this subsidy was to be reproved as unjust, and contrary to the law before made in the year 1406, which they were resolved to defend. And if the Pope or his Legates should proceed any farther, that they would then appeal to the general Council of the Church: and if the governors of the new king and kingdom should attempt any thing against the said law, they would appeal to the king and the Lords of his Council. And if any of the University itself should go about to gather these tenths, he was to lose his rights and privileges; if other, his temporalties, if he had any, if not, to suffer imprisonment. But if the Pope by way of charity would gather this money, than the University would beseech his Majesty, that the Prelates of the kingdom might be called to deliberat, First, What was to be handled in the next general Council: Secondly, What answer was to be made to the supplication of the Pope's Legates. Monstrelet. vol. 1. c. 67. So that if a subsidy should be granted, that it might be gathered by some chosen honest men of the kingdom, for the union of the Greeks' and Latins, the peace of the kingdom of England, the recovery of Palestina, and for the preaching of the Gospel to all creatures; since these were the ends for which the Pope (as his own Legates did affirm) did levy this subsidy. In all which they humbly beseech the Lords of the Parliament, and the king's Proctors, to yield them their helping hand, and to join with them. Whereupon the Archbishop of Pisa carried himself more humbly towards the University, and began to flatter the principal amongst them, that he might win them to deal more mildly with him: but it was to small purpose, for the University continued still constant, though the greater part of the Nobles, yea the Princes themselves, began to faint in their resolutions. An. 1416. Here is fit place to speak of the Council of Constance, wherein, in the year 1416, a bill was exhibited in the name of the Church of France, and the University of Paris, called Apostoli, because Charles the sixth by a Decree of the Court of Parliament, and an Edict following thereupon, had forbid annuities to be paid. It was otherwise called De Annatis non soluendis. Which bill was so much the more necessary, because the Cardinals going about to put down the Antipopes, endeavoured nevertheless to retain their gainful arts and inventions, especially these annuities; which their promoters with their reasons likewise defended. There it was disputed by our Divines, That those annuities were not due either by the law of God or man: That they were extraordinarily granted to john the three and twentieth, for an expedition beyond the sea, whereupon some Popes afterwards under other pretences would have continued them: but the cause of them ceasing, they were to cease too; neither could they be any longer tolerated, especially at this time, wherein Italy, France, Germany, and England, were at peace and amity one with the other. And here they spent much time in the unfolding of those exactions that were then in force: Where they prove, That neither the Pope nor the Church of Rome could by law impose any thing upon Churches or Churchmen, since he was not their Lord, but Christ only: That these exactions are contrary to the minds of their founders, whose successors complain unto the king, That the goods given to Churches are transferred to other uses, yea to the utter overthrow of Church and Commonwealth, and all orders therein: concluding in the end, That the whole nation would never pay them, under what pretence soever they were demanded. It were too tedious a thing here to repeat all their reasons; the principal are these: Annuities seem to bind men to fall into heresy, taking the word in the larger sense, that is to say, That it is lawful to buy things spiritual, or for spiritual to give silver, or things temporal, etc. Item, He that is so promoted seemeth to commit simony and perjury. Which they prove by that obligation that was required of patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, etc. You etc. by the Apostolic permission and authority granted to you in that behalf, do freely offer and promise of your own wills to give for your common service to the Chamber of your most holy Father and Lord in Christ, Pope Alexander, and the holy and sacred College of reverend Fathers and Lords in Christ of the Church of Rome, that is to say, the Cardinals etc. so many Florins of gold of the Chamber, of good and lawful weight, etc. with divers other clauses very straight, which they were to swear upon the Evangelist, and under pain of excommunication, etc. There flourished in these times the Cardinal Zabarella, a famous Lawyer, Zabarella de schismate circa annum 1406. who writ of schism: he feareth not to say, That the defenders of the Pope had so corrupted the Canon law with their Glosses, that there was nothing so unlawful, which they thought not lawful for them to do, in so much that they extolled him above God himself, making him more than God. From whence sprang infinite errors, the Pope challenging unto himself a right over all inferior Churches, and making small account of all inferior Prelates: in so much (saith he) that if God give not his helping hand to the present state of the Catholic Church, it is in danger of an utter overthrow. But at the next Council it shall be necessary to restrain this power, and to confine it to that which is lawful, since it is a power subject to that of the Church (as it appears in the fifteenth of the Acts) wherein, and not in him, doth the fullness of power reside, and in a general Council, which representeth the Church. In so much that the Church neither can, nor ever could transfer that power in such sort to any one, but that it ever remained wholly in herself, not in the Pope, whom she had ever power to depose. And therefore it is vain that they commonly boast of, That he that is judged by the Church cannot be judged by men, but by God alone. It is in the power of the Emperor (saith he) to call Counsels, which plainly appeareth by the example of Constantine, justinian, Charles, who did preside, and were chief judges over them, as it appears by the first universal Nicene Council, and others▪ where, when matters of faith were treated of, the lay people were likewise present. Neither is it lawful for the Pope to hinder the calling of Counsels, by the intermission whereof the Church incurreth great danger, whilst the Popes govern it after the manner of secular Princes, not Ecclesiastical Prelates. And that which is more, the Emperor, if he doubt thereof, may demand of the Pope a reason of his faith; and if he be accused of any manifest crime, proceed likewise against him by a course of law, and to depose him; he being the principal Advocate and defender of the Catholic Church. As touching the pretended fullness of power, he saith, That Saint Peter never had it, but that he was one of the chief Apostles and ministers, to whom, in as much as he bore the person of the Church, the keys were delivered. For as well at Antioch as at Rome he took upon him the administration of his part or portion, no otherwise than the rest did. And therefore the Pope commanding nothing but what is just and lawful, is to be obeyed: But whereas it is said that he is solutus legibus, not subject to laws, it is to be understood of his own laws, and not the law of God, whereunto he is bound as well as others. We must therefore beware least that honour be done unto him, whereby we may make him equal with God, nay in any sort to adore him, since S. Peter himself would never endure it, but utterly refused it, Acts 10. And whereas it is commonly said, That the Church cannot err, he saith, it can no way be understood of the Pope, or of the Church of Rome, but of the Church of Christ, and the congregation of the faithful. And that every particular member of the Church is bound to be careful for the preservation of the Catholic faith. And this he saith he hath presumed to write in this manifest danger of the Church, moved only with a zeal of God and his glory, and not any hope or expectation of reward. In like manner writ our Clemangis, Archdeacon of Bayeux, in his book Of the corrupt estate of the Church, which was produced in the Council of Constance: where he setteth down by what degrees the Church rose to her temporal height and her spiritual declination, at one and the same time; and by what subtleties the Pope got all to himself, and fatted himself by starving others. Afterwards coming to particular corruptions, Nicholaus Clemangis in lib. de corrupto Ecclesiae flatu. They bear more patiently (saith he) the loss of ten thousand souls, than of ten shillings; what say I more patiently, yea they bear the ruin and loss of souls without any motion of the mind: whereof there is with them not only no care, but no thought at all, whereas for their own private domestical losses they presently grow furious. He saith likewise a little after, The study of Divinity, and such as make profession thereof, are made a mock and jesting stock (which is most monstrous) to the Popes themselves, who prefer their own traditions far before the commandments of God. Now that worthy and excellent function of preaching, sometimes attributed to Pastors only, and proper unto them, is of that base account with them, that they think nothing more unworthy, or more unbefitting their dignity. The Monks are ravening Wolves in sheeps clothing, devils transformed into Angels of light, Scribes, pharisees, hypocrites, painted sepulchers; to whom he applies that prophesy of Paul against false Prophets in the last times, 2. Timoth. 3. and the like places. The Monasteries of men and women are so many brothel houses, their divinity merely scholastical, and that properly which S. Paul would decipher in these words, Jdem in Epist. de Theolog. study. They dote about questions and strife of words, etc. Their fruits are like those of the lake of Sodom, outwardly fair, but inwardly smoke and ashes. Ecclesiastical persons are simoniacal, no man hath Orders without argent, no man put back that brings money, be he never so wicked. To such an excess are they grown in lascivious wantonness, that their people, the better to defend their wives chastity, will have no Priests except they have concubines. The traditions of men, even the least, are more esteemed than the laws of God, which whosoever shall omit, or commit any thing against them, shall be grievously punished. The Legends of Saints are read in stead of Scriptures, and consequently the Saints brought into the place of God. But because all these corruptions, & divers other the like, are defended under the only name of the Church, he overthroweth this foundation. Idem in Tractatu contra Simoniacoes. Notwithstanding (saith he) the authority of the Church militant be great, because founded upon a firm rock, etc. yet we are not to attribute unto it the titles of the Church triumphant, That it cannot be deceived, That it cannot sin; for many times it deceiveth, Idem contra nova Sanctorum festa. and is deceived, I do not say in matters of faith, etc. but of fact, or manners, or judgement, etc. And writing to a scholar of Paris, touching certain ordinances of the Council of Constance, Truly (saith he) it seemeth not convenient to me to prove the Acts of the Council by the Council, Jdem ad Scolasticum Parisicus. etc. but if all the Acts of the Council be definitions of faith, when some produce many Decrees of the holy Fathers and Synods; on the contrary part, see what a thing it is (this schism still hanging, and in so great variety of things and opinions, and controversies of learned men) to ordain so many articles of faith, whereas it seemeth unto me to be not only convenient but necessary, that those other constitutions or determinations which they affirm to be alleged by others in the contrary part, should be interpreted in behalf of the truth and of faith, and proved not to be contrary to these, lest otherwise the Church might seem to err in matter of faith, determining the contrary. And whereas you say, That the Decrees of the Fathers are not wont to depend upon reason. Truly, with your good leave be it spoken, if the question be of faith, or matter in controversy, it is their manner to rest themselves upon reasons especially drawn out of the Scriptures, or the definitions of the holy Fathers, from whose footsteps they depart not without great reason, etc. And as for that place of Saint Augustine, which you allege, etc. I should not believe the Gospel if the authority of the Church did not compel me. Truly it seems strange at the first view, that he should seem to prefer the authority of the Church traveling upon the earth, before the authority of the Gospel, since in many things that may be deceived, this never; and that the authority of the Church, as touching the root and foundation thereof, consists principally of the Gospel: neither can the institution, power, edification thereof, be drawn from any other, so expressly and certainly, as from the Gospel; especially since Paul himself saith thereof, If an Angel from heaven preach unto you otherwise, let him be accursed: otherwise, that is, a contrary Gospel. He therefore answereth, That S. Augustine never thought any such thing, but was to deal with the Manichees, who had their Scriptures proper to themselves, and received not ours. As if he should say, It is not out of mine own particular judgement, that I receive the Gospel for Canonical Scripture, but the authority of the Church which hath acknowledged it to be such: That is to say, of the Primitive and Apostolic Church, which hath appointed the Canon of the Scriptures, some of those being yet living that writ them, Apostles, Evangelists, Disciples of the Apostles, who could give testimony to the truth of these Scriptures, that this or that man was the Author of this or that book, being directed by the spirit of God; which being inspired from above, aught to be the rule of our faith and Church. To be brief (saith he) thou art not ignorant, that both Christ our Lawmaker, and his Apostles preaching the law and faith unto us, alleged many times their proofs out of the old Testament, and the sayings of the Fathers and Prophets, to confirm their own: than which we can propose unto ourselves no example more certain for our imitation, since his actions are a most infallible instruction of our manners and actions, etc. And therefore it is not their parts who hold the Council, by a certain bolnesse and liberty to do what pleaseth them; to think with themselves, We are the general Council, let us carry ourselves boldly, we cannot err. They that were at the Council of Pisa defined, and caused it to be published, That they, by a new election, at the instance of certain ambitious men, had taken away the schism, and restored the peace of the Church. And yet who is so blind in the Church, that by experience of things apparently seethe not how much this opinion deceived both themselves & the whole Church? For (saith he) of what kind of men for the most part do Counsels consist? doubtless of Lawyers (Canonists) rather than Divines, of temporal persons, whose care is of the things of this world, not spiritual. How then canst thou hope for a reformation of the Church from them? If then (saith he) they assemble themselves for the recovery of the temporal peace of the Church, there is no necessity that we should presently believe that they are come together in the name of Christ: First, because they know not whether it be expedient for the health of the Church, and that Christ hath determined by this means to heal this division. For what else are temporal afflictions wherewith the Church is oppressed, but bitter potions and medicines, whereby temporal avarice, pride, and wantonness, is beaten down? And who will say, that they are assembled in the name of Christ, who with this mind seek the unity of the Church? who nevertheless are so many that they can hardly be numbered. These carcall sons of the Church do not only not care for spiritual things, nor have any feeling of them, but persecute those that are according to the spirit, as since the time of just Abel, whom carnal Kaine murdered, it hath ever been, and will be to the world's end. These are they who for temporal commodities fly to the Church, and living like secular men, covet and scrape, and rob, desiring to bear rule, but not to serve, glorying in their superiority, oppressing their inferiors, rejoicing in their own pride and luxury. They account gain godliness, and are always ready to do and endure whatsoever for the increase of their temporalties, howsoever they are gotten; scorning and laughing at those that are willing to live justly, holily, chastened, innocently, spiritually. To be brief, they think none other learned men to be profitable to the Church, but such as have learned profitable sciences: With such the Church at this day is full, that almost in every Chapter and College none other can hardly be found. Since therefore no other are accounted in these days wise in the Church, but these temporal persons, and all things are swayed according to their disposition, if any are to be sent either to the Court of Rome, or of any other secular Princes, or to the Council, in hope of greater preferment, after which they gape by favours and intercessions, with great importunity they labour to be sent. For what do these temporal men but seek for temporal things, think of temporal gain? Can we think that such will endeavour the reformation of the Church in manners and discipline, and honesty of life, who think that reformation their greatest calamity, and desire nothing so much as that it may be lawful for them to do whatsoever pleaseth them freely, without fear of punishment, etc. And here he describe them at large. But what concludes he hereupon? Truly since the Prophet saith, Upon whom shall my spirit rest but upon the humble, and him that trembleth at my words, we must not look that these Counsels should be ruled by the spirit of God, where the Decrees depend upon voices, where for the most part carnal, ambitious, contentious persons, puffed up with vain knowledge, where subjects ill prepared to receive the spirit of God, where the works of the flesh, contentions, emulations, clamours, bear sway: since it is said quite contrary, The eyes of the Lord are upon the righteous: Yea since our ancient Fathers when they went about to celebrat a Council, to the end they might the better obtain the assistance of God's spirit therein, prepared themselves, with prayer, fasting, tears, contrition of heart, humility of spirit, searching and enquiring into the very inward parts of their selves, lest they should offend any way therein, that might avert his presence and whereby he should not speak more in them than they themselves. If (saith he) they had by experience found, that they could not be deceived in those matters for which they were assembled, what need was there of such diligence? etc. Since therefore the whole congregation assembled doth many times depend upon the voice and opinion of one man, why, as that one man may be deceived in his judgement, may not likewise the whole multitude; especially if out of human presumption, or any other grievous crime, it deserve to be deceived? Is it not only proper unto God to do all things rightly, and never to be deceived? But thou repliest (saith he) That in that the Council cannot err, it proceedeth not from human infirmity, but the power of the holy Ghost. Do thou tell me again, how thou knowest that the holy Ghost will always give his asststance to the greatest part, etc. especially since the greatest part is commonly the worse, etc. In the Council of Achab the holy Prophet of the Lord, Micha, was present, who without fear spoke that which the spirit of God suggested unto him, but yet could persuade nothing with the king, and the rest of the false Prophets, who spoke out of their own spirit and understanding, etc. Read in the prophesy of jeremiah what the Lord spoke of his Temple, against those who falsely persuaded themselves that God would never forsake it for their iniquities. Trust not in lying words, saying, It is the Temple of the Lord, etc. Therefore this house is made a den of thieves, whereupon my name is called before your eyes, Behold what I did to Shilo for the wickedness of my people: Now therefore because ye have done all these works, and have not heard me, I will do unto this house wherein ye trust, as I have done unto Shilo, and I will cast you out of my sight, etc. Now what is the Temple of the Lord, but the Church of God? For notwithstanding these things were spoken to the jews, and written for them, yet according to the Apostolical tradition, in a figure they are spoken to Christians. But perhaps thou wilt yet say, That promises of God can never fail, where he hath bound himself to be with his Church to the end of the world. I confess indeed, that God can never fail of his promise; but where and with whom he is, by grace in his Church, it is not for us, but for him to know. God knoweth (saith the Apostle) who are his, but we, how should we know it? The Church by grace may remain in one simple woman, as it is said to be in the Virgin only at the time of the Passion. Hath a Council of Bishops in these times a greater authority and prerogative than the congregation of the Apostles, who all declined and went astray? Nay hath it a greater prerogative than the whole militant Church, which S. Augustine saith cannot accomplish that which the Apostle saith, Offer itself a glorious Church, without spot or wrinkle, but only in the celestial jerusalem, where that shall be true that is written, They are without spot before the throne of God. What other cause can we think there was, why those four Counsels, the Nicene, Constantinopolitan, first Ephesine, and that of Chalcedon▪ are accounted more holy, and had a greater veneration than the rest, but because they were assemblies of holy men, and such as came thither were so accounted, and therefore in them, and by them God manifested his holy will, etc. Such the spirit of God assembleth, such he assisteth, and is in the midst of them. At the last, to show that such events must not be looked for, from contrary persons, he reciteth the history related by us in the former Progression, of the Owl, that in the Council at Rome, celebrated by john the four and twentieth, appeared after the invocation of the holy Ghost. Thus did Clemangis write to this Scholeman, who was present at the Council of Constance. To conclude, in his Epistles he calls the Church of Rome a house of thieves, no otherwise to be purged than with a whip, as the Temple once was: for what doth he differ from a thief, who being entered by the breaches and ruins, to steal, brings others in by the same way? meaning the Pope. Truly the Church at this day is made a shop of ambition, traffic, theft. The Sacraments, Orders, yea the Church itself, the Mass, the body of Christ, and all are set to sale, etc. Nichol. Clemangis ad Gersonem. It is become a public fair, a brothel house, worse than the Synagogue, yea Babylon itself. For what dost thou think (saith he) of that prophesy of the Revelation of S. john? Dost thou not think that in some sort it belongs to thee? Thou art not grown so shameless as to deny it: Jdem de ruina & reparatione Ecclesiae. Consider therefore of it, and read the damnation of the great strumpet sitting upon many waters; there contemplate thy worthy Acts, etc. And a little after, It is now long since, that this thine arrogancy, not able to endure itself, began to fall, though slowly and by little and little, and therefore thy ruin not to be perceived of any; (that is to wit, as the light of the Gospel began to shine) but now thou fallest down headlong like a river down a hill. Much more, like unto this, may you read in this Author, which let it suffice that I have briefly collected. But yet I cannot omit an Epistle or declamation that he writ to that purpose to Gerard Market, a Doctor of Paris, the Argument whereof is this, We are not only to departed from Babylon with our affections, but with our bodily feet. Which argument, for as much as he handles it excellently, according to that precept of our Lord in the Revelation, Go out of Babylon my people, etc. Let it not be troublesome to the Reader if I insert it wholly, and so much the rather, because our adversaries could be content it were buried in their libraries. That we are to fly out of Babylon, according to the admonition given in both Testaments, thou confessest; but thou wilt not have that flight to be understood corporally, changing the place, but spiritually, not imitating the corrupt manners of the wicked. Truly this is not amiss, but it sufficeth not for a full resolution of this question. We see the Patriarch Abraham was commanded to departed out of his own country, and from his kindred and father's house, not only in affection, but effect too; yea his bodily departure is first commanded, and then he is enjoined to withdraw his very mind and thoughts from it too. Lot, after he received a command to go out of Sodom, because he was backward and slow in doing it, he was taken by the Angels and drawn forth with a kind of violence. The people of Israel were not commanded to go out of Egypt, because it was not in their liberty to do it, because of their grievous oppression; but by the commandment of God given to Moses, and by the ministery of Moses obeying God, they were led forth with a strong hand, not only by a departure of affections, but by a March on foot too. Now by the circumstance of these places, it is easy to note for what causes this was done. Abraham was commanded to go forth of Chaldea, wherein he was borne, because the inhabitants of the country were Idolaters: Lot was constrained to go out of Sodom, because they were wicked men, and that he might escape that destruction that hung over their heads for their sins: The Hebrews were led out of Egypt by Moses and Aaron, not only because of that intolerable servitude they endured in their bodies, but much more for the salvation of their souls, because the Egyptians were given to vain superstitions, and it was not there lawful for the Israelites to sacrifice unto the Lord. And therefore in these words of our Lord, so often repeated by Moses to Pharaoh by his commandment, this cause is openly expressed, Let my people go, that they may sacrifice unto me. I do not think therefore thou wilt deny, except thou wilt openly contradict the Scriptures, that we must departed out of Babylon not only with our lives and conversations, but with our feet too; since that there, with sound manners, with integrity of conscience, with the observation of the commandments of God, it is not lawful to live; and lest we being altogether unable to resist the corrupt and wicked manners of the Babylonians, violently carrying all things headlong with them, they put upon us their manners. The nature of man by it own corruption is prone unto evil, and good men are more easily drawn into error by the wicked, than the manners of the wicked mended by the good. Vice, be it never so pernicious and dangerous, by little and little grows into custom, and whilst it stealingly creeps into us, it grows and increaseth. Errors when they are made public change their names, and take upon them the laudable titles of virtue and wisdom. For to omit those grievous sins which a man may not lawfully name, (but yet is lawful for God to punish with his vengeance) behold rapine and robbery by a public impunity, are not accounted vices, which until now were wont to be punished with death. Now who is he that can live there in health, sound and free, where not only things unjust are permitted, but where a man is constrained by all sorts of punishment, the most cruel that may be, to believe, to say, to follow, to embrace as just and laudable, that which is most unjust, most wicked? Who can be sober, who would not abhor to live where all are mad? Who can be so confident upon his own strength, that he should hope in the midst of the fire not to burn, or in the midst of a shipwreck not to be drowned? But perhaps thou wilt say, That the furnace of Babylon burns only the king's ministers, not the children of God. Let that man boldly apply that history to himself, that is like to those holy children, that may with reason expect that God should bridle the force of a fire so furious and consuming, to preserve him. The furnace of Babylon burned only the ministers that kindled it. Consider diligently whether they are of the number of these ministers, that put fire to the furnace, that are constrained to consent, to follow, to approve the things that belong to the kindling thereof, and that dare not resist it when they would, which whosoever do, to use the words of the Apostle, are worthy of death, not only they that do them, but they that consent to those that do them. God was afeard of faithful Abraham lest he should be burnt in Vr, a city of the Chaldees; for then as thou seest▪ the fire was already kindled. He was afeard of holy Lot, lest he should be corrupted with the company of the wicked, and so should be partaker of their destruction: And yet we in the midst of the furnace of Babylon, burning above wonted measure, secure ourselves from all danger, and flatter ourselves with the delivery of the three children; as if the case were all one with us, that as the flame of the burning furnace was extinguished with the dew of heaven that it could not offend them, so no flame of evil concupiscence, no spark of wickedness, no heat of public error, no fury of violence, no fire of licentiousness and evil custom, in the midst of the conflagration of all wickedness, can touch us. Turn over the whole Canonical History, and thou shalt not find that God hath ever poured down his vengeance upon any babylonical Congregation of wicked men, but that first consulting with the righteous, if any were amongst them, he separated them from the wicked, not only in their own hearty desires, but the place too, least being covered with the wicked, as it were under the same roof, they should perish in the same destruction. When all flesh by sin being corrupted, the whole world was to perish by an inundation of waters, God first commanded Noah to build the Ark, and so to separate himself with some small number of those that belonged unto him, from those sinners that were to perish in the flood, that they might be saved. Lot as I said before being led by the ministration of Angels out of Sodom, which was to be consumed with fire from heaven, before that tempest of fire should fall, for fear lest he should perish with the wicked, they said unto him, Make haste to save thyself in the mountain, for I can do nothing until thou come there. The people of Israel were delivered from the tyranny of the Egyptians, and had passed the Sea on dry foot, before the Egyptians were overwhelmed in the red Sea. Before Dathan and Abiron and the rest of their confederates were swallowed up in the bottomless gulf, the earth opening under them, Moses said to the rest of the people that were innocent of that conspiracy, Depart from the Tabernacles of these wicked men, and touch nothing that belongs unto them, lest you be entangled in their sins. When Saul by the commandment of the Lord was to destroy Amaleck, and the Kenites, friends to that people, were remaining amongst the Amalekites, Saul said unto them, Go, depart and get you down from among the Amalekites, lest I destroy you with them, for ye showed mercy to all the children of Israel when they came up from Egypt. To conclude, old Tobias dying in the sinful city of Niniveh, having called unto him young Tobias his son, and his children, said unto them, The destruction of Niniveh is at hand, for the word of the Lord shall surely come to posse; Hear me therefore my sons and stay not here, but so soon as you have buried your mother by me, prepare yourselves to be gone from this place, for I see that the wickedness of this City will hasten her end. Do not therefore so restrain those things, that in the book of God are either done or commanded to be done to a mystical understanding, that they be altogether vain and unprofitable as touching the imitation of the History. That flight wherewith the Prophet jeremy, and the Evangelist S. john exhort to go out of Babylon, thou sayest is not to be understood of the feet, but of the affections. I confess with thee that we may so understand it without absurdity; but how dost thou prove that it may not be understood of a local departure? Thou wilt say perhaps, because there is no place where Babylon is not, There is no City that is not drunken with the cup of Babylon. Tell me I pray you, have you traveled through all places, have you seen all Cities, that you can give so absolute a sentence of every corner? Take heed how by one certain place known to yourself, you measure others which you have not seen. If the cry of any place, or of the sins thereof shall ascend to the ears of God, and call for vengeance, for which cause God shall afflict that Province or City, dost thou therefore think that he will pour down the like vengeance upon other Provinces and Cities? Dost thou not think that there remains among the rest, some little Zoar, wherein a Lot flying the fury of the fire may be saved? They whom God hath purposed to save in any grievous affliction, are commanded sometimes to fly to their enemy's countries, as in the 16 of the prophesy of Esaiah, he saith to Moab, Let my banished dwell with thee Moab, be thou their covert from the face of the destroyer. To be brief, our Saviour himself did fly from the face of cruel Herod, thirsting for his blood, into Egypt an ancient enemy to his people, there in a safe corner attending the death of that cruel persecutor; he confirming by his own example, what he was afterward to give in command to his Disciples. If they shall persecute you in one city, fly into another. And least, seeking occasion not to fly, they should answer, That there were no cities to which they could retire themselves: See how he taketh away this excuse, Verily I say unto you, that you shall not go to all the cities of Israel until the son of man come: plainly insinuating thereby, that there should be always cities, dedicated to the honour of his name, unto which in times of persecution they might fly, until he should come at the last judgement. Now what persecution is more to be avoided than that which constrains men to do that which is wicked, execrable, and contrary to the law of God, to good manners, to the instructions of our holy Fathers? And again, the commandment of our Saviour, as it not to be applied hereunto? whereby he imposeth upon all Preachers, that if they shall come to preach in any city, that will not receive their message, they should presently departed from thence, shaking the dust off their feet, that they might departed from thence pure and free from all pollution, no way defiled with the company and conversation of the wicked. Now he that commands this of such a place, what dost thou think he would have said of that, wherein not only sound doctrine is not received, but where such are cruelly persecuted as contradict their wills, yea rather their madness? What wilt thou do there, where if thou propose any thing that is good, no man will obey it? And if any man commit any wickedness, thou shalt be constrained to imitate it; where if thou give a sound judgement of any thing, they will say thou art besides thyself; if thou be furious and mad, they will think thee wise; and if thou withstand the violence of their perverseness, thou shalt get unto thyself without any other fruit, an implacable hatred, with the danger of thy life. What is it to be made drunken with the cup of Babylon, but by a long conversation there, to be so infected with the contagion of Babylon, as following the wandering multitude, to embrace falsehood for truth, vice for virtue, folly for wisdom, like mad men; and to choose rather to be a fool with the enraged multitude, than to be wise alone with mockery and danger? For whereas thou sayest, That that man flieth from Babylon, according to the exhortation of the Prophet, who living in the midst of a wicked and perverse Nation, differeth nevertheless from them in his life and conversation: Know that this flight sufficeth, so long as the force of the fury compelleth not a man to wickedness, and so long as God's mercy tolerateth the sins of the place, not yet grown to their full height of corruption. But where their state is desperate, and past hope of amendment, they admit no counsel, no remedy, no wholesome help whatsoever, but refusing to be cured, they rage like mad men, and from all parts they send up a continual cry unto God for the destruction of that place: whosoever therefore he be that abideth long time in that place, and feareth not that vengeance of God that hangeth over that place, how different soever he be in manners, he is mad. Neither is it lawful for him that differeth in manners to live there, where the plague of corruption is grown to that strength, that all are infected with the contagion thereof, especially the cure being remediless. Is he different in manners, that having drunk of the cup of Babylon, been corrupted with her poison, polluted with her sins, carried with her rage, is constrained to appprove with commendation, consent, imitation, those things that are done by wicked men, not daring to open his mouth to the contrary, or to oppose himself with any freedom of conscience? Thou askest whither thou canst go where thou shalt not find a confused Babylon, and thou seest no quiet resting place, or contented abode for a peaceable mind: as if Babylon were not in thy mind too. For what mind canst thou ever make me instance of, so peaceable settled and contented, in which, I will not say sometimes, or often, but every day and hour, there is not some jar, some conflict, wherein the tempestuous storms of perturbations do not arise, which the blustering winds of pride do toss, the murmuring noise of divers passions doth not disquiet, and wherein there are not many times horrible and furious tempests; in so much that it is needful for us daily to cry out, Lord save us, we perish. Thence it was that one speaking of a mind meditating heavenly things, and not earthly (which therefore he called heaven said, and not ineligantly, though in metre: Confusa sunt hic omnia Spes, metus, moeror, gaudium, Vix hora vel dimidia Fit in coelo silentium. All things are confused here, Sorrow, joy, hope, and fear, Scarce for a moment of time Peace in heaven can we find. If thou seek here an assured settled rest in all respects, thou seekest a knot in a rush, Gerson. in Tractat. de potestate Ecclesiastica consid. 10. & 11 as one said, and thou shalt never find it, either within or without thee. All things are full of war, confusion, danger, every thing compassed with snares and subtleties, neither canst thou retire thee within thyself but they follow thee. In Tractat. de Anseribilitate Papae consid. 4.9.10▪ 12.14.15.16.18. Jtem in propositione facta coram Anglicis euntibus ad Concil. consid. 4. Jtem in Tractatu an liceat in causis fidei appellare Papae Item in Tractatu de examine doctrinarum. But yet notwithstanding though there be something of Babylon every where, yet that Babylon is not every where that is the mother of the fornications and abominations of the earth; whose judgement, as john saith, is ascended up to the heavens, which hath made drunken all the nations with the wine of her whoredom, and constraineth all her inhabitants to commit fornication, to blaspheme, to eat things sacrificed to Idols, to worship the dragon: With which impieties whosoever is polluted, how can he find peace within himself, except he hate the fornications of that whore, forsake, condemn, detest them: to which whosoever shall adhere, is made one body with her, because so long as he converseth with her, he cannot be freed from her manners, being by force and fury drawn unto them. But if thou fly the habitation of cities, and the course of people, as being infected with a Babylonish contagion, there are secret places severed from cities, fit for the service of God, religions, approved, devout Monasteries savouring rather of jerusalem than Babylon. To be brief, Item in propos. utilib. ad extirp. schismat. if thou fear all human company, there are solitary places wherein thou mayest dwell with thyself, and retire thyself to thine own heart, live to thyself, have only God to be a witness and companion of thy life, Item in regul. moral. where at the last thou mayest more easily and more happily find that peace of thy mind which thou professest is so much to thy desire. In the same style writ master john Gerson the Chancellor of the University, who was likewise present at that Council: Item de loco Pauli ad Thessaly. in Tractatu de signu ruinae Ecclesiae. for I leave to speak of his invectives in many places, Against human traditions, because we have spoken thereof elsewhere; and likewise against the corruption of Ecclesiastical discipline, and the simonies of the Court of Rome, in selling graces and dignities, which they call spiritual, because all these are covered under a pretext of the infallibility either of the Church or of the Pope. Gerson. de vita spirituali aiae. Lect. 2. Corol. 7. to. 3. num. 61. But this in divers his treatises he closely, yet elegantly, teacheth, That the Pope can err and abuse that power committed unto him, to the ruin of the Church: That he can prostitute and oppress it, fall into schism, heresy, idolatry, in which case he may be corrected by the meanest Layman that professeth the Gospel: That he may be reproved, repressed, deposed, by a Council representing the Church; Item in Tractatu an liceat in causis fidei à summo Pontific. appellare propos. 3 tom. 1. num. 14. sub finem. since the Church (saith he) can subsist without the Pope, without his ministerial head, and yet be governed well enough by Christ the Spouse of the Church: For it is not said (saith he) When you are assembled in the name of Peter, or of the Pope, but, In my name, etc. And this doctrine hath displeased many, but the councils of Constance and Basil have freed the Church from this pernicious heresy which placeth the Pope above the Church. So far he proceedeth, by reason of those inconveniences he found thereby, that he allegeth some cases wherein it is lawful to make an assault upon his own person. But because he handleth these propositions in whole Treatises, we will content ourselves with the quotations in the margin. Touching the question, Whether the Pope be above the Council and the Church, he peremptorily saith, Gerson. de examine doctrinar. That it is as much as if one should ask, Whether the part be greater than the whole: That the Pope is subject to the Church: That the keys are properly given to the Church, and not to Saint Peter, much less to the Pope. The Church in the mean time subject and bound to the holy Scriptures. Gerson. de examine doctrinar. consid. 5. tom. 1. Neither is it (saith he) in the power of the Pope or Council to change traditions given by the Evangelists and Paul, as some do dote: Yea we are to give more credit in a case of doctrine to the assertion of a simple man, learned in the Scriptures, than the declaration of the Pope: For it is manifest, that we are rather to believe the Gospel than the Pope: In so much that any such learned man being present at the Council, aught to oppose himself against him, if he shall perceive the greater part against the Gospel, either by malice or ignorance, to decline from the truth. And touceing that place of Augustine, I would not believe the Gospel but that the authority of the Church moveth me thereunto: He meaneth (saith he) the Primitive congregation of the faithful, who had seen and heard Christ, and were witnesses unto him. Neither is it in the power of Pope or Bishop, of a proposition not heretical or not Catholic, to make it heretical, or Catholic. All which Theses destroy the tyranny of the Pope and the Church of Rome, with those inventions likewise, and usurpations, which under the cloak of his pretended authority they brought into the Church. Let the Reader here note, Vide Tractatum de Ecclesia. That this was then the doctrine of the University of Paris, yea the Sorbonists themselves. We have elsewhere quoted many places, by which it may appear how much they despaired of the reformation of the Church, by reason of the malignity of the Popes and Prelates. Touching Indulgences, he saith, johan. Gerson. in Tractat. de Indulgentijs. Christ is the only Pope that can grant those Indulgences for a thousand thousand days and years, etc. Again, Perhaps such enormous grants have been invented by wicked men, who seek their own gain. And again, The grant of Indulgences will hardly be taken away, etc. since it is most certain, that Purgatory ends with the world, Idem de absolutione sacramentali. & consequently the days of their punishments. Again, Those institutions of Indulgences for twenty thousand years, and the like, to him that shall say five Pater nosters before such an Image, etc. are sottish and supersitious, and contrary to the truth, etc. At these fooleries all men in those days began to bend their brows. But in this sermon entitled, Of the ruins of the Church, he manifestly proveth the fearful judgement of God to be then at hand. The signs which he setteth down are these, First, 2. Thessalonians 2. The dissipation of the Roman Empire; betwixt which and the persecutions of Antichrist (following therein S. Hierome) he setteth down no distance of time: And now (saith he) the state of the universal Church is so doubtful, that it knoweth not on which side the See of Rome is, except perhaps God should reveal it to some one, or the judgement of Solomon, touching the dividing of the infant into two parts, give us to understand who is the true mother. Secondly Impudency, wherein, as touching manners, it is worse than the Synagogue, when the ruin thereof approached; for that permitted Pigeons to be sold in the Temple, and this sells Spiritual charges for money; that honoured God but with the lips only, this dishonours God both in word and deed, taking no care at all to cover her own shame. Thirdly Inequality, or rather Iniquity, the like whereof was never amongst the ministers of the Church, the unworthy being exalted, the worthy trod under foot, some set above Princes, others more contemptible than the basest of the people: And from hence arise schisms in the Church. Fourthly, The pride of the Prelates, which purchaseth rather hatred than reverence: And from hence arise schisms in the Church. Fiftly, The tyranny of those that bear rule, who feed not the flock, but themselves, they devour the flesh, and pluck off the skin. Sixtly, The troubles of Princes, and commotion of the people, which we have experience of in so many kingdoms and Provinces. Seventhly, The refusal of correction in the Principal of the Clergy, who detest those that reprehend them, hold the Scriptures for a fable, and those that meditate thereupon for fantastical persons. Eightly, Novelty of opinions, from whence arise heresies, schisms are defended, and being defended take root, etc. And this he applies to those that accommodat the Scriptures to their own affections, make them speak according to that love or hatred, hope of advancement, or revenge, wherewith they are carried: And some of them, upon every light occasion, call them heretics whom they never knew to be tainted with heresy. All which signs he rehearseth, Gerson. de signis ruinae Ecclesiae. and compareth them with others of former times, which being confirmed by the examples of his age, and the threats of the ancient Prophets, he apply to the present state of the Church. Of the same opinion were divers others, in divers parts of the world. In Germany Theodoricus Urias, an Augustine, in his work of the consolation of the Church, especially in his third book, Theodor. Urias in consolation Ecclesiae. lib. 3. Idem apud Paulum Langium in Chron. Citizensi. where inveighing against the wickedness thereof, the whoredom, simony, ambition, contempt of the word of God, neglect of the salvation of mankind, he pronounceth the Pope to be the forerunner of Antichrist. Yea we have his verses recited by Paulus Langius in his Chronicle, not unworthy the reading, in number eighteen, whereof these are the first: Papa stupor mundi cecidit secumque ruêre Coelica templa Dei, membra simulque caput, etc. The Pope, the world's astonishment, is dead, With him are fallen God's house, members and head, etc. Wherein he describeth how the Pope hath drawn the whole Church with himself into ruin, supplying the place of Simon Magus, not Simon Peter: That the Churches under his government were fairs of treachery, wherein the Sacraments and all holy things were put to open sale: That the Church of Rome grew every day worse & worse, of a golden Church was become a silver, of a silver an iron, of an iron an earthly & dirty Church; in so much that nothing now remained, but that it would likewise turn into a stinking dunghill. And yet such a Church it was at that time, when nevertheless it made a beautiful & a glorious show. There was likewise another, Theodor. Minorita in prophetia una cum pluribus alijs rithmicis impressa. one Theodoricus a Minorite, Bishop of Croatia, who foretold in a certain prophesy written in verse, That this See polluted with so much corruption, should shortly come to nought, and the Pope be utterly overthrown, even by those that had extolled him: and that contrarily the Church, and in her true piety, should recover her pristinat beauty more than before. Petrus Dresdensis likewise, and jacobus Misnensis, the Disciples of the ancient Waldenses, were for this cause banished their country, Theodor. à Nyem. de schismate l. 3. who repaired to john H●s, who, as Aeneas silvius saith, gave him great light in many principal points. In Italy itself Nicholas Lucensis, a Carmelite, and Doctor of Divinity, was not afraid, out of the pulpit at Lucca, in the presence of Gregory the twelfth, to preach against his and the Papal tyranny: whereupon he was cast into prison, and hardly got out again, notwithstanding that favour and help he had from the governor; and from thence forward he was put to silence. Besides infinite numbers of all estates and conditions, whom every where with exquisite torments they put to death in France, England, and elsewhere: some shut up in barrels, some hanged on gibbets, some burnt, whose memory remains in the books of their adversaries themselves, Thom. walden's. in Fasciculo Zizoniorum. Baptista Panaetius in Chron. & in sermon. Thom. Walsing. in Chron. Thom. Walsing. an. 1413. in Henr. 5. Waldensis, Baptista Panetius, Walsingham, and others: Amongst whom we must not forget john Oldcastle, a nobleman of England, heir by right of his wife to the Lord Cobham, A man (saith Walsingham) Regi propter probitatem charus & acceptus, in great favour with king Henry the fift for his honesty, and likewise renowned for his valour and great knowledge in feats of arms; who in the year 1413 is in the history called the Protector and defender of the Lollards (for that name or title was given to all those who protested against the corruptions of the Church) who sent into the Dioceses of London, Rochester, Hereford, some to publish the truth of the Gospel, without the leave and licence of the Ordinaries, who were especially in their sermons to confute the doctrine of Transubstantiation, the Sacrament of Penitence, Perigrinations, the worshipping of Images, the Keys usurped by the Church of Rome. For these special heads the Author reciteth. He therefore reporteth, That Oldcastle being by the authority of the king committed to the Tower of London, and being brought before the Archbishop of Canturburie, he took out of his bosom a copy of the confession of his Faith, and delivered it unto him to read; which the Archbishop having read, said, That it contained in it much good and Catholic matter, but yet he must satisfy him touching other points, that is to say, the abovenamed, but especially that that concerned the power of the Pope and Cardinals, and the Roman Hierarchy: which Oldcastle refused not to do, but ingeniously professed withal, That the Pope was true Antichrist, that is, his head; the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates, his members; the Friars, his tail. And as touching the other points, Idem in Ypodigmate Neustriae an. 1413. They are ordinances (saith he) of the Church of Rome, made against the Scriptures, after that it grew rich, and the poison had dispersed itself therein, and not before. The place itself is worthy the reading, that we may acknowledge the agreement of their doctrine with ours, against which no man can cavil. Wherefore the Archbishop pronounced Oldcastle an heretic, and excommunicated him, requiring the secular power for the putting of him to death: But the king proceeding slowly and unwillingly in this business, he escaped out of prison; to whom there gathered a great multitude, to have freed him from that danger, who were almost all put to the sword, and such amongst them as were taken prisoners, as well Clergy as Lay, under a pretence of heresy, were put to death; whose constancy appears in these words, That the greatest part of them, nec quidem poenitere curabant, took no care to repent. If we may credit Walsingham, there were not then less than an hundred thousand, who made public profession of this doctrine. Another Annalist in few words saith, johannes Capgravius l. 2 de Nobilibus Henricis. That Oldcastle was not afraid in the Parliament to say, That England would never be at peace until the Pope's power were banished beyond the seas. And learned and eloquent as he was, he caused many books to be scattered in the streets, against the invocation of Saints, auricular confession, the single life of Priests, Transubstantiation, and other abuses of the Church of Rome; for which cause being led prisoner to London, at the last he was burnt. But there comes now upon the stage, even with open faces, john Hus, and Hierome of prague, men, by the testimonies of their adversaries themselves, renowned for their learning and godly conversation; who being called to public charge in the Church, did publicly preach against the abuses of the Church of Rome, even those that we in these days detest and abjure, namely, against the tyranny of the Pope, whom, as their own judges do testify, they called Antichrist. Aeneas silvius in historia Bohemia c. 35. Aeneas silvius himself, who was afterwards Pope Pius the second, saith, With the sound of their voice, the spirit of God assisting, the word of God thundering in them, the people were awakened out of their dead sleep, ran by flocks to this great light, enuiting likewise their neighbours from divers parts. And whereas about that very time Pope john the four and twentieth had granted a full remission of sins to all that would bear arms in defence of the Church of Rome, against Ladislans king of Naples; Certain mecanicall persons (saith Pius the second) hearing this, published with a loud voice, Pope john to be Antichrist, bearing the cross against Christians. These good Fathers in the mean time assembled at the Council of Constance, for the reformation, as they said, of the Church, as well in the head as in the members, who should have been stirred up thereunto by the sound of these Heralds, under a pretence of fidelity, as much as in them lay suppressed and oppressed them. Being therefore called to the Council, under the trust of a safeconduct granted by the Emperor Sigismond, who had called that Council, there to give a reason of their doctrine, they willingly came: but presently they were cast into prison, declared heretics, and in the end burned alive, john Hus first, and Hierome about a year after: Cap. 35. These Father's leaving this Decree for an example and law to all posterity, Haereticis non seruandam fidem, That we are not to keep faith to Heretics. For such they accounted all those, as we have seen, that withstood their opinions, even in matters merely civil: and that not without an apparent purpose to cut off all hope of a reformation of the Church by a free and lawful Council. silvius telleth us, That they were admonished not to think themselves more wise than the Church; and that it would be easy for them to obtain an honourable place in the Church, if they would renounce their opinions. In which means of converting, we may easily note the style of that ancient Doctor tempting our Saviour in the desert. Cap. 36. But they answer (saith Pius) That they teach the truth, being the disciples of Christ, directing themselves according to his Gospel: That the Church of Rome, with other Churches in the world, were departed from the traditions of the Apostles: That they all sought after riches and pleasure, and dominion over the people; consumed in wickedness and luxury the goods destinated to the poor people of Christ: That they either knew not the commandments of God, or if they knew them, made little account of them. These are Pius the second his own words, in which who acknowledgeth not the voice of truth? He addeth immediately, The principal men of this great Synod perceiving the obstinacy and immovable courage of these miserable men, gave sentence, That putrefied members of the Church, which could not be healed, were to be cut off, lest they should infect the whole body (putrefied members, because they accuse their putrefaction.) In the assembly therefore it was concluded, That such were to be burned that rejected the doctrine of the Church. So that they who held that it belonged not to Ecclesiastical persons to sentence any man to death, by the testimony of Pius himself, were their judges in this case. Touching the sentence pronounced against Hus, he expressly saith, That he appealed from them to Christ jesus the sovereign judge; which was not the least part of their crime. But as touching their death, Both of them (saith Pius) suffered death with a constant mind, and went joyfully to the fire, as if they had been invited to a feast; neither of them yielding any one word that might discover any show of heaviness, or a discontented mind. When they began to burn, they began to sing a hymn, which hardly the flame and noise of the fire could let to be heard. Never have we read of any of the Philosophers that suffered death with better resolution, and greater courage, than these endured the fire. Poggius a Florentine, an honourable writer of our age, writes an eloquent Epistle of the death of Hierome, to Nicholas Nicholai, though he seem, according to his manner, to inveigh a little against the manners of the Clergy. This Poggius whom he here allegeth, who was Secretary to the Council, Poggius Concilij Constantiens. Secretary. in Epist. ad Leonard Aretinum. writ an Epistle to Leonard Aretine, which for as much as it is worthy the reading, I have here thought good to set down at large. Sojourning for many days at the Baths (saith he) I writ from thence a letter to our friend Nicholas, which I think you have read: Afterwards, some few days after my return to Constance, the cause of Hierome, whom they term an heretic, was heard, and that publicly; which I have thought good to relate unto you, both for the weightiness of the matter, and especially for the eloquence and learning of the man. I confess I have never seen any man, that in pleading a cause, especially that concerned his life, who hath come nearer to those ancient Orators we have so much admired. It is a wonderful thing to see with what words, what eloquence, what arguments, what carriage, what countenance, what confidence, he answered his adversaries; and at the last concluded his plea in such sort, as that it is much to be lamented that so noble a spirit, and so excellent, should apply itself to those studies of heresy (si tamen vera sunt, quae sibi obijciunt) if nevertheless (note the words of Poggius) the matters objected against him be true: for it belongs not unto me to judge of so great a cause; but I refer myself to the opinions of those who are wiser than myself. Neither would I have you to think, that according to the manner of Orators, I relate unto you every particular circumstance of this business, for it were too tedious, and a work of many days: I will only touch some principal places, whereby you may in some sort understand the learning of the man. This Hierome being charged with many matters which tended to heresy, and those confirmed by witness, it was at the last determined, placuit, that he should answer publicly to every point that was objected against him. Being therefore brought before the assembly, and commanded to answer to such points as were objected; a long time he refused to do it, alleging that he was first to plead his own cause, before he answered to the false accusations of his adversaries: but this condition being denied him, standing in the middle of the assembly, What injustice is this (saith he) that having lain for three hundred and sixty days in prison, in ordure, in stench, in fetters, and want of all earthly comforts whatsoever, in all which time you have heard my adversaries speak against me, and yet you will not now suffer me to speak one hour for myself? Hence it is that whilst every man's ears are open unto them, to hear in so long a time, whatsoever may persuade that I am an heretic, an enemy of the faith, a persecutor of Ecclesiastical persons, and shut against me, whereby I have no means to defend myself, that you have concluded me to be an heretic, in your own conceits, before you know what I am. And yet notwithstanding all this ye are but men, and not gods, not perpetual, but mortal, such as can stumble and fall, and err, be deceived, be seduced, etc. In the end it was decreed, that first he should answer to those errors that were objected against him, and afterwards he should have leave to speak what he would. There were read therefore out of the pulpit all the heads of his accusation, which were likewise confirmed by witnesses: Then it was demanded whether he had any thing to object. It is incredible to be spoken how cunningly he answered, with what arguments he defended himself: He never spoke any thing unworthy a good man, insomuch that if he thought that in his heart which he professed in words, there could not be found in him any just cause of death, or of the least or lightest offence. He affirmed all to be false, and that they were all crimes devised against him, by those that hated him. But by and by, the cause, for the multitude and weight of the offences, which could not be determined in one day, was put off for three days longer. At which time the arguments of every crime being recited, and by many witnesses affirmed, he arising: Forasmuch (saith he) as you have with such diligence heard mine adversaries, it is right and convenient that with indifferent minds ye likewise hear me speak. Which after much ado being granted unto him, he first began with prayer unto God, that he would be pleased to give him that mind, and that faculty of speech, that might redound to the salvation of his own soul. And then: I know saith he, many excellent men, that have suffered many things unworthy their virtues, oppressed by false witnesses, condemned by unjust judges, etc. And again, it is an unjust thing that a Priest should be condemned by a Priest; and yet this was unjustly done by the College and Council of Priests, etc. All men's minds were moved and bend to mercy; For he added, that he came of his own accord to the Council, to purge himself, and to give a reason of his life, and of his studies and endeavours, etc. That the most learned and wisest men of the world in matters of faith, were many times of divers opinions, not to overthrow the faith, but to find the truth: That Augustine and Hierome had discented, and contradicted one the other in divers things, without suspicion of heresy. All men did expect that he would purge himself, either by revoking that which was objected, or by ask pardon for his errors: But he doing neither the one nor the other, fell into the commendation of john Hus, condemned to the fire, calling him a good and a holy man, and unworthy of that death; and that he for his part was ready with a valiant and constant mind to undergo any punishment, and to yield himself into the hands of his adversaries, and those impudent lying witnesses that were brought forth against him, who nevertheless were one day to yield an account unto God, whom they could not deceive. But this (saith Poggius) is an admirable argument of his memory; For three hundred and sixty days together he was in the bottom of a stinking and deep dungeon, the misery of which punishment himself complaineth of, affirming as it became a good and a valiant man, that he was not therefore grieved therewith, for that he had suffered things so base and unworthy, but rather wondered at their inhumanity against him; in which place he could neither read nor see. I omit the grief of mind wherewith he must needs be troubled, which a man would think, should have utterly overthrown his memory; and yet notwithstanding all this, he alleged so many learned Doctors of the Church, to make good his opinion, that it had been enough, and more than enough, if he had lived at ease, and with a quiet and constant mind had given himself to the study of wisdom and knowledge, etc. He was void of all fear, not only contemning death, but desiring it; that you would have said he had been another Cato. O man worthy the eternal memory of men. I praise him not, if he held any opinions against the Church (he speaking still doubtfully) but I admire his learning, his knowledge in all things, his eloquence, his sweet delivery, his dexterity in answering. But I fear lest all these excellent gifts of nature have been given him to his own ruin. This is the style of Poggius. There were in the end two days allowed him to repent. Many men very learned came unto him, to dissuade him from his opinion, among others the Cardinal of Florence; but he continuing obstinate in his errors, the Council condemned him to the fire for heresy. He went to his death with a joyful and pleasant countenance: he feared not the fire, nor the kind of torment, nor death itself. Never was any Stoic of so settled a resolution, or with so valiant a mind suffered death, as this man seemed to desire it. When he came to the place of death, he put off his apparel, and then falling down upon his knees, he kissed the stake to which he was bound. And here he repeats the particular circumstances. When the fire was set unto him he began to sing a certain Hymn, or Psalm, being hardly interrupted with smoke or flame, which was an excellent token of his constant courage. When the executioner would have put the fire to him behind his back, that he might not see it, Come hither (saith he) and kindle it in my sight, for if I had feared it I would never have come to this place, which I had power to have avoided. In this manner this man, rare and excellent beyond all belief, was consumed to ashes. I have seen his end, considered all his actions: Whether he did it by treachery or obstinacy, (otherwise it was dangerous to speak) you might have placed the death of this man among those that came forth of the school of Philosophy: For neither Mutius with so constant a resolution endured the burning of one member, as he the whole body; neither did Socrates so willingly drink poison, as be embrace the fire. But enough of this. Wherefore Leonard Aretine, answering to his Epistle, sticks not to tell him that he spoke too freely: Although (saith he) thou many times purge thy judgement, touching the punishment of Hierome, yet thou bewrayest I know not what, of greater affection than is fitting: I think such things should be written more advisedly. And yet he himself in his Oration against hypocrites, Leonardi Aretini Oratio contra hypocritas. calls the Monks and Clergy of his time, hypocrites, pharisees, proud, bloody men, painted sepulchers, couseners, Preachers of dreams, etc. Our adversaries now adays are somewhat moved, when we tell them, That john Hus and Hierome of prague were burnt against public faith, and that in this Council was made that law of not keeping faith with heretics: for as they plainly deny that Hierome had any safeconduct, so they cavil that john had it only of the Emperor, not of the Council; affirming moreover, that that Decree is feigned. Doubtless the Archbishop Antonine, whom they have canonised for a Saint, Antonin. part. 3. tit. 22. c. 6. deals better with us: For of john he saith, He was condemned in the Council, and burnt. Of Hierome, He was burnt publicly. Afterward he addeth, And because the Emperor seemed not to take it well, by reason of the safeconduct given unto them, the Council answered him, That they could not be accused of breach of faith, because the Council itself had not given him a safeconduct, and that the Council is greater than the Emperor, and therefore no such thing could be granted by him against the will of the Council, especially in matter of faith. Pius the second saith in express terms, Aeneas silvius historia Bohemia c. 36. It was thought good by the persuasion of Sigismond the Emperor, that john and Hierome should be called to the Council. Which confutes those that say, that Hierome came of his own accord. Bonfinius in the history of Hungary, saith, Bonfinius Decad. 3. l. 2. It was thought fit that john Hus and Hierome should be sent for to the Synod, and being sent for, came. The Fathers of the Council therefore break the faith of the Emperor, and dispense with the breach of his safeconduct, as being of no force without theirs; notwithstanding the Emperor had both called the Council, and in a city of his own, where he only had authority, and Wenceslaus king of Bohemia, at the request of the Council, sent thither john Hus, under the safeconduct of the Emperor, as they themselves confess. Full of fraud and deceit therefore were these Fathers, in demanding him of his king, and under the safeconduct of the Emperor, which they were resolved to make void. As for the Decree itself, Naucler. vol. 2. Gener. 48. it is read in the nineteenth Session, with this title, That notwithstanding the safeconduct of the Emperor, of Kings, etc. it is lawful by a competent judge to inquire of heretical pravity: The words themselves are these, This present holy Synod declareth, Concilium Constantiens. Sess. 19 That notwithstanding any safeconduct given by the Emperor, or Kings, or other secular Princes, to heretics, or any suspected of heresy, pretending thereby to draw them from their errors, by what band soever they be bound, it cannot▪ nor aught to be any prejudice or hindrance to the Catholic faith, or Ecclesiastical jurisdiction: and that the said safeconduct can be no let, but that it shall be lawful for a competent and Ecclesiastical judge, to make iniquisition of the errors of such persons, and otherwise to proceed against them, and to punish them as justice shall require, if they shall obstinately refuse to revoke their errors, notwithstanding that under the assurance of a safeconduct they shall come to the place of judgement, refusing otherwise to come. Neither shall be that hath so promised, having otherwise done what in him lies, from thence forward continue in any thing bound. In the margin this is likewise noted, A safeconduct can be no defence for an heretic, obstinately defending his heresies. So that by this means Princes are discharged of their faith, their safeconducts in this case are made void: They that appear under this assurance are delivered to the Inquisition; and they that dispense so absolutely with other men's consciences, what faith can they make? and being made, how do they perform it, or who will take it? john Hus therefore died a Martyr of Christ, in the year 1415, An. 1415. the people that were present at his death breaking out into these words, What this man hath heretofore taught, or done, we know not, but doubtless these are great tokens of true piety; that is to say, hearing his ardent prayers unto God touching this point: turning to the Prelates that were present at this spectacle, he said, After an hundred years you shall answer to God and to me. Whereupon there was money coined in Bohemia with this inscription in Latin on the one side, Centum revolutis annis Deo respondebitis & mihi, and on the other side, Credo unam esse Ecclesiam Catholicam, I believe one Catholic Church. It is likewise said, that he should say, You roast ●e the goose (for that his name Hus signifieth in the Bohemian tongue) but hereafter will a Swan come, who in despite of you shall sing better, and yet you shall not roast him. Now just an hundred years after came Luther, by whose doctrine the Church of Rome being stricken as it were with lightning, notwithstanding all their rage and fury, he died peaceable in his own house. 62. PROGRESSION. The fortunate proceed of john de Trosnovie, otherwise called Zischa, Captain of the distressed Christians, against the Emperor Sigismond. The practices of Pope Martin to destroy the Christians in Bohemia, after the death of Zischa. The cunning shifts of Martin the fift, to avoid the reformation of the Church, at the Council of Constance. The Council of Basil deposeth Eugenius, and chooseth Amades, Duke of Savoy, for Pope. Of the coming of the Emperor of Greece and the Patriarch of Constantinople, to the Council at Florence. Vladislaus king of Hungary maketh peace with Amurath the great Turk, which he breaketh through the persuasion of Pope Eugenius, and what happened thereof. Aeneas Silvius in histor. Bohem. c. 35. & 36. GReat was the authority of john Hus in Bohemia, whose purity also of life commended him to be powerful in words. The people were filled with his doctrine, especially at prague, the capital city, where, upon the exceeding great Indulgences of john the four and twentieth, they made this outcry, That he was Antichrist: and when the magistrate had put many of them to death in prison, not daring to do it openly, the people seeing their blood running under the gate of the palace, ran thither to seek the bodies, crying out, These are the Saints that have delivered up their bodies for the testament of God. Moreover, that Epitome of Roman abominations, which was come so near unto them at Constance, made their stinking savour reach so far as into Bohemia; the people of Suevia complaining, That in so very little space of time they had brought in with them so great a deluge of uncleanness, as could not be washed away in thirty years, seeing that among the train of those Prelates are numbered of Historiographers, to be four hundred and fifty common whores, and three hundred jugglers. The report then of the death of john Hus coming upon this, and above all the infamous treachery used towards him, exceedingly stirred up the people, yea made them so much the more believe the truth of his doctrine, for that he had sealed it with his blood; and contrariwise moved them to abhor the Romish, whose abominable faith could not be maintained but only by treachery. Then therefore they entreat the king to grant unto them Temples, for the free exercise of their religion; which he consented to them, and they multipled, and according as they increased they require to be provided of places necessary. Neither did queen Sophia, of the house of Bavaria, who governed the king's weakness, show herself repugnant unto them. But he being deceased of a palsy, the Emperor Sigismond his brother succeeded, who instigated by the Council, and after by the Pope, resolveth to use all violence against them, and employeth against them all the ●tes of the Empire, assembling to that end Princes, Monstrelet. vol. 1. c. 257. Prelates, Knights, Esquires, and common people, out of Liege, Holland, Zeeland, Henault, and other places, and left nothing unattempted that could be done either by force of war, or bitterness of torments. There rose up at that time one john de Trosnovie, called Zischa, because he had but one eye, of a noble house, but of mean fortunes, yet a valiant man, who gathered together the wandering and scattered people of every age and sex, into a place of advantage. It were incredible, but that the adversaries themselves do testify it, he fought eleven battles with Sigismond, and ever got the upper hand, and in some of them after he had lost his eye, blind of both, he was no less fortunate a Leader of this wretched people; whose murmurings often in that desperate estate, was no less difficult a matter for him to restrain and appease, than to sustain the violent force of the enemy: till at length Sigismond seeing all things succeed well unto him, and that at his only beck all the affairs of Bohemia were swayed, resolveth to overcome and ruin him with fair words; and giveth unto him the lieutenancy of the kingdom, with chiefest authority, and a great yearly pension, on condition, That he should acknowledge him king, and cause all the rest also to acknowledge him. Here the acclamation of Pope Pius is worthy noting: Surely a great ignominy to the Majesty Royal, shame to the glory imperial, and eternal infamy to the Christian Commonweal, Aeneas Silvius Histor. Bohem. c. 46. That our age hath seen Sigismond (a Prince of good years, borne of Emperors, and himself an Emperor, whose name Italy, France, Germany, and all Europe, honoured, and whom barbarous nations feared) a suppliant unto this man, not borne otherwise of any great nobility, an old man, blind, an heretic, given to sacrilege, and all wickedness, to offer unto him money, and the greatest honours that he might vouchsafe, to take his part. But the death of Zischa, partly broken with travels, partly with years, broke off the treaty. And some writ that he died of the plague: Whereupon Silvius hath this bitter taunt, Him whom the hand of man was not able to kill, the finger of God destroyed. By how much better right ought he, in the baseness and infirmity of the man which he representeth, to have acknowledged the arm of God. Neither yet were this miserable poor people destitute of God's protection, although by his death they thenceforth named themselves Orphans, as shall be seen in his place. The Epitaph written on his tomb, in the city of Tabor, which he had builded, is memorable: I john Zischa, rest here, in skill of military affairs not inferior to any of the Emperors, or Captains, Paralipom. Abbatis Vispergensis. a severe revenger of the pride and covetousness of the Clergymen, and a most valiant defender of my country. That which Appius Claudius, being blind, did for the Romans in well counseling, and Furius Camillus in valiantly exploiting, the same have I done for my Bohemians. I never was wanting to the good fortune of the war, nor it to me. I have foreseen, though blind, all importunities of well-doing, and with Ensigns spread have fought eleven times, ever victorious. It seemed unto me, that I have very well done, to take in hand the most just cause of the miserable and hungry, against the delicate, fat, and crammed Priests, and in this doing have felt the help of God. If their envy had not hindered it, no doubt I should have merited to be numbered among the Illustrious men. Nevertheless my bones lie here in this sacred place, etiam insalutato, invitoque Papa, Even without having saluted the Pope, and in despite of his teeth. And underneath was written in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, john Zischa, enemy of the Priests covetous of dishonest gain; but in a godly zeal. Neither is it to be omitted, That when a certain Picard came into Bohemia, & had by his illusions enticed after him some people into an island of the river Lusmik, where he had taught them to go naked, and promiscuously to couple themselves one with another, whence they were called Adamites (as it is an ordinary thing with Satan to cast such misty clouds over the light of the Gospel, when he seethe it begin to shine forth;) Zischa and his people were the first that set upon them, with open force invaded the island, and put them all to the edge of the sword, excepting two only, of whom they might learn the particularities of their impious superstition: When notwithstanding the Preachers of the Romish Church burden the doctrine of john Hus with divers calumnies, the Fathers of the Council of Constance condemned it for the opinions of Wickliff; but they imputed to wickliff such opinions, after their own pleasure, as he never thought off, and one monstrous above the rest, That God ought to obey the devil, although the calumny itself is such as showeth their untrue dealing: and none of them that wrote against Wickliff, whilst he was alive, doth make mention of any such. And as for john Hus, Pope Pius the second recounteth in his history the articles of his doctrine, agreeable to our confessions. And there is extant the confessions of the Bohemians, exhibited to their kings, when liberty of their religion was permitted them; in which is nothing which agreeth not with true Christian piety. In the mean time Pope Martin loseth not courage; on the contrary thinking, as indeed it was, that the union of this people was shaken by the death of Zischa, determined to contrive against them. They had two different captains for the war, the great and the little Precop, and thence their concord seemed to be but ill repaired. He therefore sendeth the Cardinal of Winchester, an Englishman, into Germany, to stir up the mind of the Emperor, & command the Germans to take the Cross against this people; and so is a threefold army levied, the first out of the circuit of Saxony, and the towns by the sea coast, commanded by the duke of Saxony; the second out of the territory of Franconia, by the marquess of Brandebourg; and the third out of the jurisdictions of Rhine, of Bavaria, and of Suevia, by Otho Archbishop of Trever: who by three ways enter into Bohemia, and join themselves together, jointly to recover the city Mizla, which the night before the enemies had surprised. That handful of men seemed unable to stand against so mighty an army, nevertheless having gathered themselves together in haste, they march directly towards their enemies; Aeneas Silvius c. 48. But they (saith Pius the second) fled without seeing the enemy, and coming to Thaco●ia, left their artillery and booty there. The Cardinal cometh to meet them, admiring at the fearful and shameful flight of so many Captains and valiant men: He earnestly entreateth them again and again, to turn back their face to the enemy, every way weaker than they: But when he could not obtain this, he is constrained to accompany them in their flight. I durst not write thus much, if Pope Pius the second had not first written it, and in so many words: Scarcely were they entered into the forest, when the Bohemians coming upon them, began to assail the hindmost troops: then their flight is made more disorderly and fearful, neither do the Germans give over sooner to fly, than the Bohemians to follow. Therefore they take their baggage, win Thacovia by assault, and make themselves masters of the artillery: Thence they wast Misnia, tax Franconia, Bamberg, Nuremberg, and other cities, to redeem themselves. Here Sigismond and Pope Martin bethink themselves of another army stronger than the former, unto which all the Princes, States and cities do contribute. julian Cardinal of S. Angelo commanded for the Pope, and the Elector of Brandebourg for the Emperor, many Princes accompaining them; there was in the army forty thousand horse, but the number of the footmen was not so many: And with these great forces the Cardinal entereth into the country, putting all he can to fire and sword, and sparing neither sex nor age. Yet scarcely have the feet of all touched the borders, but that, whether there were treason in the army of the faithful, (meaning the Papal) as many supposed, or that a vain fear had invaded the minds of men without cause, they trembled throughout all the camp, and before there was one enemy seen they betook themselves to a most shameful flight. julian wondereth whence this fear rose, what reason might persuade such an army to fly: He went about suing to the Captains, and exhorting them to take arms, to set themselves in battle array, and courageously to expect the enemy: That they did not now contend for the glory of the kingdom, or for the possession of some country, but waged war for their lives, religion, for the honour of Christ, and salvation of souls: That it was a shameful thing for the Germans, whose nobility and virtue was famous throughout all the world, to fly out of battle; that better were it to die, then to give place to the enemies, before they see them. But truly here might Pius have said more to purpose, that from the death of Zischa, Here is the finger of God. But whatsoever julian could upbraid them of, or set before their eyes, all is in vain; so much had fear overcome sha●●▪ The ensigns are suddenly snatched up, and as if there were no General in the army, every man tumultuously without staying for commandment, without saluting his fellow, also some casting away their arms, make haste to flight running as fast as they could, no otherwise than if the enemy had been hard at their backs; and the Cardinal, will he nill he, is feign to accompany them. Aeneas Silvius Histor. Bohem. c. 48. & 49. A while after the enemy emboldened by their fear, come and seize upon their baggage and get a great booty. Wherefore the Emperor and the Pope despairing that they should ever by force bring them under, speeches are cast forth of calling another Council at Basil, whither the Cardinal went to take courage and heart again after the flight. Monstrelet, Monstrelet. vol. c. 1.258. though ill affected towards the Bohemians, saith, They feared no martyrdom, no torments, their very women took arms and fought, and the dead bodies of many were found among the slain in battles. So that here if we respect the cause and reason of this war it may seem to be compared to that of the Maccabees; Pope Martin with Antiochus, both in their Counsels and in their successes, warring in time passed against the people of God: which Antiochus also is set forth unto us for a figure of Antichrist. Sigismond had given hope to the complaints of the people from all parts, That he would provide in the Council of Constance for the reformation of the Church; and therefore as well the Universities, as many nations themselves, had exhibited by their ambassadors to the Council very many articles, tending to reformation, namely of Paris, by M. john Gerson Chancellor of the same, and M. Peter de Aliaco Cardinal, which to this day are read; yet they were appointed to be examined after order was taken for the schism. When therefore Sigismond saw all things finished that seemed should go before, Concilium Constantiens. Sess. 12.14 17.39. Sess. 15. & 21. That john the four and twentieth was deposed, That Gregory the xii had renounced, That sentence was given against Benedict the xiii, and order taken (as it was thought) to prevent schisms to come, and moreover john Hus and Hierome of Prague condemned and punished; he thought now the time was come wherein he might seriously solicit the Fathers to take in hand a Reformation, and that so much the rather, for that there was not yet any Head chosen, the Council might both more safely, with greater authority, and with less contradiction, ordain for reforming the Head, and constraining him into order: and he which was to be chosen Pope, would the more willingly accept of the law prescribed to him, for he knowing not of his own election, he himself would consent to the reformation of the future Pope. Therefore in the fortieth Session, Sess. 40. in which sat chief the Cardinal of Ostia, William Cardinal of S. Mark read certain Decrees, of which he required the Council to give sentence, that they might be published by the future Pope before the dissolution of the Council: yet were they but matters superficial, as the number, quality, nation, of Cardinals; reservations, Annates▪ common and mean services, collations and graces expectative, confirmations, causes to be reserved to the Court of Rome, or which are not to be reserved, Appeals, Rules of Chancelrie, and Penetenciaries, commendas, alienations of the goods of the Romish Church, extirpation of simony, dispensations, indulgences, tithes, also the causes for which the Pope may be corrected & deposed: All which nevertheless are put off to be ended after the Pope's election, that a law might be made of them in Council by his authority, by the advise of the nations. Without doubt because that word galled them that scaped from Sigismond, who, to some that said reformation should be begun à minoritis, with the meaner sort, answered, yea rather a matoritis, with the greatest, meaning the Pope and Cardinals. For he himself had instituted a form of reformation, which is yet read, printed at Ausbourg in the year 1484. Wherefore, Cardinal Colonne being elected Pope (called Martin the fift) on S. Martin's day 1417, and Sigismond urging him earnestly to a reformation, he declareth, That this long sojourning at Constance, had been a discommodity to all the Churches; That so great a business needed mature deliberation; That every Province, as saith Hierome, hath their peculiar manners and opinions, which without trouble could not be soon taken away: and by his cunning devices he prevailed so much, that he obtained the dissolution of the Council, on condition that another Council should be held five years after▪ then another seven years after that, and from thenceforth from ten years to ten years; in which they should treat of matters pertaining to Faith and to the Common weal. And to make them believe that he meant good earnest, he presently ordaineth that the next should be held within five years at Pavia. And then in the five and fortieth Session, Concilium Constantiens. Sess. 45. Platina in Martino 5. Cardinal Winbald by the Pope's commandment, pronounceth, Domini●ite in pace, My Lords depart in peace: with which words they were dismissed, Sublato, saith Platina, omnium consensu maximè verò Imperatoris, without the consent of all, yea of the Emperor; Who entreating him, that he would yet sojourn but a very little while longer in Germany, Martin excused himself upon the necessity of returning to Rome, for that the Chapels of the Saints by the Pope's absence went to ruin. Wherefore, saith Volateran, he departed against the will and liking of Sigismond. What fit excuse, when there were propounded to him the diseases of the Church, fretting away her most inward bowels, yea threatening an utter ruin at hand? Martin then passeth into Italy, triumphing without doubt, that he had by his diligence escaped this dangerous rock of reformation, which he so much feared; and now wholly bendeth his mind to settle and strengthen himself in the Popedom. Balihasar Cossa, called john the four and twentieth, or according to some the three and twentieth, sat near to his heart, who had found means for the price of thirty thousand Crowns to redeem himself out of the hands of the Palatine who had him in custody, & departing thence visited his ancient friends throughout Italy; for that it seemed to portend unto him a new Schism: yet he cometh to him to Florence and saluteth him humbly, trusting in the friendship and faith of Cosma de Medicis, who had all power and authority in the city, though it were a free city. Martin therefore made him Cardinal of Tusculum, where a few days after he died. Peter de Luna, called Benedist the thirteenth, reigned yet imaginarily in his rock of Arragon, with some of his Cardinals; and Alfonsus' king of Arragon was offended against Martin, for that to his prejudice, he had declared king of Sicily, Lewis of Anjou, adopted by Queen joane. In the mean season, fell out the time appointed for the Council of Pavia, which he could not with honesty shift off, though Alfonsus threatened to oppose Benedict against him. He therefore sendeth thither Peter Donatus Archbishop of Candie, with some Cardinals to begin the Council at Pavia: then after, by reason of the pestilence, transferreth it to Sienna, to which place resorted a greater number of all Nations than to Pavia. Neither wanted there the Ambassadors of Alfonsus to prolong the Council, till he might with bounteous gifts promote the business of Benedict. But Martin thinking it good to prevent the worst, suddenly breaketh up the Council and putteth it off for seven years; And therefore Antoninus saith, it was only held perfunctoriè, for fashion sake. Till at last Martin is delivered of this fear, first by the death of Benedict, in the year 1424, An. 1424. Antonin. tit. 22. cap. 7. having surpassed the years of S. Peter for the full measure (saith the Author) of his damnation, but not in the seat of S. Peter: to whom nevertheless his Cardinals created a successor named Clement the 8. But afterwards the said Clement renouncing the Popedom in the year 1428, An. 1428. whom Martin compelled so to do (he being forsaken of most of his Cardinals) and giving him the bishopric of Maiorca, and reserving to the Cardinals that were about him their dignities: and furthermore, having also before all things appeased the mind of Alfonsus, when he perceived that the wars of Lewis had no good success at Naples: then Martin being received at Rome, bendeth his care to the re-edifying and repairing of the buildings; and the Cardinals by his example, every one in their parishes did the like, and that was said instaurare, to restore or repair the Church. He gave himself also to the gathering of money on all sides; For, saith Antoninus, this thing common report reproved in him, that he too greedily laboured to heap up money; so that he was in no wise able to say with the chief Apostle, Silver and Gold have I none. But that his exceeding great temporal treasure was consumed by the hands of his kinsmen, and chiefly of his nephew the Prince of Salerne, to whom it fell by his death, in bestowing it on hired soldiers and enemies against the Church. And in the year 1431 he dieth, happy in this, that thereby he escaped the Council of Basill, which fell out at the same time, and was so much the more to be feared, for that the Fathers of the Council of Constance had made a law both by word and in effect, whereby it was decreed, That a general Council is above the Pope. This is that Pope of whom Angelus de Clavasio a Friar Minorite, author of the Angelical Summa, writeth on the word Pope, Having communicated the matter with his Doctors, he gave to a certain man leave to marry with his own sister. And this Angelus flourished almost about the same time under Sixtus the fourth. Now he had already assigned this Council at the instance of Sigismond, and for to hold it, ordained Legat julian Cardinal of S. Angelo, who had already begun it, and having had but bad success of the wars in Bohemia, had granted in the Counsels name a safe conduct to the Bohemians and Moravians to come thither, with all assurances requisite. But it was to be doubted, whether Cardinal Condelmero his successor, called Eugenius the fourth, would continue it, and so much the rather, for that in the second Session it had been deceed these words, That the Synod gathered together by the assistance of the holy Ghost, making a general Council and representing the Church militant, hath power immediately from Christ, Concil. Basiliensi Sess. 2. whereunto all men of what estate or dignity soever, yea be it the Pope himself, is bound to obey in those things that pertain unto Faith; and he that shall disdain to obey the statutes, unless he repent, Monstrelet. vol. 1. An. 1431. let him be duly punished. And indeed he endeavoured already to put it off for a year and a half longer, and to transfer it to Bononia, that thereby (as he said) the Greeks' might more easily repair unto it. For which cause, Sigismond fearing delay, wrote unto him very vehemently, That under pretence of the Greeks', he ought not defer the peace of the Church among the Latins: That the Bohemians had already accepted of the safe conduct, of whose conversion there was some good hope, which if it would not be, they would then jointly take counsel together of the means to destroy them: That seeing they profess to prove their doctrine by the holy Scripture, if the Council should either be dismissed, or deferred till another time, they would say that the Fathers could not answer them; and that the Catholics themselves, to whom so long time Reformation was promised, frustrate of that hope at Pisa and at Constance, would verily deem all to be but mockery and collusion: That the Princes also, neighbours of the Bohemians, would make truce with them, as some already have done, and it may be would join together with them both in their minds and forces. Therefore that he should give commission to the Precedent, Cardinal julian, to continue the Council, otherwise it were to be doubted, that the delaying of the Council would provoke the Laity to play the madmen against the Church. Moreover, That the Council itself would by no means consent to the dissolving of it, and in that behalf should be followed and outborn by the greatest part of the Kings, Princes, Prelates, and of all in general, who would hold him (by good right) for an author and favourer of heresies and schisms among Christians; whereby he would be an occasion of a new disobedience in the Church, and of new troubles: and that it would be much better if he himself were present in person. Eugenius was yet but young in the Popedom, and had not as yet enough tried his strength: at Rome also was disagreement between him and the Colonni, whom he had diversly molested, for to recover of them the money of Martin, which (as it was said) they had craftily gotten into their hands, Therefore thinking it best for him to rest quiet, he approveth the convocation of the Council of Basil, and confirmeth the Legation of Cardinal julian, and that so much the rather, for that Sigismond came into Italy, whose alliance with the Duke of Milan, and intelligence with the Colonni, he feared. But this Prince, otherwise great, either by his own negligence, or more truly, by reason of poverty, came thither in so poor a manner, that he easily put away from him all fear. We have seen him (saith Valla) with few followers about him, live but as for a day, and he would have perished for hunger if Eugenius had not fed him, though not gratis, for he wrested from him the Donation. He coming to Rome to be crowned Emperor of the Romans, could not be crowned of the Pope, but on condition that he should ratify the donation of Constantine, and also give all those things anew. Yea he addeth in indignation, What is more contrary, than to be crowned Roman Emperor, and to renounce Rome? to be crowned of him, whom he confesseth, and (as much as in him lieth) maketh Lord of the Roman Empire? and to ratify a donation, which if it be true, leaveth to the Emperor nothing of the Empire? which I think children would not have done. Yea and Eugenius adjureth him, before he set the Crown on his head, presently to departed Rome, and to stay no longer in Italy: and so he forthwith passed the Alps, Platina in Eugenio 4. and returned into Germany. And this is it Platina hath: In the beginning of his Popedom, moved by the words of the Emperor, Princes, and Prelates, he confirmed the Council of Basil, even by his Apostolical letters: for he was so vexed with wars, that he scarcely had power to breath: but taking heart again, he constantly and prudently administered all things. Thus spoke he in favour of the Popes. Whereup Eugenius stoutly taketh upon him to dissolve this Council, or to assign another somewhere else, and he publisheth his Bulls, whereby he revoketh both the Council and Cardinal julian, whom he had appointed to preside there; who speedily returneth to him into Italy. The Fathers of the Council on the contrary, by their ambassadors sundry times beseech him, That he would come and be there present himself, otherwise by dissolving the Council he would give occasion of scandal: yea they decree, That revocation can have no place, and set before him the most grievous punishments propounded in the Council of Constance, unless he would obey: but if he purpose (which he hideth) to hold another Council, they declare openly, that there can be but only one. And that if he break it off, Sess. 10.11.12.26. he with his is to expect the like judgement of God as in time past fell upon Core, Dathan, and Abiron, schismatics. Lastly, they admonish, cite, blame, accuse, and adjure him, leaving no form requisite unobserved or done, they abrogat the Cardinals by him created for to hold another Council: Sess. 31.34 35. they suspend him from the Popedom, depose him, pronounce him a notorious schismatic, perjurer, heretic, scandalous, incorrigible, obstinate, deprived, deposed, put down; and as such a one they take from him all obedience, and make a Decree for the choosing another in his room. All which things in their order reach to the year 1439. And these things were done, notwithstanding the Emperor Sigismond in the mean time was deceased, who had chiefly set forward the Council; that Eugenius also with his had assigned another Council first at Ferrara, in the year 1438, An. 1438. and after by reason of the pestilence there, transferred it in the year 1439 to Florence: An. 1493. whither came the Emperor Palaeologus of Greece, to entreat the succours of the Latins against the Turks, and for that cause, as it was thought, was the more pliable to the pretensions of the Romish Church. But the Fathers of the Council of Basil proceed farther to the election of a successor, and prescribe beforehand the form of the oath that he ought to take, namely, To execute and observe the Decrees of the councils of Constance and Basil: Sess. 37. also to procure the celebration of general Counsels, and confirmation of elections, according to the Decrees of the sacred Council of Basil. They further declare the Council of Ferrara to be unlawful, and none at all, and term it a Conventicle: And presently also authorize three Catholic truths, against certain invectives of Eugenius. The first is, That the power of a general Council, representing the universal Church, Sess. 38. is above the Pope and all other whomsoever, is a truth of Catholic Faith. Secondly, That the Pope can by no means of his own authority dissolve a general Council, or prorogue it to another time, or transfer it from one place to another, without the consent thereof. Thirdly, That he which obstinately repugneth the foresaid truths, is to be rudged an heretic. And these they handle in a writing published expressly. In the end they enter into the Conclave, and choose for Pope Amades Duke of Savoy, absent, by the name of Felix the fourth, who a little before did live an Hermit's life at Ripaille, upon the lake of Lausanne. In the mean time Eugenius was not idle in Italy. Charles the seventh, king of France, who held for the Council of Basil, had sent his galleys into the jonicke sea, for to meet john Palaeologus, Emperor of the East, and to give him to understand in what place the lawful Council was held, & to persuade him to take land in France, & thence to conduct him to Basil. Eugenius having corrupted with money the General of the French galleys, breaketh off his course, and draweth him to his part. Whereupon Eugenius taketh occasion not a little to commend his Council, by the hope of making an union between the Roman and Greek Church, which notwithstanding, as it seemed, continued not long. And so having dismissed his conventicle, he returneth to Rome, where he is received with greater applause than before. On the other part, the Council of Basil continuing still nevertheless, it troubled him: and truce being made between the kings of France and England, whereby the soldiers on both parts were dismissed, Eugenius taketh the occasion offered, and winneth the Dolphin of France (who was afterward Lewis the eleventh) who of those broken troops gathered together to the number of thirty thousand and more, and under divers pretences marcheth towards Basil, but indeed with a purpose (as the Historiographers of Italy do testify) to terrify the Fathers of the Council for to constrain them to break it off. When these were entered on the territory of the city, the Cantons of the Swissers ran to secure it: There four thousand Swissers sustained a violence and force never before heard of, in a conflict that continued till night; of the Swissers, fight it out even to the last gasp, there hardly escaped an hundred and fifty, but of the Armignacs (for so they were called) were slain eight thousand, among which was their chief Leader. And thus did that good Father procure the peace of the Church, which was betwixt Felix and him miserably distracted; yet there were many that acknowledged neither. And as Felix and his favourers, bold upon the authority of the Council of Basil, defamed Eugenius in his Bulls: so he likewise spareth not Felix in his, written to all the Princes from Florence, That this Felix, Duke of Savoy, borne in a country infamous for witches and sorcerers, from his youth consulted with them, had this put into his head, That he should be Pope; and that to this end he had assumed the habit of an Hermit, for to set a monstrous head on the Church, as a most false hypocrite; and that he might cover under sheeps clothing his wolvish cruelty, That he truly was an Image of Nabuchadnezzar, or rather an Idol of Belzebub set up in the Church of God, a Lucifer, who said, I will place my seat in the North, etc. And worse he would have said if he could: Whilst in the mean time in his letters and Bulls he styleth himself, The true Spouse of the Church. What dare Antichrist do more? And hence let the Reader judge, what lawful vocation remained in the Roman Church, when Eugenius dieth a schismatic, an heretic, deposed, his Acts revoked, disannulled, made void, and never more thenceforth authorised; and consequently all whatsoever ordinations, consecrations, have proceeded therefrom, and that by the authority of so famous a Council: when on the other side Felix, in places of his obedience, reigneth Pope nine whole years, by the Council of Florence excommunicated, anathematized, and his Bulls declared void, and disannulled, and whatsoever dependeth of them, if the vocation of the Ministers of the Church proceed only from the Pope, as from the head. Synodi Florentinae Acta Graecè conscripta ex Bibliotheca Regia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquit Graeca Synodus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et Patriarcha cùm omnes quos secum adduxerat, Episcopos consuluisset, una voce decreverunt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Redeunt manè Episcopi Pontificis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now, as we have said, Eugenius coloured his matters with the coming of the Emperor of Greece, and of the Patriarch of Constantinople, who with many Bishops had been present at his Council, brought thither by the galleys of the Venetians, countrymen of Eugenius. There the Acts of the Council written in Greek, do testify, that the Pope did the best he could to make himself be seen in his full pride. In the morning before the first hour of the day we saw Caristinus come running to us, sent from the Emperor, who told the Patriarch, That the Pope expected, that his Holiness should go to him and adore him, and kiss his feet: and the Emperor (saith he) hath already insisted and contended three days, that he might not do it, which in the mean time he declareth to your Holiness, that you may know in what manner you must come unto him. This was very grievous to the Patriarch, who trusted that he should be received in a far other fashion, and should find another affection and certainty, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: For when he was yet at Venice, he had said to one of his domestic favourites concerning the Pope, I have determined with myself, that if the Pope be of more years than I, I hold him for my Father, if of equal years, for my brother, but if he be younger than I, I account him for my son: And my mind is, that if there be any fair house near unto his, which hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a private passage from the one to the other, let him give it me, that privately I may go to him, and he likewise to me again, etc. But when he heard of kissing his feet, he was amazed, notwithstanding he departed, and we came (when the Courts were already full) to Ferrara, and stayed right against the castle near the bridge: and before noon there came six Bishops, and they in the Pope's behalf congratulat the patriarchs coming. The Patriarch said, That he owed him not any such salutation; but for as much (saith he) as we are brethren, let us embrace and kiss each other brotherly, otherwise I will do nothing. The Patriarch had also other speeches concerning that matter, unto which they made answer. And the Patriarch, with all the Bishops that he had brought with him, took counsel together, and with one voice did decree, That this is neither just nor meet, nor profitable to be done. The Bishops of the Pope return again in the morning, and instantly urge that kissing of feet; but the Patriarch declareth, this instance is unseemly: for whence (saith he) hath the Pope that right? show us what Synod hath given it to him, or where it is written, especially seeing the Pope calleth himself the successor of Saint Peter? But the Bishop's answer, That it is an ancient custom of the Pope, and that all salute him in that manner, Bishops, Kings, the Emperor of Germany himself, and the Cardinals, who are greater than the Emperor, in as much as they are persons consecrat. Whereunto the Patriarch replied, That this was a new invention, I will not (saith he) assent unto it, I will never do it; but if the Pope be pleased that I salute him brotherly, according to our ancient manner, in that sort I will go to him; but if he accept not of that, I refuse all, and return back again. At length (saith the Greek Synod) it came to this, That whereas the Pope thought to have made the Patriarch kiss his feet in a frequent assembly, when he could not make him condescend unto it, was forced at last to receive him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in his privy chamber, and that the Cardinals only being present. All which things were on each side treated and concluded, before the Greeks' would come forth of their ships. For the order of the Council, the Pope contended, that the Greek Emperor and the Patriarch, with the Orientals, should sit on the left side of the Temple, and the Western peoples on the right hand, and that himself at the higher end of all, in the midst between both, as head of both, should have an eminent seat: The Emperor contrariwise debateth, That this place rather belongeth to him. At last they agreed, that the Pope with his Western people should sit on the right hand, the Greek Emperor with the Eastern people on the left; but Eugenius overruled so far, that his throne was placed by the high Altar, the Roman Emperors (though absent) in the next place, but some degrees lower, and equal with him sat the Cardinals and Western Prelates: the Emperor of Greece had his throne set right against the Popes, and on his left hand sat the Patriarch of Constantinople, but in an inferior degree, and equal with him were the seats of the Legates of the other Eastern patriarchs, of the Archbishops and Prelates, every one in his order. And hence may the Reader discern what the Patriarch might judge of the pride of the Latin Bishop. But what may we say of Baronius, who in divers places contesteth, That the left hand in Counsels was ever the more honourable. As touching the matter itself, for the concluding of the controversies of the Latin and Greek Churches, is made an instrument of a union, Laetentur coeli, wherein they agree on both sides, That the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Son: That the Sacrament may be indifferently made of leavened or unleavened bread: That the souls of the faithful that have not yet satisfied for their sins, go to Purgatory: That the Pope of Rome is Head of the universal Christian Church. All which articles the Greek Emperor causeth to be approved by the most part of his, hoping he should have assistance against the Turks. But Michael Bishop of Ephesus, with some others, doth ever withstand the same, rejecting especially the two later. Which is more, when joseph Archbishop of Constantinople was dead, Eugenius would have them proceed before him to the choosing of another, promising, against his disposition, to ordain him without money, yea to give them some if need were; and to depose him that did obtain with him the place of Patriarch: which he would not do if they deferred his election till they came into their country. The Greeks' perceiving whereto he tended, namely, that he might enter possession of the supreme power in the Church by that means, and that with their consent, answer him with one accord, That their Patriarch cannot be, by their laws, chosen any where else than at Constantinople: That it is their custom he should be chosen and consecrated in his own Church: That the Emperor, who was not ignorant of these ceremonies, would not suffer it to be otherwise. Which the Pope understanding, Concisium Florent. Sess. ultim. though much against his mind, with gracious words he let them departed. Now they were no sooner returned into their country, but they were rejected of their Churches, in this especially, that they had admitted the supreme authority of the Pope of Rome, whose pride being more nearly looked into, they at last refute it in their writings published, notwithstanding that he had endeavoured to bind unto him some of the best learned, as Isidore Bishop of Russia, and Bessarion Bishop of Nicaea, to whom he had given a cardinals hat, which he chose rather to wear in Italy than in Greece. And from that time forth were by the Pope's neglected the affairs of Greece, and abandoned to the fury of Infidels. But it is in no wise here to be omitted, That during the time that Eugenius held his Council, partly at Ferrara and partly at Florence, he published divers writings against that Decree of Basil, That a Council is above the Pope, in which he did not stick to affirm, That so far was it off that he ought to obey general Counsels, that then he most merited when he contemned the Decrees of the Council: and which is more, he declareth this proposition to be heretical, The Council is above the Pope, although both then and ever since it was held and affirmed by all the Universities of Christendom. Whence it came, that whilst the Roman Church said she is superior to all other Churches, and the Roman Bishop to all other bishops, by this decree of Eugenius should the Bishop of Rome be made superior or of higher authority than the Universal Church, and consequently that pretended infallibility of the Church should be derived not now to the Romish Church, but to one only man, which is the highest degree of Antichrist in the Church, according to that of S. Augustine in his book of the city of God, August. de Civitate Dei l. 18. cap. 2. That Antichrist should not only sit in Templo Dei, in the Temple of God, but as Saint Paul hath it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Templum, into the Temple, as if he himself were the Temple itself, he alone the Church. In the mean time, let the Reader judge of that Infallabilitie of the Church, represented in a Council, by these Counsels which at one same time and in one same matter, do decree things directly contrary. As touching the affairs of the Bohemians, for which particularly the Empeperour Sigismond had so instantly requested the Council; the most part of the Churches, terrified with the perfidious treachery used towards john Hus, and Hierome of Prague, refused to send any one thither: but the principal of the Nobility overruled the matter, that some should appear, for to render a reason of the innovation in religion imputed unto them. So soon as they came thither, they were received very courteously by Cardinal julian the Legate, who was not yet called back. Then in the Council he maketh an Oration, wherein he bringing in the Church of Rome speaking to them, in his words, and attributing to itself alone all that is spoken in holy Scripture concerning the Church the Spouse of Christ, and presupposing that which is chiefly in question, flattereth himself in this perpetual Elenche: showeth that in her power are the keys of the kingdom of heaven, That she is without spot or wrinkle, That whosoever departed from her was an Heathen and a Publican, That the decrees of Counsels are her decrees, which are no less to be believed than the Gospels, seeing they give authority to the Scriptures. To this the Bohemians in few words; That they despised neither the Church nor Counsels, that they had been condemned at Constance without being heard, Oratio julian. Cardinal. Legati in Append. Concilij Basiliens. notwithstanding that they affirmed nothing but by the holy Scriptures: and then they propound their Articles; And on both sides were chosen such as should enter into conference. The disputation lasted fifty days, and after many spent on this side and on that, it was thought best to leave Theological questions, and provide for the Common wealth, and to send some thither, who having made search how matters stood, might compound with them. Here was the policy, To permit the Communion under both kinds, to such as in other things would submit themselves to the Council, and proceeded with all rigour to the rest that embraced not the same condition. These were the ancient Waldenses, and their Disciples, who requested that the Church might be reform in most of the Articles, which are contained in their and our confessions; who for this cause suffered much, both by the wars that Sigismond made upon them, and by the division and backsliding of their companions: Yet do we see their Churches outlive so many miseries, & until these times consist and continue most flourishing and largely propagated. As touching the Fathers of the Council of Basill, they seem to be somewhat ashamed of that decree of Constance, concerning the Communion under both kinds: And whereas they of Constance said, Although Christ hath instituted the holy Supper under both kinds, etc. Yet notwithstanding, etc. These of Basill say, having well examined the Divine Scriptures, and the doctrines of the holy Fathers, That the faithful of the Laity or of the Clergy communicating, are not bound by the commandment of the Lord, to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist under both kinds, of bread and wine, altering and wresting the decision beside the purpose; whereas indeed the Bohemians complained not, that they were constrained to a whole Communion by the Romish Church, but that they were excluded from it: And what greater necessity can there be to a Christian man, than to stick unto the precept and prescript rule of his Saviour? These are ever their subtle deceits. Lastly, this Council of Basil had forbidden to exact or pay Annates, under pain of Simony; Eugenius, who willingly would lose nothing, complaineth as of an injury done to the Church, That this could not, neither aught to have been done, without having first consulted with Eugenius and his College of Cardinals, Respons. factae per Domin. Anton. Auditorem pro part Eugenij. If any pretended abuses in them, they ought to have provided against them, without privation of the substance, that so justice and peace might meet each other: evidently abusing the Scriptures. For, said he, whence shall the Apostolic See defray charges, in providing for the necessities and commodities of the universal Church, and for those things that belong unto peace, and the extirpation of heresies and errors? And with the same reason overthroweth he that which they had ordained concerning indulgences, election, causes and vacations of Scribes and Abbreviators of the Court of Rome, and other like pillages. And this was not the least cause why he would dissolve the Council. An Author of those times, not to be suspected, saith, That he was so prodigal of Indulgences, that the Englishmen, Thomas Gascoigne in Dictionario Theologico. who perceived it, commonly said, Rome cometh now to our gates. The church of Rome is a great harlot, for now she prostituteth herself to every one that offereth money. And all being full of pardons, the Pope's negotiators at length gave indulgences for a supper, for a lodging, for a draft of wine or beer, for tennis play, and sometime for brothelry or lechery. We are not to omit that Eugenius, who from the time of Martin his predecessor had accustomed himself to warfare, and all the time of his Popedom had been entangled in war, made such a wound in Christendom, as hath bled ever since. Vladislaus king of Hungary, had made peace with the Turk. Eugenius sendeth unto him Cardinal julian, who promising unto him some succours, and a Navy at Sea to stay and encumber the enemies, persuadeth him to break that peace, seeing that it could not subsist with the enemies of Christ without his commandment: whereupon, ensueth a bloody battle, in which the Turks had the victory; Aeneas Silvius l. 1. Epist. 81. for to show us (saith Aeneas silvius, after Pope Pius the second) That oaths ought to be kept, not only with the domestic friends of faith, but also with the enemies thereof. In that battle was slain king Vladislaus, a pattern of singular valour, and of renowned Nobility; Cardinal julian was wounded, and in his retiring is slain of the Christians themselves, as Author of this miserable discomfiture, by the desloyaltie of which he was instrument. And from this misfortune arose others without end, and without number; so dangerous is it for any to enterprise any thing against faithfulness and beyond his vocation. Memorable against perfidious persons, Bonfinij Hist. Hungar. Dec. 1. lib. 6. is that which we read in the Hungarian History: When Amurath beheld his army put to flight by king Vladislaus, not without great slaughter, pulling forth of his bosom the Articles of peace solemnly sworn, unfoldeth it, and lifting up his eyes steadfastly unto heaven, saith, These are, O jesus Christ, the covenants of peace which thy Christians have made with me; they have holily sworn by thy Divine Majesty, and have violated the faith given in thy name; they have perfidiously denied their God: Now, O Christ, if thou be God, I beseech the revenge here these thine injuries & mine; and to them that as yet acknowledge not thy name, show the punishment of violated faith. Scarcely had he said these words, who expected the last of extremities against himself, when the battle, which before had been doubtful, inclined towards his side, etc. This happened in the year 1444, An. 1444. from which time the state of Christendom could never well recover itself. More our the Council of Basill, or at leastwise they which in their name wrote against the Bohemians, on their part set forward the progress of abomination. For when those Churches had determined not to admit any doctrine that was not grounded on holy Scripture, Cardinal Cusan was charged by letters to confound them with this Axiom, which they were not ashamed to maintain, That the Scriptures can by no means be of the essence of the Church, either begun or continued, but only of the seemly order thereof. Item, That the Church is not known by the Gospel, but the Gospel by the Church. Item, That so much the more worthily is the word of God given of God, by how much the farther off it is from all Scripture, yea and from all vocal word: That by this reason he might reduce all things to the Church, which they call Catholic, from the Catholic to the Roman, and at last draw them from the Roman to their Council. And when those Churches replied, That that was not the mind nor voice of the ancient Church, which had otherwise celebrated the holy Eucharist, and had in another sense interpreted the Scripture, than now in these days it is: Cardinal. Cusanus Epist. 2 & 3. ad Bohemos. Let not this move thee (saith he) that in divers times, diverse are the ceremonies of Priests; and that the Scriptures be found applied to the time, and diversly understood; so that in one time they be expounded according to the universal ceremony than currant, but the ceremony being changed, the sense thereof again is changed: Wherefore, although of the same precept of the Gospel the interpretation of the Church be other than in times past, yet this sense now currant in use inspired for the government of the Church, aught to be received, as befitting the time, and as the way to salvation: The reason followeth, because the judgement of the Church being changed, the judgement also of God is changed. And by this account, whether it be their Church or their Council, it is not only extolled above the holy Scripture, but also above God himself; who is held, if we believe them, to change his counsel after their pleasure: of which doctrine truly even the jews in their Thalmud, and the Turks in their Alcoran would be ashamed. And when afterwards the Popes have reduced the universal authority both of Counsels and of the Church itself, to the person of the Pope alone (Eugenius in the Council of Florence, Pius the second in his eloquent bull on that matter, and others afterward) it followeth that the Pope is exalted above the holy Scriptures, yea above God himself, and is therefore to be accounted for him, of whom the Apostle speaketh, 2. Thes. 2. He exalteth himself against all that is called God or that is worshipped, so that he sitteth in the Temple of God as God; who dare correct God, altar the sense of his word after his own pleasure & commodity? And thus Reader thou seest, how this Mystery of Iniquity still advanceth forward. OPPOSITION. The precedent progression is intermixed with so many and mighty oppositions, that there seemeth to be no need of any other; notwithstanding, as sighs increase according to the evil, so in this place aboundeth unto us very many. The Emperor Sigismond had framed certain Articles of reformation, to be exhibited to the Council of Constance; divers others also in divers Nations had conceived also some patterns. M. Peter de Alliaco, Cardinal of Cambray, is particularly commanded to write these things, for to show them to the Council in the year 1415, An. 1415. the first of November, four months after that john the four and twentieth had renounced the Popedom, the Seat being vacant, two years before Martin was chosen to succeed, during which space this matter of reformation seemed fittest of all to be thought upon. The Preface of his discourse is by a place of S. Bernard upon the Canticles, Sermon 33. A rotten ulcer spreadeth itself at this day over all the body of the Church, so much the more desperate, by how much the more it is far and wide extended; and by how much the more it is inward, so much the more it is dangerous. For if an heretic enemy should openly arise, he might be cast out, and so whither; if a violent enemy, she might perhaps hide herself from him: but now whom shall she cast out, or from whom shall she hide herself? All are friends, and all enemies, etc. they are the minister of Christ, and serve Antichrist, etc. The wound of the Church is inward and incurable, & therefore in peace her bitterness is most bitter. And this place have we above alleged at length, out of which he draweth this conclusion, Seeing that the Church from henceforth was fallen from evil to worse, unless betimes it be looked to and prevented, after the horrible darkness of so many schisms, much more horrid things were in very few days to be expected. He prosecuteth afterwards by degrees those things that he thinketh do belong to reformation of the universal body of the Church: First, That it is necessary there should be eftsoons held general and Provincial Counsels for the correction of abuses, especially general, which can with greater authority correct both all sorts of persons, and all things. Neither are we to expect remedy from the Church of Rome, as if it were able to satisfy all cases that fall out: Many (saith he) suspect that she hath dissembled these things, and for this cause hath neglected the holding of Counsels, that she might the more fully bear dominion according to her own lust and pleasure, and usurp the more freely the rights and prerogatives of other Churches: That before the time of Constantine, because the Church might not with free liberty hold Counsels, it hath fallen into divers heresies; therefore no marvel if in these later times, through neglect of Counsels, it fall into divers schisms, and innumerable other evils ad haereses disponentia, which dispose it to heresies: That general Counsels are first of all necessary for the reformation of the body of the Church, Dist. 19 C. Anastas. & ibid. Glossa & Archid. dist. 15. especially of the Roman, which is de arduis pertinentibus ad fidem, difficult in things pertaining to faith; in as much as that which the Gloss saith (That the Pope ought to require a Council when matters of faith is debated) is not to be referred only to the articles of faith, but to those things that belong to the state of the faithful Church: whereas otherwise it would be too dangerous a thing to commit our faith to the judgement and fancy of one man alone. Lastly, that now, if ever, was a fit opportunity, either to procure the union of the Greeks' with the Latins, or to repress the designments of the Turks, who after they have rend and torn in pieces the Empire, will with all violence rush upon the Church, and so make way for Antichrist: And already (saith he) many very godly devout men, not without cause, do fear praesentialiter, presently both the one and the other ruin; namely, of the Empire by the Turks, and of the Church by Antichrist. 2. For the reformation of the Court of Rome: That for the avoiding of schisms, which proceed from the factions of the Cardinals, it is sufficient to have of every each Province but one only Cardinal: Also that the Pope ought to provide remedies, & cut off the grievous burdens wherewith the Roman Church oppresseth other Churhces, seeing that the Greek Church is alienated from it because of her exactions, excommunications, and statutes: and that to take away those exactions, it were meet she should abate of her pomp, of her excess, and of the number of the Cardinals: Excommunications, which after the example of the Primitive Church, for to make them the more to be feared, ought not come forth but for grave and weighty causes; whereas in these days they are thundered forth for very light and for the most part temporal causes, and the Anathemaes themselves; whereupon they are grown into contempt with all men: That there be a mean used in Statutes, Canons, and Decrees, which oblige to mortal pains, and of which may be said that of our Lord to the pharisees, They lay burdens on men's shoulders, which they would not touch with the top of the finger. And this article reached very far. 3. For the Prelates, That they should be chosen capable in doctrine, exemplary in manners, resident in their charges, moderate in diet and expense, abstaining from corporal arms, from secular affairs, cutting off all simony: That it was necessary to declare, that many observations are of that kind, that they are rather counsels than precepts. He bringeth for example, Lent, to be moderated out of the circumstances, the Service to be abridged to a devout and entire brevity, the variety of Images in Churches to be repressed, a mean and bounds to be set in new Holidays, Churches, and Saints; on Sundays and solemn feasts only to abstain from labour, and out of the Divine Service to banish and put forth all apocrypha Scriptures, new prayers, and to be short, all novelties. 4. For religious persons, That their great number and diversity is altogether pernicious, whilst the one boasteth and is proud in his Rule against the other; above all, the begging Friars ought to be bridled, being burdensome to the people, damageable to spitals and hospitals and to other truly poor and needy wretches, prejudicial also to the Curates and poor of Parishes, and likewise, if it be well considered, to all estates of the Church: Those Preaching money-gatherers above all, because they defile the Church with their lies, and make it ridiculous, and the office of Preaching contemptible. Monks after the Canon of Chalcedon, to be restrained in their monasteries to fastings and prayer, excluded from Ecclesiastical and secular affairs, and to be debarred from all studies, Divinity excepted, seeing it is evident, That the Court of Rome, in contemning Divines, have preferred to all Ecclesiastical degrees the students of gainful sciences, when nevertheless the Primitive Divines have edified the Church, which some wrangling Lawyers have destroyed, and now seem to bring to extreme ruin; so that now this horrible proverb is used of some, That the Church is come to that state, that it is not worthy to be governed by any but reprobates. Neither do they withdraw themselves from the jurisdiction of Ordinaries against the holy Decrees, by human privileges obtained by importunity: For it is not a little to be doubted (saith he) whether such men are in state to be saved. All which things, although they respect more the circumstance than the substance of Christian religion, yet are they in no sort touched in that Council. Moreover, Petrus de Alliaco in Vesperijs. this same Peter de Alliaco in his Questions, hath disputed, Vtrum Petri Ecclesia lege reguletur, Whether the Church of Peter (meaning the Roman) may be ruled by a law: where he concludeth affirmatively, and subiecteth both the Pope and the Roman Church to a Council. Yet there wanted not at the same time, even in France itself, busy spies of the Pope, who maintained contrary positions; for in the year 1429 one Friar john Sarazenus, of the order of Preachers, durst teach and maintain these same that follow: First, That all powers and jurisdictions of the Church, which be other than the Papal power, are from the Pope himself, as touching their institution and collation. 2. Such like powers are not de jure divino, of divine right, nor immediately instituted of God. 3. It is not found that Christ hath expressed such powers, to wit, different from the Papal, but only that supreme power to whom he hath committed the foundation of the Church. 4. Whensoever any Statuees are made in any Council, the whole authority giving force to those Statutes, resideth in the Pope alone. Fiftly, It is not expressly showed by the text of the Gospel, That the authority of jurisdiction was bestowed on any of the Apostles, saving only on Peter. Sixtly, To say that the power of jurisdiction of inferior Prelates, whether they be Bishops or Curates, is immediately from God, like as is the Pope's power, is after a a sort repugnant to the truth. Seventhly, Like as no flower, no bud, neither yet all flowers and buds together, can do any thing in the tree, which are all ordained for the tree, and derived from the tree; so all other powers can de jure, by right do nothing against the chief Priesthood, or Priest, being instituted by him. (Here after is said, that the Spiritual power is the Pope, as said Hugo de Sancto Victore 2 De Sacramentis: out of which it may seem, that here by chief Priesthood he meaneth the Pope.) Eightly, That the Pope cannot commit Canonical simony, prohibited by the positive law. The professors of Divinity in Paris, being solemnly assembled on the eighth day of March, and having duly weighed these positions, condemn them publicly, and compel the said john to abjure them, and force him to answer unto others contrary, which here do follow: First, That all powers of jurisdiction of the Church, which are not the Papal power, are from Christ himself, as touching their primary institution and collation, but from the Pope and from the Church, as touching their limitation and ministerial dispensation. Secondly, Such like powers are de jure divino, of divine right, and immediately instituted by God. Thirdly, It is found in holy Scripture, that Christ hath founded the Church, and hath expressly ordained the powers divers from the Papal. Fourthly, Whensoever in any Council any Statutes are made, the whole authority giving vigour to the Statutes, resideth not in the Pope alone, but principally in the holy Ghost, and in the Catholic Church. Fiftly, By the text of the Gospel, and by the doctrine of the Apostles is expressly showed, That the authority of jurisdiction was bestowed on the Apostles, and on the Disciples sent of Christ. Sixtly, To say that the power of jurisdiction of inferior Prelates, whether they be Bishops or Curates, is immediately from God, is consonant to the evangelical and Apostolical truth. Seventhly, Any power, that is to say, of the Church, by right may do something, and in certain cases, against the Pope. Eightly, Any whosoever that is but mere man, having the use of reason, of whatsoever dignity, authority, and pre-eminence, yea though he be a Pope, may commit simony. Lastly, If I have uttered or written any other things, which seem contrary to the foresaid truths, or which are otherwise written, I will not stand in them, but will and entreat that they be accounted for not said or written; and all other things whatsoever, which may seem to yield occasion of scandal or error The Acts of all which are solemnly kept in the Arches of the Sorbone. The Council of Basil was able perhaps to take in hand a reformation with more courage than that of Constance; but it had Eugenius to contend with, who, as before we have seen, defended stoutly even the least articles, so that by admonitions, gain sayings, and oppositions, he left nothing unattempted. Notwithstanding the history of the Council of Basil, written by Aeneas Silvius, than Clerk of the Ceremonies, who was there present, and since Pius the second, and therefore a most fit witness, assureth us, that many things were there gravely pronounced according to the truth: although he plainly showeth, that Eugenius had intruded into it many of his, which were incorporated and had taken oath in the Council, and yet nevertheless in all things took the part of Eugenius, who were vulgarly named the Grisean sect. An. 1438. In the year than 1438, when Eugenius had assigned his Council at Ferrara, to the prejudice of that of Basil, the Emperor Albert came in between to be a mediator of peace, and for that intent assembled a Parliament first at Norimberg, and after at Mentz, wherein were present the Deputies of the Council of Basil, of all nations: in Eugenius name appeared none in show, yet very many in deed, who set forward his intention. The Fathers of Basil consented, that for the commodity of the Greeks' the place of the Council should be changed. Eugenius for to retain his authority, would have the Council of Basil be dissolved. In the mean between both was the Emperor, who would have it so to be transferred, that it should be thought dissolved: Nevertheless he found so much reason in the proceeding of them of Basil, that he gave them for Protector of the Council Conrade de Windzberg; whereby he manifested both that he approved the Council, and disliked the wiles of Eugenius, namely that which the Author noteth, The ambassadors requested that the Fathers would repair and transfer the Council to another place; which one thing Eugenius seemed to have sought, that so he might either disperse the Fathers of the Council, or take away the liberty thereof. During the Parliament of Mentz, was disputed among the Divines in the Council of Basil, of the person of Eugenius, the one part affirming, That he is an heretic, others, That he is a relapse, and some denying both: the more grievous sentence carried it away, That he was an heretic and a relapse both together. The Divines therefore set down in writing eight Conclusions (which they call Truths) and send copies of them throughout all the world, which were such; First, It is a Truth of Catholic Faith, That a sacred general Council hath power above the Pope, and all other whomsoever. Secondly, That a general Council lawfully assembled, cannot, without the consent of the same, be by the Pope of Rome his authority, either dissolved or transferred, or prorogued for a time; and that is of the same Truth. Thirdly, That he which obstinately opposeth himself to these Truths, is to be judged an heretic. Fourthly, Pope Eugenius the fourrh hath repugned these Truths, when first by the fullness of Apostolic power he attempted to dissolve or transfer the Council of Basil. Fiftly, Eugenius being at length warned by the sacred Council, hath revoked the errors repugnant to these Truths. Sixtly, The dissolving or transferring thereof, the second time by Eugenius attempted, is contrary to the Truths aforesaid, and containeth an unexcusable error concerning faith. Seventhly, Eugenius enterprising again to break up, or transfer the Council, is fallen into his errors formerly revoked. Eightly, Eugenius being admonished by the Synod to revoke the dissolution or translation by him attempted, for the second time, persisting in rebellion after his contumacy declared, and erecting a conventicle at Ferrara, declareth himself obstinate. Nevertheless the Fathers would have these yet publicly be examined by all the Doctors both of the Civil and Canon Law, for the space of six days, Lewis Cardinal and Archbishop of Arles, sitting Precedent, a man of great learning and courage, and they would that all should speak their opinion of them. The Abbot of Palermo, vulgarly called Panormitan, took upon him the defence of Eugenius, yet durst not deny that he was an heretic, but only that he was a relapse, whom he would rather should be called a Prolapse, because from a relapse is no return. On the contrary john de Segovio, a Spanish Divine of great fame, stiffly maintaineth out of his own sayings, That he is an Infidel rather than a believer, a member of Satan rather than of Christ; opposing to that singular Gloss alleged by Panormitan, That the judgement of the Roman Church ought to be preferred before all the world, the authority of S. Hierome, Orbis maior est urbe, The authority of the whole world is greater than of one only city. The Bishop of Argos proceedeth, That the Pope is only the Minister of the Church. Panormitan waxing in choler, contendeth, That he is Lord thereof. Segovia replieth, Take heed what thou sayest, Panormitane, that is a more honourable title for the Bishop of Rome, whereby he calleth himself the Servant of the servants of God. For that is taken from the saying of Christ to his disciples, when they asked which of them should be the greatest; for you know that he answered, The Princes of the Gentiles rule as Lords over them, etc. But the Archbishop of Lions, Ambassador of the French king, stoutly proved by many reasons, that Eugenius was an heretic, and detested the lack of courage of them, that had created such a man Bishop of Rome. The Bishop of Burgos Ambassador for Spain, insisting on the three former conclusions, concludeth out of all the Law divine and human, That the Council is above the Pope, that he is an heretic which denieth it. But coming to other things, which properly respected the fact of Eugenius, It seemed (saith the Author) that he somewhat departed from himself, and was no more Burgensis; neither did that grace appear in his words, nor that gravity in his speech, or cheerfulness in his countenance, and if he could have seen himself, perhaps he would have been abashed at himself: For who (saith he) did not then see the force of the truth, which furnished this man, speaking for it, with sentence and words; but speaking against it, took away from him that very eloquence which naturally was engrafted in him? Yet thus much modesty showed both he and Panormitan, that they said ingeniously, That the judgement of the Divines was to be believed, and not their opinion who were not instructed in the holy Scriptures. What Doctors of the Canon-law are these? what assessors or assistants of Popes and of Counsels, which neglected to read the holy Scriptures. The Author proceedeth to declare, what was done upon those three conclusions: upon the first, namely, which hath two points, Whether the Council be above the Pope, and whether Catholic faith commandeth to believe so; And for the Pope's authority was solemnly cited; Thou art Peter and upon this rock etc. Item, I have prayed for thee Peter, etc. By conference then of places, and by the exposition of the Fathers, they manifestly prove, that these things were promised to the church, not to Peter, much less to the Pope: and indeed, that many Popes have grievously erred, and of these they produce examples; That the Church, which is represented by a Council, is the mother of all the faithful, and by consequent of the Pope, whence of Annacletus and Calixtus it is called Mother; That the Church is the Spouse of Christ, the Pope only his Vicar, a Vicar, who can never be above the Spouse, who is one body with the bridegroom: That these words ever in their mouth, maketh nothing for them, Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth, etc. for this power was given to the Church not unto Peter, for edification not for destruction, which consequently may be taken away from the Pope, if he abuse it, who is only Vicar and Steward of the Church; therefore not equal to the Church, seeing Christ sendeth Peter himself to the Church, tell it (sayeth he) to the Church, which if he will not hear, he ought to be accounted an heathen and a publican: That this Church ought to be heard by the Pope, in a general Council lawfully assembled: And that all those Canonists, which buzz into his ear, that the Pope cannot be judged but by god alone, that the first Seat is judged of none, that though he should lead multitudes of souls with him into hell yet is it lawful for none to say unto him, what or why dost thou so; do most shamefully flatter him: That those decrees are the words of the Pope's themselves, labouring to enlarge the fringes of their garment: That those places also of Scripture, Thou shalt be called Cephas, etc. I will give unto thee the keys, etc. I have prayed for thee, etc. Feed my sheep, etc. Launch forth into the deep, and the like, are induced against the true meaning of the holy Scripture; which they prove both by forcible reasons, and by good and well applied places of the Fathers: That the Pope, if he obey not the Church, may be deposed by it, seeing he is not the natural head thereof, but grafted in, which may no less be cut off than the rest of the members, if he ill execute his charge, if he be for the destruction or damage thereof, be cast into the fire, if he bring not forth good fruit, and be trodden under foot in the street, if he be unprofitable: Which is the opinion of S. Hierome, interpreting the unprofitable salt, That the Prelate foolish and unsavoury in preaching, chiefly in Peter's chair, is to be cast forth of doors, that is, to be deposed, that he may be trodden under feet of swine, that is, of Devils, which bear rule over the evil Prelate, as over a beast of their flock. And this not only for heresy, but for whatsoever crime whereby the Church is scandalised. And this so much the more truly, for that the Pope, to speak properly, is not the Vicar of Christ, but of the Church; and the Lord and Master may by all right depose his Vicar or Lieutenant, whose power ceaseth when the Master is in presence: so likewise doth the power of the Pope when a Council is gathered, wherein remaineth fullness of power. Here this doubt came in their way, But the calling of a Council, doth it not belong to the Pope alone? Yea (saith he) if that have place, who seethe not that the ruin of the Church is near at hand, and will presently ensue? For who knoweth not that he which will sin, will sin without punishment? And who will believe that a Pope will assign a Council for to repress and reform himself? Neither do I find (saith he) either by histories, or by the Acts of the Apostles themselves, that Popes alone have assembled Counsels: The first of all councils, where Mathias is substituted in place of judas, I find to be gathered not by the commandment of Peter, but of Christ, who commanded his Apostles, that they should not departed from Jerusalem, but should expect the promise of the Father. The second for the election of Deacons, was not assembled by Peter alone, but by the twelve Apostles, for it is written, Then the twelve called the multitude together. The third for the taking away of Circumcision, and other legal rites, was gathered by common inspiration, as it is written, The Apostles and Elders came together. The fourth for the permission of certain legal things, seemeth to be assembled by james the brother of the Lord. The same was also in the Primitive Church, and since by the authority of the Emperors, yet so, as that the Pope's consent was requisite according to reason, but on condition that the greater part carry it away. And much more the Council, being once assembled, cannot be by the Pope revoked, seeing he himself is a part of it, which ought to give place to the greater; and from it to departed, maketh him guilty of schism. And thus much for the first Truth, whereon the second dependeth, That the Pope cannot dissolve a Council, otherwise, at the first word he should hear of correction, he would bethink himself of this remedy. There remained the third, Whether this of Catholic faith is so to be believed: Which they show affirmatively, because we are held to believe whatsoever is in the Gospel; now in it, say they, is dic Ecclesiae, on which words the Council of Constance hath grounded this Decree, That the power of a Council is above the Pope, under pain of heresy. And so these three first Conclusions rest most firm, by consequence of which the others also are approved. Now this decision was to be applied against Eugenius, and part of them who had consented in these Truths, desired that the sentence should be deferred, some hoping they should have better of him, others, by reason that many Bishops yet stayed in the Parliament of Mentz, famous men, whose Suffrages might seem to be expected. And Panormitan took occasion thereupon to infer, That the Bishops ought to be stayed for, and that inferiors have not in Council a Suffrage decisive, but only consultative: Unto which added Ludovicus Romanus, That argument is not to be taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, whose examples were rather to be admired than imitated; neither is it there manifest, that the Apostles had called the Elders out of their duty; there is only declared that they were present, out of which nothing can be inferred. Which speech all wondering at in so great a man, cry out Blasphemy. Then therefore Lewis Cardinal of Arles, A man of all other most constant, and borne to the government of general Counsels, taking up the words of all the Orators that had spoken, declareth, That all these doubts were without cause, That these Conclusions had been maturely determined and weighed, That the ambassadors of all the Princes had given upon these their sentence, which were the chiefest men in the Church, That the Bishops were in fault that they were not present, That to such as were present greater reverence was given than in any Council before, and indeed greater authority, for so much as their prerogatives are fully restored unto them, whom they placed in their former state, and have made them which were not Bishops, but shadows, to be true Bishops: That even they which now do most draw back, have in their writings avouched the same Truths (meaning by those words of Panormitan, and Ludovicus Romanus.) But (saith he) the Presbyters are not so to be put down, who in the Council of the Apostles had a decisive voice; and in like sort also in the ancient Counsels: That in time past the Bishop and the Presbyter, or Priest, was but one and the same; in so much that S. Augustine saith on these words, I will give unto thee the keys, etc. That our Lord gave judiciariam potestatem, judiciary power to Bishops and Priests, especially seeing they have more done their duty in the Council than the Bishops; these fearing to lose their dignities and their delights, those for so just a cause not dreading any loss, nor yet death itself: That the Council hath now sat eight years, so that there cannot be pretended any headlong proceeding, nor any ignorance. And moreover, the threats of some Princes are inferred beside the Purpose, who are wiser than to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Council; and they themselves also being taught by the word of God, not to fear them that can kill the body only, but him that can cast the soul into hell. Lastly, That seeing the ambassadors of Eugenius dare preach every where their new doctrine, That the Pope is above the Church, they ought not defer the publication of those three Conclusions: yea That they should imitat the Apostle Paul, who would not for one hour forbear Peter, not walking according to the truth of the Gospel with a right foot: But that the other things, which respect his person, might be deferred, lest Panormitan exclaim more than needs. At these words Panormitan, Ludovicus Romanus, and others, made a great tumult, and greatly upbraided him, That he had related those Conclusions at Louvain, and at Colonia; which he himself also denied not. And very hardly could john de Segovia obtain silence to be made, though all did take an exceeding great delight to hear him speak: He then strongly confirmed the sentence of the Precedent, & after many forcible arguments, The followers of Eugenius (saith he) preach heresy all the world over, neither doth any say unto them that they should surcease: but to you that intent to publish the truth, a thousand things are whispered in your ears, for to make you be silent, etc. And to you my Lord Precedent, I say, that you must rather please God than Princes: If you therefore departed hence without conclusion, know that you shall render an account thereof in the severe judgement of God. And at length the Cardinal of Arles pronounceth sentence, whereby the minds of the contrary party were sore troubled. The Council had established eight Conclusions, yet with intention to retain only the three former: These (saith he) in the name of the Father and of the Son, and of the holy Ghost, I conclude. This said, he rose up cheerfully, and very many striving, kiss the skirts of his garments, it being the common opinion, That this was rather a work of the holy Ghost, than of him. Panormitan being much ashamed, retireth to his lodging, and in his chamber complaineth of his king (the king of Arragon) in that he had compelled him to fight against the truth, and to lose his reputation, and his soul. And the Author addeth, That notwithstanding his protestation, he had seen him oftentimes in his study complaining of his Prince, that he was carried away with the counsel of others: and the Archbishop of Arles upbraideth him, that none was more eager in publishing the errors of Eugenius, none more ready to the Monitories and suspension, and therefore that he should examine his conscience. Now in the end, the Decree is read and published, and the Hymn Te Deum sung according to custom, with the assent of the ambassadors of the Princes, yea of the Emperor and of the king of France, notwithstanding the endeavours of the adverse parties to the contrary: and they protested by the mouth of the Archbishop of Tours, That what they had moved to the contrary, had not been for that they doubted of the truth and holiness of those Conclusions (for which they were even ready to suffer martyrdom) but that they might reserve to themselves some way of treating a peace. The same Author noteth, That the pestilence waxing hot at Basil, many of the Prelates departed into divers places, who at the point of death receiving the Sacrament, said to their friends that stood about them, We are within few hours to appear before the tribunal seat of God: All ye which be present pray to God to convert them who acknowledge Gabriel (to wit Eugenius) for Pope, because they cannot be saved in that estate; testifying even to the last gasp, that they will die in the faith of the Council of Basil. And notwithstanding all this danger, the Cardinal of Arles would not departed till he had fully brought to pass both the deposition of Eugenius, and the election and coronation of a new Pope, which was Amade Duke of Savoy, called Felix the fourth. Then, because he had been married, grew a question whether he might be chosen; it was determined, That not only he who hath had a wife, but he which yet hath one, may be admitted: For why else (say they) do our Doctor's dispute, Whether one that hath a wife, being chosen Pope, is bound to yield the duty of marriage to his wife, but because also a married man may be received? There have been also (as you know) Popes in marriage state, neither was Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, without a wife. Why do we now object these things? It may be it were never the worse if many Priests did marry, Sacerdores quam-plures uxorari, because many would be saved in a married Priesthood, which in a barren are damned. Some do note, That the Cardinal of Arles, to whom the praise of this whole action is referred, being sent from the Council into lower Germany, in his return, very hardly escaped an ambush which Eugenius had laid against him; so that he seemed not without cause to have said in a certain Session of the Council, Christ was sold for thirty pieces of silver, but I was sold for a far greater price, for forty crowns of gold, delivered and paid by Gabriel (sometime Eugenius) that I might be taken prisoner, and presented unto him. It is worthy remembrance, That when Eugenius had sent Legate julian Cardinal of Saint Angelo to the Council of Basil, & presently after sent him commandment to dissolve it: julian laid open unto him by letters, how great an injury he should do himself; and brought many reasons against it, Epist. Julian. Cardin. Legati in Germane. ad Eugen. Papam. among others this, That the Bohemians, who had been called thither, would by good right say, Is not here the finger of God seen? Behold armies have so often fled from before them, and now the universal Church also flieth. Behold they can neither be overcome with arms, nor by learning. Whereas he alleged his wars, although he most certainly foresaw, that he should lose Rome and the whole patrimony of the Church; that he ought rather forego them than break off the Council, seeing that the salvation of one soul, for which Christ died, is dearer unto him than all the temporal demain of the Church, than the whole world, than heaven itself. If not (saith he) Now is the axe laid to the root, the tree leaneth ready to fall, neither can it long persist. For the fear also he was brought into, lest the Council would take away the temporal of the Church; A wonderful matter (saith he) if this Council did not consist of Churchmen, it might perhaps be doubted: But what Churchman is there, will consent to this determination, not only because it were against faith, but because it would redound to their own detriment, etc. But I fear, lest it happen unto us as it did to the jews, who said, If we let this man go, the Romans will come and take away our place and our nation: So likewise we, if we say, If we admit the Council to be kept, the Laymen will come and take away our temporalty. But as by the just judgement of God it came to pass, that the jews lost their place, which would not let go Christ; so by the just judgement of God it will come to pass, That because we will not let the Council be called, we shall lose our temporalty, and I would to God that not also our bodies and souls too. To that which at last he replied, That the Council of Basil was not lawful; Yea rather, answereth he, it dependeth on the Council of Constance; if that were a true one then also this. No man hath seemed to doubt, whether that were lawful, nor likewise of whatsoever was there decreed: for if any should say, That the Decrees of that Council are not of validity, he must needs also confess, that the deposition of john the four and twentieth, by virtue of those Decrees, was of no force; If they were of force, neither could the election of Pope Martin hold good, being done whilst the other was yet living: If Martin was not Pope, than neither is your Holiness, who were elected of the Cardinals by him created; it importeth therefore none more than your Holiness, to defend the Decrees of that Council. And let the Reader note the argument of the Cardinal against the Papists, which call into doubt the authority of these two Counsels, and consequently the universal vocation and succession of Rome; whereas julian maintaineth on the contrary, That there hardly is found any, grounded on so manifold authority. And therefore he defendeth the Decree, whereby is affirmed, That the Council is above the Pope, by the same reasons and examples, as the Fathers of the Council of Basil. It was the ordinary question of that time; in which besides the decision of the Council of Basill, the greatest learned men in particular defend the sentence of the Council. And Aeneas Silvius before he came to the Popedom, in the History of the Council of Basil, which we have above abridged, had plainly declared his mind. Aeneas Silvius Epist. 54. & 55. In his Epistle also to Gaspar Schlicke the emperors Chancellor, wherein he approveth the Council of king Charles the seventh, for the reunion of the Church; It is lawful (saith he) for secular Princes to assemble, whether the Clergy will or no, and nevertheless an union may be made thereby; for he should be undoubtedly Pope, whom all the Princes obeyed. I see no Clergymen that will suffer martyrdom for the one nor for the other party; We all of us have the same faith that our Princes have, if they did worship Idols, we would worship them also. And we would not only deny the Pope, but even Christ also, if the secular power did urge it, because charity is waxed cold, and all faith is perished. How ever it be we desire peace, be it by another Council, or by an assembly of Princes, I weigh not, for we are not to contend for the name, but for the thing: Call bread (if thou wilt) a stone, and give it me when I am an hungry. Let it not be called a Council, let it be called a Conventicle, a Congregation, a Synagogue, it mattereth not, provided that schism be taken away. Therefore that which the king of France writeth pleaseth me exceedingly, and I would stick to his opinion, for he seemeth to permit to our king (to wit, of the Romans) the assembling of this congregation. How far is he from them who acknowledge no Council but that which the Pope is author of? And not without cause truly considering what he writeth of the Counsels of his time to Lupus of Portugal: Jdem Epist. 10. Now the Church is a play, such as we see of the ball, whilst with the strokes of the players it is stricken to and fro. But God beholdeth these things from on high, and although he seldom inflict on earth deserved punishments on men, yet in his last judgement he leaveth nothing unpunished. But so soon afterwards as he sat on that chair of pestilence, he retracteth, yea when first the Cardinal's hat touched his head, he changeth his mind, and declineth to the left hand, as appeareth in his last Epistles. In the same manner spoke Laurence Valla, a Senator of Rome, and wrote a book of purpose against the Donation of Constantine, at the time when Pope Eugenius caused the Emperor Sigismond to swear unto it, and otherwise would not crown him: and if you ask what was the state of the Church in his time, I say, Laurentius Valla de Donatione Constant. and exclaim (saith he) that in my time there hath been none in the Popedom either a faithful or a wise Steward, so much wanteth it that he hath given bread and food to the family of God, that the Pope maketh war on peaceable people, and nourisheth discord between the chiefest cities: the Pope with his consumeth both other men's riches and his own. The Pope pilleth not only the Commonwealth, more than Verres or Catilina, or any other robber of the common treasury durst do; but also makes a gain even of Ecclesiastical goods, and the holy Ghost, which Simon Magus himself detesteth. And when he is of some men admonished and reproved of these things, he denieth them not, but confesseth them openly, and boasteth of it as lawful; and by any means will have the patrimony of the Church given by Constantine, wrested out of the hands of them that occupy it: as if that being recovered, Christian religion would be more happy, and not rather more oppressed with wickedness, luxuries, and lusts, if yet it can be any more oppressed, and that there is any place further left for wickedness, etc. And in the mean time Christ in so many millions of poor dieth with hunger and nakedness, etc. There is therefore no more religion, no holiness, no fear of God, and, which I speak with horror, impious men take the excuse of all their wicked crimes from the Pope. For in him, and in them which accompany him, is the example of all wickedness; so that we may say with Esay and S. Paul, against the Pope and them that are about him, The name of God is blasphemed because of you among the Gentiles. Ye which teach others, teach not yourselves: Ye who teach that men should not steal, ye play the robbers: Ye which teach to abhor sacrilege, commit the same: Ye which glory in the Law, and in the Papacy, by prevarication of the Law dishonour God the true high Bishop. And if the Roman people by too much riches lost veram illam Romanitatem, that true Roman heart: If Solomon also for the same cause fell, through the love of women, into Idolatry, think we that the same is not done in the Pope, and in the rest of the Clergy? Yea so far is he carried, that he saith, Allege no more unto me thy Dabo tibi claves, etc. I will give thee the keys, etc. to prove thence thy fullness of power: But wilt thou know (saith he) what is that Tibi dabo, in virtue of which thou mayst challenge to thyself that thy sovereign jurisdiction, read in the Gospel, what Satan saith to Christ, Tibi dabo, I will give thee all these kingdoms, if thou wilt fall down and worship me, etc. And as for doctrine he complaineth, that it is all every where besprinkled with fables: O wonderful madness of men (saith he) which give credit to these old wives doting tales! But how long is it since this was done? before the coming of the Saviour, or since? Nothing of these things is known. He may be ashamed of their triflings, and more than mimic lightness. A Christian man, which calleth himself the son of Truth and of Light, would blush to utter such things, which are not only not true, but also nothing probable or likely, etc. Christian sincerity hath no need to be maintained by falsehood; it is of itself sufficiently enough defended by it own truth and light, without those feigned and deluding fables, most contumelious against God, against Christ, and against the holy Ghost, etc. But our fable-tellers bring in Idols speaking, etc. Neither can I be persuaded that these writers were any other than Infidels, who did it in derision of Christians, etc. We discern false money, reject it, and call it in; and shall we not discern, but retain, a false Author? Shall we mix these fables with good books? Shall we defend them for good? But we had need to set down here the whole book. Nicholas Cusan, by nation a Germane, Doctor of Divinity, and afterward a Cardinal, the most learned of this age, in his books De Concordantia Catholica, consenteth to the Council of Basil, Aeneas Silvius l. 1. de Gestis Basiliensis Concilij. Nichol. Cusanus de concord. Catholic. lib. 1. c. 11. Idem. c. 14. 15. Ibid. cap. 15. 16. though Aeneas Silvius nameth him that Hercules of Eugenius, and bewaileth, That so noble a wit had turned aside to defend that schismatic. In the first book he defendeth and proveth these Positions, That all the promises of Christ speaking to Peter, I will give thee the keys, etc. The gates of hell, etc. I have prayed for thee, etc. are to be refered to the universal Church, and not particularly to S. Peter, or his successor, especially seeing many Popes have been schismatics and heretics: That every Bishop hath his seat in the Church, according to the privilege of the place which he holdeth, and by that reason the Bishop of Rome obtaineth the same degree of presidency which Rome had in old time among the Gentiles; and he addeth on an heap, That the Apostles had chosen Peter for their head: but whence doth that appear? That otherwise, if they should hold place according to the holiness of him that first sat there, or according to the reverence of the place, it is not to be doubted but that jerusalem ought to have the Primacy, where our chief Priest washed his Church with his own blood; but that Ephesus, the seat of S. john, should be preferred before Alexandria, where S. Mark; and so of the rest: That it belongeth to the duty of the Bishop of Rome, to assemble a general Council of all the Churches of whom he is acknowledged; which duty if he should slack to perform, the Emperor ought to supply it in his stead, lest the Church should suffer damage. In the second book, L. 2. c. 2. That this Council dependeth not on the Head thereof, but on the consent of all which sit there, who ought to contribute what in them is to the making of the Decrees; so that no prescription may take place to the contrary, Ibid. c. 8. Ibid. c. 12. seeing that the authority of the Bishop of Rome, even sitting Precedent, is not greater there than that of every Metrpoolitan in his Province: That indeed Peter himself hath received in no wise greater authority from Christ, than the rest of the Apostles; neither was there any thing said unto him, that was not said equally to the others as well as to him, for as much as they are no less Rocks than Peter; so that that which is said, Upon this rock, etc. is to be referred to his Confession, not to his Person: therefore seeing the power of binding and loossing is the foundation of all divine jurisdiction, it is manifest, that all Bishops, and (perhaps) all Priests, Idem l. 2. c. 13. as touching jurisdiction, have equal power. He restraineth afterwards, not as touching the execution, quae sub certis positivis terminis clauditur, which is limited with certain positive bounds, that is, ordained by man's law; but he addeth, That the cause thereof ceasing, all degrees also of majority and minority do cease, so that it returneth again to natural right, to wit, to that equality. That an universal Council, without all controversy, is above the Bishop of Rome, whose power if in some places it be said to be of Christ, yet in many other places it is held, That his Primacy is from men, and dependeth on the Canons. Wherefore, Idem ibid. c. 17. 18. 19 as he may be both judged and deposed by a Council, so he cannot abrogat, change, or contrary the Canons of Counsels. For proof whereof we read, Jbid. c. 20. 21. That the Pope's legates have spoken standing in universal Counsels, their letters were wont to be examined: And his Decretals are inferior to the Canons; which if the Pope contradict, he is not heard. All which positions he proveth very largely, both by the Decrees, and by the writings of the Fathers themselves. Jdem l. 3. c. 3. 4. In the third book he evidently proveth by many arguments drawn from out of Ecclesiastical antiquity, That it is false, that Constantine either gave the Empire of the West to the Pope, or could give it; That it is nothing truer, that Popes have bestowed the Empire on Charlemagne, or to any of his successors, or translated it from the Greeks' to the Germans, as they pretend; That it is most false, that the Electors of the Empire, were instituted by the Pope, and in his name did proceed in their election: he maintaineth to the contrary, That the Emperor doth so depend of God alone, that he hath no need to be confirmed by the Pope, and that he can in no wise be deposed by the Pope: That in his charge the Emperor is the minister and Vicar of Christ, Idem ibid. c. 6. & 7. appointed by him supreme keeper and preserver of the Faith; by which reason also he himself ought to be present in Council, and every Prince in his dominions may use the same and like right: That the Emperors at all times have assembled universal Counsels, Ibid. c. 8. & 9 and have defended their order, as Kings and Princes have undertaken the care of Nationall and Provincial, yet nevertheless the Emperor and the Pope concurring together; this charging the Bishops to be there, and the other exhorting them to their duty, and commanding the Laymen to be present. Ibid. c. 15. And that indeed the Pope challengeth not the convocation of them to himself alone, but affirmeth, that it ought not to be held without his authority; yet so, as that the Emperor in case the Pope be negligent in it, may and aught to command and assign a Council, praeceptiuè, with authority: That the Emperor did ever sit chief in them, assisted with fifteen or twenty of the greatest Noblemen of his Court, to whom he commanded place to be given; Ibid. c. 16. & 20 yea he himself also and his Lieutenants propounded such things as seemed to make for the peace and profit of the Church: That whatsoever the Church possesseth in temporal things, is come from the benefits of Emperors, Kings, and Princes, Jbid. c. 21. 28. 30. Dist. 63. c. in Synodo. who to him have stripped themselves. And here he exclaimeth, What do the temporalties of Churches profit the Commonwealth, what the Empire, what the subjects? Surely little or nothing. Otho was enjoined to give the investitures of Bishops without money. We have seen whether the Pope hath taken away from the Emperor the sole investiture, because the Bishop of Rome hath not only drawn to himself the mere investiture without receiving money, but also only for money: so that throughout all Germany all complain that they are not only grievously burdened, but even destroyed. An enraged desire after the earthly possessions of the Church at this day possesseth ambitious Bishops, so that we see them seek after those things after they are promoted, as they did before: all their care is for temporal things, none of spiritual. Such was not the intention of the Emperors, their will was not that the temporal things that they gave them for their further maintenance, should swallow up the spiritual. Of the Cardinal de Alliaco we have seen, what Articles of reformation he exhibited in the Council of Constance: And in the Preface he saith, he hath written more concerning that matter. Petrus de Alliaco in Encomio Theologico. Jdem in conclusionibus. But in his Encomium Theologicum, expounding these words, Upon this rock will I build my Church; upon Christ and his word, saith he. As also, in his conclusions, he toeth the Church to the holy Scripture, maintaineth that the Church of Rome may err, and taketh away the temporal Monarchy from the Pope. Panormitan. de Electionib. c. signific. Likewise Panormitan, though the champion of Eugenius in the Council of Basil; A private faithful man is more to be believed, alleging reason or authority out of the Scripture, than all a Council, or than the Pope himself, because a Council may err, as at other times they have erred, etc. Also, he concealeth not, That the Popes in his age lived in such sort, that they made it evidently appear, that they believed not there was another life after this, resurrection, or judgement. Against the luxury also, pride and tyranny of the Pope and his Clergy, is extant a book of one Alain Chartier Secretary to king Charles the seventh, which saith, That he expected every day when a thunderbolt would fall from heaven on the Roman Church. But Thomas of Redon, a Carmelite and famous Preacher, durst do yet more: Antonin. part 3. Tit. 22. ca 10. he had ever in his mouth the abominations of Rome, which had need of great reformation. He (saith Antoninus) when he had for many years preached through France with very great concourse of people, making good motions unto good, though not according to knowledge, he cometh to Rome with the Ambassadors of the Venetians, by whom he is recommended to the Pope. But by the Pope's command he was apprehended, at the instigation and instance of William d'Estouteuille Cardinal of Rovan, than Vicechauncellour, and of the Proctor of the order of the Carmelites, and as an Apostate was solemnly degraded and burned. Monstrelet commendeth his piety and holiness. Monstrelet. volu. 1. Baptista Mantuan. lib. de vita beata. cap. ultimo. Mantuan also, in his Book De vita beata, so that he bringeth him in as a true Martyr of Christ, in whose heart was resident the ancient fervency of faith, whom envy by manifest in justice delivered to the cruel fire. I make no doubt (saith he) but that the flames of this man may be compared to the fire, not of Scaevola, but of S. Laurence. There are also read verses in his praise, in which are celebrated his holiness, miracles, and martyrdom; among which are these that follow: Nicholaus Harlemens. in Collectaveis. Lippis Lux oculis nocuit, non substinuere Vivere tam sanctum, foeda Romana cohors. Their poor-blind eyes could not endure the light, Nor filthy Rome that holy man in sight. Antonin. part. 3. Tit. 22. cap. 7. parag. 8. And almost the like had happened a little before to Manfred of Verfeil. Manfred (saith Antoninus) a man of venerable life, religious, of the order of Preachers, was learned and feared God: he preaching in the parts of Lombardie, led by I know not what spirit, told the people, That the coming of Antichrist was near, and as if he were to be in his time, he brought in for this, his reasons out of the Scriptures, chiefly out of the Apocalyps, etc. He gathered together therefore about four hundred persons of every age and sex, and Pope Martin would have dissolved this assembly, but he could not do it, because their conversation had gained a good opinion among all men; though he forbade any thing to be given them, that through need they might be compelled to return home. They come then to Bononia, Florence, and at last to Rome, where very many of them died, expecting the manifestation of Antichrist; but (saith Antoninus) without seeing him: he should rather have said without knowing him. And Manfred some time after died at Rome under Eugenius, who commanded Friar Barnardine, that monster of superstition, to write against him: And Manfred on the other side reproved his superstitious doctrine in many points. In our France, Charles the seventh, in the year 1438, Paulus Aemilius in Carol. 7. Epist. ad Episcop. Lauzanens. in volume. Concil. in Appendice Concil. basilians. commanded a Council of the French Church to be held at Bourges, in which, under the title of the Pragmatical sanction, was read and approved the acts of the Council of Basil; and by this the collations of the benefices of France, and appeals to Rome, were cut off. Whereunto belongeth an Epistle which we have in the Counsels directed to the bishop of Lauzanne, with which were sent unto him the decisions of this Council, by him whom the Council of Bourges had sent Ambassador to Rome: He signifieth to the bishop of Lauzanne, that he hath in charge with one consent from the French Church, that whatsoever the Pope endeavours to the contrary, he should in no wise consent to the dissolution of the Council of Basill; And if any be moved at it, that they are ready to answer, actum est ne agas. That he hath that promise from the Chancellor of France; that they had heard that the king's Ambassadors, alured with certain promotions, made great show, that the king would consent to the dismission of the Council, but that they had resolved to resist him to his face. And there we have a Treatise concerning that matter, written in the year 1434, by john Patriarch of Antioch, An. 1434. which he caused publicly to be pronounced in the great hall of the Covent of Franciscan Friars in Basill, That a general Council is above the Pope: It beginneth, Ad ostendendum; Where out of the Fathers and by the Decrees, he bringeth it to this, In 3. vol. Concil. in Append. Concil. basilians. ad ostendend. That the Pope is the servant of the Church, to be chastised by it, if he do his duty amiss; and confuteth at large whatsoever is alleged to the contrary. Let the Reader see the book itself in the Counsels. At the same time, whilst the Popes boasted that the Greeks' did acknowledge obedience unto them, are published two books of Nilus' Archbishop of Thessalonica, against the Primacy of the bishop of Rome. In the first book he showeth, Nilus Archiepisc. Thessalon. de Primatu. That the principal controversies between the Greek and Latin Church proceed from this, that the Pope will not be judged by an universal Council; but contrariwise, as a master among his disciples will be judge in his own cause: whereas he ought to be ruled by the prescriptions of the Council, and contain himself within the Decrees of the Fathers, That the bishop of Rome, hath not the same power over other bishops, as a bishop hath over his Diocesans, but hath only the prerogative of the first seat to be higher than other. And here he enlargeth himself to show the commodity and authority of Counsels. In the second book he teacheh, That the bishop of Rome hath not the right of Primacy from Christ, nor yet from S. Peter, nor from the Apostles, but that the Fathers for some causes have given unto him the first seat, That he is not the successor of S. Peter, but inasmuch as he is a bishop; by which reason also all other bishops are his successors, That he is not an Apostle, much less prince of the Apostles, That in those things which pertain to the rules of faith, they may & have often erred, That he hath no right to allege his, Tu es Petrus, because that promise respecteth the Church of Christ, and not S. Peter, and much less him whom they would have to be his successors, That though we yield him to be first in order, yet he is not therefore to bear domination over others, this Primacy not inferring an order above others, but a coordination with others. Moreover, he rejected these presumtions of the Bishop of Rome, That he is the judge of all, & to be judged of none, That he is not bishop of a certain place, but absolutely bishop, That he alone by his own right aught to assign an universal Council, and the like; seeing that the Primacy, or rather first Seat, was granted to him only, propter urbis principatum, because Rome was the first, or chiefest in order among cities. We need not here repeat, how openly and, as they speak, formally, the greatest part of the kingdom of Bohemia opposed themselves, earnestly desiring reformation of the Church, according to the holy Scriptures; exhibiting to this end a confession of their Faith to their King, to the Emperor, and to the Council, and preaching the same publicly in the Temples, which by public authority were then granted unto them. Also after faith was broken with john Hus, how stoutly they defended it by just and necessary arms, God from heaven fight for the safeguard of that poor people, utterly frustrating all the endeavours of the Emperor and of the Popes against them, as we have above showed out of Aeneas Silvius: for they have continued without interruption until these our times. But it is worth the adding, That those Waldenses who some ages before had brought this light of the Gospel into Bohemia, abode still in the mountains of Languedoc and Provence, and in many places within the Alps, and there kept themselves safe from the persecution of Popes and Papists. In Lombardie also, as witnesseth Antonine, under the name of Fratricelli, were some known to the time of Eugenius. But in England especially the seed of Wickliff was largely propagated, where, without repeating any thing of Sir john Oldeastle, of whom we have before spoken, we read of very many to have suffered martyrdom for the same doctrine: William tailor Priest and professor of Arts in the University of Oxford, An. 1422. An. 1428. in the year 1422, and William White in the year 1428, Author of many Treatises upon matters controverted in that time, was burned for thirty articles which by word and writing he had defended: He taught, among other things, That the Roman Church was that withered fig tree which the Lord had cursed for barrenness of faith: That the Monks and Friars were the anointed and shaven soldiers of infernal Lucifer: That against these, the Bridegroom, when he shall come, will shut the gate, for that their lamps are out. With the same mind also Alexander Fabritius in his Treatise entitled Destructorium vitiorum, wrote many excellent things against the corruptions of the Romish Church, against the antiquity of which he opposed this saying of S. Cyprian: If Christ alone (saith he) ought to be heard, we are not to attend what men before us have thought fit to be done, but what Christ first before all hath done. If Christ had known, that man might more easily get eternal life by the laws of justinian, than by the law of God, he would have taught them us with his own mouth, and would have let go the law of God till another time, which notwithstanding he hath taught with great diligence, and wherein is contained all the doctrine requisite to salvation. Again, He is a betrayer of the truth, who openly speaketh a lie for the truth; and he which doth not freely pronounce the truth; the Pastors of the Church which refuse to pronounce the truth of the Gospel, and by their evil examples slay such as be under them, are traitors, and most manifest Antichrists. The Pastors and Prelates of the Church, take great pains in these days for the obtaining of dignities, one in the king's kitchen, another in the Bishop's Court, another in service of his Lord; but none in the Court of the Law of God. Proud Priests and Prelates, against the doctrine and example of jesus Christ, do bear dominion as the kings of the Gentiles. Being unjust, they oppress theirs with superfluous traditions & unjust constitutions. These modern Priests do whatsoever flesh and blood revealeth unto them, therefore are they cursed of God. Hypocrites, they oppress the good, persecute the humble servants of Christ, imprison and burn them, for that they reprove their voluptuousness. Such men murdered Christ, the Apostles and Martyrs, reputing them for herotikes, for that they taxed their sins. And indeed the histories of all nations are full of the cruelty which in this age was used toward the professors of this truth. 63. PROGRESSION. Felix the fourth voluntarily deposeth himself, and Nicholas the fift remaineth sole Pope. Mahomet Emperor of the Turks taketh Constantinople with the slaughter of many thousand Christians, and the miserable death of the Emperor Paleologus. Of the pride and corruption of Aeneas Silvius, called Pius the second, after he became Pope. NOw after the death of Eugenius in the year 1447, Thomas de Sorzana was created Pope, by the name of Nicholas the fift, whilst Felix the fourth yet lived and reigned, upon which occasion many nations remained in neutrality, namely, Germany under the Emperor Frederick the third, whose Secretary Aeneas Silvius was, of whom we have before made mention, one of the most notable defenders of the Council of Basil. Him had Eugenius, knowing his excellent wit, endeavoured by promises to bind unto him; but being prevented by death, Nicholas continued the same battery, and that so much the more, for that he had heard that Frederick had a purpose to come into Italy, to be crowned at Rome. Frederick then by the persuasion of Aeneas Silvius, who had gotten into great favour with him, undertaketh that purposed business, and fully finisheth it. And Nicholas to content the Germans, consenteth to certain agreements, contained in the Bull which beginneth, Ad sacram Petri sedem, dated in April 1447. In which namely are the Annates brought to some order, and generally are approved and ratified all the provisions and expeditions of whatsoever kind, as well of the Council of Basil, yet continued at Basil, as of Felix the fourth; also other censures, excommunications, Anathemaes, and their releasements, etc. by the Bull which beginneth, pacis, dated in julie 1449. By which means Nicholas remained sole Pope, Felix voluntarily deposing himself from the dignity, Monstrelet. vol. 3. whom he appointeth his Legate in Germany: And so was the Council dissolved. And all this was done by the mediation of the kings of France and England, of Renat●● king of Sicily, and Lewis the Dolphin. The title of this Bull in the volumes of Counsels, is, The approbation of the Acts of the Council of Basil. Yet because they hardly approve the same, they set before it this other title, The Council of Basil is of little force, Summa Constitut. etc. Meaning, though it say nothing, that all the things whatsoever, which are not expressed in the same Bull, are thereby disallowed, as namely, the sentence whereby the Council is decreed to be above the Pope; and others more of the like nature. Nevertheless the force of our argument remaineth still firm, That Martin the fift was created Pope only by virtue of the like sentence given at Constance, and otherwise had not been: That Eugenius was chosen by the Cardinals whom Martin had made, and since Nicholas by them which Martin and Eugenius had promoted, and consequently all their successors after them: Therefore these are not true Popes, nor lawful Pastors which they have ordained, unless these Counsels remain lawful, unless their sentences keep their authority. Nicholas hasted to finish this agreement with the Emperor, because of the year of jubilee at hand, the market whereof would be much hindered otherwise: unto which was made from all parts so great a concourse, that Platina recordeth, Platina in Nichol. 5. when once out of the Vatican having seen the image of our Saviour they returned to the city, a certain mule of Peter Barbo Cardinal of S. Mark, was met and stopped, when none of the passengers by reason of the multitude following was able to give place, so that one & another falling upon the mule, it was oppressed of the multitude, and two hundred men and three horses were trodden down and choked on the bridge of Hadrian. Many also falling from the bridge into the river, perished in the waters. The year following, Frederick arrived in Italy, partly for to be crowned, and partly for to marry Leonora daughter of the king of Portugal: Nicholas in the mean time being in great care and doubt, lest he mindful of the ancient authority of Emperors, would take upon him the rule of the city, fortified the gates and the Towers, the Capitol also, and the castle of S. Angelo; and to content the people with some show of Magistracy, he appointed thirteeen Marshals to command in xiii. quarters of the city, to each of which he gave a purble rob: But Frederick fearing new commotions in Germany, made no show of any such thing. At that time, Mahomet Emperor of the Turks, prepared himself to besiege Constantinople chief city of the Christian Empire in the East; and Nicholas made large promises of aid to Constantine Paleologus, so that he would join himself to the Catholic faith, that is to say, make him be acknowledged supreme Bishop by the Greeks': and to this end he sendeth Ambassador to him Isidore Bishop of Russia, who after the Council of Florence was ended, had remained in Italy, for a Cardinal's hat to that end given him; but this business already attempted so many ages in vain, was of greater weight and consequence than could be upon the very instant suddenly by tumult determined. So that this Emperor being brought into great extremities, in that very year 1453, in the month of May, the city being taken by force, he miserably lost his life, with many thousands of men, to the great dishonour and damage of all Christendom. Antonin. part. 3. Tit. 22. c. 13. Antoninus who lived then, When the city of Constantinople (saith he) was besieged by the Turks, the Greeks' sent Ambassadors to Pope Nicholas, imploring his succours of men and money; whom Nicholas would not hear, thinking it a thing unworthy, to burden Italy with impositions, being already exhausted of money for expenses of the wars, especially for that he knew they might help themselves with their money, if they would employ it, for the levying of soldiers. A goodly consideration, as if for lesser causes his predecessors had not often published many a Croisado, even against Christian Emperors and Princes. But the truth is, he did it of purpose to make a gain out of his extreme danger, to get to himself a sovereign command over the Greeks', which is more than Antoninus durst say. In the mean time, that he might turn the destruction of the Greekish Church to his own commodity, he createth Bessario● (a Greek bishop of Nice, whom Eugenius had made Cardinal) Patriarch of Greece, on condition that he should depend upon him; though the Greeks' had chosen Gennadius Scholarius, who in the midst of those calamities exercised that dignity. Bodin. in Demonomania. Jacob. Sprenger in malleo maleficorum. Bodin allegeth out of the book of jacob Sprenger Inquisitor of witches, a strange dispensation of this Nicholas. A certain Germane bishop was sick, whom Nicholas greatly loved, he understood by a witch that his sickness came of witchcraft, from which he could not be delivered but by a contrary charm, by which the witch herself that had bewitched him must die: He therefore sendeth in post to Nicholas, entreating leave of him to be cured by the witch; which dispensation Nicholas granteth, with this clause, Of two evils avoid the greater. The Bull being received, the witch, under the Pope's authority, and at the Bishop's entreaty, setteth her hand to the business: about midnight the Bishop was restored to health, and at the very same instant the disease passed into her that had bewitched him, whereof she died. And they would make us believe, that this Pope died of grief for the loss of Constantinople, but his denying of succours to the Greeks' persuadeth us to the contrary. From this shipwreck he gathered about him some learned Grecians, but that was properly to build up the sepulchers of the Prophets, whom before he had suffered to be murdered. But Alphonsus Borgia, who succeed him by the name of Calixtus the third, made a show of repairing that fault, and presently denounced wars against the Turks, saying that he had made a vow to that end a long time before; knowing (but whence had he this prophesy?) that he should be Pope: and showed written and subscribed with his own hand in a certain book, these words following, I Pope Calixtus make a vow to almighty God, Platina in Calixto 3. and to the holy indivisible Trinity, That I will persecute the Turks, most cruel enemies of the Christian name, by war, cursings, interdictions, execrations, and to conclude, in whatsoever manner I can: and yet was he already decrepit with age. He imposeth therefore a tenth on all the Clergy, and publisheth a Croysado throughout all Europe, according to custom, granting full remission of sins to all that contributed to it, so that once in his life, and once at his death, he were confessed: yea and giving authority to whomsoever would give five ducats, to absolve and dispense in many cases. And there were set forth to sea only sixteen galleys, under the charge of the Patriarch of Aquileia. Alphonsus' king of Naples, and Philip Duke of Bourgondie, were admonished to cross themselves for those wars, which they made show of; But as the business was for a brunt only with great earnestness stirred forwards, so also it easily rested: And then (saith Platina) ad Pontificia negotia animum adijciens, Applying his mind to the affairs of the Popedom, he began to canonize Saints, one Edmund in England, one Vincent in Spain, and others. Which Bessarion seeing, especially how rashly and indirectly the same was done, These new Saints (saith he) make me doubt of the old. Gulielm. Langaeus in Praefat. suae Hist. But it behoved them also in this to imitat the chief Bishops of the Pagans. Moreover, for a supply, in stead of yielding succours to the Greeks', he ordaineth a bell to be tolled every day between noon and evening, at the sound whereof whosoever did on their knees mutter over three Ave-maries, and Pater-nosters, should have three years, and three fortieth parts of Indulgences. Also he appointed a general Procession or Litany every first Sunday of the month, in which whosoever assisted, should obtain seven years and seven fortieth part of Indulgences: besides a prayer in the Mass, for victory against the Infidels, which who so said, should also merit three years of Indulgences. In the mean time, if the safety and good of Christendom had been seriously thought upon, there was offered a very notable occasion; Antonin. part. 3. tit. 22. c. 14. for john Vaivode in that very time overcame Mahomet in that famous battle near Belgrade, whom, his forces being diminished, and he left of our men, he could not follow. But Calixtus howsoever forgot not to look to his own affairs, and therefore Alphonsus' king of Naples being deceased, and Ferdinand his bastard having obtained his place, he presently provided for the chiefest bishoprics of the realm, which he durst not do in the king's lifetime: And which is more (saith Antoninus) by Bulls he declared, Antonin. part. 3. tit. 22. c. 16. that the realm of Naples vacant pertained to him alone, as a feoffee of the Church, commanding Ferdinand to forego it, and that neither he nor any other whosoever, under pain of excommunication, should call himself king of that kingdom: but that if any pretended there any right, the business should first be discussed by him, who dissolveth all oaths of fidelity or homage which any had yielded unto him. He likewise wrote to the States of the kingdom, That Ferdinand was not the son of Alphonsus, but one supposed. And this he did that he might transfer the kingdom to I●igni Borgia, his nephew, or his son. From which sentence Ferdinand, moved with anger, appealeth. Francis Sforcia, Duke of Milan, his father in law, was also grievously offended, protesting to leave nothing unattempted, whereby the state of his son in law may be defended. Pandolf. Colenuc. lib. 5. Donatus Bossius. But thereupon Calixtus dieth, who a little before had framed the office or service of the Transfiguration, with the like Indulgences as hath the feast of Corpus Christri. For it was meet that the Popish religion, being merely human, should from day to day increase with human inventions. Aeneas Silvius, called Pius the second, a man of great knowledge, I would he had been of like conscience, An. 1458. succeeded this Calixtus in the year 1458: but the Papal chair soon discovered what a manner of man he was. He had been Scribe in the Council of Basil, Platina in Pio 2. Register of the Apostolic letters, one of the twelve which were ordained Censors of the Council; yea had many times sat chief among those that had been deputed touching matters of faith, and was twice chosen amongst them which conferred benefices: and if any thing of moment were to be determined by the nations, he was ever chosen chief for Italy. He was moreover appointed ambassador in the Counsels name, thrice to Strasbourg, once to Trent, twice to Constance, once to Frankford, and twice into Savoy: author or furtherer of all things that were done in this Council, the Acts whereof he writeth down in two books, out of which his opinion thereof is manifest enough: In so much that when Eugenius was deposed, and Felix set in his place, he was sent by Felix ambassador to the Emperor Frederick, to declare unto him the just causes of his election; on which occasion, admiring the dexterity of his wit, he drew him to his service. He being sent to Rome by Frederic, to deal with the Pope about his coronation, was enticed with the delights of the Court of Rome, and in favour of Nicholas, sold the renunciation of Felix: Whereupon he was first created Bishop of Triesté, and after Cardinal, by Calixtus; and by degrees, according to the increase of his dignities, he changed his style, as appeareth to whomsoever readeth his Epistles, which he himself hath distinguished by degree: Till at length being made Pope, he thought nothing better than to revoke his former and more laudable Acts, by his Bull set forth concerning that matter, bearing the title of Retractation; and the things which before he had seemed to detest in other Popes, he himself now both praised and advanced forward. This is manifest by the Bull which beginneth Execrabilis, dated in the second year of his Popedom, whereby he forbiddeth to appeal from the sentences of the Pope to the future Council; pronounceth all such appeals of Emperors, Kings, Bishops, etc. to be void, vain, execrable, and pestiferous; excommunicateth such as have appealed, not to be absolved but at the point of death. He also subiecteth Universities, Colleges, and other corporations, to the Interdict, and inflicted upon all the punishments of high treason and heresy, and the Notaries or letter-carriers, witnesses, and others which were at those Acts, etc. In another Bull also which beginneth, In minoribus agentes, directed to the University of Colonia, An. 1463. in the year 1463, he professeth, That it repent him that he wrote the Dialogue and other books for the authority of the Council, saying that he had persecuted the Church of God ignorantly, as did S. Paul: contrariwise affirming the authority of the Pope to be above the Church, by the same texts, which before he had expounded in a far other sense. Wherefore he declared, That the Pope is the sovereign Monarch of the Church, whose sins are left to the judgement of God, so that no man may take knowledge of them: And nevertheless at the end he reverenced (saith he) the Council of Constance, which had decreed the contrary. But here Bellarmine inventeth a notable distinction, That the later Sessions are approved, not the first, because in the first the Council was placed above the Pope: and yet notwithstanding in that Council Martin the fift had been chosen, and what he had caused to be ordained in the later, took force and vigour only from the first Sessions, whereby it was judged, That the Council may judge the Pope, arraign him, condemn, depose, and punish him, and choose another in his room; all which they had practised on john the four and twentieth, Benedict the thirteenth, and Martin the fift, deposing the two former, and electing the third: and both the Sessions, former and later, proceeding from one same spirit, and from one and the same authority. But it troubleth them that they know not which way to turn themselves, when they are demanded what was the vocation of Martin, Eugenius, and others, which hath no ground but on the only decision of this Council and the Council of Basil. And here we might set before the eyes of Silvius, what he hath said of this Council, and that of Basil, which now he condemneth, and that not being a young man, as he said, but a man of perfect age, and honoured with principal dignities: Where is there in the world such a company of Fathers? Where so great light of knowledge? Where the wisdom? Where is the goodness that can be equal to the virtues of these Fathers? O most perfect fraternity, O true Senate of the world, etc. So that these things may not honestly now be denied. But as the eye of reason is other than the eye of passion, so is the judgement of an upright mind other than of corrupt desire; of Silvius sitting in that most honourable assembly, which he describeth unto us, than of Pius the second reigning in that contagious chair. And he had cast out a speech of an expedition into Asia against the Turks, in the assembly of Mantua, Bulla quae incipit. Quoniam ut proxime in summa Constitution. johan. 5. Stella in Pio 2. whither the ambassadors of many Princes were come from all parts, and under pretence thereof had imposed a tenth on the whole Clergy, yea even upon all the profits of the Roman Court: but he could not bring it to effect, perhaps because he arrogated too much to himself with the Princes which were of greatest power: For (saith Stella) for the augmentation of the Papal Majesty, he feared neither Kings nor Dukes, neither peoples, nor tyrants; but if they saw any offending, that is to say, not obeying in all points his desire, he persecuted them so long both by war and by censures, till he perceived them to be recovered. And for this cause became he an adversary to Lewis King of France, who went about to diminish the liberty of the Church in his kingdom; to Borsio d'Este, because he favoured Sigismond Malatesta, and the affairs of France, against Ferdinand; He persecuted with terrible execrations Sigismond Duke of Austria, for that he had chastised the Cardinal of S. Peter ad Vincula; He deposed also the Archbishop of Mentz, judging ill of the Roman Church, and set up another in his room; He deposed likewise the Archbishop of Beneuent, for attempting new matters against his will, and for that he would betray Beneuent to the Frenchmen: And he brought many towns of Campania into the power of the Church of Rome. Neither do histories conceal, that he confirmed the kingdom of Naples to Ferdinand, revoking the Bull of Calixtus the third, and that in favour of the marriage of Anthony Picolhuomini, his nephew, with the sister of the wife of Ferdinand, whose dowry was the Earldoms of Maldeburg and Celano: Whereby he began to set himself against the rights of our France. Monstrelet addeth, Monstrelet. vol. 3. That it was commonly thought that Ferdinand had given Pius a very great sum of gold, partly to be absolved of his crimes, and partly that he might peaceably enjoy his kingdom. But his ambition cannot not better be known than in his 396 Epistle, where he offereth and promiseth the Empire of the Greeks to Mahomet king of the Turks, if he would become a Christian, and secure the Church, that is to say, his faction, that he might the more easily rend Christendom, which he vexed with continual wars, presuming to persuade him that that Empire depended on him, and was in his gift, and that so his predecessors had given the Empire of Germany to Charlemagne. It seemeth that to him also is to be ascribed, that extraordinary pomp of Corpus Christi day: for that which is commonly boasted of the Temple of S. Peter, very fitly agreeth with the Roman superstition, which never is brought to his full height. Antoninus Campanus, Bishop of Arrezzo, in the life of Pius, saith, He celebrated at Viterbium the feast of the Eucharist, with an unaccustomed bravery, the city being under foot spread with scarlet, over head covered with linen, in which stars of gold shined as in the firmament, so that the procession went, not seeing the sky, between flowers strewed an inch thick on either side, with music of divers sorts. There were seen also wild men covered with ivy, which with a wonderful art seemed to meet with Lions & Bears, etc. all the Temple being likewise spread with scarlet. He also canonised S. Katherine of Sienna. Platina noteth this among his Apothegms, That marriage had been for great reason taken away from Priests, but that for greater reason it should be restored to them. But Onuphrius, according to his ordinary custom, razed this out of his edition, and others after him: but we find it in the first edition of Platina, printed by john de Colonia in the year 1479, and in many others, how he is praised by many. Volateran writeth, That his unmeasurable ambition stained all his virtues. Kliberius his Epitaph was this: Frigida membra Pij retinet lapis iste loquacis, Qui pacem moriens attulit Italiae, etc. Vendider at pretio Gentes & crimina multa Virtutis specie gesserat ille Pius, etc. Here do the bones of talking Pius lie, Who by his death brought peace to Italy, etc. Nations he sold, and many crimes unfit He under show of virtue did commit. And he presently addeth the reason, Nam scelus orbis erat, For he was the wickedness of the world. Now in the year 1494 Peter Barbo, a Venetian, the sister's son of Pope Eugenius, is created his successor, by the name of Paul the second. He was no sooner entered into the Popedom, but in recompense of the benefits he had received of Pius the second, he putteth down all the Abbreviators by him created, without hearing them, and under pretence of ignorance, whom Pius for their learning had drawn unto him out of all parts of the world, utterly depriving them of their office, without the repayment of any money. Some tried him by supplication, beseeching him to refer their cause to the Auditors of Rota; and Platina, who was one of them, spoke for all: but he answered, Dost thou thus call us unto judges (saith he) as if thou knewest not that all laws are lodged within the closet of our breast: Thus is our sentence, Let them void the place, let them go whither they will, I pass not for them, I am Pope, and it is lawful for me to disannul or approve the acts of others according to my own pleasure. Pius the second, who reduced the whole Church to one only man, and they also that have subjecteth the holy Scripture unto him, to wrest it into whatsoever sense he pleaseth, may perceive into what danger they cast us, when these men after their own lust destroy each other, and either for pleasure or hatred overthrow all things both divine and human. They solicit night and day, that at least they may be heard, and being rejected they have recourse to a letter: Being rejected of thee, Platina in Paul. 2. and disgraced with so notable contumely, we will disperse ourselves to the Kings & Princes in all parts, & will exhort them to call a Council, wherein thou mayst be constrained to render a reason, why thou hast stripped us of our lawful possession. And this had Platina himself both written and signed. But he was presently cast into prison, fettered with irons, and declared guilty of high treason for having sowed a slanderous libel, and made mention of a Council. Platina defendeth himself, That a libel hath no name set to it, but to this on the contrary he had set to his name: That he thought not that it was a crime to speak of a Council, seeing that Counsels are in all ages instituted by the holy Fathers, as in time past the Censorship among the Romans, lest injury should be done to any. But he was so much the more straightly kept, and sharply used, until at the end of four months, by the entreaty of Cardinal Gonzaga, he was delivered, on condition that he should not stir out of the city. Paul had for competitor under Eugenius, whilst he was in minoribus, the Cardinal Aloisio of Padova, whose grace and favour did much offend him: he died, leaving great wealth behind him, which he bequeathed by testament, with the consent of Paul himself, to the Scarampi, his brethren. He seized upon all for himself, and retained the Scarampi, till the things which had been transported to Florence were brought back to Rome. Out of these particular actions may be judged, what was the conscience of this man, on whose will they will have the commonwealth depend. james Picinin, a famous captain, retained king Ferdinand, yea and Paul himself, in their duty. Francis Sforza, Duke of Milan, his father in law, sendeth him to the king, under faith given, That whensoever he would he should return again safe. Ferdinand casts him into prison, with his son, and a while after put him to death, saying, That he falling down in the prison itself, broke his leg, whilst he beheld at a window, more attentively than heedfully, the king's galleys returning with victory from Ischia. It was thought of some that Paul had a hand in that treachery, seeing that in those days the Bishop of Milan went very often to and fro between the Pope and the king, and Paul himself said, when he heard of his captivity, That the judge of Appeals was taken out of the way. A while after he entered into a conceit, That one Callimachus, a Roman, had conspired against him; whereupon, as his fantasy led him, he taketh hold of all that stand in reach, & committeth them to prison, and that so much the more eagrely, for that it was told him that Lucas Tortius, a gentleman of Rome, banished to Naples, was seen thereabouts with some troops: And Platina himself came into his mind, taking a felicity in his suspicions, whom being apprehended, he commanded should presently be put to the rack. Although a few days after he understood that this Lucas had not stirred one foot, and certainly knew that this pretended conspiracy was altogether vain and without ground, Yet he would needs make show, that there was some hidden cause, lest he should be accused of lightness. Wherefore many in the midst of their torments died, men of good note, whose names and dignities the Author setteth down: twenty within the space of two days were called in question, and sifted to the utmost; Platina among others, Whilst (saith he) I did hang in these torments naked, rend as a thief and murderer, Vianensius handling the bracelets of Sanga de Cioggia, his companion, asked him what wench had given him that for a favour. He sitteth as another Minos on spread carpets, as if he were at a wedding, or rather at the supper of Atreus and Tantalus. Speaking of love, he turneth to me, urging me to unfold the order of the conspiracy, or rather fable, invented of Calimachus. Consider here, in so severe an act, the gravity of this man, of a Churchman especially, whom the sacred Canons forbidden to be present at such executions, lest if death should follow, he should become irregular and impious. He asketh him above all, Whether he had not written to the Emperor, or to some Prince, either for to raise a schism, or procure a Council; for this was it that principally stuck to his heart, and presently again renewed the tortures. At length Paul being weary that he could wring out nothing with all those exquisite torments, commandeth Christopher de Verona, his Physician, to tell the poor men, that they should be of good courage, for they should strait be delivered; who notwithstanding, as he was a a man of a free spirit, plainly said to him in the presence of many, That this could not so soon be done, lest the Pope should be argued of lightness and cruelty, so soon to let go as innocent, them whom he had taken and tortured with so great tumult. Some time therefore passed, that he might not seem to have done any thing rashly, and without cause. In the mean time he himself came to visit them in the castle, and when all other accusations failed him, he chargeth them with heresy, That they had disputed of the immortality of the soul out of the opinion of Plato, which Saint Augustine affirmed to come nearest to the opinion of a Christian; and for that they praised the ancient Accademie, and condemned the new, he pronounced them heretics, which either in earnest or in jest should from thenceforth any more make mention of the name of an Accademie. So that if Laelius de Valla, a Roman citizen, and an Advocate in the Consistory, had not taken their cause in hand, they had undergone the punishment of heresy. At length wearied with the entreaties of the Cardinals, he setteth them at liberty, but yet in such a sort, as that he ever watched over their steps, so that they judged not themselves to be free till after his death; Death which took him by an Apoplexy, when he had ordained that the jubilee should be celebrated every twenty five years, which falling in the year 1475, filled his mind with hope of excessive gain. There be some which say, That he was in the night by the devil strangled in the very act of venery. And Platina noteth, Gaspar. Pencerus. That he hated and contemned so the studies of humanity, that he called the students thereof by the name of Heretics. For this cause he exhorted the Romans, not to suffer their sons be any longer at the studies of learning, that it was enough if they had learned to write and read. Chronic. Genebr. part. 2. Therefore Genebrard calleth him The enemy of virtue and learning. Fearing without doubt, that if learning once came to be restored, the abuses lying hid under the mists of ignorance, would be discovered. And thus much abundantly sufficeth to make known both his conscience and his knowledge. Moreover, all offices generally were set to sale in his time, neither was he wont to bestow bishoprics save only on them that possessed other offices, by the sale of which they might come by money to give to him. As also this was he that extended the Bull of cases to be reserved to the Pope, so far as might be, Bulla cuius initium Ineffabilis providentia in Summa Constitut. reserving to himself thereby so much the larger pretence of drawing money to himself from all parts. The most memorable thing that he did for the good of the Church, was, That he bought, at any price whatsoever, all the most exquisite precious stones he could get, for to enrich the Papal Mitre, and took a pleasure to be looked on and admired of all men in that bravery; for this cause he sometime retained strangers in the city, omitting the custom of showing the Sudarium, that he might be seen of more people at once. Moreover, he commanded by public Decree, under a penalty, That none should wear scarlet caps but Cardinals, and the first year of his Popedom he gave them cloth of the same colour, wherewith to cover the horses and mules when they road, that the Church of Rome might at length be brought to the perfect similitude of that Whore described unto us in the Apocalyps. And Platina, of this Paul, in the life of Hadrian the first, saith, Platina in Hadriano primo, in Vetustioribus Editionibus. Vide eam quae prima omnium prodijt. Coloniae Ann. 1479. Typis johannis de Colonia & johannis Martien de Gheretzem. He was so delighted with these effeminate delicacies, having bought at a high rate precious stones from all parts, and almost emptied the treasury of the Roman Church; so that whensoever he went forth in public, he seemed some Phrygian Cybele with turrets on his head, rather than a mitre. Hence I think came, through the sweat of his very fat body, and the weight of the precious stones, that Apoplexy whereof he so suddenly died: Which he had noted also before to have happened to Leo Augustus the son of Constantine Copronymus. But all this hath Onuphrius razed out, which in the oldest editions are read at large. The like things we read also in james Cardinal of Pavia, in his second book of Commentaries. And here Platina endeth his history of Popes. There is extant an Epigram of him, made by john Pannonius, Bishop and Poet of those times. Pontificis Pauli testes ne Roma requiras, Filia, quam genuit, sat docet esse marem. Pope Paule's a male, Rome need no further trial, He got a daughter makes it past denial. And indeed Stephen Orichovius, Bishop of Russia, telleth us, when she was known of all men to be his daughter, he often detested single life, whereby he could not see without shame, her whom he might have lawfully begotten: But which is worse, there want not some that accuse him both of Magic and Sodomy, which I here willingly omit. OPPOSITION. Pius the second, as we have seen, having overthrown his first and best writings, was the first that decreed, That the Pope is above a Council, and that it is not lawful to appeal from him to a Council; against the Decrees both of Constance and Basil, which had been with so great solemnity both determined and published: but notwithstanding his retractation, he was not presently believed. Contrariwise the Universities of Paris, Colonia, Prague, Cracovia, Oxford, and others, the most famous of Christendom, constantly retained the Decrees of the said Counsels; and not without cause, seeing that (as Bellarmine witnesseth) they had been confirmed by the Suffrages of a thousand Fathers, among whom, at Constance, were three hundred Bishops; at Basil also, by the testimony of Pius the second in his Retraction, with the consent of all the Universities, and with the applause of all which spoke publicly, of Nicholas Panormitan, and Lewis Pontanus, who (saith he) were accounted the two stars of the world, Aeneas Silvius in Bulla Retract. or the two chief and most famous lights of the Canon and Civil Law: Yet nevertheless they approved by words and writings the Acts of the Council, condemned the doings of Eugenius, neither was there any which either would or durst confute their sayings; although, as he himself witnesseth, they were well affected towards the person of Eugenius. On the contrary, All (saith he) with one voice preferred the Council before Eugenius, and it was held for a crime of heresy, once to mutter any thing against the dignity of the Council. Now in the time of Nicholas and Calixtus, after the neutrality of Germany was taken away by the means of Aeneas Silvius, for which good service he had been first made Bishop, and after Cardinal, the Germans were offended that the conditions agreed upon with the Emperor were not observed: Wherefore by the authority and conduct of Diether Archbishop of Mentz, they had instituted a certain Pragmatical sanction, whereby they would provide for themselves against the grievances of the Roman Church; and partly decreed of the election of Prelates, collation of benefices, hearing of causes, granting of Indulgences, exaction of tenths, and the like; partly they defended themselves also by way of Appeal, against the Pope, if he ordained any thing against them; and moreover, fortified this with a strict league of the Princes. Hence it is that Silvius is so vehemently moved in his Epistle of the manners of Germany, which he wrote in answer to Martin Mayer, Chancellor of the Archbishop of Mentz; for note, he was newly made Cardinal of Sienna. This Mayer was a man famous in that age, even by the testimony of Silvius himself, and had complained in his Lord's behalf, That the Decrees of Constance and of Basil were not observed: That Calixtus, as if he were not tied to the covenants of his predecessor, exhausted and soaked Germany, ever and anon rejected the election of Prelates, and reserved the benefices and dignities of whatsoever kind, for his Cardinals and Protonotaries: For (said he) expectative graces are granted without number, Annates or first fruits are exacted without any delay of time, openly also extorting more than is due. The government of Churches are not committed to them that deserve best, but to such as offer most, and new Indulgences are daily granted for to rake in money. Exactions of tenths, under colour of the Turks, are commanded to be made, without taking advise of our Prelates. Causes which had been handled and determined in the country, are confusedly drawn to the Apostolical Seat, and a thousand new means are invented, whereby with a subtle wit to draw money from us, as from Barbarians. And you, under this form, hitherto unusual and unheard of, have obtained reservation to three Provinces of Germany. And in conclusion, That the Princes being awaked out of their sleep, were resolved to shake off that yoke, and to take again their former liberty, not without great damage to the Court of Rome. Wherefore, though he congratulated with him his new dignity, yet he took it ill that these evils happened in his time, and seriously exhorted him to procure a remedy betimes. But it may be (saith he) the mind of God is otherwise, and his sentence will prevail: Giving us in these few words, more to think of than he expresseth. What then doth here the new Cardinal? You may see he hath strait changed his style, so that to a friend writing friendly, at the very beginning in an angry manner, he saith, Thou hast mixed amara & rancida, unsavoury and bitter things in thy letters: So much was his taste then already altered; for afterwards there was nothing so unjust which he defended not, nothing so absurd which he uttered not, neither feared he to establish the Pope's tyranny, by those very places which before he had proved to be wrested into a wrong sense. To conclude, nothing was with him more execrable than the Pragmatical sanction, which before he had pronounced to be sacred and Canonical. He upbraided the Germans, That they were too rich, and ingrateful to the Church of Rome, which of Heathens had made them Christians, of Barbarians Latines: Whereas indeed the Germans had Christian Churches, which S. Ireneus commendeth for their notable constancy, before the name of Pope of Rome was once known, when they which ruled the Church were only called Priests. Neither had he any mind to seek so far, seeing he could not conceal, That before the Council of Nice sibi quisque vinebat, every Bishop lived to himself, that is to say, governed his Church without taking law from Rome, to the great damage of the Church (saith he:) who on the contrary aught to have added, That by the Decree of that Council, the Bishop of Rome had no right of superintendency over any other Churches but only in suburbicarias, over the neighbour Churches about Rome. About this very time, flourished Gregory de Heimburg, Aeneas Silvius commentat. l. 3. Wimphel. in Prostesis ad illustres viros Germ. Trithemij Antililogia excusa Basiliae an. 1551 ubi appellatio utraque. Krantzius l. 10. Wandal. c. 24. Epist. 400. ad Norimbergens. Trithem. Chronic. vol. 2. sub annum 1460. Doctor of the civil and Canon law, a man of great estimation even at Venice: silvius calleth him the chiefest of the Germans. When Pius entered into the Popedom, he excommunicated Sigismond Duke of Austria, for that he could not endure the sauciness of his Legate, but he by the advise of Gregory de Heimburg, appealed to the Council, and published his Appeal at Rome; whereof Pius understanding that Heimburg was the Author, he likewise communicated him. And because he dwelled at Norimberg, being Syndicke or Advocate of the city, he writeth an Epistle to the Burgmaster and Senate, in which he calleth this form of appealing from the Pope to a Council, A new heresy and inspiration of the Devil, seeing that men appeal frivolously and by way of mockery to a Council, or to that which is no where; and which they purpose to avoid and hinder by all means possible. He therefore signified unto them that he had excommunicated Heimburg, as guilty of high treason and heresy, and commandeth them that they should expel him the city, confiscate his goods movable and unmovable, and inflict upon him all the punishments appointed for heretics. But, from this excommunication also Heimburg again appealed to a Council, yet is constrained to departed into Bohemia, where he married a wife and made his abode; until Diether Archbishop of Mentz of the family of Heimburg, being vexed by the Pope, called him unto him; whereby we may gather that Diether did not greatly dislike his doctrine. In the appeal of Sigismond that he framed, after he had laid open the equity of his cause, against the unjust proceed of the Pope, he appealed not from the Pope ill informed, to the Pope better informed, because he knew his ears to be stopped, but either to his successor, or to a general Council to be celebrated, according to the Decrees of Constance and Basill, and in default thereof, to jesus Christ Saviour of the world. In his own also, when Pius the second had excommunicated him, he protested the very same; but moreover, examining his Bull and his letters which he had written to them of Norimberg, Our Saviour (said Pius) substituted Peter Prince of the Apostles to the government of the Church. Who knoweth not, answered Heimburg, That jesus commanded all the Apostles, That they should go to preach faith, baptism and salvation through the world? Who knoweth not, That the promise was made to all, That whatsoever they did bind on earth shuold be in heaven? In which words he plainly taketh away the Pope's Primacy, Insomuch (saith he) that to this day the Catholic Church prayeth to be kept by the continual protection of the Apostles, whom our Saviour himself hath appointed to rule Pastors and Vicars of so great a work. And therefore, who doubteth but that the holy Counsels represent the place of Christ, which have succeeded the assembly of the Apostles? seeing that the world is greater than a city. Pius said again, That it is a vain thing to appeal to a Council, which is not, and which cannot be above the Pope. To which he replieth, The assembly of the Apostles was above S. Peter; and like as appeal may be made to the Apostolic seat vacant, so to a Council not yet gathered, etc. This is a slavish service which he exacteth of us, and not a filial reverence, etc. He calleth me heretic, because I say, That a Council of all Christendom is above the Pope; but I say, The Pope is an heretic, who holdeth the contrary, etc. He commandeth my goods to be confiscate, and giveth them to whosoever will enter upon them, willing them therein to do the work of Catholic men. This word were very dangerous, but that the Pope's fond trifling is before already well known unto us, when he made at Mantua so large and so loud a discourse in the behalf of incestuous embracements, and vices enemies to public honesty. Lastly, Pius said, That the Church is not assembled: He answereth, It is he that hindereth and distrubeth it by his factions; in me is no let, not any fault, etc. One Theodore bishop of Feltre, answered him in the behalf of the Pope, heaping together all the places and reasons, whereby the Canonists are wont to defend that fullness of power, which Popes do arrogate to themselves. And this again Gregory de Heimburg confuted from point to point, in an Apology made expressly against the detractions and blasphemies of Theodore. In this particularly he reproached him, That Pius after he had exhausted Christendom by his jubilee, would in the Council of Mantua wring out the very last drop, by forging new exactions, under colour of making war against the Turks; And that he and his Cardinals laughed at it, when he propounded unto them, what great provisions were needful for such a war; because he had another thing in his mind. And hence is that wrath of Pius, which he now vomiteth forth against him. Wherefore (saith he) Your money under colour of a military expedition against the Turk, shall be converted into a wicked and damnable use, in succour of Ferdinand, conceived by the damnable embracement of Alphonsus sometime king of Arragon, against Renatus lawful heir of the kingdom of Sicily, and that noble Duke of Calabria, the ornament and inimitable pattern of Christian nobility, and of military glory: And therefore saith the Pope that Gregory de Heimburg was borne of the Devil, because he is not of the damnable seed, but lawfully begotten, for the Pope is a hater of such, a favourer of bastards, in whose favour he made a very large Oration almost three hours long, and made all Mantua ring with the praises of the bastard Ferdinand. But as touching the question of the Pope's Primacy, I entreat the Reader to peruse the Apology itself. Gregor. Heimburg. in tractat. de Primatu excuso Magdeburgi & in Antilogia Basil. 1555. Item Francofurti apud Wolfang Richesterum. an. 1607. In another Treatise of his also against the Primacy he calleth the Roman Synagogue Babylon and the Harlot. And after he had proved that it hath no ground in sacred Scripture, nor in the writings of the Fathers, yea that all these things are of mere usurpation, contrary to the institution of Christ, and against the commodity of the Church, he pronounceth that such tyranny is not to be endured, and exhorteth every one, as it is commanded in the Apocalyps, to departed from it: Which, that it might be more easily be discerned, he framed a most exquisite antithesis of Christ and the Pope; whereby he manifestly showeth him to be Antichrist. He accuseth also the Doctors, who either for hope or fear not daring to contradict his errors, confirm him the more by their silence. At last he bursteth forth into this, Thas for these many years it is more free for a man to dispute and call into doubt the power of God, than of the Pope. For men (saith he) are drunken with the wine of the said harlot, and inspired with the sweetness of this woman; they flatteringly expounded the Scriptures, wresting it for confirmation of error. And because that Emperors and Kings, either through ignorance for want of accustoming themselves to studies and sciences, or by reason of too much worldly vanity that possesseth them, have not been able to see it, they have been brought to so great a servitude, that they are compelled to believe, for a point of forth necessary to salvation, That Christ hath given the Pope such a fullness of power, that he may dispose of all things which are on the earth after the pleasure of his own will, neither shall any dare to say unto him, why dost thou so, seeing that the Pope himself hath power to command the Angels? In this our age there could hardly be said any thing more clearly. But the controversy of Diether of Mentz troubled all the Empire: he had been chosen Canonically by the Canons, yea his election confirmed by Pope Pius himself; but he was not sound very ready in buying his Pall, or in paying his Annates, but the principal clause was, That he opposed himself against the Pope's exactions of money, under colour of the holy wars: whereupon being vexed by Pius, he appealed to a Council, saying, he loved better the wealth of the Germans, than the defence of the Faith: Further, he refused to swear to the Pope, That he should never assemble the Estates, nor the Electors of the Empire, without consulting first his intention, either for the election of a new Emperor, or for to obtain a Council, or for any other affair of importance. He therefore revoked his confirmation, and transferred his Bishopric to Adolfe of Nassau, his competitor, and excommunicated Diether, and Frederick the Palatine, his favourer. Hereupon the friends of both parties take arms, Frederick (surnamed the Victorious) and Lewis Duke of Bavaria, for Diether; Albert marquess of Brandeburg, Charles marquess of Baden, john Bishop of Metz, his brother, Vlric Earl of Wirtemburg, and Lewis Niger of Bavaria, for Adolfe. The battle was fought, wherein Diethers part had the victory, most of the Princes being taken prisoners by the Palatine: whereupon they fell to this agreement, Krantzius in Saxon. l. 12. c. 1. Naucler. vol. 2. Gener. 49. That Adolph should possess till his death the places which he had surprised, and that Diether should peaceably enjoy all the rest, and also should succeed Adolfe, whensoever he should decease, which happened six years after. And this was the fruit of overthrowing the Pragmatical sanction, which Pius said would be so profitable to the Church. Neither was France better contented with the Decree of Pius the second than Germany, and so much the less, for that Pius, to gratify Ferdinand bastard of Alphonsus, had trodden under foot the right of the Frenchmen in the kingdom of Naples. He therefore sent a Legate into France, for to abolish the Pragmatical sanction, which was there observed by virtue of the Council of Basil, and moved the king by letters in these words: If thou be the son of obedience, wherefore dost thou hold and defend the Pragmatical sanction? Eugenius warned thee to leave it, as not being according to God: the same did Nicholas and Calixtus, as the cause of great evil and discord in the Church; and yet thou wouldst never hear the voice of the Church. And the king was somewhat moved with these words. But the Court of Parliament of Paris came to him, and earnestly declareth unto him of how great importance it was for the Christian Commonweal, the want whereof would most certainly bring four principal inconveniences; First, A confusion of the whole Order Ecclesiastical: Secondly, The depopulation of the subjects of the kingdom: Thirdly, An emptying the kingdom of money: Fourthly, The ruin and total desclation of Churches. All which they at large lay open unto him from point to point. This their admonition may be seen at large, recited by john Cardinal of Arles, comprehended in 89 Articles in the works of Peter Pithou, which is worthy the Readers perusing. There, among other things, they declared unto him, out of the holy Scriptures, the practice of the Primitive Church, Canons of Counsels, Decrees of the Fathers, ordinances of Popes themselves, and by the laws of Christian Emperors and Kings, especially of ours, That the Election of Bishops, Abbots, and other Prelates of the Church, doth no whit depend, and never have depended of the Bishop of Rome. That such was never the intention of Charlemaigne, Lewis the Meek, Philip Augustus, S. Lewis, Charles the Wise, and others, who have ever ordained and maintained Canonical election: so that whatsoever things are done otherwise, is by mere usurpation. Then they come to speak of the pillages and buying and selling of the Court of Rome, which in France alone doth amount to many millions of gold, of which they set down examples, draw a roll of them, and cast up the particulars. For what do they say? that in one only Diocese, in one year, the expectative graces are found to be in number six hundred, etc. Whereupon the Pope was so moved, Jacob. Cardin. Papiensis in Epistolis. that (as james Cardinal of Pavia writeth to king Lewis) when he heard of a refusal, he cried out, Guerra usque ad capillos. But knowing well that this king was diversly entangled with many affairs, and having found out his easy disposition, & that he would do all things of his own head, he could warily observe him; That thus had Constantine the great, the two Theodosius, Charlemaigne, and many other of his predecessors, gotten themselves an immortal name and a neverfading glory; to wit, by abolishing the Pragmatical sanction. And what can be farther off from the truth, and therefore what more unworthy? But principally because he heard his humour was in many things to go contrary to his father's doings, and would be absolutely obeyed in what he pleased, he there taketh hold, Aeneas Silvius Epist. 387. data Romae 26. Octob. 1461. and tickleth him in that: We commend (saith he) this, among other things, that without the assembly and consultation of many, thou hast resolved to take away the Pragmatical. Surely thou art wise, and showest thyself to be a great king, which art not governed, but dost govern, etc. Thou dost that which is meet for thee, knowing that the Pragmatical sanction is without God, thou hast decreed to banish it out of thy kingdom, and wilt not enter into deliberation whether those things ought to be done or no, which thou knowest are to be done: This is to be a king, and a good king, whom good men love, and evil do fear, etc. Betimes make known thy wisdom, as to us it is, so to the whole world, to the end that none may say, he was a long time unwilling, because long in deliberating. And if the Prelates and universities require any thing of us, let them have recourse to us, and make thee their Mediator. Knowing without doubt, if the matter once had come to deliberation, he should surely have had again the repulse. And he addeth, Neither do we doubt, but that when thou wert exiled (namely, when he was out of his father's favour) as it were out of the kingdom, thou wouldst often say with thyself, O, if I one day sit on my father's throne, I will do many acceptable services to thee O God. Surely I will not suffer thine inheritance to be spoiled by the fury of the Turks, etc. But what doth he conclude of this? Now show thy slefe grateful to his divine goodness, seeing he hath made thee his son king, and hath restored the kingdom with great glory, and for so great benefits do this again for him, take away the Pragmatical sanction, as thou hast promised our ambassador to do, and that done, which is no hard thing to do, address thyself wholly to the succouring of Christian religion against the Turks, etc. Thus to abrogat this law, which respected only the Canonical election of Bishops, and the restraint of the pillages of Rome, was a matter of greater importance with him, than the purpose or vow of making war against the Turks. So then Lewis resolved to disannul it, under colour that it had been published in the time of schism, although he concealed not, to increase the benefit, That it had been concluded in a great assembly of Prelates, and with great deliberation of time, and was now hardened and had taken firm footing. But to what purpose he so eagrely pursued this business anon after appeared: whereof we have a show and example in the letters of james Cardinal of Pavia, to Francis Spinola: William Cardinal of Hostia (saith he) told us a story of an Abbey in France, famous for wealth and religion, of which there was an Abbot old and decrepit, who seeing himself unprofitable in his charge, for conscience sake would leave the administration of the same. I know not what Bishop, whose Church was far thence, requested that the Abbay should be given him in Commenda. The Abbay as we have said, was of great fame in France, having no ill in it for which it had need to be commended. It was apparent, that he required it not for desire of good work, but for covetousness. In coming therefore to speak their opinions, the Cardinal de Porto, who was next to the Cardinal of Hostia, I fear, Holy Father (saith he) that very shortly we shall hear that all the abbeys in France will be in Commenda, so that there will not any remain that hath an Abbot; for whatsoever we ordain there, is nothing else but Commendas. That kingdom will one day, when we least look for it, rise against us, and not being able to endure our unprofitable ministery, will attempt some great matter against thy seat. The Pope approved his judgement, and added, That from the Popedom of Calixtus till that day, he thought there were more than five hundred Monasteries given in Commenda; that is, in less than nine years. And yet in his Epitaph among his triumphs is observed this exploit, Platina in Pio 2 Pragmaticam in Gallia abrogavit, he abolished the Pragmatical sanction. Wherefore Pius being dead, who in four years space, had taught France sufficiently what great damages would ensue thereupon, complaints for the Pragmatical sanction are redoubled: whereupon, the king commanded his Court of Parliament to set down unto him in writing the causes of this complaint, which it did, and delivered them unto him again in eighty six Articles, under this Title, For the liberty of the French Church against the Court of Rome. The principal Articles are the 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, in these words: Whereas many things had been decreed in the holy Counsels of Constance and Basill, consonant or agreeable to the ancient Canons, and to the royal ordinances abovesaid. King Charles the seventh the king, who then was Dolphin, being present, together with the Princes of the blood Royal, the Prelates, and the Colleges Ecclesiastical and Scholastical, and in the hearing of the Ambassadors both of the Pope of Rome, and of the holy universal Council; at length he received those Decrees, and confirmed them by his Edict, which commonly we call Pragmatical. And these things were done a Bourges in the year 1438. This sanction therefore was ever held to be of so much the more authority, because it had the original from the holy Counsels, in which the Pope, or his Legate sat Precedent. For there had been never any law made in France before that time, which had authority and force from the universal Church. 16. From that time forth the kingdom better prospered, and had greater authority and glory than ever before, and more plenty and abundance of all things. Guienne and Normandy can witness, what terror it was to the enemies, out of which places they were expulsed and cast out. 17. The observation of this sanction dured the space of twenty and three years, and now since hath ceased these four years: When in the mean time men of excellent probity and gravity have governed and ruled the Churches without molestation and disturbance; of which some for the singular sanctity of their lives, after their decease were had in reputation for miracles, as Michael Bishop of Angers, the Archbishop of Arles, and many others. 18. Contrariwise, of the abrogation of these Canons, Decrees and Constitutions, innumerable inconveniences would arise, which seem may be referred to four kinds: Those same which were observed in the admonition afore mentioned. But the king being troubled either with continual wars, or with suspicions, from time to time put off the business to a general assembly. Yet (saith Monstrelet) in the year 1467, Paul the second being Pope, Monstrelet es Chronologiques'. the king granted his letters to his Legate being come from Rome, in the month of September, for the abrogation of the Pragmatical sanction, which were exhibited and published in the chastelet of Paris, without any contradiction or disturbance. But he addeth, on the first day of October following, M. john Balue (who after was Cardinal) came to the hall of the Palace royal at Paris, to procure the publication of the same in Court: Where he findeth M. john de Saint Romain, the king's Attorney general, who very stoutly opposed himself against the execution of the said letters, whereat Balue was very much displeased. Balue threateneth him, That the king would not be well content with it, and would displace him from his office: But he despising his threats, answered, That the king might take away his office from him, yet nevertheless he was resolved rather to lose it, than he would either do or suffer to be done any thing against his conscience, or to the detriment and dishonour of the king and kingdom. And to Balue he said, That he might blush for shame, for having undertaken the dispatch of such a business. And after that the Rector of the University of Paris, and the Deputies of the same, came to the Legate himself, and appealed from him and from the effect of his said letters, to the Council, and in whatsoever place it should be made. They also went to the Chastelet, where they requested, that their opposition might be enregistered there. These are the words of Monstrelet: and it is not to be omitted, That this john Balua, being Bishop of Eureux, was made a Cardinal, and a little after convicted of treason against the king and kingdom. The year following, one M. john Loire, by virtue of certain Bulls from the Pope, interdicted the city and Diocese of Nivers, using the authority of the Official of Besanson: But by the sentence of the Court it was decreed the twelfth of December, at the suit of the king's Attorney general, and of M. Peter Chartres, Doctor and Professor of Divinity in the University of Paris, That notwithstanding the Interdict the Divine Service should be continued, and the Churchmen compelled unto it, being by the king's power set into their temporalties: That also the said Loire and Official should be laid hold on, and be held to procure at their own charges the abrogation of the Bulls. Neither wanted there in all places some, who in the midst of the tyranny powered forth their sighs even before the Popes. Dominicus Bishop of Brescia in Italy, wrote a Treatise which he directed to Pius the second, and entitled it, The Reformation of the Court of Rome; truly mild enough according to the times, and yet sometime not without a sting: If (saith he) we consider the former Popes and their Acts, the Cardinals, the Bishops, Protonotaries, and other Prelates, Penitentiaries, Subdeanes, Auditors, Clerks of the Chamber, Acolythes or under ministers, Chamberlains, Advocates, Proctors and others appointed in divers degrees and offices, we shall surely weep with jeremy, Lament. 4. Oh, how is the gold become so dim! the most fine gold is changed, the stones of the Sanctuary, that is, the Prelates, are scattered in the corner of every street, that is, of the broad ways, which lead to destruction, in the corners whereof they are, as Gregory expoundeth it. Her Nazarites were purer than snow, and whiter than milk, more splendent than precious stones, or polished sapphires; but now their face is blacker than a coal, and they are not known, to wit, for good, & By this deformation and spot of the Court, and of Clergymen, especially of the Prelates, Ecclesiastical censure seemeth to be weakened, and obedience diminished. Why is this, but for the contemptible life and works of Prelates, because they seek their own, and not what is jesus Christ's. But the reformation and amendment hereof belongeth to the Pope, who as head of the rest ought to perform it, De Censi Rom. l. ●. Q. 7. Cum Pastoris 6. q. 1. ex merito 1. q. 1. Fertur. ver. Hinc igitur. and diligently look to it. But he that would correct others, ought first look to himself, and them that be about him: Because the life of the Pastor is an example to others. And if the head languish, the rest of the members are infected, and when the Pastor is wounded, who will apply the medicine to cure the sheep? Whereupon, when the Physician is sick, it will be said unto him, Cure thyself, etc. And to this purpose he bringeth many Canons. Of Indulgences: So often as (saith he) the Pope went forth in public on some festival day, was given a plenary Indulgence, against the custom of ancient Popes: notwithstanding that by such undiscreet and superfluous Indulgences the keys of the Church are contemned, and penitential satisfaction weakened. De poenis & remiss. c. Cum ex eo §. Ad haec. Out of this consideration it followeth, that about giving of expectative graces greater consideration ought to be had, and not thus given every where on all sides, and indifferently: because by so great a multitude and confusion, for the most part, benefices are granted to persons unworthy, & great matter of contention ariseth thereby. Again, By the evil example and scandal which they give to Lay men, they seem that they are come to this that S. Bernard speaketh in his sermon upon these words of the Gospel, I am the good shepherd. And because it is very long, let the Reader take the pains to see it in the book itself, wherein he discourseth of all the corruptions of the Roman Church in his time. At Padova taught Anthony Rozel, a famous professor of the Civil Law, who in his book of Monarchy affirmeth, That the Pope is not Lord of the world, That he hath no power over the Emperor, no temporal sword, neither any authority above other Bishops. There is extant beside, other Treatises of the same Author, Of the power of the Emperor and of the Pope, and of both the swords, and of the authority of Counsels, printed at Venice in the year 1487. Neither feared also Roderick Sanchio, a Spaniard, Bishop of Zamora, Roderic. Zamorens in speculo vitae humanae excuso Argetorti apud johan. Pris. An. 1507. and referendary of Paul the second, to say in his book Of the Mirror of man's life, That the Pope doth not apply himself to wisdom, nor to laudable studies, neither for the peace and quiet of Christian people, but only unto earthly things: That the Prelates do not, neither can teach, for that they are altogether unlearned, given to their belly and to whoredom; and yet bind on the backs of poor Christians, divers insupportable burdens of traditions, which in the Primitive Church either were not at all, or were left to men's liberty. In the Primitive Church (saith he) the faithful were not bound with the commandments, censures, and pains of so many Canons & Decrees. Neither were there then so many snares of laws & constitutions, of excommunications or censures, from which the faithful, though never so careful & fearful, can by no means be safe or warrant themselves. There was not so many fasts commanded, nor vigils, nor silences, nor Divine Service for day and night, enjoined daily to be said. Lastly, there was not so many feasts to be kept, nor so often confession, and communication of the body of Christ, nor so many obediences to be yielded, etc. So that of the Prelates of the Church may be rightly said that of Christ, Which bind unsupportable burdens, etc. Whence (saith he) if any of the like things were observed in the Primitive Church, it was only voluntary, which as then was no sin to transgress, because it was not then forbidden. And yet notwithstanding this same wretch was not ashamed to flatter Paul the second in the same book, That the Pope is not only ordained to human principality, but to divine; Jdem cap. 1. l. 2. neither to command only over men, but also over Angels; not for to judge the quick only, but the dead; not in earth alone, but in heaven also; not to rule over the faithful only, but over Infidels: Advanced (saith he) to that very same dignity, to that same jurisdiction and power, and to the principality over the whole world. So that he blushed not to apply unto him the places of tha Prophets, and of the Psalms, which the holy Ghost hath only spoke and meant of the only Son of God; and he most highly extolleth him above that stammering Moses and his brother Aaron both together. So that truth and flattery, two contraties, proceed out of one and the same mouth. In Germany Herman Ried wrote a book, wherein he represented the corrupt manners of the Clergy, by a comparison of what they ought to be, Herman. Ried. de vita & honestate Clericorum. and what in his times they then were: There are (saith he) many Clergymen, who follow not the counsel and sentences of the Fathers, receive not the holy Scripture, but despise the canons of the holy Fathers. These are They which hate and deride understanding and Catholic men, who weigh the grievousness of the crimes of the Clergy, and endeavour with watchfulness to cry out against their false dealing: Yea, they affirm them to be fantastical men, Hierome de norma vivendi c. 5. disturbers of the peace, having corrupt and polluted consciences, etc. And so is verified of them that saying of S. Hierome, There is not a crueler beast in the world, than an evil Clergyman or Priest; for he suffereth not himself to be corrected, neither will he ever hear the truth, etc. Such and the like are by their Prelates permitted publicly so to live: Provided, that they give every year a certain sum of money to their Officials. Moreover, how many are there publicly tainted with Simony? insomuch, that not being able to conceal their simony, to shift if off, they express it with other terms, & persuade themselves that so the word simony be not heard, it will not be perceived: It is (say they) an ordinance or statute of the Church. Others more subtly to shift it off, do say, That the Pope doth it by his fullness of power, who may in such things dispense, admit and ordain: And that than it is simony and sin, only when the Pope did forbid it, or ordain to the contrary; but let that saying cease, which is very erroneous to affirm. The state of the Church was never in so great danger from the beginning of the world, as it is to be seen at this present. There have been indeed greater persecutions and vexations of the Church, but there were ever holy and devout men, who endued with the grace of the holy spirit, comforted the faithful, instructing and strengthening them. And now the Church seemeth to be set in security; but such holy men are nowhere to be seen. Therefore the Church decreaseth in faithful men and in kingdoms, it pineth away in persons, notwithstanding the liberty it hath. And before, when it enjoyed not so great liberty, but was furnished with those holy men, it daily increased and augmented, as to him that will search the Histories will plainly appear. These things Saint Barnard partly noted in his time, in his four and twentieth Sermon, and upon the 72 Psalm, They are the Ministers of Christ, but serve Antichrist. Which places, because we have above quoted them, in needless here to trouble the Reader withal. Stephan. Brulifer. de timore seruili de paupertate Christi cum sermonibus varijs apud Andream Bocord. Paris an. 1500. Jdem in 4. lib. sentent. Bonavent. Basil. per Jacob. de Pfortzeim 1501 In France, Stephan Brulifer, Doctor of Sorbonne, of the order of Franciscan Friars, whose books were Printed at Paris and at Basill, in the years 1500 and 1501, taught publicly in lectures, in disputations and by writings, That neither the Pope, nor a Council, nor the Church can prescribe an Article, statute, or ceremony, which bindeth the conscience of a Christian: That their power consisteth only in this, to take care that the commandments of God be kept, to preach his word, to administer the Sacraments so as he hath instituted them, taking heed that they bring in nothing besides that which he hath commanded: As touching justification, which is attributed to merits, that it is a devilish doctrine; seeing that the Lamb sacrificed hath satisfied God's justice for us, of which S. john crieth, Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sins of the world. But when the Sorbonne would not endure him, he committed himself to the protection of Diether Archbishop of Mentz. And what shall we say, of Platina, Platina in Marcelino. that famous Historiographer of Popes, not speaking of Paul the second his Master, which perhaps might be imputed to some hatred, but of the Popes and Church in his time, plainly without spleen. In the life of Marceline (speaking of the persecution of Dioclesian) Eusebius (saith he) showeth, That God permitted that calamity, which they suffered, because of the manners of Christians corrupted by too much liberty and indulgence, principally of the Churchmen, whose perverseness the justice of God would bridle by this persecution, seeing dissimulation to be in their countenance, guile in their heart, and deceit in their words. For these, striving who should excel each other in envy, pride, enmities, and hatreds, seemed to savour rather of tyranny than Priesthood, being altogether forgetful of Christian piety, and profaning rather than celebrating the divine mysteries. But what think we shall become of our age, wherein our vices are increased so exceedingly, that hardly have they left any place of mercy for us with God? How great is the covetousness of Priests, and chiefly of them which have sovereign power, how great their lust appeareth every where, how great their ambition and pomp, how great their pride and sloth, how great their ignorance both of themselves and of Christian doctrine, how little their religion, and rather in show than in truth, how corrupt their manners, which even in profane men (whom they call seculars) were detestable, there is no need to speak it: They commit sins so openly and in sight, its if they sought praise thereby. There will come (believe me) there will come the Turk, the enemy of the Christian name, more violent than Diocletian and Maximian: he already knocketh at the gates of Italy. We, negligent and sleepy, attend a common destruction, providing rather for private pleasure than for common utility. In the life also of Stephen the third: Piety and religion is now become so cold, Platina in Stephan. 3. that they will not pray to God, I say not barefooted, but hardly in their hose and buskins. Speaking of a certain procession from Lateran to S. Peter's: They weep not as they go, or during the time of Divine Service, as those holy Fathers, but laugh, and that impudently (I speak even of them whose scarlet robes makes them more observable;) They sing not hymns, for that seemeth to them servile, but jests and tales they tell among themselves, to stir up laughter. What need many words? The more talkative any is, and the more wanton, the greater praise he deserveth thereby in that corruption of manners. This our Clergy feareth severe and grave men; Why so? because they had rather live in so great licentiousness, than obey him that admonisheth them, or constraineth them to do well: and for this cause Christian religion groweth daily worse and worse. The like we read in many places, whereby he left enregistered what he judged of his times; not daring so freely to do it in the lives of them that then reigned, or had left after them their creatures, as they call them, of whom he might receive injury. Let us add Anthony de Rosellis, a Tuscan, a famous Doctor both of the Civil and Canon law, who in his learned books concerning that matter, teacheth, That no temporal jurisdiction belongeth to the Pope, and in spiritual he subiecteth him to a Council: Which books were printed at Venice in the year 1487; but by their Index Expurgatorius, they have caused them to be razed out. It remaineth to say something of thee that spoke openly, being sequestered from the Pope. Platina, in the life of Paul the second, telleth us, That in the town of Poli, near Rome, were detected many heretics, and the Lord of the place with eight men and six women was taken, who being brought to Paul, were very ignominiously used. And behold the heresy: They were (saith he) of that sect which we say is of a perverse opinion of mind, for that they said, That none of them which have been since Saint Peter, was truly Christ Vicar, saving only they who have imitated Christ's poverty. Let the Reader note here the style of Platina, which showeth that he speaketh out of other men's judgement. And as for the Bohemians, in the beginning of the Popedom of Pius the second they set forth their Apology and Confession of Faith, against the calumnies wherewith they were traduced among the people, which were too long here to be inserted: But they are conformable to the doctrine of the reformed Churches of this kingdom, and are defended by the same places and reasons both of the holy Scriptures and Fathers. But this fell out well for them, that after divers miseries, was chosen king with common consent of the States, George Prodebraccius, a great captain, and a professor of their religion, who restored the condition and sliding state of these Churches. And as he constantly persevered therein, notwithstanding the threats of the Emperor and Pope, he was excommunicated by Paul the second, and his Estate exposed to the first invaders thereof. Mathias king of Hungary took upon him the conquest of this Province, by the instigation of Rodolfe the Pope's Legate, with the approbation of the Emperor Frederick the third, and by the favour of many of the great men of the kingdom. But after many battles fought with variable success, he could not bring his purpose to pass. And in the mean time this valiant Prince was thereby hindered from the necessary war, which he had prosperously made against the Turks, being accused of ingratitude, for that he had set upon George, to whom he was very notably obliged, for having generously set him free out of prison without any ransom, and also given him his daughter in marriage, when he was chosen king of Hungary. In hatred of which fact, even after the death of George, when Mathias was declared king by the Pope, the States of the kingdom of Bohemia would never give their consent unto it, but preferred before him Vladislaus son of Casimir king of Polonia, who, although he was oftentimes instigated by the Pope against George, yet would never be persuaded to take arms against him, judging it a thing unworthy, under pretence of the Catholic Faith to violate the faith given to each other. And this bringeth us to the year 1470. 64. PROGRESSION. The Atheism of Sixtus the fourth, and his abominable and wicked life, whom Innocent the eighth succeeded both in the Popedom and in all impiety. Of Alexander the sixth, by what devilish means he attained the Popedom, and of his abominable incestuous life, and miserable death. Charles the French king passeth into Italy with a mighty army, and of his valiant proceed there. NOw it was thought that the Popes were come to that height of impiety and tyranny, that they could hardly ascend to a higher step; and yet by that which followeth we shall easily perceive, that they found means to add both a ridge and pinnacles to that building. It is beyond all belief, especially we reporting it, had we not their own Authors to witness it against them. In the year 1471 Francis de Rovere, borne in Savoy, General of the Franciscans, got the Popedom, who was called Sixtus the fourth. Of this man Onuphrius gives this testimony, That for his great learning, as long as he was Cardinal, all questions that concerned matter of Faith were committed to him. Where let the Reader note from that which followeth, upon whose faith the Catholic Faith depended. At the first onset he made show of calling a Council at Lateran, under a twofold pretence, The reformation of the Church, and The holy Wars. The causes were both very plausible, both for the allaying of the grievous groanings of good men, and the freeing them of their fears. But the place was not thought so fitting, being that, out of which there never came any thing profitable to the Church. The Emperor Frederick desired that it might be in the borders of Germany, and at the instant request of the Archbishop of Carnie, who gave his best assistance to forward the Reformation, the Emperor and Princes called an assembly of many Bishops at Basil. But Sixtus hearing thereof, Stumfius in Histor. Helvetia. sent Angelus the Bishop of Suesse to the Senate of the city, threatening to interdict them, if they sent not the Archbishop to Rome bound hand and foot, & accounted not the rest of the Bishops that were with him for excommunicate persons. But the Senate of Basil not enduring that so great a wrong should be offered unto them in a free city, the Legate excommunicating them, departed in choler. Frederic nevertheless persisted in his purpose, but yet the better to pacify Sixtus, he desired that the Council might be called at Vtina in Friuli a country in Italy; but that pleased him not neither. This difficulty, so soon as he saw he had overcome, & withal established his seat with the mutual Legations of Princes, he bent all his endeavours to the increase of the honour and greatness of his friends and kindred. Volateran. & Onuphr. Volateran and Onuphrius say in express terms, That he was accounted by the judgement of all very loving and indulgent towards his kindred, for whose sakes he had done and granted many things, praeter fas jusque, against all laws human and divine. He created therefore two Cardinals, and that not without a mystery, Peter Riere, whom he had brought up from a child with his brother jeronimo, and julian his brother's son, who was afterward julius the second: Peter being in a short time strangely enriched, became so sumptuous, that he seemed to be borne to spend money; for he consumed in those two years wherein he lived a Cardinal, two hundred thousand crowns in his ordinary household expense, left forty thousand crowns in debts, and other infinite riches and movable goods. He died weakened and worn out with pleasures. But nevertheless a Legate (a mad choice it was) in Italy: It is he whose prodigious prodigality Baptista Fulgosius describeth to be such, Baptista Fulg. dict. & factor. memorab. l. 9 Baptista Mantuanus in Alphonso l. 4. that he usually gave to Tiresia his harlot pantofles wrought all over with pearl: of whom likewise Baptista Mantua writeth these verses, wherein jupiter thus saluteth him in hell: At tu implume caput, cui tanta licentia quondam Foemineos fuit in coitus, tua furta putabas Hic quoque praetextu mitrae impunita relinquit? Sic meruit tua foeda Venus, etc. But thou, O Bauld-pate, who once mightest freely Glut thy desires with women's company, Thinkest thou thy Mitre can here thy thefts defend? Such hath the desert of thy leacheries been, etc. To the reproach and ignominy both of Pope Sixtus and himself. Of julian we shall speak hereafter in his place. Having provided for these two that were nearest unto him both in blood and affection, he bent his endeavours to the promotion of the rest of his kindred. He made therefore his brother jeronimo, brought up with him, the Prince of Forlie and Imola, whether by right or wrong he regarded not; whom he married to Catherina the bastard daughter of the Duke of Milan, having first bestowed a hat upon Ascanius the Duke's son, to get his father's consent. Presently after he raised Leonard his brother's son, whom he married to a bastard of king Ferdinand's, and made him Governor of Rome. He made john also, the son of Cardinal julian, Prince of Soria and Senogallia, who married joan the daughter of Frederick of Montefeltro, Duke of Urbin, from whom came Franciscus Maria, who (his uncle dying without heirs male) obtained the dukedom: and in this manner did he exalt divers others. He was so liberal (say the writers of those times) that many times he gave one and the same thing to divers; from whence rose many dissensions. Such art he had in the raising of troubles and tumults, that, whether by right or wrong, he made war against the whole world; against Vitellius, the Florentines, the Columni, Ferdinand, and others, though, for the most part, with bad success. Neither do these writers conceal, that by reason of a grief he conceived, for that peace that was concluded betwixt the Venetians and the Duke of Ferrara, he died, notwithstanding that this war, by reason of the multitude of confederates on both sides, had set all Italy on fire. Hear what his Epitaphs say: Non potuit saenum vis ulla extinguere Sixtum: Audito tandem nomine pacis obit. All force cruel Sixtus defied, Yet heard the name of peace, and died. Again, Dic unde Alecto pax ista refulsit, & unde Tam subitò reticent praelia? Sixtus obit. Tell me Allecto, whence is this our peace? Pope Sixtus is dead, and therefore wars cease. Again, Pacis ut hostis eras, pace peremptus obis. As peace thou defiedst, so by peace thou diedst. But where he wanted force, there he practised treachery; and therefore saith the Epitaph, — Fraudis dolique Magister, Et sola tantum proditione potens. — A Master of fraud and deceits, And only powerful in working treacherous feats. For, to advance jeronimo he endeavoured to make himself Lord of Florence; but Laurence and julian de Medicis withstood him, against whom he stirred up Francis Pazzi, a Prince of the contrary faction, to give an attempt against their lives: And to manage that business with better safety, he sent Raphael Riere, the Cardinal of S. George, a young man, and nephew to jeronimo, to Florence, to give heart to the conspirators; who on a day, in the Church of S. Reparade, and in the midst of Divine Service, assaulted the Medici's, killed julian, and wounded Laurence, who being received by the Sextens into the vestry, escaped. The rumour hereof spreading itself through the city, the people arose, and the Archbishop of Pisa, of the house of the Salviati, jacobus Poggius, and divers others of the conspirators, were apprehended, and presently hanged out at a window, the Archbishop himself in his Pontifical habit; Pactio, Anthony, Volateran, and one Stephen a Priest, were likewise executed. The Cardinal of S. George was taken prisoner, and the whole plot in such sort discovered by Montesicco, the contriver thereof, that it easily appeared that Pope Sixtus was the chief of that conspiracy; to whom nevertheless, lest they should provoke him too far, they redelivered his Cardinal: But he, for as much as they had put the Archbishop to death, though apprehended in a manifest and apparent offence, and had laid hands upon the Cardinal, interdicted the Florentines, and denounced war against them. But Laurence being very wise, found a means to appease Ferdinand king of Naples, and to alienat him from the Pope; who, had not the Turk at that time, by the taking of Otranto, troubled all Italy, had prepared himself for a revenge. At the last being disappointed of his enterprise touching Florence, he made peace with the Venetians, against Hercules' Duke of Ferrara, with this purpose: That by his ruin he might increase the power of jeronimo: But presently after, watching his best advantage, he turned his fury against the Venetians themselves. He spent a great mass of money in these wars, for the present supply whereof he devised many means: Writers therefore do note, that he instituted new Colleges for money, whereby the Roman robberies were much multiplied; These were the Registers minoris praesidentiae, Solicitors, Recorders, janissaries, Stradiots, Mameluchis, which he ordained for a certain sum of money. Likewise nine Notaries of the Apostolic Exchequer, etc. Onuphr. in Sixto 4. By which means (saith Onuphrius) the liberty of the Roman Court being as it were cast into fetters, all the diligence of industrious and painful wits was taken away, those offices being now sold for money only, which were wont to be freely bestowed upon learned and honest men. He was likewise the first that sold the offices of the Procuratorship of the chamber, of the Notariship Apostolic, of the Protonotoriship of the Capitol, of the Notariship of the College, of the measuring of salt, of the Chamberlainship of the city. He devised new imposts, augmented the old, exacted divers tithes of Ecclesiastical persons, not without great note of avarice; and all this out of an immoderate desire to enrich his kindred. He celebrated likewise the jubilee in the year 1475, An. 1475. which was reduced by his predecessor to the five and twentieth year, who prepared for him that harvest of Indulgences. But it shall be necessary at the last to know what manner of man he was that granted them. Amongst the bawds of these later times there was none more famous than Sixtus the fourth, who built at Rome a goodly brothel house, wherein, Agrippa de vanitate Scientiaram c. 64. de Lenonia. according to the example of Heliogabalus, he nourished multitudes of strumpets, wherewith he furnished his friends and followers, gathering by this whorish merchandise no small commodity to his treasury: For the Courtesans of Rome did yet pay weekly julium nummum, a jule to the Pope, which yearly rent amounts many times to the sum of twenty thousand ducats. And in such request is that office with the principal of the Church, that the rents of the bawds are cast up with the revenues of the Church: For I have heard them (saith he) in this sort cast up their accounts, He hath two benefices, one cure of twenty ducats, a Priory of forty ducats, and three whores in the brothel-house. By what better means could he advance the kingdom of the Whore? Let us add hereunto that which Wesellus of Groaning, Doctor of Divinity, saith in his book of the Papal Indulgences, a man in those days famous for his knowledge in the three Tongues, and therefore called Lux mundi, The light of the world, who lived in the time of this Sixtus. Wesellus seu Basilius Groningens. de Indulgentijs Papalib. At the request of Peter Riere, Cardinal of S. Sixtus, and Patriarch of Constantinople, and of jeronimo his brother, & of the Cardinal of S. Luce, who had had the chiefest place belonging to the hunting under Paul the second, he permitted Sodomy the three hottest months of the year, june, julie, and August, with this clause, Fiat ut petitur, Let it be done as it is requested. And therefore johannes Sapidus in his Epitaph had good reason to say, — Deflent sua Busta Cinaedi, Scortaque, lenones, alea, vina, venus. — Buggers bewail his death, Whores, bawds, dice, wine, and lechery. Again, Poedico insignis, praedo, fucosus adulter, Gaude prisce Nero, etc. A buggerer, a thief, a false adulterer, Rejoice old Nero, etc. And it followeth very aptly, according to Saint Paul, Rom. 1. Riserat ut vivens coelestia numina Sixtus, Sic moriens nullos credidit esse Deos. As Sixtus when he lived mocked God, so he, When that he died, believed no God to be. Trithem. de scriptorib. Eccles. Fra. Leandro Alberti de vi●is illustribus Ordinis Praedicatorij. Alani de Rupe Compend. Psal. terij Mariani & de Myrac. Rozarij liber unus An. 1483. And yet this good man in the mean time writ books of the conception of the Virgin Marie, authorised that execrable book of Alani de Rupe, a Germane and Dominican Friar, forged and preached for Gospel a certain rosary, gathered out of the Virgin Maries Psalter; and thereupon instituted a new Society, for the credit whereof james Sprenger, Provincial of Germany, devised certain miracles, which Sixtus approved and defended with his Bulls and Indulgences. There was likewise a book printed, in the beginning whereof we read, That the Virgin Marie entering into the cell or chamber of this Alani, the doors being locked, and having woven a ring with her hair, married herself therewith unto him, offering herself unto him to be kissed, and her breast to be handled and sucked, in as familiar manner as a wife to her husband. Many other the like blasphemies there were in that book; by which let the Reader consider in what a bottomless gulf of impiety the superstitious minds of men were by these Atheists overwhelmed. Innocent the eighth, a Genowais, of the family of Cibo, succeeded in the year 1483: after such a predecessor it was a hard thing to be thought execrable (and yet he was no whit better than the former) that he should fill Rome with seditions, Italy with fire and sword; it was nothing strange, since it was a matter long since determined, That there was no mischief that befell Italy but through the Popes. He took from Virginius Vrsinus the government of the Apostolic Palace, to gratify Cardinal julian, who then began to show his force; whereby the city was brought into great danger: Yea he troubled all Italy, by defending the Earls of Aquila against Ferdinand their King and Lord, Onuphr. in Innocent. 8. Enforced thereunto (saith Onuphrius) by the counsel of men ill advised; whereby he got nothing but charge, ruin, and dishonour. Seeking therefore a means to supply his wants, and to fill his treasury, he followed the steps of Sixtus: He ordained fifty two Plumbatores Bullarum, Bullists, by which means he got six and twenty thousand crowns, Certis Ecclesiae proventibus attributis, As a subsidy out of the revenues of the Church. He added six and twenty Secretaries, who paid every one as it were for a fine two thousand five hundred crowns, which came to sixty thousand crowns. He put to sale the office of the Precedent de Ripa, and created thirty officers, who paid two hundred crowns apiece: and this was said to restore the Church. He made peace with Ferdinand because he could not otherwise choose, whom nevertheless under a pretence of nonpayment of tribute, he excommunicated, deprived him his kingdom, and pronounced Charles king of France (who had promised him to come presently with his army) the lawful heir; which he afterward in his own person performed, grounding himself upon the last will and testament of Renat king of Sicily, and of Charles the Earl du main his brother, who transferred all the right they had upon him. But Innocent had no other purpose but by this means reversing all the Bulls of his predecessors, to be revenged upon Ferdinand. As touching his private life, let us give credit to Volateran, though in terms somewhat too honest, he express his dishonesty. john Baptista Cibo a Genowais, after the death of Sixtus, sat in the chair, and was called Innocent the eight: He was heretofore a poor boy, brought up with the servants of Alphonsus king of Sicilia, but yet of excellent beauty. From thence he came to Rome, where he was received into the family in Contubernio of Philip Cardinal of Bononia: Afterwards he was made Bishop of Savona, and then of Melfe, and Dataire of Sixtus, who made him in the end Cardinal, for his sweet and civil carriage, wherein he exceeded all men, usque ad vitium, even in vice itself: For he many times embraced men of basest conditions. Is the Popedom to be gotten by such means and manners? He had before his Popedom, sixteen children, eight sons, and eight daughters, of which there were only two living, when he obtained the See, whom he endeavoured to raise to the charge of the Church, distributing (saith the History) a great mass of money, gathered by his indulgences for an employment against the Turk, to his children and kinsfolk. Others add, That he was the first of all the Popes, that openly made his boasts of his bastards, and contemning all ancient discipline, took care to enrich them. Onuphrius saith, That his son Francis, and his daughter Theodorina his bastards, he enriched beyond reason. To Francis he gave certain Towns near the City, and married him to the daughter of Laurence de Medici's, and Theodorina to Gerard Vsumar of Genoa, a man very rich. Hereupon saith Marullus in an Epitaph, Quid quaeris testes, sit mas an foemina Cibo, Respice natorum pignora certa, gregem, Octo nocens pueros genuit, totidemque puellas; Hunc merito poterit dicere Roma Patrem. Why seekest thou witness to prove Cibo a man, Look on his brats, fair gauges, deny't if thou can: Eight bastard sons he got, and as many daughters, Worthily then may Rome, count this man a Pater. His Epigrams always alluding to that trial of the sex ordained after the deceit of Pope joane. But he concludeth, Spurcities, gula, avaritia, atque ignavia deses Hoc octaue jacent, quo tegeris, tumulo. Uncleanness, avarice, sloth, gluttony, Are here Octave entombed, where thou dost lie. And lest there should be no place left for superstition, they made men believe at that time, when Petrus Consaluus de Mendoza repaired the Church of the holy cross, that there was a fragment of the title of the cross of Christ written in three Tongues, found enclosed in the wall: This cozenage the letters themselves bewrayed, for in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it was barbarously written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an e, & in the accusative case plural: were all those famous Roman Antiquaries blind? At that very time Bajazet the Emperor of Turkey, sent unto him for a present, the point of that spear of Longinus wherewith the side of Christ was wounded, that he might thereby win him to set a surer guard over his brother Gemes, whom he had then in his power; of that Longinus whose name they derived from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Who knows not these fooleries, and knowing them can endure them? From hence there sprung a wonderful harvest of indulgences under Alexander the sixth his successor, Summa constitut. in Bulla cuius initium admirabile sacrament. Bulla cuius initium Apostolicae camerae in sum. constitut. Hieron. Marius in Euseb. cap. Onuphr. in Alexand 6. Volaterran. in Anthropologia. Guicciard. lib. 1. who nevertheless gave less credit to these things. But Innocent took more care to send out his Bulls against those that paid not their yearly pensions at their day appointed; whom he punished with excommunication, and deprivation of those benefices they possessed. In such and the like expeditions the zeal of the Church then appeared. Now to these abominations what could be added to make up the heap in these times? And yet Rodericus Borgia (called Alexander the sixth) stayed not here. For, as some report that he came to the Popedom by a compact with the Devil, so his actions bewrayed the devils conditions. Doubtless in this all Authors agree, that there was never any that ascended to that dignity by worse means. Volateranus and Onuphrius say, That he obtained so high a dignity by the endeavours of some Cardinals corrupted with ambition and avarice, who afterwards had experience of his ingratitude, and received condign punishment for their wicked assistance, and their voices they then made sale of. Of these the principal was Ascanius Sfortia who sold himself at a high price, that he that of the whole order was the most wicked, might in stead of the best be chosen Pope. And there they relate how he overthrew them all, some by exile, some by imprisonment, some by violent death, some he strangled, some he poisoned. But Guicciardin more exquisitely, He was chosen Pope (saith he) by means of the discord that was betwixt the Cardinals Ascanius Sfortia, and julian of S. Peter ad vincula: But add withal thereunto, That by a new example in the sight and knowledge of all men he bought the Popedom, partly with money, partly with the promise of his greatest offices and benefices, by which means he got the Cardinal's voices, who contemning the commandment of the Gospel, were not ashamed to sell the power unto him, to make traffic of the sacred treasures, by a celestial authority, and in the most high, and principal part of the Temple, that is to say, according to that of the Apostle, sitting in the Temple of God, etc. To this abominable negotiation, many amongst them were drawn by Cardinal Ascanius, not only by persuasion but example, who being corrupted by an infinite desire of riches, bargained with the Pope, that for a reward of this his great wickedness, he might have the Vice-Chauncellorship, which was the principal office of the Court of Rome, enriched with most precious furniture. But the Pope could not avoid, neither for the time to come the judgement of God, nor for the time present the infamy, and just hatred of men, filled by reason of this election with astonishment and horror, because it was made by dishonest means, and the nature and condition of the man known unto all: And among others to the king of Naples, who though in public he dissembled his grief, yet he opened it to the Queen his wife, and that with tears, from which he was wont to refrain, even at the death of his children, because they had chosen a Pope, who would prove dangerous not only to Italy, but all Christendom: A divination not unworthy the wisdom of Ferdinand, for there was in Alexander a quick and subtle wit, a deep reach of judgement, a marvelous force to persuade, and in all affairs whatsoever an incredible care and dexterity. But his many vices did far exceed these his virtues. His manners were very dishonest; there was in him no sincerity, no shame, no truth, no faith, no religion; but rather unsatiable avarice, ambition beyond measure, more than brutish cruelty, and an insatiable desire to raise his sons, which were many in number, whether by right or by wrong, to the highest dignities, among which one of them in all manner of wickedness was equal with the father. And here let the Reader again compare these manners with those gifts that are necessary for a Bishop, remembered by Paul 1. Timoth. 3. The only end therefore of all his endeavours, was to increase the honour and greatness of his sons, whom he was not ashamed to acknowledge to be his to the whole world: for he would not have them accounted for nephews, as others were wont to do, the better to cover their shame. In the first Consistory he created john Borgia, his sister's son, Cardinal: but he was upon the sudden stricken with a strange fear. Charles the eighth, king of France, attempting the possession of the kingdom of Naples, came with a great power into Italy, being invited by Lodovicus Maurus, Duke of Milan, and other Princes of Italy: against whom Alexander made a league with Alphonsus of Arragon, heir to his father Ferdinand in the kingdom of Naples: The principal conditions were these, That Alexander should invest Alphonsus into the kingdom of Naples, at the same rate that he did his father, and should send his Apostolical Legate to put the Crown upon his head: That he should create Lodowicke the son of Henry, who was Alphonsus his bastard brother, Cardinal: Again, That Alphonsus on the other side should pay to the Pope thirty thousand ducats: That he should give to the Duke of Candia, the eldest son of Alexander, in the kingdom twelve thousand ducats of yearly revenue, and the first of the seven principal offices that should be void: That he should maintain at his charge three hundred men at arms, to be always ready when need should be to serve him: That upon Caesar Borgia, his other son, by him made Cardinal, he should bestow benefices to a certain yearly value. Here the Author noteth, That he made him Cardinal after that he had proved by false witnesses, that he was the lawful son of another, because otherwise he could not have been capable of that dignity. What impudency was this, having before commonly called them, and publicly showed them to be his sons? In the mean time Charles prepared a great army for this voyage, notwithstanding that Alexander did sometimes dehort him from it with his Briefs, sometimes threaten him with his Ecclesiastical censures. Paulus iovius l. 2. But yet finding himself in these straits, it was thought expedient for him and his confederate Alphonsus, to fly unto Bajazet the Prince of the Turks, and by ambassadors sent to that purpose, to lay open unto him their imminent danger. It fell out happily with them at that time, that Gemes the brother of Bajazet was detained prisoner at Rome, a man famous both for his valour and wisdom; who being overcome by his brother in the plains of Bythinia, retired himself to Rhodes, where being taken by Aubussonius, the Great Master of the Order, for a sum of money was delivered to Innocent the eighth; whereupon there was that friendship betwixt Innocent and Bajazet, that Bajazet paid unto him a yearly pension of forty thousand ducats, which Alexander his successors did afterwards receive, Phil. Coming. in Histor. Carol. 8. c. 19 Philip de Comines saith sixty thousand, to the end that a strong guard might be set over Gemes, lest if he should escape, he should trouble his Empire. Upon this occasion Alexander and Alphonsus give Bajazet to understand, That it was the purpose of the king of France, having settled his affairs in Naples, to pass over into Greece: which was the more easily believed, because he was not ignorant how many troubles the French had raised, and how many slaughters they had made in Asia. The wars of Charles growing hot, they sent Legates again unto him, Alphonsus making choice of Camillus Pendon, Alexander of Gregorio Bucciardo of Genoa, being both skilful in the Turkish language; Bucciardo being employed before in the like service by Pope Innocent. These promised to overthrow the forces of Charles, so he would supply them with some great sums of money: Whereby he should redeem the State of Greece from destruction, and entertain war in the kingdom of another, and should have for a bulwark of his Empire the city of Rome and the kingdom of Naples. These ambassadors were honourably received by Bajazet, and so much the rather, because he had received the same news from other parts: He therefore gave thanks to the Pope (speaking to Gregory) that he that had the highest place in Christendom would be pleased so friendly & lovingly to give him in time admonition, notwithstanding he were of another belief touching God, and of different manners touching men. He advised him to return into Italy, his ambassador Dantius accompanying him, by whom he sent money, and committed other matters of secrecy unto him to that purpose. Amongst other matters given unto him in charge (saith iovius) there was a letter written in Greek, wherein Bajazet with great art persuaded the Pope, That he should provide that by some means or other his brother might be taken out of the way by poison; which if he would perform, he promised him upon his faith two hundred thousand ducats, and freely to bestow upon him the unfeamed coat of Christ, as some few years before he had sent the point of that spear wherewith Longinus pierced the side of Christ. From hence let the Reader judge with how inward a commerce of wickedness these two were joined, since he durst give that counsel to the Pope, which the most wicked men of the world, practised in all manner of villainy, durst not have done one to another. It fell out in the mean time, that the ships wherein they passed the seas, were taken near Ancona by john de la Rovere, brother to Cardinal julian, an enemy to the Pope, and a friend to the Frenchmen, who seized upon all the money as due unto him from the Pope, and so Dantius was enforced to make a journey by land to Ancona, to save himself. But Alexander being very much moved herewith, sought new means to continue this intercourse and agreement with Bajazet. With which Papal zeal he likewise diverted the Croysado, or money gathered in Spain, under a pretence of bearing the cross against Bajazet, to this use: For (saith Guicciardine) king Ferdinand excusing himself, That his army by sea could not so speedily be ready, for the defence of the kingdom of Naples, for want of money, he consented that the money gathered in Spain, in the na●● of the Apostolic sea, under a colour of making war against the enemies of the Faith, should be employed to that use. But Charles nevertheless passed through all Italy without resistance, being led as it were by the hand of God, opening not only the gates before him, but the walls too, and coming near Rome, where the Pope had fortified himself with the forces of Alphonsus, and other his confederates, he demanded passage, and to be admitted into the city, commanding his enemies to departed, and not dissembling, That if Alexander obeyed not, he would make his way through the city with his sword. Alexander hereupon was much troubled in his mind, Fearing lest Charles presuming upon the title of Most Christian, which the kings of France do much glory in, should with his people, being a nation renowned for their religion, turn his mind to the reformation of the Church: a terrible thought to him, whose conscience told him by what infamous means he had obtained the Popedom, and how with great infamy he had administered it. Paul Jonij l. 2. Moreover he feared lest he should be persuaded by the Cardinals of Colonna, Sabelli and others, to require the publication of a Council; with which one voice, saith jovins, the Popes of Rome are more terrified, than with any other human accidents whatsoever: But partly rests himself upon that assurance which Charles had given him, not to attempt any thing against his dignity, and partly because being in these straits he saw no surer course to be taken, he retired himself to his castle S. Angelo, suffered the king to enter the city, and sent away Ferdinand Duke of Calabria, the son of Alphonsus, that he might not see his ruin before his eyes. Charles therefore entered Rome, the last day of the year 1494 with his whole army, his ensigns displayed, and his lance upon his thigh, no otherwise than he entered Florence a few days before. Neither must we forget, that the army of the king coming near Ostia, some twenty fathom of the wall fell to the ground, even there where the King had prepared to enter, and near about the same time, there fell about fifteen fathom of the antemure or outward wall of the castle S. Angelo, as if the walls themselves had invited the king to enter. Here there wanted not some that were very earnest with the king, Philip Comineus in vita Caroli 8. c. 16.17. to remove Alexander from his seat, a man odious to the whole world, telling him that it would not be less glorious to him to deliver the Church of God, from the tyranny of a wicked Pope, than it was to Pippin and Charlemagne to deliver the good Popes, from such as did unjustly oppress them. But Alexander being directed by a more devout Council, having by presents, and promises corrupted those that could prevail most with him, they so pacified the king that he came to this agreement, That Alexander should deliver to the king the castles of Civita vecchia, Tarracina and Spoleto, until he had conquered the kingdom of Naples, That he should offer no wrong to the Cardinals and Barons that were subject to the Church, or seek to revenge himself upon those that had taken his part, That he should invest Charles into the kingdom, That forasmuch as there might be good use made of Gemes, Baiazet's brother, in the wars against the Turk, he would deliver him into his hands, That he should pronounce Charles Emperor of Greece, Lastly, That he should leave with the king, Caesar Borgia his son, for three months, as an Ambassador in outward show, but in effect an hostage for the performance of these promises. All which for the most part he performed, because he could no otherwise choose: but yet so as that his accustomed false faith might always appear. For when he saw that he must needs deliver Gemes, Guicciard. l. 2. yet he was very careful to satisfy his brother Baiazet's request, who, saith Guicciardine, had long time made good use of the avarice of the Vicars of Christ, that he might possess his Empire in peace, and therefore he was no sooner come to Naples, but he died, not without manifest tokens of a slow poison given him to drink to shorten his life. The king had demanded for the better assurance of this treaty, and the performance thereof, the castle S. Angelo, the Cardinals openly protesting, That Alexander would not otherwise have any respect to his faith and promise. Whereupon, the great artillery was thrice brought forth of the Palace of S. Mark, where the king lodged, to have been planted against the castle, but by the like art as before, this purpose was altered; and so returning into the Vatican, Alexander received the king, who with bended knee kissing his feet, was presently admitted to kiss his cheek. And another day celebrating the Mass, he hold the basin of water to wash his hands; which ceremonies the Pope caused to be painted in a gallery of the castle of S. Angelo: As being ever the manner of the Popes, to take that to be a duty which is done of courtesy. Charles therefore having continued at Rome three weeks, he took his journey towards Naples, and having in a short time broughr the kingdom to his obedience, he took order for his return into France. But in the mean time, Alexander prepared new difficulties, joining himself in league with Maximilian the Emperor, the kings of Spain, the Venetians, and Lodowick Sfortia, who being terrified with the success of this magnanimous Prince, devise how they might oppress him in Italy; to which purpose against his return into France, they raised an army, in the plain of Fornove of forty thousand men; which he encountered with eight thousand men or thereabout, which he chose out of the garrisons of Naples, and with an incredible valour made his way through the midst of them. But being returned into France, and preparing for a second expedition, An. 1497. Philip. Comineus in vita Caroli 8. c. 26. 51. in the year 1497, and in the month of April being taken with an apoplexy, he suddenly died. Comineus reporteth, That Hierome Savanarola, who was then taken for a Prophet at Floremce, being asked whether the king could pass without the peril of his life, answered, That some difficulties he should have in his journey, but yet they should all turn to his glory, yea though he had but a hundred soldiers with him; for that God by whose conduct he came into Italy, would likewise return him safely into his country: But forasmuch as he had not procured the reformation of the Church according to his duty, etc. there hung a scourge over his head, and God had pronounced a sentence against him which he would execute elsewhere. Moreover, he addeth, That he foretold many things publicly in his Sermons, that the king should return, That he might reform the Church with his sword, and expel the tyrants out of Italy, and that therefore this charge was imposed upon him by God, which if he did not, he would sharply be revenged on him. Which he had likewise many times by letters signified to the king, and that not long before his death. The scourge that Savanarola spoke of, Philip. Comineus in vita Carol. 8. Philip de Comines interpreteth to be the death of the Dolphin, which struck him to the very heart; and the sentence pronounced by God, to be the sudden death of Charles, which he describeth to be very miserable, and to that end he repeats this History. Guicciard. l. 3. Alexander therefore being freed from so great a fear, bends all his endeavours to the advancement of his children: But (saith the History) not without domestical misfortunes and tragical examples of whoredom and cruelty, horrible to the Barbarians themselves. From the first entrance into his Popedom, he resolved to confer all the temporal power he could upon the Duke of Candia his eldest son; Caesar Borgia his younger son, Cardinal of Valentia, wholly alienated from his profession of Priesthood, took it impatiently that this place of dignity should be taken from him by his brother, and no less was he moved against him, for that he had a greater part than himself in the love of Madam Lucretia sister to them both. One evening therefore having supped together with their mother Zanoccia, walking alone through the city, he caused him to be murdered, and secretly to be cast into Tiber. The report went, That in the love of Lucretia not only the two brethren did concur, but the father also; who being once Pope, took her from her first husband, be being now too base, and she to great too be his wife, and married her to john Sforza Lord of Pezaro. Afterwards, not enduring her husband to be his corrival, this second marriage being consumat, by the sentence of certain judges chosen by himself, and witnesses suborned to that purpose, as if john had been unfit for marriage, he likewise dissolved, or rather broke. It is Guicciardine himself that speaks it, and therefore we have the less need of the verses of Pontanus. Hoc jacet in tumulo Lucretia nomine, sed re Thais, Alexandri filia, sponsa, nurus. Lucrece by name, in deed Thais, lies under this stone, Alexander's daughter, his son's wife and his own. Again, Humana iura, nec minus coelestia, Ipsosque sustulit Deos, Scilicet liceret (heu scelus) patri Natae sinum permingere. God's laws and man's, he God himself denies, O wickedness that with his daughter lies. Now so long as Alexander was in doubt of the author of the death of his son, he was strangely moved therewith, and made a show of changing the course of his life; but so soon as he was assured of the truth thereof, he returned to his old vomit, and thought it necessary to dissemble the matter. Onuphrius speaks more significantly, Winking at that outrageous sin of parricide, he determined with himself at what price or peril soever to advance Borgia the parricide. It would be perhaps too long, and to small purpose, here to relate the deeds of this monster. Coming one morning into the Consistory, he put off his Cardinal's hat, and openly professed that he would be a man of war. He made a voyage into France, where, with the leave and good liking of Lewis the twelft, who at that time needed the Pope's help for the conquest of Milan, he married Charlotta of Albret, and was made Duke of Valentia: by which means Lewis found Alexander more willing to yield to that divorce, which he pretended. Being returned at the last into Italy, presuming upon the authority of his father, he attempted the ruin of all the Vicars, or Lieutenants of the cities of Romania; for the effecting whereof there was no kind of cruelty, treachery, treason, which he put not in practice, stabbing some, poisoning, strangling others. And his father striving as it were to exceed his son, practised the like against the chief Barons of the city; in so much that Volateran and Guicciardine are weary with describing his wickedness. Machiavelli himself setting down the true pourtract of a tyrant, prefers the example of Borgia before all others, as Xenophon in Cyrus described a lawful Prince: And all this impiety (saith Guicciardine) among others, Guicciard. l. 5. proceeded from the Prince of our Christian religion: the which that he might the better with money maintain, besides those rapines and robberies he was wont to commit through the whole country, Alexander found out new at Rome every day, as a new College of fourscore Registers, who paid every one seven hundred and fifty crowns, a creation of six and thirty new Cardinals, who for the most part paid well for it; a wonderful tribute imposed upon the Moors, who being driven out of Spain by the Catholic king, Alexander for lucre received into Rome. Add hereunto divers Cardinals and Prelates poisoned, whose goods he challenged to himself. Onuphr. in Alexand. 6. Doubtless (saith Onuphrius) he had a purpose to have put in practise the like experiments upon the rest that were rich, had he not by the wonderful providence of God hastened his own death, by the fatal error of the cupbearer: for he was a man borne to the ruin of all Italy. He had an infinite number of talebearers, and the least ill word that might be was death. Volateran. in Antropol. l. 22. Rome (saith Volateran) that was wont to be a refuge and sanctuary for all other nations, and in former ages a tower of defence, was now become a public shambles: and for as much as it was lawful for his to do whatsoever pleased them, there was no safety by night in the city, nor by day in the fields: All places were full of thieves and robbers. And in the midst of all these disorders (saith he) Alexander celebrated a jubilee, selling it by his Bulls to as many as either could not, or refused to come. Being told that Caesar Borgia had lost an hundred thousand ducats at play, his answer was, That these were the sins of the Germans. So good opinion had he of his own wares. The end at the last crowns the work: Guicciard. l. 6. In the greatest height of all their hopes (saith Guicciardine) Alexander supping in a Vine near the Vatican to enjoy the coolness of the air, he was suddenly carried, desperately sick, into the Palace, and the next morning he died, black, swollen, and beyond all credit deformed: which happened, as it is credibly reported, by reason of poison, in this manor. Caesar Borgia, his son, Duke of Valentia, had resolved with himself to poison Adrian Cardinal of Coruoto, in whose vineyard they were to sup that night. He sent therefore before certain flagons of poisoned wine, which he caused to be delivered to a servant of his, with a strict command that no man should taste, or touch it. It happened, that before the hour of supper Alexander came, who being very hot and thirsty, called for wine, and because his supper was not yet brought from the Palace, the party to whom the wine was given in custody, thinking that charge that was given him for the safe keeping thereof, was because it was a more excellent wine than the rest, filled some of that wine that the Duke had sent to another purpose, and gave it to the Pope. It happened that whilst his father was drinking the Duke came in, and drank of the same wine to: but the son (saith he) partly because he was young, and partly because he used present remedies, escaped, though oppressed with a long and a grievous sickness. He addeth, For it is most certain, that both the father and the son were wont to use poison, not only to be revenged of their enemies, or to secure themselves against dangers suspected, but also to satisfy their unsatiable desire of riches, and to spoil the richer sort of their goods, Cardinals and Courtiers that had never offended them. Thus they took out of the way the Cardinal of S. Angelo, who was very rich, and thus divers others of their nearest and most faithful friends and followers, as the Cardinals of Capua and Modena. To conclude, there was (saith he) a wonderful concourse of people out of all parts of the city, who with unspeakable joy came to Saint Peter's Palace to glut their eyes, if they could, with the sight of the dead carcase of this serpent, who with his unbridled ambition, perfidious treachery, horrible cruelty, monstrous luxury, insatiable avarice, selling without difference or respect, things holy and profane, had infected the whole world. In the selfsame manner speaks Onuphrius the Pope's Historiographer: His treachery was more than punical, his cruelty barbarous, his covetousness and extortion unmeasurable, his desire to enrich his children, whether by right or by wrong, unsatiable. He was strangely given to women, by whom he had four sons and two daughters. His principal courtesan was Vannoccia a Roman, whom for her singular beauty, pleasant carriage, and admirable eloquence, in the time of his meaner fortunes he took for his wife. Which gives credit to divers Epitaphs, which otherwise might have been attributed to Poetical liberty. We only will respect these few: Vendit Alexander Cruces, Altaria, Christum, Emerat ille prius, vendere iure prtest. Pope Alexander sold Altars, Christ and his Cross, He bought them, had he not sold, had lived by the loss. Again, Tot regna vertit, tot Deuces Letho dedit, Natos ut impleret suos, etc. Kingdoms he overthrew, Dukes he did kill, And all this his children's purses to fill, etc. Again, I nunc Nerones vel Caligula nomina. Speak now no more of Caligula or Nero. The rest ye may read elsewhere; namely, in the Epigrams of Sanazara, jacob. Sanazar. l. 1. & 2. Epigram. Lugd. 1560. Hieron. Marius in Eusebio Captivo. an excellent Poet, which he writ of him and his daughter Lucretia; wherein there is an abridgement of all his wickedness both public and private. But the Spanish Index Expurgatorius hath wisely provided that they shall be razed out in all future impressions. Marius reporteth, That by the help of the devil he got the Popedom, and that without his counsel he did nothing. And he noteth, That he carried himself very kindly towards Petrus Mendosius, a Spaniard, and Cardinal of Valentia, to the end he might abuse the marquess of Zaneta, his bastard. What can the devil himself add to this wickedness? And yet this is that man whom Wicelus affirmeth to be always reading, or employed about some holy exercise or other, and ever meditating how to withdraw the Princes of Christendom from civil wars, to join against the Turk: That man who granted those goodly Indulgences to as many as usited the title of Christ his Cross at Rome, Summa constit. in Bulla cuius initium inter caetera divina. in the Church of the holy Cross of Jerusalem, said to be found in the time of Innocent the eighth. Can any man doubt but that he hereby mocked the Cross of Christ? That man who in the year 1494, in his rage, published with his own mouth a pardon for thirty thousand years, to as many as would say a certain prayer before the Image of Saint Anne, the mother of the blessed Virgin; Benedicta sit sancta Anna matter tua, ex qua sine macula & peccato processisti, etc. Where were now the Dominicans, who preached a contrary doctrine? This is that man who divided the world amongst the Princes, gave to Ferdinand of Arragon, and to Isabel of Castille, the West Indies, discovered at that time by Colombus. But by what right, if not by that wherewith he bond himself before to the Prince of the world, even to him that said unto Christ, All this will I give thee if thou wilt fall down and worship me. OPPOSITION. Now in the History of these three Popes, described by their own friends and followers, we have a kind of hidden, or rather public Opposition against their tyranny: For is there not here a lively picture of Antichrist, whose name only, as Painters use to do, they have concealed? Al●eric. de Rozate in● been a Zenon ●●ol. 6. num, 18. c. de Quadrie●●●i praescriptis. leaving to us not only to divine who he should be, but to pronounce this very man to be the man of sin, even Antichrist himself. Let us nevertheless see, amongst other Authors of that age, whether it will not more manifestly appear. Albericus de Rozate, an excellent Lawyer, defendeth, as many had done before, That the Empire depended not upon the Pope, That the Emperor needed not his confirmation, That they who thought otherwise, were guilty of treason, and their goods to be confiscated, That the Popes, Jdem in verbo Romae. according to the present state of their affairs, have sometimes exalted, sometimes depressed the Empire, to the end they may get unto themselves a power both over temporal and spiritual. And these are his verses: Curia Romana non petit ovem sine lana, Dantes exaudit, non dantibus ostia claudit. The Courts of Rome without the wool refuse the sheep, Givers they hear, against no givers the doors they keep. As likewise that of the Donation of Constantine: I have heard of men of great credit, that there was then heard a voice from heaven, saying, To day is the poison of Asps sowed in the Church of God; and they say that this is to be found in the ancient authentic writings, and so doth the said M. john of Paris report in his book of the Papal and imperial power, C. 21. Hieronimus Paulus Catalanus a Canon of Barcelone, and Doctor of both laws, Chamberlain to Alexander the sixth, in his book of the practice of the Apostolic Chauncetie, fears not to say, That the Donation of Constantine was not de facto. Read Laurentius Valla, and Pope Pius in his Dialogue, neither have I read any thing of any such Donation, in any approved writer, especially those that have written that age, or the next unto it. For neither doth Eusebius, who was a diligent writer, and enquirer into Christian affairs, make mention thereof, etc. nor Jerome, nor Augustine, nor Ambrose, nor Basil, nor john Chrysostome, Amian, nor Beda, nor Orosius. And it is apparent, that for above three hundred years after Constantine, the Emperors had the government of the city by Dukes, Precedents, and exarchs, until the time of Innocent the second, as it plainly appeareth in the Histories and Chronicles. To which purpose he allegeth many places out of the Digests, the Code, and the new Constitution. And in the life of Phocas the Emperor we read that Pope Boniface obtained the Panteon of him. Which is that Church that is called Maria retunda. If therefore you will know from whence the Church had her lands and revenues, see the Acts of Charles the Great, of Pippin, and of Pius in the said Dialogue, and the collections newly gathered by Bartholomew Platina, the Liberarie keeper in one great volume, wherein he hath gathered all the instruments appertaining to the state of the Church, as touching their temporalties, especially the acquisition of their lands, revenues, and rights unto them, upon the review whereof I have likewise bestowed some pains. Of the said Donation and cure of the leprosy of Constantine, read that which Remus the Bishop of Padua hath writ at large in his history of the lives of the Popes. Both the one and the other (the Donation and the Cure) grounded upon one and the same vanity. Hieron. Marius in Eusebio Captivo. Mancinellus was yet more bold, who upon a solemn day, about the hour of procession, mounting upon a white horse, according to the custom, made an Oration at Rome before all the people, against Alexander the sixth, openly reprehending his abuses, his scandalous life, and foul abominations; and having ended his speech, exemplified it before their eyes. Alexander therefore caused him to be apprehended, and commanded both his hands to be cut off: which were no sooner healed, but upon another festival day, with the like boldness he spoke again. But by the commandment of Alexander his tongue was presently cut out, Machiavellus Historiae Florentin. l. 1. whereof he died. Machiavelli the Secretary of Florence, in his history, saith plainly, That until the time of Theodoricus king of Lombardie the Pope had no temporal jurisdiction, yea was hardly acknowledged to have any superiority in causes Ecclesiastical, above the Church of Ravenna, but that power and authority that it hath, it got afterwards by divers guiles and subtleties, sometime taking part with the Greeks', sometimes with the Lombard's, until they had overthrown both the one and the other. But especially their greatest power they attained unto by the wicked abuse of their excommunications, indulgences, and publication of the Cross: but yet so, that at what time they thundered most in countries and kingdoms most remote, they were in greatest contempt at Rome, having much ado to reside there, notwithstanding they promised not to intermeddle with civil causes, but Ecclesiastical only. He likewise saith, That they were the authors of all the wars in Italy, after the time of Theodoricus king of the Goths, and in his own time, of all those troubles that were in Italy: That the Cardinals were but simple Curates of the Parishes in Rome, increasing afterwards by little and little in wealth and honour, and pride and titles, and habiliments, as the Popedom, and the contention for the Popedom increased. And in the handling of this subject he concludeth the first book of his Florentine history, which it shall not be amiss for the Reader to take a view of. Guicciardine also, the Standard-bearer of the Church of Rome, writ the like discourse in the fourth book of his histories, but the place was carefully razed out: but it was afterwards printed by itself at Basil, in 8ᵒ. in Italian, Latin, French. The title of the book is, Francisci Guicciardini loci duo, etc. which it were not labour lost to read. Baptista Mantuanus, a Carmelite, a man famous for his learning in those times, in many places, but especially in his ninth Eclogue, freely describeth the state of the Church of Rome in his time, which he saith was in such sort degenerated, that the shepherds and their dogs were become ravening wolves, and those whom they should feed and defend, they devoured. But let that which he hath in his third book of Calamities be to us in stead of the rest. — Petrique domus pollûta, fluente Marcescit luxu, nulla hîc arcanarevelo Non ignota loquor, licet vulgata refer, Sic Vrbes populique ferunt, sic fama per omnem jam vetus Europam, mores extirpat honestos Sanctus ager scurris, venerabilis ara Cynaedis Seruit, honour andae Divum Ganimedibus Aedes. Quid miramur opes, recidivaque surgere tecta? Thuris odorati globulos & cinnama vendit Mollis Arabs, Tirij vestes; venalia nobis Templa, Sacerdotes, Altaria sacra, Coronae, Ignis, Thura, preces, coelum est venale Deusque. — And Peter's house defiled, pines with excess. I name not things unknown, nor secrets I rehearse, Things common let me speak, all countries say the same, Yea, through all the parts of Europe, it is the same, That honesty from Rome is fled, that holy place Serves jeasters, buggers the Altars do disgrace. The houses of the gods with Ganymedes are filled. Why do we admire their wealth, the houses they build? Arabia Frankincense and Cinnamon sells, The Tirians goodly garments; Rome all things else, Temples, and Priests, Altars, and Crowns, they fell for pelf, Fire, Frankincense, prayers, heaven, and God himself. And all this in Italy. Neither were they silent in Germany; for it is noted, that about these times the proverbs were very common, The nearer to Rome the worse Christian: In the name of God gins all mischief (for this was the beginning of their Bulls) He that goes once to Rome sees the man of sin, he that goes twice knows him, he that goes thrice brings him home with him; that is to say, being near the man of sin, is made like him. But among the learned many have left behind them a good testimony of their conscience. john of Vesalia, a Doctor and Preacher at Worms, was accused before the Inquisitors for holding these propositions; That Prelates have no authority to ordain new laws in the Church, but to persuade the faithful to the observation of the Gospel: That the best interpreters of the Scriptures expound one place by another, because men obtain not the spirit of Christ but by the spirit of Christ: That the Doctors, be they never so holy, are not to be believed for themselves, and the Gloss as little: That the commandments of the Church bind not to sin: That the elect are saved by the only mercy of God: That the Pope's Indulgences are vain, and so are the Chrism, Lent, difference of meats, holie-dayes, auricular confession, pilgrimages to Rome, etc. But for as much as he impugned the opinions of Thomas, the Frier-Preachers, who were of the Inquisition, were moved against him. Diether also, Archbishop of Meniz, to avoid that suspicion of heresy the Pope had of him was enforced to yield unto them, in so much that without any respect of his years, or his long sickness, they proceeded against him, whereby he was enforced to revoke his opinions. He that writ his examination, which bare date the year 1479, saith, and takes God to witness, That he was compelled to that recantation that he made, and the burning of his books, Examen Magistrate johannis de Vesalia Moguntia 1479. M. Engeline of Brunswic, a great Divine, and M. john Keiserberg, withstanding it, both men learned and free, addicted to neither part; especially it seemed to M. john Engeline, that they had taken too precipitat a course with so great a parsonage, yea he feared not to affirm, that most of his articles, yea the greatest part, might very well be defended. There are many books of his extant, and among the rest a Treatise of Indulgences, where he peremptorily affirmeth, That the supremacy of the Pope is a human invention: That the Church militant may err: That all things necessary to salvation are contained in the Scriptures. There lived at the same time (but somewhat younger) Doctor Wesellus of Groaning, called The Light of the world, who in a certain Epistle of his, saith, That he did expect that the Inquisitors having condemned Vesalius, would have come unto him, having defended his opinion both at Paris and at Rome, against divers articles of the Church of Rome. And he feareth not to say, That many of the Court approved it, though it differed not much from the opinion of the Waldenses, as we may gather by his writings. johan. Wesellus de subditis & superioribus. In his book of Subjects and Superiors he affirmeth, That the Pope can err, and that erring we ought to resist him: That by his simony and wicked government he made it to appear, that he had no care either of God or the good of the Church: That his commands bind no farther than they are agreeable to the word of God: That his excommunications are no more to be feared than those of any other learned and godly man: for so did the Council of Constance harken rather to john Gerson, than john the 24; and all good and godly men to S. Bernard sometime, than to Pope Eugenius the third. Philip. Melancton. in vita Rodolfi Agricolae. His works are to be read printed by pieces at Leipsic, Antuerpe, Basill. Also, in this country his familiar friend Rodolphus Agricola was very famous, a man worthily accounted one of the lights of this dark age, who was of the same opinion. And josquin of Groaning, then young, witnesseth, That he had often seen them both send forth many a sigh and groan, to think of the doctrine of the Church so much deformed. Gocchius Pupperus, a Priest and Curate of Malin in Brabant, taught the same reformed doctrine, almost in all the Articles, especially in that of the free justification of a sinner by the blood of Christ, rejecting all the glosses of Sophisters and School men, betaking himself wholly to the Scriptures, and namely to that which S. Paul teacheth us: That those interpretations which they commonly allege, differ from the word of God, and smell of the heresy of Pelagian: That they have turned Christianity into judaisme and Pharisaisme. His books are Printed in Germany, namely, Of grace, faith, the dignity of the holy Scriptures, and others. In the University of Tubingue, Paulus Scriptoris, a Doctor in Divinity, expounding the fourth book of the Master of sentences, openly condemned transubstantiation as not being grounded upon the holy Scriptures, whom the Augustinians, the Disciples of john Stauffich Provincial followed, with divers others; amongst whom in the age following, was Conradus Pellicanus, a man expert in the knowledge of the Tongues, and all manner of learning, who being instructed by Stanffich in the knowledge of the abuses of the Church of Rome, did afterwards good service in the reformation of the Church, but yet by the diligence of the Franciscans he was banished. In Carnia, Andrew the Archbishop of whom we have spoken before, importuned the Emperor Frederick the third for a Council, for the reformation of the Church; who had already assembled certain Bishops at Basill, with a purpose to proceed farther, had not Pope Sixtus the fourth (being much moved therewith) compelled Frederick to break off that assembly, in such sort, that to gratify the Pope, he cast Andrew in prison; where being for a time kept, and attended with a certain guard, in a private place (they of Basill denying him any public prison) he died, being found strangled with a halter, the Pope out of all doubt (saith Stumphius) procuring it. Henry the Agent than Inquisitor, Johan. Stump. in Historiae Holuetica. writ against him, and accused him for reprehending the Pope, as well in those things that belonged to matter of faith, as manners, and for that he had exhorted the Prelates and Universities, by his letters, to a Council (a heinous offence) for the reformation of the Church. In Rostoc, a city of the lower Saxony, Nicholas Rus a Priest and Bachelar in Divinity, preached not only with his tongue, Nicholas Rus in lib. de tripl. funiculo, German. conscripto. but his pen to, That the power of the Pope was not such as they boasted it to be, That he that wandereth from the word of God is not to be obeyed: That the Pope's indulgences were mere impostures, and those only true, which did proceed from God, and his free mercy, for his son Christ jesus sake: That Saints are not to be invocated, much less their bones to be adored, That they who call themselves spiritual persons, that is to say, the Clergy of Rome, have placed all Christian religion in human traditions, and vain superstitions, neglecting their duty in the rest, and that they are the Ministers of Antichrist. These are all read in his Treatise Of the threefold cord, where he expoundeth the Symbol, the Decalogue, and the Lords prayer, which he writ in the Saxon Tongue, for the better instruction of the common people in the purity of religion. There he had his Auditors and his assemblies, and was sometimes visited by the Pastors of the Waldenses in Bohemia, from whose company and comfort he gathered heart; until at the last the Pope's catchpoles following him, he was enforced to fly into Livonia, where he died. It appeareth by those his works that are come to our hands, that he was a man very learned, and well seen in the Scriptures. There was likewise in that country Ernestus Archbishop of Magdeburg, a man famous for his piety and justice. Clement Schaw his Chaplain, who was present at his death, witnesseth, That a Minorite using this speech unto him, Take a good heart, most worthy Prince, we communicate to your Excellency all the good works not only of ourselves, but our whole Order of Friar Minors, and therefore doubt not but you receiving them, shall appear before the tribunal seat of God righteous and blessed. His answer was, By no means will I trust upon my own works, or yours, but the works of Christ jesus alone shall suffice, upon them will I repose myself. It is very likely that there were many in all parts of the world that professed the same faith, since in despite of their adversaries there remain so many witnesses. It is a strange thing, and doubtless cannot be attributed to any thing but the good motion of God's spirit, which we read very common in this age, and noted almost in the histories of all nations, That many in their soundest judgement and understanding, and not otherwise noted of any notable crime, after the consecration of the Priest, carried with a kind of horror and detestation of that Idolatry, should lay violent hands upon the Host, and that upon the most solemn feast days, when there was greatest concourse of people, and with an assured danger of their lives, tear it in pieces. To omit others, we read of one M. john an English man, that did it in Paris, the day after the feast of Corpus Christi, in the chapel of S. Crispin, An. 1491. An. 1493. An. 1502. and in the year 1491; of one Hemon of Picardy, in that which they call the holy chapel, in the year 1493; of another student in the year 1502, upon S. Lewis his day, in a chapel on the right hand; all of them continuing constant, and detesting this Idolatry even to the death; Christoph. Maslaeus in Chron. Monstrelet. in Additionib. especially the last, notwithstanding all the admonitions of the Sorbonists, the tears of his parents, who were brought unto him to persuade, and the horror of the punishment, which was passing grievous. But there was at this time in Italy Hieronimus Savanaruola of Ferrara, by profession a Dominican, a famous Preacher, and much renowned for his piety, sanctity, and doctrine, in so much that by many he was taken for a Prophet. Philip Comineus being sent into Italy by king Charles the eighth, Philip. Comineus in vita Carol. 8. c. 25. & 52 reports, That he saw him at Florence, commended of all for his godly conversation, who did always affirm that Charles should come into Italy, whatsoever others writ to the contrary; and that nothing could withstand him, or defend itself against his power. Moreover, That whatsoever preparations and oppositions should be made against his return, were to small purpose, for he should break through them, and return home with glory; for he that was his conduct into Italy, would not forsake him at his return. And as touching his death, he said, That if in that expedition he reform not the Church, according to that charge he had received from God, his sentence was pronounced against him in heaven, the execution whereof presently followed upon the return of this miserable Prince. Comineus gives there this testimony of him, That he was a man of a commendable life, and his sermons very profitable to win men from vice unto virtue. The Earl likewise johannes Picus Mirandulanus, a man admirable both for his profound learning and rare piety, calleth him a Prophet, and writes an Apology in the defence of him against the Pope. And in like manner Marsilius Fiscinus, that famous Philosopher, in a certain Epistle spends much time in his commendations, living both at one time. But let us hear what Guicciardine saith above all the rest, Guicciard. l. 2. who lived at Florence, and was an eye-witness of his conversation. He witnesseth therefore, that most men that knew him accounted him a Prophet; Guicciard. l. 3. Because in Italy at a time when there were greatest tokens of peace, he many times in his Sermons publicly foretold, That Italy should be invaded by foreign powers, with so great astonishment, that neither Council, nor walls, nor arms should be able to resist them. And this he did for fifteen years together whilst he lived at Florence. But (saith he) when Charles was returned into France, and the Pope freed from his fears, he began to remember Hieronimus, who having been long before accused unto him for inveighing against the Clergy and Court of Rome, not without the great scandal of them both, for nourishing discords at Florence, for preaching doctrines that were not Catholic, was for these causes many times cited to Rome, but he refused to appear, and therefore in the year 1479 he was excommunicated. But he still continuing in his preaching, his adversaries by the authority of the Pope, getting the upper hand, drew him out of the Monastery of S. Mark where he lived, & cast him into the common prisonhouse. In which tumult, the kinsfolk of those who the year before lost their heads, slew Franciscus Valori, an excellent citizen, and his chief patron. This (saith Guicciardine) Savanarola was examined with tortures; upon which examination a process was published, which (discharging him of those calumnies which were imposed upon him, touching his avarice, his dishonest behaviour, his secret practices with foreign Princes) tended only to this, that such things as he had foretold were done not by Divine revelation, but out of his own opinion, grounded upon the doctrine and observation of the Scriptures: And that he was not moved thereunto for any ill intent, or out of covetousness to obtain any ecclesiastical dignity; but this one thing he only respected, that by his means a general Council might be called, wherein the corrupt manners of the Clergy might be reform, and the degenerate estate of the Church of God, as far forth as was possible, might be reduced to the similitude of that it was in the Apostles times, or those that were nearest unto them. And if he could bring so great and so profitable a work to effect, he would think it a far greater glory than to obtain the Popedom itself; because that could not proceed, but from excellent learning and virtue, with a singular reverence of all men, whereas the Popedom is obtained for the most part, either by wicked means, or the benefit of fortune. Here let the Reader judge how great a sin it is with them to desire, or to forward the reformation of the Church by a general Council, and to make it conformable to that of the Apostles times. Having confirmed this process in the presence of divers religious of the same order, he, with two others his fellows, was deprived of his holy orders, by the sentence of the General of the Dominicans, and the Bishop Romolin, who was afterward Cardinal of Surrenta, deputed Commissaries by the Pope. This being done, he was left to the power of the secular Court, by the judgement whereof, they were first hanged, and then burnt: which their deaths, forasmuch as they did constantly endure, the diversity of judgements and opinions of men still continued; for divers there were that thought him an Impostor and abuser of the people, others were of opinion that that confession that was published was forged, or that being a man of a weak constitution, it was extorted from him by torments against the truth; excusing his fragility and weakness, with the example of the Prince of the Apostles, who being neither imprisoned, nor constrained by torments, or any extraordinary force, but only terrified with the words of a simple maid, denied himself to be the Disciple of his master, notwithstanding he had heard many of his godly admonitions, and seen his miracles. And hereby are those slanders sufficiently disproved, which we read in Nauclerus to be imputed unto him, Naucler. Genar. 50. Guicciardine charging him with no other crime, but that those predictions which before he affirmed to proceed from divine revelation, being near his death he acknowledged to be gathered from the observation and interpretation of the Scriptures, no doubt of the Apocalyps, which sound no other things but revelation, and which no man doubts but they are written by the pen of the holy Ghost. Flaminius, a famous Poet of Italy, in his Epitaph thought far otherwise. Dum fera flamma tuos Hieronime pascitur artus, Religio flevit dilaniata comas, Flevit, & o, dixit, crudeles parcite flammae, Parcite, sunt isto viscera nostra rogo. B Whilst furious flames, O Jerome, thy body wear, Religion weeps and teareth her hair, She weeps and cries, O cruel flames, O stay your ire, O stay, our bowels burn in this same fire. Now if any man shall ask what points of Religion he desired to have reform in that Council he so much thirsted after, it sufficiently appears in his books, wherein he overthroweth, as much as in him lies all human traditions; placeth all his hope in the free justification by faith in Christ jesus, sticks only to his passion; acknowledgeth Christ's merits only; maintaineth the communion under both kinds; thundereth against indulgences; and as well for life as doctrine acknowledgeth Antichrist in the Court of Rome. The doctrine especially of free justification is excellently handled in his meditations upon the thirtieth and fiftieth psalm, which Possevinus acknowledgeth to be composed the night before his punishment. As for his sermons and other books, the Roman Index hath purged them, according to their manner. But if under that yoke of oppression, to thirst after a reformation were heresy, and worthy fire and faggot, doubtless he was not only faulty, only in danger; for Europe was then full of excellent men, whose vows and prayers unto God tended to the same end: Neither wanted there those, who foretold a reformation at hand so plainly, that there was no man but saw that it proceeded from divine inspiration. We have spoken before of Wesselus' of Groening called the light of the world: john Ostendorp a Canon of the Church of Deventrie, visiting that reverend old man, Gerad. Noviomagus in Historia. he said unto him, Young man thou shalt live to see the day, wherein the doctrine of these modern contentious divines, Thomas and Bonaventure and others of that stamp, shall be contemned and hissed at of all divines that are truly Christian. Tilemanus Spengerberg speaking to his children and neighbours, Shortly saith he, this religion which now flourisheth shall grow into contempt; then shall ye see the Priests and Monks, for their wickedness, avarice, hatred, uncleanness, cast out of the Temples and Monasteries, and another true religion shall be re-established; For God will no longer suffer the corrupt manners of these men, teaching no one word of the Gospel, and leading a life worse than paynim. Paulus Scriptoris, a Doctor of divinity in the University of Tubingue, spoke likewise to that purpose; so did john Keiserberg a preacher at Strasbourg, and an Author of certain divinity books; There shall one come, saith he, raised by God that shall establish it; wishing very earnestly that he might be his disciple. A certain ecclesiastical person in the city of Coire a country of Grisons speaking to his fellows, You have (saith he) cast S. Paul under the bench, but a time shall come, when he shall come forth and put you where ye placed him. Andrea's Proles the Prior of the Augustine's at Leipsic in his Lectures was wont to say; You hear (brethren) the testimony of the Scriptures, that by grace we are whatsoever we are, and by grace we have whatsoever we have; From whence then is there so much darkness, such horrible superstitions? O my brethren the state of Christendom hath need of a great and a severe reformation, which I now see to be near at hand. But his brethren demanding of him, why he began not this reformation, and opposed not himself against these errors, his answer was this; You see my brethren that I am old, and weak of body, and I confess myself, for my learning, industry, and eloquence insufficient to perform so great a work: but the Lord will raise a man fit and able for his age, his strength, his industry, his learning, wit and eloquence, who shall begin the reformation, and oppose himself against all errors; God shall give him a heart to withstand the mighty men of the world, and you shall find his ministry by the great grace and goodness of God, profitable unto you. All this is reported by Heningus an Augustine Monk in the monastery called The gate of heaven, near Weringherad, whereof this Proles was Prior; whom the Pope afterwards excommunicated, because he opposed himself in the Council of Lateran, against a certain new feast, alleging that the people of God delivered from bondage by the blood of Christ, were too much oppressed with multitudes of traditions, from which opinion he could never be withdrawn. john Hilten a Monk in Henac of Turingia being cast into prison for reprehending some Monastical abuses, being very sick called the Guardian or keeper and said unto him, Philippus Melanthon in Apologia Cap. de votis Monasiticis. I have said little or nothing against our Monkish Society, but there will come one in the year 1516, who shall overthrow them all, whose proceed they shall not be able to withstand: And that very year Luther began to preach: which did far excel any human divination. divers like unto him did every where appear, who out of the palpable darkness of those times, as if the dawn of the day did approach, began to descry the light of the Gospel, after which all the people of God had a long time longed, in such sort that Paulus Langius a Monk of Citique, Paulus Langius Citicensis Monachus in in Chron. the disciple of the Abbot Trithemius (about the time of Luther's first appearance) though he had not yet left his Monastery, gave him this excellent testimony: Martin (saith he) is a perfect divine, profound, incomparable, he endeavoureth to bring divinity to her first fundamental dignity and purity, and to her evangelical, sincere, and simple innocency, altogether banishing all profane Philosophy. Again, In imitation of that most Christian Divine Simon de Cassia (who flourished about the year 1340) contemning all Philosophy, he handled and taught the Scriptures purely, bringing into the light every day, many venerable and almost unknown mysteries of the word of God, being for the greatness and dexterity of his wit famous through the whole world, notwithstanding with S. Jerome he wanted not the malice of his Competitors, that is the persecution of Scholedivines, who frame the Scriptures to the rule of Philosophy. In an other place about the year 1503, he joined unto him Carolostadius and Melanthon; They handle and teach the study of Divinity, and the wheat of the word of God purely, without the mixture of any Chaff, that is, of human Philosophy, and Syllogisms, tying themselves wholly to the Gospel of Christ, and to his Apostle S. Paul, whom they take for their Patron and foundation, with the Study of learning, sowing by their preaching the seed of all virtue, and by their example, pen in the hearts of their Disciples the fear of God. And lest thou shouldest reply that this was before Luther began his war with the Pope, hear what he saith about the year 1520, having before discoursed of the abuse and excess of Indulgences; He (saith he) by his admirable learning and preaching brought to nothing the force of all Indulgences, called them into question, and dissuaded the people from buying of them, affirming them to be no way necessary to salvation, that they were no remission of sins, but a neglect of repentance, a hindrance and relaxation from good works, and a vice. And that the merits of Christ and the Saints were not the foundation, and treasury of these indulgences, since in the primitive Church, and a thousand years after, we find nothing written of them by the holy Doctors of the true Church, neither was there any such opinion or esteem had of them, as now there is, for the love of that money that is gotten by them. Moreover affirming and proving that the Church of Rome by the law of God is not the head of all others &c. And therefore he saith again, Until this time, they have by all means, like another Athanasius, persecuted him, especially for defending this Thesis, That the Pope by the law of God is not the head of the Church, and some other rare and high points of doctrine, which not only the Romans do still impugn, but divers other learned men, especially the Thomists. Nevertheless, this Martin, the prince of all the Divines of this age, fortifying and approving his doctrine, with the testimonies of the Scripture and of S. Paul, as also with the original authorities of the ancient fathers, hath hitherto continued unconquered: not wanting in the mean time, in other nations, divers learned Doctors in Divinity, who stuck unto him and consented with him; as, that most learned and eloquent interpreter of the Scriptures, Erasmus Roterodamus, john Reuschlin, jacobus Stapulensis, Idocus Clithoveus, and divers others. And thus much saith the Monk, non assertiuè saith he, but admirative, not by way of affirmation, but admiration, suspending his judgement, according to the manner of divers others, until it were determined by a general Council, what is to be held in a matter of this difficulty. But it is now time to see what hath passed in our France in these times. Pius the second, as we have seen before, had shaken the Pragmatical sanction under king Lewis the eleventh, which nevertheless partly, he living, the Court of Paris had maintained, and partly under Paul the second his successor, by the mediation of the University, did thoroughly restore. Sixtus the fourth comes, who again impugned it; for this was then the principal mark they shot at, and had been then quite overthrown, had not Lewis the eleventh being then in his own power, and withal offended with the wicked carriage of Sixtus, undertaken the defence thereof; insomuch (as the gloss of the Pragmatical sanction teacheth us) that neither Sixtus, nor his successors Innocent the eight, nor Alexander the sixth, could ever bring to effect those decrees which they made in prejudice thereof, which are mentioned in the first chapter of the Extravagant de treuga et pace. Pragmat. tit. de collat. paragr. Quod si cuiuscumque status in verbo quatuor, & ibi Glossa. But the constitutions of Lewis the eleventh, Pope Sixtus being otherwise to himself indulgent enough, are worthy the noting. One dated the eight of januarie in the year 1475, wherein he showeth that by virtue of the general Counsels of Constance and Basil, approved by the Pope and Cardinals (note these words) it is resolved to require Pope Sixtus to hold a Council, wherein order may be taken for provision against the invasion of the Turk, the danger of the Schisms, the abuse of Simony in Christendom; wherefore he commandeth all the nobility of the kingdom, and the Prelates with other the chief of the Clergy to prepare themselves and to be ready at hand when they shall be called. This Sanction was read in the Parliament the same year the five and twentieth of januarie. He could not have kerbed his fury with a stronger bridle. The very same day, there was another published whereby such as remained at Rome, were commanded within the space of five months to return into France, and to reside upon their charges and benefices according to the Canons, and if they obeyed not, to be punished with the loss of their temporalties, bridling both the head and the members by the same authority. There was likewise another the same day, by which all the Governors of cities, and other the king's magistrates were commanded, diligently to search and inquire for all such, of what conditions soever that were returned from Rome, and to cause them to deliver unto them their letters, Bulls, and other expeditions, and to give knowledge thereof to the king, if there be cause: If the like should be done in these days, who would not take it for heresy? There followed another in the year 1476, dated the third of September, and the seventh exhibited to the Parliament, That no Abbot, Prior, Religious person, or any other of what estate, nation, condition soever shall presume, or dare to go to the convocation houses of the Cistersians, Clugny, Charthusians, or any other either general or provincial, without the kingdom, and those countries that are subject to the king's obedience, under pain to the religious, never to obtain or possess any benefice; to the begging Friars, besides banishment, the utter extirpation of all the religious of the order of those who have done the contrary, and that for this cause, lest they should practise any thing with strangers to the hurt of the Commonwealth. Now I would feign know in what case they are, who have no other Generals but strangers, and are bound to hold their Chapters without the realm. There was another the 16 of Agust, in the year 1478, at what time the Earl Hieronimo, by the command of Sixtus, had in vain attempted Florence, and the Florentines were interdicted for punishing the traitors: Our holy Father (saith he) hath bewrayed his hatred too much against the Commonweals of Florence and Venice, by which means he fortifieth the Turk, and openeth the gate unto him to invade Christendom; turns those moneys that were destinated to the service of God, the defence of our faith, the relief of the poor, to the maintenance of his conspiracies: and that money which he is suffered to exact in Christendom, he bestows upon men of base condition, to increase their greatness, etc. But see what he decrees: And therefore (saith he) we forbidden all persons, as well temporal as ecclesiastical, either to go or send to the Court of Rome, to procure any benefices, to send thither any money, or to take order by way of exchange, or otherwise to pay it there, upon pain of death, and loss of goods, etc. And moreover, we give all their movables, household-stuff, and horses, to whomsoever shall give notice of any that shall offend in this kind. Our Courts of Parliament therefore, which so gladly published these constitutions, yea our Sorbonists that approved them, were they then all heretics? We read likewise, that in the assembblie held at Tours by Charles the 8, the son of Lewis, M. john Rhely, Doctor in Divinity, and Canon of the Church of Paris, spoke in the name of the French Clergy, beseeching him to maintain the Pragmatical sanction in all points, according to the Council of Constance and Basil, not permitting any thing that might be prejudicial thereunto, Whether it were by reservations; provisions Apostolical, expected graces, to the prejudice of elections and provisions of ordinaries, annuities, petty services, etc. or by Citations of the Court of Rome, Ecclesiastical censures, which distract the subjects, causing them to wander, and the like: which he easily obtained without any resistance. But that which is reported by Monstrelet, Monstrelet vol. 3. in novis Chron. touching the authority which this Charles exercised at Rome even to the face of Alexander the sixth, passeth all the rest: He made known (saith he) that his power was so great in Rome, that he caused three or four gallows to be erected, and did hang and behead certain thieves, murderers, and other malefactors in Campo florido, and others, according to the quality of their offence, to be beaten with rods, drowned, punished with the loss of their ears, to show that like a true son of the Church, and a Christian king, he had a mixed and a sole Empire at Rome, no less than at Paris, and other the cities of France. Thus saith Monstrelet, a writer of that time. 65 PROGRESSION. The preposterous election of julius the second: his treacherous practices and cruel malicious nature, and how in his own person he marched to the besieging of Mirandula and Ferrara. Of the pomp and stately coronation of john de Medicis, called Leo the tenth, and of the monstrous abuse of Indulgences in his time. ALexander being dead, a new successor was to be thought upon: Borgia, though he were very sick, was yet a great stickler in the election, relying himself upon the help of the Spanish Cardinals. But on the other side the Cardinal of Ambois, presuming upon the favour of the French Cardinals, and the power of the army, withstood him; The Cardinals nevertheless (saith Guicciardine) according to their custom, looking ever into their own benefit: for it is that spirit that properly bears rule in those Conclaves. These therefore (partly by reason of their own avarice, & partly the one side hindering the other by reason of this emulation) make choice of neither, but choose Francis Picolhuomini, called Pius the third, a man very old, and then sick; rather to spend some time, than that they had any hope of his Popedom, for within 26 days after he died: after whose death, beside and against all order, they determined of a successor without the Conclave, because the Cardinal of S. Peter ad Vincula, being mighty in friends and fame, and power, had gotten so many voices on his part, that there was not any man that durst so much as mutter against him: Wherefore by a new example he entered the Conclave, assured before of the Popedom, and the doors being never shut, was chosen the first night: who, to signify the greatness of his designs, even in the first entrance of his Popedom would be called julius the second: Whereupon every man (saith Guicciardine) was strucken with a kind of astonishment, for that they had consented upon the choice of such a Pope, as all men knew to be dangerous, intolerable, truculent, and unquiet, yea that he had already practised strange hatreds against many great personages. But having noted in him those parts that were best worthy the consideration, That (saith he) which stood him in best stead for the attainment of this dignity, were the large promises that he made to those Cardinals, Princes, Barons, and others, whom he knew to be best able to advance and forward that business, thinking it good policy not to deny them any thing they should ask. Moreover, he gave much money, and many benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities, as well of his own as other men's; for that opinion there was of his bounty, that divers there were that came unto him, offering unto him what they possessed, to use their money, their names, their offices, their benefices, at his pleasure: no man considering with himself that he had promised a great deal more than, having obtained the Popedom, he was either able, or aught to perform, being heretofore accounted so upright and so true, that Alexander the sixth, though he were his great enemy, otherwise speaking all the ill that might be of him, acknowledged that only virtue in him. But he that very well knew, that no man might more easily deceive, than he that was thought never to deceive, feared not a little to crack that credit to get a Popedom. And thus much concerning the manner of his election. He had a daughter which was named Felix, whom he presently married to jordanus Vrsinus, and his niece, his sister's daughter, to Antonius Columna. And thus he settled himself at Rome. From thence forward he bent his endeavours, by arms to bring Romania under his subjection, and to recover all that which Borgia and others had gotten into their possession: and if any refused to obey, he was presently excommunicated. Then he shook off that moderation which in his Cardinalship he retained both in word & deed (saith Onuphrius) in so much that he thought it not enough to be modest himself, but he took a care to receive none but such into his house. Onuphr. in julio 2. So hard a matter it is, and ever hath been, to know the humour of him that affecteth a Popedom. His first exploit was to drive the Bentevoli with their wives and children out of Bononia, and to leave their houses and families to the fury of the people. Then he turned his mind to the ruin of the Venetians, whom he excommunicated, and made a prey to whomsoever should first lay hands on them. Our Lewis the twelft, with whom he had first made a league, after the battle won at Abdua against the Venetians, he greatly suspected, notwithstanding he had the greatest part in the fruit of that victory. He attempted all the ways he could to drive him out of Italy, and wanted no subtle devices to compass it. He incited Lewis and Maximilian the Emperor against the Venetians, & conspired with the Venetians against them both. He interdicted Alphonsus Duke of Ferrara, and made open war against him, because he had taken part with France, and being commanded to departed, did not obey. Lewis himself having sent certain forces to Alphonsus, Christoph. Massaeus l. 20. Chron. under the conduct of Caluimontius, julius excommunicated Caluimontius, and all the chief leaders of the army. Wherefore Maximilian and Lewis, to the end they might repress his insolency, entered into consideration by what means they might call him to a Council: whereupon, in the year 1510, in the beginning of September, Guicciard. l. 9 An. 1510. Lewis held a national Council at Tours, wherein it was inquired, Whether it were lawful for the Pope, without a cause, to make war against a Prince: It was concluded not lawful: And whether any such Prince defending may not assault him, & withdraw himself from his obedience: It was concluded lawful. Moreover, it was resolved to maintain in France the Pragmatical sanction, and in all causes to neglect his censures: and that the king before he should withdraw himself from his obedience, should certify julius by his ambassadors of these articles ordained by his Clergy, that if he should not obey them, he might understand, that he was to be called to a general Council. And moreover it was decreed, That the king should impose upon the Clergy of France, a certain sum of money, to be employed against julius, if he should proceed in his determination. It happened in the mean time, that the Bishop of Gurse arrived in the behalf of the Emperor, who was heard in that honourable assembly, at what time there came likewise a messenger, who gave them to understand of the obstinacy of julius; wereupon, the 27 of September, a general Council was called, by the consent of all, at Lions, to be celebrated about the beginning of March following. All this was done by the advice of five of the chief Cardinals, of S. Cross & Cosentia, Spaniards, Bayeux & S. Malo, French, and the Cardinal of S. Severine, an Italian, consenting with the Emperor and king, That julius should be enforced to the Council; to which end they were departed from him, Guicciard. l. 9 notwithstanding (if we may believe Guicciardine) they had as bad minds, and were as little to be trusted as himself. So universal was the corruption of that See, how good soever the desires of the king were. In the mean time julius is not idle, though he thought of nothing less than what became a Pope: he agreed, by means of the Cardinal de Medicis, with Marcus Antonius Columna, and other young men of Florence, to kill Peter Soderin, the Standard-bearer of the Commonwealth of Florence, because he was said to be the man that persuadeth the Florentines to take part with France, which turned to his great infamy. Being resolved to attempt Ferrara, he thought it better first to invade Mirandula: which forasmuch as it fell out to be a long siege, being much troubled that things succeeded not according to his expectation, he came to the siege in his own person, a thing never heard of before, nor ever to be expected, that the Vicar of Christ on earth (saith Guicciardine) should invade a Christian city, and being old and sickly, should in his own person, set forward a war against Christian Princes first raised by himself; wherein he was so earnestly bend, and over hasty, that he never thought any thing done with speed enough, but ever kindled with fury, cried out to the captains; and chose his own lodging amongst the ordnance, insomuch that in his kitchen two of his servants were slain with a shot, whatsoever his Cardinals could persuade to the contrary, telling him, That hereby both his own person and the whole See were made a scandal, and a laughing stock to the whole world. And therefore, saith Monstrelet to this purpose, He left the chair of S. Peter, and took upon him the title of Mars the god of war, displaying in the field his triple crown, and spending his nights in the watch. How goodly a thing it was to see the miters, Crosses, and Crosier-staves flying up and down the field, God he knoweth. It is not likely any Devils could be there, where blessings were sold at so base a price. Mirandula being taken, he set forward with his army against Ferrara, and neglecting these conditions that the Emperor offered, and the counsel of Ferdinand of Spain his friend, he persisted in his determination. Whereupon, it was thought good to cite him to the Council of Pisa; on the one side, those five Cardinals, with the Prelates of France and Germany urging it, as being a man notoriously scandalous, incorrigible, a stirrer up of wars, and altogether unfit to rule the Popedom, for which cause, the authority of calling a Council was divolued unto them; on the other side, king Lewis the twelfth being ready by force, and if need were, to march against him with his army in his own person, notwithstanding he had no assistance from Maximilian: who having made a truce with the Pope, was therefore by the writers of that age condemned of inconstancy. It is worthy the noting, that by the command of Lewis there was money coined in France, which yet remaineth in the custody of some, in the one side whereof there was this mot, I will destroy Babylon, and in some, I will destroy the name of Babylon; that it might seem no new thing to any that Rome is Babylon to us, having so great an Author, even the Father of France. julius therefore created eight new Cardinals, that he might thereby win unto him other Princes, contrary to that he had promised at his election. Triwltius therefore, the leader of the French forces, having freed Ferrara from fear, taken Bononia, publicly fastened his placarts whereby julius was cited to Pisa, he retired himself in despair to Rome; no less wounded in his mind, that the Duke of Urbin his Nephew had stabbed the Cardinal of Pavia his Legate and inward friend, in a manner before his eyes, for his many and monstrous wickedness (saith Guicciardine) worthy the greatest and most grievous punishment. Then gathering heart, he confirmed his truces, mollified the mind of the Emperor, won him from the alliance of France, and thinking now he had overcome all difficulties, he applied his thoughts only to Lewis, thundering against him with his excommunications, and interdicting his kingdom. But our Clergy yielding him never the more obedience, proceed still in setting forward the Council of Pisa, which at the last was thought to be more safe and commodious to transfer to Milan, where again these good Cardinals got no better reputation than julius at Rome. At length, julius with his confederates raised an army, which doubtless would daily increase greater, by reason of the jealousy that many Princes had of the greatness of France, and above all the Spaniard, for fear of the realm of Naples, which the French pretended a right unto. But king Lewis seeing himself alone against so many enemies, either open, or ready shortly to declare themselves, resolved to win time; and commanded Gaston de Foix, his Lieutenant general in the Duchy of Milan, to omit no occasion of fight with the Pope's army, wherein, if he got the victory, he should with all speed march to Rome, and there assail the Pope without any reverence towards him. Yet notwithstanding, that it might be esteemed he did it lawfully and by good right, he doth all by the authority of the Council, which appointed their Legate in the army, who received in the name thereof the cities conquered in the war. This was the Cardinal of S. Severin, ordained by the Cardinals, Legate of Bononia, A man (saith our Author) more addicted to war, Guicciard. l. 10 than religion. Therefore Gaston, after some notable exploits of arms, for to draw the Pope's army to battle, besieged Ravenna. In the mean time julius army came to secure it, under the conduct of john de Medicis (after Leo the tenth) exiled from Florence, whom he had advanced chiefly in hatred of the Florentines. But Gaston marched against them, and upon an Easter day gave them battle, wherein he obtained that so renowned victory of Ravenna. The Legate taken, and the most part of the commanders of the army; upon the first news thereof, julius despairing was ready to forsake Rome: but the death of Gaston interrupted the course of the victory, and so gave him time to breath and settle himself in his seat. And that so much the more, for that the Marshal de la palace, with the French forces, which he commanded after the death of Gaston, was called back into France, to oppose themselves against the Swissers, who partly in favour of julius, partly moved by their own commodity, had spread themselves over Bourgundie. Now, he turned this victory obtained by the French men, to his own commodity, by setting before the eyes of all Princes, of how great moment it was, that the power of the French men should be repressed. This he doth with the States of Italy, chiefly the Duke of Ferrara and the Florentines, to withdraw them from their league with France; he blameth the king's indiscretion, who not knowing how to use his good fortune, had withdrawn his succours, and abandoned his confederates to his discretion. And now he only spoke of shaking off the Arragonois, and of driving the Spanish forces out of Italy, or defeating them, by whose help notwithstanding he had been maintained in his adversity; for to procure to himself the kingdom of Naples. Lastly, he thought himself in sufficient safety by the friendship and confederacy of the Swissers. Moreover, he now openly despised the Council of Pisa, which had been translated to Milan, because it was only maintained by the French forces, who had now enough to do to defend their own; and taking again courage, opposed unto it another Council at Lateran, excommunicating all them that adhered to that of Pisa; and king Lewis by name, from whom, by his Bull set forth, be took away the title of Most-Christian, transferring it to the king of England, whom he solicited to make war against France, the kingdom whereof, by the Council of Lateran, and in an express Bull, he exposed to him that would first invade it. But amidst such and so great thoughts (saith Guicciardine) and others perhaps greater & more secret (for nothing so cruel, nor so great beyond opinion and belief, which was unfit for his terrible mind) after some days sickness he was taken away by death, etc. Worthy of great praise, if he had been a secular Prince and attempted such things, or if he had more care to exalt the Church in spiritual things by peaceable means, than to make it great in temporal things by war. And yet is he desired above others; but note of whom, of them who (the true names of things being lost, and the distinction of them confused) judge that Popes are more to be praised in this, That by arms and shedding Christian blood, increase the domination of the Apostolic See, than labour by good examples of life to amend corrupt manners, and take care for the salvation of those souls for whom they boast, that they are ordained of Christ the Lord his Vicars on earth. And did not the Emperor Maximilian, lifting up his eyes to heaven, Joakimus Cureus Freistadiensis in Annalibus Gentis Silesiae. Arnoldus Ferronius in vita Ludovici. Gilberti Ducerij Epigramma. worthily exclaim against the naughty life of this Pope, O eternal God, if thou didst not watch, how ill it would be with the world, which we govern, I poor hunter, and that wicked drunkard julius? We read also, that when, a little after his election, he departed from Rome to make war against Maximilian and Lewis, passing over the bridge, he cast the keys into Tiber, and holding a naked sword, said with a loud and high voice, That seeing Peter's keys would not suffice, Paul's sword should not be wanting: Which gave occasion of many Epigrams, these among others: Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendit ab host, Quandoquidem clavis niliuvat ista Petri. Sith Peter's keys with foes doth nought prevail, This sword of Paul to save us shall not fail. And, In Gallum, ut fama est, bellum gesturus acerbum, etc. And hereupon Wicelius, though a defender of Popes, plainly saith of him, Marti quam Christo propior, That he was fit for Mars than for Christ: and indeed it was thought, that in the space of nine years he had been the occasion of the death of two hundred thousand men. Whereas his predecessors were wont to grant privileges to begging Friars, he, to the Cantons of the Swissers (his confederates, the principal executors of his high enterprises) gave the perpetual title of Defenders of the Ecclesiastical liberty, with many Bulls, Standards, a Sword, and golden Cap, and other gifts, that he might have them ready at all his commandments. Neither was he for all that negligent in his Indulgences, whereby he might rake in money; witness the Epigram: Fraud capit totum mercator julius orbem, Vendit enim coelos, non habet ipse tamen, etc. By fraud the merchant julius rakes in pelf, For heaven he sells, yet hath it not himself. And this evidently enough appeareth unto us by his Bulls, especially by that dated in the year 1505, whereby, being newly entered his Popedom, he ordained, That every fifteenth year annuities should be paid for benefices. And that he might reserve to himself all liberty to do all things by his own mere authority, Bulla cuius initium Ex debito Pastoral, officij, alia cuius initium, Suscepti regiminis cura sollicitat. against the admonitions made unto him from all parts, he renewed the Bull of Pius the second, against them that appealed from the Pope to a future Council, in such sort that the Appealants were judged excommunicated, and their Appeals void; and with these goodly Prefaces, Out of the duty of our Pastoral office, and the care of the government undertaken soliciting us, etc. But with what face and faithfulness let the Reader judge, unless it be with that sincerity which this Epigram describeth: Genua cui patrem, genitricem Graecia, Conradus Grebelius in Epigram. partum Pontus & unda dedit, num bonus esse potest? Fallaces' Ligures, mendax est Graecia, Ponto Nulla fides: in te haec singula jule tenes. From Genua and Greece his parent's blood, At sea he had his birth, can he be good? The Genowais be false, Greeks liars be, Trustless the sea: all this julius in thee. Which truly he verified in effect in the whole course of his life. I would willingly omit these other verses of the same Author, but that all filthiness with them is but a play. Venit in Italiam spectatus indole rara Germanus, redijt de puero mulier. To Rome a Germane went of fair aspect, But he returned a woman in effect. Which he speaketh of julius. The same we find written by the Divines of Paris, of two young gentlemen violated or forced by him, whom Queen Anne, wife of Lewis the twelft, had recommended to the Cardinal of Nantes to carry with him into Italy. Let us add this for conclusion, That when he was besieged at Bononia by the Grand Master de Chaumont, General of the army of Lewis the 12, under colour of entertaining a treaty of peace, brought into the city for his succours certain companies of Turks, conducted by Chapin Vitelli: and in the mean time he published by his Bull, full pardon and large Indulgences to whomsoever should kill a Frenchman, that is, a Christian. So that not without reason our French Church at that time called that full power of Popes, a boisterous tempest, and a diabolical word. And thus are we come to the year 1513. An. 1513. The Popedom of julius was imperious and barbarous. The Cardinals, who had felt his cruelty, before they would proceed to election, thought by prescribing conditions to the future Pope, to bridle his authority; but presently after (saith Guicciardine) they themselves did abrogat them almost all, Guicciard. l. 2. according as they were led, some with fear, and some with hope of favour, all uncapable of a better State. This same was john de Medicis, Commander as Legate of the Pope's army, who had been taken in the battle of Ravenna, and having made an escape away, contrary to his faith, was presently after created General of the war against the Florentines. He was scarcely thirty seven years old, when, against custom, by a new example, he was advanced to the Popedom, by the craft of the younger Cardinals. In his first act he made manifest what was to be hoped of the reformation of the Church in his time; for the pomp of his coronation was so excessive, Guicciard. l. 2. as well of them of his house and Court, as of all the Prelates, that no man but would confess, That from the inundation of the Barbarians there had been nothing seen more proud and stately; seeing it is certain, that he on that day had spent an hundred thousand ducats: And the wiser sort judged (saith he) that such a pomp was not fit for Popes. Next, he resolved to continue the Council of Lateran, and to extinguish that of Pisa; which he easily did in re-establishing the five Cardinals which julius had forsaken, and by appeasing the mind of king Lewis the twelfth, whom the other Princes had forsaken, suspecting his power. Nevertheless the Clergy of France strove against it, cleaving fast to their propositions, especially of the Pragmatical sanction, as appeareth by the Acts of that Council: till that under king Francis his successor, in the year 1516, notwithstanding the formal Appeal of the Clergy, by means of the Concordat, the Pragmatical was abolished. And of this Council (where a reformation was expected) came none other fruit than an imposition of tenths on all Europe, ever under colour of invading the Turks, which indeed was never so much as dreamt on. Wherefore many Prelates in giving their suffrages, Concil. Lateranens. Sess. 12. added this clause, Placuit quo ad Turcas, I am content, so it be for the Turks, when the expedition shall be begun; the Bishops, namely of Durazzo, of Salamanca, of Taruisino, of Grasso, of Chio, of Montuert, of Montmaran, of Servia, of Licie, of Ferentine, of Perousa, of Sora, of Macerata, of Nabia, of Algara, and others. And so the Council was concluded, and dismissed; notwithstanding some Bishops took it hardly, that Christian people should be so deluded, and pronounced with a loud voice, Non placuit clausura Concilij, The shutting up of the Council pleaseth us not; as the Bishops of Trane, of Salmantica, the General of the Order of the jacobines, and others. The pretence for this dissolution was, for that the Council had now dured five years (which is so much the greater shame for them, that in so long time had done nothing but for their own commodity) That the Prelates might go visit & comfort their Churches: And to the end (saith Leo) that they may return with greater joy home to their own, filled with some spiritual gifts, we bestow upon them and their families plenary remission and indulgence of all their sins once in their life, and at the hour of death. In the mean time let the Reader note here the height of his impiety and blasphemy. In this Council Anthony Puccius, in the ninth Session, making an Oration, feared not to attribute unto him those words which the Psalmist had pronounced of Christ our Lord, Psalm. 72. All the Kings of the earth shall worship him, all Nations shall serve him; and therewithal he addeth, All the kings of the earth know what power is given thee in heaven and in earth; which the Lord had spoken of himself, Math. 11. jube, impera, manda, Command (saith he) whatsoever it pleaseth thee at all times. In the same manner also the Archbishop Stephan, in the tenth Session, All power is given unto thee, etc. He which said all hath excepted nothing: But would you know by what title? the sixth Session will show you; Because he is Christ himself, the Lion of the tribe of juda, the root of David, the Saviour and Deliverer: Which names Saint john in the Apocalyps attributed to jesus Christ, and to him alone and none other ought it to be attributed. Add these phrases, ordinary every where in this Council, The royal race of the Sovereign Bishops of Rome, The Empire of your Holiness, Sess. 9 The Pope is the Prince of the Apostles, Sess, 4. He is Prince and King, Sess. 3. The Prince of the whole world; contending with Satan himself in blasphemies. Sess. 1. Yea he is made to be God himself, The aspect of your Divine Majesty, Sess. 9 Most like unto God, and who ought to be adored of all people, Sess. 3. & 10. and with the same adoration wherewith Christ is worshipped: for to him they attribute these words of of the Psalm 72. All the Kings of the earth shall worship him, namely, the eternal son of God. But Spouse or Bridegroom of the Church, that is his ordinary Epithet often in that Council. What monstrous and audacious boldness is here for a pretended Vicar? Canst thou Reader expect greater blasphemies than these for the revealing of Antichrist? And thus in the Council of Lateran all Christendom was deluded. But truly in his affairs Leo proceeded very seriously: for he ordained Laurence (his brother Peter's son) governor of Tuscanie, and established the Commonwealth of Florence in such sort, that it depended of him alone: hence is the ground of the sovereign power of the Medici's in that city. Alfonsina also, the mother of Laurence, of the house of the Vrsins, was continually instant upon him, to do her son yet some further favour: wherefore, for some light occasions by him sought (saith Onuphriu●) he set upon by arms Francis Maria de Roveria, Duke of Urbin, whom he suspected and hated, and deprived him of his whole Dukedom, and set his Nephew up in his place; though his familiars blamed his ungrateful mind towards that Prince, who had safely received and kept them of his family in their exile. But (saith Guicciardine) when against all faith and credit he had once begun to offend him, he dissembled not that be supposed it a thing necessary utterly to ruinat him. With the same mind also, he drove away Alfonsus Petrucci Cardinal, and his brother from Sienna. Whereupon, Alfonsus a while after, impatient of grief conspired against him, with many Cardinals, Adrian de Corneto, Raphaell Riario, Bandinello, Saul, and others: but the conspiracy being discovered, they were deprived of their Cardinalship, and Alfonsus, as chief was strangled by a Moor in the castle S. Angelo, Bandinello condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and a while after for a great sum of money set at liberty, yet was it suspected he had first been poisoned with slow-working poison. Many others redeemed their lives with money, among which the Cardinal de Corneto, after reconciliation, departed secretly from Rome, and, howsoever it happened, was never seem more in any place afterward. Guicciardine particularly noteth, That out of the suspicion that Leo had conceived against Alfonsus, by reason of certain letters intercepted, he had called him to Rome, having given him his safe conduct, and passed his word and faith to the Ambassador of the king of Spain, that he should safely return: But, that, Guicciard. l. 13. when the Ambassador objected unto him his violated faith and his perjury, he answered, That never any crime against the life of the Pope was assured by any safeconduct, how ample soever it were and full of pregnant causes, although it were namely and individually expressed. Now hereby he acknowledged, that whether he had well or ill proceeded in his business, all the College of Cardinals was much alienated from him: he therefore resolved to get himself new friends, and in one Morning, the College consenting to it for fear, not of free will, he created one and thirty Cardinals, among whom were two of his sister's sons, and some that had served him before and after his Popedom, Who for divers causes were acceptable and obedient both to him and to the Cardinal de Medicis, but were not for any other respect capable of so great dignity. Many of them also he made for money, to fill again his emptied coffers. As likewise (saith Langius de Citica) All the gold and silver by little and little raked and drawn out of Germany, was carried to Rome as into a broken bag and insatiable gulf: the government also of Churches was committed not to the best deserving, but to him that offered most. Moreover, he created thirty Cardinals for the price of five hundred thousand Ducats. And this is ever the lawful vocation, which they so much brag of. He addeth, that for to satisfy both his own and his Cardinals greedy desire, he exacted great sums of money throughout all Europe, by his Legates, under colour of making war against the Turks; and no little sum also by his Commissaries under pretence of building the Temple of Saint Peter: But (saith he) the stones which were hewn by day, were carried away privily by night to the great Palace of Florence, and the money itself that was gathered, was not for the use of the building, nor against the Infidels, but was distributed among the Cardinals and the Pope's friends. Now this his prodigality being joined with want, there was nothing so abominable which he invented not, or harkened not unto, for to get in money: therefore Guicciardine saith, He used very licentiously the authority of the Apostolic See, when he followed the counsel of Laurence Pucci, Cardinal of the Title of four Saints, he sowed abroad through all the world, without any difference of times and places, most ample Indulgences, not only to secure the living, but also to deliver the souls of the departed out of the pains of Purgatory. And because it was notorious, that such Indulgences were only granted to draw money from men, which his Commissaries (who had bought those Commissions of the Pope's officers) impudently demanded, he procured to himself the evil will of men in most places, and caused many scandals, especially in Germany, where his ministers for a very small price sold those their wares, and in Taverns played away at dice the power of delivering souls out of Purgatory. But that which most increased their indignation, was, that Leo (who by reason of the facility of his nature, administered his Pontifical charge with less gravity than became the Majesty of so great a function) gave to his sister Magdalene the money that came of the Indulgences in many Provinces in Germany, who appointed her Commissary for that business the Bishop of Arembauld, a man worthy of such a Commission, which he executed with exceeding great covetousness and extortion. So that the Preachers were not ashamed, by suggestion of his ministers, to publish in the pulpit, That at the sound of the money, as it was cast into the basin, the souls skipped for joy amidst the flames, and presently flew out of Purgatory. Yea some also pronounced, That upon the payment of this taxation all sin was pardoned; not fearing to express particularly the most horrible, which my pen abhorreth to utter. No more modesty was used in France, England, Poland, and other countries, where the Commissaries were wont to assure the people, That he which gave ten sou should deliver the soul for whom he gave it out of the pains of Purgatory; desperately affirming, That God, whensoever they pleased, would presently do it, Christoph. Massaeus in Chron. An. 1515. according to that saying, Whatsoever ye shall lose on earth, etc. But if there was but one farthing less than ten sou, they could do nothing. And this gain (saith Langius) displeased the holy children of the Church, seeing the power of the Vicar began to be called into question, and from whence should come this new doctrine in these later Prelates, which the ancient Popes had been ignorant of: and yet he is a Monk that speaketh it. Martin Luther among others then arose, against whom Leo, in stead of reformation, cast forth his thunderbolts: but of that we will speak more in his place. At last having kindled war between the Emperor Charles the fift and Francis the first, king of France, to drive the Frenchmen out of Italy, news was brought unto him to Maliagno, his place of pleasure, That Milan and Parma were taken from the French; whereupon he entered into such an excess of joy, that the same night he fell into a little fever, whereof a few days after he died. Pasquil comparing Leo and julius together, drew the difference out of their names, and concludeth his Epigram with these verses: julius est hominis, bruti Leo, julius egit Quae suasit ratio, quod libet iste facit. julius a man's name, Leo a bruit beasts had, He did as reason willed, this what his lust him bad. And Sanazarus yielding a reason, why, being at point of death, he had not received the Sacrament, saith, Sacra sub extremâ, si forte requiritis, horâ Cur Leo non poterat sumere, vendiderat. Why Leo received not at his last hour The Sacraments, ask not, they were not in his power. But more rightly, if he had said, Because he had in him no religion: For Cardinal Bembo, his Secretary, alleging unto him one day something out of the Gospel, he feared not to answer him, It is sufficiently known to all ages, how greatly that fable of Christ hath profited us and ours. That man of sin, the son of perdition, of whom the Church hath so long aforehand been warned, think we he could add any thing to this? Jndex Hispan. fol. 129. But their Index Expurgatorius hath commanded those verses to be razed out of Sanazarus. The writers of that age do note some signs which portended his fall at hand: The Angel which stood on the top of the castle S. Angelo, under Alexander the sixth, was cast down by lightning from heaven. At Rome also on the same day that Leo the tenth created one and thirty Cardinals, a sudden tempest happened in the very Temple where they were assembled, which struck and carried away the keys out of the hands of the Image of S. Peter there. And this was in the year 1517, An. 1517. at which very time Luther began to thunder out against the Pope. OPPOSITION. The Council of Pisa was a manifest opposition against the Pope's tyranny, though in a better cause, as Guicciardine noteth, Guicciard. l. 9 they of Pisa were no better than the others, but as the Angels of Satan destroyed each other: And yet by occasion thereof were published many notable Treatises against the temporal power of the Pope. Philip Decius among others, a most famous Lawyer of Milan, in his writings publicly set forth, defended the cause of them of Pisa; That the Pope being hardened in simony, and infamous in wicked manners, the power of assembling a Council was come to the Cardinals, which in so urgent evils are the fittest remedy; especially seeing their proceed therein were approved by the authority of the Emperor elect, by the consent of the Most Christian King, and with the concourse and assistance of the Germane and French Clergy, and that according to the Decree of the Counsels of Constance and Basil. But Pope Pius the fift caused all his works to be gelded by Thomas Manriques, as may be seen in the library of Possevin the jesuite, who gathered those notes. But truly as it was a most grievous & universal evil, yet in divers nations there openly showed themselves both notable men, who acknowledged that tyranny, and also whole corporations, that rightly and formally opposed themselves against it. In Germany Bernard de Lublin, writing to Simon of Cracovia in the year 1515, against the Pope's Primacy, maintained, That it cannot be, that any one man should command the whole world; That it is sufficient to salvation to embrace the faith of Christ alone; That they which never heard any thing of the Pope, are not the less for all that saved; That we must stand to the Gospel, and lay aside the traditions of men, without which salvation may consist: but it is a miserable condition of Christians, who for the Decrees of men, may not give their assent to the manifest truth, the Pope's flatterers persuading them, That it is not to be endured, that any thing should be spoken of them, though in a right good and honest zeal; whilst, in the mean time, themselves take liberty to speak against whatsoever they list. In the University of Erford, Sebastian Brand, Doctor of Divinity, and Preacher of the Cathedral Church of Strasbourg, in the year 1508, publicly inveighed against Roman Indulgences, in these words, Dear friends, we should this Whit-Sunday have opened unto you our wares, but here is a Merchant-stranger, who boasteth he hath better; when he shall be departed hence, we will unfold ours; namely the doctrine of the Gospel after the sellers of Indulgences were gone. And the same against satisfactions which are performed by other men's works; We have some which go to church, which pray, which sing, which mumble over their portueis, which celebrat Masses for us; but who will go into hell in our stead? This in his Sermon, which, of many, remaineth unto us; for it is a wonder that they have left us any: but he was for this occasion driven away, and retired himself to Magdebourg, chiefly because he was wont to say to his Auditors, The time will come when the Gospel shall be read unto you out of the book itself, some of you shall see it, joh. Alman. de domineo naturali, Civili, & Ecclesiastico. but I shall not live till then. james Alman, Doctor of Divinity, in his book set forth at Colonia 1514, of the Pope's power, against Thomas de Ʋio, after Cardinal Caietan, Legat of Leo for the collection of Tenths, Of Indulgences by name; It seemeth not to me that the power of binding and losing aught to be extended to them that be in Purgatory, seeing that wheresoever in the Gospel it is promised or given, it is said; Whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth, and whatsoever thou shalt lose on earth, super terram, mention is never made of them that are departed out of this life. And hence it followeth, that the souls which are in Purgatory, cannot be loossed from pain by bestowing of Indulgences, but indeed by suffrages. What shall then become of all the jubilees, whereby for so many thousands of years true remission by Popes is promised for the deceased. And Ludolfe Castrik, Curate of S. Michael at Magdebourg, preaching against Indulgences, admonished the people to ask remission of sins at God's hands, for Christ's sake alone, giving them hope of a reformation, whereby they should shortly be taken away. And Conradus Celtes at Vienna, a most learned man in his time, many of whose writings yet remain, was excommunicated, for that he condemned the Roman Hierarchy and doctrine; but being borne out by the Emperor Maximilian, he made little account of it. We read likewise, that about this time, in Germany arose one that was held for a Prophet, who ran about from Church to Church, preaching repentance to Christians, and that unless they obeyed and repent, they should utterly perish, Joseph. Grundperg. in specuto Visionis impresso Norimbergae. Anno 1508. these were his words, Awake, O ye Christians, out of the heavy sleep of wickedness and black darkness of death, and circumcise your ears and your hearts, for to hear with attention my words; For ye have cast the law of the Lord into the takes, and his words into the filthy sinks of oblivion and contempt, etc. Ye have wasted the patrimony of Christ on harlots, and have also fulfilled your unbridled lusts in adulteries and incests, and your insatiable covetousness with thefts and sacrileges. Lastly, the Temple of God by your wickedness and great iniquity, is made a stews, and the house of thieves and robbers, in which soundeth forth, not hymns of praises to the king of heaven, but blasphemies, etc. In France, in the beginning of that age, a little after the year 1500, flourished james Faber of Estaples, a man of excellent learning and knowledge, but chiefly in Divinity. Aventine testifieth, that he had heard him six hundred times, together with josse Clithou, Doctor of Divinity, his Master, saying, That Lombard had confounded and troubled the truth and the most pure fountain of holy doctrine, with contaminated and muddy questions, and streams of opinions. But his Psalter, printed in the year 1508, and his Commentaries on the Gospels and Epistles of S. Paul, do testify what his judgement was in many principal points of Christian Religion, by occasion of which, he was so vexed by the Sorbonists & brought to that trouble in his old age (such was their rage) that king Francis, than prisoner in Spain, was forced to write from thence for his safeguard, in favour of his learning. And there need no further proof thereof unto us, than this, Index Expurgat. Hispanic. fol. 110. usque ad 111. & 120. That the Divines of Spain, in their Index Expurgatorius, in our time, commanded many places and whole Pages to be razed out in the later editions; above all, that his Commentary upon S. john, should be wholly abolished, because it could not be well amended: That is to say, because all of it wholly repugned against their corruptions, traditions, inventions, presumptions of men and imaginary authorities. About the same time, grew into reputation William Budè of Paris, Master of requests to king Francis the first, who in many places of that famous book the Ass, describeth the state of the Church in his time; The Clergy men in all sorts of vices, wickedness, and wanton dissoluteness, worse than the worst of the people; the Prelates, ignorant, enemies of learning, having no care of the salvation of Christians, whom they contrariwise cast headlong into hell, both by their ill teaching them, and by being unto them examples of all wickedness: moreover, Epicures and Libertines, and worse if may be. He saw in his time, with what violence the Pragmatical sanction was shaken. Therefore, after he had discoursed that the riches of his time was nothing to that of ancient times, except only (saith he) in one kind of men, who must in no wise be excepted: These are the Priests, whom now almost alone next after Kings and Princes, we see to be the richest and most given to riches. Here must I needs exclaim, O wretched as well as fortunate France; Is it possible, thou shouldest strive now to abolish by wicked ambition, the institutions of thy Elders, confirmed by so many holy Decrees, and approved by the continuance of so many years? And now by the abuse of a favourable law, shouldest make haste to lose a singular prerogative, not obtained by flattering the Pope, by wresting or by begging it, but required as a recompense of the merit of our Elders, that thou mightest use in the establishment of sacred things, that ancient and peculiar right, proceeded à majorum gentium Pontificibus, from those Bishops of the Primitive Church? And with what face then allegest thou that peculiar Sanction, whereof thou so much boastest, as of a certain honour of Religion? Whence hast thou the liberty or confidence to call thyself Most Christian, unless thou wilt keep it by the same Religion, whereby thou hast gotten a glorious name and a law, witness of thy piety? O fault, pleasing to those thine enemies, who envy this Palladium of thy felicity, and perhaps of the Kingdom, as a gift come down from heaven, which being either taken away or cut off, thou withal canst be then no longer fortunate. Take heed I pray thee, thou believe not too much those earth borne men, whom antiquity therefore called Giants, who heaping up large Titles upon Titles, after the example of the Aloidae, seem to war against God, and think to climble up into heaven to offer violence to the inhabitants there. And he leaveth not for us to guess whom he meaneth: For of these things (saith he) public consent layeth the blame on the Head of Christendom, who if he be not well conditioned, the inferior members draw from him the causes of diseases; Wherefore we see it to be the wish of godly men, so oft as that indignity is set before their eyes, that God would either fashion better the Pillar of the Church, or place some fit in his room. Neither yet (saith he) am I ignorant that the Church is builded upon a most firm Rock by a cunning hand, so that it cannot be overthrown by any force, neither airy, nor earthly, etc. But now piety and religion the guardians of this house, complain with a loud cry, that the proportion which the hands of the Architect did model forth at first, is not now kept; which is a notable dishonour for the head. The cause of this unseemly disproportion they lay upon the Merchant Mercury, (to wit the Pope) who since the time he governed the light of the world and began to be the chief coachman, he did not burn the world as Phaeton is said to have done, but rather over shadowed it with most horrible thick darkness; So that from thenceforth it cometh to pass, that in the holy Camp (that is, in the Church) is nothing done rightly nor in order. And here he putteth himself forth to speak of the abuses of the Church, namely them that proceeded from sale, whence he showed that the present government was nothing like to the institution of Christ; that if any man cast his eyes on the universal face of the Clergy, on their pompous provision and their designs, he is presently constrained to say, that the Spouse hath renounced her bridegroom, and denounced unto him, that he is to keep household by himself. And there again he maketh a comparison of Christ and the Apostles with the Pope and Court of Rome: And then he passeth to the discipline of the Church, violated by them who ought to preserve it from all impurity: Who will believe (saith he) that these men, that do thus, know what is the good and right faith? And who knoweth not that the chosen stones of the Sanctuary not long ago, have been so dispersed and cast down, that the Majesty of the Church is decayed, and now the Spouse of God herself, as forgetful of her conjugal faith, hath not only turned aside from her bridegroom, but even without any respect of modesty, licentiously wandered about by the highways, and by the streets, and prostituted herself for money in every Province? Who remembreth not, that the Pastors as fugitives, are become not only forsakers of the flock, but drivers and stealers of it away? And have we not seen the chief Heads of Prelates behave themselves so preposterously and impurely, as in steed of ordering things in good seemliness, and teaching the dance called Emmelia, to mollify men's hearts and make their minds gentle, they lead them the warredance Pyrrhicha, in armour; altogether abhorring the holiness of order (he meaneth julius.) They which should be the chief annointers of the Champions for the holy Combats, and who ought to be the Authors of waging godly war for their altars and bounds against profane peoples and Infidels, are not they themselves the butchers of Christian forces, setting them at wars one against the other to the destruction of that sacred name? And there he declareth the wrath of God fallen both upon Alexander and him. What hope (saith he) of salvation can these men have, who being chief Priests, governing the stern of the Ship, at noon day run it against the rocks of impiety? And when they which ought by their good life to shine and give light to the Lords family, strike into our eyes the horrible darkness of error and blindness of mind? etc. Can I believe that they have the knowledge of good faith, who holding the Altar and sacred things under the Lord's mantle, yea and kissing the Lord himself (as judas did) nevertheless make no account of his Precepts and Institutions, and embrace things directly opposite and contrary? etc. And what man is there (I pray you) who if he consider the state, motion, course, habitude, inward and outward affections, and the very Sessions of the Church, such as we have seen them of late, can judge that they make any account at all of the sacred Oracles and monuments? to wit, of the holy Scriptures. For we see that the Pontifical jurisdiction hath so degenerated from the ancient charity, that there where was wont to be the bosom of equity and benignity, is now found to be a shop of contentions, and of impious snares to entrap. Thence are those pitfalls of Processes, and cautions of Pontifical rites, of purpose set forth for to deceive the Lords family. There are the profits of amerciaments on Prelates, which plainly augment the pages of receipts. Thence again the sacrilegious fairs of those things which cannot without impiety be in human commerce. I omit now to speak of tesseras non modo veniales, sed etiam vaenales, Indulgences set to sale, which give largely by a sordid or filthy bounty, impunity of wickedness, and absolution for breach of sacred laws. Therefore who seethe not, that the sacred Canons, made in better times, to direct, as the rules of the Clergy, and to fashion posterity by the prescriptions of the Fathers, are now become leaden rules, such as in times past (as saith Aristotle) were the Lesbian rules of building? For as leaden rules and soft give not even direction for the right frame of building, but being flexible are applied according to the commodity and pleasure of the builders; so we see that the Pope's Canons, by use of the Rulers of the Church, are made flexible as lead or wax: so that now of a long time the Institutions of the Fathers, and Decrees of Popes, are not used for the government of manners, but applied for the getting in of money. But the jesuits thought they had found out a fit remedy, when by their Spanish Index Expurgatorius, Index Expurgat. Hispan. fol. 97. Budaeus de Tranlat. Hellenismi. l. 2. they commanded all these places to be razed out. But we will add yet this over and above, out of another Treatise, The ancientness, or rather worme-eatennesse of the Canons, is now of no more use, but as a doting old woman is cast out of the pleading place, and rejected to the desks of Libraries; for the Canonical discipline of the holy Ghost is long ago cast down from the bridge of our assemblies (he alludeth to the Latin proverb) being more than sixty, yea than six hundred years old, etc. Would to God that of this faith, now almost buried, we held at least but the relics and ashes, in regard of which faith God called the dispensers and disposers thereof his faithful; who inspired of God, full of godly zeal, of the spirit, and of God himself, in times past were the pillars, honour, and ornament of the Church: now, and of a long time, hardly retaineth it tectorium inane Ecclesiae, a slight plastering over of the Church, the colour and image of religion instituted and taught by Christ; if we will judge of the whole by the greatest part. And he had told us a little before the reason: The ship of sociable and civil discipline hath been left unto us by Christ the builder of the Church, which hath been furnished by him, or by his authority and direction, with all manner of necessary provision: and he hath promised us wind in the poop, to bring the passengers to their wished haven, if the Church had continued to hold the rudder upright, and to receive into her sails the blowing of the spirit, namely, consulted the Scriptures, which proceeded from the holy spirit. Among the Italians was then admirable, john Picus Earl of Mirandula, whose works were printed in the year 1504: An. 1504 Joh. Picus in Conclus. secund. Thom. 14 & 20 Secund. Scotum 15. Picus in Apologia cap 3. Among the nine hundred Propositions which he publicly disputed at Rome, are these, The true body of Christ is locally in heaven, sacramentally on the Altar: By the power of God one same body cannot be in divers places at one time; to wit, because there would be implication of contradiction; which he maintained out of Thomas Aquinas. Also according to Scotus, By these words precisely, This is my body, without expressing the words going afore, to wit, The day before he suffered, consecration cannot be made; because consecration dependeth not of certain words, but on Christ's institution. And when the Doctors of Paris had reprehended this his Proposition, Neither the Cross, nor any Image, is to be worshipped with the worship of Latria, also in that manner that Thomas setteth down; In his Apology he maintaineth, that the same is Catholic, and the contrary false. When also they had condemned his Theses of the Eucharist, he underttook to defend, That without conversion of the bread into the body of Christ, and the annihilation of the same, the body of Christ is present according to the truth of the Sacrament: Yet ever, to keep himself from being mistaken, he spoke of what is possible, not of what is done. No doubt if he had been free, he would have spoken more freely. In a certain Epistle of his to the Emperor Maximilian, in the year 1500, Alexander the sixth reigning Pope, he showeth indeed with what ferventness he was carried to a reformation: I beseech thee (saith he) by the faith and piety I possibly can, that thou accomplish that thy most holy purpose, of setting the Christian Commonwealth into her ancient liberty, so soon as possibly may be: It is shaken by outward enemies, rend in pieces by inward, and this sheepfold, enclosed about, and consecrated by the blood of jesus Christ, hath suffered, and doth daily suffer, much worse from wolves in sheeps clothing, than from the wolves that assail it in their own skin. Set therefore your hand unto it, most excellent Emperor, and excite thereunto by all means the Christian kings; show thyself a faithful minister to Christ the King of kings, who will presently deliver his sheep both from enemies, and from perfidious Pastors. But the event answered not his prediction. joh. Franc. fide ordine credendi. john Francis also, his brother's son, degenerated not from him. In that conflict between the Council of Pisa, and of Lateran, handling this question, In matters of Faith, which is to be preferred, the Pope or the Council, he answereth out of the Decree itself, It is written in the Gloss of the decretals, Distinct. 19 The Pope is bound to require a Council of Bishops when matters of faith are treated of, and then the Council is greater than the Pope. Whereupon the Archdeacon of Bononia approving this Gloss, saith, It were a dangerous thing to commit our faith to the judgement of one man. And S. Bernard speaketh in the same sense, saying, What greater pride can there be, than that one man should prefer his judgement before a whole congregation, as if he alone had the holy Spirit? And after he had said that the greater number ought to carry it away from the lesser, caeteris paribus: But (saith he) if the greater part would decree any thing against the divine Scriptures, and against those things that cannot be violated without grievous sin, the rest (which are the lesser part) holding the contrary, the lesser number ought to be stuck unto, as it happened in the Council of Arimini, and in the second Ephesine Council: Yea, which is more, a plain rustic fellow, children, and silly old women, are rather to be believed than the Pope and a thousand Bishops, if these speak against the Gospel, and those for the Gospel. Handling also this question, Theorem. 4. Whether Counsels or Popes may err, out of him is easily decided, seeing he presupposeth that they might err from the holy Scriptures, he showeth, that many Counsels have erred, many Popes fallen into heresy; and it hath often fallen out, that he which was accounted chief Precedent of the Church, either did not preside or govern by right, or else could not preside at all: For (saith he) History teacheth us, that a woman hath been believed, and taken for Pope; and in our age I remember, that a certain learned man of approved manners, and that had obtained honours in his religion pronounced, though not publicly, that he which was created Pope, was not Pope, because he had exercised the office of Pope, before he was chosen by the two parts of the Cardinals; against the laws of the Church, which decree, That such a man is not only far from being Pope, but is also unfit and uncapable for the Popedom, as having an Anathema or curse lying upon him. And what then became of his ordinations, and missions of his Bishops? which he seemeth to have spoken of julius the second. We remember (saith he) also another, believed and adored for Pope, whom excellent men thought, that he neither was, nor could be Pope; for he believing not any God, exceeded all height of Infidelity; which he testified by his most wicked works, in buying the Popedom, and exercising therein all kinds of wickedness: Yea confirmed it also by his most detestable speeches, for it was affirmed, that on a time he had confessed to certain his domestic friends, even whilst he held the Papal seat, That he believed there was no God. In which words, by all likelihood, he meaneth Leo the tenth, for that he speaketh as an eye witness of it. He addeth, I have heard of another Pope, who in his life time had declared to a familiar friend of his, That he believed not the Immortality of souls: but his friend being dead, appeared unto him as he watched, manifesting that by the judgement of God his soul which he had believed to be mortal, he should prove to be immortal, to his exceeding torment in eternal fire. And here he preventeth an objection, What then shall become of those words, Oravi pro te Petre, etc. I have prayed for thee Peter, etc. And he resolved with the best interpreters, That they are to be referred to the faith which Peter had confessed, Thou art Christ the son of the living God, not of his successors, nor of the Church of Rome itself; according to the Cardinal de Alliaco, the Abbot Panormitan, Nicholas de Lyra, Cardinal. de Alliaco in quest. Vesperiarum. Abbas Panormit. extra de sentent. Excom. Nichol. de Lyra in Math. c. 16. and others. So much the nearer reformation of the Church, and consequently to the kingdom of God, by how much the more nearly he had known either the infirmity or error thereof. In the Oration that he made to Leo the tenth, and in the Council of Lateran, for reformation, he concealed nothing from them; the corrupt manners in all sorts, the adulterated Laws and Canons, religion and modesty extinguished among the chiefest: and to the matter, Pietas in superstitionem penè procubuit, etc. Piety is almost turned into superstition, etc. These are the diseases, Orat. joh. Francisci Pici ad Leonem in Council, Lateran. these the wounds which thou must heal and cure, O Sovereign Bishop, otherewise if thou refuse to cure them, I fear lest he whose place thou holdest on earth, will not now use fomentation, but will dry up and consume the diseased members with fire and sword. I certainly believe, that he hath already given signs of his future medicine, etc. Are not the virgins, dedicated to God in Brixia, ravished from out the most religious Temples, and become a prey to soldiers? Are not the Priests in Ravenna slaughtered? Are not the Nuns, famous in times passed for holiness, prostituted in the discomfiture at Prato? What other thing do we hear, than that the Temples have heretofore been committed to bawds and buggers, Catamitis; That the flocks of Christ the good shepherd, have been delivered to detestable wolves; that the Covents of virgins in most cities, have been converted into obscene lurking holes and houses of harlots? etc. Why make I mention of light matters, and pass over the multitudes of harlots, and troops of prostituted boys, exoletarum greges, the Priest's office bought and sold one of another, etc. And after he had thus vehemently inveighed, Neither is there any marvel (saith he) for all this evil, as john Chrysostome noteth, proceedeth from the Temple; And S. Hierome saith, That he found none that seduced the people but the Priests, etc. Bear in mind, I pray you, that old High Priest Heli, punished for not punishing the wickedness of his sons; for it is needful that they which rule over others, be not only innocent themselves, but resist the wicked, and repress their evil facts and crimes: And then, as the holy history of Kings doth witness, with a flesh-hooke having three teeth they took away the flesh out of the pot, which was accounted unto them for a very great sin, because thereby men abhorred the offering of the Lord: And now by their multitudes of evil examples the ignorant people are discouraged from divine worship & from all piety. In those days they lay with the women at the door of the Tabernacle, but in ours they break into the sacred houses and carry away from thence the women for the fulfilling of their lusts, & meritorij pueri à parentibus commodantur, the parents for money let out their sons to be abused; and they are pardoned, which ought to keep themselves undefiled, even from all lawful pleasure of the body: And these men are promoted to degrees of Priesthood, after they have passed away the flower of their youth in being abused against nature, etc. Moses the Lawgiver, though a most meek man, yet was moved to exceeding great anger, when he saw the people turned away from God, and punished them severely for it. Christ jesus both God and man, the pattern of all virtues, most patiently suffered the injuries done unto himself, but not the dishonour done to God his Father, when he drove and whipped the sacrilegious buyers and sellers out of the Temple. The one punished the worshippers of a golden Calf with a great slaughter; the other cast out the Doves and Turtles out of the Temple that were there to be sold. And wilt not thou repress, and banish from all honours the worshippers of young Heifers, which in very great numbers are not only stabled up in the City, but likewise bear rule, and go appareled with gold, scarlet, and precious stones, in Royal manner, that with their goodly aspect, they make very many men brutish, and destroy them? Wilt thou permit the sacred houses to be profaned with all sorts of wickedness, and so many Circean monsters to grunt in them? Wilt thou suffer so many thousand Meremaids to procure, as much as in them lieth, shipwreck to the ship, by God committed unto thee? Canst thou endure that the blood of Christ should be made Merchandise of? And yet we have seen what little care this good Pope had of it, whether we consider his Decrees, or his example. But because this excellent man knew, that not only the manners, but the doctrine also wanted reformation: The holy scriptures (saith he) of the old and new Testament, are to be reviewed and conferred with the ancient and correct Copies of the first original (to wit, Hebrew and Greek) that they may be altogether purged from the errors, which by the injury of time, and carelessness of the Booke-writers, have crept into them: The solemn ceremonies, of which have been a long time some difficulties, represented to the former Synods, are to be determined of and confirmed; the daily prayers to be reduced to a settled and approved order; and the true Histories severed from Apocryphal fables; to principal men are to be prescribed their duties, to the end that this wicked opinion, the ruin of our Commonwealth, That whatsoever pleaseth is lawful, may be wholly removed and utterly banished from the minds of men. How far is he from them, that will have the vulgar translation of the Bible only to be authentical; and preposterously require that the Original be altered according to it: How far also from them, which confound not only the Canonical Books with the Apocrypha, but also daily forge unto the poor people new revelations, new Legends: which matter he so largely handleth in his fift book, that the Reader may sooner see it there, than I can write it forth. But in this was that great man deceived, that would hope for better things from Leo the tenth, than from others; who only differed from others in this, that his poison being sweeter, so much the more dangerously insinuated into the bowels of the Church. We have above spoken of Baptista Mantuan Carmelite, & we bring him again here, because he lived till the year 1516 in such reputation, that many made him equal to the best ancient Poets that lived under Augustus: He dissembled not, that many things displeased him in the Church of Rome, their cold sacrifices and services, sluttish altars, and many vain toys and curious, of which he saith, Baptista Mantuan. Faster. 12. Et licet his olim nugis iuveniliter aures Praebuerim; tamen ut melius cum tempore factum judicium, lis haec mihi perniciosa videri Coepit, & ex gravium cuneis abigenda virorum. Though once I youthfully did lend mine ears To these vain toys, yet better as by years My judgement grew, this question 'gan to seem Pernicious to be doomed, as grave men deem. Detesting being old, that which he embraced being young. But in his ninth Eclogue he ingeniously saith, That there is no beast so wild and fierce, that hath not his den; no man so vicious which hath not honour given unto him in the Court of Rome, where the air is pestilent, and withal wonderful, so that it suddenly transformeth men into Wolves and Foxes: the earth is so subject to malignant influences, that thereby are daily engendered new monsters: Which is more elegantly and significantly expressed by him in his verses: mill lupi, Ecloga 9 totidem vulpes in vallibus istis Lustra tenent: Et quod diram ac mirabile dictu, Ipse homines (huius tanta est violentia coeli) Saepe lupi effigiem, morosque assumere vidi, Inque suum saevire gregem, multaque madere Caede suipecoris: factum vicinia ridet; Nec scelus exhorret, nec talibus obuiat ausis: Saepe etiam miris apparent monstra figuris, Quae tellus affecta malis influxibus edit: Saepe Canes tantum in rabiem vertantur, ut ipsos Vincant caede lupos, & qui tutela fuerunt, Hostiles ineunt animos, & ovilia mactant. A thousand Wolves, as many Foxes hold Their holes in those dales (grievous to be told, And wondrous▪) I have seen (so strong's that air) Men take the shape and guise of Wolves, to share And forage their own flocks, enoyled with fat Of their slain sheep. The neighbours laugh thereat, Yet not detest, nor such attempts withstand. Oft of strange forms come monsters, which that land, With grievous influences plagued, doth breed. The dogs are oft so mad, as they exceed The Wolves in slaughter: and who Warders were Are werriers, and fierce foes, their flocks to tear. For covetousness and deceit. Si quid Roma dabit, nugas dabit, accipit aurum, Ecloga 5. Verba dat, heu Romae nunc sola pecunia regnat: Exilium virtus patitur, etc. If Rome give aught, 'tis toys, it takes your gold, Gives vain false words: now only coin doth hold The sway at Rome alas: virtue doth exiled pass. For cruelty and tyranny. Exprimo libro Syluarum. Roma quid insanis toties? quid sanguine gauds? Quid geris imbelli spicula tanta manu? etc. Tu similis colubro, quoties gravis ira venenum Suscitat, & mota lumina bile rubent. Sic fremis ut frendens cum ferrea vincula mandit Cerberus, & stygias murmur turbat aquas. Tu fratres in bella vocas, in pignora fratres, Nec iovis imperium, nec Phlegetonta times, etc. Rome why so ravest thou, in blood delighting? Why bearest thou arms in hands not fit for fight? Thou like a serpent art, when rage doth rise, And raise thy venom in thy bloodshot eyes; So fretst thou, as when Cerberus doth bite His iron chains, and Styx with noise affright. Thou brothers setst at war, against sons their sires: Thou fearest not heavens commandment, nor hell fires. Again, Vivere qui sanctè cupitis, discedit Româ: Omnia cum liceant, non licet esse bonum. Who would live holily, from Rome away, You may not there be good, all else you may. And in another place, I pudor in villas, si non patiuntur easdem Et villae vomicas; Vrbs est iam tota lupanar. Pack modesty to towns, unless (no news) Towns have some sores, the city's now all stews. In so much that he seemeth, describing that monster, which would have devoured the woman's infant in the Apocalyps, constrained to save herself in the desert, to show that it signified the Papal Seat: Monstrum immane, potens, hominum tot milia, apertâ Absorbere gulâ, quot sanguinolenta volebat Saevities'. Monstrum illud erat seu bellua partum Virgins extento cupiens extinguere collo, Cuius ab aspectu, sumptis divinitùs alis, ( sacer Aegeae vates canit incola Patmi) Fugit ad extremae loca virgo incognita terrae: Virgo fuit primo fruticans Ecclesia saeclo, Christigenae soboles eius, quos bellua adegit Quaerere desertis aliena penatibus arua. A mighty mankind monster to englut So many thousand men with greedy gut, As bloody rage could wish: That monstrous beast The blessed Virgin's child to kill addressed; From whose foul sight she taking heavenly wings (As th' holy Prophet, Pathmos inmate sings) Of the utmost earth to unknown places fled. The Church at first a virgin was, and bred, The Christians were her offspring, whom the Beast To seek strange lands, leaving their home-gods, priest. Tha● Rome is that horrible beast which by devouring innumerable Christians endeavoureth to swallow up the purer Church, who having left their dwellings are constrained to fly into the deserts. And moreover, with bitter & deep-fetched sighs he exhorted Leo to provide especially for three things, The peace of Italy, The discipline of the Court of Rome, and the reformation of Faith, sick even to death: which he better expresseth in these verses; Led tria praesertim restant cura atque labour Digna tuo; bellum est primum, quo fessa laborat Italia, & pleni humano iam sanguine campi: Est aliud, Romana gravi maculata veneno Curia, quae spargit terras contagia in omnes: Postremum est oppressa fides, exposta rapinis undique, & in praedam populis proiecta cruentis. A te haec subsidium magnis clamoribus orant, Sancte Pater, succurre Leo, Respublica Christi Labitur, aegrotatquè fides iam proxima morti. Three chief things rest worthy thy pain and care, The War is first, wherewith Italians are All tired, and fields with human blood are filled: Another is the Court of Rome, defiled With venom, which to all lands is conveyed: Last is the Faith, oppressed, and open laid To rapine, made to bloudsuccours a prey. These of thee with loud cries for help do pray, Help holy Father Leo, Christ's estate Doth fall, and Faith lies sick now at death's gate. And in all these things we have seen that Leo followed a quite contrary course, as appeareth by the judgement of many great men that lived under the Popedom at that time. But now we come to that which was done by whole corporations. Gravamina nationis Germanicae. There was not any nation under Leo, which presented not up their grievances against the unlawful proceed of the Court of Rome, which violated all Concordats, refused elections, reserved the principal dignities for the Cardinals, unmeasurable in distributing expectative graces, unmerciful in exacting annuities, which measured Indulgences according to the quantity of money, redoubled the tenths under pretence of making war against the Turks, bestowed benefices and Ecclesiastical offices to the unworthy, yea to Mule-keepers, and drew all causes, without difference to Rome. Of which things are extant whole books presented to Emperors and Kings, together with their necessary remedies; especially in the years 1516 and 1517, which are our bounds. At which very time also flourished at Paris john Maioris, an excellent professor of Divinity; whose Theses we have, of the power Royal and Papal, Remedium contra gravamina nationis Germanicae. joh. Maioris dist. 24. q. 3. handled at large Dist. 24. q. 3. First, The Pope hath not any temporal domination over Kings, etc. 2. For if thou say he succeed Christ, & Christ is Lord of all: On the contrary, thou canst not prove that Christ, according to his humanity, is Lord of all, seeing he said to Pylat, My kingdom is not of this world. And that being granted, yet the consequence is of no force, & impossible to be proved; for oftentimes the Lieutenant hath not so great authority as his superior, whose Lieutenant he is: For Christ instituted the Sacraments, gave the law of grace, and may revoke all divine positive law, yet this cannot the Pope do. 3. If the contrary should be granted, then would follow this conclusion, Constantine gave nothing to Sylvester, but only restored unto him his due; the contrary whereof is said 96 D. C. Constantinus, & 12. Q. 1. C. Futurum. 4. The Popes themselves confess that temporal jurisdiction pertaineth not unto them, & that they will take nothing from the right of Kings. Innoc. 3. in C. Novit de judicijs, & Alexand. in C. Causam. Qui filii sint legitimi. And in that famous chapter, Per venerabilem, in the same title, where Innocent the third saith, That the king of France acknowledgeth not any superior in temporal things, and therefore may dispense with his son, as with his inferior. But if thou say with the Gloss, he acknowledgeth not any de facto, in deed, but yet he ought de jure, by right; I hold this to be a Gloss of Orleans, which corrupteth the text, because if it were so the Pope had not sufficiently answered to that gentleman of Mont-pellier, requiring a dispensation for his bastard, that thereby the king might dispense with him: For the Pope said, The king of France is a supreme Sovereign in his kingdom in temporal things: If he had spoken de facto, his answer had been none; for the gentleman might have answered him, I acknowledge not, or will not acknowledge a superior de facto. 5. Many devout kings have been canonised by Popes, that never acknowledged the Bishops of Rome to be above them in temporal things, and in this have died. Therefore it is a sign that the Bishops of Rome have not domination over all in temporal things. Item, Kings have not their powers immediately from the Bishop of Rome, neither do they take any influence from him in temporal things, but have their kingdoms by the consent of the people, by succession, by purchase, by donation, or by some other title: For earthly power dependeth not of the spiritual power of the Pope, as the Captain dependeth of his General, but as two powers not subordinat, of which neither dependeth of the other: For he that possesseth a kingdom is not vassal of the Bishop of Rome, neither is the Emperor his subject in any manner. And these were the Maxims of the French Church at that time. But of the same time we have two notable instruments, one of Germany, the other of France: as for the first, Leo had sent his Legates into Germany to exact tenths, under colour of making war against the Turks; and they had prepared an eloquent Oration, to induce the Princes thereto. But they consulting about that matter with a notable parsonage, he declared unto them, That Germany had already been enough, and more than enough taxed: That after peace was made among Christian Princes, and that they were well disposed to that holy war, it would then be time enough to think on tenths: That since the time that Popes have mixed sacred things with profane, or rather forsaken the sacred to busy themselves only in civil matters, there hath been no mean nor end of miseries and calamities, there hath been no care had of the flock of Christ, and contempt of divine things hath abundantly grown, Christ sold, and the whole world polluted under pretence of religion, and brought to extreme ruin with this filthiness and contagion: Exhortatio viri cuiusd. doctissimi ad Principes ne in Decimae praestationem consentiant. Will you (saith he) destroy the Turk? I praise your purpose: but I greatly fear, lest ye err in the name; seek him in Italy, not in Asia: Against him of Asia, every of our kings is strong enough of himself to defend his own limits; But for to tame the other, all Christendom is not sufficient. That other, who hath elsewhere enough to do with his bordering neighbours, hath yet done us no harm; but this man rageth every where, and thirsteth after the blood of the miserable. Ye can by no means appease this Cerberus, but with a golden river; there is no need of arms, nor armies; the Tenths will be of more force, than troops of horsemen, and regiments of footmen. It seemeth unto me, when I diligently consider the matter, that a two fold way is proposed; on the one side, gold is demanded, which superstition commandeth; on the other side, if we refuse it, the Pope's excommunication is threatened. Take which way of them ye please: But O foolish and superstitious opinion of them that believe, That the God of heaven, beholding all things with the eyes of justice, will be led and turned at the beck and pleasure of the Florentines, will be angry with him that giveth not, and again pacified with him that giveth! The excommunication of the Vicar of Christ is not to be contemned, but yet not always to be feared; especially when it is done for human affections. I fear the indignation of Christ, but of the Florentines I fear not: And now indeed is in hand the affairs of Florence, not of Christ. The last Summer, with great expense and charges, was war made against Francis Duke of Urbin, who being cast out of his Dukedom, but first appeased with money, Laurence de Medicis succeeded in his place. julius the second being not provident enough, that he left no more gold; there was invented a certain new fraud; against all the Cardinals that were the richest, that they had conspired the Pope's death, and thereupon were their goods confiscate. I speak not of the Crosses erected in every town, propitious according to the measure of the givers. I omit the comedy of S. Peter's Church, full both of laughter and of indignation: The Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord, crieth the Prophet: but it is not the Temple of the Lord; It is Laurence buildeth, and not Peter; the stones in the night wander away. I feign nothing here, most excellent Princes of the Roman Empire; Why is the world solicited for the Church of S. Peter, whereon there is but two Masons only in that work, and one of them lame; saving that of late in the great concourse of strangers, is stirred up a tumult of artificers, there running and shouting; there were seen foolish painted Angels, receiving gifts from the giver, and carrying them up on high, etc. Consider now what is to be done; every day will now bring forth new care: The Duke of Urbin being hunted away, the like fortune is threatened to the Duke of Ferrara, and then shall we salute Laurence de Medicis, or the Florentine, Duke of Tuscanie. Thus have ye now briefly the sum of the Tenths, and the Ambuscadoes of the Turk (to wit, of the Pope) by means of superstition, robbing your very bowels. And this was then the judgement of Germany. The other followeth, A solemn Appeal of the University of Paris, assembled the seven and twentieth of March 1517, in which, after they had protested, that they intent not to speak or do any thing against the Catholic Church, or against the Pope's power, benè consults, well counseled, they declared, That by this power he (the Pope) is not made impeccabilis, exempt from sin: So that, if he command any thing to be done that is unjust, which hath been suggested unto him by naughty insinuation, he ought to bear it patiently if it be not done; and if he decree any thing against the commandments of God, he must not be obeyed; yea he may be by right resisted. But if he be so aided by the power of the Prince, upon the false suggestion or evil counsel of flatterers or deceivers, that he cannot be resisted, and the remedies of resisting be taken away, yet by natural right there remaineth one thing, which no Prince can take away; namely, the remedy of Appeal, seeing it is a certain defence competent to every one by divine, natural and human right which cannot be taken away by the Prince. And there they approve the Counsels of Constance and Basil, and urge the reformations there ordained, which they specify in particular; as the remedies against Simony, a prohibition not to raise or pay Annuities, and other statutes, confirmed by the national Council of France, held at Bourges; and consequently strengthened by the perpetual Edict of Charles the seventh. In prejudice of which things notwithstanding, say they, Leo the tenth, in a certain assembly held at Rome, which is against us, convocated we know not how, but not in the spirit of the Lord, with which nothing can be decreed or ordained against the law of God and sacred councils: which assembly, gaping after their lusts and commodities, and expecting by these means, gold and silver to be brought unto them at their wish out of the kingdom, and out of the territories of Dauphinie, envying these Statutes that hindered it, they have laboured to abrogate them. And for proof, that this Council (to wit, of Lateran) is unlawful, they allege, That against the Catholic Faith, it condemned the Council of Basill, and particularly the pragmatical Sanction; and in this deed, king Francis by cunning means was deceived, who then was in Italy, amidst the noise of arms, and that under pretence of certain Concordats, which he commanded to be published; not sufficiently considering, how great damage it would bring to his realm: Out of which, they conclude, We the Rector and University of Paris, feeling ourselves grieved, endamaged, and oppressed, do appeal from our Lord the Pope not well counseled, and from the abrogation of the said sacred Council of Basill, and of the Statutes of the pragmatical Sanction depending upon it, and from the edition of the new Statutes, and yielding consent thereto, Unto a future Council lawfully assembled, etc. Protesting instantèr, instantiùs, instantissimè, most instantly, to prosecute this Appeal by way of nullity, of abuse, of iniquity or unjustice, and otherwise the best we may to reserve the election and choice unto ourselves, etc. And moreover, all the principals there present, under-signed the same in solemn manner, with all the formalities requisite thereunto. Professio fidei fratrum Waldensium Regi Vladislao in Hungarian missa. An. 1508. Responsio excusatoria Fratrum Waldensium contra binas literas R.P. Angustani sacrae Theologiae doctoris ad eundem, data Anno 1508. But besides these oppositions among themselves, in the kingdom of Bohemia and Provinces of Moravia and Silesia, the Churches in great number continued, and openly opposed themselves against the Papacy, and by public preachings impugned the abuses of the Romish Church. These same, in the year 1508, presented again a confession of their faith to Vladistaus king of Hungary, together with an Apology, wherein they vehemently confuted the Calumnies usually laid against their doctrine, and plainly laid open the reasons, for which they had justly and lawfully departed from the Church of Rome, which are longer than can be here inserted; such notwithstanding, as that the Reader may judge worthy the reading, wherein he shall find the same doctrine which we hold, and defended by the same arguments wherewith we maintain ours: There is only this one difference, that by the grace of God both they and we have profited in his knowledge in tract of time, having learned by vexations and conflicts to express the same more clearly. Also, in the mountains of Languedoc, Provence, Dauphinie, valleys of Piedmont and other places, continued in the same faith, purity and simplicity the Churches of the ancient Waldenses, whose footsteps we have followed & clearly traced out for the space now of more than 300 years. These were accused to our good king Lewis the twelve by some Cardinals & Prelates, of most enormous vices, and of most wicked opinions, and thereupon they incited the king, their cause unheard, without any form of law, to exterminat them as sorcerers, incestuous and heretics. But they being advertised of this, sent from amongst them their deputies in all humility to his Majesty, to declare unto him their innocency. And the Prelates convicted in their consciences of the calumny, were instant upon the king not to hear them; but the king made them answer, That if he were to make war against the Turk, he would first of all hear him. Caroli Molinaeus de Monarch. Francorum. Upon the declarations therefore of the said deputies, he sent into the places, namely of Merindol and Cabrieres, M. Adam Fumee, his Master of Requests, and one Doctor parvi, a jacobine Friar, his Confessor, to search and inquire both into their life and religion; who related in that whole discourse, which they made plain out of their acts, That infants were baptised, the articles of faith were taught, the Lords prayer, the ten commandments, the Saboth day observed, the word of God preached, no show of wickedness or fornication to be perceived; only they would admit no Images into their Churches, nor ornaments belonging to the Mass: which being understood, the king did swear, That they were better than himself and the rest of his subjects. And the same testimony of their innocency, even at the same time, Claudius Seisselius, Archbishop of Turin, yieldeth of them, albeit he writ against their doctrine. To conclude, there were not wanting in all places, such as for this profession constantly offered themselves to the fire, as in England Thomas of Bongay, N. of Eccles, john Frith, William tindal, men greatly commended both for their doctrine and sanctity of life, and others of whom mention is made in books which expressly handle the same subject. And these things bring us even to the preaching of Martin Luther, who, as ye shall hereafter hear, being stirred by the spirit of God, caused at this very time the sound of the Gospel to ring through all Europe. CONCLUSION. THese are the Progressions of that Mystery of Iniquity whereof the Apostle Saint Paul foretold, 2. Thess. 2. Apoc. 17.5. That it began to work even in his time, that it did insensibly creep into the Church by secret and indirect passages, by fraud and wicked means, till at length it should be as a frontlet unto her, covering her countenance, and taking from her all shame, until her pride ascend to that height wherein the Apostle Saint john in his Revelation describeth the Roman Church; in whose forehead is written, A Mystery, Great Babylon, 2. Thess. 2. the mother of whoredoms and abominations of the earth: and all this (saith S. Paul) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to the operation or efficacy of Satan, working and exercising his power in his ministers with signs and lying wonders. Add also, that God did send 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. strong delusions to those who received not the love of the truth, and pleased themselves in iniquity, not obeying those Admonitions and Oppositions which from time to time were iterated unto them by his servants, that they should believe lies; because it was foretold that an Antichrist should come, that there should be a great Apostasy or revolt, that the kings of the earth should with one accord agree thereto, Apoc. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to give their power to the Beast; for so doth the Apostle call her: yea rather, saith he, because the counsel of God (which worketh all things to his glory) would have it so: That they should conspire together, and give their kingdoms to the Beast, until the word of God should be fulfilled: That the whole world may the rather know, that the endeavours and counsels of the world, or the Princes thereof, are able to do nothing against God; and how far soever they seem to wander from his providence, yet, will they nill they, must they submit themselves to his jurisdiction, and all their endeavours tend to his glory; when he shall see the conspiracy of the son of perdition with his kings, as that of judas the son of perdition with the pharisees, to redound to the victory of the Lamb, and the salvation of all his, and as it were to be recapitulated, by the virtue and conduct of the supreme and sovereign counsel, whereof S. Peter saith to the jews, Act. 2. v. 23. Him have you taken (that is Christ) by the hands of the wicked, and have crucified and slain him; But being delivered by the determinat counsel and foreknowledge of God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: No otherwise than as S. john speaketh here of Antichrist, or the man of sin, God hath put into their hearts to do his will and pleasure, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: But what is that? that they should give their kingdom to the Beast, to consent to his exaltation against the Lamb: To the end it may not seem wonderful or strange to any, that having overcome and trodden under foot all obstacles, which from time to time be opposed against him, he make his own way, as S. Paul saith; because it was necessary he should ascend to that height, it was as necessary, as S. john saith, That the word of God might be fulfilled. And God by that self same power which removeth all impediments, shall with the like facility end the remainder of his work in his time. Now than we have declared the Progressions, or proceed, and that by the degrees observed in history, or out of the books and instruments common to us both, or from their own Authors, and especially the writings of Monks, of them for the most part which applied their ministery to this Mystery: for there were none other that wrote for many ages together but only they. The Oppositions also we have pointed at from time to time, according as it pleased God to stir them up either from among themselves, or from elsewhere, who set themselves either against the oppressors or corrupters of the Church; being themselves in the mean time forced and carried away for the most part, either by the violence of the stream, or by the forcible endeavours of the adversaries: Because it was so foretold, and that this victory was reserved alone to the Lamb, 2. Thess. 2. v. 8. to the spirit of his mouth, to the brightness of his coming. Which things are of so much the more greater weight, in as much as our adversaries, the ministers of Antichrist, having gotten the upper hand of all, have with all diligence and industry left nothing undone whereby they might with continual care and craft extinguish and deface our proofs, by abolishing, withholding, or corrupting the instruments and writings of good men, from time to time in all ages. By which means we are forced to seek right out of the instrument of their own pleading, out of their own writings, for to decide and defend our cause; to produce witnesses out of their bosom, and testimonies from their own mouth; to make (seeing Gods will is so) even Balaams' Ass to speak, the very beast that carrieth them; to utter their Histories, Counsels, and Decrees, to the rebuke and reproof of themselves and their doings. But it remaineth for recapitulation, to set before our eyes in what state we found both the See of Rome and Roman Bishop at first, and unto what state from that by degrees at length we have brought him, and now see him brought. As touching therefore their spiritual function, the Bishops of Rome in those first ages, as we have seen, were indifferently called Bishops and Priests, behaving themselves as brethren towards others, yea by their nearest neighbours were named Brethren and Colleagues; they were consulted withal, and did themselves also consult with others about the affairs of the Church, controversies, schisms, and heresies, living simply in their profession, and dying virtuously in the confession of the name of Christ: they glittered not in any other purple or scarlet than with their own blood, the Cross was their only glory. But not long after we might perceive in some, that spirit which from Saint Paul's time wrought, which under pretence of the dignity of the city, drew unto itself the cause of the neighbours, would have their counsels accounted for Decrees, and turned the honour voluntarily offered them into right of homage, seemliness into servitude. That sting notwithstanding of ambition was oftentimes beaten back by the persecutions, and many times also blunted by the virtuous Oppositions of the ancient Fathers. But when, after that by Constantine peace was restored to the Churches, through the favour of Princes, they increased in honours and riches, behold this spirit continually watching over the work, and not losing any moment of time, gathereth heart and strength to itself by degrees. And because that by reason of the dignity of the city the first Seat was willingly granted unto it, they contend, That their Church ought to have dominion over other Churches; That like as Rome (I mean the Commonwealth thereof) ruled over other cities and Provinces, so the Bishop of Rome, like as a Monarch, over other Bishops; That therefore from all parts of the world they should appeal unto him; from him expect commandments, which all men were held absolutely to obey: Whereas he on the contrary aught to depend of none, might be judged of none, neither yet of all together. And hereof came those falsifications that we have seen of Counsels and Decrees, those suppositions of Acts and Histories, those profanations of the holy Scriptures, and shameless wresting of them to a contrary sense: Hence are also those contestations and protestations of some of the greatest men in all ages, against that domination which they arrogat to themselves over other Churches and Bishops, which they on the other side, beside and against all right divine and human, either by none, or by a false title, complained to be usurped, not sticking to pronounce, That it proceeded from none other, and pertained to none other than the forerunner of Antichrist, or Antichrist himself. Yet think not for all this that they any thing slacked in their purpose. By Phocas, the murderer of the Emperor Mauritius, his Lord, was the Bishop of Rome declared Universal Bishop: he laboured to be so declared, so far was he off from blushing at it. Now from thenceforth, carried with full sails, he maketh no difficulty of any thing: As Emperors and Kings in a confused troubled world had need of his help or endeavour, he got authority in their dominions: He winneth the Archbishops to his side, by alluring the most ambitious with commissions and offices, and having won them, he bindeth them unto him by a Pall; and that at first was sent them freely, and only as a token of goodwill towards them, afterward by ordinance made necessary, and a badge of subjection, at length by degrees it grew to be sold, taxed, exacted, the price thereof every day increasing, of which the Archbishops from time to time complained. After that he obtained of the Princes, That the Clergy, the Lords lot (saith he) and inheritance, should be exempt and free from all temporal jurisdiction; whereupon followed licence of all vices, impunity of all crimes, and so by little and little withdrew from their lawful and natural Lords, them whom he had marked with his character, by voluntary servitude, yea and liege homage bound them unto himself. By their ministery and means (and not without mystery) he sitteth and presideth in the Counsels of Kings, exerciseth his kingdom in their realms, and his tyranny in the consciences of kings and their people, whilst he bindeth them to his pleasures by his censures and excommunications, and as he will loseth them from all duty and obedience. He setteth Princes one against the other, or else bandeth their nobles and people against them, and maketh many to sheathe their swords in their own bowels. By which and by such like means he obtained at length a Sovereign Empire in spiritual things throughout the West. And because the East yielded not unto him, he excommunicated those Churches, and chooseth to himself from among his own, patriarchs of the Eastern Churches; imaginary indeed, but yet future Images of his universal Monarchy which he arrogateth to himself: who were resident with him, representing the person, or vizor rather, of the Oriental Church. Yea when he celebrated the Mass, Cerem. Roman. l. 3. Charta 6. & 7. he commanded the Epistle and Gospel to be read in Latin and in Greek, signifying both Churches; but in Latin first, and with seven candles lighted, in Greek afterward with two only lighted, for to show the supereminency of the Latin Church: Yet who knoweth not that the Greek Testament is the original, and the Latin but a translation taken out of the Greek? At last he pardoneth all sins out of his fullness of power: thereby affecting the Majesty of God, who alone pardoneth, and of Christ the Lamb of God, who alone taketh away sins. Yet truly he giveth not those pardons, but selleth and maketh merchandise of them, and under that pretext wasteth and despoileth the whole world. Then he instituted jubilees at certain set times, which by degrees he shortened, being truly his general Marts and Fairs, in which he prostituteth, setteth to sale, and uttereth his Indulgences. At his will and pleasure moreover, he openeth heaven, curseth the earth, quencheth Purgatory, shutteth hell: as if he were God he maketh Saints, bindeth devils, commandeth Angels, maketh himself Precedent in general councils, Head of the Catholic Church, yea Spouse thereof; which Titles are due unto none but to jesus Christ alone, incommunicable to any creature: God on earth, made out of earth, commanding in heaven; he ordaineth a god to be worshipped on earth, which he will have to be believed, and doth believe to be God, whom he causeth to be carried about on horseback before him, for to get to himself the greater reverence, even for the most part among his vilest carriage, among scullions and lackeys. And all these things under the name of Christ, and under pretence of his Vicarship, Because (saith he) after Christ's glorious resurrection, all power was given him from the Father in heaven and in earth: In so much that in the Mass, which, the Seat being vacant, is celebrated for obtaining a new Pope, Cerem. Roman. l. 1. Sect. 15. de officio Missae Astol. sede vacant. this Tractus of the Prophet is sung, The Head thereof shall proceed out of it (to wit, of Israel) and a Prince shall come from the midst of it: which was spoken of our Lord jesus Christ. There is also that of Saint john in the Gospel, applied to the future election, I will not leave you orphans, I will ask the Father and he shall give you another Comforter: which was spoken of the holy Ghost; so that now there is nothing so blasphemous that they are ashamed or dare not use. Further, so soon as he is elected, and hath put on red hose and shoes, he is carried and set upon an Altar, the seat of their God, and there worshipped; consequently with religious worship due to God. What need more? Cerem. Rom. l. 1. sect. 1. c. 6. Erasm. in 1. ad Tim. c. 1. In the very Schools; Leo the tenth being Pope, they feared not to dispute (Note Reader, how far they extended his Vicarship:) Whether the Pope might abrogate that which is decreed in the writings of the Apostles; Whether he might ordain any thing contrary to the doctrine of the Gospel; Whether he might add to the Creed a new article of Faith; Whether he have greater power than S. Peter, or but equal; Whether he may command the Angels, or can take purgatory quite away; Whether he be but mere man, or as it were God; Whether with Christ he partake of two natures Divine and human. How many enormities are committed in these words, yea in the least of them? How manifoldly they offend the Divine Majesty? When therefore we call to mind all these things, how can we otherwise apply or expound that prophetical place of S. Paul, 2. Thess. 2. v. 4. He exalteth himself against all that is called God, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or that is worshipped? For let them show us in all these sixteen ages any other: so that he sitteth as God in the Temple of God, showing himself that he is God: In the Church itself; so that we must not seek him among the Turks in Assyria: yea, if we believe him, he himself is the whole Church, which he contracteth into his own person: the Head and the body, the Bridegroom and the Spouse both together. And to whom again beside may we apply the Revelation of S. john, Of the beast ascending out of the earth, Apocal. c. 13. v. 11. & 17. v. 3. which had two horns like the Lamb, but spoke like the Dragon; of the woman sitting upon a Scarlet coloured beast, full of names of blasphemy? For where is there more speech of Christ, and less believing him? where more giving him kisses together with buffet? where so monstrous, so outrageous blasphemies, under that most holy name? Is not this properly to put on jesus a purple garment, to put a reed in his hand, and to say unto him in mockery (as if he saw nothing in human affairs, especially in the government of the Church) Which of us was it that smote thee? And thus much for his spiritual domination. Now of the temporal. We found the Bishops of Rome under persecution had learned by the Testament of our Saviour, not to affect worldly power, but to be ready contrariwise to suffer cruelties from earthly Princes: By the Epistles of S. Paul and S. Peter, and also by their examples, to honour the kings and powers of the world, to obey the froward and those that were hard to be pleased; not to rule as Lords, ne quidem in Domini cleros, from whence came the name of Clergy. And surely till the time of Constantine and some time after, they had not any temporal jurisdiction: yea and after that by the gifts of Christian Princes they were enriched, for many ages they spoke and lived submissively after the manner of vassals, and servants, and as other subjects; suffered both general and provincial Counsels to be called and assembled, without contradiction, by Christian Emperors and Princes, and submitted themselves unto them and their ordinances, and at their commandments came and went, without complaining, without so much as muttering of these their documents or pretensions. But if it were a thing so important to the honour of Christ, and the safety of the Church, as they would make men believe, that this Vicar of Christ should be acknowledged through all the world, girded and armed with two swords; where was now their zeal, that they suffered with such negligence their rights of so great moment to perish, to be withheld to the manifest damage of S. Peter, to be prescribed, and to be usurped from him the monarchy of the whole world, without any gainsaying, interpellation, or any declaration of those rights? But the Roman Empire now falling to ruin, by reason both of the inward diseases of the same, and the sundry eruptions of the Northern people; the Bishops of Rome began to build on those ruins, and to abuse the absence and weakness of the Emperors, whom they expelled out of Italy by the arms of the Lombard's, and confined them to Greece; and under colour that they would not admit Images into their Temples, cut them off from the Church, absolved their subjects from their oaths of fidelity, and withdrawing them from obedience to their Princes, bound them at last to themselves. In Italy, the Lombard's waxing too strong, they supplanted them by the Frenchmen; and after that, the Frenchmen by the Germans; opposing ever them that were farthest off against them that were nearer: and so soon as any had gotten credit and authority with the people, they cast him out by intruding another, which could not but necessarily depend on their favour. And when the Germans went about to settle and establish their Empire in Italy, they stirred up factions against them in Germany, and caused the sons by breaking the bond of duty, both divine and human, natural and civil, to rise up against their fathers. And these things ever under pretence of heresy. For, to permit them not the absolute power to dispose of all Bishoprics, or diligently to watch over their discipline, or to maintain the elections according to the ancient canons, or to hinder their continual exactions and rapines, or but endeavour to do it, was accounted with them horrible heresy, Simony. Until that by the manifold conspiracies which they raised against them, they by degrees obtained to be absolved from the oath of fidelity, Cerem. Roman. Charta 21. ad quaecunque fidelitatis iuramenta. Cerem. Roman. Charta 21. l. 5. which they were wont to yield to the emperors: And at length constrained the Emperors themselves before they were received into Rome, that is, into their house, and ancient seat of the Empire, in conceived words to swear unto them quamcunque fidelitatem, all kind of fidelity, and truly and openly to declare, that they had no right in Rome, and that they would stay there at Rome but so many days as it pleased the Pope; and to ratify and confirm all their pretended donations, merely frivolous. Yea moreover, they compelled them by these means, in all humility to request that they might be crowned by them. Insomuch that they maintained and affirmed both by the authority of their Decrees, and by open force of arms, That they were superious to the Emperors, who were their vassals and held their Empire by fealty and liege homage from them; That they were monarchs of the whole Universe, and direct Lords of all the world. By which right, so soon as any countries of the new found world were discovered, they blushed not to give them in feoff, and divide them among kings, as the patrimony of S. Peter; As witness also these words, which they are wont to use in the investiture of Popes, Cerem. Roman. l. 1. c. 2. I invest thee with the Popedom, ut praesis urbi & orbi, to command over the City, & the whole world. Lastly, That of right it belonged unto them to invest and degradth, to ordain and depose Emperors and Kings at their pleasure; That it belongeth unto them to dispose of the Empire, vacant: and in case the Electors be through discord divided, themselves to elect the Emperor. All which things are by them usurped, to the prejudice of all Estates and Policies, yea to the contumely of God himself, by whom kings do reign, and who alone both giveth and translateth Empires, which never any in the world, Satan only excepted, durst, or will dare to arrogate to himself. And yet by this means, he maketh himself to be adored by Emperors, causeth them to hold his stirrup when he mounteth or lighteth from his horse, and being gotten up suffereth them to lead his horse some steps by the bridle, not vouchsafing scarcely for fashion sake to let slip from him one word of refusal of this kind of service done him: and if the Prince be not ready enough in it, it is an heinous crime, unpardonable, as we have seen in some. And when the Emperor is elected, yea created, he maketh him basely demand the Imperial Crown of him, Cerem. Rom. l. 1. Charta 21. 22. 26. 65. 59 87. and in sign of tribute, the suitor to cast a mass of gold at his feet. What remaineth there more, but as the Wise men to Christ, Incense and Myrrh? Moreover, in all Acts both Ecclesiastical and Civil, he is seated in a degree higher and more eminent, and that of such a certain height, Cerem. Rom. l 1. charta 21. 22. 26. 54 59 87. that the place where the Emperor sitteth is no higher than where the Pope setteth his feet; his chair also not so high, nor so large, and a less footstool, whether it be in Church, or in Chapel, or in Council: And he giveth him water when he washeth his hands, and in the Mass beareth up his train, and in collation presenteth unto him the napkin: For this is with him a general Maxim, Nemini omnino mortalium reverentiam facit, Cerem. Rom. l. 3. sect. 1. fol. 120. The Pope doth no reverence to any man in the world, neither by rising manifestly, nor by bowing of the head, nor by uncovering himself: only to the Emperor of the Romans, the Pope being set, after he hath kissed his foot and his hand, he riseth a little, and receiveth him to kiss with the mutual embracement of charity. Yea the greatest Kings ought by his Statutes, when he enters into any of their cities, to lead the Pope's horse by the bridle, or if the Pope be carried in a chair, to put his shoulders underneath to carry it, Sellam subire, Others of the chiefest of his Nobles afterwards submitting their necks thereunto, to ease him. The Cardinals which come to meet him, presently, so soon as they espy him, must light down from their horses afar off, and run to kiss his foot and his hand; and presently a little ladder, prepared of purpose, is set, whereby they are admitted to kiss his mouth. What is an Idol, or Idolatry, if this be not? And yet of these rules is made an art, digested as it were into a Codex of Laws, which without crime of high treason against God and man it is not lawful to omit or transgress: Whereas Christ our Lord, whose Vicar he calleth himself, being in the form of God, made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a servant, etc. Phil. 2. v. 6.7.8 9 Wherefore God hath also highly exalted him. But what kind of servant is this, who arrogateth to himself the title of the Master and Prince? and what do we else expect, but that in his appointed time he cast him headlong from that height of pride? And seeing Christ, for to bring us unto him into heaven, humbled himself, Phil. 2. v. 8. became obedient even unto the death of the Cross, whither doth this man, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which exalteth himself above God, draw with him his followers and obeyers, but into hell? And for as much as we see him arise of the declining of the Roman Empire, and from the ruins thereof raised to that height, doth it not put us in mind of the words of the Apostle, and the interpretation of the Fathers thereupon, 2. Thess. 2. v. 6.7 and now ye know what withholdeth that he might be revealed, which should be after his coming, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, only he which now withholdeth, shall let till he be taken out of the way; that is, the Roman Empire must needs be abolished before he be revealed. We may remember also these words of S. john, Apoc. 13. v. 12. The second Beast, the Papacy, did all that the first Beast, the Roman State, could do before him; that is, to his teeth, and in his sight: and he caused the earth, and them that dwell therein to worship the first Beast (Rome) whose deadly wound was healed, being restored by the substitution of the Pope's authority in it, so that as many as would not worship the Image of the Beast (that is, the glory of this Empire renewed in him) should be killed. 2. Thess. 2. v. 9.10.11. And this in the mean time saith Saint Paul, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not so much by open force, as by the effectual working of Satan, etc. and in all deceivableness of unrighteousness: or as Saint john saith, Apoc. 13. v. 12.15. by the enchantment and cup of that Harlot, of that Roman Courtesan, who hath so made drunk the Kings and Princes of the earth with her flatteries and enticements, that they strive who shall most be set on fire with her love, and ruinat each other to get highest into her favour; so drunken are the inhabitants of the earth with the wine of her fornication: miserable people whose Princes, for to win her favour, made them drink down all her inventions, abuses, Indulgences, jubilees, Croysadoes, as they call them, and other abominations without number, and without measure, that being stricken with giddiness, they might lose the use of their senses. Now is also this Antichrist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, surnamed The man of sin, not without mystery, not without a notable emphasis. And truly in this Seat, more than in any other State, we may easily observe very many Neros, Caligulas, Heliogabales, monsters of all kind unjustice, of tyranny, of impiety, profane Necromancers, Atheists, and worse, if may be; and of which their own Histories do every where testify: For which cause it was believed by many, That so great was the pestilent infection of this Chair, that with the contagion thereof it instantly infected whomsoever sat in it. So that, because impiety in so high a degree should be ordinary and usual, it gave occasion to Saint Paul to call him the man of sin, and to Saint john to term him the Whore, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by excellency: In which sense the Evangelists sometimes, a prostituted woman, a sinner, because she maketh a continual trade of sinning. But let us yet enter a little further: Antichrist is properly called The man of sin, not only because he daily practiseth sin, but because he seeketh gain by sin, because he soweth, planteth, produceth, and multiplieth sin, by innumerable cunning practices. In a word, if we believe him, he abolisheth all sins of omission and commission, be they never so heinous and horrible: Yea which is more, for to get in greater store of money, that which is with God no sin, that which is indifferent, he by his laws and prohibitions maketh to be sin, and exaggerateth it far above that which is truly sin. Which things are sufficiently proved by the books of the Taxes of the Apostolical Chancery, and sacred Penitentiaries, which yet are sold at Rome, printed at this very time in Paris, at the sign of the Golden Sun in Saint jaques street; and these books are no less commonly used among his brokers, than Calendars with husbandmen, or the book of Customs and Entries among merchants. In which books are sold and taxed at a dear rate, dispensations and absolutions of all kinds, of consanguinity carnal, spiritual, in regard of degrees, or for want of age, for imperfection of members, natural or accidental, or according as they are more or less noble or profitable; for irregularity, for vicious promotion, or ministery without promotion (what kind of consecration by their own rules may thereupon follow?) for bastardise, for Bigamy, for all manner of maims, or for murder of all kinds, of a Clergyman, of a Layman, of father, mother, son, brother, sister, wife, etc. And these same much less taxed than of the least Priest: Also, for impoysonings, enchantments, witchcraft, sacrilege, simony, and their kinds and branches; for lapsu carnis, fornication, adultery, incest without any exception or distinction; (which I abhor) for sodomy, brutality: so they particularly express them. Of which most horrible and enormous crimes the absolution is rated at a lesser price than is any the least dispensation for the eating of flesh, of butter, milk, or cheese, on days forbidden by the Pope. Neither are they ashamed to add in these plain words, These kind of graces are not given to the poor, because they are destitute of goods and means, and therefore for them there is no comfort. And it is to be noted, That in our time they censured by their Index Expurgatorius, made by the commandment of the Pope, and of the Council of Trent, that famous man amongst them, Claudius d' Espense, because he had said, Claud. Espensaeus in Epist. ad Tit. c. 1. writing upon the Epistle to Titus, That it was a great opprobry to the Church, that those books came to the hands of men, but much more, that they were put in execution; in which more impunity and wickedness might be learned in a moment, than in all the Summists together. Let the Reader vouchsafe to see the place itself, so he take heed it be not an edition corrupted by their falsifyings. But let us prosecute, seeing the matter so requireth, both the merchandise and the merchants: They sell dispensations for oaths, for commutation of vows, for Offices, Breviaries, Prayers, Psalters for appointed hours, for to say them after an other manner than is used in their Diocese or after the Roman fashion, or also for to say them backwards: (What inventions to get money!) Also for reducing Masses to the proportion of the fruits, permission to say them both before daylight, and twice in a day: Dispensations also of meats for the person, Family, Kindred, College, City, Diocese, or Province, all taxed by proportion: Leave to carry about the Corpus Domini (which they call here, to carry God to play) once, twice, thrice a year or oftener: to change his name, surname, and sign; Cui bono? to pass from one Monastery to an other, to visit the holy Sepulchre, to use Traffic with Infidels, by carrying unto them Merchandise lawful and unlawful; for the jews to have their Synagogues public, or private; for the Christians to eat of a beast killed by a Saracen: When in the mean time these good Bishops, as we have seen have made no conscience to take a yearly pension from the Turk; So that in things indifferent and in things wherein conscience ought to be used, they make no difference, but determine according to their own pleasure; they are often more scrupulous in frivolous matters, than in matters of weight, and far more rigorous and stricter in the observation of their own inventions, than of the Commandments of God. And how far and wide, how diversly is Simony extended and spread abroad amongst them? is it not by them forcibly thrust upon the whole world? That heresy, which they derive from Simon Magus, the profane selling of all things, which they will have to be accounted holy, how far is it from S. Peter? Indulgences for a certain price, general or particular; for burial before the Altar, in the Choir, in the body of the Church, on the left side, or on the right; to be granted to such as die excommunicate, or desperate; The continual and ordinary traffic of all benefices, with cure, or without cure; of Compatible, of Incompatible, Vancancies, Preventions, Resignations, Commendas, expectative, cases reserved, expeditions according to certain clauses and forms infinite, far surpassing them of the ancient Law, so that hardly would the volume of a Calepine suffice to contain but the names only: And truly, how laborious a work it is to be able to know those intricate turnings and windings, and so many cunning subtleties! Sure it is needful to bistow more time in them than in the knowledge of all the liberal sciences, than in Philosophy, or in the whole law. And with these are employed all the banks of the Money-changers and Usurers in Europe; with the trot up and down of these, the Post-horses of all places are wearied; hence are so many officers, so many brokers both in the Court and dispersed all the world over, more in number, and of more kinds, than hath been ever known in the West and East Empires; yet out of Simony alone have these men not only their maintenance but excess and pride. Insomuch that they have brought the Mamelukes and janissaries into the Pope's Court, and thought it not sufficient to have drawn to themselves all the Roman titles, but they must borrow also from Souldan's and Infidel's both offices and marks of offices. And therefore when we consider this traffic of sin, how great a facility or faculty of sinning the Pope hath brought in by his dispensations and absolutions, for sins either already committed, or to be committed, even the most execrable, for money; shall we not say, that he is truly that Man of sin, who at so easy a rate and so lightly giveth leave and indulgence for all sins, and also giveth way to all crimes without difference, against the law of God and against Nature: it is manifest by the Tables of his Mart, to every man, how much each sin will cost, that he may know at what rate to free himself from punishment. Seeing he would persuade the world, that whosoever hath satisfied this his Table of Rates, hath sufficiently satisfied God, and need no more care for God's justice. I pray thee Reader, if Satan himself were there in person, for to open the flood-gates and sluices of sin, that it might as a deluge overflow the whole world, could he find any more fit invention than this? This was not the meaning of Saint Paul, when he said, That sin hath abounded that grace might superabound, who by the justice of God, and by the holiness of the law, representeth unto us the horror and filthiness of sin, and the wrath of God kindled against it, yea against those sins that seem unto us more light; which wrath cannot be quenched, and is not to be appeased by any human merit, by any price, but by the blood alone of the only begotten Son of God shed for sinners, unto whom alone, by a right and perfect faith, and earnest repentance, we ought to have recourse: How then from one and the same fountain can there proceed doctrines so contrary? And seeing the one is truly of Christ, and the other under his name, whose can this be but the doctrine of Antichrist? Dan. 7. v. 20. Apocal. 13. v. 5.6. Of whom it is said, Os loquens grandia, A mouth speaking presumptuous things, etc. A mouth opened unto blasphemy against God, etc. In this shameful traffic (I say) in this infamous selling of sin, whereby the Harlot prostituted under every green tree hath engaged all sorts of men, Apocal. 13. v. 16.17. do we not perceive it by these words of Saint john, He made all, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hand or in their foreheads, and that no man might buy and sell, save he that had the mark. For indeed, what condition of men are exempted therefrom; for dispensation, for absolution, for benefit, office, warfare, fraternity, for all occupations of great or of base esteem, for having done evil, or for to do evil, can free himself from this buying and selling? Are not these therefore those Merchants of which Saint john speaketh, Apoc. 18.3. The Merchants of the earth are waxen rich of the abundance of her pleasure, which distilled from the gulf of her excess, and from her sacrileges? And when we more nearer consider, that this Babylon, this heap of confusion, this lofty building, hath none other foundation than absurdities, none other matter than iniquities, none other mortar than impieties, may we not necessarily conclude with the Apostle, that God hath sent unto men a strong delusion, 2. Thess. 2.10.11. that they should receive that Man of sin, that Antichrist, that they should believe lies, because they would not receive the love of the truth, that they might be saved? Whilst that man of sin therein applaudeth them, applying as it were Narcotickes unto them, whereby his pleasing allurements stupefy them, without all sense or feeling of conscience or remorse of sin. I omit his other doctrines, of the merits of men, whereby the merit of Christ's passion is brought to nothing; his daily sacrifice of the altar, whereby that only and perpetual sacrifice of our Lord jesus on the Cross, is abolished Christian Religion swallowed up and converted into Ceremonies, into superstition, into idolatry, Stations, Relics, Agnus dei, little Images, blessed grains, new Laws, new Sacraments, new Gospel, and (if God had not hindered it) a new Christ, and a mere Alcoran obtruded in stead of the Gospel: for of these things have we spoken in their place more largely. Cerem. Roman Chart. 140. 141. & 150. But surely if we list to observe his seat, and his furniture: he sitteth at Rome, on the City of seven hills; there ye may see him ride in solemn manner about the City, mounted on a white Horse sumptuously caparassoned, the Horse led by the hand of an Emperor or a King, if any be present, if not, by the greatest person there, he himself gorgeously appareled in scarlet, weareth a Tiara or Diadem on his head, adorned with a triple Crown, which they commonly call Regnum, Kingdom, in token, say they, of supreme dignity, both Sacerdotal and Imperial, enriched with most rare gems and precious stones. There followeth him a troop of Cardinals, glittering also in scarlet. But if he go forth of the City, he hath his portmanteaus, ladder, covered with red cloth, twelve red standards, then follow Noblemen carrying the standards of the City, a Barber, and a Tailor; then four Noblemen carrying four Caps of crimson velvet on the ends of staves, some of the measure of three or four hand-breadth, who are called Scutiferi honoris. Thus this whole furniture is of scarlet colour. When therefore S. john saith in the Apocalyps, Come, I will show thee the damnation of the great whore, with whom the Kings of the earth have committed fornication; then presently after he describeth a woman sitting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Apocal 17. v. 1.2.3.4.5. etc. upon a scarlet coloured beast, commanding an Empire, adorned merely with scarlet: she herself, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, arrayed in purple and scarlet, and guilded with gold, and precious stones and pearls, and in her forehead, in titulo in title, (these words) a name written, a Mystery, that great Babylon, not really that ancient Babylon, but in a Mystery that mother of whoredoms and abominations of the earth, carnal above all measure, spiritual beyond all shame, What shall I need to name him, seeing he manifesteth himself and speaketh here sufficiently? And doth it not seem, that Satan hath taken pleasure to perform this work, that he might show unto the world a Masterpiece of his art, and as it were reproach unto as our blindness, when he brought forth as it were on a Theatre this Man? that of so long a time before, so plainly, so clearly, the spirit of Almighty God, by the mouth of his Prophets and Apostles, hath forewarned us of the coming of Antichrist, of his conditions, doings, behaviour, seat, apparel, and furniture; Who would ever have believed, that he now coming directly in the same habit, in the same posture and manner, should so far prevail with us, that any man should receive him, that any should worship him? and for so many ages, and Satan himself in him? And moreover all these circumstances are described in the Ceremonial book of the Popes, printed at Venice in November 1516, and dedicated to Leo the tenth. Now at that very time, Martin Luther, after many others, being impatient of the blasphemies overflowing all Europe, in Germany thundered out against the Pope; that Augustine Monk, Doctor of Divinity, of mean parentage, of no authority, in the end of the world, accompanied with some few men of the same condition, carried with the same zeal, and moved with the same spirit, at whose voice (the voice certainly of almighty God, thundering by them) innumerable people throughout all Europe were stirred up, who either being made drunken slept the sleep of death, or being yet half asleep had need of these instruments to awake and animate them. These men durst amidst so great splendour of his Babylonish pomp and pride, and so great painted bravery, call the Beast by his proper name, in the midst of swords, waters, and fires, of the rigour of magistrates, fury of the people, and rage of officers: Whereupon all nations, young and old, women and children, by their means openly professed and maintained the same: they astonished, beat down and confounded with their humility, his pride, with their patience, his cruelty, and with the purity of their doctrine, by the great grace of God they restored the Gospel to light; and in the constancy of their martyrdoms, they brought as it were to life again the faith of the Primitive Church: In so much that in a short time whole nations departed from the Roman Seat, many Kings and Princes, even of them who had most contributed to that monstrous building, now triumph laden with his spoils. There appeared from all parts godly and learned men, who kindled with the zeal of God, with their labours stoutly endeavoured to cast down to the ground that tottering pile, and brought it near to an utter ruin. 2. Thess. 2. v. 8. Is not this according to that of S. Paul, And then shall the wicked man be revealed, whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth? Of Saint john also, Apocal. 17. v. 16 Those Kings shall hate the Whore, and shall make her desolate and naked, and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire. Yet this Whore endeavoureth to take courage, Apocal. 18.7. and set an impudent face on the matter, She saith in her heart, I sit being a Queen, and am no widow, and shall see no mourning. I cannot err, whatsoever they say, my filthiness is elegancy, and the blains budding forth from my unchastity, pearls and precious stones. She multiplieth so much the more her blasphemies against Christ the Son of God, she rageth against his sacred word, she adjudgeth it of insufficiency, of imperfection, of ambiguity, dangerous & deceitful, and worse if may be, making it wonderful inferior to the Roman Church, the same Church, in the mean time, of which the Pope maketh himself superior, & alone, greater than is represented in general Counsels; How much superior and higher will he have it above the holy Scripture, the word of God, and consequently God himself? And thereby he appeareth the more evidently to be the same whom we seek, the Antichrist pointed out by the Apostles: Therefore, after we would have applied Balm for her sore, if she might perhaps be healed, which she obstinately refused, we have laboured to procure a holy reformation in the Church, against which the Papacy is so much the more envenomed with rage, bringing in worse Popes of purpose in hatred thereof, and uttering more absurd assertions, as, the infallibitie of traditions, and the uprofitablenesse of the word written with the finger of God, and inspired into his Prophets and Apostles. May we not lawfully now say with the Prophet, jerem. 51. v. 9.10.11. We would have cured Babel, but she would not be healed: forsake her, and let us go every one to his own country. Let us now wash our hands of her, and expect what God hath determined of her, especially seeing her judgement is come up unto heaven; on the contrary, the Lord hath set forth our righteousness. And what then do we wait for from the same counsel, the same prophesy, and therefore from the same certainty, but that those Kings, and the same States, who have worshipped her, finish the work of God, Apoc. 17. v. 17 who will put into their hearts to fulfil his will and his pleasure, to execute his sentence? And let not the present state of things astonish us, in one day, in one hour, Apoc. 18. v. 8. in a moment are his works performed, and this work without doubt must be performed. And long ago, as of a thing already done, near at hand, and most certain, the Angel cried out and redoubled it, It is fallen, it is fallen, Babylon: Apocal. 18.2.4. But God forbidden also that we should neglect that other cry that followeth, Go out of her my people, we to whom God hath given to know her, ye which know her but too well, take heed it be not to your damnation. Can any man now pretend an excuse? That ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues, least being defiled by the contagion of her Idolatry and enchantments, ye be made partakers of the sentence long ago pronounced against her, of eternal fire, which remaineth for her. But, because we are for the most part incredulous and stupid, let us pray unto God, of his mere mercy to draw us, as a Lot, out of this spiritual Sodom, as S. john calleth it, to pull us to himself by the hand of his Angels, to grant unto us that we look not back again, and that we may, before he power down his judgements on Babylon, get to his holy mountain, to that little Segar, his Church, how small and contemptible soever it be in the eyes of the world; Is it not a little one (saith Lot) and my soul shall live? Now to him Father, Son, and holy Ghost, for the bottomless depths of his judgements, and of his graces, be praise and glory world without end, Amen. ❧ Errata. Fol. Lin. Fol. Lin. 214 25 more pernicious traditions. 474 42 succeed to. 263 37 Tarracina. 473 18 in his own presence. 272 1 imploreth his help. 475 3 he that would but know. 278 4 night of my. 481 3 spittle of their. 309 24 give thee his. 506 16 (as it was thought.) 311 3 acknowledged. 545 38 concourse of people. 378 2 at Dover. 559 45 decreed in these words. 378 47 a longer day. 586 8 Corpus Christi. 388 42 after riches. 593 14 excommunicated. 401 18 to waver. 594 36 might more easily be discerned. 401 39 Abbot of S. Albon. 609 45 his successor. 417 vlt. not so much. 612 43 he being. 441 vlt. and by their digressing. 615 21 as visited. 446 40 of the eternal judgement. 629 vlt. or if he had had more care. FINIS.