A CATHOLIC APPEAL FOR PROTESTANTS, Out of the confessions of the Roman Doctors; particularly answering the misnamed Catholic Apology for the Roman faith, out of the Protestants: Manifesting the Antiquity of our Religion, and satisfying all scrupulous Objections which have been urged against it. Written by Th. Morton Doctor of Divinity. DEUT. 32. 31. Even our adversaries being judges. MATTH. 11. 19 And wisdom is justified of her children. · ANCHORA· SPEI· printer's or publisher's device LONDINI, Impensis Georg. Bishop & joh. Norton. 1609. TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE, JAMES BY THE GRACE OF GOD KING of great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the faith. Among all the books, which of long time have been published by the Roman press (most renowned and gracious Sovereign) the late Apology of the Roman church may seem both in the Prefaces, and progress thereof to have deserved your majesties most favourable acceptance. In the diverse Prefaces whereof your Majesty is saluted in those due, and almost proper attributes of a In the Epistle dedicatory to the Parliament. Princely and Christian wisdom, and overflowing fountain of Grace; your Nobles and Senators of State in the Epithets of Honourable Peers, and grave Sages; your Divines and other Protestant-Doctors with at lest the adjunct of Learned. Otherwise than the Romish Jnquisitors have done, who, jest that a Protestant King might obtain in the world the commendation of b Edovardus se●tus Angliae Rex, admirand● indolis adolescens. Haec postrema verb● deleantur. Index Hisp. fol. 148. Admirable towardness; or a Duke the title of c Natus est Christophersonus praeclarue Dux Wittébergensis. Deleatut verbum, praeclarus. Ibid. Excellent; or jest our public writers (especially Caluine) might be named d B●ceru● The●logus Deleat it ve●bum, Theologus. Ibidem. ●●●ldenco Zumg●o Theologo. ●●l●atur. Theologo. Index ibid. Divines, yea or else so much as c ●upprimatur nomen calvini, ●onatur, studiosus quidam. 〈…〉 2 4. 〈…〉 t●at one of their Prosel●●●● ran from Men●z to R●me to change 〈◊〉 name of Calumus into the a 〈◊〉 of Baromu.: 〈◊〉 illo Calu●●o long relegato, me tuo proprio (Baroni, cognomine omansti, & locupletash, etc. justu● Calu●nus alias 〈◊〉 Veteracastrensi●. 〈◊〉. sacr. l. 1. ●p. 1 Melancthonis & ahorum nonum omittant● Index Belg. abud junium. pag. 164. named at all; have commanded all such like Ascriptions to be blotted out. Which public peremptoriness these Apologists may seem by this their more ingenuous dealing to check and control, except that they will be thought to have uttered the voices Temporum potiùs quàm hominum. Concerning their progress. Although the Apology be far from that absoluteness, which the publisher thereof pretendeth, who judgeth it to be in some things demonstratively unanswerable, as other Romanists do likewise conceive: yet notwithstanding whatsoever Argument of singular moment is used in the volumes of the Romish Doctors, or what colourable accordance soever hath proceeded from the pen of any learned Protestant, which appeared in any degree advantageous unto their Roman cause; that seemeth herein to have been collected, urged, and reinforced against us with as singular choice of matter, with as ponderous weight of consequence, with an as exact and exquisite a method and style, together with as sober a temper of speech, as they by their diligence, judgement, wit, Art, and moderation could easily perform. This seen, forthwith our most reverend, careful, and religious Metropolitan commanded a certain number of Divines, then at hand, to employ their studies for the perfecting of a satisfiable Reply: which had accordingly been sufficiently accomplished, had not the heat of the common sickness, and other their importunate occurrences hindered their endeavours. At what time the burden (my occasions then better sorting) did (yet not by choice but by chance) fall upon me, the weakest and unworthiest of those parties assigned: which, notwithstanding, after a due perusal of the Apology, I did at length undergo, not upon presumption of any singular dexterity in myself, but as in confidence that God would enable me hereunto, he being In minimis maximus, and often choosing the weak things to confounded the strong: so also upon an experience that diverse Romish Doctors would be at hand ready to lend me herein their best support. Which kind of assistance of learned Adversaries the Apologists themselves f In the Epistle dedicatory to your Majesty. have laid down for the greatest reason of satisfaction, and we do accordingly admit. For if it be held an excellent point of physic, Ex Vipera theriacum, to turn poison into an Antidote against poison; and in God accounted an high degree of vengeance, to turn the Egyptians against the Egyptians; Esay. 19 1. and in David celebrated as a principal matter of triumph, to cut off Goliath his head with his own sword; and in Christ observed as an unanswerable manner of conviction to judge the evil servant from his own Luc. 19 22. mouth; and acknowledged in S. Paul as the most expedite means of confutation of the men of Crete, to oppose 'tis 1. 1●. against them their own Poet, whom he calleth their Prophet: them may we justly presume better of our cause, wherein our Romish Aduersaris will prove our rightful Advocates. For which cause I doubted not to answer that, which they have unjustly entitled, A Catholic Apology out under the denunciation of Anathema against every one that shall transgress in this kind. But how should they affect that which they plead for, who (as it is confessed) have neglected the offer of dispute made by the Protestants at the Council of d johannes Brentius & johannes Morbachius, tem Arg●●t●nense● duo Mon●●o●t●um co●●●munt, & o●a●t ●t 〈…〉 cum Collegis 〈◊〉, ●t ad post●l●ta responde●tur, & disputatio de controversis religi his capit● bu● inchoetur. Post●idiè— cùm 〈…〉 respon●●et●r, & ●o. Sleidanus domum sibi read indum esse diceret,— Tolletanus licere quidem 〈…〉.— Theologi qui rem●●lerant, postquam 〈…〉 ●ator●bus pro ba●●erant, 〈◊〉 to discedunt. Th●anus. hist. part. 〈…〉. Anno 〈◊〉. See more hereof in the Appeal following, l. 4. ●. 2. 〈…〉. Trent? and also in their Inquisition have denied all satisfaction by way of argument unto parties desirous of conference, whom they sought to confounded (as their Agrippa witnesseth) only by the answerless answer of e Haere●●cotum in●uilit ●res, quorum 〈…〉 to Theologic●s traditiombus & sacris paginis ●undata esse del eret, ipsi tamen hanc omnem ex s●re Canonico, & Pontificijs Decretis— crudelissimè exercenti ip●am sacram Scripturam velut mortuam literam, & non nisi veritatis vir bram à tergo relinquentes, qum & haereticorum, ●t ●●unt, scutum & propugnaculum, procul reijciunt,— sed unam Romanam Ecclesiam, quae, ut dicunt, errare non potest, evils caput Pa●a e●t, ei●sque curiae stilum sibi scopel fidei praesigunt, non aliud cúm inquirendo expostulantes quàm ●i in Romanam Ecclesiam credat— quod●i dicat, mox cum ad palinodi●m compellunt.— Quodsi inquisitus opinion 'em suam seripturae testimonijs alijsque rationibus tueri con●●●, interrumpentes strepitu iratis bu●cis dicunt non esse illi neg●tui● cùm Baccalaureis & Scholaribus ad Cathedram, sed cùm judicibus ad tribunal, non esse ibi litigandum, aut d●sputa●●● 〈◊〉, said simple ●it●r respondendum, si vel●t stare decreto Romanae Ecclesiae,— sin m●nus, falciculos & ignes ostendunt, inqu●entes, cum haereti is non argumentis & Scriptures, sed fasciculis & igne decertandum. Agrippa de vanit. 〈…〉. fire and faggot? Even as they formerly had done in the maintenance of their Indulgences in Germany, to the great impoverishing of that Nation: which expilation of the country, (as is recorded by their own Rhenanus) they defended by the f Cùm Germani negarent se quorundam expilationes di ●tius esse laturos, & alias indignita●●● quibus 〈…〉 con ●ue●eba●●t●● per eos, qui ma●orum suorum simplicitate forent abusi: illi viciss●m gladios & fasciculos 〈…〉, qui potius debebant docere & pugnare gladio spiritus. B. Rhenatus Argan Tert. de Prescript. mouth of the sword, rather than by the sword of the mouth, which is the word of God. This causeth us to believe Thuanus their own Historian, who reporteth how Pope Paulus the third (Anno 1559.) among other exhortations, which upon his deathbed he delivered unto his Cardinals, did g Paul●s' 〈◊〉 (Anno 15●●.) semo effoetus— Cardinals in cubiculum accersi justit- deinde ipsos li●rtatus est, ut in optimo successore deligen ●o vota coniungerent: postremò ut sanctissimum (sic illud voc●bat) Inquisitoris officium, quo uno S. ●. auth●r itatem 〈◊〉 affirmab it, commendatum haberent. Thuanus. hist. Tom. 2. lib. 16. Anno 1559. lastly wish them to preserve the office of Inquisition, as being (said he) the only means, whereby the authority of the See of Rome is supported. Yet so it is: Our Adversaries whilst they seek to disturb our constituted Church, and pervert our professors, they can make this challenge of dispute, which they themselves are so loathe to entertain in the coasts of their own jurisdiction, that D. Stapleton, whom they repute to have been the h See the Catal●gue● 〈…〉. most learned English man, and the best Divine of his time, exhorted the Duke of Pa●ma i Eo sanè loco haereses sunt ut non tàm arte & industria quàm Alexandri gladio carum no lus gordius dissolu● posse, quasique Herculis clavam feriendae, quàm Apollinis Lyrâ mitigandae vid●antur. Stapietonus, ●pisi. ded●●● oper●● de justi●●. at. paulò ante ●inem. to cut all knots of arguments with Alexander's sword, and to beat them down with Hercules club, rather than to labour to appease and moderate contentions by the harp of Apollo: that is, rather to repress them by violence, than to have them moderated by art and judgement: this man was a Boanergiss. As for the Apologists, we may presume that they cannot speak more judiciously than they have writ, whose accusations & arguments are in this Appeal (so far as we have proceeded) expressed word by word, and satisfied from the testimonies of the Roman Authors themselves, with that care and diligence, that no Adversary, I hope, shall have much cause to except against it: Sure I am with that sincerity, as not to become an Adversary unto myself by erring against my conscience. For to say that I have not possibly erred at all, were to advance myself above the nature of man: but to have erred wilfully in any thing were to be less than a Christian. In a word such as my confidence in this work, that 〈…〉 I do vow thyself unto doth for the Roman cause, if any of that profession shall orderly & sufficiently refute the 〈…〉 of this Appeal. Only I shall desire every such Replier to use the same moderation in his writing, which I have performed throughout this whole book, and whereof S. Augustine hath given us a lively presidence: who writing against some Adversaries, * Aug. in Psal. 3●. Although they be divided from our body (saith he) yet we confessing one head Christ, let us deplore them as our brethren; for we will not cease to call them BRETHREN whether they will or not, so long as they say, OUR FATHER in invocation of one God, and do celebrated the same Sacraments which we do, and answer, although not with us, the same AMEN. Nothing now remaineth (dear Christian) but that we beseech God to illuminate us in the knowledge of his will, and to sanctify us both in our souls and bodies in the constant profession of the holy faith, to the glory of his saving grace in Christ jesus: In whom Thy, THO. MORTON. Some things in this Appeal, (good Reader) which need to be corrected, explained, or added, for thy better direction and satisfaction, are in the end of this Book plainly and plentifully set down. Yet one escape hath been omitted, pag. 88 num. 6. lin. 4. wherefore, vows, read, vowing unto Saints: and ibid. lin. 5. read, of such vowing. A catalogue OF ROMISH AUTHORS CITED IN THIS APPEAL: (OMITTING OTHERS WHO ARE OBITER alleged out of these) with notes of the approbation of the most. The Jesuits ●●cept●d, who so●m● to our Adversaries to be sufficiently commendable by the only title of their order. A josephus Acosta a jesuite: De procuranda Indorun salute. Colon. 1596. — De Christo revelato. Lugduni. 1592. — Concione● de Aduentu. Colon. 1601. Acts du Conc. de Trent, en l'an. 1562. Gallicè. Imprinted Anno. 1607. Cornelius Agrip●a, De vanitate scientiarum. Colon. 1598. Who was neither irreligious, as this cited book against the vanities of Arts (especially Magic) dothshewt neither was ●● of the religion of Luther (in whose days he lived) whom he doth particularly charge with heresy. cap. 6. Gulielmus Alabaster: (his) Apparatus in Revelationem jesu Christi. Autwerp. 1607. cum privilegi●. Gulielmus Alanus, a Cardinal, De Eucharistia. Alcuinus, De vestibus Sacerdotum. Romae, 1591. Aliaco, Cardinalis 〈◊〉, In Sentent. Stepha●●s' d'Aluin (his) Tractatus De potestate Episcoporum & Abbatum, etc. Paris. 1607. Amalaricus, De Offic. Eccles. Anastasius, Rom. Ecclesiae Bibliothecarius, (his) Historia de vitis Pontificum. Anno 1602. Andradius. Antidotum animae. Antoninus, (his) Summa. Apologia Tumultuaria; sine, Perbrevis Confutatio, etc. Printed Luneburgae, 1532. professedly written in defence of the Pope's dispensation in the question of the second Marriage of King Henry the eight. Thomae Aquinatis Opera. Auentini annal. johannes Azorius, a jesuite, (his) Institutiones Morales pars 1. & 2. Colon. 1602. B Hierovymus Balbus, De Coronatione. Argentorat. 1601. Gulielmus Barclaius, Contrà Monarchomachos. A●d, — De potestate Papae. Which book is dedicated unto Pope Clemens 8. thus, Sanctissimo Patri ac Domino. Caesar Baronius, Cardinal, (his) annal Ecclesiastici. Edit. vlt. Colon. justus Baronius (alt●● calvinus) Veteracastrensis (his) Epistolae Sacrae, Moguntiae, 1605. — Praescriptiones contra Haeret. Moguntiae. 1605. Council of Basil: thus far acknowledged by Cardinal Bellar. lib. 4. De amiss. great. c. 15. Etsi, etc. Although it be not sufficient in itself to confirm faith, as doth a general Council, yet by it may we understand, that many Doctors of the Church, gathered out of many Provinces were of such an opinion. Robertus Bellarminus, a jesuite & Cardinal, De controversijs fidei, Operaomnia. Lugd●ni, 1596. — De Indulgentijs & jubileo. Colon. 1599 — Recognitio Operum. jugolst. 1608. Paulus Bennius, De efficaci Dei a●●ilio. Pata●ij. 1603. dedicated unto Pope C●●●ent the eight, and commended, Nihil habere, etc. That is, To have nothing in it contrary unto the Catholic faith. Biblia sacra Vulgatae Editionis, Sixti Quinti & Clement. 8. jussu. Colon. 1609. Bibliotheca S. Patrum, per Marg. lafoy Bigne, Paris. 1576. See his 〈◊〉, where he is cited in this Appeal. ●abriel Biel, In Can. Missae. Lugd. 1542. — In Sent. Brixiae, 1604. SATURN'S Bi●iu●, his last Edition of the Counsels: Colon. 1603. Master Bishop, against Master Perkins his reformed Catholic. 〈…〉 in Sent. Francist●● Borius, De Temporali Ecclesiae Monarchic. Colon. 160●. Thomas Bozius, De Signis Ecclesiae. Bulla Pij Quarti super formaiuramentis Annexed unto the Council of Tre●t. C ARchiepiscop●● Caesariens●, seu, de Capite fontium (his) Varij Tractatus. Paris. 1586, Dedicated unto Pope Sixtus Quintus, professing, Conell●●●e, etc. To reconcile their discords about the Sacraments, and to conform them according to the rule of the Council of Trent. Thomas Caietanus, a Cardinal, In Epistolas. Paris. 1542. and other his books. Commended for an incomparable Divine, bytheir 〈◊〉, Bibl. l. 4. Tit. Thomas, and for the most learned man of his time, by ●●reriu● the jesu●e. Com. in illa verba Gen. Credit Deus, etc. Edmundus Campianus, a jesuite (his) Rationes decem. Ingolst. 1584. Petrus Canisius, a jesuits (his) Summa doctrinae Christianae: Antuery. 1601. Melchior Canus, (his) Loci Theologici. Colon. 1585. he is named a Bishop in the title of his book, and commended by the Iès●●●e Pererius (come. in Dan. l. 12. c. 6.) for the most famous Divine that was in the Council of Trent, who explained the mysteries of the holy Scriptures more fully than any since his time. Bartholomaeus Caranza, (his) Summa Conciliorum. Lugd. 1600. Alexander Carerius, De potestate Pont●●us. Colon. 1601. ●●●nysius Carthusianus, commended in the inscriptions of his Conienti upon the Epistles of S. Paul, thus: Cui in componendis sacrarum literarum libris vix after fimilis successit. Georgius Cassander, (his) Consultations. Coloniae, 1577. — De Baptisino Infantum. Colon. 1565 — 〈…〉 ●●●logue of Roma●e Authors. We 〈…〉 an adversar●●● and upon 〈…〉 contend for 〈◊〉, as for 〈…〉, we against the 〈…〉. Wherefore 〈…〉 be rightly informed of the profession of this 〈…〉 Roma●●●●, and so 〈…〉 against us, by these Romish Apologists. First, he was esteemed of Protestants for a professed 〈…〉 of Osiander in his Papa non Papa, Epist. dedicat. Callander was a Papist, and sought to be accounted so. And 〈◊〉 his testmony concerning 〈◊〉 is th●s 〈…〉 Ner●ius in his 〈◊〉 of Callander, (c●lled, Responsio ad calumnias, quibus Callander impetitur, annexed unto his book, De Officio pij 〈◊〉 Callandrum veri●●s, etc. that is, Callander (saith Beza) writ that he thought, from whom I do diffent: neither do I manuel that a man (●eaning Cassander) who was ne●er of out side, should writ in favour of them, whom he did affect. Secondly, he is acknowledgèd by our Adversaries to be a Rom●●ist (especially by the abovenamed Ba●tholomae us Neruius, in the place fore-●●●d) who never adjoined himself (saith he) unto the part, meaning which was opposite unto the Roman Church. Lastly, Cassander himself a●●●theth ●s' effect, as much of himself, saying, in defence of the Pope, (Consult. art 7.) Nihil tam d●re in Pontifices nostros di●i potest, quod non in Sacerdotes judasti popull conucn●at. This in word: and of his deed their Thuanus testifieth (part. 3. Anno. 1572.) that he did draw one Ba●dwin to be a Romanist. Now then, seeing Protestants, and Romanists, yea and his own writings, and acts do procl●●●e him to have been of 〈◊〉 Roman Church, the Apologists have been too greedy of the gain of advantage from confessions of Protestants, when, to filup the number, they are gl●d to throng in, among their Protestiant witnesses, Cassander, an open and professed 〈◊〉 even as they likewise have done in 〈…〉 of Wicellus. As for the author 〈◊〉 of Cassander: he was of so worthy an esteem in the Roman Church, that the Roman Petrus Lombardus, In Distinct. Paris. 1537. He was Bishop of Paris; commended by their Senensis (Bib. l. 4. Tit. Petrus) for one Quem omnes, etc. that is, Whom all the Schools of Divines, for his singular excellency, have honoured with the title of Master. jodocus Lorichius, (his) Fortalitium fidei. Friburgi, 1606. where he was professor of Divimitie. johannes Lorinus, a jesuite, (his) Commentarij in Acta, Lugduni, 1605. Franciscus Lucas Burgensis, Annot. in Bibl. Antuerp. 1580. The reviser of the vulgar Translation to correct it, chosen thereunto by the Pope. D. Lupoldus, De juribus Regni & Imperij, Argent. 1603. He was Doctor Decretorum, and Episcopus Babenbergensis. Nicholaus Lyra, in Bib. Commended by their Senensis (lib. 4. Bib. Tit. Nicholaus) for one so singularly furnished with the pure, true, and proper understanding of Scriptures, that none in his time was comparable unto him. M. johannes Maior, in Dist. johannes Maldonatus, a jesuite, In 4 evangelia. Mussiponts, 1596. — Summula. Coloniae, 1605. Marsilsus Patavinus, (his) Defensor Pacis. Francof. 1592. Ferd. Martinz, De auxilijs divinae gratiae. Lugd. 1605. a Bishop in Spain, and dedicating his book unto Philip then King of Spain. Papirius Massonius, De Episc. urbis Romae. Paris. 1586. Herein thought commendable to our Adversaries, in as much as in his history of the lives of the Popes, he doth greatly commend the late Bishops of Rome. See his Epist. dedicat. Matthew Paris. (his) Historia Anglorum. Tiguri, 1606. jacobus Merlinus, (his) Concilia. Paris. 1535. Ben. Arias Montanus, In Prophetas minores. Antuerp. 1583. — Elucidationes in 4 evangelia. Antuerp. 1575. — In Epistolas. Antuerp. 1588. The choice compiler of that huge work, which is called King Philip's Bible. Sir Thomas Moore, (his) Epistolae. johannes Mulhusinus, a jesuite, De authoritate Script. etc. contra D. Parcum. Moguntia, 1604. N NAnius, Professor at Lovan, (his) Praef. in Athanas. Nauclerus, (his) Generationes. Coloniae, 1584. OH ONuphrius Panuinus, a Carthusian, De vitis Pontificum. Coloniae, 1568. commended by the jesuite Possevine (in his Apparat. Tit. Onuphrius) for his exceeding diligence in history. Ozorius, a Ies. (his) Homiliae, etc. jugolst 1598. P jacobus Pammelius, In Cyprianum. Antuerp. 1589. He was Canon of Brussels, and afterwards a Bishop in Belgia. Posseu●n. Apparat. Tit. jacobus. Panormitanus, De Coniugio Clericorum. Schola Parisiensis, commended by Card. Bellar. (l. 4. de amiss. great. c. 15.) Accedit huc, quòd Academiae illustres, potisfimùm Parisiensis, hanc sententiam amplectuntur. M. Robert Parsons, (his) Treatise of Three Conversions, etc. and book of Mitigation. Gulielmus Petaldus, (his) Summa virtutum. Lugdunt, 1585. Bishop of Lions in France, Benedictus Pererius, a jesuit, (his) Com. in Gen. Lugd. 1596. — In Exod. Ingolst. 1601. — In Dan. Antuerp. 1594. — In Rom. Ingolst. 1603. — De Magia. Colon. 1598. Theodorus Petreius, (his) Confessio Gregoriana. Colon. 1605. Albertus Pigghius, (his) Controversia de fide & instificatione. Paris. 1549. dedicated unto Pope Paul the third. Hector Pintus, In Ezech. Antuerp. 1570. — In Esaiam. Antuerp. 1584. — In Danielem, & alios Prophetas. Ib. 1595. He was Professor in Academia Conimbricensi. Bartholomaeus de Pisis, (his) Liber Conformitatis. Bononiae, 1510. per Gottardum Ponticum. Bap. Platina, de vitis Pontificum. Colon. 1505. dedicated unto Pope Sixtus Quartus, by whom he was commended to writ that history, as himself witnesseth, 'tis sum Pontifex, etc. Epist. Dedicat. Polydorus Virgilius, De Inuentoribus rerum. Lugduni, 1558. writing of Luther, but himself nothing less than of his religion. See, de Invent. l. 8. c. 2. Antonius' Possevinus, a jesuite, (his) Apparatus, Tom. 2. Venet. 1603. & 1606. — De Notis divini verbi. Colon. 1586. R PEtrus Rabadeneyra, a jesuite, De vita Ignatij. Colon. 1602. — De vita Laynis. Ibid. Gulielmus Rainoldus, (his) Caluino-Turcismus. Rhemish Translators, (their) Annot. in N. T. At Rheims, 1582. and since at Antuerp. 1600. Beatus Rhenanus, In Tert. Basil, 1521. commended by Sir Thomas More (Epist. ad Eras.) I will not (saith he) commend Rhenanus, whom I cannot commend sufficiently, although I would: and of whom Thuanus thus writeth (part. 1. hist. Anno 1547.) Vir in literis, etc. that is, He was most conversant in Antiquity, who spent his life in compounding the contentions of the Church. Franciscus Ribera, a jesuite, (his) Com. in Prophetas minores. Colon. 1600. — In Heb. Colon. 1600. — In Apoc. Antuerp. 1593. Richardus, in Sent. Brixiae, 1591. Rodeticus Samorensis Episcopus (his) Speculun humanae vitae. Argentorati, 1606. johannes Roffensis Episcopus, (his) Art contra Lutherum. Paris. 1545. — Veritates contra assert. Luth. Commended by Senens. Bibl. l. 4. Tit. johannes, for a Doctor, who may compare with the most stout and vehement defenders of the (meaning Roman) Church. johannes Royardus, a Minorite, (his) Postillae. Paris. 1542. S EManuel Sà, a jesuite, (his) Notationes in Bibliam. Ludg. 1609. — Scholia in evang. Lugd. 1602. — Aphorismi. Colon. 1599 Christophor●s S●croboscu●, a jesuit, (his) Defensio decret. Conc. Trid. contra Whitach. Antuerp. 1604. Alphonsus Salmeron, a jesuite, (his) Com. in N. T. Colon. 1602. — Sermons. in Parab. Antuerp. 1600. Nicholaus Sanderus, De visibili Monarchia. — De Clavibus David. Lambertus Schaffnaburg. (his) historia. Andrea's Schottus, a jesuite, De Vita Borgiae. Antuerp. 1597. johannes Duns Scotus, In Quodlibet, Commended by Card. Bellar. l. 3. de Euch. c. 23. for, acutissimus, & doctissimus. Sixtus Senensis, (his) Bibliotheca Sancta. Colon. 1586. Commended by Card. Bell. l. 1. de verbo Dei. c. 7. for a Singular Divine and by Doctor Stapleton (Doct princ. l. 9 c. vlt.) for one writing most accurately of the Scripture: whose work is dedicated unto Pope Pius Quintus, whose spiritual adopted child he professeth himself. Genesijs Sepuluedae, Opera. Colon. 1602. Theologiae Doctor, & Caroli Quinti Historicus. Tit. Operis. Sermo Saxonicus in Fist. Pasc. Carolns' Sigonius, De republica Hebraeorum. Francf. 1585. dedicated unto Pope Gregory the thirteenth. Soto, (his) Distinctiones. Thomas Stapletonus, (his) Doctrinalia Principia, & de justificat. Paris. 1582. — Promptuarium Catholicum. Lugd. 1602. — Antidotum in evangelia. Lugd. 1595. — In Acta. Antuerp. 1595. — In Rom. Antuerp. 1595. — De authorit. Script. He was Divinity professor at Louvain, and acknowledged by the English Seminary. Priests (in their Apolog. Subord. Eccles. derected to the Pope) for the most learned Englishman then living: and by Possenine, for the best Divine of his time. Apparat. Tit. Thomas. Didacus' Stella, a Minorite, In Lucam. Antuerp. 1593. thus inscribed in that Com. a singular Preacher of God's word. Augustinus Steuchus Episcopus, contra L. Vallam, De Donatione Constant. Franciscus Suarez, a jesuite, In D. Thomam. Moguntiae, 1604. — Varia Opuscula, Mogunt. 1600. Laurentius Surius, Carthusian, (his) Concilia 〈…〉 Aenea● Sy●uius, De gest●s Conc. ●isiliensi●, 〈◊〉. 1535 〈◊〉 by Pl●t in 〈…〉 Vita Pij 2.) to have been honoured of all, and to have often performed the 〈◊〉 of a Legate to the Council of Basil: being afterwards created Pope. T ADamus Tannerus, 〈…〉, (〈◊〉) Examen Relationis Hunnianae. Monachij, 1602. 〈◊〉 Aug. Thoanus, (his) Historia sui tempori●, 〈◊〉. 160●. — Appendix. Pa●is. 1608. 〈…〉, (his) Consultatio de fratribus jesuitis▪ Anno. 1605. Franciscus Toletus, a Tes●ite and Cardinal, (his) Instructiones Sacerdotum. Coton. 1608. — In 〈◊〉 n2. 1600. — In johannem. 〈◊〉▪ 1589. — In Romanos 〈◊〉. 1603. P. Gregorius Tolossanus, De Republica. Pontimussins, 1596. Public Professor in three Universities. See the title of his book. SATURN'S Tridenth●●m. A●t●cerp. 1586. johannes Turrecrem●●a, ● Card●n●●● (his) Summa. Ludg. 1496. commended by their Victoria, Relect. 4. Pr●p. 24. ●or, vehementiss. etc. that is, The most vehement Defender of the Papal dignity: as also by Senensis Bibl. l. 4. Tit. johannes. Franciscus Turrianus, a jesuite, De Ecclesia, & ordine Mi●ist ●ocum, & Theses, 〈…〉 Responsion●. Margins. 158●. SATURN'S Turs●llinu●, ● 〈◊〉, (his) Historia de Virgin Lauretam. 〈◊〉. 1600. V Greg●rius De Valontia, a 〈◊〉, (his) Analysis fidel, & de ●ebitss contro●●●fis. 〈◊〉, 1591. — In D. Thoma●. 〈◊〉, V●lla, De Donatione Constantini. Col●n. 1535. — In Acta Apostolorum. Gabriel Vasquez, a jesuite, De Adoratione. M●guntiae, 1601. — Disputationes in Thomam. Engrossed. 1604. 〈…〉 〈…〉 lib. Vegae de justify) for●ir ●ir, etc. A singularly learned Doctor, esteemed among the principal Divines, who were present at the Council of Trent: and used great diligence in exponnding that Council. SATURN'S de Victoria (his) 〈…〉. 1580. 〈…〉. initio,) En etc. Behold the chiefest teacher in Divinity, which by the blessing of God, Spain doth enjoy. Moore 〈…〉 by hi● profession, ● Relect. 2▪ pag. 103.) Praerogntivam, etc. We do our uttermost to defend the prerogative of Saint Peter. Blasius Viegas, a jesuite, In Apoc●ly●sin. Colon, 1603. Bea●●s Vincent●us, (his) Sermons 〈◊〉 d●●orporc Chr●s●●s 〈◊〉. 1572 〈◊〉 vives; In August. De 〈◊〉 ●are Dei▪ 〈◊〉. 156●. commended by their Bishop 〈…〉, for vit, etc. that is, A most learned and sincere Author, worthy to be read of all men. Vlenbergius Lippi●nsi● Pastor, (his) Causae. Colon. 1589. SATURN'S V●beu●tannss: (his) Schoolmen Pontificale. Vulgata Editi●. Comm●nded by ●he Council of Trent (Canus loc. theol. l. 2. c. 13. (for Authentical. W. THomas Waldensis, (his) Sacramentali●▪ 〈◊〉. 1●23. Comm●nded by D●cto● Staple●●●, saying, of him, (lib. de consign script. c. 13.) Cuius laus etc. Whose praise is great in the Church. See more of him where he is cited. Walfridus, De rebus Ecclesiasti●●●. SATURN'S Westmonasteri●n●●●, (his) Histori●. SATURN'S Westonus, D●●ci Professor● De triplici hominis, Officio, 〈◊〉▪ 1602. Thomas Wright, (his) Articles. X. Francisc●s' X●uerinus, a jesu●●e, (his) Epist●●ae familiares Ro●●m missae, de rebus I●dici●. 〈◊〉. 1600. Pleaseth it the courteous Reader furthermore to understand a Mystery. A Letter was sent me by M. Roger Brereley, together with a book of M. john Brereley, being the second edition of their Roman Apology: the tenor of which Letter followeth. To the worshipful M. Doctor Morton, Deane of Gloucester, these be delivered with all speed possible. Worshipful Master Doctor, I have met by good chance with this book, which I sand you here enclosed: I take it to be another Edition of that book, which I understand you are in answering, which is the cause that I make so much speed to sand you it, jest that you should have committed some oversights, which are discovered in this, and may tend to your great disgrace, if you use not due prevention. It seemeth to me not to be an easy matter to satisfy any judicious Reader, for this Author is very exact, and quoteth your own Authors, which are extant, and cannot be denied: and if you should not answer very directly, but run to other not so pertinent discourses, I fear your credit● will not be a little stained. I wish you well, but my chief desire is that truth may be discovered in such important affairs as these are. Wherefore be sure to help to set forward this, or else suppress your books, and impose silence to yourself. And I will be glad to hear of your best resolutions, and ever rest Your loving friend, Roger Brereley. My Answer. I Received this letter, being without date, and brought unto my lodging by a messenger, who meant for that present to be without name, promising to retume the next day, but did not, except it were without appearance. The book was printed, Anno 1608. but was not tendered unto me until Anno 1609, October 28. being the next day after that I had presented this my Appeal unto his Majesty. And is it credible that master Roger Brereley should only by chance happen upon their so famous an Apology, not until almost a year after it was printed? Shall we think that there could be no better correspondence between these two, brothers (as I am informed) both by Priesthood and blood? Or can any imagine that he seeking to premonish me with all speed possible, could found no possible means of conveyance in almost a years space? I cannot think that he was then amongst the Antipodes, but rather antepedes, whose letters, sent for the prevention of this Appeal, were not delivered unto me, before the very day next following the publication thereof. Uncourteously (I might have said, unconscionably) done: even to this An answer to the exceptions made against me in the second Edition of this Romish Apology. The first, pag. 10. line 16. My calling of a Loyal Roman subject a white Aethiopian, you should have added, In a Protestant state: and have understood, with me, such Romanists only as are led by those guides, whose positions were there discovered to be altogether rebellious; but consult you with yourself, and then tell me, I pray you, of what colour that loyalty is, which denieth the oath of Allegiance? The second, pag. 18. I, indeed, excused this saying of Caluine, When Kings command any thing against God, they bereave themselves of all authority; showing that he meant not thereby that they were absolutely no Kings; but so far only as they commanded any thing against God, in such a case not man but God must be obeyed. This (say you) is unworthy D. morton's judgement, and learning. And why? I will still stand to my former promise, which was utterly to abandon Caluine his judgement, if my exposition of his words be not evincible out of the place of Calvin: viz. Daniel will not obey King Darius forbidding him to pray unto the true God: he is therefore cast unto the Lions: God delivereth him: the king is glad, and Daniel said unto the king, OH king live for ever. etc. Daniel disobeyed Darius his unlawful command, and therein only did not acknowledge his authority, which otherwise he did still honour and proclaim, saying from his heart (saith Caluine) OH king live for ever: or, God sand thee a long reign. What can be more plain? The third, pag. 180. That which you object concerning Syricius, is confuted from your own Authors in this Appeal. See lib. 4. cap. 9 §. 1. etc. The fourth, pag. 443. (note *) in the marg. I alleged nothing but the testimony of your Alfonsus de Castro. You say it is unfitting. Try this. Cardinal Bellarmine denied that any did mox cognoscere Lutherum, that is, presently acknowledge Luther, at his first renouncing of Popery. Alfonsus' nameth diverse, qui illum expectasse videntur, & statim illi adhaeserunt; that is, who might seem to have expected him before he came, and as soon as he was come did clean unto him. The d Memorandum, that the Treatise of the Kingdom of Israel, and of the Church, dedicated unto Q. Elizabeth, was the work of another Tho. Morton, who was of Christ's College: for I never published any book in her majesties reign. last exception, pag. 740. in the margin, you charge me with frauds out of the testimony of Delrio the jesuite, concerning the devils apparition unto an Abbot, persuading him to say Mass. Which my error in that allegation I confessed in mine own Animadversions, at the end of my Apology, and repaired it with another example of the same kind out of the same Author Delrio: therefore this your taxation might have been left unto your M. Theoph. e M. Higgons objected the same error. See my answer unto him, pag. 8. Higgons. I pray you, good M. Breerly, know that this manner of dealing cannot consist with any modest Reply. Our Lord jesus bless us to the glory of his saving grace. Yours, THO. MORTON. A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS OF THE PRINCIPAL TRACTS IN THIS APPEAL LIB. I OF the faith of S. Gregory. Exceptions taken against him by som● Romanists. cap. 1. §. 3. Articles objected as from him, answered. both in questions of doctrine. Cap. 2. and of ceremonies. Cap. 3. Protestants both reproving and commending S. Gregory, are reconciled. Cap. 4. S. Gregory an adversarte unto some points of the now Romish profession: proved by the judgement of the Romanists, and the Apologists triple defect in enforcing of his authority Cap. 5. The faith of the Eualdi. Cap. 6. of Bede Cap. 7. Of the Britons, Cap. 9 Grecians, Armenians, and Aethiopians. Cap. 11. Objected and satisfied, and the consequence of the Ap●logistss rejected by their own Jesuits. Ibidem. §. 3. LIB. II Of the faith of ancient Fathers: In the po●●● of ●owess, and single life of the Clergy. Cap. 1. Of Transubstantiation. Cap. 2. Of the reservation of the Eucharist. Cap. 3. Of the mixture of water with wine. Cap. 4. Of Anti●hrist. cap. 5. Of Altars. Cap. 6. Of Sacrifice. Cap. 7. Of prayer for the dead. Ca 8. Of limbus Patrum. Cap. 9 Of free-will. Cap 10. Of the Merit of go●d works. Cap. 11. Of the Invocation of Saints, and their Canonization. Cap. 12. Of the necessity of children's Baptism. Ca 13. Of auricular Confession. Cap. 14. Of Satisfaction. Cap. 15. Of Absolution, and Imposition of hands. Cap. 16. Of S. Peter's Primacy. Cap. 17. and the claim thereof by Pope Leo. Cap. 18. by Pope julius. Cap 20 by Pope Victor. Cap. 22. Of Lent-fast, and other fasts. Cap. 24. Of unwritten Traditios. Cap. 25. All which are urged and answered fro the principles & confessions of our Romish Adversaries; and the weak pretences of the Apologists in their several objections are discovered. Of the faith of the supposed Dionysius Areopagi●a. Cap. 26. And of Hermes. Cap. 27. from the judgement of our Romish adversaries. A general discourse concerning the authority of the writings attributed unto the ancient Fathers, from the confessions and practices of the Romish Doctors. LIB. III Of the faith of the jews: concerning the Scriptures of the old Testament. Ca 1. Prayer for the dead. Cap. 2. The authority of the jewish Rabbins. Cap. 3. Their opinion of jambus Patrum. Cap. 4. Of free-will. Cap. 5. Induration. Cap. 6. Invocation of Saints. Cap. 7. Traditions. Cap. 8. Merit of good works Cap. 9 Monastical life. Cap. 10. Vows. Cap. 11. Auricular confession. Cap. 12. Sacrifice. Cap. 13. Transubstantiation. Cap. 14. Supreme judge. Cap. 15. The Apologists manifold defects, and sophistry in this their Demonstration: shown by the testimonies of learned Romanists. Of Miracles pretended to have been wrought for the establishing of the now Roman faith: unnecessarily expected in the latter times. Cap. 17. In India doubtful. Cap. 18 Their rarity now in the church, & the proneness of the Romanists to be deluded by apparitions and feigned miracles, as in other things, so in that which they call the Lady of Laure●to etc. and in England by childish & strawish conceits. Cap. 19 All these points handied at large from the testimonies of our Romish opposites. LIB. four Of the saith of the Romish Church in itself: In s●me particular members viz. Marry Queen of Scotland, and Henry 8. King of England. Cap. 3. and S. Bernard. Cap. 4. The just, necessary, & secure separatio of Protestants from the now Romish Church. Cap. 2. because of manifold, and notorious innovations and changes of Religion therein, both in points, where ●●●tue and learning surnamed the Great, a man highly commended both by Fathers b ●. Gregory is commended by Damascen in ora●. de defunctis: by Isidore. descriptoribus ecclesiasticis c. 27. and by the Fathers of the eight Toletan Council, can. 2. and by S. Bede hist. l. 2 cap. 1. and c M. D. Humphrey in jesuitismi. part. 2. rat. 5. p. 624. saith: Gregorius nomine quidem magnus & revera magnus, vir magnis & multis divinae gratia dotibus exornatus, etc. And M. Godwin● in his Catalogue of the Bishops of England. p. 3. ante med. saith: That Blessed and holy Father S. Gregory was the occasion of replanting the Christian faith in our country: and M. Whita●er contra Du●aeum l. 5. pag 394. fine, saith: Quod nos magno beneficio affecit Gregorius, id semper gratissima memoria recolemus. Protestants, converted us Englishmen (by the preaching of Austin) from heathenish infidelity to the faith of Christ. Concerning the religion professed by Gregory, and whereunto we were as then by him so converted, it was so undoubtedly our now professed Catholic faith, that the Protestant writers (not of vulgar note, but those that are for learning reputed most accomplished) do for such throughout every particular specially and a● large d In proof that our then conversion was to every particular point of our now professed Catholic faith, M. D●ctor Humphrey in jesuitismi, part. 2. rat. 5. pag. 626. & 627. saith: In Ecclesiam vero quid invexerunt Gregorius & Augustinus? on us ceremon●arum, etc. ●ntulerunt pallium archiepiscopale ad sola Missarum solemnia Purgatorium, etc. oblationem salutaris hostiae, & preces pro demortuis. etc. reliquias, &c transubstantiationem, etc. novas templorum consecrationes, etc. ex quibus omnibus quid aliud quaesitum est, quàm ut indulgentia, monachatus, Papatus, reliquumque Pontificiae superstitionis chaos extruatur? Haec autem Augustinus magnus monachus, à Gregorio monacho edoctus, importavit Anglis, etc. Also ●uke Osiander in his Epitome, historiae Ecclesiasticae. centuria sexta, pag 289. fine, & 290. initio, describeth it yet more particularly, saying; Augustinus R●manos ritus, & consu●tudines Anglicanis ecclesiis obtrusit, nimirum Altaria, Vestes, Imagines, Missas, Calices, Cruces, Candelabra, Thuribula, Vexilla, sacra Vasa, Lustrales aquas, Romanarum ceremoniarum codices, etc. And ibid. pag. 288. prope finem, he saith of Gregory: In pluribus articulis turpiter & pontificiè hallucinatus est: nam & libero arbitrio & bonis operibus nimium tribuit, de poenitentia non rectè docet, coelibatum ministrorum Ecclesiae acriter ursit, invocationem Sanctorum eorumque cultum, sed & imaginum idolatricam venerationem approbavit, palliavit & defendit. Also the century writers of Magdeburg in their sixt century, ca 10. c. l. 748. circa med make like report of Austin's doctrine to us Englishmen. And collecting (elsewhere in the same book) out of Gregory's own writings by them recited, certain his opinions which they hold for erroneous, as being Popish, they do in their Index or alphabetical Table of that sixt century, at the word Gregorij, specially set down (with figures of particular reference where every such said opinion is to be found, as followeth:) Eiusde●● error de bonis operthus, de Confession, de Coniugio, de Ecclesia, de Sanctorum invocatione, de Inferno, de justificatione, de Libero arbitrio, de Poenitentia, de Purgatorio, de Satisfactione. Also they charge him further out of his own writings with Consecration of Altars, Chalices, and Corporal●: col. 369. fine. with Oblation of sacrifice for the dead, col. 373. post med. with Exorcism, col. 376. circa med. with translation of Relics, col. 381. fine and 382. with Monachisme, 383. initio. & 384. with Pilgrimage, col. 348. initio. with Consecration of churches, with Mass, Relics, and sprinkling of holy water, col. 364. 365. with Consecration of the Font, of Baptism, of Chrism, and Oil, col. 367. prope initium. with Celebration of Mass, col. 369. fine, & 370. initio, & 693. post med. & 694. initio: and with Claim, and exercise of jurisdiction and Primacy over all Churches, col. 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 430, 431, 432. etc. With which last point concerning Primacy, he is in like manner charged and reproved by M. Doctor Fulke in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 310. ante med. and by Peter Martyr in cap. 8. judicum. describe it: M. Doctor Fulke, terming it therefore in general, our perversion 2 M. Fulke in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 333. initio. : Danaeus also calling it, inebriatio * Danaeus in resp. ad disputat. Bellarm. part 1. pag. 780. fine. m●retricis de qua est Apoc. 17. vers. 4: and M. Harison confessing likewise that 3 M. William Harison in his description of Britain set before Holinsheds' great Chronicle, volum. 1. (after the last edition) pag 29. b. li●e 11. And see his other more plain words, ibid. pag. 27. a line 27. Austin came and brought in Popery: with whom agreeth M. Bale, affirming that Austin e M Bale in Catalogue. scriptorum illustrium maioris Britanniae, cent. 14. pag. 117. saith of Austin, Plebem per interprete fidem Papisticam docuit. by his interpreters taught our people the Papistical faith. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 2 Why these Apologists should deal thus preposterously, as knowing that their own a Master Parsons, Treatise of Three conversions. jesuite did sometime glory (although inconsiderately) of Three conversions of England from Paganism by Romish Bishops; they should begin to fasten the line of their Demonstrations at the last, it might peradventure be conjectured. But we rather hasten to disable their first presumption, whereby they have assumed to manifest S. Gregory to be a peculiar patron of their now professed Romish faith: and first we show, That our Romish adversaries themselves have taken manifold exceptions to the judgement of S. Gregory. SECT. 3. 3 Although we have no cause to envy the just praises of S. Gregory, or to diminish the opinion of his greatness, who was so far eminent above his successors both in life and doctrine, that the unworthiness of their qualities hath confirmed unto him the title of Great: notwithstanding our Apologists do herein wrong our good meaning, and pervert our ingenuous praises of Gregory his virtues, to the countenancing and authorizing of his imperfections. We are therefore enforced to let them understand, that we intended not to grace him either as a Prophet, or as an Apostle, whose records and writings only were privileged from error, but as a Father of the Church, who lived in a declining b Testimonia Patrum ●eptimae aetatis, saint Gregorij, etc. Bellarm. lib 2 de Sacram. eucharist ●a. 32. placing S. gregory in the seventh age. age, and came behind many of his predecessors as in time, so in some truth. To whose writings our adversaries themselves take so many exceptions, that they may not challenge us to embrace all his opinions. 4 For first (as their learned Cardinal c Attend, queso, quantam ●●erilitatem bonarum litera●● secum vexe●int alfidu● bellorum in Italia motus, itá ut haud in promptu esset facilè r●petiti, qui utriusque linguae peritus esset Certain quidé de seipso testatur ●regorius. l. 6. Ep 29. indict. 15. ●e Graecas liter●s minimé calluisle, cùm 〈…〉 Qu●uis in multis occup●tus, qua●uis Graecae linguae nes●●us, in conte●tione 〈◊〉 en vestra Index resedi ●a●●nius Cardinal. T●m 8. Annal. An. Christi. 5. 3 num. 62 pag. 57 〈…〉 Tom. 2. 〈◊〉 Ann●●. in 〈◊〉 Gregor. pag. 723. Coloniae 1606. Baronius witnesseth) ●uch was the barrenness of learning in the days of S. Gregory, that not only he himself was utterly ignorant of the Greek tongue, but that hardly there could be any in Italy found, who was expert both in Greek and Latin. A matter very considerable, especially when we call to remembrance what happened before the days of S. Gregory in the Council of Arimin: where (as their famous d In Concilio Ariminensi cùm simpliciores Catholici, ab Arianis decepti▪ nomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tollendum esse decrevissent; mox Arian● to●o orb terrarum praedicaverunt se vicisle, non cont●nti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & pro ea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 substituisse: paulò post ipsum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. id est, dissimilis substantia tran●form●●unt, ●t Theodoretus refert lib. 2. hist. cap. 21. Bellarm. lib 3. the 〈◊〉. cap. 1●. §. Quarto Sancti Ing●lstad. 16●5. Cardinal hath truly reported from Theodoret) The Arrian heretics in stead of the Greek word Homoousion, the orthodoxal term of faith, suggested heretically another Greek word Homoiousion; by which term, being in itself no less different in sense, then agreeable in sound, the heretics abusing the ignorance of the Catholic Bishops there present, did openly divulge and proclaim themselves conquerors. So that such like ignorance cannot be an absolute moderator or counsellor in all divine causes. 5 Nevertheless this observation could not have been so prejudicial unto the judgement of S. Gregory, if their own Doctors had not further taxed him as over-credulous unto the e Magni Authores labuntur aliquandò, ut ille 〈◊〉. & oneri cedunt, & ingeniorum suorum voluptati, vulgoue ut 〈◊〉 interdum indulgent. Et paulo post: Quae ego eadem de Gregorio & 〈◊〉 fortassis ac ve●è d●c●re pos●●m, quorum ille in historia Anglorum, hic in Dialogis quaedam vulgo ●actata & c●edita miracul●●cribunt, quae 〈◊〉 prae●●●um seculi A●istarchi incerta esse cens. bunt. Et paulo post: Equidem historias istas magis probatem, si coru●. Authores ●uxta pra sinitam norma●, severitati judicij curam in eligendo maiorem ad●●●●ssent Melchi●r Canu● loc Th●ol. il. 11 cap. 6. SATURN'S 58. 〈◊〉. 1569. Reports of the miracles of his time, thereby too much pampering the fond conceits of the common people: f Tumultuary. & brevis Apologia, sive Con●utatio Wherein the Author laboureth to prove: Non esse neque divino, neque naturae iure prohibitum, qum Summus Pontifex dispensa●e possit ut ●rater de●o●tu● sinc 〈◊〉, frat●s u●orem legit●mo matrimonio sibi possi● adiungere: adversus tot Academiarum cen●uras Printed, ●un●burgae, anno 1532. Gregorius quò facilius id quod instituit maiori gratiâ obtineret, ●cripturas, & quicq●●d potest qu●si obtorto collo ad suum institutum pertraxit, p●o quidem study, nempè publicam vulitatem ●ware volem tumult. fol. 45. To have violently wrested, and (though with a godly zeal) perverted the sense of the holy Scriptures: to have been g 〈…〉 est, 〈…〉 plus 〈◊〉, & sup●● 〈…〉 atque morosum, ●oque 〈◊〉 vim 〈…〉 17. above measure rigorous against the state of marriage, and to that end to have racked the Scriptures: to have been, in a sort, jewishly ceremonious, h An● a little 〈◊〉 Gregorius u●tuit ne quis 〈◊〉, qui ●● prop●ia u●ote c●●●●umber●t, 〈◊〉 ing●●●● retur, ●●si 〈◊〉 aqua ablu●u●: quoth ●● faceret 〈◊〉 auth●ritat●, ●e gem●l am lu〈…〉 p●●cipic●●tur ut vir, qui ●un propria upole rem habui●●e●, l●ua retur aqu●, nec a●te so is occasum intra●●● cum sit me●e ceremonially, ta●●n 〈…〉 Po●t●fex Maximus moralem videri voluit. Idem ibid. fol. ●4. § Primum igitur. in turning the levitical decree into a moral law: to have possibly erred in the ministery of their supposed Sacrament of i Magi●●●● dicit in 〈…〉 Gregorius commisit, qu●d Sacerd●tes simplices in ab●entia Episcoporum possint confir●●●●, ut h●bet●● in ●●cret. Dist. 9● Cap. Peruer●t. This is the objection: he answereth; Ad hoc dicendum, Si om●●● 〈…〉 ●st, sed ex ordina●●●ne ●cclesiae reseruatur solùm Episcopis, tùm quilibet Sacerdos ver● 〈…〉 or●ines conf●r●e, lic●t pe●cet conferendo, faciens contra st●turum Eccles●ae. Ecclesia 〈…〉 statuto, sed non potest irritare Sacramentum, concurrentibus his, quae sunt ad necessita●●●● 〈…〉 est ve●um, tunc ●regorius potuit confer Sacerdotibus, quòd licitè confirmarent, qui alias 〈…〉 confirm●ssent: si auté non est ita, sed solu● Episcopus est Minister, nes●io ●u● non possit 〈…〉 non Deus▪ potuerit 〈◊〉. Durand. lib. 4. Sent. dist. 7. ●. 4 〈◊〉 1●●7. Hadr q. 〈…〉 1546. T● this ●aronius answereth, and opposeth: In Gregorium plerique oblatrant, tanquam 〈…〉 ●licientes prorsus inanem, posse etiam in eyes quae sunt fidei Romanos Pontifices cr●a●e Quod 〈…〉 quod asserunt, Gregorium errâsse, ●●nimè verum. Baron Annal. An Christi 594 ni●m. 14. Confirmation: to have judged amiss, k 〈…〉 lib 9 〈…〉 ve●bis collige●e videtur, contra communem Theologo●um consensum, 〈…〉 ●bsque 〈…〉 etuis d●mnatorum tormentis sensibilite● puniri; ibi enim ita scriptum ●e●iquit, Nonnulli p●ius à 〈…〉, qu●m ●d profe●enda bona malave merita activae vitae perveniant: quos quia culp● originis Sac●amenta●●lut●● 〈◊〉 liberant, & 〈◊〉 ex proprio nihil egerunt etiam illuc ad tormenta pervemunt & quia post mortem aeter●● 〈…〉, ●●●ulto cis iustoue judicio etiam sinc causa vulnera multiplicantur, perpetua quip tormenta 〈…〉 ex 〈…〉 volu●tate peccaverunt. Si●tus Senens. Bibl. Sanct. lib. 5. Ann●●. 137. 〈◊〉 auto post: Diws Thomas 〈…〉 e●tiombus di●utatis, in quaest▪ de poena peccati orig. a●t 2. propositas Gregorij & Augustin●●ententias' ●●tigans, 〈…〉 ignem, g●hennam atque tormenta nihil aliud significare voluisse, quim privationem divinae visionis, 〈…〉 infant's. Hanc aut●m privationem Patres illi tam duris nominibus appell●runt ●er excessum 〈…〉 mult● magis execrabilem redderent Pelagianorum er●orem, qui in paruulis praedicabant n●llun esse 〈…〉. in 2. Scent dist. 31. qu. 3. utriusque ●octoris dicta mordicùs tenens, censet ea secundum illam 〈…〉 i●telligenda quam verborum severitas prae se fert. Senensis ibid. that infants dying without Baptism were subject to the sensible torments of the damned, contrary to the common consent of other Divines: finally, to have sinned in praying for the deliverance of the soul of Traian out of hell. Not to stand upon the rigorous censure of Pope Sabinianus next succeeding unto S. Gregory, either m Sabini●nus Gregorio successit— rebus gestis Gregorij vi●● sanctissi●●● adversatus est.— 〈…〉 eius comburerentur, ita in Gre●o●ium i●a & invidi● exarserat homo mal●uolus. Platina 〈…〉. 1574. almost, or n Maiorem summam operum Gregorij statim post mortem eius aemuli flagitios●si●● exusserunt. 〈…〉. 4. ●ag 23 whereof Sab●●anus must be conceived to have been a principal, as appeareth by Platina. wholly burning some of his books: for although this was done upon envy, yet could he not have offered unto the memory of his predecessor such an hateful brand, which is proper unto the books of heretics, without pretence of some doctrine, at lest in show, new and erroneous. Which act of one Pope against another may more than probably prove, that about the days of S. Gregory the writings and Decrees of Popes were not received for undoubted determinations of truth. 6 Wherefore, albeit it hath pleased God to preserve the books of S. Gregory, together with the learned monuments of ancient Fathers, for the better direction of his Church: yet knowing that their own Doctors have been bold to note (how worthily we need not determine) diverse his defects both in learning & judgement, by a too credulous approbation of vulgar Miracles, too violent an interpretation of divine Scriptures, too rigorous censure against Marriage, too jewish a conceit of levitical ceremonies, too terrible a sentence upon the souls of the unbaptized Infants, and other such like aberrations: the commendation of his godliness cannot evince an infallibility of his judgement. l Albulensis. cue 57 in 4. Regum, dicit, ideo 〈…〉 orando pro Trai●no sed absurdissimum est virum sanctissimum & prudenti●●●mum, etc. Be●●ar. lib. 2. de 〈◊〉 〈…〉. 7 Howsoever, we have not related such like his escapes in desperation of our own cause, as though S. Gregory would appear an adversary against us; but that our Apologists may permit unto Protestants upon as good, or rather better reason, to use that liberty, which their own Doctors have practised, being in effect no more than that which their learned Durand teacheth us to observe, to wit, that * See above letter, 1. Seeing S. Gregory was no God, he might err as a man. 8 And now we proceed to discuss the Minor proposition, wherein they have promised to prove that S. Gregory taught their now Romish doctrine in every particular. In their manner of performance whereof they have made a triple forfeit of their credit: because we shall demonstrate, first, that S. Gregory did not patronise their profession in all these alleged particulars: secondly, that in many of these he was an adversary thereunto: thirdly, that there be many other Romish articles by them omitted, which S. Gregory did either renounce, or else not acknowledge. That these may appear, we first descend into an inquiry of their objected particulars, dividing them into Articles of substance, and ceremony: and in the first place examine, CHAP. II How far the objected Exceptions, which Protestants have taken against the doctrine of S. Gregory, may appear justifiable in doctrinal points. SECT. 1. 1 Although we willingly confess that S. Gregory was an happy father of the faith of many, and delivered to them the saving knowledge of Christ crucified: nevertheless as some parents and nurses with their milk, the food of life, do ordinarily transfuse some insensible seeds of their own hereditary infirmities, which in time grow upon their children, and become both sensible and dangerous, unless they be purged out: so it must be acknowledged of this spiritual father, that together with the substantial doctrine of holy faith, his scholars and converts might receive some few of his infirmities and superstitions; which, like hereditary diseases, increasing with time, and growing stronger, aught not therefore to be still cherished, because they are hereditary. We will begin with those particulars, which they accounted most especial in God's worship: a principal point herein is, Concerning the Romish Mass. SECT. 2. 2 For proof that S. Gregory did patronise the Romish Mass, these a Apolog lit▪ d. Apologists have alleged the testimony of the Protestants called the Centurists: but with what obliquity and error of their own judgement, the very place objected will manifest; b Gregorius de coenae materia rect docet, verùm Missas & obl●tiones creber●●mè inculcat. Centur. li●. ●. cap. 10 pag 682. The doctrine of S. Gregory (say the Centurists) which concerneth the matter of the Supper, is very sound, only he maketh often mention of Mass and oblations. By which word [matter] they evidently signify, that they justify his judgement in behalf of his doctrine in this point, and only except against the novelty of these terms, Mass and Oblations. It is no small ●●●●testantss do not take exception unto the word Sacrifice, as unlawful in itself, but only as being found by experience to be less convenient, and growing to be an occasion of the abuse of after times: otherwise Protestants do a ●atentur Philippus Melancthó. Kemmtius, Bre●tius, & alij, Mi●lam siuè sacram Coenam multis mod●s Sacrificium dici posse. Bellarm. lib 1. de Missa, cap. 5. grant (as their own learned Cardinal Bellarmine hath truly observed) that the Supper of the Lord may in diverse respects be called a Sacrifice. Vain therefore is the purpose of these disputers, who, from a difference only about a word, labour to enforce a confirmation of a different doctrine. They should rather have examined their own principles, published by their own learned b Oblatio panis & vini, consecravonen praecedens, ad plenitudinem pertinet, non tamen ad essentiam sacrificij. Bellarm. de Missa lib. 1. c. 27. prop 4. Oblatio quae sequitur consecrationem, ad integritatem Sacrificij similiter pertinet, non ad essentiam Sacrificij. Ibid. prop. 5. Secundò, Christus ipse aut consecrando & consumendo sacrificavit, aut nullo modo sacrificavit: nam, ut ostendimus, non est alia Christi actio, quae Sacrificium dici possit, neque ante neque post consecrationem. Tertiò, quia Apostoli initio si nihil ad debant ad verba consecrationis, praeter orationem Dominicam, necesse est ut consecrando sacrificarent. Ibid. §. Secundò & Tertiò. Cardinal; and understanding from him, that the essence of a sacrifice consisteth not in oblations and offertures, whether before or after consecration, but only in these two acts, viz. the consecration of the elements by words, and participation of them by eating: they may c Neither may they object a defect in the Minister: for some Protestants have been Romish priests; nor yet in the form of consecration, for S. Gregory, lib de Sacram. Qui pridiè quam pateretur, useth the same tenor of repetition, Hoc est corpus, &c, and of the Lords prayer. justly collect that Protestants using the same form of consecration, which Christ, and his Apostles, together with the succeeding Fathers did, and the same manner of eating, do omit no essential part of their pretended Sacrifice; whereof we are to discuss more at large in due * See hereafter lib. 3. c. 7. place. As for the present, we must understand that the now Romish Sacrifice can have no being without their imagined Transubstantiation. Therefore our third question is, concerning The Romish Transubstantiation. SECT. 6. 7 For proof hereof is produced the testimony of Doctor a Apol. lit d. Humphrey, who, among other corruptions taught by S. Gregory, numbereth Transubstantiation. Which is by these Apologists (we think) impertinently urged, especially knowing that Doctor Humphrey spoke not this from his own judgement pitched upon any sentence of S. Gregory, but only out of a Romish book, called the b This is cited ●● the margin of his jesuitis. lo●o citato. Legend: a story so utterly forlorn of all approbation by any Protestant, that even their own learned Authors have not doubted to say, that c Indigna Divis historia: Nihil foedius dici potest eo libro. Claud ● spenc●ns' Com. in T●m. Digress. 1. Paris. 1561. It is an history so unworthy to report the memory of Saints, that nothing can be named more filthy than it is. That the matters reported therein d Insertis passim fabulis ac meris nugamentis, etiam ipsam labefactârunt veritatem. Royard. pras. ante H●m. de Fist. Sanct. do by fables and fooleries overthrow the truth: so absurd, that e Non ego hanc historiam excuso. quae Legenda Aurea nominatur; in illa enim miraculorum monstra saepiùs quàm vera miracula legas: quam scripsie homo ferrei oris, plumbei cordis. Can●s locu theolog. lib. 11. cap. 6. pag. 337. the Author thereof may seem to have a face of iron, and an heart of lead: thereby noting him to have been shameless and witless. Yet this place is the only ground of these our Apologists objection concerning the testimony of Doctor Humphrey, which proceeded not from his persuasion of the truth of that Story, but from his supposition of the belief which the Romish professors gave thereunto: which (notwithstanding diverse judicious Doctors among them have rejected it, as filthy, foolish, fabulous) hath been preached in their Sermons, as being worthily graced with the title of Golden, and is known to be generally embraced of their vulgar, as the true Acts and Monuments of holy Saints. 8 Yet we shall not need to condemn the Apologists herein either of subtleness, or of silliness, because by alleging a testimony for truth from this ground of error, they are so much the more controllable by their own judgement, as they themselves have promised to take the proof of their Objections, f Apolog praef. to the Parliament. not from Apocryphal testimony of any pretended fabulous Legend, but from the constant assertions of learned Protestants. But that we may retort the authority of S. Gregory upon them, we prove first, That S. Gregory was no patron of the Romish Mass in their transubstantiated Sacrifice. SECT. 7. 9 For their solemn Mass is not conceived of them without a propitiatory corporal Sacrifice: this Sacrifice they admit not without a miraculous Transubstantiation: now a Conc. Tried Ses●. 13. cap 5. can 2. Transubstantiation is (as their Romish Council hath defined) a total change of the substances of bread and wine into the very substances of the body and blood of Christ: and by them held for a doctrine of faith. Which was so very a nonens in the doctrine of S. Gregory, that neither our most precise b The Centurists say, De coenae Domini materia recté docet ●regori us, Cent, 6. de Gregorio. Centurists could found cause to reprove this; nor yet Cardinal c Cardinal Bellarmine: Post annum Domini▪ ●o. Gregorius Papa, teste Paulo Diacono in ejus vita, ita coram populo locutus est, Praescius conditor etc. Bellar. de Sacram. Eucha. lib. 3. cap. 20. Therefore was he glad to seek supply from the report of Paulus Diaconus, who lived about two hundred years after the death of Gregory. Bellarmine, their own most subtle searcher of advantages, could allege matter for proof hereof out of any writings of S. Gregory; being, indeed, a plant of later times, suggested to th● world as a matter of faith (as their own learned d Ante Concilium Lateranen●e, hoc dogma fidei non fuit. Scotus: ut refert Bellar. lib. 3. de Euchar. cap. 23. This Council was Ann 1215. and S. Gregory lived in t●● end of the 600. year. schoolman averreth) not until six hundred years after that S. Gregory governed the See of Rome. If this be not sufficient for our discharge, we in the next place prove, That the doctrine of S. Gregory was diversly repugnant unto the now professed corporal and transubstantiall Sacrifice of the Romish Mass. SECT. 8. 10 The a Sacrosancta Synodus Missas illas, in quibus solus sacerdos sacramentaliter communicate. non modo non damnat ut illicitas. sed etiam probat atque commendat. Conc. Trid. Sess. 22. c. 6. Romish Church professeth a commendation of private Masses, wherein only the priest doth participate the Sacrament of the Eucharist, being (by the confession of their own * See hereafter out of Cassander. Doctor) a custom not in the public and authorised practice of the Church, till about a thousand years after the contrary institution of Christ. 11 Secondly, the now Romanists invite the people unto their Mass, as unto a Theatre, to behold the Priest's action in the celebration of the Eucharist, b In cujus persona (speaking of the Priest) totus populus quadam spirituali sumptione sanguinem Christi bibere gaudentér debet credere. Ecchius de utraque specie cap. 10. resp. ad 5. Argum. Impress. 1534: Sicut o● comedit pro omnibus membris, ita sacerdos pro omnibus Christianis spiritualiter. Beatus Vincent. Serm. Aestiu. de octava corp. Christ●. Antuerp. 1572. only to eat spiritually by the mouth of the Priest. But the ancient Roman Church (in the days of S. Gregory) ordained, that at the celebration of the Sacrifice, the c Cumque in eadé Ecclei à Misarum so●ennia celebrarentur, atque ex more Diaconus clamaret: Si qui● non communicate debt locum. Greg. Dialog. li. 2. cap. 23. which be speaketh not only of the Catec●iumeni, but also of professed Nuns. Deacon should say, Whosoever doth not communicate, let him departed: which may argue, that the difference between the now Roman Mass and that of S Gregory, is no less than Communion and not Communion. 12 Thirdly, they believe their Mass to be d Quaestio est de sac●ifi●io extern visibili ●e●è & pro●●ie dicto, facto man●sterio ●acerdotum etc. Bellar. l. 1. de Missa cap. 5. a proper visible sacrifice, that is, e Alij 〈…〉 con●ecrat one Sacrifi●● 〈◊〉 t●am 〈◊〉, quod per 〈◊〉 verè in ●●latur C●r●stus▪ licet incrust te▪ qu●a ubi verum corpus á vero sanguine septratar, ibi est. cra q●ae 〈…〉 quia natur●li con 〈…〉 pedi●, 〈…〉 nus verè ●ang●is aut 〈◊〉 a corpote separe●ti●. 〈…〉 Al●no & 〈◊〉, cap. 27. ubi sutrâ. ●. A●ij volunt. a true sacrificing of Christ himself to his Father, though without bloodshed, by the hands of the Priest: a Sacrifice of itself properly propitiatory for the sins of so many, f Non s●lus ●cus dist●ibuit virt●tem sacrific●j sed S●cerd●● quoque. 〈…〉 Sa●●rd 'tis e●● determinate 〈◊〉 Sac●ifi●●● 〈…〉 gentibus, praemium eddendum p●oh. 〈…〉 ●cclesiae sa●rifici● 〈…〉. in ●an. M●sse. ●ect. 26. 〈…〉. 542. as the Priest by his momento extendeth it unto. But we, yielding the all-sufficiency of meritorious propitiation unto Christ's bodily Sacrifice upon the Altar of the Cross, do acknowledge that the offerture of Christ in the Eucharist is not that corporal oblation, but, according to the teno● of all ancients, a memorial & commemoration thereof. Agreeable unto the writings which our adversaries attribute to S. Gregory, wherein it is said that g Haec namque singula●iter victims ab aetern● intetitu a●mum sal●●at. Quae allam n●b●s mortem unig● ni●● per m●stetrum reparat. qui licet tesurgens a mortuis, ●am non mor●tu●: timen in hoc 〈◊〉 sacrae o●l●tion●s pro nob●s 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 Greg. D●al. lib. ●. cap. 58. Paulo 〈…〉 quale sit h●e S●crifici●●, quod pro 〈…〉 nostra pass●onem ●i●ij semper in●itatur Idem Rursus. Christ is so offered in this Sacrifice, that although he die no more, yet by it he is mystically sacrificca: expounding it thus; that this Sacrifice is an imitation of his passion: adding, that h Christus, qui à se re●urgens à m●●tuis, iam non mo●itur, adhoc per hanc in suo mystetro pro nobis ●terùm patitur: nam 〈…〉 suae passionis ofte●●n us, t●ties nobis ad absol●tionem nostram passionem illius reparan us. Greg. T●m. ●. H●m. 3●. in ●uangel. 〈◊〉 medium Christ doth suffer again for us in this mystery. Christ suffer again? this word is more than our Romanists will maintain in the proper and literal signification, & therefore must be contented to expound that Christ is in the Eucharist, so said by S. Gregory to have been sacrificed, as he is said therein to have suffered: which is not by any corporal passion, but by a mystical representation. Which will appear to have been the universal doctrine of the elder Church, when we come to consult thereof with ancient Fathers. 13 F●u●thly, as for the corporal reality of this Sacrifice, which our adversaries defend upon an imagination of a miraculous Transubstantiation of the Bread into the Body of christ, it doth seem unto us to be sufficiently confuted by the dispute which S. Gregory hath against the Heretic Eutychius; i Qui cúm e●d●m ●utychio in 〈…〉 urbe positu●, hoc ●uangeli●ae 〈…〉 testimonium [Luc. 14. Palpate & videte 〈…〉 ca●nem & os●a non habet, sicu● me videtis habete,] 〈…〉 ●ominus hoc lecit, ut dubi●ationem resu●●ection●● 〈◊〉 de Di●cipuloru● cordibus amove●●t. who objected, that the body of Christ after the resurrection was palpable for the confirmation of the saith of those present, to whom Christ said, [Handle me, and see for a Spirit hath not flesh and bones, as you see me have:] but yet instantly after that he had been touched, it become a body more subtle, then that it could be felt. k Cu●● quam ●ira est res valde quam astruis, ut inde nobis du●●eta● surgat, unde 〈◊〉 corda à d●bietate 〈◊〉 Quid ●nim deterius dici potest, quàm ut hoc nobis de ●ius ve●a carne dubiu● fiat, ●er qu●d ●i●cipuli ●ius ad 〈…〉 separati● Si enim non hoc h●buisse 〈◊〉, quod o●●endit, unde fid●s Discip●li ●ius confirmata est 〈◊〉 nostra d●struitur▪ Quia adiu●gebat etiam d●c●●s▪ Co●pus pal ab●le ●abuit, qu●d ostendit. s●d pos● confirmata 〈◊〉 palpantium 〈…〉 in Domino, quod palpari potuit, in subtle taten est aliqu● redoctum Ad haec 〈…〉, Scriptum est, Christus re●urgens mortuis, iam non moritur, 〈◊〉 illi ultraà non do●inabitur. Si quid ergo in ●ius 〈…〉 resurrectionem potuit immutari▪ contra veridicam Pauli sentential▪ pos● resurrectionem Dominus redijt in mortem. quod quis dicere vel stultus piaesumat, nisi qui veram carnis ●ius resurrectionem denegat? Greg. tom. 1. Moral. l. 14. c. 31. S. Gregory answering that Heretic saith, that this kind of change cannot be affirmed of any, but of such as deny the truth of Christ his resurrection. ●rom this determination we may learn thus to argue, viz. that by the same proof of sense may Christians judge bread to be bread after consecration, by which the Disciples discerned Christ's flesh to be flesh after the resurrection, * ●uc. 24. 39 [Handle me and see (saith Christ) a spirit hath not flesh as you see me have] founding the verity of this Article upon the infallible testimony of two senses. How much more forcibly may we conclude from the suffrages and evidence of four senses, as smelling, seeing, handling, tasting, to prove that the bread after consecration still remaineth bread? Which kind of reasoning from natural sense in natural objects, being so used by Christ, must not (when it is likewise urged by Protestants) be denied to be Christian. 14 A second reason we find in S. Gregory expounding the Angel's speech unto the Disciples, when they sought Christ in the Sepulchre, saying, [He is risen, and is not here] whereupon l Surtexit, non est hic] Non est hic dicitur per praesentiam carnis, qui tamen nusquam deerat per praesentiam maiestatis. Greg. 〈◊〉. 21. evang. Our adversaries may not reply, according to their common Gloss, that it is meant in respect of a visible presence, because here the natures are discerned by S. Gregory in their essential, and not according to their accidental properties: for the essential property of Divinity is to be every where present. S. Gregory thus: It was said [he is not here] in respect of his bodily presence, who according to his Divine majesty was everywhere present: distinguishing two natures of Christ by their different and essential properties, human nature not to be possibly present in many places at once, even as it is impossible but the divine nature should be present everywhere. Which is more demonstrative by the words of S. Matthew; m Matt. 28. 6. And whatsoever words our adversaries object ●ut of Fathers, do carry rather the sound then the sense. He is not here, for he is risen: by which particle [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, for] a note of consequence, we are taught, that if we shall thus argue [Christ's human nature, cannot be here and there in one instant, and therefore being properly in heaven, must not be fancied, in the same moment, to be corporally upon earth] our conclusion must needs be found to be Angelical. 15 Finally, what was the faith of our Church of England about those times of S. Gregory, may be observed by an ancient n In the holy Font we see two things in that one creature: after the true nature, the water is corruptible water, and yet after spiritual mystery, it hath hallowing might. So also if we be behold the holy housel, it is bread, after bodily understanding, than we see that it is a body corruptible and mutable; but if we acknowledge therein a spiritual might, then understand we that life is therein, and it giveth immortality to them that eat it with belief. Much difference there is between the invisible might of the holy housel▪ and the visible shape of the proper nature. It is naturally corruptible bread, and corruptible wine, and it is by the might of God's word truly Christ's body and his blood; not so, notwithstanding, bodily, but spiritually. Much difference is there between the body that Christ suffered in, and the body that is hallowed to housel; the body that Christ suffered in, was borne of the flesh of Marie with blood and with bone, with sk●n, with sinews, in human limbs, with a reasonable soul living: and his spiritual body, which we call the housel, is gathered of many corns, without blood and bone, without limb, without soul, and therefore nothing therein is to be understood bodily, but all is spiritually to be understood. I sermon 〈◊〉. legend. in Fist. Paschatis. This is extant in the old Saxon tongue in the libraries at Oxford, and other Cathedral Churche● and was appointed to be publicly read on Easter day. Homily written in the Saxon tongue, and appointed to be preached in England throughout every Church upon Easter-day. Which therefore we have related at large, as being in itself a sufficient commentary and elucidation of the mystical and sacramental participation of Christ's flesh. Only give us leave to mention an other confessed difference, to wit, that notwithstanding o Formam Latinae Catholicae Ecclesiae ex Christi exemplo habemus, tantùm his verbis consecrasse [Hoc est corpus meum.] Bellar. lib. 4. de Euchar. c. 13. Cardinal Bellarmine saith, that the form of the now Romish consecration, used in their Church, is only in these words [Hoc est corpus meum:] yet an p Greg lib 7 ●p 63 ai● morem fuisse Apostolis ad solam orationem Dominicam oblationis hostiam consecrare. Archiepisc. Caesarien. lib. Varij tract. ad Sixt. 5. Pont. c. 3. pag. 65. Archbishop amongst them proveth out of S. Gregory, and other Fathers, that the doctrine of Consecration used of the Apostles, was only by saying the Lords prayer: which use of the Lords prayer, S. Gregory doth approve for a tradition q Orationem Dominicam ideircò post precem dicimus, quia mos Apostolorum fuit, ut ad ipsam solummodò orationem oblationis hostiam consecrarent. Greg. l. 7. Ep. Indict. 2. c. 63. Apostolical. Neither may we think our adversaries weak and r Dicendum est, Apostolo● in initio solam Dominicam orationem ad verba consecrationis in mysterio Eucharistiae addere solitos, posteá tamen 〈◊〉 Apostolos multa alia adiunxisse. Vide Robertum Bellarminum, cap. 19 lib. ●. de Sacrificio Missae. Theodor. Petr●ius Confess Gregorian. lib 3. cap. 7. con 〈…〉 sity of good works in him that must be saved, yet they hold that these kind of speeches [Goodworks are necessary to salvation] may hatch some dangerous construction, as namely, to think them necessary in the act of our justification: and have therefore (yet in a pardonable jealousy, jest any thing might detract from Christ's free bounty) too roughly & unworthily censured such like sayings of S. Gregory. 21 Notwithstanding in that, which is the now controversy between us and Rome, man's justification before God's tribunal, and his meriting that kingdom by his own works, the Centurists do truly testify, that S. Gregory standeth most resolutely with us for the magnifying of Grace against the dangerous doctrine of Romish Merit, and then justification by inherent righteousness: where he (speaking even of the s●cond justification) teacheth with all Protestants, that c Hominem gratis justificari coram Deo, Gregorius saepè pronunciat. ●●nt. 6 c. 10 pag. ●81. We are justified before God freely by grace; that d Or his humana justitia (ut ●aepe ●am di●inus) iniustitia esse convincitur, si districté iudicetur. Prece ergo post ●ustitiam i●●●get, ut quae su● combe●e di●cuss● poterat, ex sola judicis pietate convale●cat. 〈…〉. 9 li. 9 c. 1. 14. man's righteousness is found to be unrighteousness, when it is strictly examined; that e Ipsa justitia nostra adexan é divinae justitiae deducta, iniustitia est, & sordet in disti●●tione judicis, quae in aestimatione fulget operantis unde Paulus, [Nihil mihi conscius sum,] sed proti●us adiunx●t [Sed non in h●c iu●ti●icatus 〈◊〉. ●r●g. in. 〈◊〉. 3. 〈…〉. 5. 1. 7. ● 8. Et 〈…〉 sunt prop 〈…〉. Considerant prau 〈…〉 cue 〈…〉 districtè judicet, bona quam subtiliter penset, & perituros se sine ambiguitate praes●●unt, si remotà pietate 〈◊〉 licentur; quia hoc ipsum quoque, quod iust● videmur vivere culpa est. si vitam nostram cùm indicat, hanc apud se divina misericordia non excusat Greg in job. every just man doth know before hand that he shall undoubtedly perish, if his best works be sifted according to justice: that after all our righteous working, we must fly to the court of Mercy, with supplication that our works may be accepted. Finally, that f Quod si illa San●t● miser●cordia est, & non meritis acquiritur, ubi 〈◊〉 quod scriptum est, [Reddes unicuique sec●ndum opera 〈…〉] ●ecundùm opera redd●●u● quomodo misericordia aestimatur? Sed aliud est secundùm opera, aliud propter operated 〈…〉. [Auditam fac mihi man● misericordiam] the Saints attain not eternal life for their merits, but that it is wholly mercy; and though God doth bestow heaven according to works, yet he doth not give it them for their works sake: In these last words diliuering to us that necessatie distinction between rewarding of man, secundum opera, that is, according to his works, and rewarding him, propter opera, that is, for the worthiness of his works. Which distinction, when it is used by Protestants, our adversaries do reject with a scoff, saying, g M. B●shop in his 〈…〉. OH sharp and over-fine wit! doth God tender according to the works, and doth he not tender for the works sake? By which taunt who seethe not S. Gregory also contemned by our adversaries, who (forsooth, the only witty Doctors) do impute this unto their adversaries as a witless curiosity: which notwithstanding they do upon an exigence, knowing that this distinction (if it shall be allowed) may serve for a wedge, whereby the Most difficult reasons the Romanists can possibly object in the question of merit, may be easily dissolved. 22 This was both that saving faith which our Converter S Gregori● delivered to the English Saxons, and the foundation and anchor of all his own hopes. h Ad vitam non ex meritis sed ex venia c●nua●e●co. Greg. in I●b. 9 li●. 9 SATURN'S 14. De sola mis●●icordia ●ua praesumens impetrare, quod non de meritis meis spero. Idem in Psal. poenit. I grow on to eternal life (saith he) not by the merits of my works, but by the pardon of my sins, presuming to obtain that by the only mercy of God, which I do not hope for by mine own deserts. All which being spoken of the state of man regenerate, and of his freedom from everlasting damnation, they may be unto us a pregnant apology and satisfaction against all opposition of our Romish Adversaries, in this high cause of Merit and justification. The next particulars do point at the state of man departed, whether unto a temporal misery, (such are souls in Purgatory said to be in) or else unto eternal felicity, as are the souls of the Saints. First concerning the place of the less happy, we must try The Romish doctrine of Purgatory. SECT. 12. 23 Purgatory by Romish doctrine is described to be a Greg. Valent. Ies. lib. de ●urg. & Bellar. li. 2. de Purg. a fire of hell, adjoining to the place of the damned, wherein the souls of the faithful departing in the guilt of venial sins ( b Posset homo sanctè mori, & tamen habere debitum aliquod soluen●um, vel propter venialia pecca●a nondum remissa in hac vita, vel propter satisfactionem pro mortalibus remistis non plenè expressam. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purg. c. 3. §. Hinc. & §. Ad quintum. or, for the more full satisfaction of mortal sins which have been remitted) are tormented, which is nothing differing from the punishment of the damned, in respect of the extremity of pain, but only in respect of continuance of time: c Ecclesia celebrat anniversaria pro defunctis, etiamsi constat eos ante ducentos annos esse mortuos: quod certé non fieret, si Ecclesia ciederet non pumri animas ultra dictos annos. Bellar. l. 2. de Purg. cap. 9 & lib. 4. de Poenit. cap. 1. §. Quodsi. which may be 10, or an 100, or 200 years, or longer, except they be delivered, d Concil. Trid. Sess. 25. by the prayers, or sacrifices, or alms of the living. And the e Purgatorij confessio pertinet ad fidem Catholicam. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 11. in princip. confession of this Purgatory (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) is a part of Catholic faith. Among many points often objected by our Apologists, we find this Article, omitted in other places, and therefore may challenge of us a more present and exact discourse, and first to examine, Whether this Article of Romish faith have any foundation in Scriptures. SECT. 13. 24 Their learned Bishop a Cùm doctrina Purgatorij sit omnibus scit● necessaria, non est c●edibile, illam non posse proba●i ex Scriptures 〈◊〉 Art 18. advers●● 〈…〉 which is the position also of ●a●d 〈…〉 Roffensis layeth down this proposition; The doctrine of Purgatory (saith he) being necessarily to be believed of all men, it is not credible but that it may be proved by Scriptures. Granting in effect, that if it cannot be evinced by Scripture, it may not be acknowledged as a doctrine necessarily to be believed of all men. Now our Assumption, to wit, that it is not demonstrable by Scriptures, we may draw from an induction of the principal places of Canonical Scriptures, from whence our Adversaries have contended to prove their imagined Article of Purgatory, as namely, Psal. 66. 12. Esa. 9 18. Mich. 7. 8. Mal. 3. 2. Matth. 5. 25. Matth. 5. 22. Luc. 16. 9 Act. 2. 24. 1. Cor. 3. 11. 1. Cor. 15. 1. Pet. 3. 19 All which, with other such like testimonies of holy Scriptures, which have been vehemently urged by our Adversaries for defence of Purgatory, have been likewise by their own learned b Psal. 66. T●aliu●●us per etc. objected by Bellar. l. 1. de Purg. c. 3. confuted by Rossensis upon that article of ●uther: and by Pintus upon Esa 43. The second place, ●sa 9 18. objected by Bellar. ibi. lib. 1. c. 3. better expounded by Pintus, comm. in cum locum Esa. The third, Mich. 7. 8. objected by Be●lar. ●b. better expounded by Ribera Ies. upon the same place. The sourth, Malac. 3. 2. objected by Bellar. ibid. confuted by Ribera Ies. upon the same place. The ●ift, Matth. 5. 25. objected by Bellar. Coster. Valent. and others: confuted by jansenius 〈…〉 cum locum. The si●t, Matth. 5. 22. 〈◊〉 by Bellarn. Coster 〈◊〉, Salmeron Ies tract. de Purg. confuted by Suarez Ies. Tom. 4. in Thom disp. 45. § 1. num. 13. and by Maldanat Ies. in. Matth. 5. The seventh, 〈◊〉. 16. 9 objected by Bellar. quo sup. consuted by Stella, and Maldonat. in eum locum. The eight, Act. 2. 24. objected by Bellar. ibid. confuted by Ribera Ies. in Hose. 13. num. 23. and by Arias Montanus in Act. The next places, at 1. Cor. 3. 11. and 1. Cor. 15. objected by Bellar. contrary to Pererius Ies. comm. in Genes. 6. 13. The 1. Pet. 3. 19 Phil. 2. 10. and such others, in li●e manner objected and confuted. See Apologiam Catholicam, part. 2. lib. 5. cap. 44 where these are particularly related As for the books of Macchabees, S. 〈◊〉. held them not for Canonical: see hereafter. Doctors so exactly and particularly answered, that Protestants may well spare all pains of any further confutation of their proofs. From these two confessed premises it must follow, that this Article of their Purgatory, standing so improbably upon Scriptures, may be suspected to be an exile from the doctrine of faith. 25 Some others finding so slippery footing in Scripture for defence hereof, do next cast anchor upon presumption of unwritten traditions, hereditarily as it were descending upon the Church by a lineal succession from ancient Fathers. This giveth us occasion further to inquire, Whether the Romish Article of Purgatory were a matter of faith in the profession of ancient Fathers: from the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 14. 26 Their principal Doctor, together with others do undertake the proof of Romish Purgatory, a Purgatorium ex Patribus Graecis & Latinis probamus. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 6. So ●alentia Ies. and others. out of the Greek and Latin Fathers: their jesuit b Omnes veteres Grae●● Patres agnoverunt Purgatorium, & scriptis 〈◊〉 luculent shm● pro●ido●unt. 〈…〉 15. 〈◊〉 25 in sine. Salmeron addeth, out of all the Greek Fathers. But with what improbability they have made so large a challenge, their own learned Bishop c Lega●, qui u●lit, G●aecorum veterum commentarios, & nullum, quantum opinor, aut quàm ratissimum de Purgatorio s●rmonem 〈◊〉: sed neque Latini simul omnes, ac sensim huius rei veritatem conceperunt Roffens. Art 18 contra ●●th. Roffensis will witness in our behalf, saying, that whosoever shall read the Greek Fathers, shall find none, or very rare mention of Purgatory: neither yet did all the Latin Fathers (saith he) at the first apprehended it. Confessing further, that d Vsque ad hunc ●●em Graecis non est creditum Purgatorium. Roffens. ibid. the Grecians (in which observation also their e Polyd●re Vi●gil their great s●archer of 〈…〉 rerum, lib. 8. cap. 1. And again Roffensi●; Sed neque ●atini omnes huius rei veritatem conceperunt. Ibid. Polydore insisteth) did not believe it to this day: and addeth, that f Aliquandi● incognitum fuit, & sero cognitum universae Ecclesiae. Ibid. De●nde quibusdam pedetentim partim ex Scriptures, pa●t●m ex revelationibus creditum fuit. Roffens ●od. loco. To this which he addeth, partly by Scriptures, partly by revelations, it 〈…〉 that we prove that they have abused Scriptures, and the revelations have abused them. the first we have proved, the next 〈…〉 in §. 16. It was not of a long time universally believed in the Church; but (too notable arguments of novelty) afterwards by little and little, gained a general credit in the Church. It will better appear what is their feeble hold, if we shall but duly observe the false claim, which they make unto The particular testimonies of ancient Fathers, which are unconscionably wrested to prove that which they never meant: by the acknowledgements of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 15. 27 It is a true and a most judicious observation which their learned a Vocatur P●rg●torius locus quidam, in quo, tanquam in carcere, post han● vitam purgant●r an●●ae, quae i● hac plenpurgatae non suerant. D● hac est tota controversia. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 1. §. Vocatur. Patres aliqui per ignem, non intel●gunt ignem Purgatory, sed ignem divini i●dicij, quomodo loquitur Paulus in 1. Corinth. 3. cum ait, Vn●uscumsque opus q●ale sit ignis probabit Bellar. 〈◊〉. l 2. c. 1. §. Add. Apostolus 1. Cor. 3. [Ignis probabit] lo quitur de igne severi & justi judicij Dei, qui non est ignis pu●gans ac affligens, sed probans & examinans. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purgat. cap. 4. §. Superest. Cardinal, and our chief Adversary hath propounded unto his scholars, viz. That those testimonies of the Fathers which speak of the fire of the day of Doom, do not signify the fire of Purgatory, which is defended in the Roman Church; because the fire of the day of judgement is a fire of examination and trial: but the fire of Purgatory, which (saith he) we dispute of, is a purging and tormenting. fire. Whosoever shall take sure hold of this thread in the search of the judgement of ancient Fathers concerning Purgatory, may most easily wind himself out of the whole labyrinth of the perplexed and wrangling objections of our Adversaries. For the principal testimonies of the most ancient Fathers opposed unto us by Cardinal b Apertiss ma loca in Patribus, ●bi as●erunt Purgato●um An●brol. in Psal. 36 Gladium evagin●runt peccatores] Sal●i erin●us, quasi per ignem] Etsi non exuremur, tamen uremur, quomodo alij remaneant in igne. alij peri●ansear. etc. Bellar lib 1. Purg. cap. ●. §. Deinde. 〈…〉 § Ambro●ius. ● dit. Ingol●●ad. 1587. confuted by Senensi●: Ambrose consentire videtur Origeni, dicenti (speaking of this place) omnes homines, excepto Christo, urendos igne conflagrationis mundanae in die judicij. Senens. Biblioth. lib. 5. Annst. 171. The second Ob. Vide Ambrosium serm 20. in Psalm. 118. Bellarm quo supra §. Ambrose. Consuted by himself: Ambrose hoc posteriore loco (speaking of the Psal. 118.) videtur per ignem non intelligere Purgatorium. Bellar. de Purg. lib. 2 cap. 1. § Add. 2. He urgeth Hilary also, Inter apertissima loca, Hilar. in Psal. 118. in illud [Concupivit animainea desiderare judicia justitiae tuae.] Nobis (inquit) est ille indefessus ignis obeundus, in quo subeunda sunt gravia illa expiandae animae à peccatis supplicia Bellar. pomell 1. de Purg. cap. 6. § Hilarius. Again, Hilarius in Psal 118. in illa verba, Concupivit anima, &c ubi insinuat etiam B. Mariam transire debuisse per illum ignem. Ib. lib. 2. c. 1. §. Idem videtur. Again, Aliqui (amongst whom he citeth Hilary) videntur non intellige●e ignem Purgatorium, ut (answering to the place above mentioned) ●●ilarius. Ibid. §. Add. 3. Ob. Origen hom. 6. in Exod Saluus sit, si quid fortè de specio plumbi habet admixium. Bellarm. d● Purg. lib. 1. ca 6 §. Deinde. Consuted by Senensis: ●oquitur Origenes de igne conslagrationis mundanae in die judicij Hilarius etiam idem cum Ambrosio Origenem secutu● Senensis quo supra, l. ● 171. Ob 4. Basil. in Esa. 9 Quod depa●eatur & devoret ignis Purgatorius. Bellar. quo suprà. Consuted, Eòdem (namely, to the fire of the last judgement) videntur pertinere, quae Basili●s in 9 & 4 cap. Haiae Sixtus Senensis quo suprà. Ob. 5. Lactantius lib 7 cap. 21. Perstringentur i●ne atque comburentur Bellar. quo supra. Consuted by the jesuit Suarez: Lactantius, lib 7 c. 21. Perstringentur, inquit, etc. Loquitur de ●ss qui in ●esurrectione sunt igni tradend●. Suarez Ies. in part. 3. Thom. q. 59 art. 6. lisp. 57 secls. 1. And against, Lactamius loquitur d● igne examinationis Senensis quo sup. Ob. 6. Hi●ronymus in fine comment in Isa. Quotum opera in igne probanda 〈…〉 suprà, Consuted, Ad eandem opinionem (speaking of the Fire of the last day) appar●t allusisse Hi●ronymum. S●n 〈…〉 supra. Bellarmine (as namely Ambrose, Hilary, Origen, Basil, Lactantius, Jerome) for proof of the Romish Purgatory, being examined by their own most judicious Doctors, from the plain contexts of the very same objected testimonies, do speak (as our marginal notes do prove) only of the fire of the day of general judgement: and therefore (according to the exact consequent which their own Cardinal Bellarmine himself hath already delivered) concern nothing this question of Romish Purgatory. 28 Let us adjoin hereunto another observation, which their learned jesuit c Hoc errore putant niti sententiam Lactantij, nimirùm, animas ho●●num non iudica●● in mort●, ne● p●aemium, nec poenam ●ecipere, sed reseruari in abditis recepta●ulis usque ad universal judicial; 〈◊〉 quo satis consequenter dicunt, si●ut non accipiunt homines ultimum praemium aut poenam, ita neque etiam purg●●, dence sit fact● generalis res●rrectio & judicium: ex quo satis consequentèr dicere potuerunt, purgandos este homines igne con●●igrationis atque hoc 〈◊〉 do procedit Lactantius Suarez Ies. in part. 3. Thom. q. 59 trt. 6. disp. 57 §. 1. p. 1159. Suares supplieth about the place, rest, and refreshing of souls departed: which doth by sufficient consequent (saith Suares) take away the row doctrine of Purgatory: whereof many Fathers (cited by their learned d Now concerning the●●, in on of Abdella ta receptacula. & promptuaria animarum Sanctorum ante diem judicij, 〈…〉: Nomini● inquit) ante dieni judicij, ex his quae in vita gessit praemium redditur. Next Tertull●●●, Orig●n, Lactantius, Victori●●s' Ma●t●r, Pr●dentius, Arethas, ●uthymius, Bernard: concerning these and some others, he thus determineth: Quod siqua sunt sanctorum authorum dicta, quae neque ant huiusmodi interpretationem pat●: memineris saltem hunc errorem nihil officere e●uditioni & pretati tam illustrium Patrum, cùm Ecclesia illorum temporum nondùm aliquid certi de lin● Ar●iculo statins●e●. credendum. Sixtus Senens. Bibl. lib. 6. Annot. 345. excusing Ambrose, Augustine, and chrusostom: but not any of the above mentioned. Senensis) were partakers; and must by the former confessed consequence disappoint our Adversaries of their pretended patronage of many Fathers, for their now professed doctrine of Purgatory. 29 Finally, how shall we think that to have been an ancient and Catholic Article of faith, whereof it was lawful for e Tale aliquid etiam post hanc vitam fieri incredibile non est & utrum ita sit, quae●i potest, & aut inveniri, aut laterc: nonnullos fideles per ignem quendam Purgatorium, quantò magis minusuè bona pereuntia dilexerunt, tantò tardiùs 〈◊〉 la●ua●●. Aug●st. ●nchirid. cap 69. & lib. de octo quaest. Dulcitij. q. 1. Sive ergo in hac vita tantùm homines ista patiuntu●, sive ●tiam post hanc vitamtalia quaedam judicia subsequuntur ●on abhorrct, quantum arbitror, à ratione veritati● iste intellectus luinis lententiae. August. lib. de file & operibus, cap 16. Post istius sanè corporis mortem, donec ad illum ven●●tur, qui post re●●iectionem corporum futurus est damnationis & remunerationis dies ultimus: si hoc temporis inter●allo spiritus defu●ctorum e●u●modi ignem dicuntur perpeti, quem non sentiant illi, qui non habuerunt tales mores & amores in h●nus corporis vita, ut eorum ligna, foenum, & stipula consumatur: alij verò sentiant, qui eiusmodi secum aedificia portaverunt, siuè ibi rantum, siuè hic & ibi, siuè ideò hic, ut non ibi secularia, quamuis à damn●tione venialia, concremantem ignem transitoriae tribulationis inveniant, non redarguo, quia for sitan verum. lib. 21. de C●uitate Dei, cap. 26. S. Augustine 400. years such kind of revelations, doth give us cause to observe in him a deep plunge into superstition. Our last answer shall be unfolded in this last examination, Whether the Romanists do altogether consent unto the judgement of S. Gregory in this question of Purgatory. SECT. 18. 34 There is a story mentioned by Bede concerning an apparition of a ghost, reporting (as Cardinal a Narrat Beda lib. 5. h●st. ca 13. Visionem probabilem, cui ip●e fidem adhibere non dubitavit: fuit autem illi oftensum, cuidam animae, quae ad corpus post à redijt, praeter infernum & purgatorium, & regnum coelotum, quoddam quasi pratum fuisse florent●●●mum, lucidi●ssimun, odoratum, amoenum, in quo degebant animae. quae nihil patiebantur, sed tamen ibi ma●ebant, quia nondum idone● erant vision● be●tae. Cui Revelations multas alias conforms adducit Dionysius Carthusianus in Dialogo de judicio peculiart. art. 31. & Greg. l. 4. Dial. ca 36. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Purgat. cap. 7. §. Quantum. Bellarmine witnesseth) that he discovered an infernal place, wherein there dwelled souls, which suffered no pain, etc. Like stories unto this are published by Dionysius Carthusianus, and S. Gregory. All of them giving credit unto fancies in these kinds. Whereupon their jesuits have passed their censure; first Cardinal b Non est improbabile talem aliquem locum repe●iri; etsi enim ibi nulla sit poena sensus, est tamen poena damni: poena autem non convenit nisi animae, quae nondum plene purgata est: itaque erit locus ille mitissimum Purgatorium, & carcer quasi senatorius atque honoratus. Bellar. ibid. §. Videtur. Bellarmine: It is not improbable (saith he) but that there is some such pleasant and honourable prison: but their jesuit c Ha' revelationes Bedae & Carthusiani, nisi metaphoram aliquam contineant, mihi non faciunt fidem. Suarez Ies. tom. 4. in Thom. disp. 46. §. 4. num. 9 & §. 1. num. 12. & 13. Suares; Except these revelations of Beda and Carthusian, (saith he) be metaphorically interpreted, I cannot believe them. Now it is d This he speaks of the story of Bede and Carthusianus: whereunto the Dialogue of S. Gregory (saith Bellarmine) is consonant. Nay whosoever shall read that Dialogue, he shall perceive that Bellarmine did more honour the judgement of S. Gregory in not repeating it, than he could dishonour him in not believing it. certain that these Revelations are by the above named Authors as historically related, as they are wished by this jesuit to be metaphorically interpreted: wherein we may perceive a new doctrine concerning the residence of souls, discovered by the intelligence of walking ghosts, whereunto Bede, Carthusian, and S. Gregory yield a full assent; which notwithstanding their Cardinal Bellarmine dare believe but only in a probability: their jesuit dare not believe them at all in the literal sense. 35 What our Apologists would resolve upon this case, may be pertinently demanded; for if they say that unto S. Gregory, as unto the successor of S. Peter, were the keys of all the prisons of Purgatory committed, and therefore his judgement in the case of souls must be esteemed infallible: how shall they excuse these their own Doctors, who have either not fully believed, or else fully not believed such conceits: but if they shall justify these their Authors, then may they not envy in Protestants the like liberty of dissenting from the opinion of S. Gregory. 36 Lastly, the principal cause why the Romanists have set up their furnace of Purgatory fire, and caused it to burn as furiously as hell ( e Poena illa, quae luenda restat post culpae remissionem, est illa ipsa poena sensus quam peccator pati debuisset in gehenna, rem●t● solum aeternitate. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Poenit. cap. 1. §. Quod si. except only that it is not eternal) for the tormenting of the servants of God for f Catholica sententia est, Purgatorium esse pro ijs tantùm, qui cum venialibus culpis moriuntur, & pro ijs, qui cum reatu poenae culpis tam remissis. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Purgat. cap. 1. in fine. Vel propter satisfactionem pro mortalibus remissis non plenè expletam. Ibid. lib. 1. cap. 3. §. Hine. venial sin, is the point which they lay thus for the ground of all this doctrine, to wit, g Catholici summo consensu docent, post remissam culpam saepè manner reatum poenae temporalis. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Poenit. cap. 2. God forgiving the guilt of sin, doth notwithstanding inflict upon his servants a temporal torment. This h Prima no st● controu●rsia est, an remis● à cul●a remand at 〈…〉 poenae temporalis. Conuen unt Aduersarij de r●atu poenae alterius u●tae, n●l●um hu●●smodi re●t●m reman●re, caue de 〈◊〉 omnes 〈…〉 conteneu Purg●tori●m & ●uss●agia, atque indulgenuas pro de●unctis n●gi●t Bellar. ibid. 〈…〉. all Protestants condemn as derogatory unto God's justice: and not agreeable unto the doctrine of S. Gregory, who never feigned the sin pardonable in any party who was punished. jointly observable is the only matter of Purgatory, which S. Gregory believed, as i Sed pro qui●u●dam levibus culpis ante iudi●tum ignis Purgatorius credendus est: sed tamen, hoc, ut dixi, de parvis minimisue peccatis fieri posse credendum est, sicut est ociosus sermo. immoderatus risus. Greg. Dial. lib. 4. c. ●9. light sins, idle speech, immoderate laughter: whereof he saith, [sed tamen hoc de parvis:] plainly signifying, that except it were for such light faults, no infernal Purgatory were to be believed, and therefore conceived there of as of a lighter punishment. But the now Romish faith teacheth the cause of Purgatory scorch to be k Catholica sent●ntia est, Purgatorium esse pro ij● tantùm, qui cum veta●libus culpis not●●ntur, & pro ijs qui cum reatu ●oenae, culpis tam rem●ssis ●ib. 2. de Purg. cap. 1. fine. Propter satisfactionem pro mortalibus remissis non plen● explet●m. lib. 1. cap 3. ● Hinc. Of those Macchabees who died guilty of the Anathemata, 2. Machab. 12 Ceriè si hoc mortale 〈◊〉, dico 〈◊〉 illos dol●●sse de peccato in articulo mortis, & quoad culpam remissum illis suisse. Bellar. l. 1. de Purg. c. 2. §. Ad quintum. for a satisfaction of the punishment of mortal, & ventall sins also. Among venial sins, they reckon up l Non bené sanctificare Sabbatum. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. c. 25. no well keeping of the Sabbath: m Conuitium aliquod ex troth, ●nam cum deliberatione iniectum. Ib. lib. 5 cap. 9 reviling men in anger; yea though with deliberation: n Ex animi passione volitio vindictae. Ib. lib. 3. cap. 1. a desire of revenge upon a sudden passion, o Officiosum mendacium Ibid. pag. 892. officious lying, and p Stultiloquium, scurrilitas. Stepleton. Doctrine. Princip. lib. 3. cap. 7. scurrilous speaking. Which sins S. Gregory never did, nor any regenerate soul can possibly accounted in their own nature, venial. This argueth that S. Gregory held but half of their faith. We forbear to mention another sin, which they weigh in venial weights (not to be once named amongst Christians, and the heathen themselves do condemn it) which they call * See hereafter, but under a 〈◊〉, in the question of single life of the Clergy. venial. As if they did profess, that Purgatory torment were not to be believed, except these kind of sins (which S. Gregory excluded from thence) were fuel for that flame. 37 All these premises rightly pondered, as namely, how for proof of this doctrine both divine Scriptures have been tortured, and the testimonies of Fathers perverted, amongst whom this Romish doctrine obtained neither a generality of profession, nor certainty of faith; how their last, yea and chiefest hold is Revelations (the great motive unto S. Gregory his Credo) from the spirits of the dead, which by ancient Fathers have been judged, sometimes damnable, always dangerous, as the experience of diverse Romanists hath also confirmed, some of them judging S. Gregory too credulous of such fancies, and forbidding us to follow him in such his reproovable speculations; and lastly, he himself challenging us to accord unto that fundamental hold of the Primitive faith, which he professed, saying that * See hereafter, Chap. 5. §. 1. lit. f. No doctrine may be thought necessary to be believed, but that which is grounded upon Scripture; we may rightly disclaim their Purgatory, and so pass to such point, which our Adversaries make to be consequents thereof, which are Prayer for the dead, Indulgences, and Satisfaction. And first Of Indulgences, and Prayer for the dead. SECT. 19 38 These being (by the now Romish doctrine) the imagined sparks of their fire of Purgatory, now already confuted, may without further trial be thought to vanish together with their cause: yet jest our Reader may further scrupulize and doubt, we willingly tender unto him a satisfaction also in this point. Only that we may free him from a double trouble, we reserve the question of Prayer for the dead unto his more * See hereafter in this question, where it is objected out ●f the ●atherss. l. 3●. 8. proper place, and in the interim inquire only (because it is no where else objected) first, Concerning the antiquity of Romish Indulgences: from the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 20. 39 The testimony objected out of Doctor a Ex quibus quid aliud quaesitum est, qu●m ut Indulgentiae, Monachatus, Papatus, reliquumque superstitionis chaos extruatur. Humphrey. These words are objected by the Apologist. pag. 3. lit. ●● not affirming that S. Gregory taught the now Romish Indulgences, the n●w Romish Popery, the 〈◊〉 Romish Monkery, etc. 〈…〉 S. Gregory ●aught (amongst others, Purgatory) the succeeding ages did extract their now conceits of Indulgences 〈…〉. Humphrey doth not prove (which is the Apologists pretence) that S. Gregory taught the Romish Indulgences: which is so impossible to be evinccd out of the volumes of S. Gregory, that Cardinal b S●●●tum Gregorium Indulgentias in diebus stationum populo concessisse, testantur gra●●dum Authores S. Thomas. & Gul●elinus Altisiodorensis Bellar. lib 1. de indulge. c. 3. §. Post illa. As for the station, 〈…〉 proof. Bellarmine being destitute of that evidence, is glad to borrow supply from the later testimonies of Schoolmen. When we desire to know the antiquity of this Article, their own learned Authors do plainly confess, first, that c De his nihil express habemus, nec in Scriptus is, nec ex dictis antiquorum Doctorum. Ant●n. part. 1. Sum. t●t. 10. cap. 3. Chemnisius produceth the like testimony of Magister Angelus, and Sylvester Pre●●as● which Bellarmine in confutat. ●n of Chemnisius his testimonies, lib. 2. de indulge. cap. 17 doth quite and quietly ●mit. there is not found any one express testimony for proof hereof either in Scriptures, or in the writings of ancient Fathers: secondly, that d Quis iam mi●a●● potest, quòd in principio nascentis ●cclesiae nullus fuit Indulgentiarum usus? Roffe●san Art 18. Luther. there was no use of them in the Primitive Church: but that afterwards e Coeperunt Indulgentiae. po●●q●am ad Pa●gatorij cruciatus aliquandiu trepidatum est. Idem ibid. the fear of Purgatory hatched Indulgences: thirdly, that f Bonifacius oct●●us primus in P●rgatorium extendit Indulgentias. Agrippa de Vanit. Scient. cap. 61. the first who extended Indulgences unto Purgatory, was (Anno Dom. 1300.) Pope Boniface the eight. Fourthly, that g Ob. 1. Institutum Indulgentiarum ●em novam esse; cuius neque in S. Scriptura, neque in veterum scriptis ante Alexandrum tertium, memoria extat: id●ue quosdam scholasticos & alios Catholicos consiteri. Quinimo neque Gratianum in Decret. neque M. Sentent. qui abhinc annis circiter 40●. scripserunt, mentionem Indulgentiarum fecisse. Respondeo, ●em q. Indulgentiarum & in S. S●riptura, & in veterum scriptis contineri, ut ostendimus, quamuis non ita expressè ipsum Indulgentiae nomen. Et quod non ●ta apertè, frequentèr, & in specie res etiam ipsa Indulgentiarum à veteribus commemoretur, causa fuit usus poenitentiae seve●ioris, quae temporibus illis mult●m vigebat, ita ut non esset magnopere necessarium, beneficio Indulgentiarum uti: Poste● verò decrescente illo ●eruore poenitentiae, illarum usus increbescere coepit. Gratianus autem & Magister satis esse putârunt de ipsa authoritate remittendi peccata agere, ad quam Indulgentia tanquam unus q. particularis usus ●ius. revocatur: prae●ertim cùm ante ipsorum tempora non fuerit e●usmodi usus in Eccl●sia frequens. Denique Doctores Catholici minime putant Indulgentias nullo modo probari posse ex S. Scriptura, sed non posse satis evidenter & expressè probari. Quanquam non moramur siquid illorum aliqui plusquam oportuit concesserint hac in part Aduersarijs, ut fecit sanè Roffensis Art 18. Greg. de Valent. I●suita. lib. de Indulgent. cap. 4. In the days of ancient Fathers (saith their jesuit) there was a more strict discipline used in the Church, when there was not so great need of Indulgences; but after that the heat of penance did decrease, the use of them grew frequent (to wit) after the days of Lombard and Gratian, which was about 1200. years after Christ. This may satisfy for the discovery of the novelty of these Pardons. It will be no lost labour to display likewise The uncertainty of the doctrine of Romish Indulgences, from their own witnesses. SECT. 21. 40 Our learned a Extare the●●urum aliqué in ●c●esia, qui sit Indulgentiarum fundamentum. Bellar. ●●. 1. de indulge. cap. 2. in argumento 〈◊〉. Rectè Clemens ●. Pontifex in Constitut. Extravag quae incipit, Vingetutus. Tit. de Poe●●ten●ijs & Re●●ss●o●●bus, declaravit extare in ecclesia the●aurum spiritualem ex passionibus Christ's. & Sanctorum omnium conflatum. etc. ●●●lar. ib. cap. in ●ine. Adversaries imagine from the doctrine of Pope Clement the sixt, that there is in the custody of the Church a spiritual treasury mixed of the passions of Christ, and of the holy Saints. This (saith their Cardinal Bellarmine) is the foundation of Indulgences. b Non defuerunt ex antiquis Theologis Scholasticis, qui t● m●●si Indulgentias ad● itterent, tamen de thesauro dub●tarent: nam ●ranciscus Maior in Sent. dist. 19 cue 2. The●au●um satisfactionum Christi superfluent●●●●● apud ●cclesiam reconditarum in dubium revoca●●t. Durandus verò in 4. dist. 2. cue 3. in quaestione verti●, an ad hunc thesaurum pertinerét satisfactiones 〈◊〉 (A●●ing) Vterque par●tus erat judicio ●cclesiae acquiescere, si fortè alitèr saperet Bellar. lib. 1 de indulge ca 2 §. Quod igitur. Yet (saith he) Mayor and Durand two ancient Divines did doubt of the truth of this treasury. But he answereth for them, that they were ready to submit temselues unto the judgement of the Church, if peradventure it thought otherwise. Be this granted, yet we hence may perce●●e that in their time the judgement of the Church of Rome concerning this spiritual treasury, did stand only upon peradventure. So shallow and rotten this foundation of their Indulgences may appear to be, which c De 〈…〉 Petrus Paludanus in 4. D. 20. q. 4 existimate 〈◊〉 ●am per indulgentiam. A little 〈…〉. some would have to free the penitent even from the guilt of ventall sin: which opinion is rejected by d Non 〈…〉, nec laethalis, nec ventalis. Bellar. lib 1. de indulge. cap. 7. §. P●●ma Propositio. others. 41 Again, an Indulgence or pardon Ecclesiastical, which is a relaxation of punishment imposed upon public offenders, the Fathers practised, and Protestants do approve: but such a virtue hereof, which may satisfactorily acquit men before God, they utterly renounce. This, we wish, may be determined by the Romish Schools: e ●ndulgentiae liberant homines a reatu poenae, non solùm coram Ecclesia, sed etiam coram Deo. Haec propositio nega●atur (speaking of 〈…〉▪ ●●onnallis— Eadem hoc tempore negatur a ●u●hero, & Calu●●o, qui docent Indulgentia apud veteres ●●●sse nihil aliud in ●e nisi rel●xationem mulctae, quam ecclesia ipsa impe●au●rat, non ut per ca● satisfac●●et Deo, sed (exem●li cau●●, 〈…〉 ●●●lli●erent illum, qui hanc poe●am luebat, ver● resipuisse. Ft quidem ●duersus Catholico● minus rectè ●en●●entes probatur nostra propositio. Bellar. ibid. cap. 7. §. 4. Propositio. There followeth upon this a third contradiction, which we 〈◊〉 as l●sse material. Cúm sine me●tione miunctarum poe●itentiarum Indulgently conc●duntur▪ intelligendum est condona●● omnes poenitentias sive ●●●nctae fue●●nt, sive ●●ung● potu●●nt. Haec prop●●itus est adversus graves authores. Ibid. ●. 8. §. 6. Con●lasio. Some Catholics (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) deny, that by Indulgences we have freedom from punishment in respect of God, but yet I will prove (saith he) that they are deceived. This is a fundamental point in the question of Romish Indulgences: and yet what security is there in this doctrine, wherein their learned Doctors might be thus deceived? 42 Next, because Indulgence is in their doctrine a remission of some acts of Penance, and cannot be applied without just cause, we would know whether that f Quaestio est an ad iustam causam (〈…〉) ●equ●●●tur proportio aliqua ope●is iniuncti cum indulgentia, ita ut pro maiori indulgentia maior cau●a requiratur: an verò poss●t pro 〈◊〉 opere indulgentia maxima 〈◊〉. upon the lest cause there may be justly granted the greatest pardon; as (for example) a plenary Indulgence unto people for standing on Easter-day at S. Peter's Church door, whilst the Pope doth solemnly pass by, and blesseth them: as hath been practised. Here their Doctors are divided, g Alij (re●●●ning eight) docent non requiri proportionem u●●a●, sed satis esse, si caus● p●a sit.— Ratio hutus opinionis est. q●●a videmus interdum pro causa leviss●ma 〈…〉 indulgentias: at cùm datur Indulgentia plenatia omnibus, qui ante fores Basili●ae S. Petra astant, dum summus Pótitex in die Paschae populo solenn●●er ben● dicht: alloquy populus à Pastoribus gravitèr deciperctur, etc. eight against h Posterior est sententia aliorum (accounting fourteen) qui contendunt requi●● ad iustam cau●am, ut opus proportionem habeat cum Indulgentia:— alioqui infidelis esset dispen●ator. Bellar ●●. cap. 12. §. Tertiò convenit. fourteen. 43 The i S● tollas Purgatorium, quorsum Indulgentijs est opus? Roffens. art. 18. As it is also 〈…〉. lib. ●. cap. 1. principal matter is, whether these pardons given upon earth example for their edification, but also for their satisfaction, redeeming them from temporal punishment: which their now doctrine, as their own authors have judged to be but * See before. new, so think we it to be sacrilegious; because hereby is mingled (in the power of satisfaction) the polluted blood and suffering of men with the immaculate blood of the Lamb jesus Christ. A doctrine so harsh and hateful in the ears of true Christians, that their own disciples, even the b Non defuerunt aliqui ex recentioribus, q●i docerent passiones Sanctorum non ita applica●i nobis, ●t sint iustae satisfactiones. Et quidam Lovanienses tenuerunt, solius Christi satisfactionibus remissam poenam temporalem: sed eam damnavit P●us 5. Bellar. lib. 1 de In sul. cap. 4. Divines of Lovane, and others (as Cardinal Bellarmine witnesseth of them) have certainly defended, that the sufferings of Saints cannot be true satisfactions, but that our punishments are remitted only by the personal satisfactions of Christ. But we must consult with S. Gregory for the confutation of their * It is verbal and deceitful, by reason of a false Index, whereunto the Apologists have referred us, as though the Centurists had reproved S. Gregotie in this point, when as there is not any such taxation to be found. verbal objection. c Ipsa Redemptoris nostri passio long à nostra passione disiuncta est; quoniam ipse sine culpa pertulit, quod nos cum culpa toleramus. Greg. in evang. h●mil. 22. agreeable to that of S. Augustine. He taught, that the suffering of our Redeemer is herein distinguished from the sufferings of all others, because Christ suffered without sin, and all men suffer with sin. Which one sentence (being agreeable unto S. Augustine, saying, that d Christus suscipiendo poenam, & non suscipiendo culpam, & culpam delevit & poenam. Ser. 13. de verbis Dom. T●m. 4. pag. 1846. Christ by sustaining our punishment without our guilt, did cancel both our guilt and punishment,) is able alone to overthrow the whole frame of Indulgence towards the dead by the satisfactions of the living; because the Romish foundation of this doctrine is only to think, that e Indulgentia est relaxatio poenae temporalis post remissam culpam debitae. Gregor. Valent. jeso God remitteth the guilt of such as are in Purgatory, and yet exacteth of them a temporal punishment. Thus much concerning one man's satisfaction in behalf of others. 48 But jest our obiectors may by the word Satisfaction, intent also that Satisfaction which they will have man after confession to perform for himself, not unto man (which all Christians do hold to be necessary) but unto God: we are therefore again to advise with S. Gregory, who indeed requireth that after man hath confessed his sins, he should f Tertia species, id est, vindicta, quasi medicina necessaria est, ut Apostema reatus quod conuersione compungitur, confitendo purgetur, afflictionisue medicina sanetur: tum namque benè conversum peccatorem cernimus, dum digna afflictionis austeritate delere nititur, quod loquendo confitetur. Greg. l. 6 in 15. cap. 1. Reg. cap. 24. 282. take revenge of himself by penitential exercises: comparing the sinful condition of man to an imposthume, in the cure whereof contrition and sorrow is the first pricking and lancing of the sore; confession of it is, as it were, the venting of the putrefied corruption, and cleansing of the wounds; and lastly our revenges taken upon ourselves, and voluntary satisfactions, our weeping, fasting, prayers, alms, are the means not only of entreating pardon, but of eating out the dead flesh, and the final and perfect healing of the imposthume, that it break forth no more. All which do confirm not any legal, but only a medicinal satisfaction, whereby the sinner is better disposed, and by repentance is made more capable of grace, but no meritorious cause thereof. Contrariwise their Cardinal g Possumus aliquo modo ex proptijs & ad aequalitatem, ac per hoc justè & ex condigno satisfacere. Bellar. lib 4. de Poenit. cap. 7. § Illud tamen. Bellarmine thus defineth: In some sort (saith he) our own act, whereby we may after satisfy according to the measure of equality, by the merit of condignity. Which is a doctrine far degenerate from the ancient faith of S. Gregory, h justus Aduocatus noster justos nos defendet in judicio, quia nosmetipsos & cognoscimus, & accusamus iniustos. Non ergo in fletibus, non in actibus nostris, sed in Aduocati nostri allegatione confidamus. Greg. in Ezec. homil. 7. in fine. who professed that, just men are defended by our just Advocate Christ jesus, because they accuse themselves, and confess that they are unjust, and therefore are to have no confidence in their own tears or acts, but in the intercession of Christ. To conclude therefore, that although the acts of repentance & mortification may be called Satisfactions, by way of complacency & acceptance by the grace and favour of God, who delighteth in such incense, the first-fruits of repentance: yet are they so far from the nature and virtue of condign merit, and proper satisfaction, that not only their own * See before in this section, num. 47. lit. b. Doctors of Louvain have generally denied any acts of man to be properly satisfactory, but that S. Gregory also hath judged man's best actions to be i Das●●mulands' sunt quae exterius favent, reprimenda quae interius perstrepunt, declinanda quae quasi necessaria involuunt: & tamen in his omnibus adhuc districti examinis flagella metuenda: quia & ipsa nostra persectio culp â ●on caret, nisi hanc severus index in subtili lance examinis misericorditer penset. Greg. Mor. lib. 5. cap. 8. fol. 27 Quantálibet justitia poll●ant, neq iaquam sibi ad innocentiam vel electi sufficiunt, si in judicio dist●ict● requirantur: sed ho● nunc ad solatium suae creptionis in●eniunt, quod nequaquam se posse sufficere humiliter sciunt: sub humilitatis ergo tegmined gladio se tantae animaduersionis abscondunt, & quo terrorem venturi ludicis praestolantes continuo timore trepidant, eo indefinenter agitur, ut paratiores siant. Greg. Moral. lib. 8. cap. 23 fol. 51. Sanctus autem vir, qui omne virtutis nostrae meritum vitium esse conspicit, si ab interno abitro districtè iudicetur, rectè subiungit [si volverit contendere cùm eo, non potest responderi unum pro mill.] Moral lib. 9 cap. 1. fol. 55. unperfect, and polluted with sin; yea and that the virtue of holy men is but vice, so that if they be weighed in the balance of God's strict justice, they are unable to stand in his terrible presence. As yet therefore in these particulars of Indulgences and Satisfaction, we have S. Gregory an adversary unto the now Romish faith. We leave the state of those Saints, whom our Adversaries will suppose to be in hellish torments, and come to behold the state of such Saints, whom we hope to be inhabitants in heaven: and answer unto the objection concerning The now Romish doctrine of Invocation of the Saints in heaven. SECT. 24. 49 The patriarchs of the old Testament, Abraham, Isaac, and jacob were the beloved of God, and in the covenant of Grace; yet notwithstanding, there is not read (saith Cardinal a Non legitur solitum esse ante Christi adventum Sanctos invocar●. Bellar. lib. 1. de Eccles. triumph. cap. 6. Bellarmine) that before the coming of Christ there was any custom of invocating or calling upon those Saints. And again, another learned b Quod aliquis directè oraverit Sanctos defunctos, ut se adiwarent, vel prose orarent nusquam legimus; hic enim modus orandi est proprius legis gratiae. Suarez Ies. Tom. 2. in 3. T●om. q. 52. disp. 42. sect. 1. pag. 760. jesuit, There is not in all the book of God (meaning the old Testament) an example of any one, who ever directly prayed unto any Saint for help by their prayers. But the people of God in the old Testament (notwithstanding there were then an holy communion between the dead and the living, as divers members of one body) did for many thousand years together, without mediation of Saints departed, only in the faith of our * The La● be slain from the beginning. Apoc. 13. vers. 8. Messiah jesus, present their petitions unto God, and found acceptance. 50 Again, sometime after the ascension of our Saviour into heaven, it was not learned or practised of the first converts unto the faith of Christianity: for c Duium esset id ludaei● praecipere, & occasio daretur Gentibus putandi sibi exhibitos multos deos pro multitudine deorum, quos relinquebant. Quantum ad verbo & ore traditam doctrinam, non est dubium, quin Ecclesijs Apostoli eam tradiderint. Salmeron Ies. in 1. Tim. 2. disp. 8. §. Postremò. it had been then (saith their jesuit) offensive unto the jews, & an occasion of error unto the converted Gentiles. And yet even at that time many souls of blessed Saints (by their own doctrine) did enter with Christ the king of glory, into those everlasting doors of blessedness. We need not therefore be greatly moved with the contrary doctrine of S. Gregory, whom their own Doctors have noted to have been too much addicted unto superstitions. Nevertheless as we find in him very rarely any prayer unto Saints, so unto the Virgin Marie not any one; which we may conjecture he would not have pretermitted, if he had constantly believed, the bessed Virgin to be (according to the now Roman faith) the d Constituta est B. Virgo super omnem creaturam, & quicunq●e jesus curuat genu, matri quoque pronus supplicat, & filij gloriam cum matre non tam communem judico quàm candem: Which are the words of Arnoldus Carnot. tract. de laudib. Virg. and thus commended by Viega. Egregiè expendit, etc. And, Locus hic notandus est. Viega Ies. come in Apoc. 12. sect. 2. num. 3. ●●●gdum 1602. Prince of all creatures, to whom every one must make supplication, whosoever bendeth his knee unto Christ, with whom the glory is common if not the same. Therefore we yield rather unto S. Gregory, where he layeth for an immovable ground of faith the sufficiency of Scripture, saying that nothing is to be admitted for necessary doctrine, which is not founded upon Scripture. And thus by S. Gregory his ancient doctrine we are freed from those later inventions: whereof we are to * See hereafter, in the question of Invocation, where it is objected out of the Fathers. speak more at large, where it is more instantly urged against us. The next particulars are touching external worship; and the question is Whether S. Gregory taught the now Romish doctrine of the worshipping of Images and Relics. SECT. 25. 51 The last point objected out of Osiander, is the worshipping of Images, who was moved (as it may seem) to censure S. Gregory herein, by the reprehension which S. Gregory used against Serenus Bishop of Massilia, for breaking down the pictures which he saw abused by Idolatry. a Perlatum est ad nos, quod inconsiderato zelo succensus, Sanctorun imagines sub hac quasi excusatione, ne adorari debuislent, confregeris. Et quidem q●ia cas adotari ●●tui●●es, omnino lauda●●mu●, fregisse vero reprehendi●●is: aliud est enim picturam ador●re, aliud per picturae historiam quid sit adorandum addiscere: nam quod legentibus Scriptura, hoc idiotis praestat pictura cernentibus Greg. lib. 〈…〉. 9 Indict. ●. For though you did well (saith S. Gregory unto that Bishop) in forbidding the adoration of them: yet it was inconsiderate Zeal in you to break down those historical pictures, which are set up only for the instruction of the ignorant, and not for adoration. So that we see b De his pictutis quae fuctir mens & sententia Romanae ●cclesiae adhucaetate Gregorij, satis ex eius scriptis manifestum est, videlicet ideò haben picturas, non quidem ut colantur & adorentur, sed ut imperitipicturis inspiciendis haud aliter ac literis legendis rerum gestarum admonerentur, & ad pietatem incitarentur. Cassander. lib. Consult. Art 21. de cu●tu Imag. §. De Imaginibus. pag. 155. Coloniae 15●7. the Church of Rome in the days of S. Gregory (as their learned Cassander witnesseth, and S. Gregory his own c See above, the letter 2. And again, Si quis facere Imagines volverit, minimè prohibe, adorare verò Imagines omnibus modis devit●. Sed hoc sollicitè admoneas, ut ex visione rei gestae ardorem compunctioni● percipiant, & in adoratione solius Trimtatis humiliter prosternatur. Id●m ibid. Aliud est picturam adorare, aliud per picturae historiam quid sit adorandum addiscere. Greg. lib. 9 epist. cap. 9 writings do show) did allow of such pictures as historical monuments, whereby the unlearned might be put in remembrance of things done, but in no case suffered to worship them. Which how little it differeth from the doctrine of Protestants, their own learned d Opinio Caluim est, imagines non esse simpliciter prohibitas, sed tantum lustoricum usum adni●●tit. B●llar. lib. 2. de eccles. Triumph. cap. 8. & 10. Cardinal may witness, saying even of Master Caluine, that he doth not simply condemn the having of Images, but admitteth of them only for an historical use: that is, to this end, thereby to represent the acts of Christ, and holy Saints, and not to worship them. 52 Nevertheless, that his not suffering Images to be broken, when there was so public and general Idolatry committed with them, seemed unto our * Osiander, although not a direct, yet an occasionable approving of Idolatry, or rather a cloaking thereof: for in himself he did both account that worship Idolatry, as hath appeared, and utterly abhorred the abomination thereof. Howbeit, it had been requisite, that he had kept that rule, which his successor Pope e Si nonnulli ex praedecesso●ibus nostris fecerunt aliqua, quae illo tempore potuerunt esse sine culpa, & postea vertuntur in errorem & superstitionem, sine tarditate aliqua, & cum magna authoritate à posteris destruantur. Stephan. Papa apud Grat. dist. 63. c●p. Quia sancta. Stephen prescribed in such like cases of human inventions, to wit, If our ancestors (saith he) have done any thing which is afterwards turned into superstition, it is to be abolished without delay. Which was also the only remedy which the ancient Council of f Concilium Elibertinum imagines in templis pingi vetuit, nenipe, ut idololatrum hoc remedio extingue●ent. S●xtus Senens. Bibl. lib. 5. Annot. 247. Eliberis propounded against Idolatry, as witnesseth their Senensis. It remaineth that we show How that S. Gregory, concerning the use of Images, gain said the now Romish doctrine and practice; by the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 26. 53 Their jesuit a Constans est Theologorum sententia, imaginem eodem cultu & honore coli, quo colitur id, cuius est imago. Azor. Ies. Institut. Moral. l. 9 c. 6. §. Tota haec. Azorius, reporting the judgement of their former Schoolmen, saith, that it was their constant opinion, that Images must be worshipped with the same honour, which is due unto the person whose Image it is: which doctrine of their ancient School they have of late qualified with the term of b Bellarm. lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 21. & 22. Imagines Christi & Sanctorum venerandae sunt non solum per accider●s & impropriè, sed etiam pierce & propriè, ita ut iplae terminent venerationem ut in se con side●antur, & non solùm ut vicem gerunt exemplaris. Improperly, but in such subtle sort, that seeing their learned are scarce able to unfold this mystery, their people must needs be deeply plunged in idolatrous conceits. For which cause diverse of their own Doctors have complained, c Sunt benè multi rudiores, qui imagines colunt, non ut signa, sed perindè quasi ipsae sensum habeant, magisue eyes fidunt, quàm Christo. Polydor. Virgil. Invent. lib. 6. cap. 13. that very many of the ruder sort do worship Images idolatrously. d Manifestius hoc est, quám ut ●ultis verbis explicari possit. Cassander Consult. Art 21. A matter more notorious (saith another) than that it can be denied. e Dici non potest quanta superstitio, ne dicam, Idololatria pencs rudem & indoctam plebem alatur in imaginibus, conniventibus ad ista sacerdotibus, hinc non pa●uum lucri quaestum percipi●ntibus. Agrippa de Vanit. scient. cap. 57 ●or how can it otherwise be, when (as it is already said by a jesuite) Constans est Theologorum sententia, imaginem eodem honore & cultu honorari, quo colitur id cuius est imago. Et idem vid●●●r significare Concilium Tridentinum. Azorius Ies. Instit. Mor. lib. 9 cap. 6. §. Tota haec. And so great is the Idolatry (saith a third) and so still nourished by Images, as is wonderful. But they will say, that this was the abuse of Images: it is true: and therefore should they reform it according unto the wisdom of ancient Fathers, of whom we read, that f Imaginum cultum non modò nostrae Religionis expertes, sed (teste Hieronymo) omnes ferè veteres sancti Patres damnabant ob metum Idololatriae, quâ nullum execrabilius scelus esse potest. Polydor. Virgil. lib. 6. Invent. cap. 13. they of all vices condemned all worship of Images, even for fear of Idolatry, the most execrable vice of all. From which (if nothing else) the very jealousy of God should deter us, which cannot permit his holy ones so much as to incline unto that worship whereby they may become idolatrous, that is, g Idololatria est stuprum foedissimum, & flagitiorum ●onss. A●osta Ies. de Indorum salute. pag. 469. & 468. most filthy and adulterous. As for the judgement of S. Gregory, we find it further thus confessed, that h Certum est Gregoruim imagines probásse, non cultum. Agrippa de Vanit. cap. 70. certainly he allowed not the worship of Images. The next question hath affinity with this, viz. The now Romish use of Relics. SECT. 27. 54 The translation of Relics, and the honourable removing the bones was subject to the judicial authority of S. Gregory: and hereupon our Adversaries conclude him to be too shameless who shall deny the Pope's supremacy. Whereas the word Bizancenus (or as some read it Bizacenus) is taken from Bizatium a Province in Africa, and not Byzantium the City of Constantinople: as it is well observed in the edition of their own Canon law, set forth not long since by Pope Gregory 13. where the allowed f In I pistola Greg. 64. agitur de Primate Bizaceno provinciae Affricae non 〈◊〉 Constantinopolitano. Quod tamen videntur & Gratimus & Anselmus, apud quem 〈◊〉 modo leg●●●r, voluisse, addu●ti fortasle Summula, quae praeposita est Epistolae Gregorij. Gloss in Gratian. lit. ● Greg. ●3. Gloss saith thus; Anselme and Gratian were deceived by the title of that Epistle of S. Gregory, because there Bizancenus signifieth not the Patriarch of Constantinople, but the Primate of Africa. A truth acknowledged also by their Cardinal g Baronius anno Christi. 599. num. 4. Baronius, and after him by h Gregorius 1. anno Pontificatus 10. Primaten Africa Bizacenum de crimine accusatum iudicavit. Binius tun. 2. Council sol. 725. Concilium Biracenum in Africa erat. Binius Tom. 2. 〈◊〉 fol. ● 8. Binius: which may give us cause to suspect the truth of the Epistle, from whence notwithstanding our Adversaries have borrowed their greatest forces, and our Authors have taken the reason of their exceptions. 59 The second occasion of error is in another Epistle, wherein k Nam de Constantinopolitana Ecclesia, quis eam dubit●t Apostolica 〈◊〉 esse subiectam? quod & Dominus pijslimus Imperator, & frater noster Eusebius c●usdem sedis Episcopus assidue profitet●r. Greg. lib. 7. epist. 63. objected by Bellar. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 14. §. Item. S. Gregorte affirmeth (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) that the Church of Constantinople is subject unto the Bishop of Rome, as Eusebius the Bishop of the same Sea of Constantinople doth confess. But before they can make this Epistle pass for currant, they must first prove, that there was any Bishop of Constantinople called Eusebius, in all the days of S. Gregory, which they l That there was none of that 〈…〉, is plain by Niceph. Chron. Tripart That there were but two Bishops of that Sea, john and Cyriacus, who both 〈…〉 universal Patriarch, in opposition against Gregory, is as evident by Genebrard, Chronol. lib. 3. and by S. Gregory himself lib. 4 〈◊〉. 36. & 38. & lib. 6. epist. 31. & lib. 7. epist. 69. and by Coster. Ies. in Enchirid. de Pont. ob. 7. cannot perform; and then give some reason how the m Auul●i ● D●ocae●i Romana, jamque throno Constantinopolitano subiecti Metropolitanis, & qui subsunt eye Episcopi, sunt hi● 1. Thessalon●●ensis, 2. Syracusanus, 3. Corinthius, 4. Rheginensis, 5. Nicopolitanus, 6. Atheniensis, 7. Patrensis. ●eunclavius de 〈…〉 Rom. tom. 1. pag. 101. Francof. 1596. If that the Patriard ship of Constantinopie, and all other Metropolitans and 〈…〉 ●ad not been distinct jurisdictions from Rome, thu author would have said, that Constantinople also ●ad been pulled from Rome, as well as (for so he saith) the Bishoprics of Syracuse, Thessaly, etc. Bishoprics of Syracuse and Thessaly are said to have been pulled from Rome, and made subject unto the Patriarch of Constantinople. Therefore we rather suspect some nimble scribes, and zealous of the prerogative of the Roman Sea, to have inserted such terms of pre-eminence into these other Epistles, then that we will judge S. Gregory by the blindness of ambition to have contradicted himself. For it will appear, i Bellarm. lib. 2. de Rom. P●nt. cap. 14. §. Item. Baronius and Binius in the places above mentioned out of those words of t●at 〈◊〉, Nelcio quis non sit Ecclesiae Apostolicae subiectus. That S. Gregory was an Adversary to the now Papal claim of Supremacy, by the judgement of our Adversaries. SECT. 29. 60 That title of universal Bishop of the Church, which Cardinal Bellarmine calleth a unus restat insignis utulus, universalis Ecclesiae Episcopus, Romano Epi●copo proptius, Bellar. l. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 31. §. Primò quia. notable, and proper to the Bishop of Rome, S. Gregory sometime Bishop of Rome did renounce in himself, and detest in all others, calling it b Nomen nowm. lib. 4. epist. 32. Scelestum lib. 4. ep. 32. Quod qui tenet est praecursor Antichristi. ep. 34. Nomen singularitatis. l. 4. ep 32. Esse universalem pestem Ecclesiae, corruptionem fidei, contra Canon's, contra Petrum Apostolum, contra sensum Fuangelij, contra omnes Ecclesias, contra Deum ipsum. Nunquam pium vi●um huiusmodi titulis usum esse; Nullum praedecessorum meorum, & quicunque illo usus fuerit, esse praenuncium & praecursorem Antichristi. Lib. 4. epist. 39 & 38. & 34. a title of novelty, error, impiety, blasphemy, the universal poison of the Church; contrary to the ancient Canons, to S. Peter, to the holy Gospel, and God himself: pronouncing any one that shall presume to challenge it, to be the forerunner of Antichrist. 61 Neither yet is it consonant which their two Cardinals do oppose hereunto, saying, that c Complures reperies Praedecessores Gregorij. qui se inscriberent Episcopos universalis Ecclesiae▪— quod aequipollere videatur, cùm idem sit Catholicum quoduniversale. baronius anno Christi 595. 〈◊〉. 51. & h●llar. l. 2 de Rom. Pont. cap 32. many Pope's more ancient then S. Gregory, have been named Bishops of the Catholic (that is, universal) Church: adding, It is all one to be called universal Bishop of the Church, and to be called Bishop of the universal Church. This, we say, is false, and is therefore expressly controlled by their own Doctors, who aver that these two, d Differunt uniu●●salis Episcopus, & universalis Ecclesiae Episcopus. ●●, Exment B. ●regorij universalis Episcopus videtur caete●is omnibus Episcopis adimere authoritatem; unique soli, quicquid est omnium, tribuere; atque si reliqui Episcops unius illius forent vicarij. Paulo post: Episcopus veró universalis Ecclesiae talem dicit in omnes Christianos, & ou●s Christi curam, ut ●●ngulis tamen P●ae●u●●bus suamaneat administratio atque officium. Coster. Ies. Enchirid. Tract. de Pont. 〈◊〉. 7. & ●indanu● Panopl. li. 4. ●a 93. §. Nemini. universal Bishop of the Church, & Bishop of the universal Church are different. And it standeth with good sense, that the universal Bishop of the Church, must necessarily betoken an absolute Monarchical jurisdiction of some one over all other Bishops of the Church: but the Bishop of the Catholic or universal Church, is no more than to signify the care and study any Bishop hath for the universal good of the Church. In which respect S. Paul said of himself: * 2. Cor. 11. 28. The care of the whole Church belongeth unto me, which according to the measure of the gift of grace belongeth unto every Bishop, because e Qui vocatur ad episcopatum, ad Ecclesiae totius salutem vocatur. Origen. He that is called to a bishopric (saith Origen) is called unto the service and charge of the whole Church. For which cause it is, that the ancient Fathers, according to their exceeding care therein had, did obtain in the Church of Christ honourable titles, as 1 Augustinus à Ber●ardo validissimus malleus Haereticorum vocatur. Ca●●sius les. in princip. Cateches. in en●●mio. Augustini. Augustine, the great mall or hammer against heretics: 2 Basilius à Gregotio Nazianz dictus crat lumen orbit. Ibid. Basil, the light of the world: 3 Chrysostomus totius orbis terratum Doctor salutatur Theod hist. lib 5. cap. 32. chrusostom, the Doctor of the whole world: 4 Athanasius fuit tanquam columna Ecclesiae adversus omnes haereticos Possevinus jes. Apparat. Tit Athanasius. Athanasius, the pillar, as it were, of the Church: 5 Nazianzenus (ut habet Damascenus) a Theologia cognomen adeo traxit, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theologus diceretur. Canis●●s' encom. quo supra. Nazianzene, by a phrase of excellency, the Divine: 6 Origenes Magister Ecclesiarum. Origen, the master of the Churches: 7 Cyprianus totius orbis praeses. Hieron. de 〈…〉. Cyprian the Precedent of the whole world: And lastly, 8 Nunc Deus (inquit Basil. epist. 55. ad Ambros.) virum ex urbe regia extulit.— Ageigitur, ohomo Dei, quandoquidem te Dominus ad praesidentiam Apostolicam transtulit Canisius quo supan encomio Ambrosijs. Ambrose a man called by God unto an Apostolical presidency. Not to stand upon the weakness of Cardinal f Card Baronius, anno Christi 595 nu. 51. Baronius his consequent, saying, that these terms, Episcopus Catholicae Ecclesiae, that is, the Bishop of the Church, Catholic or universal, being joined with the word Bishop, must betoken an universal Bishop of the Church. Which argument can have no better coherence, then when * This is the ordinary title wherewith all Romanists do instile the King of Spain. they intituling the King of Spain to be the most Catholic King, or King of the Catholic Church, they would conclude him to be the universal King, and to have a sovereignty over all other Kings in the Church. 62 Again, our opinion concerning the moderation of S. Gregory his judgement, may be confirmed by the feebleness of the answer of out opposite and highly advanced g Dico, quamuis ipsi Grego●●o hic titulus conveniret, eo tamen ipse uti noluit, ut facilius comprimeret Episcopi Constantinopolitam superbiam. ●t sic manner calvini agumentum solutum. Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 31. Adversary, saying, that therefore S. Gregory would not acknowledge the name of universal Bishop, which otherwise he knew to belong unto him, for this end, that by denying his due title, he might more easily repress the insolency of john Bishop of Constantinople, who wrongfully challenged the same title unto himself. Which answer, we judge to be unworthy either the learning of the Author, or the wisdom of any judicious Reader; except a man would imagine, that any King can think it a policy to renounce his own just title of sovereignty (specially being intended to be given by Christ himself) only thereby to disable the claim of some rebel, who falsely and presumptuously usurpeth the same. So also is it utterly contrary to the disposition of S. h Humilitatem tene ●mus in ment, & tamen ordinis nostri dignitatem seruemus in honore. Greg. li. 4. ep 36. Gregory himself, who professed so far to preserve humility, as never to prejudice the right of his own Sea and dignity: and yet hath avouched of all the Bishops of the Sea of Rome before him, against the usurper of that title (john the Patriark● of Constantinople) saying, i Quid tu Christo universalis Ecclesiae capi●i in extremi iud●●●, dicturus es examine, qui cancta cius membra 〈◊〉 conaris universalis appe●latione supponere● Greg lib 4. ep. 38. non pro●●l a pr●●. ●p. Which though he wrote to john bishop of Constantinople, yet the for●e of his words and reason evidently show, that he did not 〈◊〉 him●●lfe. Nullus unqu●m praed●cc●lorun meorum, hoc tam proph into vocabulo uti co●sensit 〈…〉. 24 & 〈…〉 4. 36. None of my Predecessors ever consented to use it. Now then S. Gregory renouncing the title of universal Bishop, must be thought to have equally disclaimed the universal jurisdiction itself, the only thing properly signified thereby, foreseeing the miserable decay of his former holds. 63 But our adversaries have built a new fort of defence, against (as they think) all power of assault, by telling us that the term universal, was refused by S. Gregory only in that sense, wherein john the Patrtarke of Constantinople did abuse it, signifying such an hierarchy & pre-eminence k unus sen us est huiu● tituli, ut ille qui dicit●: universalis ●pi●copus omniam u●bium Christi marum, ita ut caeteri non sint Episcopi, sed vicarij tantum illius, & hoc modo est profanum vocabulum, ut loquitur Gregorius, etc. Bellarm. l●●. 2. the R●m. Pont. cap. 31. § Re●pondeo duobus. So also Costerus Ies. See above in the margin, at the letter, d. of universal Bishop of all Cities, as that all other Bishops should not be Bishops but only vicar's unto him: and in this sense (saith he) did S. Gregory renounce it, & pronounce it a profane and sacrilegious title. But this conceit fighteth against all light of history, which showeth, that all the Greek Bishops consented unto the universal title of john their Patriarch; which they would not have done to have made themselves only vicar's, & as it were Vassals unto one Greek B. of Const●ntinople. It is likewise contrary to the judicious acknowledgement of their own learned historians, who say of the Sea of Rome, that Boniface the third (who, next but one, succeeded S. Gregory) did obtain of Phocas the Emperor (but not without much ado) that the Sea of Rome should be called the head of all Churches, viz. the very SAME PLACE of pre-eminence, which john the Patriarch of Constantine (in the days of S. Gregory) challenged to himself. Finally, it is repugnant unto the plain confession of our m G●aeci Episcopi sedem Constantinopo itanam, non solum ad patriarchatum evehere, & edi Alexandrinae, & Antiochenae praeferre, sed etiam aequare Romanae, & universalem face●e volverunt. Bellar. lib. 2. de R●m. Pont. cap 31. §. Est autem. adversary, who (in the place alleged) granteth, that the Greek Bishops sought to advance their Patriarch of Constantinople above the Patriarch of Alexandria, and of Antioch; and by making l Bonifacius tertius, patrià Romanus, à Phoca Imperatore obtinuit, magnâ tamen contentione, ut sedes beati Petri Apostoli, quae caput est omnium Ecclesiarum, ita & diceretur, & haberetur ab omnibus: quem quidem locum Ecclesia Constantinopolitana sibi vendicare conabatur. P●atina in V●●a Bonifacij 3. ●ovan●●pud Bogar. 1572. So also Balbus. Olim Theodoricus Gottorum Rex, Italià domita & subactà, Ravennae sui regni sedem fecit, Romà Imperatorum ditioni relictâ: quibus quidem temporibus inter Antiochenam Romanamque. de ●acro●um Pontificum praerogativa graviss●ma & diuturna contentio fuit. Sed non minus, postquam Constantinus Byzantium (Constantinopolim) deduxit coloniam. de Ecclesiae primatu certatum est, quoad Bonifacius ● à Phoca Imperatore obtinu●t, magnâ tamen contentione, ut sedes B. Petri Apostoli caput, sicut est cap●t omnium Ecclesiarum, ita diceretur & haberetur ab omnibus Quem quidem locum Ecclesia Constantinopolitana vendicare con●b●tur, ple●i●que affirmantibus eò loci Ecclesiae sedem esse debere, ubi Imperij caput esset: & usque ad Phocae principatum utbem Romanam in Imperatoris potestate fuisle, ut caerera omittam, certissimum argumentum est, quod Bonifacius▪ cu●●ens eo loco. ubi Pantheonis templum vi●●batur, delubrum in honorem intemeratae Virgins ext●uere, necesse 〈…〉 ●acultatem aedificandi à Phoca Imperatore obtinere; adeò Pomifex (u●bis non tam Dominus, qu●m inquilinus) omni d●●one car●bat, ut ne sacellum quid●m unum sine Imperatoris jussu aedificare potuerit. etc. Hieron. Balbus Episcopus de 〈…〉 Imper. it universal (but only) to equal it with the Sea of Rome. So that if that sense which Cardinal Bellarmine feigned, be admitted, Pope Boniface the third, and all the successors of S. Gregory, retaining the same title in the same or rather a worse sense, are by the judgement of S. Gregory made convincible of profane, sacrilegious, and Antichristian impiety. But if the same sense cannot consist, then are our Adversaries left forlorn of all strength of resistance; because to conceive, that S. Gregory did only in humility refuse that title of universal Bishop, which he himself (as hath been showed) did abhor in another, and renounce as never due either unto his predecessors, or himself, and in detestation thereof called it impious & blasphemous; to think (as our Adversaries have answered) that he challenged and exercised the universal authority, power, and jurisdiction, doth much derogate from the admirable worthiness and sanctity of S. Gregory: because hereby they must note him (a thing very remarkable) to have been no sincere Pastor, but a profane and subtle politician, not unlike unto the first Caesar, who in history is noted to have disclaimed the title of a King, that thereby he might more plausibly and popularly execute all monarchical and kingly power and authority. 64 We might further add another testimony of S. Gregory, in whom we find that jurisdiction which he claimed, to be proportioned by the Imperial Constitutions of justinian, denying any right of appeal unto the Bishop of Rome in any diocese of other Bishops, over which there was set any Patriarch: which Constitution S. n De persona Stephani hoc attendendum est, quia nec invitus ad iudicis●trahi, nec ab Episcopis alieni concilij debuit judicari, sicut Novellarsi traditio loquitur: a●t enim, etc. Siautem à clerico aut laico quocunque aditio contra Episcopum fiat, propter quamcunque causam, apud sanctissimum eius Metropolitanum secundùm sanctas regulas & nostras leges caus● iudicetur. Et si quis iudicatis contradixer it, ad beatisses. Archiepiscopum, & Patriarcham dioecesis illius causa referatur: & ille secundùm canon's & leges huic finem praebeat. Contra haec si dictum fuerit, quod nec Metropolitanum habuit, nec Patriarcham, dicendum est, quòd à sede Apostolica, quae omnium Ecclesiarum caput est, causa audienda & dirimenda est. Greg lib. 11. epist. 56. Edit. Rom. 1591. Novel. justinian: Praetere à siqui eiusdem Synodi religiosissimi Episcopi aliquam intra se controversiam habeant, sive de iure ecclesiastico, sive de quibusdam alijs rebus, priús Metropolitanus ipsorum cum alijs duobus de S. Synodo Episcopis rem diiudicato. Et nisi utr aque pars iudicatis insistat, tunc beatisses. Patriarcha illius dioeceseos audientiam ipsis commodato, & illa definito, quae Ecclesiasticis canonibus & legibus concinunt, neutrâ part sententiae eius contradicere queunte 2. Sed et si á clerico aut quocunque alio contra Episcopum quacunque de causa fiat interpellatio, primùm religiosill. Metropolitanus secundùm canon's sacros & nostras leges causam dijudicato. Si quis iudicaus reclamet, causa ad beatisses. illius Dioeceseos Archiepiscopum & Patriarcham defertor, & ille secundùm canon's & leges huic finem adhibeto. 3. Quod si contra Metropolitanum istiusmodi interpellatio procedat, sive ab Episcopo, sive à Clerico, aut quacunque alia persona, Dioeceseos illius Patriarcha simili ratione rem discepta●o. Novel. 123. §. Si qui. Gregory doth acknowledge and allow. Whosoever therefore will respect either the consonancy of story, or the sincerity of S. Gregory, must conclude with their own learned Cardinal Cusaenus, who (in his book written of the Concord of the Church) confesseth without all ambages or windings, that o Dicit Gregorius epist. 22. Nullum Episcopum ita principatum gerere, ut omnia membra Ecclesiae sint ei subiecta: quinimò eum Lucitero similem esse dicit, qui hoc praesumit Cardin. Cusanus Concord. Cathol. cap. 34 lib 2. by the doctrine of S. Gregory, no Bishop, except he will be like unto Lucifer in presumption, may bear such rule, as to make all other Bishop's subject unto him. Let us yet further see whether this may not be a wonder unto us, that S. Gregory, who was the first Pope that p Praenotare verò epistolas suas Greg. ita solet [Gregorius servus servorum Dei:]— quam formulam caeteri Pontifices postea seruarunt. Massoniu● de Episcop. Rom. in vita Greg. primi. instiled himself [Servant of Servants] was the last of that order, who publicly disclaimed the title of [Bishop of Bishops?] Therefore we proceed to manifest A greater dissent of the now profession of Papal authority from the doctrine of S. Gregory, in causes spiritual; out of the sentences of our Roman Adversaries. SECT. 30. 65 Jest that any should be ignorant what is the now Romish doctrine, their whose help he then stood in need of: g unde in illa epist. 31. lib. 4. quam calvinus contra nos citat, etsi servum se Imperatoris dicat tamen addit, debere Imperatorem sacerdotibus reverentiam exhibere; quod certè inferioris est, non superioris. Petreius Ordin. Carthusiani Confess. Gregor. lib. 1. cap. 9 pag. 101. Yet did he admonish the Emperor (saith he) to yield honour and reverence unto Priests, which is a duty belonging unto a Superior; collecting from this word Reverence, a note of pre-eminence of Ecclesiastical persons above the Emperor. Which Gloss cannot proceed from any not forgetful of the language of common courtesy: for if from the act of doing a man honour, may be concluded a duty of subjection, it must follow from the same term used both in Scripture, and in the engraffed law of morality, that h Let husbands give honour unto the woman, as unto the weaker vessel 1 Pet. 3. 7. Husbands who are commanded to honour their wives, must be therefore subject unto them, as likewise i Honour the widows, which are widows indeed. 1. Tim. 5. 3. written unto Timothy a Bishop of Ephesus. Bishops unto widows, k The King bowed himself unto his mother. 1. King. 2. 19 a King unto his mother, and l In giving honour go one before another. Rom. 12. 10. To let pass the Poet's verse,— Magna fuit quondam capitis reverentia came. every man one unto another. But not to prosecute such vanishing shadows, we have this our doctrine better ratified by the confessions of their more ingenuous spirits, m Gregorius magnus agnoscebat Imperatoribus concessum esse ius dominandi sacerdotibus. Claud. Espenc●us in Tit. digress. 10. Paris. 1567. who grant, that S. Gregory did acknowledge that Emperors had jurisdiction over the Clergy: and that n justinianus praescripsit de personis, privilegijs, & rebus Ecclesiasticis, quae in Cod. & Novel. continentur. Et tum coram judicibus Caesaribus astare Ecclesiastici tenebantur. His legibus Romani & Constantinopolitaniss Patriarchae parebant, teste Gregorio Ma●no, qui diù post justinianum vixit, & Caesareanis legibus obte ●peravit. Molinaeus de Conc. Trident. Sess. 85. Add S. Gregory his own confession: Valdè mihi durum videtur, ut ab eius (that is, Christi) seruitio milites suos prohibeat, qui ei (that is, Imperatori Mauritio) & omnia tribuat, & dominari non ●olùm m●litibus, sed etiam sacerdotibus concessit. Lib. 2. Indict. 11. Epist. 103. Who seethe no● that the power which S. Gregory acknowledgeth to be in the Emperor, i● as essentially over the Clergy as over th● soldiers? Gregory himself, and other Bishops did obey the Emperor's Edicts and Constitutions. There remain but two other particles, which may seem to be material: the single life of the Clergy, and the state of Monastical life. First of the former, to inquire into The now Romish doctrine concerning the single life of the Clergy, by proofs granted unto us by our learned Adversaries. SECT. 32. 68 The Apologists do truly object, that our Osiander noted S. Gregory to have been a Coelibatum sacerdotum acriter visit. Osiander. a vehement urger of single life: who if they had accordingly considered, that S. Gregory is observed also by their own b Secus pronunciante Gregorio, viro, ut videtur, plus satis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apologia Tumultuaria. fol. 45. Author, to have been too superstitiously rigorous against the marriage even of laymen: then might they perceive, if not acknowledge, that S. Gregory is not in the cause of marriage so absolute a judge, but that the Church of Christ may as freely as justly herein except against his new and incommodious opinions. Nevertheless we desirously entreat their patience, to suffer us to discuss this question only from the judgements of their own Doctors, and then accordingly to censure, how far either S. Gregory hath dissented from the direction of the primitive truth, or they themselves from S. Gregory: our examination toucheth only two points, to wit, the Antiquity and Equity of their present claim. The point of Antiquity, of constrained single life of the Clergy. SECT. 33. 69 diverse our a Theolog●● quida●● coelibatum sacris o●dinibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1. substantialized, & lege divinâ adiunctum esse contendi●, nec esse in potestate Ecclesi●, ut coniugij usum magis quàm latrocinij sacer dotibus permivat. Cassander li. Consult. Art 23. understanding Turrian. jesdib 2. de dog. charact. Cassander in marg. ●b.] Eadem est sententia Medinae. Valent. Ies. lib. de C●lib. c. 2. So also joh. Maior, in dist. 24. Idem ferè docuit Clitoveus, lib. de continen. sacerd. saith Bellar. lib. 1. de Cler. cap. 18. Adversaries have so singularly doted upon their Romish Constitution of the vow of single life, as to think it so essential unto Prtesthood, even by the law of God, as that it is no more lawful for any person to permit the Clergy to marry, then to licence a man to steal. But these are sufficiently b Vsus coniugalis interdicitur sacerdotibus tantùm iure positivo. Aquinas 2. 2. q. 88 art. 11. Et hoc multis argumétis probatur. Bellar. l. 1 de Cler. c. 19 Accedat authoritas Concil. Tridentini (Sess. 24. Can.) in quo dicitur lex Ecclesiastica. Valen. jes quo sup. Coelibatus iure Apostolico annexus est Sacerdotibus. Bellar. quo suprà. cap. 19 Lege planè Apostolicâ. Valent. quo supra cap. 3. confuted by their own old Aquinas, their now Cardinal, and their last Council, all concluding, that this vow of continency is annexed unto the order of priesthood only by the positive law of man, which is, in their own judgements, mutable, albeit they untruly term it Apostolical. For their ancient Gratian hath rightly discerned, that c Copuli Sacerdotalis nec Legals, nec Euangelicâ, vel Apostolicà authoritate prohibetur: ecclesiasticâ tamen lege interdicitur. Gratian Caus. 26. q. 2. Can. Sors. Marriage of Priests is not prohibited either by legal, or evangelical, or yet Apostolical authority, but by Ecclesiastical only: which other of their learned justify by the contrary custom: of the Primitive Church, wherein they confess, that d Multis annorum centenarijs post Apostolos Ecclesia primitiva defectu coelibum Sacerdotes habuit maritos. Episcopus Espenc. Com. in Tit cap. 1. many hundred years after the Apostles, by reason of want of others, Priests were married: which they prove also by the examples of the e De maritis ●d Ecclesiae ministerium eligendis non tantoperè quidam reluctantur, cùm ea res exemplum habeat priscae Ecclesiae, & ●b O●entanbus omnibus Ecclesijs hucusque servetur, cùm res in plerisque ita comparatae sint. Primitive Church, especially, in all Eastern parts thereof, even until this day; the case then so standing oftentimes, that f Vt con●ugum p●arum consortio non modò ad functiones Ecclesiasticas non impediantur, sed etiam ad earum procurationem adiwentur ab ijs, quemadmodum de Gregorio patre, & matre Monia Gregorius Nazianzenus testatur. Cassander lib. Consult, Art 23. For, Non nocuit tibi progenies, non obstitit uxor legitimo coniuncta thoro, &c — Baptista Mantuan, speaking of S H●larie. conjugal society might be thought to be rather an help, than an hindrance unto that order. another Romanist, (notwithstanding he thinketh, the state of matrimony to be less convenient in itself) yet doth he confirm our assertion by both g Negari non potest, utriusque Testamenti Scripturam Sacerdotibus uxores permitte●e: constat Apostolos ipsos (pa●cis exceptis) uxoratos fu●sle, nec reperiri quòd Christus post eorum vocationem eos separati mandaverit.— L●quet denique in primitiva Ecclesia coniugia Sacerdotum tam in Orientali, quàm in Occident●h Ecclesia usque ad tempus prohibitionis per Pap in Calixtum factae, ubique libera & licitafuisse.— E contrà tamen nomini dubium est, matrimoniu● eiusque usum minus convenre his, etc. ●iber Gallicus, qui inscribitur, Acts du Conc. de trent, e● l●an 1562, printed anno 1607. in actano. And a little after; Paphnutius Confessor magno suasit Concilio, ne talem coelibatus legem poneret, gra●em ass●rens esse causam, quae au● ipsis Clericis, aut corum coniugibus occasio fornicationis existeret▪ quam Paphnutij sententiam Nicaena Synodus utique laudavit, & nihil ex hac part sancivit; sed hoc in uniuscuiusque voluntate non necessitate permisit n●si tempore oblationis, quo Sacerdotibus à suarum complexu uxorum abstinendum erat: ut tempore vicis suae in templo habitarent, ne cum uxoribus suis sub id tempus carnale exercerent consortium. Ibid. A little after;— Testantur Eccl●siast●cae histo●ae Adam praesbyterum factum duxisse uxorem, & Ecclesiae plu●●num profuisse; Eupsychium ve●ò Caesa. ●en●em presbyterum qui nuper uxorem duxerat, & adhuc sponsus erat, martyrio sunctum esse. Ibid. old and new Testament, by example of Apostles themselves, by the Council of Nice (as it doth fully appear in the Ecclesiastical * Socrates lib. 1. cap. 8. S●z. lib. 1. cap. 22. histories) giving liberty to the Clergy, before their ordination, to enter into that state. The certainty whereof all Romanists (in the opinion of h Cùm ex Sacerdotibus nati in summos Pontifices supr● leguntur esse promoti, non sunt intel●igendi de formcatione, sed de legitimis coniugijs nati, quae Sacerdoubus ante prohibitionem ubique licita erant, & in Orientali Ecclesia usque hody ijs licere probantui. Gratian. dist. 56. cap. Cenomanensem. Gr●●rius primus, natus ab atavo suo Felice terrio Papa. Binius tom. 2. Conc. in vita Greg. pag. 723. Alexander sextue duos filios naturales habuit Papirius Mass●mus de Episc. Rom. pag. 374. And of those who had been sons of Bishops, we read of Osius, Bonifacius, F●lix, Gelasius, Agapetus, etc. as they are named by gentiletus, Exam. Conc. Trid. lib. 4. Sess. 24. But see Platina. Gratian) are bound to defend, except they will brand some of their Popes with bastardy, whose fathers are known to have been Bishops. We may then might prevent such sacrilege and sin, yet may it not by any means be permitted. b Sacerdos si fornicetur, aut domi concubin●m ●oveat●etsi g●●● sac●legio le obstringat, graves ●amen pec●at, si contrah●t matrimonium.— Primo quia voto castitatis inturiam facit, secundo quia Ecclesiast grauni● vulnerat: tertiò inu●●ccundius scottatur; quartò obstinate à voluntate in peccato per●everat. Coster. Ies. ●nchir tract de 〈◊〉 lib c. 17. Prop. 9 pag. 528. And no matraell, f●r, ●ratum cortatoribus, quibus, pro 〈◊〉 ●●re, sexcen●●s ●am mul● res●olas i●●re liccbit. aventinus lib. 5. Their reason is (if yet there can be any reason in so ugly and prodigious a doctrine,) because it is better (say they) that a Priest should play the whoremonger, and keep a concubine, then after his vow of continency to be coupled in wedlock. Although the repetition of this opinion may be, in the ears of any chaste Reader, a sufficient confutation thereof: yet will we do our Adversaries the right of dispute, as first to consult with antiquity, from the confessed testimonies of Fathers. S. c Cyprianus lib. 1. epist. 11. ad Pomponium, ita scribit,— de quibusdam virginibus, quae post●a quàm se Deo dicaverunt, cum malcul●s cubare repertae fuetant: [Quod●i le ex fide Christo dicaverunt, pudice & caste sine ulla fabula perseverent, ita fortes & stabiles praemia virginitatis expectent: si autem perseverarc nolunt, vel non p●●lunt, mcliu● est ut nubant, quam ut in ignem delictis suis cadant.] Cyprian (speaking of virgin's votaries, and overtaken with folly) saith insolubly, that it is better for such to marry, then to fall into the fire of lust. Their Cardinal d Hunc locum Aduerlarij obiecerunt:— & P●trus Martyr aliq●●s solutiones re●ellit, ut ostenderet argumentum esse plan insolubile Sed plana responsio in promptu est. Sanctus enim C●prianus— occasione quarundam virginum, qua par●● honestè le gerebant post votum continent●ae monet alias, ut si non habeant firmum propositum pers●uerandi, non voveant, sed nubant etc. Bellar. lib. 2 de Monach. cap. 34 ●. Nonò ven●t. Bellarmine framed an answer unto this place of S. Cyprian, but such a distorted one, as, by the judgement of their own e Quodsi ex fide le Christo dicave in't] Similibus verbis ut●tur lib. de Disc. & habitu virg. ut quae le Christo dicaverint, & ac●r●ali conc●ipiscentia recedentes, tan. carne quàm ● ente Deo de●oucrint.] Ita ut satis manifestum fiat, loqui Cyprianum de virgin●bus, quae votum continentiae eun●erant: quod quam uctustun, sit, imò & ab Apostolorum aetate in ecclesia usitatum. Deo favente, ibi demonstrabi●us. Alludere autem mihi videtur ad locum Pauli de fide prima, qu●m irritam fecisse dicit quasdam viduas, 1. Timoth. 5. [Melius est nubant, quam, etc. Atqui loqui Cyprianum de ijs virginibus, quae simplex (uti loqu●tur) votum cast●tatis emiserant, non de velatis, quarum votum erat solemn, multa sunt tum hic, tum dicto libro in c●ntextu, quae conum eat vid●antur, atque 〈◊〉 quod dicit, etc. jacobus Pa●meliu● in hanc Epist. lamb: which is in his book Epist. 62. ad Pomponium. fol 129. Antuerpiae 1589. Where we see, that he interpreteth the same Virgins, which are said, Dedicàsse se Deo, to be understood in the next clause, where it is said, Melius est ut nubant. As for that, the difference of Vow, to say it is simple, it cannot crosseour purpose, because, Votum simplex tantum obligat apud Deum, quant un solemn. (A ●dit.) non au●em quantum ad Ecclesiam. Maldon. jes' Sum q. 15. art. 17. Whether the vow be simple or sol●mne, is all one before God: and why not therefore before the Church, when as public notice is ta●en thereof as was in this case of these virgins, whom Cyprian willeth to be searched for their fault, presuming they had been consecrated to God in their intentions▪ Pammelius, is flatly repugnant unto the words and scope of S. Cyprian. 74 Tertullian likewise speaking of professed windows, who had broken their first faith, saith that f Tertul ●n lib de Monogamia, in illud 1. Tim. 5. Volo iuniores nubere,— habentes judicium, quòd fidem pri●●am 〈◊〉 lerunt illam, videlicet, qua in viduitate inventae, & profellae eam, non perseverant: propter quod vult eas nubere, 〈…〉 fidem susceptae viduitatis postei re●cindant.] the Apostle will have such to marry. Here again their Cardinal g Respondeo,— illa verba [Propter quod etc.] apertissim●●●nent, Tertulli mum loqui de illis, quae nondum voverunt●nam quae semel voverunt, & fidem primam resciderunt, quomodo nubere postun●, ne primam fidem rescindant? Bellar. lib. 2 de Monach. ●at. 34 §. Sed habet. Fastly might that be, because in the vow of one, thin●● the faith is but one: for th●ir Concu●●nari●ns, after that by filthiness they break their faith, do not renew their vow, but repair and confirm it. And their own Bellarmine would dim our light, but their own h Renatus de la Bar doth ma●e against Bellarm, his interpretation, who (in his vehemency against Pratestants) saith of this place, Hic habes pro●ess●onis vocabulum, ne quid oblatrent haeretici. Scholar in T●rt Bar doth open the window. 75 Saint Augustine, albeit he mislike the marriage after a vow, yet (as is l 〈◊〉 agustinus, qui Basilio aequalis fuit, imprimis permultis rationibus probavit, connubia post votum contracta non debere dirimi: velut in Decret. 27. q. 1. cap. Nu● ti●rum Polyd Virg lib 7 Invent. cat. 2. Which is plain in August. lib. de lono vid●itat. cap. 9 confessed) doth he determine, that a contract made after a vow is not to be dissolved: contrary to the Romish practice in this land after the death of King Edward the sixt, when it was decreed, that k Contráque dece●nitur, ut Sacerdotes, ●ui uxores duxennt (speaking of the succession of Queen Marie, after the decease of King Edward the 6. in England) eásque dimittere, aut poevitentiam agere detrectaverint, a cultus divini celebratione arceantur, etc. Thuanus hist. Tom. 1. in Anno. 1553. Married priests should put away their wives, or else be deposed from their functions. And their former position censuring a Priest, married after his vow, to be worse than a common fornicator, dissenteth from the Council of l In Concilio Neocaesariensi (cap. 1.) magis punitur Sacerdos qui fo●●catur, quàm qui publice contra●it. Idem statuit Can. 6. Concil. generalis.— lá cò res redije, ut vix centesimum invenias, qui ab omni commercio forminarum abstineat. Cassander lib. consult. Art 23. pag. 202. Neocaesaria, wherein (more than a m Carca annum 320. Suri●● de Conc. Neocaesar. Tom. 1. thousand years ago) a fornicating Priest (as their own Author observeth) was more sharply punished, than he that had entered a contract of marriage: and yet now (saith he) scarce one of a thousand is free from the former vice. Is not this then a leaven of old Pharisaisme, * Matth. 23. 24. to strain a Gnat, and swallow a Camel? 76 For how small a thing it seemeth unto themselves, in some case, by licence, to revoke such a vow (whether it be a simple or a solemn, in which distinction there is a thick mist of n This is their distinction, Maldon. Ies. in Sum. q. 15. Art 17. Tollet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerdot. de Voto. Azor. Ies. Institut. Moral de Voto. part. 1. Bellar. lib 2. de Monach. cap. 34. Most jesuits grant that the contract of marriage is firm and inviolable, but not (say they) after a solemn and public vow made unto the Church. Which is but a mist of error: for if (as Maldonat● hath said) a vow is a religious promise made unto God, and in respect of God there is no difference between the simple and solemn; why should the Church make a difference of them in such particular cases, wherein the simple vow of the party is made known to the Church? Where the cause is the same in respect of God, doubtless the judgement of the Church in behalf of God should be the same. By this it is discernible, that their absolute restraint in the solemn vow, is not of God, or else could not the revocation of their simple vow be thought inviolable. error involved) is notorious to the observer of their principles, and practices. Their o Est regula generalis, ex ●u●e naturali & divino colle●●a, ut votum minoris boni relaxetur per votum (speaking the voto solenm) maioris ●oni: quare cùm possit aliquando occurtere huiulmodi bonum multò marus quàm est servare castitatem, non dubium est, quin tunc ipsa Ecclesia, aut nomine totius Ecclesiae Papa possit declarare eum in hoc calu non teneri ad obseruationem voti; quod credendum est fecisle Papam cum illo Rege Aragonum & Poloniae. Maldonat. Ies Sum. cue 12. Art 7. general rule is, that a vow of the less good, may be altered and changed into a vow of the better good; not denying but that p Si alicui magis expediet status talis quám religio, quia nimis est incontinens, tunc votum obligaret, quia illi materia est melior. Tollet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 4 cap. 17. pag. 4●9 Although it be spo●en de voto simplici, Yet why should it not hold in solenni, seeing that may be thought most true which followeth▪ viz. the vow of marriage is a better good unto a party incontinent: q Solo iure Ecclesiastico matrimonium irritum esse, quod post votum solemn contrahitur, ut tenent Scotus, Paludan. in 4. Sent. dist. 38. & Caiet in 2. 2. q. 88 art. 7. & omnis schola iurisconsultorum; ut refert Panorinitan in cap Ku●sus. Bellar. lib. 2 the Mona●h. cap. 34. §. At Scotus. Others adding (which is the universal consent of their Canonists) that matrimony made even after a solemn vow, is infringed and broken (not by any law of God) only by the law of the Church; which fully confirmeth unto us our former position, that by the law of God, it is better for a votary incontinent to marry then to burn, and that this match is firm and inviolable. To conclude, the relaxation of such kind of vows which their own Popes have ratified by their common r Nonnulli Ecclesiastici, & juris Ecclesiastici Interpretes docuerunt, posse Ecclesiam dispensare ijs. qui fecerunt ●olenne votum ca●●itatis, ut contrahant matrimonia: sed qui hoc d●cunt vid●ntu● mihi habere maiorem rationem exemplorum quorundam Rom. Pontisicum, quàm Scriptu●aesacrae. Nam quae Theologia diceret Ecclesiam posse dispensare in iure naturali & divino?— Nec Papa, nec tora Ecclesia potest dispentare— in voto solenni: sed per interpretationem aequi & boni declaret eum, qui fecerat votum, non teneri voto. Maldonat. Ies. Sum. q. 12. art. 7. interpretations, may stop their mouths who condemn such marriages as being in themselves violable, and to be dissolved. Hitherto we have proved the impiety of their now Romish doctrine, by the testimonies of Fathers, by their own contradictory positions, and public practices of their Popes. Our last question remaineth, Whether the state of Protestants or of Romanists be more safe in the doctrine of the liberty of Marriage in their Clergy: resolved by the manifold and grievous complaints of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 36. 77 Their position of [Etiamsi, etc.] that is, a Costerus Ies. see above in §. 35 at the letter, ●. Although by the abrogation of the law of not marriage, many sacrilegious abuses should be hindered, yet is not therefore the law to be disannulled; cometh now in due place to be confuted. It is their ordinary guise, to reproach the wedlock band of our Ministers, not sparing to call our Church in this respect b OH miserum seculum, uxora● Theologi. Minerva innupta. Sacrob●s●. adverse. Whittach. de Scrip●●ect. pag. 142. I add, Cum tamen Whittakerus tam gratus Minerva fuerit, ut Sacroboscus quoting illum reprehendit, in pro●trbium merito impingat: Sus Mineruam. Notwithstanding it is no sin to be less eloquent, but to be more profane: such as those be, who vi●ifie those marriages, which God calleth Honourable. Heb. 13. 4. miserable, and c Turca castimoniam à sacris personis exigit dist●●ct●ssime; Mystae Caluinistarum, turba protectissima in libi lines, nec verentur ipsa adyta templorum stupris coinquina●e: matrimonio, & suis gravidandis uxoribus impensiùs student illi verbi praecones. Westonus de trip. hom. officio. lib. 3. cap. 25. Those who knew this man's canuersation, thought him of all other no fit instrument to writ against impurity. The li●e invectives, against marriage of Ministers, we find in their book of Censurae, in Parsons his Conversions, and almost in every Pamphlet. detestable; and that which by the law of God, even in Ministers of the Gospel, hath been confessed to be hallowed and honoured, that they esteem as common and unclean. Which may seem to be an argument of their exceeding sanctity, but only unto such as know not that there is retained amongst them a temedie to avoid fornication, more desperate than can be the disease, even a d Po●lut onem desiderare ad vitandas carnis tentationes quibus diu affligitur, non eslet peccatum secundum Navar. cap. 16. num. 6. Quae opinio magis mihi placet, etc. Tollet. Ies. lib. 5. Instruct. Sacerd cap 13 §. Primo. position so execrable, as not to be translated. 78 Howsoever, their clamours against us may easily be repressed by the complaints of their own sober Divines against themselves: we shall not need to plead our own cause, their deprecation may serve for our justification. Thus then one; e Fatendum est, graviter à posteris peccatum esse, qui coelibatus legem, pro tempore utilem, multis in laqueum verterunt, cùm iwenes nondùm sibi exploratos temer● ad ministerium Ecclesiasticum admiserunt; & cum illi castitatis onus sibi unpar esse sen●rent, illi potiùs impuros quosdam concubitus dissimulârunt, & quodammodo probarunt, quàm ut permittendo, constitutionis illius humanae gravam illis sacerent, qui eam sine offension divinae legis obseruate non poterant.— Quare nimi● rigid a huius constitutionis exactione abhominanda in Ecclesia scandala exti●sse videmus, cùm tamen legis illius cau●ae non solu●n h●diè ceslârunt, sed etiam in contrarium conversae sunt.— cùm i●m on n● fl●gitio fenestra aperta esse videatur.— undè debet Ecclesia facere sicut bonus medicus, ut si medicina, experi●●tià decente, magis obsit quám profit, eam tollat;— Idue requirit Ecclesiae status, cùm plerique homines docti & pij ad continentia obseruationem astringere se nolunt, infirn itatis suae conscij:— quo fit ut pau●issimi adolescentes pietatis indole praediti, ad Theologiae studium se adiungant.— Quare si unquam tempus fuit antiquae consuetudinis immutandae, cert● haec tempora immutationem aliquam efflagitare videntur,— ut summum castitatis gradum ascendere qui non possint, in secundo casti con●ugij gradu consistere permittantur. Cassander Consult. Art 23. The Bishops of later times (saith he) have offended, by their turning of a law of single life into a snare for the souls of young Novices, being rather willing to conceal filthy commixtions, then to altar their human constitutions: and by their too rigorous exacting of their law, have occasioned most abominable scandals in the Church. Wherefore if ever, certes in these our days the change of that law may be thought necessary. A second: f 〈◊〉 perpendat horum temporum statum, quàm innumeri sint Monachi public● incesti & impudici, fortassis judicabit magis expedire, ut tis, qui protsus non continent, ius fiat public●●. at●imonij.— Sed etiam atque etiam vereor, ne census Eclesiasti●i castrent Cle●cos verius quàm pietas. Erasm●● annot. in 1. Tim. 3. pag. 533. If any shall but consider the condition of our times, how that innumerable Monks (the same he speaketh also of Priests) live in incest and filthiness, he will peradventure think it more convenient to allow them marriage. A third: g Credo pro bono & salute esse animarum, quòd si eslet salubre statutum, ut volentes possint contrahere, quia, experientià docente, contrarius prorsus effectus ●equitur ex illa lege continentiae, cùm hodiè non vivant spiritualiter, nec sunt mundi, sed maculantur illicito co●tu, cum eorum gravissimo peccato, ubi cum propria uxore eslet castitas. Panor. de Cl●ric. con●ug. cap. Cùm olim. Pa●ormitanus sens●sle videtur, utile esle, si coniugium Sace●dotibus permittatur. Bellar. lib 1. de Cleric. cap. 19 §. Primus autem. Panormitane addeth further: Deberet Ecclesia facere sicut bonus medicus, ut si medicina, experientia docente, ponus officit q●àm profit, eam tollat; & utinam idem esset in omnibus constitutionibus positis, ut saltem obligarent quoad poenam, & non quoad culpam: nam ita creu●runt statuta positiva, ut vix repetiantur aliqui, qui non corruperint vitam suam. Panor●●ta●. in cap. Cum olim. de Cleric. coniugat. num. 4. I think it were behoveful (saith he) for the souls of many, if they might be permitted to marry: because we found by experience that the law of single life hath brought forth a contrary effect; seeing that in these days they defile themselves with sin, when as they might live chastened with their own wives. For the Church should discharge the part of a good Physician, who when by experience he findeth one medicine rather hurt than help, he removeth it, and applieth another. A fourth, h Cùm natura nostra body fragilis, sit, & imitatrix vitiorum,— pauciue reperiantur, qui carnis stimulum non sentiant, & in igne positi non ardeant, fit ue talis concupiscentiae ignis ex at descens usque ad perditionem: hinc est quod Eusebius de Dionysio Corintho Episcopo senbit, ●empe quòd is admonuent Pymtum Episcopum, ne ille coelibatus onus tanquam necessanun fratribus unponeret, sed infirmitatis rationem haberet.— Quodsi Ecclesia unquam causam habuit permattendi Clen●●cis secularibus coniugium, certe infoelici hoc nostro & carnali seculo. & necessitatem idipium exposcere, & utilitatem suadere videtur. Constat enim, proh dolour, inter quinquaginta & plures Catholicos etiam Sacerdotes, vix unum reperin qui castum praester coelibatum, sed omnes s●rè neglectis & ●e●ecus saluberrimis sacrorum Conciliorum constitutionibus, notorios esse scortatores— I t●quia sac●● restantur Canon's, Ecclesia● pro summa quà fungitur authoritate, propter Ministrorum defectum pleraue contra seventatem Canonum saep●●ndulli●le & tollerasle; sic enim uxorem & liberos habentem in Episcopum Syracusanum ●ununus Ponti●ex ●●m olim confirmau●t, sic honestos maritos ad sacros maiores ordines Ecclesia admisit sic Bigamum ad Diac▪ natum p●rmount Qu●●e plen●●que viris ante haec nostra tempora visum est, & multis adhuc videtur pro praesentis temporis iniquitate, contine●tiae legem, quoad clerum secularem, satius esse dispensando relaxare, quim eádé mordicus retentá, impuriss●mo coelibatu● scor●●●omque, co●● a divinum praeceptum fenestram relinquere.— Nec dubium est q●in si ni his conce●sio fierct, 〈…〉 con●ubinatus proscriberetur, & exploderetur, atque scandalum illud manifestum, quod adl●●c ●ultos offendit, & o●●um contra Ecclesiam & Catholicum clerum fovet, tolleretur. ●●ber Galli●us, ins●riptus, Acts du Concile de Tr●nte Tir. Considerationes super matrimonio Sacerdotum. Never was there more cause of toleration of marriage in secular priests, then in these our unlucky times, wherein (alas) scarce one of fifty liveth chaste, but most rejecting the ancient holy constitutions of Counsels, wallow in incontinency. Wherefore many both before our days, and now also, have thought it more requisite, that this law of single life were dispensed with, rather than to leave open a window for men, contrary to the law of God, to live in sin: because it is not to be doubted but that, by this licence of marriage, both concubinary fellowships may be abolished, and the hatred of our Adversaries against the Clergy removed. 79 This our last witness may seem to acknowledge a public conflux and permission of concubines. A thing so notorious in the practice of the Romish Officials, that their learned i Turpissimum est, quòd Officiales permittunt Clericos cum concubines, meretricibus & pellicibus cohabit●●e, libe●●s procreare sinunt, accepto ab ijs certo quotannis censu: atque adeò alibi á conti●●●●bus, nam habeant (in 〈◊〉) si velint Episc. ●spencaeus commentan Tit. cap. 1. Bishop with detestation thereof, lamenteth to see a yearly pension taken for licensing the Priests their concubines, exacting also a payment of continent persons, because (say they) they may have them if they list: which art of exaction an other witness, k ●ic ego illos supputantes aliquando audivi: Habet, inquientes, ille duo beneficia, & ties meretrices, soluat, & censum à Sacerdotibus pro concubinatu quotannis extorquent, ut apud plebem ip●am in proverbium abiret illa corum concubinatia exactio, sive lenocinium, cùm dicunt, habet aut non habet; aurcum sol●at, & habeat si velit. Agrippa de va●●t. scient. cap. 64. who was present at their Audits, doth confirm to be too common: deploring withal the abuse of their Stews, which, upon a weekly payment, are publicly permitted; l Romanascorta in singulas hebdomadas julium Pontifici pendent, verbum Dei lenonio commento profanant, ●olle, aiunt, è republica meretrices, & cuncta stapris permiscentur. Cum tamen Israelitarum respubls per multa secula continentisimè durabat, sicut praecepit Deus [Non erit meretrix, neque scortator in Israel.] Agrippa ibid. contrary (saith he) unto the law of God, who charged his Church that there should not be a whore in Israel. Notwithstanding their Pope Adrian (saith he) did erect m Recentioribus temporibus Sixtus Pontifex maximus nobile admodum Lupanar Romae extruxit. Agrippa ibid. a noble (OH Rome) Stew in Rome. Although in every commonwealth there be committed gross and heinous sins of all kinds, yet is it not the sin of the commonwealth, until by the magistrate it be publicly licenced; then is the sin, indeed, as Daemon Meridianus, and becometh (as the Prophet speaketh) * Esa. 15. 1. & 23. 1. the burden of Moab, the burden of tire, etc. Which giveth us cause to guess, that the story reported by the Magdeburgians is true, signifying that n Scribit Huldericus Augustanus Episcopus in epistola quadam ad Nicolaum primum, quòd Gregorius primò Sacerdotibus coelibatum mandavit, & postea compenens quòd dam libidines exercerent, inde ue multi foet●s trucidarentur, is mandatum ru●sus abrogabat: Melius est, inquit, nubere quàm caedibus causam praebere. Centur. 6. Col. 686. inventa est haec epistola in quadam Bibliotheca oppidi veteris aquae, Germanice ●ltuu●tter, in Hollandia inferioris Germaniae provincia. S. Gregory, upon the sight of an horrible spectacle, as it were because of the fruitfulness of it, before the contemplative, howsoever it seem for the contentments, as beautiful as Rachel. Neither may we pretermit the observation which S. Gregory hath of certain heretics, q Sunt nonnulli Haeretici, qui populis admisceri fugiunt sed secessum vitae secretioris petunt, qus plerunque eos, quos in●●niunt, eo ampliùs pest persuasionis suae inficiunt, quo qua●i ex vitae meritis reverentiores videntur: de quibus subdit●● apud jobum: Alij sicut onagri in deserto egrediuntur ad opus suum. Greg. Moral. lib. 16. cap. 21. in job. verbu vlt. Edit. Romans. who abhor (saith he) to consort with people, but reseruedly devil in solitariness, thereby seeking to gain a more reverend estimation among men, and so more easily infect the world with their pernicious doctrine. We wish that in this description given by S. Gregory, all guilty persons would behold their own reflections, and furthermore consider, that it is as natural an itch to be weary of any worldly vocation, and seek privateness, as it is for a man scorched with the heat of the Sun, to desire a shade; insomuch as their own r Dominus Luc. 9 sic praecepit [Tolle crucem ●●am:] at multae con●ugatae omittentes curam domus suae, obsequium, quod viris suis debent, (quae est cur a ipsorum) abjiciunt, & suscipiunt Montalium crucem. Stella Com. in Luc. 9 vers. 23. Preacher can tell us of many married women amongst them, who casting away the care of their family, and duty of subjection to their husbands, contrary to the precept of Christ [Take up thy cross, etc.] do take upon them the cross of Nuns. Besides these proofs of novelty, it will not be impertinent to note Some confessed points in the now Romish Monastical life, as other arguments of Superstition. SECT. 38. 83 The ancient state of the Monks, which especially in the days of the peace of the Church was a school of discipline, and seminary of plants, prepared by reading the Scriptures, and prayers, with other exercises of learning & devotion (jest we may seem to feign a Platonical Idea of things) unto the ministery of the Church, is that which (our Adversaries witnessing as much) Ancients professed, and a See Bellar. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 6. Protestants do now require: but this now Romish Monachisine is wrapped in manifold superstitions. First is their attributing of perfection unto that state, because of the vow of poverty, grounded, as they say, upon that saying of Christ unto the young man, * Math. 19 21. If thou wilt be perfect, cell all, and give unto the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven. Which, if it be applied unto us, b Ibi mandatam esse nobis paupertatem habitualem, non actualem, non ut iam omnia abjiciamus quae babemus, sed ut cùm confessio divini nomints & gloria Christi postulaverit, tù omnia deserere parati simus. Guilielmas de Sancto A more, ut citat Hospinianus de Orig. Monach. lib. 6. c. 17. And it is also cited by Aquinas, opusc. 19 doth not require always (as their own Doctor teacheth) an actual, but an habitual relinquishing of worldly wealth: signifying a Christian resolution in every one that shall hope for life, to be prepared always rather to loose all worldly wealth, then to forsake the profession of his jesus, in whom only he hath an interest unto eternal life; like as the disposition of a Merchant, who purposeth always in danger of shipwreck rather to throw all his goods overboard, then to hazard his dearest life. 84 As for the bond of a vow, their learned c Attend, prudens lector, null●m indicitur votum volentibus vitae perfectioné assequi, quia non in vinculis votorum consistit perfectionis assecutio. Caicta●. Cardinal. Comment. in Matth. 19 Cardinal hath commented truly: Christ (saith he) imposed not upon any a vow for the attaining unto perfection; certainly no such a Monastical vow. The vow of Christian perfection, wherewith every baptised soul is bound, which hath sacramentally given up himself unto our captain Christ jesus, is indeed always to leave the world, so that possessing it, we may be never possessed thereof: but the point of Romish superstition, which accompanieth that vow, may seem to be this, to call that a poverty which indeed is a plenty: for what is it to want d Proprium dicro●s duobus modis: 1. quoad dominium & propr●etatem: 2. ●odo quoad detentionern, usum, & administratio●em, & possessionem facti tantùm. Primi genetis proprij, rei pecuniariae, regulares sunt incapaces; quia per votum solemn paupertatis omnibus eius iam quaesitis & quaerendis, imò capacitati quaerendi renunci●uerunt: atque in tali renunciatione sita positaque; veraregularis, ●● quae solenniter, profitetur & vovetur in religionibus approbatis paupertas: & ver● & non alitè● regularem personam efficit Stephanus d' Alui● Ordinu Minorun S. Francisci. Tract. de potestate Abbatum. etc. cap. 8. §. 6. ●odem modo d● Episcopo Tollet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 5. cap. 4. only the dominion and possession of a thing, and yet fully to enjoy the use thereof; seeing that use is the e Quò mihi divitiae. si non conceditur 〈◊〉 saith the Poet. best, and almost only enjoyment of earthly things? and that the f Plato de Republ. heathen could devise a rich commonweal, wherein no man might challenge a property. 85 Secondly their g Apostoli erant primi Monachi Christiani. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 5. ●. Sexth probatur. Cardinal Bellarmine to dignify the state Monastical, doth entitle the Apostles the first Monks in Christianity: but their Bishop h Nec scio quâ ratione isti Monachi, qui vulgo Mendicantes vocantur, qui solúm precarium quastum faciunt, unde se sustinent, debent semper in mendicando haerere; quando satis constat Apostolos non ocios expectâsle ab alijs victum. Espencaeus in Tim. d●gress. lib. 3. Espencaeus disliketh the Orders of begging Monks, as repugnant unto the example of the Apostles. Which taxation we think to be just; for all able persons who will beg and not work, the Apostle hath pronounced, as i 2. Thess. 3. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, disordered. Herein therefore we observe another blemish of superstition, namely the establishing of such an Order, which is in itself a disorder; and in pretence of the imitation of the Apostles as the first Monks, to seem in degree of perfection (in relinquishing all) to excel them. For when they were sentabroad without scrip or staff, and wanted nothing, our Saviour told them the reason, k Luc. 10. 7. The labourer is worthy of his hire; signifying that that which they received of men, was but the due wage of their labour. What need we use many words? the wisdom of the jesuits Order may sufficiently condemn such Mendicants (who profess to beg and preach) of notable folly: for their first l Ignatius Loyola diligenter curabat, ut dum in studijs versarentur, ita nostris (jesuitis) ad usus vitae necessarios esset provisum, ut absque ulla victus solicitudine viverent: aieb ●t enim in summa mendicitate sapientiae studium haud facilè posse consistere. Rabad●●tra Ies. de vita Ignatij. lib. 2. cap. 1. pag. 107. father Ignatius sought to provide for them, that they might have sufficiency of victuals, because learning is not easily attained unto in extreme beggary. 86 The third point is the opinion of merit, which they ascribe unto their prescribed monastical vows: believing that m Dicimus quidem opera Religionis (meaning Monastical) mentoria esse vitae aetemae, si a justis fiant, & conducere ad satisfactionem pro peccatis, sicut caetera omnia bona opera. Bellar. quo supra, cap 6. they are meritorious of eternal life, and available for satisfaction for sins. Which conceit of merit is a leaven of superstition, which Christians aught especially to abhor, as the doctrine of S. * See before §. 14. num. 29. Gregory doth fully demonstrate. 87 Again, when they profess to leave all, and follow Christ, they are found as certainly not to follow Christ, as they have been proved not to leave all: for (which is a fourth degree of their vanity, & may well deserve the surname of hypocrisy) Ignatius Loyola the grand father of all jesuits, that he might make himself n Ignatius ut exemplo suo omnes ad verae humilitatis studium provocaret, culmam statim est ingressus, eâque per multos dies & eoquum agere, & alia vilia ministeria domestica obire coepit. tam accuratè & serio, ut quasi novitius, aliqnis sui tantùm profectus caus● facere videretu●. Rabadin. Ies. de vita Ignat. l. 3 c. 2. pag. 243. a pattern of true humility (saith their jesuit Rabadineira) entered into the Kitchen, & played the cook diverse days together, employing himself in utle and base services: he likewise o Ludib●io omnibus se cupiebat esse, & si animo suo indulgere voluistet, nudus, despicatus, & oppletus sordibus, ut insanus haberetur, per vic●● ambulisse. Idem lib. 5. cap. 3. And Salm●ron Ies. Baiulu● egit. He played the Porter. Tom. 1. ●raf. went sometime naked, besmeered with filth, desirous to make himself a scoff unto the beholders. In like manner that great Duke, his disciple, Francis Borgia, translated into a jesuit, and made General of the society, be deluded: for (as their h Fr●ment 〈◊〉 pericli●atur, dùm fossis sub●erraneis absconditur: quod daemopes praestare s●lent. dùm perfectis 〈◊〉 persuad●●●, ut i● Eren●●m, 〈◊〉 quend● 〈◊〉 secretum so abdant u● po●●lum verbo D●● aut ulex exemp●● non pa●cant. Salmoron Ies. Tract. 7. in Parab. Semi●●● iacti. Mare. 4. jesuit hath wisely considered) corn rotteth when it is hid in pits within the earth: sembable is their case (saith he) who being more perfect than others, are persuaded by the devil to hide themselves in secret and Eremitical places, not feeding God's people either by word, or by example of life. And what one is there, who being a member (whether eye, ear, head or foot,) of the mystical body of Christ which is his Church, who is not bound by godly example to profit another? which (even in the judgement of their own jesuit) they do not, who are so abstractiutly Eremitical. How shall not that saying of S. i D●mon meridianus quoties, verbi causâ, maioris boni imagine tentans ad malum benè proficientibus in coenobijs invidens, obtuitu maions puritatis, Eremum petere persu●str. ●t cognover●●● miseri condemn quam verus sit sermo, quem frustr● legerunt, Vae sol●, (Eccles. 4) quoniam si ceciderit, non habet sublevantem. Bernard in Cant. Ser. 33. Bernard be applied unto this kind? He, speaking of certain Monks, who in a zeal of greater sanctirie, would leave their Monasteries, and go into desert places, there to become Eremites, saith, that such are persuaded thereunto by Satan, and in the end found, by miserable experience, the truth of that saying which is written, [ * Eccles. 4. 10. Woe unto him, who is alone; for if he shall fall, he hath none to support him.] True, therefore are we commanded to k Galat. 6. 2. bear one another's burden: which is either by forbearing, not to revenge; or by dehortation to remove; or by love to cover the imperfections of others. To conclude, our Lord jesus that great Michael was only able to fight with the Dragon, and to enter conflict with him in the Desert, by a monomachy and single combat; which if man shall attempt, he may peradventure forget he is a man, but such an one, who (as l Luther. Conc. 11. M. Luther reporteth) would not acknowledge his own Mother: which is an high degree of misanthrop●e, and hatred of mankind: but true justice (saith S. Gregory) hath compassion, feigned justice hath indignation. From these more material questions we come unto circumstantial: m Luther. Enarrat. in Matth. 5. §. Hincce. CHAP. III Concerning such ceremonies as have been used in the time of S. Gregory: and have already been specified above by the Apologists. First in general. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Doctor Humphrey saith, that Gregory brought in, Onus ce●emoniarum, a burden of ceremonies, etc. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the excess of Ceremonies in the days of S. Gregory. SECT. 1. AFter inquisition made into the real and bodily parts of doctrine, which hath been discussed, there is objected unto us the doctrine of external rites and ceremonies, which (they say) a Ecclesia caeremonias adhibuit, ut mysticas benedictiones, lumma, thymiamata, vestes, aliaque id genus ex Apostolica disciplina & traditione, quò & maiestas tanti sacrificij commendaretur, & mentes fidelium per haec visibilia signa pietatis ad rerum altissimarum, quae in hoc sacrificio latent, contemplationem excitarentur. Concil. Trident. de Sacrific. Missa. Sess. 22. c. 5. have been invented by the Church, as garments to grace the body. But whether such garments, b De feriarum observatione (speaking of amiquitis) m●●a erat pa●citas. B. Rhe●●ms An●●t. in Tertull. de Corona Milit. Bafil. anno 1562. which in ancient times (as their own learned Rhenanus observeth in holy days) were very few, did not grow by the days of S. Gregory to a multitude far too heavy for the body of the Church to bear, will easily appear unto us by due conference of former times. For first their jesuit Salmeron undertaking to answer why in the primitive Church there was very few ceremonies, he so reasoneth as though he had intended to prevaricate in his cause: c Deinde primitivi magis essentialibus fides plantandis quam ceremonijs vacabant. Tertiò non erát tot abusus necessitatem legum docentes, cùm pauci essent Christ● professores. 4. cum essent spirituales, magnaue fide praediti, non indigebant tot incitamentis ad essentialia, & in alijs, quae talia non lunt, non ita passi essent se colere. Salmeron Ies. Tom. 9 Tract. 32. pag. 253. One reason was (saith he) because in the primitive Church there was not so many abuses which might so necessarily require new laws: another cause was, for that those of the primitive Church were more spiritual, and stronger in faith, and therefore needed not such kind of inducements, as the Churches of aftertimes. And shall Protestants, because they apply themselves unto the simplicity of the apostolic times in the fewness of ceremonies, be therefore judged less spiritual? If that famous Bishop of Hippo, & excellent light of the Latin Church S. d Ipsam religionem, quàm paucissimis & manifestissimis celebrationum sacramentis misericordia Dei liberam esse voluit, serui●ibus onenbus premunt, ut toler abilior sit conditio judxorum, qui etiamsi tempus libertatis non agnoutrint, legalibus tamen sareinis, non humanis prae sumptionibus subijeiuntur. August. epist 119. and lanuar. cap. 19 Augustine (speaking of his own times) could say, that the Church is pressed (contrary to Christ's merciful institution) with such servile burdens of ceremonies, that the state of the jews legal bondage might seem in this respect more tolerable than the condition of Christians, seeing they (the jews) were subject only to God's ordinances, & not (as the then Christians) subject to so many presumptions of man's inventions. Can then our Adversaries think that the Church of Rome in the days of S. Gregory, could be in a more tolerable case, which, coming 200. years after S. Augustine's time, increased as much in the number of her rites, as of her years; whilst every Bishop successively desiring that the Christian Service might match both jews & Gentiles worship in her outward solemnities, assumed (as their Platina witnesseth) an authority to add some things to the outward ornaments and rites thereof? Certes, no. 2 But seeing, that in the innovating and multiplying of new rites, Gregory himself was not the lest Agent, because (as it is testified of him) e Omnis Ecclesiastici officij institutio, veteris praesertim, à Gregorio inventa & approbata fuit. Platina in vita Greg. And Greg himself maketh a kind of Apolo●●ie of himself for some of his new orders. See Greg counsel to Austin for new solemnities to be devised by him upon the change of the Pagan-Saxons Temples into Churches, the rather to draw the people. Epist. lib. 9 ep. 71. he newly framed and augmented the whole order of the Roman Service; thereby signifying that the ancient form of Divine Service did not content him, and also (which their own * See above, c. 1. §. 3. at the letter h. Doctor hath thought inexcusable in him) imposed some jewish ceremonies, with an opinion of moral necessity: besides another superstitious manner of f Gregorus Passi●o Episcopo, de consecratione Oratorij, quod Anio pro sua devotione fundàrat.— Si nullum ibi corpus constat humatum, percept● primitùs donatione legitimá, id est, fundos, campulos cum conduma una, hoves domitos parium unum, vaccas duas, argenti libras qu●tuor, lectum stratum unum, in peculio capita quindecim, armenti capit● duo, ferramenta numeto quinque, praesentes liberos à trbutis fiscalibus solidos sex, gestisue municipalibus alligata, praedictum Oratorium solenniter consecrabis; Presbyterum te quoque illie constituere volumus Cardinalem, ut quoties praefatus conditor volverit, etc. Lib. 10. epist. 12. The like we read verbatim in Gregory, for consecration of other Churches. Consecration of Churches, then used by them, and (as we think) in that regard, long since abolished by their own Church: we cannot esteem otherwise of these Apologists than as of Fencers, who are ready to try their adversaries skill with such blows, which themselves had not first learned to ward off. Whose height of presumption will further appear, when we shall manifest That the present Church of Rome hath notoriously altered the profession of S. Gregory in the doctrine of the Ceremonies of Religion in four degrees: by the testimonies of our Adversaries themselves. The first degree, in the imposition of necessity. SECT. 2. 3 Little can our adversaries gain, although it shall be granted, that Protestants use not the same variable habits of ceremonies, which were invented by S. Gregory; because, indeed, all ordinances of man are, according to the wisdom of Churches, variable and changeable. And albeit the now Romish Church would precisely bind all other Churches, as her handmaids, unto the same fashion and ceremonious attire, which she herself hath prescribed: yet did S. a In responsione Gregorij ad Augustini interrogata, Resp. 3. ubi quaeritur, cur, cùm un a sit fides, sint Ecclesiarum diversae consuetudines, & altera consuetudo Missarum in sancta Rom. Ecclesia, atque altera in Galliarum tenetur; Resp. Novit fraternitas tua, Ecclesiae Romanae consuetudinem, in qua se meminit nutritam; sed mihi placet ut sive in Romana sive in Gallicana, siue in qualibet Ecclesia aliquid invenisti, quod omnipotenti Deo plus possit placere, sollicitè eligas; & in Anglorum Ecclesia, quae adhuc ad fidem noviter est instituta, praecipua quae de multis Ecclesijs colligere po●uisti, infundas. Resp. Greg. and August. Monachum, ut est apud. P. Diaconum. The same is in Gregor. epist. lib. 12. pag. 1190. Gregory acknowledge an unity of faith among Christians, notwithstanding their dissent in matter of ceremony: and therefore yielded unto his Austen a liberty to choose, whether in the Church of Rome, or of France, or elsewhere, whatsoever ceremony might seem most acceptable unto the will of Almighty God; and to ordain and establish such rites in the Church of England. This is that liberty which our Church of England, according to S. Gregory his moderation, now challengeth, and by the mercy of God enjoyeth, notwithstanding the opposition of the Romish Church, which will peremptorily reign as the only Queen of Churches: for how will she permit others to prefer the ordinances of any other Churches before her own, who would have compelled the b She in the Council of Trent doth condemn the Bohemians as Schismatics, only for ministering the cup to all present, according to the first institution, and Christ's express commandment [Drink ye all of this, for this is the blood of the new Testament.] As appeareth in the Oration of Gaspar, at the Council of Trent, reported by the first Gallobelgicus. Bohemians to prefer her own tradition before Christ's? The second degree of abuse, in the multitude of Romish ceremonies. SECT. 3. 4 That there is in the Roman Church, as it were, a deluge of ceremonies, any one may discern that will but compare the Pentateuch of Moses, and the a There be, 1. Sacrarum caeremoniarum Romanae Ecclesiae libri tres. 2. Pontificale Romanum in tres parts distinctum. 3. Missale Romanum continens Rubricas Missalis, 2. ritus celebrandi Missam, 3. defectus circa Missam occurrentes. Romish Missals & Rituals, which in number of rites do far exceed the Synagogue of the jews, in fasts, in festivals, in sacrifices, in altars, in habits, in orders, in vestments, in Canons, besides censings, kneel, kiss, cross, whisperings, with many like kinds so manifestly importable, that many of their own men have prevented our complaints, saying, that b Alia ratio antiqui temporis, alia moderni: eo evim tempore non arctabantur fideles tot Canonum & Decretorum praeceptis, censuris aut poenis, nec erant tune, ut ita dixerim tot laquei legum, seu constitutionum, excommunicationum, sive censurarum, à quibus vix fideles etiam diligentissimi & timorati praecavere possint; non tot jejunia indicta, non vigiliae, non diuturna pariter & nocturna officia dietim ex praecepto dicenda, non denique tot festa calenda, non tam crebra confessio, & corporis Christi communicatio, non tot obedientiarum praestationes, sicut modò fideles arctantur, aut potitis involuuntur: ita ut rectè de Praelati● Ecclesiae dici pos●● illud Christi; Alicante onera importabilia. etc. Rode●icus Episcop. Samorens. lib. 2. Spec. cap. 29. in ancient times the people of God were not subject to so many decrees, precepts, punishments, excommunications, censures, etc. which the most diligent can hardly prevent: not so many fasts, vigils, feasts, wherewith the faithful are continually entangled. Granting that, c Aetes' Hieronymi, preter diem Dominicum, paucissima noverat festa. Nunc feriarum neque finis, neque modus; quae cùm primitùs ad pietatis vacationé paucae sunt institutae, nunc ad sceletum exclusionem tolli debeant, nisi sacerdotum avaritia suis rebus consuleret potiùs quám verae religioni. Erasmus in Math. 11 pag. 55. Anno 1540 there is neither end nor measure in the multitude of holidays; which (say they) d Turba festorum dierum, quos vel Episcopi multitudinis indulgentes affectibus, vel Rom. Pontifices causis non necessarijs instituebant, etc. Idem de amab Concord. Bishops or Popes invented to pamper the affections of the people. Adding that e Nobis Christianis, diversis temporibus, Pontifices diversi diversos mores praescripserunt circa caeremonias, cultum, cibos, ieiunisi, vestitum, pompas, mitras & huiusmodi. Agrippa de vanit scient. cap. 56. diverse Popes, as they succeeded one another, so they increased the rites, in worships, meats, habits. Not denying but f Plus body Christiani quám olim judgi, crescentibus caeremoniarum legibus, onerantur. Ibid cap. 60. Christians are now more oppressed with ceremonies, than were the jews in former times. Concluding that g Sylva quaedam judaicarum & Gentilium caeremoniarum sic paulatim agrum Domini occupavit. ut periculum sit ne ipse Dominus illius agricolis crimini debt, ab ij●ue petat Polydor. Virgil. lib. 4. Invent. in proem. a very wood of heathenish ceremonies pestereth the Lord's field; and that h Onera, quae Ministri aliqui imponunt humeris hominum, sunt importabilia, non onus Christi. Caiet an. comment in Matth. 11. haec verba [jugum meum suave] the burdens which some Ministers impose upon men's shoulders, are importable; and not the burden of Christ. 5 Is it possible but our Adversaries should have heard these so full and loud clamours of their own men, professing in effect, that the thumbs of later Gregory's are become (in respect of the burden of ceremonies) heavier then the joins of that ancient S. Gregory? If they do understand thus much, then let them put in practise their profession borrowed from S. Augustine; i Fat●mur Catholici, caeremonias non esse nimis multiplicandas, ita ut sua multitudine obruant quodammodo religionem, cui setuire debent Vt enim agricolae cupiunt in vitibus praeter vuas etiam pampinos, quibus ornentur & adiwentur vuae, sed si nimiùm pampini crescant, & impediant potiùs quam iwent, eas resecant: ita faciendum esse in ●i●●bus, docet Augustinus, epist. 119. cap. 19 Bellarm. de effect. Sacrament. lib. 2. cap. 30. §. His addunt. Too great multitudes of Ceremonies may not be used in the Church of God: but even as dressers of vines will suffer the branches and leaves to grow so long as they may be an help and grace unto the grapes, & as soon as they hinder their growth, they cut them off: so must the Church do in the exceeding multitude of Ceremonies. But if notwithstanding all this acknowledgement, they shall still suffer their superfluous sprigs and leaves to annoyed the spiritual vine, they are to be put in mind of the voice of Christ, denouncing a k Matth. 23. 3. woe unto such as say, & do not. The third degree of the abuse of Ceremonies, is in their vain and superstitious significations. SECT. 4. 6 As Ceremonies have been (a point already confessed) so many for multitude, that by their burden they have oppressed the Church; so may they possibly be, by their vanity, so light and ridiculous, and in their use so superstitious, that they may greatly disgrace and corrupt it. Now whether many of the Romish rites be of this kind, we shall need no other trial then that which by the evidence of their own writings shall appear. It is the now Romish profession, to think that their a Potest Ecclesia instituere novas caeremonias, non quidem ad iustific andum impium (id est, propri● Sacramenta) sed ad alios effectus spir●tuales, ut ad morbo● curandos, pellendos daemons, & peccata ●entalia purganda, non solùm per mod●m impetrationis, de quo questio non est; sed etiam (quod probabile est) per applicationem meritorsi Christi, ita ut illos effectus ex opere operato producant, quomodo sacramenta ex opere operato iustificant. Bellar. de effect. sacram. lib. 2. cap. 31. §. Tertia propositio. Church may ordain new Ceremonies, (thus saith their Cardinal Bellarmine) although not as properly Sacraments for justification of sinners, yet available unto other spiritual effects, as to drive away devils, to purgs our venial sins, not only by way of supplication (which (saith he) is most certain) but also (which is probable) by way of application of Christ's 13 Vestments or habits in the Church, our Centurists do not deny, nor we dislike, if but few and seemly, serving both for a decorum, and a m Religio divina alterum habitum habet in ministerio, alterum in usu, u●●aue communi. Hieron. in Ezech. and Chrysost hom. 83 in Matth. distinction, as S. Jerome teacheth: yet cannot this justify their professedly n Sacrae vestes à veteri lege videntur assumptae. Durant. lib. 3 cap. 1. Ad instar Sacerdotum Mosaicae legis. Al●●inus de vestib. Sacerdot. in lib. de divin. office Cap. De singulis vestibus. pag. 64. Rom● 1591. Ad normam Aaronis habet summus Pontifex à capite usque ad pedes octo vestimenta. Amalarie. de Eccles. office lib. 2. ca 22. aaronical and levitical vestments, multiplied beyond the proportion of types in the jewish priesthood. For they now ordain o Innocentius mist. Missae. li. 1. cap. 10. ●● Duran. in rational. divin. office lib. 3. cap. 1. Haec sex vestimenta spiritualibus & perfectis data sunt: nam senarius numerus, qui perfectus est, perfectis convenit. unde & sexto die perfecit Deus coelum & terram. Duran●. loco. itato. six vestments for all Priests, in signification (as they say) that in six days God created heaven and earth: and nine more beyond Priests, for Bishops, in token that they are spiritual, like the nine orders of Angels: in all p Quindecim ergo sunt omamenta Pontificis, quindecim virtutum gradus designantia. Si igitur noster Pontifex plura quim octo induit vestimenta quamuis Aaron non nisi octo habere legatur, quibus moderna succedunt▪ hoc ideo est, quoniam oportet justitiam nostram magis abundare quàm Scribarum & Pharisaeorum, ut possimus intrare in regnum coelorum. Durand. ibid. fifteen, betokening the degrees of virtues. But as hardly shall they prove these members of fifteen vestments, and their mystical senses to be truly ancient, as their so many signified virtues to have been common to all that use them. 14 What shall we stand upon other fragments objected? Our Christian Reader may well understand, that our Authors in alleging so many particular ceremonies which were used in the time of S. Gregory, do take exception unto all, as being too many; not unto every one, as in itself unlawful or superfluous; which in some of them hath been already declared. So be it likewise known unto all our Adversaries, that the too many ceremonies used by S. Gregory, cannot excuse their now far more multitudes; nor can some of his not good, justify their much worse rites, and inventions, as in the formerly specified particulars hath appeared. Whereunto may be added their other new inventions of q Formula baptizandi campanas, ad fugandos daemons, ijsue nomina imponere. Durant. de Ritib. lib. 1. cap. 22. Baptizing Bells for driving away Devils: their misapplying the words of their Liturgy, [ r Sacerdos uno tantùm astante Missam celebrare potest, & dicere, Dominus vobiscum: vel significando Angelos, quos habemus in oration participes, vel alloquendo Ecclesiam. Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 15. num. 5. Edit. Rom. anno— 91. The Lord be with you,] (which were intended to the congregation present) unto Angels, or else to the Church, though absent: their s evangelium lecturus faciem adversus Aquilonem vertat. sicut enim per Austrum, qui ventus calidus leniter flat, & ad amorem dilectionis ioflammat, ita per Aquilonem, qui durus & frigidus est, diabolus intelligitur, qui eos quos possidet frigidos reddit, Durant. ibid. ca 23. num. 14. Reading the Gospel with their faces towards the North, betokening thereby an opposition against the devil: their undecent t In Canone Missae sacerdos se signet cruse, trinâ consignatione, proprietates personarum indicando; dum Pater in front, tanquam principium Trinitatis collocatur; Filius circa ventrem, quia à Patre genitus, à Patre item missum in ventrem Virgins: Spiritus sanctus medium obtinet locum tanquam charitas ac nexus Patris ac Filij. Ibid. cap. 45. pag. 489. Rom. edit. pag. 527. expressing the properties of the three persons in the Trinity by the cross in the forehead, heart, and belly: their curiously u1 Signat ter oblata. Et paulò post, crossing thrice the bread and wine both together, and u2 signat ter oblata. Et mox, thrice again both; then u3 signat semel super hostiam & semel super calicem. Et mox, once each in several, and u4 signat super hostiam, & sinistra tenens calicem, dextra signat super eum. Et mox, once again each; and u5 signat ter super hostiam & calicem simul. Et mox, again thrice and u6 signat semel super hostiam & semel super calicem. Et mox, once, and yet u7 signat semel super hostiam & semel super calicem. Et paul● post, again once, and u8 signat ter super hostiam & calicem simul. Et mox, thrice; and then ending the Canon with a thrice u9 accipit Sacramentum dextra, & tenens ●inistra calicem signat cum hostia à labio ad labium calicis per † ipsum & cum † ipso, & in ip † so bis signat inter pectus & calicem. In Miss. Romano, in canone Missae in Rubr. c. in ritu celebr. ind. Missan. crossing of the cup with the host, and twice crossing between his own breast and the cup: besides a number of other cross which after follow in the communion of these so crossed Sacraments. 15 Concerning these and such like infinite, so superstitious, and so seriously foolish ceremonies, we may learn sobriety. For if S. Augustine did lament the miserable vanity of his time, because that some of the governors of the Church a Hoc nimis dolco, quód multa, quae in divinis literis saluberrimè praecipiuntur, minùs curantur, & tam multis praesumptio●ibus, tam plena sunt omnia, ut gra●●●s corripia●ur, qui per octavas suas tertam nudo pede te●igerit, quám qui mentem vinolentiâ sepelierit. August. apist 119 cap. 19 less regarding obedience unto the commandments of God, than their own human ordinances and presumptions: how much more cause have our adversaries now to acknowledge their like oppression by their ceremonies, the burden whereof made some of their own Bishops further thus to groan even under but one kind: b OH qu●m multa hody in religio●ibus praecepta! quot vincula multiplicata! ● quim pauca, & tarda remedia! de quibus dicere videtur Christus, [Alicante onery gravia & importabilia, & imponunt ea in humeris hominum.] Contra hoc multiplicantes praecepta comminatur Deus duas maledictiones: prima est [Vae vobis Scribae & Pharisaei, qui clauditis regnis coelorum ante homines, ubi non intratis, nec permittitis alios intrare Secunda est, [Vae vobis Sc●●bae & Ph●●isaei, qui decimatis mentam & anetum, & relinquitis quae gravia sunt: scil legis judicium, misericordiam, & fidem 〈…〉. R●●leritus lib. 2. cap. 27. OH how many precepts and bonds are multiplied in religious Orders! oh how few & slow remedies! of whom Christ may seem to have spoken in saying, [They bind heavy burdens, and importable, etc. And yet again another; c Nobis Christianis, diversis temporibus, diversi Pontifices diversos religionum mores praescripserunt circa caeremonias, cultum, cibos, pompas. Sed hoc unum vincit admirationem, quòd illi his an bitiosis mo●ibus se coelum ascendere posse putent, quibus Lucifer olim coelo ceciderit Et tamen istae religionum leges non alio nituntur fu●damento, qu●m suis placitis. Agrippa de vanit. scient. cap. 56. diverse Popes have invented and prescribed unto Christians diverse religious ceremonies, whereby (which overcometh the rest in admiration) some think to aspire unto heaven: being taught sometime by certain Monks, that d Non possum non s●omachari in eos, qui ut suum instirutum laudent, non verentur coram populo iactare & dicere, eum qui semel habitum istius Ordinis susceperit non posse in fide e●●are Alphon●●▪ à Castro. lib. 1. Haeres. 9 such as should wear the habits of their Order, could not possibly err in faith. We are weary even with noting the grievances of their superstitious ceremonies, whereof their own Authors have so often, so plainly, and so greatly complained. 16 And yet behold an acccusation more heinous than any of the rest, whereof we have their learned Bishop Espencaus our witness. He, examining the Romish Missals, judgeth them by comparison more deformed than such which were long before e Episcopus Lugdunensis, qui se dixit in Missalibus superflua, ridicula, & bla●phema correxil●e, nunc (ait Lindanus) si viveret, & nostra conspiceret Antiphonaria & Missalia. Deum immortalem, quo ea pingeret nomine' ubi non apocryphas modô ex evangelio Nicodemi, alijsque nugis sunt inserta, sed & secretae preces mendis ●urpissimis conspurca●ae, etc. Nec ita dudum mortuus Driedo Lovanij egregius Theologus— addit Nonnulla de sanctis scripta, iust● ratione videri vel suspecta, vel ab haereticis conficta. Episcopus ●spenc●us in 1. Tim. lib. 1. cap 11. censured by the Bishop of Lions as supers●uous, ridiculous, blasphemous; and in brief, so utterly execrable, that their excellent Scooleman Driedo suspected them to have been invented by heretics. And will they have us think that S. Gregory would patronise (we forbear to name their Idolatry,) such their Missals? Let now our Reader judge whether Church is more semblably the Spouse of Christ: ours, which seeketh to approve herself by composing her religion unto the fashion of primitive integrity: or theirs, which besides the vanity, the superstition, the profaneness of many ceremonies, is also enthralled in a spiritual bondage, and entangled with so ragged f Gal. ●. 1. rudiments of importable g Gal. 4. 3. traditions, that if (as h Quamuis sint qui ceremonias à carendo dictas malint. Polydore Virg. Invent. lib. 5 cap. 11. some think) the name of ceremony came of carendo, well it were that their Church did want them. It remaineth that we both free Protestants from the note of contradiction in this first question, about the faith of S. Gregory, and that we likewise derive from him our professed Protestant conclusions. CHAP. four That the Protestants are reconcilable unto themselves in commending S. Gregory his virtues, and yet taxing some of his imperfections. precepts of life, are expressed in Scripture: and that therefore unwritten traditions are not necessary. This doctrine the Romanists call d Bellarm. lib. 4. 〈…〉 Stap●●ton. cap. 3. Doctr Princip. lib. 12. Greg Valent. Analys. lib. 8 ●a. 6. Lindanus 〈◊〉 Dial. 2. and others, where they make equal doctrines of traditions unwritien with the word of God. heresy (so they now,) albeit S. Gregory (notwithstanding he useth to confirm some things by tradition) doth so absolutely profess it, as though he had intended to be partial in our behalf: e In hoc volumine omnia, quae erudiunt, cuncta quae aedificant scripta continetur. Gregor. in Ezech. l. 1. hom. 9 ad finem. Whatsoever (saith he) serveth for edification, is contained in the volume of holy Scriptures. And again, f Libri sacri ad loquendum nobis quasi quaedan●ge●● venae sunt, eos ad sacrae authoritatis paginas vocat, ut si verè loqui desiderant, inde sumere debeant quid loquantur: ac si aptè dicat, qui ad verae praedicationis verba se praeparet, necesse est, ut causam originis à sacris paginis sumat, ut omne quod loquitur ad divinae authoritatis fundamenta revocet, atque in eo aedificium locutionis suae firmet. Greg. 〈…〉. Mor. in job. lib. 18. ca 14. Whosoever will avouch any divine truth, must build his speech upon this foundation: which was so undoubtedly his doctrine, that the learned Doctor of Paris said, that, according to the judgement of S. Gregory, he is infected with a g Idem seculis sequentibus scripsit Gregorius, cognomento Magnus, Romanus Episcopus, in comment. in Ezech. & job asserit haereseos tabe inquinatos, qui extra sacras Scripturas aliquid docent aut proferunt: loquor de ijs, quae ad fidei & doctrinae substantiam pertinent. Molineus lib. de Conc. Trid. Sect. 27. contagion of heresy, that teacheth any substantial point of faith, which is not contained in Scripture. And this is likewise agreeable unto that observation used by S. Gregory, saying, that heretics do usually for the confirmation of their perverse opinions, suggest such proofs as are not found in Scriptures. h Saepe haeretici dum sua student perversa astruere, ea proferunt, quae in sacrorum librorum paginis non tenentur. Greg. Moral. lib. 18. ca 14. in princi●io. 3 Again, there was anciently granted unto all intelligent Christians a privilege of reading holy Scriptures, and of using the public prayers in a known tongue: which the now i At Catholica Christi Ecclesia, non quidé prohibet omnino vulgares Translationes: prohibetur tamen ne passim omnibus sine discrimine concedatur eiusmodi lectio, & ne in publico & communi usu Ecclesiae Scripturae legantur, vel canantur vulgaribus linguis. Bellar. de verbo Deo, lib. 2. cap. 15. §. At Catholica. Nos tamen libentèr fatemur, tunc temporis la●cos in Scripturarum lectione fuisse versatos, quia sacra eloquia erant Graeco vel Latino sermon conscripta, quem sermonem vulgus quoque callebat. Nunc verò plebs ferè rudis est & imperita Latini sermonis: at Laic● qui Graecé vel Latinè noverunt, Scripture as iure optimo lectitant. Azor. Ies. Inst. Moral. lib. 8. cap. 26. Roman Church by her prohibition hath disannulled, and called in the k In Indice recèns edito jussu Clementis viij. Pont. nulla tribuitur de novo facultas Episcopis concedendi licentiam legendi vel retinendi Biblia vulgaria, cùm hactenus mandato S. Romanae & universalis Inquisitionis sublata sit facultas concedendi huiusmodi licentias: quod inviolatè seruandum est. Azor. jesan eodem loco. licence of using any vulgar translation; notwithstanding it be confessed, that anciently the people of God, l See the former testimony of Azorius at the letter. i. so long as they understood Latin, ( * As appeareth by his Homilies which he preached unto the people in Latin. ergo in the days of S. Gregory) did usually read the Scriptures. And although our adversaries object m Scripturae obscuriores sunt quàm ut possint 3. Laicis intelligi. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 16. and Rhemists annot. in Act. 8. 31. obscurity of Scriptures, for an argument of hindering laymen from reading Scriptures; yet S. n Sicubi terreni Imperatoris scripta acciperes, non quiesceres, nec somnum oculis dares, priusquàm scripta illa agnovisses. Imperator coeli, Angelorun ac hominum Deus, tibi pro vita tua epistolas suas transmisit; & tamé eas ardentèr legere negligis: Stude ergo quaeso, & creatoris tui verba meditare, disce cor Dei in verbis Dei. And a little before, Quid est autem Scriptura sacra, nisi epistola omnipotentis Dei ad creaturam suam? Greg. lib. 4. epist. 40. ad Theodorum Medicum. Gregory exhorted a layman to the serious study of them, that thereby he might learn the will of God: alleging for his argument, that holy Scripture is the Epistle of God unto his creature; proving further, that o Magnae utilitatis est ipsa obscuritas eloquiorum Dei, quia exercet sensum— ut exercitatus capiat quod capere nequit, ociosus habeat quoque adhuc maius aliud; quia si in cunctis Scripturae sacrae intelligentiae esset aperta, vilesceret, quae in quibusdam locis obscurioribus inventa animum reficit. Gregor. lib. 1. homil. 6. super Ezech. obscurity of Scriptures, is so frothy an argument for persuading any devout Christian not to read them, that it should rather incite them to greater diligence therein. And therefore, as it were yielding a public licence hereof, for the spiritual comfort of the readers, he doth elegantly compare the Scripture unto a p Scriptura quasi quidam flwius est, ut dixerim, planus & altus, in quo & agnus ambulet, & elephas natet. Gregor. epist. ad Leandrum, cap. 4. super Moral. river, wherein (saith he) there are as well shallow fords for Lambs to wade in, as depths and gulfs wherein the Elephant may swim. Why then should the people of God be now deprived of their ancient prerogatives? or how is not she become a stepdame, which shall deny her little ones the wholesome teats of a true Mother-Church? which are (as S. q Est matter Ecclesia, & ubera eius duo testamenta divinarum Scripturarum. August. tract. 3. in Ep. job. Augustine calleth them) the old and new testament: and after the days of S. Gregory, Anno 720, were not forbidden unto our English nation, when venerable Bede, to the end he might draw the profane world from vain conceits unto the reading of Divine stories, did * See a little hereafter. translate divers parts of the Bible into the English Saxons tongue. 4 Their prohibition of the vulgar prayers in a known tongue, is taught in their r See Conc. Trid. Sess. 22. Council of Trent: for the defence whereof their Cardinal doth affirm, that s Dicimus hoc ipso esse (eam) graviorem & magis venerandam, quòd non est vulgaris. Bellar. lib. 2. de verb● Dei, cap. 15. §. Septimo. the Latin is more venerable, by how much less it is vulgar and commonly understood. This could not have been sound Divinity in the days of S. Gregory, in the City of Rome, when the Latin language had the fortune to be t Stapulens. apol. praefixa ante epist. Paul●, & Thomas Morus epist ad Martinum Dorpium, & ●rasmu● ad eundem. vulgar. What shall we say unto their vulgar Latin translation? this is now held by them to be so authentical and absolute, that their u Concil. Trid. Sess. 4. Council hath defined it unlawful for any one upon any pretence to reject it, but that it shall be used in all disputations, etc. albeit S. Gregory 200 years after S. Jerome, had not that respect unto it, but both x Novam translationem dissero, sed ut comprobationis causa exigit, nunc novam, nunc veterem per testimonia assumo. Greg ep●ad Leandrum, in exp. lib. job. cap. 5. praefixa l. 1. Moral. in job. Sciendum est duas esse translationes apud Latino's in usu & honore, Romanam scil & Gallicam; Romana est quâ utuntur Romani & Italici, quae de Graeca in Latinam scripta est á Symmacho & Aquila, secundùm 70 Interpretes Ptolomaei Regis. Badain Psal. 1. praefat. Gregorius— exponens illa verba job cap. 1. [Sic faciebat job omnibus diebus vitae suae]— secutus est interpretationem Aquilae, quam memorat Hieronym. quamque alij Patres secuti sunt. Pererius Ies. Comment. in ●enes. 37. vers. 3. he and other Fathers followed the translation of Aquila, as their own learned jesuite observeth. So again Of other points appertaining unto the Church, and the blessed Virgin. SECT. 2. 5 Some of our a Nostra sententia est, unam esse Ecclesiam non d●as:— & hanc visibilem & palpa●ilem esse, ut est coetus populi Romani, vel reg●um ●alliae, & c. Bellar. de. M●l●●. Eccles lib. 3 cap. 2. Dico impios Ch●istianos' esse vera membra Christi, etiamsi non viva.— Idem esse verum membrum Christi. quoad externam professionem, & membrum diaboli, quoad morum perversitatem. Ibid lib. 3. cap. 9 Sensus, non verba Bellar. Adversaries (to take away the distinction of visible and invisible Church) have so conceited of the Catholic Church (the article of Christian belief) as to think, that wicked men and the limbs of Satan may be true members of this mystical body of Christ, even for their outward profession sake. We contrariwise teach, that those glorious titles of Spouse, of Christ, and Catholic Church, do properly appertain unto the faithful and elect of God: which accordeth unto S. Gregory his judgement, professing that b In ca●ne Dominus ad Ecclesiam veniens,— fines Ecclesiae occulti judicij sub●ilitate distinx it. Et post: Intra has mensuras sunt omnes electi, extra has sunt omnes reprobi, etiamsi intra fidei limitem esse videantur. Gregor. Moral. lib. 28. cap. 6. Sanctam Ecclesiam de Sanctis in aeternum permansuris constructam, nullis huius vitae persecutionibus superandam, ipse super quem aedisicata est evidenter ostendit, cùm ai●, Portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam. Idem in Psalm. 5. 〈◊〉. unum corpus est tota sancta universalis Ecclesia, sub Christo jesu capite suo constituta:— Christus itaque cum tota sua Ecclesia, sive quae adhuc versatur in terris, s●ue quae cum eo iam regnat in coelis, una persona est, & sicut est una anima, quae diu●rsa corporis membra vivificat, ita totam simul Ecclesiam unus Spiritus sanctus vegetat & illustrate. Sicut namque Christus, qui est caput Ecclesiae, de Spiritu sancto conceptus est; sic sancta Ecclesia, quae eius corpus est, eodem Spiritu repletur ut viva●: quo totum corpus per nexus & coniunctiones subministratum & constructum, crescit in augmentum Dei. ●●tud est corpus, extra quod non vivificat Spiritus. Greg. in Psal. 5. poenit. in principio. within the limits of the Church are all the elect, without it are the reprobate; because the holy Church, against which the gates of hell shall not prevail, consisteth of the elect unto eternal allow it, they subvert all the consequent of their former dispute, which is summarily this; Gregory our converter was a godly man: Ergo his doctrine is to be embraced in every particular. Which is a lank and lame consequent, as hath been b See above, c. 1. ●. 3. proved by the judgement of diverse of their own Authors opposing against the doctrine of S. Gregory in many particulars. Their second error is by commission, namely the misapplying of the testimonies of Protestants, for their sinister advantage. SECT. 5. 10 They promised a large description of their objected points of doctrine, and yet in the issue are found to bring for the confirmation of a See above, c. 2. § 4. Mass and b § 5. Sacrifice, only verbal exceptions; for proof of c §. 6. transubstantiation, only the supposal of a lying Legend; for defence of their d § 9 Penance and Confession, points immaterial, and not controverted between us; for maintenance of e §. 10. Freewill and f § 11. Merit, phrases ambiguous and doubtful; for avouching g §. 19 Indulgences, only an indirect collection. Therefore cannot this their manner of proceeding deserve the name of a description of the Romish religion throughout every particular. The third Error of the Apologists, by omission. SECT. 6. 11 They assumed a proof of the concordance and agreement of the faith of S. Gregory with the now Romish doctrine throughout every particular, and have not only failed in the due proof of such particulars as they have mentioned, to wit, their Sacrifice of the Mass, Transubstantiation, Confession, Freewill, Merit, Indulgences, etc. but also have not at all mentioned diverse particulars of moment, which are between us controvertible; concerning the Canon of Scripture, with the vulgar use; the authority of a Council above the Pope; the sovereignty of an Emperor in causes temporal; the private Mass, Halfe-communion, Adoration of the Eucharist, the seven Sacraments, Ablution and purging of venial sins by holy-water; together with other their newly invented * See before. Traditions, and ceremonies: which are (as hath been confessed) either by their number, burdensome; or by their significations, vain and frivolous; or by their exactions and opinion of necessity, injurious; or in their use superfluous; or lastly, in their own nature (such have been their Missals) very blasphemous. The Conclusion. SECT. 7. 12 If now as travelers after long and wearisome courses, when winding up unto the top of an high hill, and taking a breathing, do look back behind them, to take a full view of their passed travels; our Reader shall be likewise affected in this our constrainedly tedious discourse: he may in our passages discern the inconsiderate importunity of our adversaries the Apologists, who (in their undertaking of a a Apolog. §. 3. A farther demonstration, signifying that their former proofs are demonstrations: as they do in other section● following. demonstration of their now Romish religion, as being consonant unto the doctrine of S. Gregory, not only in some one or two points, but even throughout every particular: concluding from the commendation of his virtue and learning a necessary belief in all) are found to be very impotent and weak disputers; whose Mayor proposition, viz. such a commendable converter is thoroughly to be believed, hath been proved a mere non sequitur from their own examples: their assumption, to demonstrate their religion throughout every particular, is only a peremptory presumption: because that either most of the doctrines propounded were not the now Romish profession, or that many other points of the now Romish profession have not been propounded; and therefore do they remain chargeable to recant this their first demonstration of their Apology in the most particulars. CHAP. VI Concerning the faith of the Eualdi. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. With the profession whereof they doubt not likewise (in plain terms) particularly to charge certain famous and godly learned English men, who lived in the ages next after our said conversion, as namely f Mr. Bale in Catalogue. scriptorum il●●strium maio●is Britanniae, Centur. 14. pag. 145. speaking of their martyrdom, saith: Passi sun● pro papismo papistici Martyrs. Anno 693 And see further the century writers, Cent. 7. cap 6. col. 154. and Luc. Osiander in epitome. Cent. 7. l. 4. c. 20. pag. 331. circa & post med. the two (memorable) brethren named Eualdi, whom they therefore call papistical. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. Our Authors reading of bitter contentions then risen between some ancient Germans, and a Roman Converter Boniface, and not being able certainly to define, whether those a Irenaeus & alij Patres Bonifacio antiquiores Germanicarum Ecclesiarum meminere. De Germanis resistenubus Bonifacio, viz Clements, Adelberto, & alijs Episcopis vide Auentinum lib. 3. Annal. & Naucler, ●●●erat. 25. & 26. ●dit. Colon. 1584. Saxons were then Christians, and also free at that time from any subjection unto the Bishop of Rome, (as Britons and Scots anciently had been) did therefore murder those brethren the Eualdi, as authors of an innovation in the●r Church: or whether they were pagan and Idolatrous people, and had martyred these devout brethren for the profession of the b At ●eda writeth, lib. 5. lust. cap. 11. faith of Christ; our Authors (we say) were by this perplexity of story drawn into an uncertainty of judgement, but so as keeping moderation. For if those Eualdi were murdered by Infidels (say they) for the profession of Christ, they are then, doubtless, to be accounted Christ's Martyrs: but if they suffered for the Roman ceremonies, and jurisdiction, they must then be accounted his Martyrs in whose quarrel they died. 2 Which supposal, viz. that they died in defence of the Roman rites c Si ab Ethnicis propter religionem Christian● 〈…〉 fuer●●t, reverses etiam Christi Martyrs fuerunt: quòd si verò quia Romanas caeremonias in Ecclesiam invehere conati sunt, ●nter ver●s Martyrs non sunt number andi. Osiander Cent 7. lib. 4. cap. 20. pag. 331. Eualdi frat●es. natione Angli, venientes in prou●ncian● antiquorum Saxonum, novas caeremonias Papisticas instituturi & propugnaturi ● villicis suspecti habebantur, quasi ●d novam religionem homines pertrahere conarentur, & comprehensi trucidati sunt. Centur. 7. pag. ●●●. and of Papal authority, moved one to call them Papistical Martyrs: not thereby implying the general Romish religion, no more than Pater Paulus that Venetian Doctor (whose picture the Romanists took, and therein adjudged him unto the fire, calling him therefore Mezzo Lutherano, for defending but one only doctrine prejudicial unto the Papal authority,) could be properly said, to have defended the whole profession of Luther. 3 And if notwithstanding they shall insist in their claim of these two for suffering death in maintenance of a Papal jurisdiction over foreign Churches, miserable will be their issue, especially considering, that we have many twoes to oppose against these, even a thousand and two hundred religious Britons; who in a resolute resistance of that jurisdiction and authority of Austen the Legate of S. Gregory, died under the hands of pagan, and (as d See above chap. 4. lit. f. Galfride speaketh) suffered martyrdom. If contrariwise the forenamed Eualdi (as is more e See Bede lib. 5. hist. Eccles. c. 11. probable) be understood to have suffered death by the rage of Infidels, for preaching the glorious name of Christ; they then are to be esteemed his Martyrs whose cause they maintained: and then in that respect may our Apologists as soon separate us from Christ, as these Eualdi from us. CHAP. VII. Concerning the faith of Bede. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And S. Bede whom they likewise expressly charge with g Luc. Osiander in epitome. Cent. 8. lib. 2 c. 3 pag. 58. initio, saith of Beda: Omnibus Pont sicijs erroribus (in articulis in quibus nos hody à Papa dissentimus) involutus est, etc. And saith yet further of him, Bonus fuit vir. error in all those Popish articles wherein they at this day differ from the Pope, and yet (that his profession notwithstanding) they do think him worthy the surname of h M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments printed 1576. pa. 128 b. initio, and M. Cowper in his Chronicle at the year 724. fol. 168. b, and Holinshead in his great Chronicle of the last edition, vol. 1. pag. 130 b. initio. reverend, not doubting to number him amongst i M. Doctor Humphrey in jesuitismi. part. 2. ●at. 3. pag. 326. ante medium. the godly men raised up by the holy Ghost. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. VEnerable Bede lived in the eight Century after Christ: whom our Adversaries themselves grace with the epithet of Venerable, & yet spare not to tax him of a Beda in historia Anglorum, labitur interdum, vulgoque iactata miracula scribit. Canus loc. Theol. lib. 11. c. 6. Refert Beda historiam, cui ego fidem dare non possum. Suarez Ies. tom. 4. in Thom. disp. 46. §. 1. num. 8. 12 13. light credulity in believing and reporting fabulous miracles, and stories incredible; of b Sunt in libris Clementis fabulosa multa, nonnulla Catholicis dogmatibus adversaria, etc. Ex harum recog. volumine 6. expositionem in Genesin, Beda se accepisse fatetur. Senens. Bibl. lib. 2. tit. Clemens. Lugduni 1593. framing his expositions of Scriptures out of books fraught with matters fabulous, and contrary to the Catholic doctrine: and lastly, of c Dieit aliquid de loco amoeniss. ubi animae usque ad diem judicij maneant; quod incredibile est de omnibus affirmare, & contra Ecclesiae suffragi●. Su●●rez quo suprà, §. 4. num. 9 & §. 1. num. 12. 13. although he suspect those revelations were not Bedes. false opinions concerning the places of souls departed. 2 Such like their censures of his errors, joined with the public imperfections of the time wherein he lived, and whereof he d See §. 2. at the letter, n. himself complained, may justly privilege our Reader nor wholly to rely upon his authority. Which conclusion is not delivered by us in utter diffidence of his accordance unto our cause: for Illyricus, one of the Authors of the Centuries, affirmeth, that c Si quis testimonia de varijs orthodoxae doctrinae articulis, ex Beda & alijs collecta, cum Trident●ni Concilij novis Decretis, & Pontificijs traditionibus conferat, videbit quam falsò Pontificij de opinionum suarum antiquitate glorientur. Catalog●l est. verit. lib. 8. jugdum, anno 1597. venerable Bede, in the most principal controversies, was an adversary to the now professed Romish faith. Let us try this, and see Whether venerable Bede be not in his writings an adversary unto the principal points of Romish profession. SECT. 2. 3 Nothing can be more direct for our justification, by the imputed merits of our head Christ, then that his heavenly Axiom, saying, a Christi mors nostra vita est, eius damnatio nostra justificatio. Beda in Psal. 87. initio. The condemnation of Christ is our justification. Nothing more opposite unto the Romish justifying by inherent perfection, than (speaking of the regenerate) to say, b Per justitiam factorum nemo iustificabitur, sed per ola●● justitiam fidei. Beda in Psal. 77. & in Marc. lib. 1. c. 2. No man shall be saved by the righteousness of works, but by the only righteousness of faith. Nothing more crosseth the proper conceit of c Instruit David ut nemo vel libertatem a●bitrij, vel merita sua sufficere ad be atitudinem credat, sed solà Dei gratià se salvari posse intel●igat Beda 〈◊〉 Psal. 31. in princip. free-will, and d Memento mei, Domine, ut miserearis, secundùm misericordiam tuam, id est, te condignam: non se c●ndùm itam, me condign●m. Idem in Psal 24. Merit of works, than his flat denial of them both. Nothing more plainly controlleth the opinion of seven Sacraments, then to acknowledge only e Sicut ex later Adae ●ua generata est, ita ex later Christi in 〈◊〉 dor●mientis exicrunt Sacramenta, sanguis scil. & aqua, ex quibus constituta est Ecclesia. In Psal. 41. two, whereon the Church is founded. Nothing more contradicteth the title of Catholic Church, by them appropriated only to the Church visible, than his applying it to the f Ecclesia sancta & universalis ex multis electorum personis aedi●icatur. ●ib. 2. d● Tabernac. cap. 2. una est Ecclesia, quia divisionem schis●atis non recipit, una est, quia non alia ante lege●, alia sub lege, alia sub gratia, alia de circumcissione, alia de praep●tio collect●● sed sicut [unus Dominus, una fides, unum b●ptisma, unus Deu● Pater omnium,] id est, una Catholica electorum omnium ●i●ultitudo. Idem in 〈◊〉. lib● ● cap. 6. Ex ditabus partibus unitas Ecclesiae congregatur, corum viz qui peceare ne●ciunt, & corum qui peceare desistunt. In Luc. lib. 4. cap. 11. Contrary unto Bellar. de Pont Costerus ●nchirid. society of the elect only. Nothing more undermineth the whole foundation of Popery, then to take away that Romish sense and interpretation of these words [ g Meta●horicè Petro dictum est [Super hanc petram] id est, salvatorem, quem confessus est, aedificatur ecclesia: qui fideli confesson sui nominis participi●m do●●uit. In Matth 16 Fundamen●a, quandò plutaliter ponuntur, Doctores significant q●ando singularitèr, Doctorum Docto●em Christum jesum. Idem cap 21 in Apocalyps. & in joh c 21. Tues Petrus;] and further in particular to confess, contrary to the now h Null●s Papa ut Papa, fuit un●uam haereticus. Bellarm. valentian. & a●●. Roman faith, that their i Beda item de natura rerum cap 67. In 6. Synodo ●ait) Macharius cum suis sequacibus simul & praecesso●ibus, Cyto, Sergio, & Honorio, Py●●ho, anathematizatus est.— Atque in fine 6. Synodi ponitur epissola L●onis ad Constantinum, ubi anathematizamus (inquit) Cyrum, Sergium, nec non Honorium, qus hanc Apostolicam ●c●lesiam, non Apostolica traditionis doctrina lustravit, sed prophana p●oditione immaculatam fidem subvertere conatus est. Canus lib. 6. cap. 8. pag. 213. Which although Cardinal Bellarmine seeketh to 〈◊〉, by answering; yet Three Popes concur in the same judgement of condemning H●norius in the name of an heretic, as witnesseth their said Canus, saying, Quem, etc. See more copiously hereafter of the here, 〈◊〉 of other their 〈◊〉 li●. 5. cap 24. per totum Pope Honorius was an heretic. Nothing more advantageth the privilege of Christians, behoveful for their devotion, edification, consolation, than the common use of Scriptures in their vulgar tongue; which he professed, both by k See Baronius, anno 731. num. 21. translating some Scriptures into English, and also in l Si in nostram correptio●em & con●olation●m omnia scripta sunt,— insistendum nobis est, pro suo quisque 〈◊〉 odu●o, n● ea, quae p●opter nos scripta s●nt. per incuriam nostram praetercamus Beda Prologue su●er Sam lib. 1. And more notably in another pla●e, where, admiring the 〈…〉 care in giving themselves to the hearing of the divine law, be saith: exhorting thereunto, by m Quo exemplo, reor, in Ecclesia morem inolevisse, ut per fingulas diurnae psalmodiae horas lectio una de veteri sive novo Testamento, cunctis audientibas, ex cord● dicatur & sic Apostolicis sive Propheticis confirmati verbis, ad instantiam orationis genua flectant. Sed & horis nocturnis, ed 〈◊〉 à laboribus cestatur operum, liberae auditus lectionum divinatum aures accommodantur. Beda in Esra exposit. Alleger. lib. 3. cap. 27. pag. 571. argument from antiquity. women, harsh of speech, and of a savage and bloody disposition. Therefore the argument of these disputers, from one Article to conclude an acknowledgement of all, is no better than from the sight of a man's head upon the top of a pole, to infer the presence of the whole body. 5 But be it granted (for so it is) that the Papal Primacy, beginning in Boniface the third, is now 900 years old: yet is it true (by their own confession) that S. Gregory preceding Boniface in that Chair, did in himself, and in the name of all his predecessors disclaim, & detest the same d See above cap. 2. §. 29. title of Romish Prelacy. So then truth being always truth, and admitting no shadow of change by alteration or interruptions of time, our Adversaries for the gaining of 900 years of the continuance of Popedom ex facto, that is, by way of fact or event, must necessarily yield unto us de iure, that is, by way of right, the truth of our cause from the antiquity of 1500. e That is the 900, from Boniface unto these latter times, and 600 years before Boniface unto Christ. years: so damnifiable is the gain which they so earnestly have sought. 6 Their second witness (M. Napier) seemeth to them to deal more liberally, yielding unto them an interrupted prescription of twelve hundred and sixty years, and that without any debatable contradiction. Which testimony, together with the next of M. Brocard, our adversaries have repeated seven several times in this Apology, proving them to be, as it were, the two Hercules his pillars, beyond which we may not pass. But this witness (alas for the darkness of judgement of these Apologists) speaketh not of the whole profession of the Romish Church, but only of one Article predominant therein, namely the doctrine of Popedom; neither yet do they absolutely confess this to have been, so long time, undebatably ancient and universal. For M. f M. Napier his own words are as clear as the day, to signify that he doth not speak in general of the whole body of the Romish faith, and of the universal antiquity thereof, which is the point in question; but only of the first original of the Papal dominion, and Antichristian kingdom, as he calleth it: which he accordingly beginneth at that certain year, in which imper●all rob●ss, a triple crow●●, and a tem●●rall dominio, are said to have been first given by Constantine to Pope Sylvester and his successors: for he saith: We must begin our account at the Pope's first power and authority, even at this first coronation● and this was about the year of our Lord 316, when the Emperor Constantine gave Sylvester the great temporal dominions and triple crown Napier in Revelat. pag. 67. which was about this year● 316, as both their Canon law, and Genebrard their Chronologer witnesseth, viz. Constantinus Papae coronam, & omnem regiam potestatem, & in urbe Romana, & in Italia, & in partibus Occidentalibus concessit. Decret. Dist. 96. c. Constantinus. Ge●●brar● Chronolog. 3. in Syluestro primo. August. Ste●ch. pro Donat. Constant. contra ●aur. Vallam. Napier (see his own Treatise in the place objected) upon a supposition of the truth of a Romish history, which neither g But some think this whole gift to be false and tainted: yet it thus appertaineth to our matter, that seeing the Papists claim it as true, and thereat make their beginning, it behoveth u●, whether it be true or false, to begin our account where they began their kingdom, which fell between the years of God 300. and 316. Napier in Revelat. pag. 67. himself believeth, and some of their own h Commentitia fabu●a est. Valla de Donat. Constant. Authors reject (among whom is their Pope i Pius secundus Pont. sedulus rerum vetustate involutarum & diligentissimus indagator, paleae scripta de Constantino ut subdititia & adulterina refellit. Hieron. Balbus Episc. de coronat. ad Carolum 5. Imperat. by which we may discern the weakness of their witness M. Napier, who maketh his own voluntary and unsensible descant upon a false basis, and yet his testimony is here erected as one of their chief bulwarks. Pius secundus) as fabulous; and a bastardly counterfeit; from the which (although false) opinion of the donation of Constantine, yet in the common belief of later Romanists received for true, M. Napier laboureth to convince the first time of entrance of the Romish antichristianity. By which dealing of these obiectors, our reader may weigh the worth of their credit. 7 If notwithstanding this our eviction and proof, thy shall contend to show from the ingenuous confession of M. Napier, that this Article of Papal Primacy was 1260, years received universally without any debatable contradiction; yet durst we appeal unto our Adversaries themselves for a confutation of such a fiction; for they cannot be ignorant, that the now usurped jurisdiction of the Pope of Rome, received continual oppositions by godly k The Churches of Graecia, Asia. Calc●c●nd. de rebus Turc. lib. 1. cap. 6. And as it is confessed in the next Chapter. Churches of Greece, Asia, l Of Athiopia. Aluarez descrip. Aethiop. cap. 77. & 83. Aethiopia, m Of Bohemia Aeneas Silvius hist. Bohem. cap. 35. lib 1. Bohemia, n Of Moscovia. iovius de Moscow. Moscovia; by godly Counsels, as the Council of o Conc. Chalcedon. saying, that the Romish Primacy was established by man: and is therefore rejected by Bellar. lib. 2. de Pont cap. 17. Chalcedon, that the Pope's Primacy is not from divine authority: of p Conc. Carthag. 3. Vt primae sedis Episcopus non appelletur Princeps sacerdotum, aut summus Sacerdos, aut aliquid huiusmodi, sed tantum primae sedis Episcopus. Can. 26 Et Gratian dist. 99 Can. Primae sedis. Non placuit Patribus Concilij. ut Rom. Pon●ifex universalis appellaretur. Roffens. Episc. Assert. Luther. verit. 8. answereth, Titulus iste non placuit Concilio: adding, Is quidem fuerat Princeps ●acerdotum, & summus Sacerdos, — but, studuit illa aetas modestiae & humilitati. Carthage, denying his title of Universality: the Council of q Conc. African. Adtr●nsmarina autem qui putaverit appellandum, à nullo intra Africam in communionem suscipiatur. cap. 92. And therefore rejected by Bellar. saying, Patres Concilij fuerunt decepti. Bellar. lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 25. Africa, denying appeals unto Rome; the Counsels of r Conc. Pisanum, Gregorium 12. & Benedictum 13. deposuit. S. Antoninus 3. part. tit. 22. cap. 5. §. 2. & 3 Summae Iust. calleth this Conciliabulum illegitimum, witness Bellar. lib. 2. de Pont. c. 31. Pisa, and s Conc Constantiense, fer● mill Patrum: which concluded, Concilium esse suprá Papam. Rejected by Bellarm. Quantum ad eam partem. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 7. Constance, confirmed almost by a thousand Fathers therein; and the Council of t Conc. Basilien. upon the same point: therefore rejected by Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 7. and by Stapleton. Conciliabulum iniquum censendum est: Doctr. Princ. lib 13. ca 15. tit. Tibri, Success. Eccl. defensio. Schismaticum & seditiotum. Bellar. lib. 3. the Eccle milit. ca 16. Basil, denying the authority of the Pope above a Council. All which are therefore by the most of their now Romanists openly rejected. Lastly might be alleged many godly u Ab Othone primo ex bono zelo, quamuis non secundúm scientiam, johannes 12. Papa depositus fuit. Bellar. lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 29. Qui Concilium indixit, convocatis Italiae Episcopis, quorum judicio vita sceleratissimi hominis dijudicaretur: qui venator lubricus & incorrigibilis erat. Quod factum laudat & approbat Tu●●ecremata, & hoc est valde utile. Francis. de Victoria, Relect. 4. cap. vlt. prop. 23. Many examples of this kind are largely set forth in the late book, entitled,. A full satisfaction, etc. Emperors, deposing many wicked Popes: besides famous Universities, as x Appellatio Vniversitatis Parisiensis à Leone 10. & Decreto Lateranensis Concilij. de Primatu, ad futurum Concilium generale. ●as●. rerum expetend. & fugiend. Academiae Lovaniensis & Coloniensis restiterunt. Aeneas Silvius degest. Conc. Basil. lib. 1. Paris, Louvain, Colen, and y Academia etiam Cracoviensis. Cromerus de rebus Polon. lib. 21. Cracouta, who were against it. And are not these public, real, instant, and almost incestant contradictions unto the Papal supremacy? 8 Their last witness is M. z For M. Brocard beginneth at the tyrannical Monarchy and oppression (as he there calleth it, not at the seduction of the Church into errors) at the same year that M. Napier doth, and with some doubtfulness also, as appeareth by his own words: Intelligimus totum illud tempus, quo de Primatu Ecclesiae, seu de Episcopo Romano contentio suit in Ecclesia, ut historiae tractant. Brocard. in Apoc. at the place objected, saying, Quàm verò peccavit sive Sylvester Papa, sive alius post ●yluestrum innovatae, etc. Brocard. ibid. See more hereof lib. 5. cap 25. sect. 3. etc. Brocard, one sometime of their own profession, speaking of that same one point of Roman religion, and, as it may seem, from the like doubtful and shallow grounds. It may be the Apologists will better ratify their cause in their next demonstration. CHAP. IX. Concerning the faith of the ancient Britons of Wales. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And this faith was also agreeable to that first faith, whereto the Britons of Wales were converted in the Apostles times. §. 3. In so much that whereas our learned Adversaries do truly affirm, (as being undoubted) that our neighbours the Britons of Wales, m M. Camden in his Britannia etc. pag. 40. circa med. saith, Certum est Britannos in ipsa Ecclesiae infantia Christianam religionem imbibisse: In proof whereof he there allegeth sundry ancient authorities, pag. 40. circa med. And pag. 157. paulo post med he saith: In hac floruit monasterium Glastenburie, quod antiquam repetit originem à jose●ho Arimathensi, etc. hoc enim & antiqu 〈…〉 monasterij monumenta restantur, &c nec est c●r de hac reambigamus. And M Harison in his description o● Br●tta●ne annexed to Holinshead his great Chronicle of the last edition, vol. 1. pa 23. a. l. 18. says: that joseph preached here in England in the Apostles times, his sepulchre yet in Glastenbury, and Epitaph affixed thereto is proof sufficient. Also M. Enoch Clapham, ●n his sou●●●●●ne remedy against Schism, pag. 24. speaking of the conversion of the Britt●nss in the Apostles times, faith thereof Our Schismatics may as well ask me what assurance I have there was a King Henry, as demand what assurance I have of the other. This point is also yet further affirmed By M. Doctor Fulke, in his book against Heskins, Sanders, etc. pag. 561. sect. 71 and in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 332. Also by M. Godwine, in his catalogue of Bishops, &c pag. 1. initio. received the ¶ M. Bale in his pageant of Popes, ●aith: The Britons being converted by joseph of A●imat●●●a, held that faith at Augustine's coming. And D. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament, in 2. Cor. 12. sect. 5. fol 316. 2. circa med. saith: The Catholic Britons, with whom Christian religion had continued in succession from the Apostles times, would not receive Austin. And in his answer to a counterfeit Catholic, pag 49 fine, he saith: The Britons before Augustine's coming, continued in the faith of Christ even from the Apostles times. And M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments printed 1576. pag. 463. 2, circa med. saith: The Britons after the receiving of the faith, never forsook it for any manner of false preaching of other, nor for torments etc. faith by the preaching of the Apostles, and held that faith at Austin's coming, not being (as they yet further affirm) in the mean time n In proof that the Britons of Wales, at and before Austin's coming into England, were not altered by the Roman● Church: M. D. Humphrey in jesuitismi, part 2. rat. 3. pag. 304. circa med saith: Habuerunt Britanni templa sibi non Romanis, qui tum Romano iugo non erant s●bditi, nec Romanam religionem suscipiebant, nec Augustinum Apostolum snum agnoscebant. Et vide ibidem, pag. 624. fine. Also M. Doctor Fulke in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 372. initio, saith: It appeareth that this land did never receive the doctrine and ceremonies of the Latin Church, before the t●me of the Saxons. altered or corrupted by the Roman Church: in the special proof whereof (as being most certainly true) o M. D. Barlow in his defence of the articles of the Protestants religion, pag. 21. affirmeth, the Church of the Britons to be as ancient every day, and as Christian every way as the Roman: affirming further, the integrity thereof (or not being altered by the Church o● Rome) first, by their observation of Easter different from Austin: Se●ondly, by the opposition which they made against Austin. Mr. D. Barlow seriously laboureth. It is nevertheless evident by S. Bede who lived p Bede did writ his history thereof, anno 724. as witnesseth M. Cowper in his Chronicle, fol. 168. b. so near to those times, & writ the History thereof, and is also acknowledged since by Protestant writers, that upon conference than had at a place, thereof called in Bedes time q Beda hist. lib. 2. cap. 2. initio, saith: Augustinus ad●●torio usus Edilbert●● Pegis, convocavit ad ●uum colloquium Episcopo●sive Doctores maximae & proximae Britonum provinciae, in loco ubi usque ●●●ie lingua Anglorum Augustineizat appellatur. And Holinshead in his great Chronicle of the last edition, volum. 1. l. 5. c. 21. pag 102. b. lin. 33. 40 &c maketh like mention hereof. Austineizat, between Austen & the Britton Bishops, who frowardly resisted Austen all they could, (for which M. Fox not unjustly reproveth them:) r M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments printed. 1576. pag. 12●, b, the greatest differences than stood upon between Austen and them, were expressly and only mentioned to be s Beda hist pomell 2. c 2. paulo post med. reporteth how Austin said to the Britons: Simo in tribus his obtemperare mihi vu●●●, ut Ta cha suo tempore celebretis, ut ministerium Baptizandi, quod eo renascimur, juxta morem Romanae & Apostolica 〈◊〉 comp●catis, ut genti Anglorum un● nobiscum praedicetis verbum Domini, caetera quae agitis quamuis moribus nostr●● contraria, aequanimiter cuncta tolerabimus. And the like is testified by Holi●shead, volum. 1. pag. 103. 2. line 17. and by M. Godwine in his catalogue of the Bishops, &c p. 6. ante med. their dissent from the use of the Roman Church in their (Ceremonies) or ministering of Baptism, and keeping of Easter: which latter (as Luc. t Luc. Osiander in epitome, cent. 2. l. 3. c. 2. pag. 51. circa med. saith: johannes & Phili●pus Apostoli Pascha celebraverant 14 luna post aequin●ctium vernum, quo tempore judaei etiam Pascha suum celebrare solebant, idque Apostoli haud dubiè fecerunt in gratiam eorum jud●orum, qui nuper ad Christum conversi fuerunt, & ut plures etiam judaeos Christo lucrifacerent Osiander witnesseth from antiquity) was tolerated by the Apostles in regard of the known weakness of some, even as for like respect u Act. 16. 3. circumcision was by them in like sort tolerated, and x Act. 15 29. abstinence from blood, and that which was strangled, especially prescribed. By which their so earnest dissenting about these only matters of smaller importance, is most plainly signified * For the Britons who contradicted Austin, and ●hat so earnestly, about these so few and smaller points, would never have been silent, but much the rather have withstood him in the other so many and incomparably much greater points of faith, had they in like sort disagreed from him therein. their full agreement in all other substantial and head points of faith. Which thing is also as yet more certainly evident, aswell in that the Britton Bishops y Beda hist l. 2 c. 2. ante med. saith. Tum Britoneses quidem confitentur intellexisse se, veram esse viam justitiae, quam praedicaret Augustinus. Hereof also see Holinshead ubi supra, pag. 102. b. line 54. confessed, that it was the right way of justice and righteousness which Austen taught: as also for that z M. Fulke in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 335. prope finem. Austen did (as M. Fulke affirmeth) at the last obtain the aid of the British Bishops to the conversion of the Saxons: So evidently doth that faith which Austen taught us, & which the Protestants acknowledge for Popish, demonstrate itself in general to be consonant & agreeable with that primitive f●●th, whereunto the Britons of Wales were (as is confessed) converted in the Apostles times. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. WE have seen by how willing and weak fallacies they have sought the defence of an ancient and universal approbation of their now Romish faith in general. In this their next argument they have given us more experience either of their silliness, or (we know not whether rather to term it) of their subtlety, as may be manifested by this examination following, viz. What, and of how great importance the differences were between those Britain Bishops, and the than Church of Rome. SECT. 2. 2 The points were (say the Apologists) only dissenting from the Roman Church in their ceremonies, or ministering of Baptism, and keeping of Easter: which are matters (in their estimate) but of smaller importance: which therefore again they call a Apolog. in the ●argent, at the note *. fewer and smaller points. But venerable Bede by them cited, doth intimate a third point of difference, to wit, a denial of subjection unto Austen, or the Sea of Rome, insinuated by the speech of Austen unto them, b Si in tribu● his mihi obtempera●e vultis, caetera quae agitis, quamuis moribus nostris contraria, aequanimitès cuncta tolerabimus. Augustinu● Monachus apud Bedam, lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. Modò mihi obtemperare, etc. that is, So that you will obey me in these things, etc. But more expressly by the answering of the Britain c Illi respondebant, se nihil horum facturos, neque illum p●o Archiepiscopo habituros. Beda ibid. Which is better cleared by Galfridut, as appeareth by the question of the lawfulness of offering for the dead, which Boniface an English Saxon, sent by the Pope to convert the Germans, desired to be satisfied in by Gregory the second. Bishops, saying, We will not do any thing which thou hast required, neither will we acknowledge thee our Archbishop. 3 Neither did M. Foxe (as the Apologists would seem to suggest) reprove the Britons for resisting the authority of Austen, but d A●● cannot but accuse Austin. etc. so I cannot but think the Britons much more too blame, who neglected so much their spiritual duty, in revenging their temporal wrong, that they denied their help for the turning of the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of salvation. M. Fox in the place objected. See hereof above, cap. 4. for not consenting unto the work of converting the Infidels. And how could these disputers call their points of difference, matters of smaller importance, seeing because of a professed renunciation of the Roman jurisdiction, their own Cardinal e Synodum habuit Augustinus Metropolitanus cum Episcopis antiquae Britannorum Ecclesiae, iam olim á communione Catholicae Ecclesiae diro schismate a●te divisis. Baronius anno 604. num. 55. And because they would not yield subjection, he saith: Plané vides Britannorum Episcoporum eorundemue. schismaticorum animum refractarium, ab unitate Catholicae Ecclesiae penitus resilientem Ibid. nis. 60. Baronius doth not spare to term both the Churches of Briton & of f Eâdem planè, qua Britanni pariter & Scoti erant schismatis fu●igine tincti, & discessionis ab Ecclesia Romana rei Baroniu●●●. num 65. Scotland, schismatical, and divided from the communion of the Catholic Church? 4 What kind of points they stood upon, may be best conjectured by the general subject of their question, which was about the g Tunc Britoneses quidem confitentur intellexisse se veram esse justitiae viam, quam praedicavit Augustinus. Apolog. ex Beda. The Apologists do here openly confounded two several conferences of Austin and the Britons, seeing the last and national Council of the while Britain Clergy did never acknowledge unto Austin that he taught the right way of justice, as Beda affirmeth at large. Those, who thus yielded, were a private assembly of a few. Beda ibid. true way of justice, and righteousness, and concerning the way of eternalll life, and salvation; doubtless matters of great moment. Which is hereby more probable, because afterward both the Britons, Scots, and Irish Bishops, so utterly rejected their doctrine, that the Bishop h Cognoscentes Britoneses, Scotos meliores putavirnus: Scotos verò per Digamum Episcopum & Columbanum Abbatem (in Hibernia) nihil discrepare à Britonibus in ipsorum conversatione didicimus. Nam Dagamus Episcopus ad nos ven●ens, non solùm cibum sumere nobiscum, sed nec in codem hospitio cibum sumere vol●it. Laurentius, Augustins successor, apud Bedam hist. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4. Dagamus denied all communion with them; yea and refused to eat bread in the same Inn wherein the Romish Bishops did lodge: which must imply causes of some weighty importance. 5 The point of celebration of the day of Easter, which the Apologists do here lightly pass over as a matter of small importance, was indeed before that time (in the censure of the Church of Rome) thought a matter of so Whether it can advantage our Adversaries to insist upon the Liturgies of the Grecians and Armenians. SECT. 3. 5 As yet we may be thought to have kept aloof; therefore do we approach nearer unto their objection, answering as our learned a D. Fulk in his answer to Allens Purgatery, fol. 349 Whereof our Apologist could not be ignovant, especially citing him so often our of that books. Doctor hath formerly done: viz. These ancient Liturgies, though they have been much altered, yet do they differ as much from the Romish Mass, as it differeth from the form of our communion. For he that looketh in these marginal testimonies, may perceive, that they profess not b unus est ex notissimis Graecorum & Armenorum erroribus, quo docent nullum esse Purgatorium, quo animae ex hac luce migrantes purgentur à sordibus, quas in hoc corpore contraxerunt Alphonsus à Castro, Hares. lib. 12. tit. Purgatorium. Purgatory, nor c Non propric invocamus Sanctos, sed Deum. non enim Petrus aut Paulus audit invocantes: sed gratia quam habent (viz. apud Deum.) Resp 1 Patriarch, and Gernt. eno●, cap. 21. But the Romish, who directly inuscate Saints, As present hearers, or rather (in Deo, tanquam in speculo) sceers of our prayers, do properly pray unto them. See more hereafter. properly invocation of Saints, nor prayer for deliverance of the dead out of d See above cap. 2. §. 14. Purgatory torments, nor e Solitariae Mislae ex Graecorum Liturgijs aper●●ssinè refutantns.— Hunc morem (to wit, that none should communicate, and the non-communicants should be seen forth) hodi Ecclesia Aethiopica diligentèr & religiosè observat: ut patet ex lib. Navigat ●r Aluarez. Cassander consult Art 24. prtuate Masses, nor multitudes of f In Graecorum Ecclesijs unum tantùm est Altar, idque; in medio choto, aut presbyteno, etc. Gentian Haruet. in Orat. Altars, nor often celebration of the g Graeciadhuc (quantum recolo) unicam Mislam die celebrant. Tho. Wardens. tom. ●●it. 4. 5. 34. Venct. 1571 And Petrus Vrbe-vetanuson his Scholies upon the Pontisicall, in the life of Pope Dens-dedit, upon these ● rds [Deusdedit constituit secundam missam in clero,] scholieth thus; Qui i tunc ad instar Graecorum non cantabatur 〈◊〉 Ecclesia nisi forsan una Missa; quod magis aedificabat secundùm antiquos. Sacrament in one day: we might allege the Communion in one kind only, the transubstantiated Sacrifice, the circumgestation or adoration of the Host, the public service in an unknown tongue; many such like Remnants of Romish doctrine not professed in these distracted Churches of Grecia and Armenia: which do severally convince our Adversaries either of late innovations, or else of lame conclusions. Whereof we shall have yet more experience in the next section. CHAP. XI. Concerning the saith of the present Greek Church. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Further witness also hereof is their late professed agreement, or 3 Os●ander in Epitome. histo●. Eccles. centur. 15. pa. 477. post med. saith: Anno 1430. convocaret (Papa) Eugenius quartus, Concilium Florenti●, etc. huic Concilio etiam Graec●, Arm●enij. Jacobins consenserunt. And M. Marbecke in his common places, pag. 258. post med. acknowledgeth, that at the Council of Florence the Christians of Armenia and India consented to the Roman Church, and that the Greeks agreed, etc. Also Abdisu Primate of the Armenians subscribed to the late Council of Trent. submission to our Catholic Church. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. FOr prose of this pretended submission of the Grecians unto the Romish Church, we are first cited by the marginal notes unto the Council of Florence: whereunto we do correspondently appeal, and desire that their own Surius may be our Orator, who reporteth the conclusion of that Council to stand thus: a Summus Potisex Imperatorem togabat, ut doctiores ex Pótificibus suis ad ipsum mitteret, qus ●slas duas ambiguitates mehus explicare scirent. Imperator autc nolens Episcopos suos de talibus quaestionibus agere, indoctiores ad Pontificem misit, à quibus cùm eadem ipse Pontifex repeujsset, high responderunt, se nullam habere ad ●slhaec respondendi ●acultatem, Imperatori autem se omnia relaturos. Notwithstanding a little after the Pope said to the Grecians: Cum fratres Deigratià coniuncts sumus, &c A little after, the Greek Patriarch being ●ow suddenly dead, the Pope laboureth to persuade the Grecians to elect now another Patriarch, whom he might confirm, to this end promising, that he would depose another, whom without their consent he had before time, even tempore dissidij, elected Patriarch. Concerning this point concluding thus: Fires iure non potest, ut nisi Patriarcham vestrum h●c elig●●etis, electun. à nobis in posterum deponamus. Graeciresp. Patriarcham verò nostrum extra Constantinopolin nostro 〈◊〉 neut●quam elig● posse: & hoc Imperator consuctudin●s nostrae non inscius, nequaquam permittet, ut hic electronem huiusmodi faciamus. This 〈◊〉 their conclusion, and immediately they took their mutual farewell. Surius Tom. 4. 〈◊〉 pag. 469. So 〈…〉 Binius. The Pope requiring conference with certain Greek Doctors, the Greek Emperor then present restrained them: and the Pope earnestly desiring to confirm a new Patriarch among these Graecian Bishops, they absolutely refused his confirmation, as disagreeing from the custom of their Church. 2 Although therefore there had been an union of the Grecians with the Romans in this Council, yet (without which at this day the Romish acknowledge b Bellar. Ies. Valentian. Ies. Vasques Ies. See above cap. 9 §. 2. lit. m. no union) we see no subjection: as hereafter will more fully appear. 3 Their second claim of the consent of the Armenians, taken only from the c His omnibus explicatis, praedicts Armenorum Oratores, nomine suo, & sui Patriarchae, & omnium Armenorum, hoc celeberrimum Synodole Decsctum omnibus suis capitulis acceptant, necnon quicquid docet Romana Eeclesia. Decret. ●ugen. 4. in Conc. ●orent paulo ante sinem Decrets. decree of Pope Eugenius, is so unconsonant, that their last and best Chronologer, and compiler of the Counsels, Binius, for the warranting ofit, is brought into a marvelous distraction, not knowing whether d unde necessariò colligitur, Graecoes & Armenos hucusque Florentiae permansible; vel, qu●d probabilius est, eandem Synodum post abitum Graecorum & Armenorum aliquot Sessionibus, qua●um Acta nulla extant, continuatats; vel saltem quandam aliam, ab hac Oecumenica Synodo diversam, eodem anno, quo praedicta Synodica ●pistola Eugenij, celebratam fuisle. Binius, Tom. 4 Conc. pag. 503. the Armenians continued at the Council of Florence, or whether after the departure of the Grecians and Armenians, there were some other Sessions of the Council continued, which have not been recorded; or whether there had been another Synod gathered the same year. For certain it is, those Armenians uttered not one word in the Council of Florence. Thus whilst by the Council they labour to confirm the consent of the Armenians, they have not a little disabled the evidence of their Counsels, supposing that there were Sessions and Acts, which have not been recorded. 4 Their last additament, signifying the consent of Abdisu, Primate of the Armenians, as subscribing to the Council of Trent: because it is only affirmed by themselves, without any witness, we pass over as sufficiently confuted by a learned e Festiva fabula de Abdilu Patriarcha Aslyriae, & argu●c excog●rata: Cardinalis Amulius (qui Romae apud Pontificem agebat) litter as add Conc. ●egatos, 29. dic Augusts', anno 1562. scrip●●t, quibus eos de re mirâ & inauditi certiores faciebat; nempe Abdisu quendam Patriarcham Aslyrtorum O●cntalium, a clero electum, populorum Christianorum flwij Tigridis accolarum consensu (quae loca Imperio Turc●co & Pcrsico ●am●ridem parent, anno superiore Romam appulisle, aliquot sacerdotibus stipatum & uno Diacono, ut à Romano Pontifice in suo Patriarchatus munere confirmaretur. Pontificem in Consistorio Cardinalium hunc Antistitem Abdi●u, post editam side●suae consessioné, & iusiurandum praestitum se nunquam ab observatione Deretorum Constitutionumque; sedis Apostolicae discessurum, etc. Gentilet. Exam. Conc. Trid. lib. 4. in Sess 21. A matter of this moment ●● a man of that rare commendation, as was givens of him, had been worthy to have been presented to the Council of Treat, if he had not been a non ens. We approve not Osianders' censure▪ Apolog. pag. 7. concerning the Christians in mount Libanus, terming them Popish. from some stying speech. Lawyer, not hitherto (as we think) herein contradicted by any; by whom it is rejected as an idle figment. We further rejoin. The argument of the Apologists from the example of the Greek Church, doth utterly crush the head of Popedom. SECT. 2. 5 Although their former Assumption, concerning the a Apolog. pag. 8. in the end. late submission of the Grecians and Armenians to the now Romish Church, were true; yet were this but new Logic, from a late Act to conclude an ancient Right. 6 Nevertheless this their Assumption must necessarily be forcible against themselves, if we shall prove from the testimonies of their own Doctors, that the Grecians did ordinarily disclaim the now usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome. 7 Our Adversaries, indeed, make pretence of an acknowledged subjection of the Grecians unto the Sea of Rome, b Sub Innocentio 3. in Concilio Lateranensi Graeci (ut ipse ostendit) in Ecclesiae Romanae obedientiam redierunt. Bellar lib. 3. de Sacram. 〈◊〉. 21. 5. Tertiò. Innocentius vixit anno 1195. Platin●● in eius u●ta. Anno 1195, in the days of Innocentius the third: and of a second, c Concilium Lugdunense oecumemcum, anno 12●4. sub Gregorio 10. contra errores Graecorum celebratum est. Paulo post: In quo Graeci se in omnibus Pontifici, ut scribunt N●uclerus & johannes de Oppido, sulnecerunt. Binius 〈…〉 in the form of Counsels, and pretermitted by their 〈◊〉 Surius, one otherwise omitting nothing which may make for the authority of the Pope. Anno 1274, under Gregory the tenth: and yet again of a third, Anno 1438, unto Eugenius the fourth: but notwithstanding all these their suggestions, many of our Adversaries are enforced, by the light and concourse of story, to complain of a separation of the Greek Church from the Roman, from this present age the space of d Quingentis annis à Latinis Graeci fuerunt divisi. Alphonsus Castro, haeres. De Graecis. & Conc. Basil. Sess 24. apud Surium. Quingentis annis (speaking of this present age) à nobis Graeci separati fuerunt Bellarm. lib. 1. de Extreme Vnct. cap. 4. five hundred, yea e Graeci divisi fuerunt à Romana Ecclesia, annis 800. Bellar. praef. in contro. de Rom. Pont. §. Vndé eight hundred years: and yet more, by just computation the division may be proved to have been of a thousand one hundred years continuance. 8 In brief, their jesuit Maldonate saith, that f Graeci maximè hanc potestatem semper Romano Pontifici inviderunt. Maldon. je●●om. in Matth. 10. 2. the Grecians did always envy the supreme authority of their Pope, which they do not admit of at this day; as both by their g A Romana Ecclesia iamdiu recessit Graecia, nec nunc patitur Rom. Pontificem apud se authoritatem aliquam exercere. Bellar lib. 1. de Rom. Pont. assertion, and h The jesuits in their travels: Multa sane socij terr â mariue perpessi:— Alexandriam delati— Patriarcham salutant:— nunquam impetrari ab illo potuit. ut cum Rome Ecclesia in gratiam rediret, summumue Pontificem Christianae Ecclesiae caput agnosceret. Rabadin trade vita Laynis je●●●es Andraeam Schottum translata, lib. 2. cap. 10. experience is proved. Wherefore if the example of the Grecians (as is pretended,) subjecting themselves unto the Church of Rome the space of 10, or 20 years, may induce Christians to submit themselves unto the same Sea; then the confessed example of the same Greek Church rejecting the now usurped Papal authority, for many hundred years together, yea even (as might be proved) always unto this day, must a fortiori persuade us of the novelty of their Romish claim, and vanity of this their proof. Wherein again they insist. CHAP. XII. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And most full and plain witness hereof is the answerable 4 It appeareth by the Treatise published by the Protestants, diver●e of Wittenberg, anno 1584. entitled Acta theologorum Witebergensium & Hieremiae Patriarchae Constantinop. etc. that the Greek Church at this day, though divided from the Latin, professeth to believe Innocation of Saints, Relic, worshipping of Images, Transubstantiation, Sacrifice, the signifying Ceremonies of the Mass, Auricular confession, enjoined Satisfaction, Confirmation with Chrism, Extreme unction, all the seven Sacraments, Prayer for the dead, Free will, Monachisme, vowed Chastity, the fast of Lent, that Priests may not marry after orders taken, etc. See this alleged in particular hereafter Tract. 1. ss. 7. in the inargent, at figure, 11. And Crispinus in his discourse of the estate of the Church, pag. 203 initio, affirmeth, that Anno 8●0. the Greek and Latin Churche● become divided only for the Prima●y and d 〈…〉 of cerem●onieses: so fully did they at that time consent in all other points. And concerning the other oriental Church●ss further remote, Osiander (in epitome. histor. Eccles. cent. 16. pag 970. post med.) saith, Ho. anno 1585. Christiani qui, 〈…〉 who inhabit near to mount I●thanus, become at last conquered, and subject to the Turkish Empire, neither 〈…〉 at, for the Christians in the East have not sincere religion, but are a part of Art 〈…〉 〈…〉 sh. testimony of our learned adversaries: by which foresaid example of so many remote nations, so far distant each from o●her, as namely, Wales, Graecia, Armenia etc. converted 5 As concerning the conversion in the Apostles times of Armenia: see Chemnitius examen. part 2. pag. 7. b. paulò ante med where he saith: Arm 〈…〉 Bartholoma●● evangelium praedicavit. Of the like conversion of India, see Osiander, Cen●●●. 1 pag. 37. circa med and Paulus Venetus l. 3 c. 27. & 43. and ●ayton Armen. lib de Tartaris, cap. 6. The like conversion of 〈◊〉 appeareth by Paul's epistles to sundry of that nation, as to the Corinthians, Ephesians, Thessalonians. And see re 〈…〉. And concerning the like confessed conversion of Wales, see heretofore pag. 4. in the margin there, at the letter, in. undoubtedly all of them in the Apostles times, and agreeing so far with us, and against our adversaries in so many principal points of faith, is not obscurely signified that our now Catholic Religion is that Primitive faith, which the Apostles themselves first planted in all nations. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL, Particularizing the Articles of the Grecians. SECT. 1. BY this instant pressing us with the examples of the Grecians & Armenians, we observe the singular diligence of these obiectors, who search all corners to found out any thing, which may carry in it the lest colour or shadow of any argument for advantage of their Romish profession. But we answer, that seeing in this Greekish case they are contented that we shall consult with the Greek Archbishop by a Apolog pag. 7. The treatise of I●ren●as the Patriarch of Constantinople. 〈◊〉 Author 〈…〉. lib. 1 de 〈◊〉 Vnct cap. 4. ●. Praetered. them alleged, we will also first oppose against them b Nunquam nos cum 〈◊〉, Eccl●sia de Pri●●atu contendi●●●, 〈…〉 con●ue●udo, ●●q●e 〈…〉 decl●ratur. Quanam t●ndem hu●us dissidij causa 〈◊〉 qu●d scilicet quaestio controversa non sit communi Occumenica 〈◊〉 Decr●to confirmata, quò● 〈◊〉 solutio expli●atioue non fiat exveteri Patru● in 〈◊〉 negotijs con●u●tudin●, ●ed quòd 〈…〉 quidam magistrorum s●bi parts sumunt, alios ve●ò instar discip●lorum dicto eor●m audiente● l●bere ve●● t● Verum non ●ta se habent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est, ipsa Patrum Decreta 〈◊〉 rei idoneum testimonia●●●●be●t corum acta▪ quae in ●unc usque diem literis consignata seruantur. Dicunt Roma●●, penes Papam 〈◊〉 esle, 〈◊〉 Synodum u●ca●●, de ●cclesiasticis negotijs statuere: quodsi autern Papae tribunal his de●ernendis sufficit, 〈…〉 id est ●uperfluus & superuacaneus erit sanctorum Patrun conventus. 〈◊〉 luhu● Papa, & 〈◊〉, & Caelestinus, & Leo, & Agatho, quorum in●●gni pietati patres testimonium praebuerunt, n●que tan en●nquan 〈…〉, sed uni cum alijs fratribus conven●entes, adiwante Spiritu sancto & dogmata stabili●bant, & pacem ●ccle●●s conciliab●nt. Quis ●●tur dubitet omnem dissidij causam in hac una re positam esse? Nilus Arch●●tis● T●essal lib. 〈…〉 plura alia suse in hanc sententiam. Nilus, not long since Archbishop of Thessaly, for our advocate in some particulars, and first begin with the now professed Romish Primacy: The Greek Church (saith he) though it never denied the Primacy of order to the Popes of Rome, yet that their assumed predominance of authority it always impugned: viz. that jurisdiction whereby every Pope challengeth a power of calling general Counsels, and determining causes at his own discretion, hereby transgressing the decrees of antiquity, the practice and examples of ●lder godly Popes, and finally, frustrating the formal nature of a Council. 2 In some other opinions the Greeks are in a sort pendulous between both; they c See above, §. 3. do not properly invocate the Saints, nor believe that they hear our praters, but think only, that the favour they have with God is always avail able for us. The difference than is, that the Protestants, though they do not invocate the Saints, because they do not hear (a reason d Notandum est quod ante adventum Christi, ancti qu● moriebantur non intrabant coelum nec Deum videbant, nec cognoscere poterant ordinariè preces supplicantiu●, Ideo non ●●isle consuetum in veteri Testamento, ut diceretur: [Sancte Abraham, ora pro me.] Bellar. lib. 1 〈◊〉 beaten Sanct ●● 19 sufficient;) yet do the Grecians descent from the now Romish profession in the b Coniugium Sacérdotibus permittimus ante ordinationem. Patriarch. Resp. 1. cap. 21. (th● book objected by the Apologists) which doctrine the Romanists condemn Prohibeinus me●itò. Council Trident. Graecorum error est oportere Clericos antequam sacros Ordines suscipiant, uxores ducere Bellar lib. 1 de Cleric. cap. 19 Licuit in Ecclesia Orient●● etiam post ordinationem contra ere matrimo●●um. Caiet. Card. Opuse. Tracked. 27 teste Greg. Valent. Ies. Tom. 4. disp. 9 q. 5. Nos quoque illis Sacerdotibus, qui se continere non possunt, antequam consecrati sunt, coniugium permittimus: Deus enim coniugium piaecepit, nec ignor amus coniugio Sacerdotibus interdicto, impi● ab illis committi. Patriarch. Resp. 1. pag. 129. Marriage of Priests; in denying three degrees of c Greci— post Ordines sacros nullum ex minoribus ordinibus admittunt, praeter Lectorem alios autem (viz. Ostiarium, Exorcistam, Acolythum) inter sacros ordines non numerant. Alphons. lib. 11. hares. vlt. sacred Orders; in d Error Graecorum est non miscere vinum aqua in Eucharistia. Alphons. ibid. lib. 6. hares 7. Disallowed by the Romanists, Alphons. ibid. Roffensis, Bellarm. not mixing water with wine in the Eucharist; in using e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: id est, Nos non in pave azymo, sed in fermentato celebramus. Patriarch. Resp 2 cap. 4. Contrary to the Papists, as Roffens. contra Luther. Capt. Babyl. cap. 3. unleavened Cakes; in f Dicitis (Protestants) in Eucharistia participandam esse utramque speciem, & recte dicitis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sic & nos facimus. Patriarch. Resp. 1. c. 21. Permissi sunt Graeci in Eucharistia utramque speciem administrate. Dinius Tom. 4 Conc. pag. 504. For the which the Bohemians were condemned. ministering the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kinds; in g Res ipsa clamat, inquit Hoffmeisterus, tam in Graeca quám in Latina Ecclesia non ●olum Sacerdotem ●acrificantem, sed etiam— reliquam plebem, aut saltem plebis aliquam partem communicasse. Cassander Consult Art 24. de Missi● solitarijs. not admitting private Mass; in the divers h Quaestio erat inter Graecoes & Latino's, quibus verbis fiat illa mutatio, etc. Bellar. lib. 3. de Eucharistia cap. 21. words of Consecration. We omit their assurance i Veniamus ad jesum misericordens, nihil omuinò dubitantes: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Patriarch. Resp. 1. cap. 4. of grace in Christ jesus, which our Adversaries make only k Est tantum certitudo coniecturalis. B●llarm. lib. 3. de justif. cap. 11. conjectural; and their renouncing all l Facienda sunt bona opera, sed in ijs non est confidendum, ex dicto quod est, Nc intres in judicium cum servo tuo, Domine, etc. Patriarch. Resp. 1. cap. 6. confidence in merits. 11 What need any further inquisition? If the dissension of Grecians with Protestants were so infinite, as is pretended, the Greek Patriarch, writing unto Protestants, could not have used this doxology and congratulation unto them. m Nunc Deo omnis gratiae authori gratias agimus, & laetamur cùm alijs multis, tum non minimù● in hoc, quòd in multis vestra doctrina cum nostra consonat Ecclesia. Patriarch. Resp 2. pag. 200. in initio, & Resp. 1. pag. 148. Nevertheless let our adversaries deliver unto us the Apology of the Grecians, (Graecorù Apologiá om●●lam in ●omis Concil. cum tamen earn in Concilio Fetra●●ensi habitam fuisse verisimile est. Volcanius praf. tract. 〈◊〉 Archsepisc. Thessaly.) which is thought to be in the Vatican: and so shall neither our Authors have cause to mistake the opinions of the Greek Church, nor the Apologists to take so many exceptions. Lastly, let any peruse these errors following, which both the Protestants and the Romanists We give thanks unto almighty God (saith he) and do rejoice, that in many things you accord with our Church. And if the dissension of Protestants with Grecians must be held so prejudicial, what account can our Adversaries make for their above-cited oppositions? and for other opinions held by Grecians, which our n condemn in the Grecians. Quae apud nos est sancta Dei Ecclesia, patria est Ecclesiarum,— Capitis que locum obtinet, etc. Patriarch. Resp. 1. pag. 103. Nos trinis immersionibus baptizamus, Latini vero uná, quod non rectè fit Ibid. pag 63. Hanc haeresin tuentur Graeci, nullam animam ante diem indicij esse beatam. Alphonsus de Castro, lib. 3. hares. 6. tit Beatitudo. Bellar. lib. 1 de Beat. Sanct. cap. 1. Negant Spiritum sanctum procedere à Patre & a Filio. Hanc haeresin tutati sunt per multas annorum centurias. Alphons. ib. lib. 5. hares. 12. Tenent fornicationem simplicem— non esse peccatum mortale. Alphons ib. lib. 7. tit. Fornicatio Graecorum error est, oportere Cl●●● cos, antequ●m sacros ordines suscipiant, uxores ducere. Bellar. lib 1. de Cleric. cap. 19 Graeci aliquando damnantes formam baptizandi, quam Latini habent un●●s mersionis, rebaptizabant ●atinos, qui eâdem form â carebant. Bellar lib. 1. de Bapt cap. 3. And then shall ●e by these judge the Apologists guilt●● of a foul Non sequitur. Adversaries call errors and heresies? 12 Or how will they defend their Indulgences for souls departed, the single life of their Clergy, their obliging consciences in mortal sins by institution of new laws, their Communion only in one kind, their saying Mass for the dead, their taking money for Masses, their esteeming Confirmation, and extreme Unction to be Sacraments? all which (as their own Damianus à Goes noteth) are directly contrary unto the profession of the o In epistola Imperatoris Aethiopum ad P●ntificem R●manum, anno 1524. 〈…〉 Aethiopum Ad anim●rum re●●ssionem Patriarcha indulgentias nullas dat, pag. 213. Inito matrimonio in ordinem Presbyterorum recipiuntur: quod a Paulo accepimus, qui mawlt Cl●ricum & Laicum nubere quám 〈◊〉. p. 215. Episcopi nostri nec per se, nec in Concilijs opinantur ullas se leges condere posse, quibus ad mortale peccatum obligari quis possae p. 226. Assumimus corpus Domini, & quidem sub utraque specie p. 227. Sacramentum Eucharistiae non setuatur in templis apud nos, ut fit apud Europae●●. Nullam pro remissione animarum fa●●mus Missam;— pro Missa mercedem nullam accipimus. p. 228. Apud ●os confirmationem & chrisma a siue olei unctionem pro sacramento non haberi. p. 226. Damianus a Goes Lusitanus. Aethiopians. That the former argument used by the Apologists, and taken from the examples of remote Nations, is not only not judicious; but also (as is proved by the contradiction of their own men) marvelously ridiculous. SECT. 3. 13 We are not contented to have made the incircumspection of the Apologists visible, but contend also (the cause enforcing us hereunto) to make it, as it were, palpable unto our Reader. And for a more plain manifestation hereof, we repeat their argument; By the examples of remote Nations (say they) so far distant one from another, converted doubtless all of them in the Apostles times, and agreeing with us in many principal points of faith, is not obscurely signified, that the now Catholic (meaning Romish) Religion, is that primitive faith, which the Apostles themselves planted in all nations. 14 This is the argument which these obiectors have so urgently pressed, we have partly confuted, and now further instance against them, and object the examples of Moscovites, Egyptians, Aethiopians, Armenians, and other such like remote Nations, who all have their public prayers in their vulgar and known tongue. hereunto their a Certum est, inquiunt (Protestants) Ruthenos, & Aegyptios, Aethiops, & Armenos & quosdam alios celebrated divina officia in lingua vulgari.— Respondemus, nos non permoveri Barbarorum exempli●. Salmeron Ies. Com. in 1. Cor. 16. Disp. 30. §. 7. pag. 271. jesuit Salmeron is contented to answer, saying, What have we to do with the custom of such Barbarians? and their Cardinal b Obijciunt (Protestants) nunc Ruthenos, Armenos, Aegyptios, Aethiops, & nescio quos alios populos suis vulgaribus linguis sacra facere. Respondeo, exemplis Ruthenorum, Armenorum, & similium non magis nos moveri, quám moveamur exemplis Lutheranorum, Anabaptistarum, & Caluinistarum. Sunt enim etiam illi vel haeretici, vel schismatici. Bollar. lib. 2 de Verbo Dei, cap. vlt. in fine. These examples are objected by Protestants, not so much to prove the necessity of Prayer in a known tongue, which is sufficiently proved by Scripture; as to satisfy their adversaries demands, who commonly say, that except the three languages of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, the public Service was not in common tongues of other nations: so that from the examples of such remote nations the Apologists dispute de iure, and Protestants rather de facto. Yet Beauties hath Luely recanted his former grant: Non omnino approbo hanc solutionem. Bellar. Recog. oper. pag. 5. Bellarmine, no less disdainfully; We are no more moved (saith he) with the examples of Moscovites, Armenians, Egyptians, and Aethiopians, then with the examples of Lutherans or Anabaptiss; turning the argument which was urged by the Apologists, for (as they have pretended) no obscure signification of a Catholic Religion, into a scorn and reproach, as relishing no better in their taste then an humour barbarous, or anabaptistical. 15 Whereby the discreet Reader may perceive how fit men these Apologists be to challenge all Protestants unto disputation. But we leave the examples of strangers, & come, at our Adversaries call, unto the examination of the judgement of ancient Fathers. Whether, in the question of single life, the judgement of some Fathers be not justly taxable. SECT. 3. 6 Their own learned Cardinal Caietan requireth attention, teaching us, that a See confessed above, lib. 1. cap 2. sect. 38. c. Christ never prescribed any vow to a man for the obtaining of perfection: and it is somewhat observable which their Cardinal b And Cardinal Bella●mine, cum scriberentur Scripturae sanctae, nondum coe●erat usus vovedi Sanctis. Lib 3 de cultu Sanct. c. 9 §. Praeter● a nom●. Bellarmine affirmeth, viz. Whilst the Scriptures were in writing, the use of vows was not begun. Which is a sufficient proof of the no-necessitie of vowing. After this we found that the age next abutting upon the Apostles time, did practise a perpetual vow of virginity; which being guarded with a just moderation, may be judged both commendable and convenient. Neither doth P. Martyr (as the c Apolog. pag. 9 not● (¶.) Apologists do in their text cunningly suggest) say, that Epiphantus and many other Fathers erred therein, that is, in admitting of a profession of vows; but (as in their d See the testimony of P Martyr, note (¶) margin his testimony doth expressly declare,) e As P. Martyr found in the same place, l●t● ●. for holding it a sin to break a vow in case of necessity. And that this is a doctrine reprovable, and declined from the sincerity of f See above lib. 1. c. 2. §. 35. the Word, hath been already proved by the confession of some g See above lib. 1. c. 2. §. 35. Romanists, by the practice of h See above lib. 1. c. 2. §. 35. some Popes in their dispensations, by the testimony of some i See above lib. 1. c. 2. §. 35. Fathers, and by the necessary consequents of our k See above lib. 1. c. 2. §. 35. adversaries conclusions. 7 Some Fathers (we confess) seem to exceed a mean, in so extolling virginity, that thereby they debase wedlock too much, a state by God's ordinance * 〈◊〉 13. honourable: which is (as P. Martyr complaineth) l Apolog. pag 9 lit (a) & (f), 〈◊〉 should have added out of the century, Facilè ex Ignatio judicari possit, noluisse ●um laqueos con●ci entijs injic●ie. And of Scultetus, Sed p●etas istius aetatis spontanea, & ita ut suo coniugio laus integra maneat salva. paulò impensiùs virginitatis studium venerars; and therefore is he noted of these Apologists as one derogating from the ancient truth. 8 This is their ordinary manner of challenge, which proceedeth from an unpardonable ignorance in them; because they might have learned from their own Doctors, that some Fathers did err herein: and therefore doth their m Tertullianus defendit Montam er●orem, nuptias secun●●s damnar in libro qui inscribitus, Monogamia. Alphonsus de coelibatu, part. 2. cap. 8. of whom S. Jerome saith: Tertullianus specialiter adversus Ecclesiam texuit volumina de pudicitia & Monogamia. Hieron. in Catalogue. Alphonsus reprove Tertullian, as erroneous in the case of second marriage; some n See hereafter, lib. 5. cap. 9 sect. 1▪ Rhenanus in Arg. Tert. de exhort, and continent which is apparent in S. Jerome. Si seculi homine● indignantu● in minori graduse esse quam virgins, miror Cle●icos & Monachos & continentes non id lauda●e. quod ●ac●unt: castrant se ab uxorious suis, ut imitentur virginum castitatem: & idip●um u●lunt esse maritatas quod virgins? Hieron. Apol. lib. advers●s jovin. Romanists reprehend S. Jerome, as too rigorous against wedlock; another hath already taxed S. Gregory for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, one too much hating the state of marriage. 9 By this we may perceive, that these obiectors have been more zealous in defending the persons of ancient men, then of acknowledging a discernible truth, avouched by Protestants, and now partly confessed by our Adversaries themselves. viz. that some Fathers have too much magnified virginity, and therefore should their opinions be rectified by S. Augustine his moderation, who conceived a personal case, p Augustious non audet anteponere virginitatem johannis coniugio Abrahae. Erasmus in August. cap. 21. the 〈◊〉 coning. wherein (as their Author saith) he durst not prefer virginity before wedlock. oh Gregorius Magnus erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. See 〈…〉 lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 33 etc. 10 Thus have we warranted the censure of Protestants, concerning the incommodious speeches of some Fathers. We approach near to the justification of their cause, and show How much the now Romish Religion dissenteth from the purer Antiquity of the primitive Church in the question of Vows; by proofs out of our adversaries confessions, concerning two points. SECT. 4. 11 When we compare differences of times, as now and then, the first discordance appeareth to be in respect of the age of Votaries: for whereas the * 1. Tim. 5. 9 A widow not under 60 years. Apostle required in his widows the age of threescore years, and aftertimes would not admit a Conc. Carthag. 3. Non ante an. 25. virgins consecrentur. Can. 4 See Espencaeus de continent. l. 4. c. 3. An conveniat quae in Ecclesiam irrepsit consuetudo, etc. virgins under 25 years old; nor b Sanctimoni●leses, quantsilibet vita earun & ●ores probati sunt, ante annum aetatis suae 40 non velentur Conc. Agathens. can. 19 & Conc. Caesar. August. Non velandas esse virgins, quae se Deo voverunt, nisi qua●● aginta annorum pro●arâ aetate, quá sacerdos comprobaverit. Can. 8. vetled Nuns till forty: their late c Bellar. lib. 2. d● M●nach. cap. 35. Council alloweth boys, and girls to vow at the age of sixteen: which we accounted to be an alteration of discretion into indiscretion. 12 The second difference is their doctrine of presumption, persuading d ●tiamsi non omnes habent potentiam pro●●mam, habent tamen remotâ, & possu●●, si velint, precibus impetrare pot●tiam proximan, id est, vires ad con●inendum. Bellar. li. 2. de Monach ca 31. §. Illud autem. He expoundeth Desiderium efficax: to be, efficax deside●ium continendi. Ibid. So doth also Maldonat. Ies. Com. in Matth. 19 11. every one to be capable of the gift of continency, who will but seriously pray for it. As though their wisdoms could prescribe better remedy * 1. Cor. 7. 2. for avoiding of fornication, then that which the holy Ghost hath provided, viz. Let every one have his own wife. In which respect we have it confessed, that e Hieronymi soror institutum Virgins a●●ipuit,— sed multum & hoc dissimile ab harum cond●tione, quas hod● ferreiss cancellis, seu feras indomitas inclu●as tenc●●. ●● paulo post; Cum ●a demùm religio sit accepta Christo, non quae vi extunditur, sed quae ultra à volentibus offertur. ●●asmus in vita Hieron. ad G. Warramun Archiepisc. Contuar. circa medium. S. hierom's virgins differed from the virgins of these times, whose best restraints of virginity are bars and walls. So little confidence, it seemeth, they have in their pretended remedies. 13 And whereas we found diverse Ancients to consult immediately with the Oracle of God, where it is written thus; [ * Matth. 19 11. [Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc.] id est, Non omnes praestare possunt, ut sint sine uxore, quia carent dono continentiae. All men receive not this saying:] and hence concluding (as our learned Adversary and f Sic fere omnes exponunt:— quam interpretationem adduci non possum ut sequar, Maldonat. Ies. Com. in Matth. 19 Among these Almost all, are Origen, Gregory Nazianzene, Ambrose, by name specified of him. jesuite confesseth) that almost all that comment upon this place of Scripture do note, that all men are not capable of the state of single life, because they have not the gift of continency: hereunto he vouchsafeth only this answer: But I (saith he) do not agreed thereunto. Such is the partial practice of our Adversaries in condemning Protestants of impudency, for refusing the testimonies, although but of a few; & yet will he have it held a point of learning and wisdom in themselves, to reject (as often as they list) almost all. 14 Which their opposition unto Fathers might seem more tolerable, if herein they did not also cross and thwart the express and plain direction of the Spirit of God in the Word, exhorting married parties, even now * 1. Cor. 7. 4. To the married I say, Defraud not one another, except it be with consent for a time, that you may give yourselves to fasting and prayer, that Satan tempt you not by your incontinency. fasting & praying, to return unto the duty of marriage bed, intimating thereby, that the act of wedlock is ordained & sanctified of God to avoid Satan's temptation unto incontinency; and that there is not sufficient virtue in prayer and fasting, for subduing of Satan's force in all such like temptations. Which doctrine of Protestants we have proved to be true in parties unmarried, who have not received that special gift: confirming this by direct Scripture, and the confessed suffrages of g See 〈◊〉 it t●e l●tter, ●. almost all ancient Fathers; amongst whom we have cited by name, Origen, Gregory Nazianzene, Ambrose; to whom we have adjoined the testimonies of S. h ●●omnes virgins esse poss●●●, ●unquam & Don inus 〈…〉 ●ier●n. adverse 〈…〉. 1. tag. 41. Jerome, and S. i Nunc rectissin. è dicitur, [Qui potest capere, capiat.] qui 〈…〉 Aug de 〈…〉. lib. 2. cap. 12. Tert●llian indeed 〈…〉 de pudicitia, w●●●h he 〈…〉 witnesseth. (See before §. 3. lit m.) But S. Hier●m himself, [Qui p●test capere, 〈…〉 c●nsideretvires suas, utrum possit virginalia & pudicitia implere praecepta: per se enim castitas 〈…〉 & que. ●●●bet ad s● ailici●n●▪ ●ed considerandae sunt vires, ut qui possit capere, capiat. Hieron. in Matth. 19 Augustine. Hence appeareth the second Romish aberration from antiquity, by changing a caution into a presumption. Other two points of our adversaries defection from Antiquity. SECT. 5. 15 Thirdly▪ the holy Father a Si qu●s legitimam comm●●tionem, & liberorum, procreationem, corruptelam & pollutionem appellet, tal●s inhabitat. ●e Aposta●a●●●●●nem fo●e●. Ignati●●s' e●ist. ad 〈◊〉. Ignatius doth accounted that Christian no better than one possessed with a spirit of the Devil, who calleth lawful conjugal office a pollution. An● 〈◊〉 Ancients, according to the phrase of holy * He●. 13. 4 Scripture, do generally grace 〈◊〉 office of marriagebed, with the terms of b In on nibus 〈…〉 Paphnutius in Conc. Nice●●o, vi● cum uxore legitima concubitum, castimoniam appellavit. Socratic 〈…〉▪ 1. ca●. ●. honourable, and vndesiled 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 ●fterwards queasy superstition began so much to dislike the marriage 〈◊〉 Mi●●●ter●, as for that only cause to abhor their functions, until that an ancient c Si quis discer●it Presbyterum comuga●um, tan quam occasione nuptia●um, quòd offer non debeat, & ab eius oblatione ●deo abstinet, Anathema sit. 〈…〉. ●. Council condemned that popular abuse, and pronounced the contemner of such a Minister, Anathema, and accursed of God. 16 Again we read, that the state of marriage hath anciently seemed very loathsome to many heretical stomachs, who have therefore been condemned by ancient Fathers: one kind of them d Di●●●nt gloriosi 〈◊〉 ●actatores, se Dominum imitari, qui neque ux▪ 〈…〉 duxc●it, &c Clemens A●●x. Strom. lib. 3. boasting themselves, that they did herein imitate Christ: others, e Aposto●ici quise arrogantissim● isto nomine vocaverunt, eo quod in communionem non reci● erent utentes comugibus, & res proprias possidentes, quales liabet Ecclesia Catholica & Monachos S Clencos plunmos. August 〈…〉. 80 arrogantly calling themselves, Apostolical, because of their single life: others f Cataph●ygae dicebant, non accedas ad ●e, quia mundus sum: non accipio uxorem.— Na●ar● 〈◊〉 sum, non bibens vinum sicut illi. Orig. apud Pamphilum in Apolog. glo●●ing so much in the sanctity of this condition, that every professor thereof said to the married parties, Come not near me, for I am clean, because I have no wife. 17 And may not our Adversaries seem in a sort, to bewray a resemblance of like distaste, who impute unto marriage an inseparable impediment unto holy Orders; because (as it is by them pretended, and hath been g 〈…〉 ●ap 2. § ●4. confuted) of the inherent pollution in the act of wedlock; by comparison of the pollution of the old law? By which reason they may aswell conclude, that a Priest is polluted by the corpses of a dead man, or eating Swine's flesh: whereas orthodoxal Divines can distinguish between a pollution ceremonial, and moral. Yet their h 〈…〉 carne su●t, dicente electionis va●e, Deo place re non possunt. Syricius Papa 〈…〉▪ 1. 〈…〉, pag. 49▪ 〈…〉 exquisition doth as well involve all godly married men in the guilt Carnalit●e. Pope, and i 〈◊〉 veterilege 〈◊〉 immunditi â pollutis non licebat vel edere panes propositionis, vel manibus contrect ●re res sacras, vel templum ipsum intrare: multò minus his convenit sacrorum nostrorum administratio, qui uxoribus suis, liberisque procreandis vacant, etc. C●sterus Ies. Enchirid. cap. 17. See likewise another, viz Priests, in detestation of the marriage of Ministers, do even for this cause brand Protestants with the vile terms of k And if any be so mad, as to credit fleshly Ministers, and carnal teachers, which have corrupted our age with fleshly and beastly liberty. M. Bishop against Perkins in the Quest. of Vows, §. 16. carnal, fleshly, and beastly Ministers: which epithets are never applied in the book of God, or in the volumes of the Fathers, but only unto mortal and detestable sinners. 18 Therefore must this their censure of carnality, as well seize upon the high l Whose office was daily to minister before the Lord, being therein a figure of Christ, and having engraven in 〈◊〉 frontlet, Holiness unto the Lord, Exod. 28. 36. Carolus Sigonius de Repub Heb. lib. 5. cap. 2. ex Aug. Priest of God in the old Testament, who daily presented himself in Incense before the Lord; and upon S. m An etiam Apostolos reprobant? Petrus enim & Philippus filios procre●runt, Philippus autem filias suas 〈◊〉 tradidit. Clem. Alex. Strom lib. 3. Which is consonant unto the Romish Legend, wherein we read, that in the days of Domitian, Flaccus a man of great nobility, desired to marry Petronilla the daughter of S. Peter. She must be supposed by course of story to have been either three score years of age, and then no fit match for a young man: or else to have been begotten after that S. Peter was an Apostle: as Baronius (anno Christi 69. num 33. 39) observeth; if the story shall be supposed to be true. Peter in the new Testament, whom their own story recordeth to have begot a daughter (as by collation of times is to be collected) in the days of his Apostleship. 19 Nor this only, but moreover all Christians enjoying the honour of wedlock, must, by their former accusation, be likewise judged carnal and fleshly: which we have proved in one degree to be the breath of ancient heretics, who in pretence of sanctity, abhorring marriage, did but offer poison in a golden cup. This therefore is a third difference, turning that act into the reproach of pollution and filthiness, which God in his word hath sanctified, and graced with the term of vndesiled. Next followeth A fourth aberration from Antiquity. SECT. 6. 20 There is another point of doctrine, wherein antiquity hath yielded us her voice, saying from S. Augustine (as is confessed,) that a Augustinus, Basilio aequalis, permultis rationibus probavit, connubia post votum contracta non debere d 〈…〉. Polyd. Virgil. lib. 7. Invent. cap. 2. the marriage contracted after the vow may not be dissolved; and from a b In Concilio Neoca sa●●ensi, etc. See above lib 1. cap. 2. § 35. And this is apparent by the 〈◊〉 in Su●●n●, T●m. 1. pag. 298. and pag. 278. Council, rather punishing him who shall after his vow of continency commit fornication, then him who shall contra●t himself in matrimony. The truth hereof is Apostolical, as is plain in S. * 1. Timoth. 5. 11. Paul, exhorting that the young wanton widows should rather marry. And that these were Votaries, it is held by the common consent of ancient Fathers, who thereby teach in like case, that the marriage made after the vow of virginity, aught not to be dissolved; c Maluissem equidem viduas hasce à pactionibus cum Christo initis minimè descivissent, sed cum nuptias malint, & ipse assentior, dummodò iuniores sint quae nubere volunti est enim fatius matrem familias fieri, quà ●●per domus alienas vagari, etc. Theophylan 1 Tim. 5. Theophylact saying of such, It is safer to marry; d Oportebat quidem— fidem 〈…〉 are, quoniam autem illa non fiunt, melius est ista fieri quàm illa. Chrysost. in 1. Tim 5. home 15. chrusostom saying, It is much better to marry: to whom e See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 35. Cyprian, f See before lib. 1. cap. 2 §. 35. Augustine, g Sanctum virginum propositum quarundam non bene se agentium nomen infamat, quibus apertè dicendum est, ut aut nubant, si se continere non possunt, aut contineant, si nolint nubere. Hieron. epist. ad Demetriad in fine. Jerome, and h Melius est lapsum à cursu (scilicet virginitatu) palàm sibi uxorem sumere, etc. Epiphan. heres. 61. calling the breach of vow , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the wallow in whoredom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphanius do consent. 21 Now what little affinity there is between this doctrine and the Romish, may be known best by the language of their present School, wherein we found three of their principal jesuits contrariwise to affirm, concerning Votarists, that i Sacerdos si fornicetur, aut domi concubinam foveat, tametsi gravi sacrilegio se obstringat, gravius tamen peccat, si matrimonium contrahat. Coster. Ies. Enchirid. cap. 15. it is better in some respect for such daily to play the fornicator, and to keep a Concubine, then after a vow, to be contracted in wedlock. (we see) there is contained a profession both of a sacramental truth, in the outward bodily elements and actions, and also of a spiritual truth, in the soul's apprehension, and digestion of Christ's true body: but of the sacramental & outward manner, the g Si quis— negaverit mirabilem illam— conversionem totius substantiae panis in corpus, & totius substantiae vini in sanguinem, manentibus dunta●at speciebus panis & vini, (quam quidem conversionem Catholica Ecclesia aptissimè Transubstantiationem appellat) anathema sit. Concil. Trid. Sess. 13. can. 2. Roman Church hath otherwise defined: By Transubstantiation is meant (saith their Council) a change of the very whole substance of the bread and wine into the substance of the flesh and blood of Christ, so that no substance of bread and wine doth remain. This doctrine is held by the now Romish as an article of faith, and for the denial of the same Transubstantiation of the bread and wine into Christ's natural body and blood, much h In the days of Queen Mary, as is confessed by M. Parsons in the third part of his Three Conversions, pag. 196. blood hath been shed: whether justly or unjustly, it cometh to be examined by the judgement of Antiquity, whereof we secondly inquire, Whether the Apologists object from antiquity, testimonies of Fathera pertinently, for proof of Transubstantiation. SECT. 2. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Concerning the real presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, it is affirmed, that S. 1 Humfred. jes●itis. part. 2. rat. 5. pag 626. post med. Gregory taught Transubstantiation. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. 3 The question of Transubstantiation being so often, and so urgently debated on both sides, jest that we might be thought to defraud our Christian Reader of our best direction, we shall (God willing) reach him such a thread, whereby he may be able to wind himself out of the Labyrinth of their perplexed disputes. And first concerning the objected Fathers, they begin with S. Gregory: whose testimony we have already proved to have been subtly conveyed, not taken from any syllable of S. Gregory his own writings, but only out of the Romish Legend, reporting how S. a Transubstantiationem, quando matrona quadam audiente panem quem suis manibus fecerat, à Gregorio corpus Domini●● appellari, & subridente, mox ad coarguendam & repellendam mu●ieris incredelitatem, particulam panis instar digiti carnem ille effecit. Doctor Humphrey, Ies. part 2. rat. 5. pag. 626. Gregory, for the convincing of a woman's incredulity, turned the bread into visible flesh: which story Doctor Humphrey doth relate, and elsewhere b Legatur autem illa plumbea Legenda, etc. Ibidem, pag. 520. Let this be referred unto lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 6. and it will make the answer for D. Humphrey more full. condemn: and although it be entitled Golden; yet have our learned c See above lib. 1. cap. 2. S●ct. 6. Adversaries censured it to be leaden, lying, and fabulous. As for S. Gregory's doctrine concerning the Lord's Supper, it, in the judgement of Protestants, was thought to be d See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 2. sound: and finally Transubstantiation, the confessed e See ibid. §. 7. new article of the Romish faith, was proved to be crossly repugnant unto the argument wherewith S. Gregory confounded an heretic. Thus much of their first instance taken from S. Gregory: how little help they may hope for from other Fathers, we will not divine, but demonstrate. f See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 8. num. 13. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. It is affirmed, that 2 The century writers, Cent. 5. col. 517. l. 23. say: Chrysost●●●●'s transubstantiationem videtur confirmare, nam ita scribit, etc. chrusostom is thought to confirm Transubstantiation. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 4 Our Centurists say, Videtur Chrysostomus, that is, chrusostom seemeth to confirm Transubstantiation: which the Apologists translate [chrusostom is thought.] Now from but a seeming confirmation to infer a judicial persuasion, is a strain more violent than which either the purpose of our a For the Centurists use the same videtur often, but doubtfully, as may appear through their whole Centuries▪ for when they note the opinion itself, than they say, Asterit, affirmat, tenet, vendicat, etc. Centurists, or the nature of the word can enforce, as any one may perceive by every thing, which seemeth to be that which it is not: but much more by the place of S. chrusostom, who saith, b Num vides panem? num vinum? num sicut reliqui cibi in secessum vadunt? absit▪ ne sic cogites, quemadmodum s●ceta igni adhibita illi assimilatur, nihil substantiae remanet, nihil superfluit; sic & hic puta mysteria consumi corporis substantiâ: propter quod & accedentes ne putetis, quòd accipiatis divinum corpus ex homine, sed ex ipsis Seraphim forcipe ignem, quem scil. Esaias vidit, vos accipere. Centur. 5. pag. 518. Think not that thou seest bread or wine, which as other meats go into the draft, etc. These are the words which may seem to confirm Transubstantiation: but let us see what followeth; Think not that thou receivest these from man (meaning the Minister) but from Seraphins. This showeth that S. chrusostom seemeth no more to teach that the proper nature of bread was changed into Christ's body, then that the Minister, Man, is changed into a Seraphin, which is a spirit. And seeing no Adversary will say, that he understood Transubstantiation of a man into a Seraphin: we may be instructed, that such kind of speeches are not used of Fathers in a proper and strict sense, but only in a seeming resemblance; as the sequel of this discourse will more plainly demonstrate, after that we have yielded answers unto the particular objections: whereof the third followeth. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. It is affirmed, that 3 Centur. 4. c. 10. col. 985. line 30. Eusebius Emissen did speak unprofitably of Transubstantiation. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 4. 5 Eusebius Emissen, who is said to have spoken incommodè, that is, unfitly; a This Eusebius Emissenus, homil. de Epiphan. is objected for proof of Purgatory. Bellar. li. 1. de Purg●t cap. 7. and for Transubstantiation, lib. 2. de Euchar. cap. 30. And by Coccius, in his controversies, urged and cited for that ancient Eusebius. they too precisely translate, unprofitably. But be it said, that that Author hath spoken hereof unprofitably, or (if they will) unconscionably; yet cannot this prejudice the judgement or doctrine of Protestants, but rather bewray in our adversaries notable cunning and guile, who do so b Coster. Ies. in catalogue. Patrum. ante Enchirid. often object unto Protestants, for defence of Romish positions, the testimonies of this Author in the name of Eusebius Emissenus, who lived about ᵇ five hundred and twenty years after Christ: notwithstanding they themselves do both know and acknowledge, that c Certum est non esse illius Eusebij Emisseni Graeci. cuius m●mi●it Hieronymus, sed Author istarum homiliarum, sine dubio. Latinus fuit. Nonnulli non sine causa suspicantur Authorem omnium illarum Homiliarum esse Faustum Gallum, qui floruit in quinta aetate, Author insignis▪ alij Caesarium, qui floruit in septi●●a. Bellar. lib. 2. the Eucharist. cap. 30. & lib. Recognit. de Purgat. pag. 64. the Author of this book (thus saith Cardinal Bellarmine) was not that Eusebius, nor yet a Graecian, but rather a Latin Author, either (namely) one Faustus a Frenchman, who lived in the fift age, or Caesarius, there saith, that b Cyrillus l. 10. in joh. cap. 13. [Non negamus rectan nos side & charitate sincerâ Christo spiritualiter coniungi, sed nullam nobis ●oniunctionis rationem secund●m carnem cum illo esse, profect● perriegamus; idque an divinis scri● t●● is omnino alienum dicimus.] Dicit P. Martyr, loqui Cyrillun de coniunctione corporali, quae nobis est cum Christo per incarnationem, quia natura nostr● in Christo est. Audi verò quomodo Cyrillus se exponat, is enim paulò infrà exponens quid sit illa coniuntio, sic ait: [An ●ortassis putat ignotam nobis mysticae benedictionis virtutem esse? quae cùm in nobis sit, nor ne corporali●er quoque facit communicatione carnis▪ Christ's, Christum in nobis habitare●] Et infrà, [unde conside andum est, non habitudine solúm, quae pe● charitatem intelligitur, Christum in nobis esse, verumetiam participatione naturali.] Et infra, [Non poterat enim aliter corruptibilis haec natura corporis ad incorruptibilitatem & vitam traduci, nisi naturali● vitae corpus ei coniungeretur: non credis mihi haec dicenti, Christo, obsecro te, fidem praebe.] Similia fusé repetir, lib. 11. cap. 26. Bellar. lib. 2. de Euchar. cap. 25. §. Verum falsam. & §. Et quia. by the mystical blessing in this Sacrament we have a conjunction with Christ according to the flesh, and that Christ hereby, by the communication of his flesh, dwelleth bodily in us, not only by affection of love, but even by a natural participation, without which the corruptible nature of our bodies can never be capable of immortality and incorruption: whether (we say) he understandeth (as Peter Martyr conceived) a corporal conjunction which the faithful have with Christ by his incarnation, wherein Christ is become a natural man, & through the hypostatical union of his godhead will raise all natural men, who are engrafted & incorporated into him as members of his body, out of corruption unto glory and immortality; which conjunction in this Sacrament is ratified unto the faithful communicants: or whether (as the Romanists teach) thereby be meant an oral and corporal eating of his natural body, we are referred by Cardinal Bellarmine to have it determined by cyril himself, unto whose sentence we jointly appeal. 12 Let us peruse his testimony, as it is in itself expressed, and not as it is sophistically distracted by their c Bellarmine breaketh off at [Habitare?] concealing the words, which immediately follow, and are a perfect commentary of the precedent sentence: for it followeth: Cardinal. First he saith, that Christ by this communion of his body doth corporally devil in us: but he addeth the reason of his speech, that for this cause d Cut enim membra fidelium membra sunt Christi? Nescitis (inquit Paulus) quia membra vestra membra sunt Christi● membra igitur Christi meretricis faciam membra? Then come in the next words of Bellarmine's petition, undè considerandum etc. And yet again he maketh another abruption, dissembling these words; Nam quem admodum si quis igno liquefactam ceram. alij cerae simil●er liquefactae miscuerit, ut voum quid or utrisque factum vide 〈◊〉; sic commomone co●poris & sanguinis Christi, ipse in nobis est, & nos in ipso. Then followeth, Non poterat evim, etc. the members of the faithful are called the members of Christ. Showing that only the faithful have this corporal union with Christ, and therefore cannot understand by the word corporally, a corporal manner of eating, which the wicked and reprobate (who e Vt ●legma, pituita, etc. viventis hominis nequ● membra sunt neque parts, & tamen non sunt èxtra corpus; ita impij ad super●●●os humores referuntur, qui suo tempore ubi maturi sunt, cum stercoribus egeruntur. Coster●● Ies. Apolog. part. 3. cap. 12. §. Et Hugo. are not the true members of Christ) may as well perform as any faithful sanctified child of God. 13 Secondly, through the union spoken of by cyril, Christ is said to devil corporally in the faithful communicants. But our f When the external forms & accidents of bread and wine are corrupted, there remaineth no longer the substance of Christ's body M. Parsons in the Re●●ew, pag. 199. and Bellarmine. See hereafter. Romanists imagine that the body of Christ presently departeth, as soon as the forms of bread and wine begin to be corrupted. 14 Thirdly, cyril showeth, that the manner and nature of union of Christ with us, is no other than is the g Vt igitur inter nos & Deum singulos uniret, quamuis corpore simul & animâ distemus, mod●m tamen adinuenit consitio 〈◊〉, & lapie●tiae suae congr●entem isuo enim corpore credentes per communionem mysticam benedicens, & secum & inter nos unum nos corpus effecit: quis enim eos, qui unius sancta corporis u●ione in uno Christo uni● sunt, union of Christians among themselves, who (as for example Paul and Peter) although they be divided in respect of place, yet, because of their mystical union with Christ, they are one body: by reason of which analogical conjunction of head with members, and of members one with another, cyril calleth (even according to our adversaries construction) our communicating with Christ, h ab hac 〈◊〉 all u●ione alienos pu●abit●●● fi omnes u●●m panem manducamus, omnes unum corpus efficimur. Cyril. lib. 11. in joh. c. 26. And aga●●●, Consider and si est, si ad unionem consensus & voluntatis natu●●l●● etiam ivenire poslumus, per quam nos inter nos, & omnes Deo colligemur: fortassis enim ●tiam a natural union: as he calleth the conjunction which by Christ the i Corpo●ali unione coniungimur, licet adeò dissipati simus, ut vousquisque seorsim & subsistat & circumscribatur: nam si Petrus & Paulus unum unitate in Christo sint, Petrus tamen Paulus non est. Cyril. ibid. faithful have among themselves, a corporal union; which no Romanist, we think, will expound of any natural or corporal manner of conjunction, in a literal, but only mystical and spiritual respect had unto the effect thereof; namely, that by the interest we have in Christ through his Humanity crucified for us, all the faithful by his bodily death are redeemed from hell, and by the virtue of his bodily resurrection shall be raised in their bodies unto heavenly tabernacles of eternal blessedness. 15 Moreover then, these phrases used by cyril, viz. Christ dwelling bodily in us, and Christians united naturally and corporally in themselves, being in their literal acception so absurd, that their own late Cardinal, and sometime jesuit, k Perpéde qualem unionem (speaking of Cyril) hic Doctor confueatur.— Quanquam (meaning Hilary and Cyril) high Doctores non sunt intelligendi, ut velint ex Christo sumpto & sument unum ficri ens naturale; indigna enim est illis doctrina haec: sed hoc dicere volverunt, praeter unionem, quae unions charitatis & fidei fit, ●desse etiam intra nos ipsos verè & realiter Christum ipsum, qui causa est sidei eiusdem. Tollet Ies. coman jo●. 6. Annot. 29. To the objected places out of Hilary, lib. 8. de Trin●t. and out of Cyril, lib. 10. in joh. cap. 13. yet are these places of Cyril objected most peremptorily by Card. Bellarmine, writing thus: De Sacramento Euchar●stiae tam propriè & perspicuè loquitur, ut magis aperté loqui non potuerit. Bellar. lib. 2 de Euchar. cap. 13. Tollet, doth judge the literal sense of them unworthy of the name of cyril, or Hilary: our Adversaries are compellable to suffer us to interpret such sentences according to a spiritual sense. Finally, in all these sentences of cyril, expressing only the incorporation of Christ with us, there is no one syllable objected betokening the Transubstantiation of the bread into Christ. By this time we discern the emptiness and vanity of their third instance: now they fly unto S. Cyprian. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. It is affirmed, that 6 In the treatile attributed to Vrsinus, entitled Commonetactio cuiusdam theologi. de sacra coena, & eiusdem commonefactionis consideratio, pag. 211. & 218. in Cyprian are many things which seem to affirm Transubstantiation: in so much as they do 7 The Sermon of Cyprian de Coena Domini, which this foresaid testimony concerneth, is dedicated to Cornelius who was Bishop of Rome when Cyprian lived, and to whom Cyprian himself, l. 1. ep. 1 & ep. 3. did writ; insomuch that M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament, in 1. Cor. cap 11. fol. 282 a. circa medium, allegeth testimonies from thence, affirming that the Auth●r de Coena Domini was not in time much inferior to Cyprian. unworthily affirm that Sermon of his, in which those sayings are extant, to be sergeant. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 7. 16 It may be these obiectors will esteem the judgement of Protestants herein of better worth, when they shall perceive their own worthiest Cardinal a Extat Inter opera Cypriani Sermo de Coena Domini, qui eisi Cypriani Carthaginensis esse non videatur; tamen est omninó antiqui alicuius. Bellar. lib. 2. de Euchar. cap. 9 to doubt whether this be the Sermon of Cyprian, or else of some ancient Author: which giveth us cause at lest to suspect it for a counterfeit. Nevertheless if we (for disputation sake) shall admit this his petition, to think that it is the work of an Author very ancient: yet cannot our Apologists prove from Vrsinus any more than a seeming affirmation of Transubstantiation. But this hath been the usual guise of these Apologists, wheresoever they found in our Authors the word [videtur,] that is, it seemeth, presently to apprehended thereby a confessed affirmation. But how unconsonant and unconscionable a collection this is, they will better discern, if they shall but look in a glass which their own Cardinal Bellarmine doth set before us, saying, that b Atque hinc discimus. non esse mirandum si Augustinus, Theodorerus, & alijveteres quaedam dixerint quae in speciem videantur ●●uere Heretics, cùm etiam lodoco (a Rom●nist) quaedam exciderint, quae ab adverfarijs trahantur ad suam causam. Bellar. lib. 2 de Euchar. ca 25. § Hic vero. Augustine, Theodores, and other ancients have said some things, which (speaking of this question of Transubstantiation) may seem in show to favour (thus he calleth Protestants) the heretics. If now we should take the liberty practised by these Apologists, might we not hereupon conclude as from a confession of Cardinal Bellarmine, that Augustine, Theodoret, and other ancients have favoured the doctrine of Protestants, and confuted the Romish Article of Transubstantiation? But we own justice even to our Adversaries, and therefore may not wrist their words, and pervett their meanings. Let us return unto S. Cyprian. 17 The testimony of their imagined c Panis iste, quem Dominus discipulis porrigebat, non effigy, sed nature mutatus, omnipotentiâ verbi factus est ca●o: & ficut in persona Christi humanitas vi sebatur, & latebat divinitas, ita Sacramento visibili ineffabiliter divina se effudit essentia: ut esset religioni circa Sacramenta devotio, & ad veritatem, cuius corpus & sanguis Sacramenta sunt, sincerior pateret aditus, usque ad participationem spiritus, non usque ad consubstantialitatem Christi. Cyprian. erm. de Coena D●m. Nullo modo mysterijs divina se absentat ma●estas. Ibid. Non dentes ad mordendum acuimus, sed fide sincera panem sanctum frangimus & partimur: dum quod diumum & quod humanum est distinguimus & separamus, itemue simulseparata iungentes, unum Deum & hominem fatemur. Idem, de Coena Dom. where he meaneth only a change of the property, that whereas the essential property of bread is for th● murishment corporal, now it is by Christ● ordinance d●s●●nated for a spiritual food by faith: therefore a little before he saith, Panis est esca, sanguis vita, caro substantia, corpus Ecclesia, corpus propter membrorum in unum convenientiam, panis propter nutrimenti congruentiam, sanguis propter vivificationis efficientiam, caro propter assumpte humanitatis proprietatem. Item: Cyprian, which proveth no more that the bread is changed into flesh, than it proveth that (for it is the same Author's comparison) Christ's humanity is changed into his Divinity: which without heresy, cannot be directly affirmed. 18 If they shall still persist in the seeming shows of words, then must they be admonished to construe the meaning of these words of that Cyprian; d P●n●●iste communis, in carnem & sang●●●em mutatus, procurat vitam & incrementum corpo●ibus, ideoue e● consueto effectu fidei nostrae ad●●ta infirmitas, sensibili argumento edocta est visibilibus Sacramentis inesle vitae aeternae effectum, & non tan● co●porali quàm spirituali transitione nos cum Christo un●●i Cyprian. ibid. This consecrated bread (saith he) giveth life & increase unto our bodies. Which kind of speech, even in the judgement of their own e See hereafter § 17. lit. 2. Cardinal, cannot be literally understood without absurdity; and therefore may instruct our Apologists to read such like sacramental phrases of ancient Fathers, at lest, cum grano salis, with a grain of reasonable salt of better discretion, than hitherto they have done. Their next refuge is unto Theodoret. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. That lastly Ignatius 8 M. Whitgift in his defence against Cartwrights' Reply, pag. 408. ante med. who was S. john's scholar, and lived in Christ's time, did (as Theodores 1200. years since, and themselves now do 9 Theodoret. dial. 3 and Ha' melmanus detraditionibus Apostolicis, etc. col. 746. line 18, 19 22. 23. etc. allegeth not only Theodoret, but also one Wydefortus, alleging Anno 1396. this saying of Ignatius, out of an ancient copy of that time. affirm, and as the Lutherans do obtect, 10 Vide recitationes de concilio scripti lib●● Concordiae, etc. (printed Lipsiae 1581.) nona recitat, pag. 177. ante medium. in proof of their Real presence, say of the heretics in his time, They do not admit Eucharist and oblations, because they do not confess the Eucharist to be the flesh of our Saviour jesus Christ, which flesh suffered for our sin. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 8. 19 In this place Protestant's may seem to be somewhat beholden unto these Apologists, by whom they are ranked with such heretics, who in the days of S. john were condemned by his Scholar Ignatius: for thus the opinion of Protestants may be thought to be ve●ie ancient. But their Cardinal a Quae sententia Ignatij citatur a Theodoreto in 3. Dialog. ex epistola ad Smyrnenses, ubi tamen nunc non habetur. Ne glorientur auten Caluinistae, sententiam suam valdè antiquam esse, obscruandum est illos haereticos (de quibus Theodoretus loquitur) non tam Sacramentum Eucharistiae, quam mysterium incarnationis oppugnasse. Bellar. lib. 1. d● E●●har. cap. 1. Bellarmine doth envy them so much grace, saying, Jest that the Protestants should boast of so great antiquity, we must observe (saith he) that those heretics, whom I heodoret mentioneth, did not so much speak of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, as of the mystery of Christ's incarnation. Here another cunning of the Romanists bewrayeth itself. For the Apologists contend to prove the doctrine of Protestants, in this point, to have been noted by Theodoret, that thereby they may be made akin unto old heretics: which accusation their own Cardinal Bellarmine will not allow, jest that this opinion may take upon it the name of ancient. 20 Again, the purpose of the Apologists was, hereby to prove their Transubstantiation in the Eucharist: but their Cardinal doth answer, that the sentence concerneth the mystery of Christ's incarnation. So that the judgement of the Apologizers may seem still to loose in weight, the rather because Theodoret (as ᵇ will be now proved) was a resolute and professed adversary unto their Transubstantiated manner of presence. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And one of our Adversaries confesseth accordingly, that 11 Adamus Francisci in Margarita Theologica, pa. 256. saith, Comment●● Patistarum de Transubstantiatione mature in Ecclesi●m irr●psit. Transubstantiation entered early into the Church: and another saith 12 Anthony de Ad●mo in his Anatomy of the Mass, pag. 236. a. ante medium. I have not yet hitherto been able to know, when this opinion of the Real and bodily being of Christ in the Sacrament did begin. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 9 21 That the opinion of Transubstantiation, was (but not in the Fathers) very ancient, we cannot but confess; for we found that Theodoret maketh his Eranistes, an heretical party, to bolt it our, whom he therefore orthodoxally, and (that I may so say) Protestantly confuteth, yet as being then only a private opinion; which (as our objected Author said truly) irrepsit, signifying, that it was yet but a creeper. For not till a thousand years after, it came to that growth, as from an opinion to wax so big as a doctrine of faith, and of a private to become general. 22 Thus have we answered their particular objections, wherein they have imposed upon us a credulity of an imagined Gregory, a forged Eusebius Emissenus, a sergeant Cyprian, besides the seeming testimony of chrusostom, the impertinent sentence of Ambrose, the perverted sense of Theodoret. Notwithstanding we do not marvel hereat, knowing that forged doctrines must need the support of feigned suffragies. It now remaineth after that we have warded off their violence, we should try our force in reply, and show, That the Romanists are constrained to reject some testimonies of antiquity, as contradictory to their doctrine of Transubstantiation. The sentence of Tertullian. SECT. 12. 31 Tertullian lived 1400 years since, and expounded these words [hoc est corpus meum, i. this is my body,] that by g Acceptum panem & distributum Discipulis suis Christus corpus suum secit, dicendo, [Hoc est corpus meum,] id est, figura corporis, etc. Tert-idu●rsus Martion. lib 4. cap. 40. body is meant a figure of his body, and is therefore noted by one of our Adversaries to have fallen into that h Error, putantium corpus Christi in Eucharistia tantum esse sub figura, iam olim condemnatus est, viz. in Berengario. Author Admonitionis ad Lectorem de quibusdam Tert. dogmatis, ante libros tertullian's. error, which afterward was condemned, meaning in Berengarius. Another answereth, that i Hoc est corpus, ad est figura; which interpretation is not according to the true sense of Christ's words, although his meaning serve not from the truth. Harding in jewel. Art 12. §. Thus the. this interpretation of Tertullian is not according unto the true sense. Which answer cannot stand without great prejudice against gray-headed k See the Sect. following. antiquity. Now follow The testimonies of S. chrusostom and Bertram: with a note of a notable shift used by the Romanists in answering unto Fathers. SECT. 13. 32 S. Chrysostome●ying ●ying the nature of the bread, saith, that a Si haec ra●a sanctificata in privatos usus transfer periculosum est, in quibus non verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis Christi continetur▪ quanto magis vasa corporis nostri, quae ad habitandum sibi Deus praeparabat, etc. Chrysost. seu Author operis imperfect a Math. h●m. 11. Que in 〈◊〉 e● emplari●us desunt. the true body of Christ is not contained (meaning corporally) in these vessels, but only the mystery of his body. Our adversaries answer, that b Respondeo, non dubium est opus Homiliarun imperfect, unde sumptum est Aduersarijs testimonium, non esse Chrysostomi. Nec mintiss certum est opus illud varijs erro●ibus scatere. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Euchar. cap. 22. ●. Nowm testimonium. The next conjecture which chrusostom was not the Author of these Homilies; and that the work itself is fraught with many errors: among which this now in question, c Bellarmine useth, saying, Verba illa ab aliquo Berengarij discipulo in●e●ta u● lentur, ●● very s●allo●, was (say they) inserted by some disciple of Berengarius. But both these are raw answers, because this latter of insertion, is but a conjecture, and by the ancient d As may be manifested by that famous library of the University of Oxford, in an ancient 〈…〉 words are verbatim. Manuscripts may be proved to be false: the former is impertinent, except they can name some ancient heretic, who maintained the Protestants ground; which, their Cardinal * See above sect. 8. Bellarmine saith, is not to be found. 33 But we have no reason to expect any satisfiable answers from our Adversaries, who (as is evident in the original copy of their Index Expurg.) do profess an art of deluding their Readers, saying, that it is convenient for them e Quanquam librum istum Bertrami Presbyteri, de corpore & sanguine Christi. non existim●mus magni esse momenti, etc. Tamen cùm iam saepè recusus, etc. iwe● historiam eius aetatis●● Catholic●s veteribus alios plu●●mos feramus errores, & extenuemus, excusemus, excogitato commento saepènegemus, & commodum ei● sensum affingamus, dum opponnuntur in disputationibus, aut in conflictionibus cum Aduersarijs. non videmus cur non candem & aequitatem & d●ligentem recognitionem mereatur Bertramus, ne haeretici obganniant nos antiquitatem pro ips●● facientem exu●ere & prohibere. Index Expurg. Belg. c. As it is in the original: lussu Philippi 2. Regis, & Albani Ducis consilio in Belgia concinuatus. Anno 1571. Antuerpiae ex officina Chr. Planti●i Prototypographi. Pag. 4. to bear with some errors of ancient Fathers; or else, when they shall be objected against them, to extenuate them, or excuse them, or by some cunning shift to avoid them, etc. And for example sake, they begin with an ancient Author Bertram, who (as Cardinal Bellarmine confesseth,) f Bertramus, comes liber exstat, circa annum 886 in controversiam vocare coepit, an esset vere in Eucharistia illud corpus Domini de Virgin natum. Bellar. l. 1. de Euchar. cap. 1. §. Tertius fuit. above seven hundred years since, called in question the Romish manner of Christ's presence in the Sacrament. It is notable to see how well they have practised their artificial shift upon this Author, commanding his word [ g Fol. 1137. Legendum [Inuisibiliter] pro, visibiliter. Et infra vers. 36. [Secundum creaturarum substantiam, quod prius fueru●t ante consecrationem: hoc & postea consistunt] explicandum est [Secundùm externas species Sacramenti.] Expurg. quo supra. pag. 7. invisible] to be blotted out, and in stead thereof to put in visible: and expounding these words [substance of creatures] to signify only external colours, or outward accidents. And can we think that these new devisers can be sincere obiectors, or competent answerers in questions which may concern the doctrine of antiquity? 34 This might peradventure be thought possible, but that we found them so far fallen forth with some ancient witnesses, that a principal h Minimè mirum est, si unus aut alter, aut etiam aliqui ex veteribu● minus considerate h●c de re senserint & scripserint maximè cum non tractarent ex instituto ipsam quaestionem. This he calleth, Breve & simplex, & sine ullo incommodo responsum. Greg. de Valent. Ies. de Transubsi. lib. 2. cap. 7. §. Quod si. jesuit pronounceth, that it is an answer (as he calleth it) brief, and simple, and no way inconvenient, to say, that it is not to be marveled that some ancients have both thought and writ less considerately concerning Transubstantiation. How inconsiderate therefore have our Apologists been in this part of their challenge, wherein (by so many exceptions taken against antiquity by their own men) they are catched in their own snare, and are become irreconcilably adversaries to their own cause? 35 This question of Transubstantiation being of so great consequence, that if it be defensible, Protestants must stand chargeable of heresy; but if it may be confuted, the Romanists must necessarily be condemned of Idolatry: we think it our bounden duty to consult more exactly with the Senate of antiquity, and to make evident How every one may easily learn to understand the direct meaning of ancient Fathers, in such testimonies, whereby our Adversaries do delude men in the confirmation of Transubstantiation, the now Article of Romish faith. SECT. 14. 36 We can never rightly apprehended men's conceits, before we truly learn their language: for if we catch only at the syllables of the Father's sentences, and do not directly understand the Idiom and propriety of their speech, but devil upon the sound, and not upon the sense thereof; how shall we, children know our Father's doctrines? how shall we not by our ignorance of their tongues build up some towers of babylonish and confused conceits, such as we take the Romish Article of Transubstantiation to be? Wherefore we must first endeavour to learn distinctly the signification of our Father's voices, which any Reader, although but of mean capacity, may easily apprehended by that which shall be delivered. Now than The first argument, of discerning of the language of ancient Fathers in the question of this Sacrament, is taken from the analogy or like tenor of speech used by them in the Sacrament of Baptism. SECT. 15. 37 Our a M. Parsons in his third part of three Conuers. in the Review, ca 2. and Bellar. lib. 1. & 2. de Euchar. Greg. de Valent. Ies. in libris de real praesentia. Adversaries catch at the words of Fathers concerning the Eucharist, especially where they found any terms specifying, 1. that it is not to be looked upon as bore bread and wine, 2. that it is changed into another thing or nature not seen, 3. that the working of grace therein is ineffable: 4. that herein there is a miraculous operation: 5. that Christ's blood is said to be in this Sacrament, and we hereby to eat his flesh: 6 that the matter is to be worshipped. By every which kind of observation they use to underprop their imagined Transubstantiation, not suffering (alas) their Reader to understand, that the same Father's use the same speeches concerning the Sacrament of Baptism: wherein both they and we know and profess, that the water after consecration continueth in the same substance of water. Unto the which we parallel the speeches of the Father's concerning the Eucharist in every kind of term. 38 For first, S. cyril saith thus: b Cyril. Hierosol. i● objected for Transubstantiation, for saying, Non consideres panem nudum, a●t vinum nudum: not denying them to be nuda, naked in nature, but in use. Mystag. 4. For he saith the like of Baptism: Non tanquam aquae s●●pli●● studeas huic ●avacro, sed ut spirituali gratiae, quae cum aqua datur. Idem Cateches. 3. And of holy oil, Sed vide ne suspiceris illud unguentum nudum esse: quemadmod● enim panis in Eucharistia per invocationem Spiritus sancti non est deinceps nudus aut simplex panis, sed corpus Christi, sic & hoc sanctum unguentum non est postea nudum, neque ut quis die at common propter invocationem, sed Christi donum praesentiâ Spiritus sancti. cyril. Cateches. 3. p. 23. As also. Do not look upon this laver of Baptism, as upon bore water. c Gregory Nyssen. Ne contemnas divinum lavacrum, neque id tanquam common propter usum aquae parvi facias Greg. Nyssen. de Baptis. And, Gregory Nyssene thus: Contemn not this water, as though it were common. d Chrysost. Aqua primatum tenet in elementis: sed cum aquae elementum acceperit Spiritum sanctum, fit Sacramentum, & iam non erit aqua potationis, sed sanctificationis; non erit aqua communis, sed re●ectionis. Chrys●st. in Psal. 22 ut resert Coccius (& verè) lib. 5. de Bapt. pag. 529. chrusostom thus: It is no more the common water of refreshing the body, but of sanctification of the soul. All showing that if man look upon this water with a natural eye, he shall found only natural water: but if he behold it with a spiritual eye, as it is by the ordinance of God a seal of faith, he in this natural shall discern a spiritual effect of grace. 39 Secondly, the Father's note in Baptism a certain change. Ambrose (who is e Ambros Fort● dices, meus panis est usitatus: sed panis iste ante verba Sacramentorum, panis est, ubi accesserit consecratio, de pane fit caro Christi. De Sacram. lib. 4. cap. 4. whereupon Bellarmine thus: Quid potuit clarius? And yet Ambrose saith also of the elements, Operatorius sermo est ut sint quae crant, & in aliud commutentur, or else operentur. But to be the same they were, taketh away transubstantiation into another nature, yet changed into the use to be instruments of grace by faith, as his own similitude doth illustrate: Tu ipse eras vetus creatura, postquam consecratus es, nova creatura esse coepisti: accipe igitur quemadmodum sermo Christi omnem creaturam mutare confueverit. objected in the like, for proof of Transubstantiation in the Eucharist) speaking of the water of Baptism, f And addeth of the water of Baptism: Nature mutari per benedictionem. Lib. 4. de Sacram. & lib. de ijs qui initiantur mysterij●. cap. 9 saith likewise, The nature is changed by benediction. And g cyril Alex. Spiritus sancti operatione ad divinam aquae reformantur naturam, quâ baptizati corpus abstergun●. ●●b. 2. in joh. c 42. Basilea 1546. cyril Alex. The waters of Baptism are by operation of the holy Ghost changed into a divine nature. And h Oculis intellectus ista percipiamus, nihil enim sensibile nobis tradidit Christu●, sic in Baptismo, etc. Chrysost. in Matth. home 83. chrusostom (speaking both of the Eucharist, & of Baptism,) Let us behold those things with the eye of understanding, for in these no sensible matter is delivered unto us. And yet we see the outward elements of water remain sensibly the same. Therefore this alteration of nature and sense doth signify only the spiritual effects: as may appear more plainly by their term of ineffable, which is the third point. 40 To this purpose writeth Gregory i Corpori quidem quod apparet, aqua est, quae sub sensum cadit; animae verò, quae visum fugit, spiritus qui non apparet, & ineffabiliter accedit. Orat. de S. Baptism. And S. Ambros. lib. de ijs qui in baptism initiantur. Nyssen, That which appeareth to the bodily eye is water, and is seen; but unto the soul, which cannot be seen, the invisible spirit of God hath access after a manner ineffable, that is, which cannot be expressed. Which is the ordinary phrase of all Fathers, expounded by Venerable k Panis & vi●i creature a in Sacrame 〈…〉 & sanguinis Christi ineffabili Spiritus sanctificatione 〈◊〉. Beda in oct●●. Epiphan. cited by Bishop I●el, Art 10. Bede, to be meant of a sacramental change of elements, in their spiritual effect of sanctification wrought thereby. Which will be more discernible by the fourth note, concerning operation miraculous. 41 Hereunto maketh that saying of l Epiphan. Fortis facta est i● Christo vi●tus panis, & fortitudo aqu●, ut ●● paniss nobis fi●● vir●●●, sed virtus ipsius panis. & cibus quidem est panis, etc. distinguishing 〈◊〉, & virtutem panis in the Eucharist, as aquam & virtutem aquae in Baptism. Tom. 2. lib 3. A●●●●phala●●i, 〈◊〉 1578. Epiphanius, wherein he acknowledgeth, that there is to be observed the like virtue in the water of Baptism, as there is in the bread of the Eucharist: and Gregory m Greg. Nyss●●. lib. de 〈…〉 quomodo Baptisma sit regenecationis caus●, exempla add●cit earum 〈◊〉 pet. quas Deus facit 〈◊〉 acu●●, ut ●●●gam A●●oni●, & ●li●, [〈…〉 (inquit) cum materiae sint inanimatae, atque sensus expertis, postquam vim Dei accepissent, magnis miraculis media intercesserunt; ac simili consequentiâ aqua.— Si quis dubitando negotium mihi exhibeat, interrogans qua ratione aqua regeneret, dicam optimo lure ad ●um, ostend mihi modum 〈…〉 que 〈…〉 causa hominis effectrix est. Audi igitu● à nobi● quòd aqua, quae benedici●●●, purgat atque i●●●minat hominem. Nyssene, expressing how Baptism worketh our regeneration, doth illustrate it by examples of those things (saith Cardinal n Vt refert Bellarm. lib. 2. de effect. Sacram c. 6. §. Gregorius. Bellarmine) by which God wrought miracles. In like manner o Leo: Christus dedit aquae, quod dedit matris virtus enim altissimi, & obsi b●atio Spiritus sancti, quae fecit ut Maria pareret salvatorem, eadem facit ut regener●●●nda credentem. Leo de Nativi●. Serm. 4. Deus mirabile nobis Sacramentum regenerationis indulsit. Leo epist. 13. Pope Leo, Christ gave that virtue to the water, which he gave to his own Mother: as she brought forth a saviour, so doth this water a believer. For which effect sake (which is our regeneration) he calleth it a marvelous Sacrament. And S. p Ambros. Non agnosco usum naturae, nullus est hic naturae ordo, ubi est excellentia gratiae. Ambros. de illu qui initiantur myster. cap 9 Ambrose refuseth to acknowledge herein any use of nature, where grace is predominant: the manner whereof Cyprian calleth q Docet Cyprianus hoc fieri mirum in modum. Bellar. lib. 2. de effect. Sacram. cap. 9 marvelous: which also seemeth so marvelous unto r Chrysostomus: Nullo pacto de intellectuali per Baptismum regeneratione, & admirabili partu rationem reddemus. Name & Angeli qui fuerunt tam inenarrabilis operis mod● minimè possun● enatr●●● 〈…〉 & viderunt, 〈…〉 sed tantium Paces, 〈◊〉, & Spiritus sanctus. Chrysost. home 24. in joh. chrusostom, that the Angels cannot possibly express it: wherein, as s Sanctificatae hae aquae vim sanctificandi comb●●un●.— Igitur medicatis quodammodo his aquis per Angeli interuentum, & spirit●● in aquis corporanter 〈◊〉, & 〈…〉 ut refers Cocci●s lib. 5. de Baptis. pag. 494. Tertullian speaketh) by the intercourse and ministry of Angels, man's soul is corporally washed, and his body is spiritually purged: and again their t 〈…〉, ●am nunc de re●issione peccatorum dig●o mi●aci●●o reficiant fidem s●am. 〈…〉. 6. 〈…〉 de Baptis. ut refert juell●s, Art 6. Emissenus; Let those that thirst for the glory of the resurrection, now refresh their faith (speaking of Baptism the Sacrament of forgiveness of sins, and of resurrection from death,) of remission of sins with a worthy miracle. All this ineffable, marvelous, and miraculous manner of working in the Sacrament of Baptism, cannot consist in the natural alteration of any substance of the outward water, but in the effect of grace, by the Spirit of God working sunctification in the soul of the baptised, and remission of sin; whereof the outward Baptism, in the judgement of Fathers, is but only u Hoc verò beneficium non aqua largitur, etc. sed Dei praeceptum & Spiritus: aqu● verò subs●ruit ad 〈◊〉 purge 〈◊〉. Greg. Nyssen. de sancto Baptis. a representation. 42 Now followeth the fift point, which is reverence. What can make more for the honour of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, than that which their objected Author, called x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys. Areopag. Eccles. Hi●rarch. cap. 2. Dionysius Areopagita, ascribeth unto Baptism? who speaking of the Minister thereof, saith, that he seeing the weight of this business, is in an horror & agony: or that kind of salutation used by S. y OH aqua, quae Sacramentum Christi esse 〈◊〉, quae 〈…〉, &c Ambr●s. in 〈◊〉. lib. 10 cap. 22. Ambrose? saying; OH water, which art worthily the Sacrament of Christ: or then the conclusion which S. z Quae (speaking of the Eucharist and Baptism) 〈◊〉, cùm 〈◊〉, qu● 〈…〉 ea non carnali servitute, sed spirituali pot●●s libertate veneretur. August. ●● doctr. Christian. lib. ●. ca 9 Augustine did observe, when speaking of the Eucharist and Baptism, Eucharist, were very absurd. This confession, if we had no more, might satisfy us for the discerning of the Father's dialect, and to teach, that such expositors are absurd, who do interpret the mystical speeches of the Fathers after the literal sense. And if this be so, in respect of our feeding on Christ's body, as our Adversary hath granted; why is it not as true in regard of our real eating, seeing every eating is proportionated unto a bodily feeding, as to his proper end. So that, if bodily eating doth as destinately agreed with bodily feeding, as doth the spiritual with the spiritual: then must the literal construction of bodily eating Christ's body, be judged equally absurd. 47 Which absurdity is made more apparent by paralleling the speeches of Fathers, spoken of the Eucharist, whence our Adversaries would prove their Transubstantiation. For as the b See about §. 15. per 〈◊〉. Fathers say, the bread is changed into an other nature; so say they also, that the water in Baptism is changed into a divine nature. Which our Adversaries are bound to expound figuratively. 48 Theophylact is objected saying, that c Theophyl. in Matth. 26. in Marc. 14. in 1. Cor. 10. & 11. in jo●. 6. upon this doth Bellarmin● insult, numbering this among the names: Quae sunt aequmalentia nomini Transubsta●tia tionis, Theoph. in Marc. 14. vocat Trans●l●mentationem, qu● 〈◊〉 vox nihil minussignifi●at quàm transm●tati●● est ●nim transelementatio mu●●tio rei usque ad prima elements, id est, usque ad ipsam materiam, quae ab Aristotele elementum vocatur. Bellarm. lib. 3. the Eucharist. cap. 23 §. Secundò licuit. But again the same Theophylact: The bread is transelementated into the substance of Christ's body; but the same Father saith also, that Christ's body d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est, qui me manducat propter me, quodammodo misc●tur mihi, & transelementatur in me. Theoph. in joh. 6. is transelementated into the faithful communicant. They say, that e Hilarius de Trinit. lib. 8. Quod autem nobis naturalis haec unitas sit, ipse ita testatus est; Qui edit meam carnem, in me manet. And, Christi caro naturaliter in nobis manet— &, Permanet nobis carnaliter & inseparabiliter unitis, mysterium verae & naturalis unitatis sit praedicandum. Hilar. de Trinit. lib. 8. Christ in this Sacrament is naturally united unto us: but they in like manner affirm, that f Non negamus recta nos fide, charitate ue sincera Christo spiritualiter coniungi: sed nullam in nobis coniunctionis rationem secundum carnem cum illo esse, id profectò pernegamns.— An fortassis putat ignotam nobis mysticae benedictionis virtutem esse? quae cum in nobis fiat, nun corporaliter quoque facit, communicatione carnis Christi, Christum in nobis ha' itare? Cyril. Alex. lib. 10. c. 13. the flesh of Christ (which our Adversaries will not allow in the proper sense) remaineth in us naturally, corporally, and inseparably. 49 Their Cardinal g Alterum testimonium Origenis est in Hom. 5. in diversa loca evangelii, in qua tractat de puero Centurionis: [Quando sanctum cibum illudue incorruptum accipis epulum, quando vitae pane & poculo frueris, manducas & bibis corpus & sanguined Domini, tunc Dominus sub tectum tuum ingreditur. Et tu ergo humilians teipsum-imitare hunc Centurionem, & dicito, Domine, non sum dignus ut tu intres sub tectum meum. Vbi enim indignè ingreditur, ibi ad judicium ingreditur accipienti.] Haec ille. Sanè ista non poslunt rectè dici, nisi de vero corpore Domini, quod verè ●re corporis accipiatur. Nam fi loqueretur Origenes de corpore Domini per Metonymian, id est, de pane significance corpus Christi, non vocaret cum paneni incorruptum epulum, nec ei dici vellet; Domine non sum dignus, etc. Si verò loqueretur de ipso Christo per panem significato, qui per fidem accipitur, non diceret, Vbi indignè ingreditur, ibi ad judicium ingreditur accipienti. Nam secundum Aduersarios Christus per fidem non potest accipi, ni●i á pi●ss, & ad vitam. Bellarm. lib. 2. the Eucharist. cap. 8. §. Akerum. col. 417. Bellarmine presseth much the saying of Origen, where he admonisheth the communicant in receiving the Eucharist, to say with the Centurion, Lord I am not worthy that thou shouldest enter under the roof of my mouth: urging other circumstances to prove that this cannot be meant metonymically, that is figuratively. We marvel that a man of so sharp sight could not see the words of the same Origen, which immediately preceded in the same sentence, saying, h Intrat nunc Dominus sub tectum credentium duplici figurâ vel more: nunc enim quandò Sancti & Deo acceptabil●s Ecclesiarum Antistites sub tectum tuum intrant, tunc ibidem per eos Dominus ingreditur: & tu sic existime● tanquam Dominum suscipiens, & aliud quandò sanctum cibum illudque, etc. As it followeth in the place above cited by Cardinal Bellarmine, and his reasons are frinolous. For first, Christ exhibited in the Sacrament (although without corporal presence) is the Edulium incorruptum. 2. Secondly of the Pasters of the Church, who bring the food of life, every one may say, Non s●m dignus. Thirdly, the very wicked receive Christ sacramentally ministered unto them, albeit they receive him not faithfully; and so by their own default, are guilty of that body, which, ex part Christi, is offered unto them for salvation. Our Lord entereth under the roof of believers by a double figure and manner: now when godly Pastors of the Church enter into thy ⁱ house, then doth the Lord enter in by them: so think thou of it as though thou receivedst the Lord Christ. Evidently signifying the like manner of receiving Christ in the Eucharist, the mystery of Christ; and in receiving for edification a Pastor of the Church, the Minister of Christ. How? not figuratively, saith Cardinal Bellarmine; Yes, by a figure, saith the Father Origen. 50 chrusostom hath been by our i Non se tantùm videri permi●tir de●iderantibus, sed & tangi, & manducari, & dente● carnisuae infigi. Hom. 45. in joh. Sens●● verborum est, tangi corpus Christi mediantibus speciebus, quae solae formaliter tanguntur & franguntur, etc. Bellar. lib. 3. de Euchar. cap. 24. §. Tertia pars. Dentes carni eius infigi & complicari, & eius sanguine dentes rubicu●di fiunt. Chrysost add pop. Antioch. hom. 60. 61. Tangi in coelo nunc Christum, sed fide. Hom. 46, in joh. Adversaries no less urgently obtruded, when he saith, He suffereth the faithful to touch and eat him, yea and to press their teeth in his flesh. And again, He truly mingleth himself with us: that is (s●ith M k Semetipsum nobis commiscet, non fide tantùm, sed & reipsa. Chrysost. home 60. ad pop. Antioch. Whereby is expressly taught, that w● do receive Christ not only by fa●th, but truly, really, and corporally. Parsons, ●art. 3. Conuersan the Review, pag. 109. not considering his own exposition following: Parsons,) we receive him corporally: not regarding his words following, l Hoc pasc●mur, huic unimur, & facti sumus unum Christi corpus, & una caro. Chrysost. home. 60. & 61. add pop. Antioch. that it is as truly Christi body, as Christians are one body, and flesh of Christ. We are fed by him; which were * See the former Sect. absurd (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) in the proper understanding: nor yet considering Chrysostom's own exposition in the same place, or his answerable hyperboles elsewhere, saying, that m Vt & ipsa re in illam misceamur ca●nem. Ibid home 61. i● t●o. we also are mingled into this flesh: that n Quot nunc dieant, vellem ipsius formam aspicere, figuram, vestimenta, calceamenta? Ecce eum vides, ipsum tangis, ipsum manducas, & tu quidem vestimenta videre cupis? Ipse verò tibi concedit non tantum videre, verùm & manducate, & tangere, & intra se suscipere. Chrysost. home 60. and pop. Antioch. Non solùm vestis, sed & corpus Christi nobis propofitum est, neque ut tangamus solùm, sed ut comedamus & saturemur. Chrysost. home 51. in Matth. we touch and see his vestments; that o Lingua treme● do Ch●isti cruore rubescit. Chrysost. home 61. ad pop. Antioch. Again, Lingua cruentatur hoc admirabili sanguine, Hom. ●3 Read more in Chrysost in joh. 1. & lib. 6. de Sacerdotio. cap 32. our tongues are made read with his precious blood: which (as any one may perceive) are but words of Rhetorical amplification. 51 If therefore the Romanists shall still dote upon this young Minion called Transubstantiation, and for patronage thereof resume the former phrases of Fathers, then are they furthermore compellable to show us what these other speeches of chrusostom may signify, which tell us of feeding upon Christ's body, of seeing hugarments, and of dying our tongues read imhiss blood: or else the like saying of S. Ambrose, p C●m autem venerint ad evangelium, & cognoverint ●●●minari coecos. ambulare claudos, audire surdos. etc. tunc dicunt, Vidimus eum, & oculis nostris perspeximus, & in vestigia clavorum ●●us dig●ros nostros inseruimus. Ambros. Com. in Luc. cap. 7. §. De missione Discipulorum johannis. In hearing the Gospel we see Christ, and put our fingers into the prints of his sides: or this of Pope Leo, q Non aliud agit parti● pa●io corporis Christi, quám ut in id, quod sumimus, transeamus. Leo Romanus, Serm. 14. the Pas●h. Dom. We pass (or we are transformed) into the flesh of Christ: and, r Corpus regenerati fit caro cru●●fixi. Leo de passione Dom. cited by B. jewel. The body of a man regenerate is the flesh of Christ crucified: or lastly of S. Gregory, that s Licet Christus resurgent á mo●tius ●am non moritur, ta ●ens in seipso immortaliter & incorruptibiliter vivens, iterum in hoc mysterio moritur, etc. Greg. Christus in hoc Sacramento patitur. Idem. See above. Christ dieth and suffereth again in this mystery. 52 All these so ordinary sentences do plainly demonstrate and inculcate into our minds the Father's * judg. 12. 6. Shibbolet, dialect, idiom, and propriety of speech: teaching us, that Sacramental phrases must not be examined with a philosophical, but with a theological eye, which clearly seethe the sign called by the name of the thing signified, evermore betokening a mystical truth; so that as yet we see our adversaries expositions of the terms of the Fathers to differ as much from their sense, as mouth and faith, body and spirit, error and truth. We yet further pursue a third observation, showing That there is more safety and security in the doctrine of Protestants then of the Romanists, for the holy repose of any Christian soul: proved by many and pregnant Arguments. The first concerning the true ●ssence of a body. SECT. 18. 53 In the days of orthodoxal Fathers, many heretics, as Marcionists, Valentinians, Eutychians, and others impugning the truth of Christ's Humanity, feigned that the body wherein he suffered, was not a natural, but only a fantastical body, that is, having not the substance, but only the show of a body: whom the Fathers confuted, proving that the body of our Lord was substantial, because solid, sensible, palpable, and circumscribed in one place. The new doctrine of Transubstantiation openeth a wide gap unto those ancient heresies, as is more fully proved by the weakness of the answer of our greatest a Argumen●●m hoc de phantasmate Marcionistarum mihi videtur verum phantasma, videtur habere faciem quandam argumenti, & verum argumentum non est: nam phantasmata vel phantastica corpora, qualia haeretici putabant corpus Christi, videntur esse corpora vera, & tamen reipsa non sunt vera. At corpus Christi in Eucha●istia, ex Catholico●un sententia, non videnir oculis externis esse verum corpus, tamen reipsa est. Bellar. lib. 3. de Euchar. cap. 24. §. Calmnus quoque. Adversary, who saith, that fantastical is that, which appeareth to be that which it is not: and so the heretics called the body of Christ fantastical: but Catholics do teach, that the body of Christ is truly, (meaning corporally,) although it appeareth not so to be. Which, we think, is not a losing, but a doubling of the knot, because their Transubstantiation propoundeth a show of bread; b Etiamsi panis nihil sit, tamen id, in quod ipse conversus est, non est nihil, nec nullum, nec nu●quam. Non enim dicitur annihilari quod manet in se, sed quod terminatur in nihil, ita ut terminus actionis, qua ipsum depixit esse, nihil sit: alioqui aqua, quae à Domino versa est in vinsi, annihilata fuisset: nam post conversionem nihil fuit, nulla fuit, & nusquam fuit. Bellar. ibid. §. Ad alteram: whereas (say they) there is remaining no substance of bread: most semblably unto that grand heresy, which denying the substance of the body of Christ, did only believe an appearance and phantasma, or show of a body. We desire our adversaries to employ their best wits in the disquisition of this reply, concerning the heretics opinion of Christ's body, and their own opinion of the bread, and to show us how they are not both equally fantastical. 54 But God forbidden that we should not adhere unto the orthodoxal faith of our Ancestors, who contrariwise have distinguished the two natures of Christ, Divinity, and Humanity, by these their different properties: his natural body by being sensible, and in one place; the Divine nature by being not sensible, & every where: making the faculty c Cùm ergo omnis creatura certis naturae suae est circumscripta limitibus, etc. quomodò quis audeat creaturam appellare Spiritum sanctum, qui non habet circumscriptam determinatam ue naturam? Ambros. lib. 1. de Spiritu sancto. cap. 7. So Theodoret, Dominicum corpus incorruptibile resurrexit, & impatibile, & immortal, & divinâ gloriâ glorificatum est, & à coelestibus adoratur potestatibus. Corpus tamen est priotem habens circumscriptionem. Dial. 2. 105. of not being determined in one where, to be proper unto God; thereby proving the Deity of the holy Ghost, & confirming it, saying: d Theod. Dial. 2. teacheth, that it was the argument of the Orthodoxal, that is, the Catholics: Nequaquam post sanctificationem mystica symbola propriam amittunt naturam; manent enim in priore substantia, & figura, & specie, & cerni & tangi possint sicut anteà: intelliguntur autem quae facta sunt, & creduntur & adorantur, quasi essent illa quae creduntur; confer igitur archetypum cùm imagine, etc. Pag. 113. b. See hereof above §. 8. See Gelasi●● and others above. Ibid. As bread remaineth bread after consecration; so the body of Christ, after the resurrection remains still a natural body. So that their miraculous Transubstantiation cannot stand, except they will work thereby a new miracle, in raising again an old rotten heresy out of the grave of a just unbelief and oblivion. A second argument of security, from the consideration of the presence of a body. SECT. 19 55 From the consideration of the essence of Christ's human body, we come unto the presence thereof in any place, which must be agreeable unto the Article of Christian faith; teaching us Christ his residence in heaven until his coming unto judgement, according unto sacred a Act. 2. Scriptures, and the Fathers of reverend antiquity, especially S. Augustine; who for the preservation of the truth of Christ's human nature, will not admit of the presence of a body in many places at once: for this is (saith he) b Immortalit●rem dedit, naturam non abstulit. August. ad Dard●● se● epist 57 Sicut Dei Fili● & Redemptorem nostrum secundùm divinitatem 〈◊〉 & incorp●r●um, sicu● & Patrem & Spiritum sanctum non ●reder● impium est; ita cundem Dei Filium in homine ●ssumptum, visibilem, corpo●●um, ●tque local●m post resurrectionem non credere & pr●●●teri profanum est. August in lib. de esse●t. divinit. tom. 4. Cavendum ne, ita 〈◊〉 astruamus hominis ut vericatem corporis auferamus. Non est ●utem consequent, ut quod in Deo est, ita 〈◊〉 ubi que ut Deus. Ead. epist. Tom. 2 pag. 104. Spacia locorum ●olle corponbus & corpora nusquam erunt, & quia nusquam erunt, nec erunt. Ibid. Paris. anno 1586. profanely to destroy the proper nature of a body, because the body which is not circumscribed in one place, is no what, because nowhere. 56 Many such sentences might be produced, which cannot be eluded by that only answer of our Adversaries, understanding that Christ is not present on earth and in heaven at one time, to wit visibly, or by à natural, but by a supernatural manner. Which will be too raw matter for their stomachs, who are accustomed unto the arguments of ancient Fathers, whom they found thus arguing: c Secundùm maiestatem suam, secundùm prouidentiam, secundùm ineffabilem & invisibilem gratiam impletur quod ab eo dictum est, Ecce ego vobiscum sum omn●bus diebus ysque ad consummationem seculi. Secundùm carnem ver● quam Verbum assumpsit, secundùm id quod de Virgin nature est, secund●mid quod à judaeis prehensus est, quod ligno confixus, quod de cruse depositus, quod lin●eis involutus, quod sepulchro positus, quod in resurrectione manifestatus, non semper habebiris vobiscum. Et paulò post, Secundùm praesentiam maiestatis semper habemus Christum, secundùm praesentiam carnis rect● dictum est Discipulis, Me autem non semper habebitis. August. Tract. 50. in vers. 8. cap. 12. joh. Etenim si hoc modo esset corpus eius nobiscum in terris, quomodo sunt corpora multorum Martyrum, accurremus ad offerend●m ei muners, etc. In Psal. 75. If Christ (according to his bodily presence) sit at the right hand of the Father in heaven, then doubtless he is not in the world by the presence of his flesh. judging this so plain a point, even by the Article of his d And upon the Article of Christ's ascension into heaven: Voluit praemuni●e aures nostras adversus eos, quos procedentibus temporibus sciebat dicturos, Ecce hic C●ristus, ecce illie, quibus ne crederemus admonuit. Nec ulla est excusatio adversus vocem magistri tam claram, ut nemo vel ●●tusus & stupidus possit dicere non intellexi. De unit. Eccles. c. 10. Et, Nemo dubitet cùm iam Christus ascenderit in coelo●, quamui● virtute spiritus nobi● adsit, praesentiá tamen carnis ipsum abbess. And, [Quaerite quae su●sun sunt, ubi Christus est ad dextrá Dei, quae sursum suot sapite. non quae sunt super terram, Colos. 3.] & [Talem habemus Pontificem, qui seder ad dextran throni maiestatis etc.] Vnd● Am●rosius: Ergo non in terra, nec secundùm carnem quaerendus est Christus, si vo●un●us eum invenire. And again: Quando reutr●eris, Domine, nisi in die judicij? ascension, that every one remaineth inexcusable who shall deny it: because there is none so stupid but may understand it. 57 We return unto the Sacrament, whereupon the Fathers (in confutation of fantastical heretics, who impugned the substantial being of Christ's body) have built this their resolution: e Nostra 〈…〉 est Eucharistiae, & Eucharistia rursus confirmat sententiam nostram. Iren. l. 4. contra heres. c. 34. Our doctrine (saith Irenaeus) is agreeable unto the Eucharist, and the Eucharist confirmeth our doctrine. We wish our doctrine tried by the like analogy. The Romish Transubstantiation in the Eucharist, doth contradict the doctrine of Christ's true natural body, as hath been proved out of Theodoret and others; and will appear by the desperateness of the last evasion which our Adversaries are driven unto, answering that Christ is in the Eucharist, not after the manner of a body by circumscription, nor as a spirit is by determination, but more excellently, even f Quod●● quis contendat esse in loco tam circumscriptiuè quàm definitive, id requirere, ut res nullo modo sit alibi: dicere possumus, dari tertisi modum e●istendi in loco; quomodo Deus est in loco, & hoc modo esse in loco ea corpora, quae per divinam potentiam simul sunt in varij● locis. Bellar. l. 3. de Euch▪ c. 4. §. Altero modo. by presence (the words of Cardinal Bellarmine) after the manner of God. Lo what affinity this hath with the old heresy, which fancied Christ's body to be altogether spiritual. concerning this question, dedicated unto Pope Sixtus Quintus, professedly writing hereof, saith thus; There are at this day seven different opinions concerning the formal words of consecration: first among them who defend the form to consist in [hoc est corpus meum, etc.] Another, o Rursum, alia agitatur inter Scholasticos quaestio: An verba Christi materialiter, an ve●ò significatiuè in consecrationis forma sumantur. Hic iterum magna reperitur opinionum diver●●tas. Bona pars tenet, quòd materialiter sumantur, sed divisi high inter se sunt, quis quidam dicunt quòd materialiter tantùm sumantur: alij verò quòd simul materialiter & significatiuè, ut D. Thomas, & sui sectatores: alij quòd partim materialitè●, partim significatiuè. Sunt alij, qui ea significatiuè tantùm accipi asserunt, ut Marsil, in 4. Inno centius autem tertius, & Innocentius quartus, & Glossa in Can. Timorem. de consecr. d. 2. tenent quòd materialiter tan●●m sumantur, quos sequuntur multi ex Scholasticis. Qui verò ea significatiuè sumi asserunt, divisi sunt in tot varias opiniones, ut vix eas numerare sit. Certè Guido Brianzonis super 4. Scent numerat novem, & suam adijcit, quae decimam facit. Idem ibid. verb●seqq. Great diversity there is how to understand them, whether significatively, or materially, partly, or wholly, only, or and also. And those that understand them significatively, to have begot innumerable diversities. Finally, they who require other prayers before these words, hoc est corpus meum, to be necessary for consecration, are so distracted, that the said p Est alia quaestio: An solis quatuor verbis, Hoc est corpus meum, fieri consecratio possit. Hic iterum in duas sunt dissecti opiniones: S. Thomas, & illius opinionem sequentes tenent, quòd sic: Scotus tenet oppositum, dicens opus esse alijs verbis, per quae Christi verba ad materiam applicari declaretur. Scoti opinionem seq●untur multi, qui aiunt verba, quibus Christi verba ad materiam applicari significatur, esse benedictionis Ecclesiae verba, quibus petit ut oblata munera panis & vini, fiant corpus & sanguis Christi. Hanc opinionem secuti sunt Theologi Colonienses in suo Antididagmate contra Lutherum, & Lindanus Episc. in sua Panoplia, & Catharinus in duobus de hac materia libellis Romae ab eo editis. Colonienses & Lindanus tenent cum Angelo & Pelbarto, quòd nihil omninò fieret, si quis sol● verborum prolatione sine Ecclesiastica prece consecrare attentaret. Dominus Episcopus Ebroicensis in 7. de Euchar. repet. Lindanum & Colonicuses contra Kemo●tium defendit, dicens, quòd ideo preces dixerint, cum Basilio magno, ad consecrationem esse necessarias, quia sine adiunctis precibus innotes●ere Ecclesiae non possit, Christi verba ad consecrationem faciendam admoveri.— Malè, ut ingenuè fatear, animum meum habuit ista opinionum in tanta, tantiue momenti materia varietas, dum Theologiae operam dabam, adeò ut horrori aliquando esset lectionibus illis interest, quas super his quaestionibus Doctores praelectores nostri habebant. Quae opinionum varietas magis ac magis mihi displicere coepit, cùm post Theologici studij cursum, per varias Galliae civitates & provincias, praedicandi gratia cundum mihi fuit; eò quòd haeretici cùm nobis ista Doctorum nostrorum super vero verborum Christi sensu dissidia obijcerent, me pudefacerent, neque illis, licet in fidei dogmatis eos convenite assererem, satisfacere possem: imò nec doctis aliquot Catholicis. Idem ibid. verbis seqq. pag. 5, 6, 7. Bishop confesseth himself enforced to blush when these so many discords were objected by the Ptotestants: concluding from q Et omnibus consideratis, ista, Accipite, Hoc est corpus meum. Verbum Accipite, praebitionem significat; verba, Hoc est corpus meum, quid praeberet declarane. Haec sola verba apud Euangelistas & Paulum reperio, quae Christum corpus suum praebere significent. Idem ibid. pag. 14 Scripture, and from the testimony of two r Haec omnia sic seize necessariò consequuntur, ut unum sine alio esse nequeat. Ex his autem deiude sequi video, quòd Christus his verbis, Hoc est corpus meum, non benedixit panem in coena, quae fuit duorum summorum Pontificum, Innocentij tertij, & Innocentij quarti sententia, ac multorum antiquorum Patrum. Ibid. pag. 15. Popes, and a consequent s Nam benedictionem fieri per sola verba, quae natura sunt posteriora ipsa benedictione, impossibile prorsus est. Ipso enim est absurdius absurdo dicere. Idem ibid. pag. 19 absurdity, that in those words, [hoc est corpus meum,] is not the power of benediction and consecration. All which he hath avouched in his dedicatory Epistle, nuncupated to the then Pope. 64 What shall we need to speak of their common opinion, which ascribeth the whole virtue of consecration unto the words of Christ, [this is my body?] wherein by this one little word, hoc, this, their wits have been t Nota, Catholicos, etsi conveniunt in ●e, tamen non convenire in modo explicandi, quid propriè demonstret illud pronomen, Hoc.— Sunt duae celebriores sententiae, 1. pro●omens, Hoc, non demonstrate id quod est, sed id quod erit, viz. corpus Christi.— Si ita esset, verba erun● speculativa, non practica.— Est altera sententia Thomae, necnon aliorum multorum, qui cum sequuntur, quòd pronomen, Hoc, non demonstrate panem, aut corpus, sed in common substantiam, quae sub illis speciebus sit, ut sensus sit, sub his speciebus est corpus meum Bellarm. lib. 1. de Eucharist. cap. 11. §. Nota secundò. greatly afflicted, referring the particle, this, to the betokening of bread; some to signify Christ's body; some to imply neither this, nor that, but (they know not what) some u Non demonstratur individuum aliquod vagum, sed substantia individua, determinata, contenta sub illig speciebus, non quidem secundùm propriam rationem panis, sed secundùm rationem substantiae, communem & individu●m vagè per ordinem ad illa accidentia. Greg Valent. Ies. lib. 2. exam mist. Calvin. cap. 1. §. Quarta obiectio. common nature, which they will not call an Individuum vagum, but yet (we wonder with what metaphysical conceit) Individuum vagè: and this last is their jesuits construction, who call these words [hoc est corpus meum] x Verba sunt operativa & practica, officiunt enim quod significant. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Eucharist. cap. 11. §. Secundò verba. Non habent verba perfectan significationem nisi in ultimo instanti, quo prosertur vo● ultima: pendet enim intellectus, donce ad siné ven●atur:— in eodem autem ultimo instanti ponitur effectus verborum in esse, id est, conversio panis in corpus Christi. Ibid. §. Respondeo cùm. practical, as effectually working the Transubstantiation in the verte instant of time, wherein the last of these words, [hoc est corpus meum] is uttered. And this interpretation they lay resolvedly for the sole ground of Transubstantiation: notwithstanding that (according to the judicious censure of their own forecited y unus Scotus ausus est dicere,— Christum— dando consecrâsse, dicendo [Hoc est corpus meum.]— Si autem dando consecravit, Lutherani victoriam ferrent, qui in solo usu scilicet, dum datur & accipitur, corpus Christi in Eucharistia esse sustinent.— Si autem cum dixit [Accipite, manducate] panem dabat (sicut dicendum esset, si nondu● facta esset consecratio,) sequitur quod panem accipere & edere iubebat, & quod Apostoli, qui Christo obedierunt, panem acceperint & enderint simul cum corpore; quod est articulum Transubstantiationis destruere Archi●p●escopus C●sarien Tractatus varij & disp. de necess. correct. Th●●log. Scholast. lib. 1. fol. 5. Quicquid dixerint, semper eò cogendi sunt, ut dicant an corpus an panis ostendatur in singulari, quia pronomen vice nominis proprij positum, pro solo singulari sumi possit.— Cum scriptura duarum tantum meminerit, viz. panis & corporis, vescio cur fingant tertiam aliquam, quae nec panis sit, nec corpus, quae tamen per pronomen demonstretur; in quo magnam Scripturae vim faciunt, infarcientes illi ex suo cerebro, cuius nullam habent mentionem, & quâ positâ propositio falsa esset: si autem nullam tertiam reponero se dicant, quae sit alia à Christi corpore, cur nudam nobis rem non proponunt? Cur tot illam verborum involucris contegunt● Terti●m quaerere à pane & corpore discretam vanissimus labour est, & absurditate plenus. Idom ibid. fol. 17. Bishop, Transubstantiation is thereby overthrown: who therefore calleth this new evasion a figment, and a labour full of absur ditie, and notably confuteth their fundamental a Sic distinguit Scotus practicam propositionem à speculativa. Speculat●ua, inquit, praesupponit tem ita se habere atque significat. Practica verò non praesupponit rem, sed eam facit. Licet ista distinctio ●●ihi non placeat. Name utraqu● supponit rem ita se habere atque significat, speculati●a significat rem esse, practica rem fieri, una praesupponit rem in esse, alt●r● in fier●,— Sed miru m quomodo postquam dixerunt eam esse practicam, talia de●●de asserant, ex quibus sequatur eam non esse practicam. Atunt enim, quia conversio panis sit in instanti, eam non esse veram usque ad ultimum instan● prolationis ipsius: Quod idem est dictu, cum eo quod Patres de illa dicunt, viz eam non esse veram, nisi prius sit facta Transubstantiatio ●pis. Caesarian. i●id. fol. 19— Ideo autem expectandum ait ultimum istud instans, ●o quod ante conversionem non posset esse vera, & Patres dicunt, quia vera est▪ quando profertus, ideo illam praesupponere conversionem iam factam, & propterea ex cius veritate sequi, Transubstantiationem▪ quae si facta prius non esset, esset propositio falsa. Idem ibid. pauló post.— ●t hoc tenet ●otus.— Praesupponit ergo secundùm cum ista propositio ad sui veritatem rem factam, non rem fiendam. unde consequent ●● infertur quod sit speculativa, non practica, maximè cùm nullum verbum habeat, nisi solum verbum substantiwm, quod nullam actionem, ●ut passionem, sed solam re● substantiam designat. Oportet ergo ut cum Patribus Concilij de caetero idem sentientes, hanc propositionem fateamur non esse practicam sed praesupponer●, ut sit vera, rem quam significat, pr●●s esse factam, quim proferatur. OH quantas tenebras offudit horum verborum claritati nimius erga suam praeconceptam opinionem amor, quo agente tam obsunato animo quidam sustinent Christum per ista verba, eademque sola benedixisse & consecrasse panem, & sola illa sufficere ad dictam consecrationem factendam. Idem ibid. fol. 19 & 20. distinction of a speculative, and a praiticall proposition: whose testimony we have related somewhat at large, both for our better discharge, and fuller satisfaction of them that shall desire to know it. 65 He proceedeth yet further to prove this Assertion, viz. the words of consecration are in prayer of blessing before these words of institution, [hoc est corpus meum, etc.] both from b Probatur ex verbo Dei, Christum prius consecrásse, quàm ista verba diceret, Hoc est corpus meum. Ibid cap. 5. Quod perpetuus Ecclesiae atque universalis usus usque â temporibus Apostolorum oration seu benedictione consecrandam ●uchanstiam esse docet. I●id. fol. 36. Scriptures, from the patterns of the pretended c Omnes nunc provoco Lectores ad ●●turgiarum lacobi, Clementis, Basilij, Chrysostomi, & Ecclesiae ●●atinae libros Missales. Ibid. pag. 102. old Liturgies of S. james, Clement, Basil, chrusostom; from the consent of d An omnes orthodoxi Patres tum Graeci tum Latini, qui dictum praecessere Concilium Tridentinum, senserint panem in Christi corpus per mysterium sacrae orationis converts, consultis coruin lib●is verum esse deprehendi. Ibid. fol. 115. all ancient Fathers both Greek and Latin; from the testimonies of many of their approved e Aliqui doctores Scholastici pro mea part stant, Catharinus Campsensis Episcopus, docuss. Episcopus Ruremonden. Lindanus insanire eos ait, qui sine precibus Sacerdotis sola Christi verborum prolatione si●●i posse docent Theologi Colonienses idem quod Lindanu● ante Lindanum, in lib. Antididagma vocato, contra Lutherano● scripto docent. Idem ibid. fol. 114. Schoolmen: which their so manifold dissensions about the manner and form of Transubstantiation, being no less irksome than the noise of a saw of steel wrought upon a bar of iron, must needs set their teeth on edge; the rather because diverse of these Authors are confessed to subvert the doctrine of Transubstantiation by those arguments, whereby others labour to confirm it. And if these irreconcilable wrangles of their contradictory Doctors be so prejudicial, then doubtless The contradictions involved in the Doctrine itself, proved by the testimonies of our Adversaries, may serve for a fift argument of our security. SECT. 22. 66 An argument taken from absurdities, is, in this question of the manner of Christ's presence, thought by our learned Adversary M. D. a Intereà Lutherani, qui veritatem corporis Christi cum pane subsistere volunt, multos absurdos sensus confingunt: primò, ipsum panem esse corpus Christi, deinde sub pane esse corpus Christi, ubi res disparatae de se invicem praedicantur; deinde sub p●ne esse corpus Christi, quod non nisi in figuram resoluitur mox cum pane esse corpus Christi, ubi unionem coguntur fingere quasi hypostaticam. Stapleton. Promptu. Cathol. seria 3. Hebdom. Sanctae, §. 3. in haec verba [Hoc est corpus meum.] Stapleton to be very ponderous and considerable, who refuteth Consubstantiation, because it is fraught with many absurd senses: which argument the more weighty it is, the more grievously must it press, yea & oppress all transubstantiators, because of the many absurdities which may seem to attend upon this one opinion, although they should not be debated, but only repeated. Before we enter into particulars, let this be observed for a general Principle, which hath in it all the rules of a Maxim or Principle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. & is approved of all men of whatsoever opinion in the world: to wit, There cannot possibly be any truth in any doctrine, which containeth in it a contradiction. 67 First then their b Thomas in 4. dist. 44. q. 2. art. 2 & quidam alij Catholici existimant, non posse unum corpus esse in duobus locis localiter, sed tantùm sacramentaliter.— Et rationem hanc reddunt, quia unum est illud quod est indivisum à se, & divisum à quocunque alio, ex quibus conditionibus prior, indivisum i'll, essentialis & inseparabilis, altera non. Aquinas (besides other Catholics) a Doctor sometime esteemed of our Adversaries as the Oracle of the Romish School, whom for his profound learning, and search into the mysteries of all Divinity, they surnamed Seraphical; he from an argument of contradiction did conclusively resolve, that it is absolutely impossible for one body to be at the same time locally in many places at once: whence it must follow (by the judgement of Cardinal c Sed haec ratio, pace tanti Doctoris dixerim, non est solida; nam duplex est indivisio à se:— una respectu loci, quae extrinseca est, & plane accidentaria; alia respectu rei ipsius, quae est intrinseca, & vel est de essentia, vel certè proprietas quaedam unitatis.— Cùm unum corpus est in diversis locis, non tollitur indivisio intrinseca, sed solùm extrinseca, respectu loci: nam non dividuntur principia intrinseca, quae corpus constituunt, sed solùm dividuntur situs, sive ubi illius corporis. Which answer is very unsufficient, because that this division doth not respect diversa ubi: for the same body in his divers members is in divers places at once: but by the jesuits doctrine the same body is feigned to be on one altar, and on a second, but yet not in the place of distance between them both. In this, not being, consisteth the division, which doth as necessarily prove diversa ubitata. as diversa ubi. But we come to his next confutation of Thomas: Quod si non posset esse unum corpus localiter in duobus locis, quia divideretur à seipso (as Thomas held,) profectò nec possit esse sacramentaliter, eadem ratione; licet enim esse alicubi sacramentaliter non dicat esse per loci occupationem, tamen dicit esse per realem & veram praesentiam, quae realis praesentia in tot hostijs, sive Altaribus, & none in locis intermedijs, non minus tollere videtur indivisionem rei, quàm repletionem plutium locorum. Bellarm. lib. 3. the Eucharist. cap. 3. §. Quidam tamen. See Thomas, part. 3. Summ. qu. 76. Bellarmine,) that it cannot possibly be sacramentally in diverse places at once. Where we may note, that as Aquinas, their ancient Bellarmine, hath given us our antecedent, viz. no body can possibly be locally in two places at one time; so Bellarmine, their present Aquinas, hath granted us our consequent, viz. that it must follow upon that impossibility, that there can be no Transubstantiation, or being of Christ's bodily presence, not not (as the Romanists understand it) sacramentally, because of a contradiction. 68 And when their two most famous jesuits contend to show a possibility of the presence of Christ's body in many hosts, and places at once, than they strain their voices 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, above the reach of any Schoolman ever before them, in believing that the human body of Christ d Vident, qui doctiores sunt, qua ratione unum corpus in pluribu● locis sine repugnantia esse posse defenditur, eadem ratione desendi posse, quòd sine repugnantia esse possae in omnibus locis per Dei potentiam, absolutam: neque obstat quod Patres sancti sensisse videntur, ubiquitatem esse Dei propriam, maximè cùm ex eo divinitatem Spiritus sancti probant, quòd ille sit ubique— quia omnipraesenti● suapte naturâ, non alienâ virtute intelligunt.— Vt maximè humanitas Christi possit divinitùs poni ubique, assertionem tamen esse haereticam, quòd ea iam ubique sit. Gregor. Valent. Ies. lib. 1. de vera Christi pr●sentia, cap. 12. may possibly (although this, in Cardinal Bellarmine his judgement, is e Dicimus corpus Christi esse ubicunque sunt hostiae consecrated:— at dicere corpus Christi vel esse vel esse posse in infinitis locis simul, immensitatem requirit. Bellar. lib. 3. de Christ●, cap. 18. §. Quod. impossible) be every where in an instant: and that it is not in this Sacrament either circumscriptively or definitively, but f Quod si quis dicat, esse in loco tam circumscriptiuè, quàm definitiuè, id requirere ut res nullo modo sit alibi, dicere possumus dari tertium modum existendi in loco, nimirum per solam praesenti●, quomodo Deus est in loco: & hoc modo esse in loco ea corpo●a quae per divinam potentiam simul sunt in diversis locis. Bellar. ibid. cap. 4. §. Alcero modo, etc. after that manner God is said to be in place, that is, only by a presence; herein without any light of antiquity imagining a presence without a manner of presence, except it be that omnipresence, which is an only prerogative of God himself, and not communicable unto any created nature. 69 Secondly, they allowed us this undoubted principle, that g Ob. De essentia quantitat●s est habere partem extra partem, ergo ubi est una pars, non est alia: non ergo tota quantitas corpori● Domini in eadem hostiae particula esse potest. Resp. Bellar. lib. 3. the Eucharist. cap. 7. §. Ad quartum. Quantitas non potest existere nisi quantitatiuè quantum ad essentialem modum, quia non potest existere sine extensione, & partium distinctione in se. And then cometh to answer the point in question. §. Ad octawm. Corpus habere partem extra partem, si illud [Extra] dicat habitud ad subiectum, non autem si dieat habitud. ad locum. Ibidem. Fatemur Christi corpus ubicunque est habere suam formam & siguram humanam, & partium situm & dispositionem. Ibid. cap. 7. §. Haec autem. it is an essential property in every thing which hath quantity, to be so disposed, that one part of the fame subject be distinct from another. Whereupon we may be bold to h Ob Corpus Christi cùm sit organicum habet parts determinatè distant●s, est enim de ratione organici corpo●is determinata distantia singularum partium ad invicem, sicut oculi ab oculo, & oculi ab aure. Ergo non potest esse ●otus Christus sub quasibet part hostiae. Alia obiectio: Corpus Christi semper retinet veram corporis naturam, nec unquam mutatur in spiritum, sed est de ratione corporis, ut sit quantitas positionem habens, & ad rationem quantitatis pertinet, ut diversae parts in diversis partibus existant Ergo. Respondet adhaec: Talis distantia partium est quidem in corpore Christi vero, sed non secundum hanc distantiam comparatur ad hoc Sacramentum, sed secundum modum substantiae. Thomas part. 3. art. 3. ad 2. & 3 Rursum obijcitur. Dicitur quod totum corpus Christi continetur sub qual bet part hostiae consecratae, sed nulla quantitas dimensiva tota continetur in qualibet part totius: Est ergo imposs●bile ut quod tota quantitas dimensiva corporis Christi contineatur in hoc Sacramento. Respondet● argue, that (seeing in every organical body one part is severed from another, is an eye from an ear) the whole body of Christ is in every part of the host. The force of this consequent their great Aquinas could not otherwise avoid, but through the help of this thick mist, answering, that the body of Christ is in the host, not after the nature of a body, but according to the nature of a i Quantitas dimensiva corporis Christi est in hoc Sacramento non secundùm proprium modum: ut scilicet sit totum in toto, & singulae parts in singulis partibus, sed secundùm modum substantiae, cuius natura est tota in toto, & tota in qualibet. Ibidem, Art 4. ad 1. substance, which naturally is wholly in the whole, & whole in every part: which utterly dissolveth the confessed essential property of a bodily substance, which hath the whole consisting of parts really distinguished one from another, and not such a substance, where either any one part is in another, or the whole is in every part: which their own k Sed secundùm hoc videtur, quia ubi pars est, ibi est totum: & secundùm hoc videtur, quod pes & nasus font coniuncti Quod ego non credo. Canonista in Decretis de Coucil. Dist. 2. Vbi par●. in Glossa. Canonist in his ancient Gloss excludeth with a non credo, as being unworthy of faith. 70 We may not insist upon other such like contradictions, as when they say, that the body, l Prima par● regulae cerussima est, quia realis pr●●tentia corporis Christi id necessariò requisite, ut niotis speciebus verè moveatu● corpus Christi, quamuis per accidens: quomodo anima nostra verè inutae locum: itaque verè & propri● dicemus, Christi corpus in Fucha●istia attolli, deponi, deferri, collocari in Altari, vel in pixide, transfers à man●● ad o●, & ab ore ad stomachum. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Eucharist. cap. 2. §. Prima par●. according unto the motion of the host, is truly and properly lift up: but m Cadente hostia, corpus Christi locum mutat, sed non propriè cadit: id enim propriè 〈◊〉 quod corpus est, & corporaliter existit. Idem lib. 3. the Encharist. cap. 10. §. Respondeo corpus. at the falling of the host, doth not properly fall down. Or body. Wherein we see two things plainly professed by all Protestants; first, that the words of this Sacrament are not to be expounded according to their literal and proper sense: secondly, that the matter of this Sacrament is the very body and blood of our Lord truly offered and exhibited unto us. Both these, according to our intended manner of evidence, must be briefly and plainly confirmed. 76 First, we prove, that the words admit not a proper and literal exposition, but are to be interpreted as Protestants teach, b Whether it be by a metonymy, as is confessed of Caluine, and others, (see the testimony going before) or by a Synecdoche, as some Lutherans. Cassander saith, figuratively, whether it be by a Metonymy or by a c Non tamen identicam praedicationem (speaking of the Lutherans) asserunt, neque in e● locutione Tropum aspernantur modò is tropus praesentiam carnis Christi non tollat; quam plerique Synecdochen vocant, qua ex part totum intelligitur, quamuis alij inusita●am praedicationem malint; atque hanc propositionem [Panis est corpus Christi,] huiusmodi interpretative explicant, ut per eam intelligant, In pane, sub pane, cum pane, etc. quae forma loquendi apud veteres quoque repetitur. Cassander Consult. Art 10. Synecdoche. Contrariwise the Romanists affirm, that d Proptiè non figuratè explicanda esse illa verba [Hoc est corpus meum.] Bellar. lib. 1. de Euchar. cap. 9 And he proveth this by such arguments which do equally conclude, that no word spoken concerning that Sacrament, can be understood figuratively, but only in the proper and literal sense: as for example: th●se words are not figuratively, but properly to be expounded: because (as they pretend,) e Argumentum à materia institutionis: materia est pactum, testamentum, Sacramentum, quae omnia requirunt propriam non figuratam locutionem.— Secundum argumentum à personis, quibuscum loquebatur, viz. Apostolis, qui rudes & simplices fuerunt, quibus omnia clarissimè proponebat, vel obscurius dicta continuò exponebat, deinde loquebatur eo tempore, quo minimè oportebat obscure loqui, nimirum, cum Apostoli facti sunt primi participes tanti Sacramenti, M. Stapleton useth the same reasons and addeth:— Quartò ratione Sacramenti quod hic institu●tur, cuius verba Sacramentalia propriè & perspicuè offerri debent, non obscurè & figuratè. Stapleton. Prompt. Catholic. Ser. 3. Hebd. sancta. §. Tertia. pag. 268. the matter of this Sacrament, being Christ's Testament; the persons to whom he spoke being Apostles, even simple men, the nature of the action being a Sacrament, do all require that the words of this Sacrament should be delivered in plain and proper phrases: as though in the institution of this Sacrament, Christ had spoken nothing figuratively; wherein the Romanists by making themselves Adversaries unto Protestants, are (as almost in all other points) found to be the greatest Adversaries to themselves. 77 For notwithstanding their former denial of any trope or figure in this case, yet have they been constrained to note, in the words of Christ's institution of this Sacrament, many figurative & unproper terms of speech. Some think (amongst others Doctor g Hic literalis sensus luculentissimè pater, ex comparatione aliarum Scripturarum, in quibus tale intelligitur subiectum, quale describitur à suo praedicato, dicente Adam, Gen. 2. Hoc nunc est o● ex ossibus meis. Hoc, non innuit costam Adae, sed ipsam multerem.— Et Exod. 16. de Manna, Iste est panis: pronomen, iste, significat panem: & Exod. 24. Hic est sanguis testamenti: Hic, design at ipsum sanguinem. Et Matth. 17. Hic est filius meus; Hic, personam Filij demonstrate. Sic in praesenti, [Hoc est corpus meum:] Pronomen Hoc, nihil aliud significare potest, quàm quod praedicatum enunciat. Erit hoc clarius ex textu Hebraeo:— in Matthaeo Hebraeo sic legimus, Hoc quod est corpus meum. Stapleton. Prompt. Cath. Ser. 3. Hebd. sancta, in illa verba, Hoc est corpus meum. Stapleton,) that in these words [this is my body] the demonstrative particle [this] can signify nothing but (the pradicate) body: which exposition seemeth unto h Si quis digito aliquid demonstrate, dum pronomen effert, valdè absurdum videtur dicere, pronomine illo non demonstrari rem praesentem.— Pronomina demonstratius mox indicant certum aliquid, etiam antequam sequantur caeterae voces.— Si pronomen demonstret solum corpus, verba erunt speculativa, non practica, (at secundùm Catholicos sunt practica) quia semper verum erit demonstrato Christi corpore, dicere, Hoc est corpus Christi.— At verba practica & operatoria non sunt vera antequam Sacramentum (meaning the pronunciation of the last word meum) efficiatur. Bellarm. lib. 1 de Eucharistia, cap. 11. §. Nota secundò. Cardinal Bellarmine to be absurd, because this is to signify Christ's body, before there is any presence of his body. And could the defenders of this interpretation excuse themselves without a figure? 78 Their Cardinal resolveth contrarily, that the Pronoune [ i Altar a est sententia Thomae & aliorum multorum dicentium, quòd pronomen hoc non demonstret precise panem nec corpus, sed in communi substantiam, quae sub illis speciebus continetur: sic tamen ut demonstratio propriè ad species per●ineat: non quidem ut sit sensus; Hoc, id est, hae species sunt corpus Christi, sed in obliquo, hoc modo, Hoc est corpus meum, id est, sub his speciebus est corpus mesi.— Hoc modo omnia optimè coherent, nam quià sacramenta significant id quod efficiunt, & non efficitut in hoc sacramento ut corpus Christi fit corpus Christi, id enim semper 〈◊〉 neque ut panis sit corpus Christi, id enim fieri nequit; sed efficitur ut sub speciebus illis sit corpus Christi, sub quibus ante à erat substantia panis. Ideò illud, Hoc, non demonstrate panem, nec corpus, sed contentum sub speciebus. Ibid. §. Est igitur. Es●et aptum exemplum si Dominus, quaedò mutavit aquam in vinum, ostendisset hydrias aquae, & dixisset, Hoc est vinum: & illis verbis mutásset aquam i● vinum; neque enim possumus ità expo●ere istam sententiam, Hoc est vinum, id est, Haec aqua est vinum, id enim falsum esset: neque ita, Hoc, id est, vinum est vinum; nam falsa fuisset demonstratio: non enim aderat vinum cùm diceretur, Hoc, sed hic est sensus, Hoc est vinum, id est, In hoc vase est vinum. Ibid. §. Sed S. Thomas. this] doth neither signify bread, nor body, nor yet accidents properly, but [this] that is f Quid propriè significet [Hoc,] duae sunt celebriores Catholicorum sententiae: altar a est, ut pronomen hoc demonstret corpus. Bellar. lib. 1. de Euchar. cap. 1. §. Not a secunda. (saith he) under these accidents is my body: as he showeth by an example, which proveth that this is so plainly a figurative speech, as when a man promising his friend the use of his purse, doth figuratively mean the money in his purse. 79 As for their common exposition (as they call it,) of [hoc, this,] to signify, k De individuo vago. Non dicimus cum Scoto, Hoc. id est, haec substantia, vel hoc ens:— qu●i necesse est ut present sit substantia illa, quandò dicitur Hoc; & tamen tunc non est illa praesens.— ●t sic falsa redditur demonstratio. not this distinct substance, but more confusedly l Sed dicimus, Hoc. id est, substantia sub his speciebus: & sic non est necesse ut illa substantia sit praesens, sed satis est si praesentes sint species, quae demonstrantur pronomine, His, id est sub his speciebus Ibid. §. Ad●d verò. Et Greg Valent. suprà. substance, meaning the substance under the form of bread (as though there could be a substance called [this] which is not this substance,) it is a metaphysical Chimaera, far exceeding (we think) the capacity of any man, and therefore worthily censured by their late learned m Pronomen vice nominae proprij positum pro solo singulari sumi potest.— Cum Scriptura duorum tantùm meminit. panis & corporis nescio cur tertiam singant aliquam substantiam, quae nec panis est, nec corpus, quae tamen per pronomen demonstretur, in quo magnam vim Scripturae faciunt. Si autem nullam tertiam rem ponere se dicunt quae sit alia à Christi corpore, cur non came nudam proponunt, sed tertiam se quaerere dicunt, à pane & corpore di●creta●● labour est absurditate plenus. Episcopus Caesarien. Tractatus varij de correct. Theol. Scholast. Bishop for a curious absurdity, pernerting the sense of holy Scriptures. Therefore the Romanists (except they will confess their interpretations to be absurd,) do stand chargeable for three figures in expounding one little pronoun [this.] 80 They are not sparing in this kind; for where Christ said [which is given for you,] their jesuit n [Hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis datur, Luc. 22] Id est, quod offeretur à me pro vobis in cruse mactatum. Greg. Valen Ies. l. 1. de Missa Sacros. c. 3. §. Igitur, etc. Valentia doth expound the word given to signify, offered upon the cross. Where Christ said, [take, eat, this is my body,] their ancient jesuite Salmeron (contrary unto o Christi corpus verè ac propriè manducatur in Eucharistia, non tropicè. Bellar. lib 1. de Euch. c. 11. §. Resp. corpus. Bellarmine,) understandeth, that the verb eat doth signify p Dicitur panis frangi, imò Christi corpus frangi & manducari, quia & species franguntur, & ipsum Christi corpus spiritualiter frangi, & manducari cùm fide sumitur, & quisque suam partem tra●ittnam & Dominus dixit ●ucae 22. Hoc est corpus meum. quod pro vobis frangitur. Salmeron Ies. Com. in 1. Cor. 10. disp 17. §. Sed ecce. receiving by faith. Where both in the Gospel, and in S. Paul's epistle, the body is said to be [broken,] q Dicitur panis frangi, imò Christi corpus frangi & manducari, quia & species franguntur, & ipsum Christi corpus spiritualiter frangi, & manducari cùm fide sumitur, & quisque suam partem tra●it●nam & Dominus dixit ●ucae 22. Hoc est corpus meum. quod pro vobis frangitur. Salmeron Ies. Com. in 1. Cor. 10. disp 17. §. Sed ecce. which is to be understood spiritually, their jesuite Maldonate saith, r Sacramentalis locutio esset, si corpus Christi diceretur frangi & dentibus teri, quemadmodum Chrysost. locutus est: haec enim non possunt nisi Sacramento tenus intelligi, quia non corpus propriè frangitur, sed Sacramentum. Maldon. Ies. Come in Matth. 26. immediately before the 27. verse. sacramentally: and more plainly their jesuite Valentia, s Dicis (speaking to Herborandus a Protestant,) lacerari à nobis Christum, cùm hostiam in tres parts dividimus. Resp. Christum sic esse in hostia, ut nec frangi nec pati aliquid que at. Greg. Valen. Ies. lib. 2. de Sacris. Missae, c. 3. quia fractio significat divisioné partisi. Suarez Ies. tom. 3. disp. 47. §. 4. It cannot be taken properly: which interpretation their Cardinal Bellarmine confesseth to be t Aliqui (speaking of their own Doctors,) volunt ea quae dicuntur a Christo ratione specierum, verè & propriè dici eo modo quo dicerentur de pane, si ades●et; panis enim dicitur verè & propriè videri, tangi, frangi, ratione accidentium suorum.— At sententia communis Theologorum contrarium docet: Ideo sit regula, ea verba quae significant motum localem, verè ac propriè dicuntur de corpore Christi in Eucharistia existent, ratione specierum, licet per accidens, non per se; caetera autem quae significant alias mutationes vel act ones, dicuntur quidem de corpore Christi, ratione specierum, sed impropriè & figuratè. Verè ac propriè dicimus corpus Christi attolli, depont, deferri, collocari in altari And again, confuting the former opinion of some Papists. Secundum quod, sicut dicunt Christum verè ac propriè vide●i, & tangi; ità possent dicere eum calefieri & frigefieri, imò & mucidum & acidum fieri:— at illa nemo planè concederet. Bellar. l. 1. de Euchre cap. 2. §. Sed existit Because outward and sensible actions are used for signification of inward and spiritual. the common judgement of Divines, who affirm, that the body cannot be said to be broken, but only in the accidents of bread. Where Christ said furthermore, [this is the Cup of the new Testament: (saith Tollet) are buried together with Christ, that is, they represent Christ buried, Baptism itself being a sign of his burial. 84 This one instance in so great a Sacrament, may instruct us, that it is the common Idiom & manner of speech used by the holy Ghost, in matters mystical (that is, Sacramental,) to speak in a Sacramental, that is, a figurative tenor of speech. For as the observation taken by their jesuite Ribera, to wit; i Peruulgatum est in Scriptura, ut res figurata nomen habeat figurae. Ribera jesuita Com. in Apoc. cap 14. u 8. in Scripture the thing signified is usually called by the name of the figure, or sign, is true: so is it that the sign carrieth the name of the thing signified, as * Gen. 17. circumcision is called the covenant. Which made the ancient Fathers, as namely, 1 Acceptum panem & distributum suis, corpus suum illis fecit, dicendo, Hoc est corpus meum, id est. figura corporis me●. Tertul. lib. 4 adverse. Martion. cap. 40. Panem quo corpus suum representat. lib. 1. in Marc. cap. 14. Tertullian, 2 Figura f●it panis Eucha●istiae, quem in recordationem passionis— Christus Dominus facere praecepit. justin. Martyr. in Trypho. pag. 201. justine Martyr, 3 Vinum, quo Christi sanguis ostenditur. Cyprian. lib epist. 3. ut significantia & ipsa significata eisdem vocabulis ce●s●antur. Serm. de Vnct. Cyprian, 4 Fac nobis hanc oblationem ascriptam, rationabilem, acceptalibem, quòd est figura corporis & sanguinis Domini nostri jesu Christi. Ambros. lib. 4. the Sacrament. cap. 5. tom. 4 And, Ante benedictionem verborum coelestium alia species nominatur, post consecrationem corpus Christi significatur. Idem de ijs qui myster. initiantur, cap. 9 Tom. 4. Paris. 1586. Basil. 1567. And, In cuius (scil. sanguinis) typum nos calicem mysticum sanguinis ad tuitionem corporis & animae percipimus. In 1. Cor. 11. in illa verba, [Mortem Domini annunciantes.] Tom. 5. Hic offerri in imagine, in coelo in veritate, lib. 1. de Off. cap. 48. Ambrose, 5 jam Paschatis participes erimus, nunc quidem adhuc in figura, licet magi● perspicua quàm in lege veteri: legal enim Pascha, nec enim dicere verebor, figurae figura erat obscurio●. Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 2. in Pasch. Antitypon preciosi corporis. Orat. 2. ad fu●●s Gorgon. Gregory NazianZene, 6 Si quasi carnales ista suscipitis, laedunt vos, non alunt; est & in no●o Testamento litera quae occidit eum qui non spiritualiter ista quae dicuntus animaduerti●. Si enim secundum literam sequamur hoc ipsum quod dictum est [Nisi manducaveritis carnem meam, & biberitis sanguinem meum] occidit haec litera Cyril. Alex. lib. 7. in levit. col. 696. cyril Alexandrinus, 7 Chrysostom, See above, §. 3. & 8. chrusostom, 8 Theodoret, See above, §. 3. & 8. Theodoret, 9 In typo sanguis. Hieron. lib. 2. contra jovin. Jerome, 10 Corpus Symbolicum. Origen. in Matth. 15. Origen, so ordinarily to expound this Sacrament to be a figure, type, representation of the body and blood of Christ. 85 Hereunto S. Augustine hath as it were set his seal, witnessing that 11 Si Sacramenta quandam similitudinem rerum earum quarum sunc Sacramenta, non haberent, minimè sacramenta essent: ex hac autem similitudine plerique iam ipsarum rerum nomana accipiunt. Sicut ergo Sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, Sacramentum sanguinis Christi, sanguis Christi est; i●a sacramentum fidei fides est. Paulò post: Sicut de ipso Baptismo Apostolus ait: Consepulti, inquit, sumus, Rom. 6.] Non ait, sepulturam significamus; sed prorfu●●it, consepulti sumus. Sacramentum ergo tan●ae rei non nifi eiu●dem rei vocabulo nuncup a●it. Augustin. tom. 2 epist. 23. add ●onifac. Bafil. 1569. & Paris. 1586. & Beda in Rom. 6. Sacraments, that is, the outward signs, because of the similitude and resemblance they have unto those things which they are ordained to represent, assume for the most part the names and appellations of the things themselves. And, for example, doth instance in both the Sacraments of the new Testament, first of the Eucharist, saying, The Sacrament of the body of Christ is (meaning, called) the body of Christ: and secondly of Baptism, The Apostle saith (saith he,) we are buried therein; he saith not we signify the Sepulchre, but flatly saith, we are buried, calling the Sacrament (that is, the sign) of so great a thing, by the name of the thing itself. So that none may henceforth call it an heretical exposition which Protestants hold, if S. Augustine's judgement may be thought to be sound and Catholical: who doth furthermore hold it 12 Locutio praeceptiva flagitium aut facinus vetan●, aut utilitatem aut bene ficentiam iubens, non est figura●a: si autem flagitium aut facinus videtur jubere, aut utilitatem ac beneficentiam vetare, figurata est. Nisi manducaveritis carnem filij hominis, etc. facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere, figura ergo: praecipiens passioni Domini communicandum, & suaviter & utiliter recondendum in memoris, quòd pro nobis caro ●iu● crucifixa & vulnerata est. Augustin. Tom. 3. de doctr. Christ. lib. 3. cap. 15. 16. barbarous impiety, to expound the manner of eating of Christ otherwise then figuratively. Thus after our confirmation of our exposition, we are come now at last to show A ninth argument of safety in the Protestants defence; because although they believe not Transubstantiation, yet notwithstanding do they receive the body of Christ more really and truly in the Sacrament of the Eucharist: by many reasons, whereof some are deduced from the testimonies of our Adversaries. SECT. 26. 86 Moore than erroneous is that censure which our Adversaries have passed upon Protestant Churches, in regard of their Eucharist; one a Christus nows (meaning of Protestants) illis nihil nisi strustum panis est, & vini portiun●ula, &c Salmeron. Ies. in Epist. Pauli in genere. Disp. 11. §. Septimò Christus. jesuite calling it only a crust of bread, and a pittance of wine: an b Haeresis erat quorundam, qui Eucharistiam tantùm esse volebant figuram corporis Christi. Hanc heres●n docet calvinus. Bellar. lib. de notu Eccles. càp. 9 §. Quorundam. other traducing their doctrine, as though they maintained, with ancient heretics, only a figure of Christ's body: wronging their own consciences, and that (as may be feared) wittingly, seeing they could not be ignorant what Protestants profess, namely, c Haec est eorum sententia, etc. Greg. Valent. Ies. and others. See above. that (as their own jesuit acknowledgeth) although Christ be corporally in heaven, yet is he received of the faithful communicants in this Sacrament truly, both spiritually by the mouth of the mind, through a most near conjunction of Christ with the soul of the receiver by faith, and also sacramentally with the bodily mouth, receiving not Christ, (meaning, d Intelligit calvinus, non per localem praesentiam, sed per quandam communicationem. Bellar. lib. 1. de Eucharist. cap. 10. §. Est autem. not Christ according to his local presence,) but bread and wine, as seals and signs of the promise of redemption in his body and blood. 87 If therefore, as Pilate once asked, * john 18. 38. what is truth? it shall be examined what is our truly receiving of Christ in this Sacrament: we may answer, that therein is a double truth, to wit, spiritual or inward, Christ's body; and sacramental, in the outward element: the first in faith, the second in a figure: yet so, that the reality and truth of our receiving doth consist rather in the act of the soul, then in the faculty of any bodily instrument. For this cause * john 1. 47. This is a true Israelite. Nathanael, not in respect of his natural offspring, but of the sincerity of his soul, was called a true Israelite; the godly Christian who conceiveth Christ in his soul by faith, is named Christ's true e Matth. 12. 47. Who is my mother ●●er. 49. stretching his hands unto his disciples, said, Behold my mother, etc. Vers. 50. Whosoever doth the will of my Father, he is my— mother. Religiosiores sunt mentis copulae, quim corporum. Ambros. in Luc. 8. And, Luc. 11. 27. one said, Blessed is the womb that bore thee, &c He answered, Yea blessed are those who hear the word of God, and keep it. Non carnales parents negat, sed spirituales praefert: non negamus beatum ventrem, sed beatiorem mentem affirmamus. Maldonat. in Luc. 11. mother; the regenerate man invested in the right of an heavenly inheritance, the true * Rom. 2. 28. For he is not a jew who is a jew outward, neither is that circumcision which is outward in the flesh: but he is a jew who is one inward, and the circumcision of the heart in the spirit, etc. jew; and not Manna, (although * Man did eat the bread of Angels. Psal. 78. 25. Angels food) but the body of Christ, the * jo●. 6. 32. Verily, verily, I say unto you, Moses gave not you that bread from heaven: but my Father giveth you that true bread from heaven. And vers. 35. I am the bread of life, vers. 33. which came down from heaven, and giveth life unto the world. Vers. 35. Your fathers did eat Manna, and are dead. Vers. 51. I am the living bread:— if any eat hereof▪ he shall live for ever. And, The bread which I shall give, is my flesh, which I shall give for the life of the world. Vers. 53. Verily I say unto you, except you eat the flesh of the Son of man, you have no life in you. Vers. 55. My flesh is meat indeed, Vers. 58. This is the bread which came down from heaven. true bread. But why true? Christ showeth: The patriarchs (saith he) did eat Manna, and died, but I am the bread of life, giving life unto the world, and if any eat hereof, he shall live for ever: my flesh is meat indeed. And again, this is the bread of life, because the truth of a thing consisteth especially in the effectual virtue which ancient doctrine of S. b In hanc sententiam interpretatur Augustinus Tract. in joh. 26 & qui eum sec in sunt multi, ut Beda, St●abus, aut quisquis A●ctor est Glossae, quam vocant, ordinariae, &, ut videtur, Rupertus. Refutatum hoc alijs posterioribus Auctoribus est, etc. Augustine, Bede, Strabus, and of Rupertus, that their learned c Hoc dico, persuasum me habere, D Augustinum, si nostra fuisset aetate, long alitèr censurum fuisse, hominem omni haereticorum generi inimicissimum, cum videret ad eundem fere modum Caluinistas hunc & illum locum D. Pauli interpretari. Maldonat. Ies. Comm. in joh. cap. 6. vers. 49. jesuite is glad to answer, that I am persuaded, that if S. Augustine, so great an enemy unto heretics, had lived in these days, he would have been of an other mind, when he had once perceived the Caluinists interpretation to be almost the same. He might as truly have said, the same altogether: for if S. Augustine and others thought that the Israelites did as truly eat and feed upon the body of our Lord, who is in this respect called [the * Apoc. 13. 8. Lamb slain from the beginning of the world,] when as yet, before Christ his incarnation, they could not eat him bodily: we may boldly, from that which hath been confessed, entitle S. Augustine, Bede Strabus, and Rupertus in the Protestants faith of real eating. Which manner may be illustrated; for The manner of our real receiving Christ's body, is shadowed by a lively resemblance. SECT. 28. 92 As when by virtue of a writing and a seal, a man is invested in the right of a Kingdom, City, or Farm, so (saith M. a Est autem revocandum in memoriam, quod suprà diximus, non existimate Caluinum, nobis cum pane dari reipsa ips●m Christi co●pus, ita ut corpus possit dici esse tunc & in coelo, & nobiscu●, sed dari & per quandam communicationem ipsius, & omnium bonorum eius, quae non requirit localem praesentiam: quomodo dantur regna, & civitates, & praedia absentibus, etc. Caluine,) are the faithful truly partakers of the body of Christ, and all the benefits of his passion, although it be in respect of place absent as far as earth from heaven. This simile their Cardinal b Hoc argumentum duplici argumento refutari potest. Bellarm. lib 1. de Fu●har. cap. 10. §. Est autem. But his double confutation rightly examined, will be found too light. Bellarmine calleth a figment, yet would he be loathe to associate S. Bernard with M. Calvin in a fiction: c Sacramentum dicitur sacrum signum, sive sacrum secretum.— ut ex ●sualibus sumatur exemplum: datur annulus propter annulum, & nulla est significatio; datur annulus ad investiendum de haereditate aliqua, & annulus signum est: ita ut iam dicere possit, qui accipit, annulus non valet quicquam, sed haereditas est quam quaere●am. Bernard. serm. de Coena. A Sacrament (saith S. Bernard) is a sacred sign or mystery, as may be explained by a common example: for if I give a ring, then hath it no signification; but if I give a ring, thereby to invest a man in the right of some inheritance, it is now both a ring and a sign: so that he that receiveth it may say, the ring is of no worth, but the inheritance is the thing that I sought. 93 We now demand of our Adversaries, when a Bishop is invested in his Bishopric, by receiving the Popes pall; or any man made heir of any portion of land by the gift of a ring, or (if they will) of a rush received from the true and faithful donor thereof: whether these are thereby truly and really interessed in those gifts, although in respect of place they be a thousand miles distant? or will the parties contemn such precious gifts, because the matter of conveyance is but a rush? So in this Sacrament the donor is Christ, the gift is his precious body and blood, the high ransom of man's redemption, conveyed unto mankind by the word and Sacrament, as by a visible deed of gift under the signs and seals of common elements of bread and wine, consecrated to that use; the right receiver is the penitent and faithful communicant. 94 This similitude agreeth for the manner, albeit for the effectualness of the manner we say, that the odds is no less than heaven and earth. For by this faithful participation, there is wrought in the godly Christian an ineffable and incomprehensible union & conjunction through faith, with the humanity of Christ his redeemer; whereby he is also made* partaker of the divine nature, by the power whereof he is sanctified in his body, and shall be immortalised in the resurrection of the just, in that kingdom which ourhead Christ doth now bodily possess. And if the receipts of worldly possessions conveyed unto man by such politic instruments, and (that I may so speak) sacraments, as signs and feales ordained by men for the ratification of their grants, are held Real, which notwithstanding vanish in mortality: how much more real is the gift & receipt of that benefit, which exhibited unto us in corporal elements, hath the donor Christ, who is the eternal son of God; the gift, his precious and glorious body, which is the everlasting ransom of his elect, and is received by faith (which is the peculiar gift of the holy Ghost,) into the souls of the faithful, which are the immortal spirits of his election. 95 Therefore have we just cause to pity the malice of our Adversaries, who esteem no better of this our spiritual manner of eating, then of a d See above §. 26. naked figure, a e See above §. 26. crust of bread, a f See above §. 26. pittance of wine, and a g In Eucharistia (viz. Protestantium) malè cocta buccella, panaceum & cer●ale mysterium nihil divini portentat: refigit nobis (inquiunt) in memoriam nostram Christi meritum, eiusque generi nostro collata beneficia: augustum sanè, nihilo detetius ipsum praestat oculis nostris inspecta imago crucifixi. Westonus Auglu●, lib. 3. d● trip hominis office cap. 16. Thi●●● a lose and loud argument: for we may argue as the Apostle hath done: To which of the Angels said God at any time, Sat thou at my right hand, until I make thine enemies thy footstool? Concluding that therefore Christ was more glorious than all the Angels. So we demand, of which of the elements, crucifixes or images, did Christ say, Take you, eat you, etc. as he hath said of the bread in the Sacrament? It is the institution and ordinance of Christ, which sanctifieth the creatures of bread and wine to be seals of our faith. raw morsel: and yet would, and might justly hold it a profane and blasphemous mouth of any man, whosoever should say, in contempt of the Sacrament of Baptism, that it is but the sprinkling of water, cold, & wel-water; because the element of water remaineth in natural substance the same, seeing it is by consecration changed into a divine and mystical use. But if our Adversaries will no more listen unto the voice of God's command, magnifying the rites of his own ordinance for the saving health of his chosen; yet do we wish that they would behold his powerful hand of justice, in taking vengeance upon them who have profaned those sanctified elements, (which our Adversaries call common bread,) by fearful and memorable examples: the first in h Fuit minister cuiusdam Sartoris Lipsiae, Anno 1553. qui cum anteá coena esset usus utrâque specie, posseá persuasus in Papatu, una specie sumpserat: deinceps admonitus à suo sartore ut ad sacram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accederet, diu nihil respondit, tandem verò cùm horribili bo●tu exclamat, OH, ò, ego sum perpetuum Diaboli mancipium! & cum impetu se per fenestram praecipitavit, ita ut omnia sua viscera & interiora effunderet. johannes Manlius locorum communium, Collectan. Francofurti, anno 1594. Germany, where one in desperation perished with the gushing out of his bowels: another in i In Saint john's College in Cambridge (Doctor Whittaker being then Master) one Boothe a Bachelor of Arts, and an excellent scholar, when in the time of his seducement he had taken the sacramental bread, and in contempt had thrown it over a wall: after that by remembrance of his sin he was driven into a great remorse and anguish of soul, not long after he threw himself down headlong over the battlement of the Chapel, and within 24 hours died. Whereof there are many witnesses. England, where he that had thrown the bread of the Eucharist over the wall, not long after threw his own body over a wall and died; we read what once did befall unto the k jusserunt (Donatists) Eucharistiam canibus fundi, non sine signo divini judicij, canes ●●bie accensi, Dominos ipsos, dente vindice, tanquam ignotos homines laniaverunt. B●nius Annot. in Turon. Synod. 2. ex Optato. Donatists', who casting the bread unto dogs, were devoured of their own dogs. A tenth and last argument, taken from the confessed consequences of Romish Adversaries, whereby they have undermined their faith of Transubstantiation. CHAP. III Of the Reservation of the Eucharist. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. As concerning Reservation of the Sacrament: whereas according to our adversaries doctrine, 13 M. Willet in his Synopsis, pag. 466. intemed. It is no Sacrament unless it be received, the contrary was so plainly taught and practised, even in the more ancient times of S. chrusostom, 14 Chrysostom in epist 1 and Innocentium. Cyprian, 15 Cyprian. in serm. de lapsis, post med. Irenaeus, 16 Irenaeus apud Eusebium hist lib 5. c 24 justine, 17 justine i● Apolog. 2. prope finem. etc. that M. Fulke confesseth hereof, saying, 18 Fulke against Heskios, Sanders, &c pag. 77. prope finem. That the Sacrament (of some) was reserved in the elder days of the Church, is not so great a controversy, as whether it aught to be reserved. And Caluine acknowledgeth 19 Calvin. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 17. sect. 39 the reservation of the Sacrament (to be) veteris ecclesiae exemplum, 20 See Peter Martyr lib contra Gard●nerum, object. 88 the example of the ancient Church: and (to omit others) Chemnitius doth likewise acknowledge, that 21 Chemnitius examen. part 2 pag. 102. 2. paulò post medium. witnesses of this custom of private reservation of the Eucharist, are Tertullian, Cyprian, Ambrose, Hierom, Basile, etc. and that 22 Chemnitius ibid. certain of the ancient Fathers greatly commended the same, as Nazianzen, Ambrose, etc. and that it was, 23 Chemnitius ibid. antiqua consuetudo latè patens & diu propagata. Insomuch as Peter 24 See this hereafter, tract. 1. sect 8. pag. 66. in the margin, at the letter, k. Martyr cannot but acknowledge, that (by the testimony of S. cyril) the Anthropomorphites were specially condemned for the impugning of the Sacraments reservation. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. Of the state of this question. SECT. 1. KEmnitius, here objected unto us, doth not deny (as witnesseth their own a Kemnitius docet in tota actione Coenae corpus Domini manner Sacramentum, si immed atè deferatur ad aegrotos, vel absentes, ut illud comedant, non ut servetur. Quidam etiam eò usque progressi sunt, ut dicerent toto triduo posse servari Eucharistian propter aegrotos, & toto illo spacio esse Sacramentum, ut ex Lindano refert Cla●dius' Saints. Repetit. 4. de Eucharist. cap. 12. Bellar lib 4. the Eucharist. ca 1. We may grant a longer time of reservation, but always with a reference unt● the intent of participating of it by eating. Cardinal) but that this Sacrament may be immediately carried unto sick men, or persons absent, or else (as others are acknowledged to affirm) that although it be kept two or three days, and then given unto the sick, it doth not loose the property of a Sacrament. So that the state of the question, being b D. Fulke did not otherwise condemn reservation, then when the right end, which is participation, is neglected. strictly examined, is not so much whether, as wherefore this Sacrament may be reserved. 2 For the Protestants, defining sacramental actions by their ends, say, that it is so far only to be esteemed a Sacrament, as it is intended to be (according to Christ his institution) distributed and eaten in remembrance of his death and passion. The Romanists reserve it for ends by them newly devised. It now belongeth unto us to discuss this question with that combination of brevity and perspicuity, which we have always intended. And to this purpose to know in the second place, What were the justifiable causes of Reservation of the Eucharist in the days of antiquity. SECT. 2. 3 a Euch aristi●● quondam imminent● pers●cutione, cùm non licere● Christi●ni● liberè & passim ad frangeud●● & commu●●candum panem convenire, fideles ab Ecclesiarum praefectis Eucharistiam consecratam in manus sumebant, eademque nitido linteamine involutam domum deportabant, & asseruabant eam, cum opus esset, sumpture— In persecutionis tempore necessitate cogi quempiam, non present Sacerdote aut Ministro, communi●nem propria man● sumere, nequaquam est grave. Durantus de Ritibus, lib. 1. cap. 16. justinus in Apolog. 2 scribit, post sacra peracta in Ecclesia, da●i consue●isse Eucharistiam Draconis deferendam ad absentes fratres, qui aliqua de causa impediti fuerant, ne interessent celebrationi mysteriorum. Bellar. lib. 4. the Euch●r. cap. 4. §. Post annum. Because of the imminent dangers in the days of hot persecution of the Church, (saith their own Durantus) the faithful could not fitly or freely assemble to the participation of the Sacrament; therefore they sometime took the Eucharist, and carried it home to their own houses, and so to others who were detained by necessity. And we doubt not but the Sacraments publicly consecrated by God's minister, and sent from the table of the Lord to faithful Christians, who (although they be absent in body, yet are present in spirit,) do equivalently communicate; because the Eucharist which is reserved unto this end, is also preserved in the sanctified use of taking and eating, ordained in the first institution, especially being thus privileged by necessity, through sickness or persecution, or such like extremity. And when it was reseived for one day or two, with a purpose to be distributed unto the communicants the next day b See Chrysostom. ad Innocentium. assembled, it is not to be called a change, but a continuance of the first ordination in the sacramental use. 4 Whatsoever other use it is that can be objected, it may lawfully (as we think) be abrogated, because Christ (as S. c Dominus panem, quem Discipulis dahat, & dicebat, [Accipite, edrte] none distulit, nec servari ius●t in crastinum. Cyril. apud Origen. in levit. cap. 7. hom. 5. A plain place: and Bellarmine's answer, lib. 4 de Euchar. cap. 5. §. Secundo loco: Vtitur Cyrillus huiusmodi exemplis, quatenùs aliquo modo propositum ipsius adiwant, is nothing to the purpose. Cyril saith,) did not reserve it until the next morrow; and accordingly S. d Panis iste recipitur, non inc●uditur. Cyprian. de C●●a Dom. col 382 Coloni● 1544 Which place Bellarmine hath not touthed, lib. 4. d● Eucharist. cap. 5. Cyprian: It is received (saith he) and not included in a box. For this cause Pope e Tanta in Altari certè holocausta offerantur, quanta populo sufficere debeant: quod si remanserint in crastioum, non seruentur, sed cum timore & tremore Clericorum & diligentia consumantur Clemens Papa apud Gratian, de Consecrat. dist. a. Tribus gradibu●. Cardinal Bellarmine answereth, Intelligi debere, exceptis ij● partibus, quae seruandae erant pro communione infirmorum. Quo suprà Which we grant to be a right sacramental use, so far as it consisted in an orderly communicating. Clemens cautelously commanded, that no more should be provided then was sufficient for the present use of the people; and if there happened to be any remainders, the Ministers should diligently consume them. But because some ancient practices which are voided of divine proofs have been thus urged against us by the Apologists, who seek hereby to express their zeal unto antiquity, it may not be deemed a question impertinent, to ask and try Whether the Romanists have not willingly abrogated those rites of Reservation, which notwithstanding they have, in pretext of antiquity, so vehemently objected. SECT. 3. 5 Most of the Catalogue of testimonies, which either these obiectors, or their learned Cardinal did urge and press, thereby to brand Protestants with a note of insolent presumption, for derogating from the custom & practice of some ancient times, were indeed such whereof our Adversaries themselves have confessed, saying: That custom of conveying the Sacrament home unto his own will, and not after our devisings: jest (as S. c ●ord, thou shalt never wash my feet. jesus answered, and said, If I wash thee not, thou shalt have no part with me. john. 13. 8. Peter once did) we even in honouring Christ do dishonour him. The Apologists pass from the use of the sacramental matter unto CHAP. four The mixture of water with wine in the Eucharist. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. As concerning the mingling of water with wine in the Chalice, before consecration of the Sacrament, it is so abundantly testified by the Fathers 25 justine Apol. 2. sine, and Irenaeus li. 5. c. 1 Cypr. li. 2. cp 3. Ambros l. 5. de Sacramenns, cap. 1. & l. 4. c. 5. Hieronym. in Marc. c. 14. Austin tract 1 20. in loan. & de Eccles. dog cap. 75. & de doctrina Christiana, lib. 4. c. 21. Euseb. Emissen. ser. 5. de Paschate, Council 3 Carthag. can. 14. & Concil. Auraic●● can. 17. & Concil. 3. breach. can. 1. & Concil. Tribur. can. 21. & Concil. Aphrican. can. 4. & ex capitulis Graec. synod c. 55. & Council 6. Constantinop. can. 32. of all ages & countries, that M. Whitgift saith: 26 M. Whilg●●t in his defence &c pag. 473. prope initium. Cyprian was greatly overseen in making it a matter so necessary, in celebration of the Lords Supper, to have water mingled with wine, which was at that time no doubt, common to more than to him: M. Cartwright likewise acknowledgeth that 27 M. Cartwright alleged in M. Whitgifts' foresaid defence. pag. 525. fine. in the mingling of water with wine, a necessary and great mystery was placed, as may appear (saith he) both by justine Martyr and Cyprian: and M. jewel speaking of this mixture, confesseth in like manner, saying, 28 M. jewel in his Reply, pag. 34. paulò ante med. Indeed S. Cyprian and certain old Fathers, spoke of it, and forced it much. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. Of the State of the question. SECT. 1. IF the question were only concerning the mixture of wine with water in the Eucharist, it would not require much dispute, because this may be held by us a matter a Res est indifferens. ●●mnit. part. 2. in Exam. de M●ssa. cap. 7. can. 9 indifferent: but now that it carrieth with it an opinion of b B. Whitgift saying, That makes it a necessary matter. M. Cartwright, that a necessity is placed in it. B. jewel, that they forced it too much. necessity, and that upon a presumption of a mystery: as namely the mystery of repenting, the issuing of water & blood out of Christ's side or c Cyprian, Pope juli●s, & others, which if our adversaries should allow, they must renounce their Transubst antiation of wine into Christ's blood, except they would admit likewise another of water into the people. the union between Christ and his people; or d Niceph. lib. 18. cap. 23. which hath no congruity with the thing, that is, Christ's passion, wherein they were arguments only of humanity. the expressing of the two natures of Christ; this is that which our Authors, Bishop Whitgift, Bishop jewel, and M. Cartwright have reproved. 2 Which point of mystical necessity is defended by some (albeit e Necessarium esse ut aqua vino misceatur in Calais, ut sit Sacramentum, pauciss●●i Catholici affirmant. Bellar. lib. 4. de E●char. cap. 10. § Porrò. very few Catholics, saith their Cardinal Bellarmine,) wherefore we are ready to manifest our contrary doctrine by the testimonies, we say not, of Protestants (jest they may be suspected partial unto their own party,) but of the Romish Schools, as well ancient as modern: and first we examine, Whether the exception taken by Protestants be justifiable or no. SECT. 2. 3 It is the express conclusion of their former School, to affirm, that a Aquae mixtio non est de necessitate Sacramenti. Aquin●●'s part. 3. q. 74. art. 7. the mixture of water with wine, is not necessarily belonging to the nature of this Sacrament: and b Consecratio valida est cum solo vino Tollet. Ies. lib. 2. Instr●●. Sac●ed. cap. 25. §. Ru●sus. Maior pars Theologorum docet, non esse aquam de necessitat● Sacramenti. Bellarm. lib. 4. d● Euchar. cap. 11. §. Quintò. And Durantus de Ritibus, lib 2. cap. 27. num. 6. by common consent the Romish Divines (as Cardinal Bellarmine witnesseth) are of the same judgement. Which doth adversly thwart that opinion which hath been now taxed by Protestants, because by those mystical representations, there is attributed a necessity of water, for the perfection of this Sacrament. In so much that our great Adversary hath no other shadow to hide this blemish with, then to say, that c Opinio illa, quod attinet ad modum loquendi, S. Cypriani, lib. 2. epist. 3. quod ad ●em attin●t, non est Catholicae Ecclesiae, fortasse etiam nec S. Cypriani: nam, ut suprá diximus, maior par● Theo●ogorum do●●t, aquam non esse de necessitate Sacramenti. Bellar. ib. And therefore they urge commonly only necessitatem praecepti: which precept we found not in holy Scripture. See hereafter in the last Section of this Chapter. peradventure Cyprian (there is the same reason in others) had no such meaning, or howsoever, yet is not that meaning catholic. 4 Whereby me may perceive, that the Apologists have showed themselves rather prompt, then prudent obiectors, by prejudicating the wisdom and integrity of Protestants, in that wherein they stand justifiable by a cloud of witnesses, even of their own Romish Schools. But they are too willing to be contentious: who proceed. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Ad●e but now hereto, ●hat the Armenians being the first we read of, that denied the mixture, affirming (with our Adversaries) that only wine was to be used, were therefore specially condemned of error, as witnesseth 29 Theophylact in loan cap 19 mentioning the water and blood which issued from Christ's side, saith, Confundantur Armenij qui non admiscent in mysterijs aquam vin●, non ●nim ●r●du●● ut videtur, quod aqua ex later egressasit. Theophylact. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 5 We will first reason, and then give our Reader leave to wonder at these men's wits, who seek by such odd observations to draw Protestants within the compass of an heresy. For the Armenians were not judged heretics for not mixing water with wine in the Eucharist, but only for their reason of not mixing, which was heretical. Which was (as our greatest Adversary hath truly confessed) a Non defuerunt, qui solum vinum offerendum censerent: ij fuerunt Armeni, ut Patres Trullani Concilij affirmant, Can. 32 Causam autem cur Armeni in ●am sententiam desc●derint, resert Nicephorus lib. 18.— ubi scribit. Armenos non miscere aquam vino in sacrificio, ne significare videantur unionem duarum naturarum in Christo, quam ipsi non credunt. Bella●m. lib. 4. d● Euchar. cap. 10. §. Non defuerunt. Or else let us suppose with Theophylact, that it was because they denied that water issued out of Christ's side. jest that thereby they might seem to confess the union of the two natures of Christ; which is a necessary article of Christian faith. If a man shall refuse to take the King's coin, upon an opinion that he thinks him not to be a lawful King, he is justly censured by every one to be traitorous; yet not for refusing to take the King's coin, but for his reason of that refusal: so is the former case. 6 Or (that we may approach nearer to our Adversaries) knowing that the * L●● Serm. 40. Quadrages. Manichees did heretically celebrated the Eucharist only in one kind, the bread, but the wine they did not allow, because they imagined wine to have been created by an evil spirit; and were therefore anciently condemned for heretics. Would now the Apologists hold it conscionable in Protestants to accuse the Romanists of that heresy of the Manichees, because they distribute not the Eucharist in both the elements, bread and wine? Nay, would they not rather reject this accusation as altogether injurious, saying, it was not the Manichees abstinence from the wine, but the reason of that forbearance which was judged heretical? Yet so frivolous and uncircumspect have the Apologists been, that they cannot reckon Protestants among the Armenians, except they will likewise impound their own Romanists among the Manichees. And this might serve for an answer unto their next instance, which followeth. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And the Fathers of the sixt Council 30 Concil. 6. Constantinop. can. 32. saith: No●imus quod in Armenianorum regione vinum tantùm in sacra mensa offerunt aquam illi non miscentes, qui sacrificium incruentum peragunt: which their usage, that Council there condemneth, saying there further against it: Nam & jacobus Domini nostri jesu Christi srater, etc. & Ba●ilius Caesariae Archiepiscopus etc. mystico nobis in scripto tradito sacrificio, ita peragendum in sacro mysterio ex aqua & vino sacrum poculum ediderunt. of Constantinople, who (above a thousand years since) alleged against them 31 Ibidem ut supra. S. james his Liturgy, in proof of the foresaid mixture. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 7 In objecting the Council of a This the Apologists pretend, propounding this Council as of authority enough to confute ut, which is rejected, viz. Constantinople, they bewray not so much subtlety, as partiality, seeking to bind us to the authority of that Synod which they themselves contemn, so far as it condemned their Pope * Damn●sse quidem Honorium sed ex falsa informatione, ac promdè errâsse. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Pont. ●. 11. §. Quodsi, & §. Ad tertium. Honorius of heresy. Again, that Greek Council prescribed times of consecrating and celebrating the Eucharist: This Canon (saith their b In omnibus sanctae Quadragesimae ieiunij diebus, praeterq●am Sabbato, & Dominico, & sancto Annunciationis die, fiat sacrum praesanctifica●orum ministerium. Concil. Constantinop 6. can. 52. Hunc Canonem non obseru at Ecclesia Occidentalis, nisi in sola Parasceve, quando in Missa non con●icitur Eucharistia, sed sumitur pridie eius diei consecrata. Habent Graeci inos quosdam peculiares ritus, & plero●ue neutiquam probandos Surius Tom. 2. Conc. fol. 1048, in cum Canonem. Surius) the West (meaning the Roman) Church doth not observe: and why? because the Grecians (saith he) have divers peculiar rites, which are not allowable. 8 Again, the same Council determineth thus, c Quoniam intelleximus in Romanorum civita●e in sanctis Quadragefimae ieiunijs in eius Sabbatis ieiunari, praeter Ecclesiasticam trad●tam consequentiam: sanctae Synodo visum est ut in Romanorum quoque Ecclesia inconc●ssè vires habeat Canon, qui di●it, Si quis Clericus inventus fuerit in sancto Dominico vel Sabbato ieiunans, praeter unum & solum, deponatur, sin autem La●cus segregetur. Can. 55. Because we understand that in the Church of Rome there is an use of fasting upon Saturdayes (the jews Sabbath) contrary unto the Ecclesiastical order, it seemeth good unto the holy Synod, that in the Roman Church also this Canon be in force, etc. Herein taking authority to reform the Church of Rome. Is it possible that the Romanists should accord unto this Canon? Let one speak for all his fellows: This Canon (saith their d Hic quoque Canon, qui Matrem omnium Ecclesiarum Romanam Ecclesiam reprehendit non recipitut: nam tametsi hic c●tatur Canon Apostolicus 65. (in margin Concilij) attamen certum est, quemadmodum Epiphanius quoque dicit, posse sancto proposito omnibus diebus ieiunati. Est autem verisin●●le Apostolicum Canonem p●r●nere ad Marcionistas, qui (ut idem Epiphanius testis est) ●o die ●eiun aba●t in invidi●m Dei sudaeorum, qui Sabbato ab omni suo opere quievisset. Surius ibidem. Surius) is not received of us; because it reproveth the Romame Church, the mother of all Churches. This indeed is a contemning of a Council: when they reject it, not so much because it did er●e, as jest that they themselves might seem to have erred; nor this only, but jest their Church might seem in any thing to be subject to the reproof of other Churches. 9 By this observation our Adversaries are compassed within the horns of a Dilemma: for if they esteem not the Canons of that Council to be of an inconcussible and undoubted authority, then is their deduction of an argument from thence, an artificial delusion: and if they think the authority of that Council inviolable, (which was, as they say,) * Apologists above, and Binius tom. 3. accounteth it to have be n● anno 608. a thousand years since, and did make decrees for the express reproof and reformation of the Church of Rome,) and yet shall disclaim it; their Church therefore refusing to be reform, because she is reproved, how shall either the Romanists be approved for equal disputers, or Rome for the legitimate Mother-Church? 10 Their addition of the Liturgies attributed unto S. james, their own Cardinal * See above lib. 1. cap. 10. at the letter, d. Bellarmine hath already satisfied, rejecting them as feigned and corrupted stuff. Hitherto have we entreated of the necessity of this mixture: we are further to search out the inconveniency thereof, and to prove, That the practice of the Romanists, in the mixture of water with wine in the Eucharist, is less convenient; by uncontrollable consequences taken from our Adversaries. SECT. 5. 11 Knowing first (as our Adversaries themselves do well acknowledge) that a In Sacramentis non solùm res, sed etiam verba à Deo determinata esse debent, ut nihil addere, minuere, mutare liceat. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Sacram. ingenere, cap. 21. and Mutare materiam Sacramentorum grave, sacrilegium est. Ibidem. both the matter and words of every Sacrament must be instituted & ordained by God, and are not alterable by man, either by addition or diminution; and that also b Cum non habeatur ex Scriptura: conijciatur tamen ex hoc, quòd de later eius exivit sanguis & aqua. Bonaventura in 4. Sent. dist. 11. part. 2. dub. 6. Non legimus Dominum posuisse aquam Richard. in. 4. Sent. dist. 11. Art 3. q. 1. 〈◊〉 an. 1591. this practice of the mixture of water cannot be read of in all Scriptures, or found in the first institution of this Sacrament: we lay this for the foundation of our buildings, and line of all our directions. Yet because our Adversaries do commonly (although indiscreetly) reject such arguments which are taken negatively from Scripture, they must be put in mind of the same kind of argument, used in the like question by Pope julius; who therefore condemned diverse abuses in the Eucharist, viz. the using of c Audivimus quosdam schismatica ambitione detentos contra divinos ordines & Apostolicas institutiones lac pro vino in divinis officijs dedicare: alios autem intinctam Eucharistiam populo pro complemento communionis po●●igere, quosdam etiam expressum vinum in Sacramento Dominici calicis offer; alios verò pannum lineum musto intinctum per totum annum reseruare, & in tempore sacrificij partem eius aquâ lavare, & sic offer. Quod quám sit Euangeli●● & Apostolicae ve●itati contrarium, & consuetudini Ecclesiasticae adversum, non difficile ab ipso font veritatis probabitu●● à quo— ordinata ipsa Sacramentorum mysteria processerunt: cum enim magister veritatis verum salutis nostrae sacrificium suis commendaret Discipulis, nulli lac, sed panem tantùm & calicem sub hoc Sacramento cognoscimus dedisle: legitur enim in evangelica veritate, [Accepit jesus panem & calicem, & benedicens dedit Discipulis su●●] Cesset ergo lac in sacrificando offern, quia manifestum & evidens veritatis exemplum illuxit: quia praeter panem & vinum aliud offerri non licc●. Illud verò quod pro complemento communionis intinctam Eucharistiam tradunt populis, nec hoc prolatum ex evangelio testimonium receperunt, ubi corpus suum Apostolis commendavit & sanguinem: seorsim enim panis, & seorsim calicis commendatio memoratur. Apud Gratianum de consecrat dist. 2. Cùm omne crimen. milk in stead of wine, & wring in of the grape, and sopping of the bread, as contrary to the evangelical truth, and Ecclesiastical custom: which (saith he) is easily proved from the sentence of truth, (meaning Christ) from whom these Sacraments proceeded. For when as Christ did commend this Sacrament unto his Disciples, he gave not milk, but only bread and wine; for we read in the Evangelists, [jesus took bread, & the Cup, etc.] So manifest & evident is the example of truth. Neither do we found in the Gospel that he sopped in the bread, for he commended the bread and Chalice severally unto them. Therefore must our Adversaries think Protestants not pardonable only, but also commendable, if they use the same reason against the mixture of water, which their Pope julius hath enforced against mingling of bread: even because they are not agreeable unto the express form of the first institution delivered in the Gospel. 12 Again, this Sacrament is a type and sign of Christ's death, wherein as is confessed, the d Dicendum est sine dubio, in passione Christi sanguinem & aquam impermixtam exivisse, & loco separata, tum quia haec significant verba johannis. tum etiam quia non potuisset aliter sanguis ab aqua discerni Suarez jes. in Thom. 3. q. 51. Art 3 alijp. 41. §. 1. blood and water issuing from the side of Christ, were discernibly distinct & separated: which therefore S. * August. Tract. 120. in. joh. Augustine calleth the fountains of two distinct Sacraments, water in Baptism, and wine in the Eucharist. For otherwise to apply water and wine, in one mixture, to this one Sacrrment of the Eucharist, is a great incongruity and unlikeliness: because these signs, wine and water mingled in this Sacrament, can no more give a true representation of blood and water, which were discernibly severed in Christ's passion, than mixtion can betoken a separation. 13 Furthermore, in Melchizedechs' action, which our Adversaries do think to be a figure of this Eucharistical sacrifice, we read only of e Euch aristia figurata erat in vino, quod cum pane protulit Melchizedech. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Euchar. cap. 1●. §. Quarta ratio. Therefore for a figure of water he is glad to borrow it not from Melchisedech, but from the rock in the wilderness. Sobarren is his proof. bread and wine, without any note of mixture of water. It will therefore concern them to forbear this mixtion, if they will defend the figure of Melchizedech. 14 We may add hereunto the confessed f See above § 2 no necessity of this mixture, not only in respect of a Sacrament, (as though the Eucharist were not essential without it) but also in respect of precept: because, as some have said, it hath been added g Sicut in sacrificando. Gloll. verb. Calix, ubi ait: item dicunt aquam admiscendam in chalice de honestate tantùm. Index Belg. deleantur illa verba [de honestate tantùm.] At Editio Gregor. non delet, sed contradicit in margin, Admiscetur de praecepto. Concil. Trid. Sess. 22. cap. 7. ut refer● joh. Pappus in Indice lib. Expurg. pag. 330. only for decency; besides the acknowledged danger of annexing either matter or form unto a Sacrament. Therefore may we stand securely upon Christ's institution, and refer this new Romish custom unto h Alexander Pontifex septimus á Petro, consecraturus, primus aquani vino miscuit; instituit ue ut ex azymo & non fermentato, ut ante consueverant. Polydor Virgil de Invent lib. 5 c. 9 With this Author doth Durantus begin his proof of this doctrine: Alexander Papa & Martyr. quintus à Petro, constituit panem tantùm & vinum aquâ permixtum offerri; quia, inquit, utrumque (vinum & aqua) è later Christi profluxisse legitur. Can. in Sacrament. de consecrat. dist. 2. Durantus de Ritibus, lib. 2. cap. 27. Pope Alexander the supposed author thereof: and from this we pass unto a more material objection, CHAP. V Of Antichrist his person, time, and place, etc. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 3 Thirdly, as concerning Antichrist, Altars, and Sacrifice, M. Whitaker confesseth touching Antichrist saying, 2 Whitaker. l. de Antichristo, pag. 21. The Fathers, for the most part, thought that Antichrist should be but one man; but in that, as in many other things, they erred. Concerning the short time of his persecution or reign, gathered from the Scriptures, M. Fox confesseth, that 3 Fox in Apoc. c 12. p. 345. post medium. almost all the holy and learned interpreters do by a time, times, and half a time, understand only three years and a half: affirming further to be 4 Fox in Apoc. cap. 13 pag. 392. fine. the consent and opinion of almost all the ancient Fathers. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. NExt unto the Sacrament of the Eucharist, according to the method of Romish a So Bellarmine after his books De ●ucharistia, entreateth De Missa: and in his Treatises de Romano Pontifice, doth in the third book handle the question of Antichrist. Schools, their Altars and Sacrifice should have been mentioned: but here (we know not how) the question of Antichrist, (who is known to be an intruder,) doth preposterously usurp the place. In whom these Apologists will have two points principally observed, viz. the singularity of his person, one man; and the shortness of his reigning, three years and an half. 2 Which two observations their b ●x hoc habemus secundum argumentum, Pontificem non esse Antichristum: si enim Antichristus una tantùm est persona, Pontifices autem multi fuerunt, & erant eadem dignitate & potestate praediti; ceriè alibi quaerendus est Antichristus, quàm in Romana sede. Bellar lib. 3 de Rome Pont. cap. 3. in fine. Quinta demonstratio sumitur a duratione Antichristi, Antichristu● non regnabit nisi tres annos & dimidium: at Papa iam regnavit mill quinge●to● annos, nec potest ullus assignari, qui regnavit precise ●res annos cum dimidio. Non igitur Papa est Antichristus. Bellarm. ibid. cap. 8. princip. Cardinal hath urged as two arguments to prove, that no Pope as yet hath been that Antichrist. And to the same purpose have the Apologists objected, in this case, the acknowledged testimonies of Fathers, no less ignorantly than they would have them seem to have been by Protestants insolently rejected. For we can show, That the opinions of the Fathers in their expositions of prophecies, which were to be fulfilled after their times, may be refused, without any derogation from their judgement in other doctrines: which is proved by the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 3 Their own learned jesuite a Dan 14 [Tu Daniel claud sermons, & signa libr●m usque ad ten pu● statutum.] Quod subditu●. [V●que ad tempus statutum] ●niplic●m habet intellectum: vel quoad tempus a Deo praefinitum, quó tempore eve●tura lunt. quae 〈◊〉 visione Angelus prenuncianit D●nieli tunc enim quae nunc obscura sunt, ipso eu●ntu patefacta & compr●bata, liquido ●●●●l. ligentur Nam ut rectè Irenaeus lib. 4. adverse ●aeress. cap. 43. Omnis Prophetia, priusquam impleatur▪ aenign●a est, cum autem impleta est, manifestam habet expositionem, vel [●sque ad t●mpus con●ummationis] nam quia ●● ulta ●ic praedicta sunt de persecutione Antichristi & resurrectione mortuorum, quae in fine mundi futura sunt, eorum perfecta usque quaque cognitio ante illud tempus percipi non poterit Pereriu● jes. come. in Dan. lib. 15. pag. 727. Pererius hath truly observed from the text of Daniel, where the Prophet is commanded to [seal the book of his prophecy, until the time appointed, for the consummation thereof,] that those visions of Daniel, which were then obscure, are not plainly manifested until the event. This he proveth from the sentence of the ancient Father Irenaeus, in his judgement, b Notabili● sententia Irenae●. Ibid in ma●g●●●e. notable: (as certainly it is;) Every prophecy (saith Irenaeus) is a riddle before it be fulfilled: but when the event thereof cometh, it becometh manifest. Of which kind the same jesuite did perceive those predictions to be, which do directly concern the coming of Antichrist. 4 Which is furthermore confirmed by his next acknowledgement, saying, that c Obseruanda est Scripturae phrasis divinae satis frequens, nam cum ea vult significa●e librum aliquem, vel scriptionem obscuram, & ab intelligentia hominum remotam, clausum vel signatum appellare consuevit. Exemplum habes juculentum Isa 29. Erunt sermons huius voluminis quasi verba voluminis signati,— sin dederint homini etiam scienti literas, & di●erint lege librum, respondebit, non possum legete, signatus enim est. Ibidem. it is the usual phrase of divine Scripture, to call a book shut, and sealed, thereby a Bellar. See before §. 1. second argument, for delivering of the Popedom from the suspicion of the prophesied Antichristianity: but he is found defective in his principal foundations. The chiefest is taken out of the Gospel of S. john. 5. 43: I (saith Christ unto the jews) came in the name of my father, and you have not received me, if another shall come in his own name, him will you hear.] Which words the Protestants do expound (saith their b Veritas est, Antichristum esse unum singularem hominem, id quod probatur joh. 5. Ego veni in nomine Patris. & non recepistis me; si alius venerit in nomine suo, illum recipietis.] Haec verb a de falsis Prophetis in generali, non de uno aliquo intelligi volunt Musculus & calvinus: sed eorum explicatio cum antiquis Patribus, & cum ipsotertu pugnat, etc. Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 2. §. His non. Cardinal) to be understood of false Prophets in general, and not of any singular one: which exposition is repugnant unto the ancient Fathers, and the text itself, where it is said by opposition [I,] and [an other:] and of that other, that he shall come in his own name, betokening some singular one. Thus hath one Cardinal, and sometime a jesuite, oppugned the exposition of Protestants: but yet another of that order, and of high esteem, even Maldonate, (notwithstanding the objected Commentaries of Fathers,) is brought from the light of the text itself, to acknowledge, that c Omnes reteres Authores putant hoc in loco Antichristum notari, quem sunt ludaei potissimùm recepturi, ut Iren. Ambros. Ruffin. Chrysostom. Leont. Theophyl. Beda, ●uthym. Theodorus Mops. Apollinar. Quod autem dicit [Si quis] non est dubitantis, sed generaliter potiùs affirmantis, quasi dicat, Quisquis alius nomine suo veniet, ●um recipietis, adeò perversi estis judicij: quare magis convenit ut non solùm de Antichristo, sed de omnibus falsis Prophetis generaliter interpretemur, qui currebant, & non mitterentur: familiar enim erat judaeis, eos potiùs quàm veros reciper● Prophetas. Sub Christi tempore nonnullos venisse, qui se Messiam esse mentiti fuerint, constat ex Act. 5. 36. & ex Euseb. lib. 4 hist. 6. & Matth. 24. 5. 23. qui veniebant in nomine Christi, quia mentiti sunt se Christum esse, & tamen in suo prop●io nomine veniebant, quia non à Deo missi. Maldonat. Ies. Com. in joh. 5. 43. in these words [if any,] the word [any] is generally taken to signify not only Antichrist, but whatsoever false Prophet shall come in his own name; Christ thereby more sharply taxing the perverseness of the jews, who did preferreany before himself: and in like manner is the confirmation used by the same Cardinal, confuted by others of the same d Alij Prophetae venient nomine Christi. at hic Alius veniet in nomine suo, id est, non agnoscet Deum aliquem. Bellar. quo suprà. In nomine suo, licet in nomine Christi, etc. Mald●n. Ies. See immediately before. order, and e In nomine suo.] Quia revera nullam habet divinam virtutem, sed sua malicia fingit se à Deo missum. ut Dei filium.— Et hoc est quod dicitur [in nomine suo,] id est, non à Deo missus, nec Dei potestatem habens, etc. T●llet. Ies. & Cardin. come. in joh. 5. Annot. 37. degree. 11 Next he proceedeth to prove the singular person of Antichrist from a Greek particle▪, as where Antichrist 2. Thess. 2. is called f Secundus locus in 2. Thess. 2. Tunc reuclabitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ille homo peccati; & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ ill● filius perditionis: Graeci contrahunt significationem ad unam rem certam, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hominem in communi, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hominem singularem significet. Et sanè mirum est nullum Aduersariorum, ou● tamen ●actant linguarum peritiam, hoc animaduertisse. Bellar. lib. 3. de Pont. cap. 2. §. Secundus locus. the man of sin, and the child of perdition, signifying (saith he) one certain & individual person: and then (as though this observation derived from the Greek particle were a point of learning, and of singular moment,) he in a manner insulteth against Protestants for their ignorance herein: never considering that by what argument, they would free their Popes in their personal succession from the title of Antichrist, by the same they mainly overthrow that which they think to be the very bulwark of all Popedom, even their succession from S. Peter; as thus, * Matth. 16. 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. super hanc ipsam petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam. Matth. 16. 18. in Greek [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, upon this [the] rock will I build my Church.] This is a divine basis, but now mark their discant upon other words: g Pronomen, hanc, refertur ad Petrum. Bellar. lib. 1. de P●nt. cap. 10. Tibi, exprimit personam singularen, & Tu, & filius jonae, etc. Maldon. Ies. come. in Math 16. & Bellar. ibid. Staplet. de decked▪ cap. 3. & 5. these Pronouns [this,] and [thou,] and [to thee,] do all express (say they) the singular person of Peter only, which is true; but what therefore? h Summus Pontifex cum totam Ecclesiam docet in his quae ad fidem pertinent, ●ulla causa erra●e potest. Probatur ex promissione illa Domini, ●uc 22. Simon, Simon, or avi pro te, ut non deficiat fides tua▪ & Tu es petra, etc. Bellar. l. 4. de Pent. cap. 3.— Secundun privilegiú Petri manavit ad successores. Ibid. Ego pro te oravi, etc. fine dubio aliquid Christus impetraba● Petro, ut patet ex designatione certae personae.— Quoth etiam ad Papas successores eius pertinet. Bellar. li. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. ●. §. Altera expositio. therefore the Pope (say they) cannot err in faith, as is evident from the promise of Christ unto S. Peter, where it is said to S. Peter: [I have prayed for thee, etc.] and [Thou art the Rock,] expressing one certain person, which was S. Peter: and therefore doubtless do the same privileges descend unto succeeding Popes. 12 Let them now compare these their own consequents: [the] spoken of Antichrist, is a particle of the singular number, and therefore must signify one individual man, and no succession of persons: [the] spoken of Peter i Multi seductores exierunt in mundum, qui non confitentur jesum venisse in carnem, hic est seductor & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex bono thesauro cordis, etc. Mat. 12. 35. Non in solo pane 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. juc. 44. Vt perfectus sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. I●m. 3. 17. So also his other reason following. , doth not only betoken S. Peter, but also the Pope, and the whole succession of that order. From the first [the] they infer that Antichrist is but one, and therefore Popes, which are in succession many, are not that Antichrist: from the second [the] they argue, that it was spoken only unto S. Peter, and infer that every Pope is successively that Rock and Vicar of Christ. By which contradiction taken from the same particle [the,] our Adversaries are compellable either to grant an Antichrist by succession, or else to deny a succession in Popedom. Howsoever, their observation of [●, that is, the] is confuted by many ● Scriptures, especially in the terms of k Antiochus figuram gerebat Antichrists: sed Antiochus erat persona singulatis. Bellar. quo supra; is confuted by a like example: universa solennitas agni Paschalis expressam figuram praetulit Christi Domini. Peter. in Exod. cap. 12. Disp. 4. in princip. So the high Priest is thus mentioned every where in Scripture, The high Priest, was one, but by succession many, and yet was (a● none can deny) a figure of Christ. Ac●sta Ies. de Christo revelat. lib. 4. cap. 3. proveth out of many ●atherss. 1 joh. 4 3. Omnis spiritus qui soluit jesum, ex Deo non est, & hic est Antichristus de quo audistis, quoniam venit, & nunc ●am in mundo est. Here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bellarmine his answer, but that Antichrist was then in the world, none in persona sua, sed in praecursoribus, doth but teach us that such sentences are not always to be literally expounded. the paschal Lamb, and the high Priest; not signifying either one individual Lamb, or any one singular high Priest, but the whole body of succession of the chief Priest. So Dan. 2. 38. Daniel saith unto Nabuchodonosor, l Dan. 2. 38. Tu es caput aureum.] hoc est, caput aureum statuae te designat, regnumue tuum. Pintus in hunc locum. Where Tutor, must necessarily signify in one the succession of many, even as long as the kingdom of Babel continued: for it followeth in the next verse, Et post te consurget regnum aliud, that is, the kingdom of the Medes and Persians, as all Auth●●s without exception teach: and yet the phrase is post te, not post illud; so that in the person the kingdom is signified. See Dan. 11. 18. Thou art [the] golden head, that is, (as their own Author confesseth) thy kingdom; where, in the name of but one, the succession of all the Emperors of Babylon is comprised. 13 Hitherto therefore it doth not appear, but as when we say, the Turk is the Tyrant of the East, or when they affirm, that the Pope is the universal Bishop of the West, that neither we in the name Turk (a word of the singular number,) nor they in the name Pope, do understand any singular one Turk a tyrant, or any Pope a supreme Bishop, but the successive hierarchy and monarchy in both. So by the singular name of Antichrist may be interpreted a collective or successive government of many singular persons, who (as diverse members make one perfect and consummate body) do exercise one and the same Antichristian jurisdiction: concerning which, the next question will be, Whether Antichrist be already come: determined by the judgement of our learned Adversaries, from the consideration of the Roman Empire. SECT. 5 14 The Romanists knowing that it did not a little concern them to defend a O●●enditur Antichristum nondùm venisse Bellar. lib. 3. de Pont. c. 3. tit. cap. that Antichrist is not yet come, jest that their Pope might come within our ●ens, have undertaken the maintenance of this conclusion by such an argument SECT. 7. 18 Here we found a great conflict between the Protestants and Romanists; the former would entitle Rome to be the seat of Antichrist; the other, to avoid that scandal, do place his seat in the City and Temple of a Jerusalem erit sedes Antichristi. Bellarm. lib. 3. de Pont. cap. 13. & Viega Ies. super Apoc. 11. §. 12. Jerusalem: and this conclusion they publish as a b Lorichius in Fortalit. sides, pag. 10. fortress of their faith; which notwithstanding seemeth unto us to be no less ruinous than are both the City and Temple of that old jerusalem, except they can prove that the Temple shall be re-edified and builded again. For c Templum restituere aggredietur, neque enim judaei videntur unquam accepturi pro Messia ullum, qui non sedeat in Jerusalem, & templum aliquo modo restituat. Bellarm. quo suprà. §. Add. it is not likely (saith their Cardinal) that the jews will ever admit of Antichrist as their Messiah, except he restore in some sort their Temple, which he shall endeavour to perform, & (as d Aiunt quidam non contemnendi Authores, Greg. Nazianz. Ambros. Damascen. atque alij, quòd olim sulianus Apostata in odium Christi aggressus est, id Antichristum perfecturum, ut templum S●lomonis aedificetur. Acosta Ies. de t●mp. noun's lib 2. cap. 12. pag. 491. they further contend,) shall fully finish. But their greatly approved commentator e Esa. 25. Vt non sit civitas, & in sempiternum non aedificetur.] Post eversionem Hierosolymae nunquam fuit reaedificata, nec in aeternum reaedificabitur: nam ea quae modò extat, non est ubi antea fuit, led fuerunt fundamenta moeniorum jacta per alia loca. Pintus comment. in eum locum. Pintus findeth it prophesied of that City, Esa. 25. that it shall never be builded again: as for the City now being, it standeth not (saith he) in his ancient place: adding a memorable story which he also reporteth, as namely, how that when f Imperator julianus cùm à fide de●ecisset, nihilue ei esset antiquius, quàm religionem Christianam labefactare, dedit judaeis pecuniarum & artificum magnam copiam, ut in despectum Christi & ludibrium antiquam urbem renovarent. At Deus compressit nefarios illos conatus: nam cùm judaei coepissent nudare fundamenta, multamue hausissent terram, magnus exivit ignis, qui illos exussit, illorumue impiam pertinaciam fregit, quamobrem ab incoepto destiterunt. Narrat hoc Chrysostom. orat. 2. adverse. judaeos. & Theodoretus, Euseb. Niceph. hist. Eccles.— Dan 9 vers. vlt. Vsque ad consummationem desolatio perseverabit:] Perseverabit vastitas templi usque ad finem mundi: nunquam judaeis templum illud restituetur, id voluit Diws Paulus significare 2. Thess. 2. cùm ait, [Peruenit●ra Dei super illos usque in finem.] Hect●r Pintus come. in Dan. 9 pag. 215 & 216. julian the Apostata sought, to the contempt of Christ, and overthrow of Christianity, for to enable the jews to re-edify that City, at the beginning of the work a sudden fire issued out of the earth, and consumed the workmen: and at last concludeth both out of Fathers and Scriptures, that the Temple shall never be restored again. Their Cardinal indeed promiseth to prove (as he saith) out of Scriptures, that g Venio nunc ad Scripturas, quibus probatur sedem Antichristi Jerusalem esse futuram, non Romam. Prima est cap. 11. Apoc. ubi johannes dicit Henoc & Heliam pugnatu●os cum Antichristo in Jerusalem, & [lbi occidendos ubi Dominus corum Christus occidendus est] Chitraeus, qui vult hanc vibem esse Romam, praetermittit illa verba, quasi ad rem non pertinerent, vel ipse ea non intelligisset. Bellar. lib. 3. de Pont. cap. 13. §. Venio. The answer is easy, Christ is said to be crucified in his members, as he spoke to Saul. jerusalem must be the Antichristian seat, and first out of Apoc. 11: but (if we believe S. h De Enoch autem aut Elia, quos venturo● Apocalypsis refert. & esse morituros, non est huius temporis disputatio, cum omnis ille liber aut spiritualiter intelligendus sit, ut nos existimamus, aut si ca●nalem interpretationem sequimur, judaicis fabulis acquiescendum sit, ut ●ur●um aedificetur Jerusalem: & hostiae offerantur in templo & spirituali cultu imminuto, carnales obtineant caeremoniae. Hieronym. epist. ad Marcellam, tom. 3. pag. 138. Jerome,) by a carnal interpretation, whereas the book of the Apocalypse (being altogether mystical) must be expounded spiritually. As for the re-edifying of Jerusalem, the same Father calleth it a jewish fable: and that the Temple also shall never be built again, even some jews do believe, as saith their own i Quod etiam aliqui judaei credunt. Aquinas comment. in 2 Thess. 2. lect. 1. See below the testimony of Aquinas. lit. n. Aquinas. 19 Our Adversaries other proof (not to speak of that which is an apparent * Apoc. 11. The second place. Bellar. he objecteth Apoc. 17. Quomodo Roma erit sedes Antichristi, si eo tempore debet everti? Bellarm. quo suprà. §. Secundus locus. Not considering that these kings first scortabuntur cum illa Meretrice. Apoc. 17. 2. And afterward, Persequentur meretricem. 17. 16. confounding of diverse times,) is taken from 2. Thess. 2. where the Apostle prophesying of Antichrist, saith, [he shall sit in the Temple of God,] that is, (saith k Tertius locus 2. Thess. 2. Ita ut in templo Dei sedeat.] Certum est Apostolum de templo Jerusalem esse locutum. Bellar. quo suprà. §. Cùm ergo. he,) in the Temple of jerusalem: as though prophetical speeches were to be expounded literally: for it is written Apoc. 11. [Arise and measure the Temple and Altar,] where there is express mention of a Temple: and yet l Surge & metire Dei templum & altar, Apoc. 11. 1] Nen. oignorat non esse intelligendum de templo Jerusalem, cùm fu●●it à Tito ever●um, & iam nullum esset cùm haec johannes scribebat●in co tamen Ecclesiam intelligit, cuius ill●d fuit figura. Ribera Ies. comment. in hunc locum. no man is ignorant (saith their jesuite Ribera,) that this is not to be understood of the Temple of jerusalem, which at this time, when the Apostle S. john writ, was destroyed, but by Temple is signified the Church of God. And of the objected place of S. Paul, their own Doctors are ready to acknowledge either that m Non aliquod determinatum t●mplum significat, sed in quocunque templo D●o d●cato sedebit, tanquam sibi dicato. Caietan. in hunc locum. by Temple (thus saith Caietan) is not meant any particular Temple, but whatsoever temple is dedicated unto God: or (as others expound it) that n Quidam verò dicunt quòd nunquam reaedificabitur templum, & hoc etiam aliqui judaei credunt: ideò exponitur, in templo Dei, id est, in Ecclesia, quia multi de Ecclesia eum recipient, vel secundùm Augustinum [In templo Dei sedeat] id est, principietur & dominetur tanquam sit ipse cum suis nuncijs templum Dei, sicut Christus cum suis. Aquinas comment. in 2. Thess. 2. relect. 1. Temple, wherein Antichrist shall sit, may be expounded the Church of God, because many of the Church shall receive him, and embrace his authority: and that he shall sit in other Churches, the o In templo Dei, id est, ut alij volunt, H●erosolymis, vel in Ecclesia, ut veriùs arbitramur. Hieron. ad Algasiam, q. 11. Non solùm Hierosolymis, sed in omnibus passim Ecclesijs, & Dei templis. Theophylact. Chryost. Euthym. Theodoret. in eum locum. Fathers agreed, and rather in the Church then in jerusalem, S. Jerome judgeth to be more true. The next question is Where the prophesied place of Antichrist must be, and whether at Rome: from the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 8. 20 The only Cities that are found in Authors to be the destinate seats of Antichrist, are but these two, Jerusalem and Rome: now therefore seeing Jerusalem, which they set in our light, is thus removed, we may more easily see Rome, which, in the judgement of Protestants, is antichrist's proper seat. This opinion is grounded upon that Scripture revel. 17. 19 wherein the throne of the whore is described by seven mountains, whereon the woman sitteth; and is further particularized by the name of Babylon the great. revel. 18. 2. Hereupon Protestants have made bold to instile Rome the seat of Antichrist, and not only that old Rome in the days of the heathenish persecuting Emperors, but Rome as it is to be considered in the later ages of the world: and are for so expounding these Scriptures, noted by the a The Heretics blinded with extreme malice against y● church of Rome, interpret the seven hills, Apoc. 17. literally, to persuade the simple that Rome is the seat of Antichrist. Rhemish Annot. upon that place, Apoc. 17. vers 9 And again. The Protestants foolishly expound it of Rome. ver. 6. Romanists, to be men blinded with malice against the Church of Rome, foolish, and (by reason of their want of judgement) altogether b Babylon being not applied to the state of the Church, but to the state of the persecuting Emperors and afflicted Christians, which by Christ's power (as was prophesied of) hath been abolished, and we have seen already fulfilled: It is a most ridiculous thing to apply this prophecy of the whore of Babylon, as Fox doth, to any particular Pope of john or ●●ll. M. Parson's three 〈◊〉, ●art. 2. c. 5. Bishop in his Reform Catholic. Rhemish notes upon Apoc. 17. 9 Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 2. ridiculous. Notwithstanding the evidence of the text be so clear to prove, that by Babylon is meant the new Rome, that even at this day their own c Babylon significat Romam in fine mundi futuram. Qui divinare me dixerit, hunc ego oro ut praeiudicium deponat, remue totam ●● aturo judicio examinet, nec plus mihi credat, quàm veritas persuaserit, etc. Rib●ra Ies comment. in Apoc. 14. Ribera and d Hoc manifestum est ex textu, etc. Viega Ies. comment in Apoc. 18. in fine. Hoc dicam, Ambrose qui pr●us negaverat, tandem in cap. 17. veritate convictus, Babylonem Romam significare confessus est. Ribera in 14. Apoc. pag. 444. And, Omnia profectó nisi in Romam, non conveniunt. pag. 145. And, Ego non levibus argumentis, ut spero, confeci Babylonis nomine Romam indicari, in Epistola Petri, & in Apoc. Itaque illis certè contradico, qui Babylonem aliter interpretantur. Ibid After, although he deny that it is meant either de Rom. Ecclesia, vel de sede Apostolica, vel etiam de civitate, qualis nunc est, led qualis suit sub Ethnicis Imperatoribus; yet he addeth, that it is understood of the City, Qualis cum à Romano Pont●fice defecerit in fin● seculi futura est, etc. pag. 446. Viega (both jesuits and concestum domina●s Sacerdotibus. Episcop. E●●pen●●u●, come. in Tit 3. & Bernardus ad Episcopum ●enonensem. [Omnis anima,] quis vos excipit ab universitate● siquis vos tentat excipere, tentat decipere. Ibidem. subject unto the powers that are, Rom. 13: by [every soul] includeth even the Apostles, and all Bishops, according unto the exposition and doctrine of chrusostom, Theodoret, Oecumenius, Theophylact, and other Greek Fathers: whereunto Pope Gregory the great, and S. Bernard do accord. This last circumstance is further confirmed by that which followeth, showing That the extent of the now usurped Papal power and jurisdiction in temporal things, above all power imperial which ever hath been in the world, is a mark of Antichrist: proved from the confessions of our Adversaries. SECT. 11. 24 If the Pope's practice of extruding the Emperor, whom he hath named his vassal, commanding him to hold his a I●b. ●. Ceremon. Eccles. Roman●, §. 3. part. 1. Strapedem, and primum ferculum. Ibid. and, Si Papa sellà veheretur, tunc Imperator. Ibid. Alexander tertius Imperatoris Friderici caput calcavit pedibus. Na●●ler. sturrop, serve his table with the first dish, to carry him upon his shoulders, and upon whose neck he hath set his feet, may be thought a sensible character of Antichrist; then doubtless (as the Moon in the full) will his face appear by the height of his temporal usurpation, when we shall understand that he challengeth more than ever Monarch in the world either did enjoy, or could possibly hope for. 25 To this purpose S. Gregory hath given us this proposition: b Antichristus veniens sum●● as h●●us seculi potestates obt●nebit, quia duplici errore sae●●ens conat●r a●●e corda ho●●●un & mis●is praedicatoribus trahere, & commotis potestatibus inclinate Gregor. 〈◊〉 job 29. lib. 33. cap. 28. Antichrist (saith he) when he cometh, shall obtain the chiefest powers of this world, and by a double error endeavour to draw unto him the hearts of men. Whether this have been by Popes abundantly fulfilled, may appear by the absolute profession of the now Romish Church, wherein two of their Pope's challenge c [Ecce duo gladij] In Ecclesia scilicet, cum Apostoli loquetentur: non respond ● Dominus, minis est, sed satis est. Certè qui tempota●em gladium in potestate Petti esse negat, mal● attendit verbum Domini proferentis, [Convert gladium tuum in vaginam.] Vterque ergo est in potestate Ecclesiae, spiritualis scili●e● gladius, & materialis▪ sed is pro Ecclesia, ille verò ab Ecclesia.— Nam veritate testante, spiritualis potestas terrenam potestatem instituere habet, & judicare, si bona non fuerit Sic de Ecclesiastica potestate verificatur vaticinium jeremiae● Ecce constitu●te body super Gentes, & regna, & caetera quae sequuntur. Ergo si deu●at terrena potestas, iudicabitur à spiritu●l●, ●i deniat spiritualis, minor à suo superiori, si verò suprema, ● solo Deo, non ab homine possit judicari, testante Apostolo, Sp●ritualis homo omnia judicat, & ● nemine judicatur. Bonifa●ius octaves Extravag. C. unam sanctam. two swords, viz. the spiritual and temporal; which they make to be of so infinite an extent, and of so absolute necessity, as to d Porró subesse Rom. Pontifici, omni humanae creaturae declaramus, dicimus, definimus, pronunciamus esse de necessitate salutis. Ibid. Ad summum Pontificem. cui in persona Petri terreni simul & coelestis imperij iura Deus ipse commisit. johannes 22. Extravag. 〈◊〉. ●. Si f●atrum. Terreni, id est, laicorum: coelestis▪ id est, clericorum Glossa ibid. See also Innocentius tertius, Cap. S●llicitae. 〈◊〉▪ M●●r. & 〈…〉. Venerabilem. define and pronounce all them to be in the state of damnation, who are not subject unto it. So that when they come to the practice, one of them is bold to excommunicate an Emperor, and to e Agite Apostolorum sanctissimi Principes, & quod dixi vestra auth●ritate interposita confirmate, ut omnes nunc demum intelligant, si potestis in coelo ligare & solvere, in terra quoque imperia▪ ●egna, principatus, & quicquid habere mortales pos●nt, auferre & dare nos posse. Si enim quae ad Deum pertinent judicare potestis, quid de inferi●ribus & profanis censendam est? Ediscant nunc reges huius exemplo, & omnes seculi principes quid in coelo possitis? Platin● de vita Greg. 7. 〈…〉 Hildebrandi Whose terms of excommunication be there setteth down, Henricum Regem— Imperatoriâ administratione, regiâque deijcio, & Christiano● omnes, eius imperio subiectos, juramento illo absoluo, quo sidem veris Regibus praestare consueverint. Ibidem. depose him from his regal sovereignty, in a notable presumption, saying: We have power to bind and lose in heaven, and on earth, we can give and take Empires, Kingdoms, Principalities, and whatsoever mortal men do enjoy. Accordingly the late tenor of their * So the Bull of 〈◊〉 Qu●ntu● against Queen Elizabeth, and of Paulu● 3. against A Henry the 8. Cui data est omnis in coelo & in terra potestas, quem super omnes gentes, & super omnia regna Principé constituit, Qui ●uellat destruat, di●perdat, plantet. aedificei, etc. Bulls have challenged power over all nations and kingdoms, to plant and to root them out: but what, over the kingdoms of the heathen people also? yea, we hear a fourth Pope his decree lately made in the behalf of Ferdinand King of Portugal, thus disposing of the countries of India: f Decretum & Indul●um Alexandri super expeditione in Barbaros novi orbis, quos Indos vocant: Alexander Episcopus, Ser●●s servorum Dei, charissimo in Christo filio Ferdinando Regi, & serenissimae in Christo fil●● Elizabeth●'s Reginae Castellae, ●egionis. Aragonum, & Granatae illustribus, salutem & Apostolicam bene●ict●onem. Inter caetera. etc.— Moru proprio, non ad vestram vel alterius pro vobis super hoc nobis oblatae petitionis instantiam, ●ed d● nostra mera liberalitate, & ex certa scientia, ac de Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, omnes Insulas, & te●●as fi●mass, inve●tas & i●●entendas, detectas & detegendas, ●crsus occ●dentem & meridie●, fabricando, construendo unam lin●am à polo arstico, ●cil. se●tent●ione ad polum antarcticam scil meridiem; sive terrae firmae & insulae inventae a●● inu●●enda, versus ●ndiam aut versus aliam quamcunque partem, quae linea distet ● qualibet Insularum, quae vulgariter noncupantur de ●os Azores, & Cabo verda, centum leucis versus oc● sentem & mendiem.— Authoritate omnipotentis Dei nobis in B. Petro con cessae, ac vica●iatus jesu Christi, q●o fungimur in terris— Vobis & haeredibus, & successoribus vestris— in perpetu●m ●●nore p●ae entium donamus, concedimus, & assignamus. This is set down by Genesius Setulueda, lib Apologia de iust●● Bell● caasis, pag. 412. This Papal power is defended by Upon our mere motion and liberality (saith he) and from the fullness of our Apostolical authority, we give unto you all the Isles, and lands, as well those which are found, as those which shall hereafter bediscovered in India, from the North Azores unto the West, to you, and your heirs for ever. The Law saith, No man can give that which he hath not, and although we may justly suppose that the Pope had no right unto these which he giveth so freely; yet because the Popes do both profess, and in a sort practise this universal authority temporal over the whole world, defended by their other g Etiam temporalem habet universalem in orbem terrae. 〈◊〉 de potest. Pontif. Prin●●●cu● Bozius, Thomas Bozius, with their 〈◊〉, amongst whom B●ondus saith thus: Habet Roma al●quod in regna & gentes imperium. Magna nunc orbis terrarum pars Romanorum nomen dulci magis subiectione colit quàm olim fuit solita contremiscere. Dictatorem nunc perpetuum, non Caesaris, sed Piscatoris Pet●i succes●orem, & Imperatotis praedicti Vicarium, Pontificem summum, Principes orbis adorant & colunt, etc. — Paulo post: Ma●ora vel certè paria pr●●corum temporum vectigalibus, Europa penè omnis Roma●● 〈◊〉. ●londus lib 3. Instaur. Romae, versus finem, pag. 271. ●dit. ●asil. Doctors: we are confirmed in our judgement, to think that the Pope's usurped authority doth exceed all temporal power that any one, yea, or many Monarches of the earth were ever capable of. Which is so perfect a demonstration of the Antichristian power, as that their own jesuit hath observed, that h Tantam potentiam consequetur Antichristus, & tam long lateque dominatum & imper●um suum extendet, ut maximus, qui fuerunt ante ipsum Monarcha futurus. Salmeron Ies. Tom. 15. antichrist's dominion shall extend itself further than any Monarchy that was before him. 26 Upon these premises must follow our intended conclusion, which we choose rather to deliver from our adversaries confession, then from our own collection. Their i Ple●●que tunc Hildebrandum Antichristum esse praedicant, Titulo Christi, inquiunt, Antichristi negotium agitat: in Babylone, in t●mplo Dei sedet, supra omne id quod col●tur, & extollitur qu●si Deus sit: se errare non posse glo●●atur, quicq●●d dixe●●t, legem Dei put●t. Omnes b●n●, ●pe●ti, justi, ingenus eo tempore Antichristi regnum coepisse cernebant. aventinus. Annal. lib. 5. And, Be●●●a i●la in Apocalypsi, cui datum est o●loquens blasphemias, & bellum gerere cum sanctis, Pe●●i Cathedram occupat, tanquam Leo paratus ad praedam. Bernardus ex ●pist. 125. as it is cited by Pelargus in his jesuitism●, tract. de. Antichristo. aventinus witnesseth, that when Pope Gregory the seventh, aliâs Hildebrand, took upon him to challenge that power (above mentioned) ʰ of an universal right of deposing Emperors, and disposing of all temporal kingdoms, most did preach that Hildebrand under the title of Christ did play the part of Antichrist: when all good, just, & ingenuous men saw that then began the kingdom of Antichrist. Then indeed, it was most discernible, and almost palpable in his whole body, although before that time possibly his horns and head did only appear by other figures. Whereunto we proceed, delivering A description of Antichrist by sour confessed properties: 〈…〉 tuleth himself the servant of servants, when he seeketh to be Lord of Lords. His tenor of them in Indulgences, is, Fili mi, Apostolicam benedictionem, that is, blessing: but in deposing of Princes it is, k 〈◊〉 above 〈…〉. and 11. to root out nations: far differing from the Lamb jesus, who is confessed l Regia potestas non erat Christo necessaria, sed mutilis planè & superflua● nam finis adventus eius erat redemptio humani generis, ad quam potestas Regia non erat necessaria, sed sola spiritualis. Bellarm. lib. 5. de R●m Pont. ●ap. 4. Potestatem pa●iendi res adversas Christus sibi ac suis elegit. — Intimating that the Pope, Potestatem faciendi res animose suscepit. Sanderus lib. 2 the Clavib. David. cap. 13. not to have undertaken any regal power. And when he treadeth under his feet the necks of Monarches, he is far unlike the first Pope (if we may so term him) S. Peter, who m Petrus Ethnicorum judex non erat, sed è contra in omnibus causis civilibus non min●s quim caeteri homines illig subijciebabatur. 〈◊〉 de potest 〈◊〉 sum. P●ntif. lib. 2. cap. 23. Sanderus lib. 2. d C●avib. David ●ap. 13. was (as themselves confess) subject unto heathen governors, in all temporal causes, as much as other men. And if any can show us, that ever there was any Monarch that was more Lambish in profession, & in practice more Dragonish than the Pope, then let not the note of Antichristianitie be thought to be proper unto him. 32 If Popedom be a degree of spiritual perfection, not dissolving the vow of poverty, then behold a pattern of hypocrisy: otherwise could not their own n Camera Apostolica assimilatur mari, in quod intrant omnia flumina, & non exundat: sic in istam portantur millia pondo auri, attamen non impletur:— in qua sunt multae languisugae, quae dicunt, Affer, Affer. Theoder●●●● a Niem. un●●●. Tract 6. cap. 37. ut refert Polanu● in Dan. 11. pag. 399 where he addeth, that Fredericus a Gregorio nono excommunicatus, centum millibus auri uncijs absolutionem emit, ut testatur Onuphrius & Guicciardinus. Alexander lextus Cardinals aliquot ditiores vene●o tollendos constituit, ut eorum opibus ditatus, profusissimè largiretur, ut testatur Onuph. in Alex. 6. johannes 22. moriens, in aerario reliquit viginti quinque aureorum ducatorum milliones, ut ait Franci●cus' Petrarcha. Bonifacius 9 centum millia florenorum ex unius regni provincia, exiguo temporis spacio, ex Indulgentijs contrarit. Hactenus Polanus noster. Authors have compared the chamber of the Roman See unto the Sea, whereinto floods of gold do flow: noting, among their Popes, one to have taken for an absolution, an hundred thousand ounces of gold; another to have murdered diverse Cardinals, to enrich himself with their treasures; a third to have left in the treasury five and twenty thousand millions of ducats; a fourth to have gathered (we forbear to have mentioned their tolles from the stews) for Indulgences, an hundred thousand florins, out of a Province of one kingdom, in a short time; a fift was able at one time to lose out of his Mitre, a o Clemens quintus in pompa coronationis Carbunculum unum precij sex millium aur●orum à tia●a sua amisit. Platina de eiu● vita. Paulus 2. publicè prodiens mitram gerebat, in qua multae opes erant, coemptis omne genus pretiosis lapidibus, inspici ab hominibus voluit & admiratione haberi. Platina de eius vita. jewel worth six thousand crowns, glorying in a Mitre beset with all kinds of precious stones; and yet will these be accounted the successors of poverty. 33 And how may we not suspect that the Popes themselves can pretend godliness, even in their extreme wickedness, seeing the Glossers are authorised to record the memories of every Pope, though never so graceless, (as was their john 12, described by themselves to have been a p johannes 12. erat venator lubricus & incorrigibilis. Vict. relect. 2. prop. 23. ab adolescentia omni turpitudine & probris contaminatus— sceletatissimus vel monstrum potius. Platina de eius vita. monster in wickedness, and yet but q Hic erat Pontificum omnium ferè deterrimus. Bellarm. lib. 2. de R●m. Pont. cap. 29. almost the wickedest Pope,) with the remembrance of godliness, instiling every one thus; r Dudum bonae memoriae Bonifacius Papa octaws, etc.] Extravag. lib. 5. cap. Dudum. Thus did Benedict the ninth inst●●e Boniface the eight: whereupon the Gloss is driven to question thus: Sed quaero, quidam Papa ex actionibus impijs, simonijs, turpiloquijs Ecclesiam foedavit, ut hic, numquid propter d●ctos actus dici potest malae memoriae? And then resolveth, Dico quòd non, quia respici debet non ad id quod fecit, sed ad id quod facere decuit Which he proveth o●t of the canon laws. Then, unde malus praelatus, si non habeat diadema sanctitatis, habet tamen diadema dignitatis, quae non de se peccavit, licet persona cui dignitas inerat, malè egerit, propter quod dignitas sibi coniuncta infecta erat.— Item Praelatus, etsi non sit bonus, tamen pro bono ponitur. Again, which followeth, Praelatus non dicitu● bonae memoriae ratione suppositi sed ratione dignitatis, quae non de se peccavit, nec delictum personae redundat in damnum Ecclesiae. Glossa in eum loc●m: authorised by Pope Gregory the 13. By which reason leroboam, Pilate, judas, and who not, have deserved the record of bonae memoriae. Pope of good or godly memory? because (say they) we herein respect not what they did, but what it become them to have done. By which reason, like honour of bonae memoriae belongeth unto jeroboam among the Kings, Balaam among the Prophets, judas among the Apostles. 34 Our conclusion is, that if they can imagine any State in the world to be but capable of the height of like hypocrisy by dissimulation of continency in luxuriousness; of humility in pride, of love in malice, of poverty in excess, and of sanctity in plots and practices of all mischief, as their own histories have discovered in their Popes: then shall we have less cause to suspect the now Popedom to be guilty of Antichristian hypocrisy. There followeth, A third character of Antichrist which is a confessed spiritual pride. SECT. 13. 35 Where S. Paul prophesieth of Antichrist, that he shall sit in the Temple of God: S. a De Antichristo rectiùs putant Latinè dici, sicut in Greco [In templum Dei sedeat,] quod est, Ecclesia: sicut cùm dicimus, Sedit in amicum, id est, velut amicus. August. lib. 20. de Ci●it. Dei, cap. 19 Tom. 5. Augustine from the Greek expoundeth it to signify, that Antichrist shall sit in place and stead of the whole Church. Now what esteem of their Pope the Romanists at this day do make with full consent, may appear by their own Aphorisms, saying, that b Pontificis est congregare concilium. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Conc. ca 12. Ius confirmandi, & infirmandi Concilia oecumenica est penes Pontificem Romanun. Stapleton Doctrine. princ. Contr. q. 7. Bellar. de Conc. Greg. de Valent. Analys. lib 8. the Pope hath power to gather, confirm, or infringe any general Council: c Spiritus veritatis est in Summo Pontifice, etiam cùm vult aliquid sin▪ Concilio definite: Satis est si is legem tulent. Gr●tzer. Ies. Colloq. ●atub. Sess. 1. Bellar. lib. 2 de Conc. cap 17 Salmeron Ies. come. in Epist. Pauli in genere. Disp. 13. in the Pope is the spirit of truth, when he shall define any thing, yea although without any Council, d Pontifex est absolutè supta Concilium generale, nullum in terris supra se judicium agno●cens. Bellar. lib. 2 de Conc. cap 17. Vix unus est Theologus qui aliam hac de ●e sententiam tenet. Stapleton Doctr. princ. lib. 13. cap. 15. who is absolutely above a general Council, not acknowledging any authority over him on earth: e Pontifex (qui omnia iura in scrinio pectoris censetur habere) Constitutionem, etc. Papa Bonifac. Constitut. Cap. ●●cet: in sexto. Quód Papa sit summus judex in causis fidei & morum dijudicand●●. Bellar. lib. 4. de Pontif. Rom. cap. 1. having all the laws in the chest of his breast; and therefore to be acknowledged to be the supreme judge in all causes belonging unto faith or manners. Which is indeed to make the Pope an Epitome of the universal Church of Christ: whom they instile, as with his proper title, by the name of the f unus restat insignis titulus [universalis Ecclesiae Episcopu●] Romano Pontifici proptius. Idem ibid. l. 2. ca 31. universal Bishop of the Church; which inscription hath been judged by S. Gregory to be altogether g See above, lib 1. cap 2. Sect. 32. Antichristian: and of the pretended jurisdiction itself, he saith, that h universa Ecclesia (quod absit) corruet, cùm is, qui universalis dicitur, co●●ue●. Sed absit haec stultitia, absit haec levitas ab omnibus meis. Greg. lib. 6. Epist. cap. 188. if that universal Bishop shall fall into heresy, than (which God forbidden) must the universal Church with him apostate from the faith. 36 This property of spiritual jurisdiction, in defining spiritual causes in this manner, being not yet communicable with any earthly majesty, nor attributed unto any Pastor of the Church, excepting only to the Popes of aftertimes, doth bewray another property of our personal description: how much the rather when it is known and confessed, that i Quòd omnes mortales cuiuscunque sint dignitatis & praeeminentiae, cum primùm in conspectum Pontificis adveniunt, distantibus spacijs, te● debeant ante ilum genu flectere, & eius pedes osculari. Lib. 1. Cerem●n. Pontific. sect. 3. cap. 3. ut noster citas Polan. in Dan. 11. all mortal men, of whatsoever state or degree, when they come into the Pope's presence, must kneel thrice, and also kiss his feet? The last mark followeth, perour: by so large an extent of dominion, as to exceed g §. 11. all monarchical power that ever was in the world: whom we have deciphered by these his natural and peculiar h §. 12. properties of policy, and notable hypocrisy, through feigned continency, pretended humility, palliated poverty, & dissembled sanctity: besides his eminent i §. 13. pride, in taking upon him the person of the whole Church, and strange titles of k §. 14. blasphemy: in all which the Popes are found to be transcendent, and unmatchable in our times. How shall we in so plain and direct evidence, but acknowledge in the Pope that singular 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or contrariety against Christ; and consequently how may not the Romish professors be thought to be enthralled in Antichristian tyranny? From the sight of Antichrist we are called to behold their Altars. CHAP. VI Of Altars. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. As concerning Altars and Sacrifice, (which as Doctor Reynolds gr●●●eth 5 D. Rainolds in his conference with M. Hart, pag. 552. fine. are linked by nature in relation and mutual dependence one of other; and first concerning Altars:) Peter Martyr reproveth the ancient Fathers, saying, 6 Peter Martyr in his Common places in English, part. 4. pag. 225. b. post med. Petrus Alexandrinus etc. attributeth more to the outward Altar then to the lively Temples of Christ. And yet further against Optatus: 7 Peter Martyr abidem. pag. 226. ●. initio. Optatus l. 6. against Parmenianus saith, What is the Altar? even the seat of the body and blood of Christ. 8 Ibidem. Such sayings as these (saith Peter Martyr) edified not the people, etc. And in no less plain manner is Optatus foresaid saying mentioned and reproved by the century 9 Cent. 4 c. 6. col. 409. l. 25. writers: as also Peter Martyr, reproveth the Fathers in general, saying, The Fathers should not with so much liberty have seemed here and there to have abused the name Altar. 10 Peter Martyr in his Common places, part. 4 pag. 225 b. a●●te med. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. Delivering the right state of the question. SECT. 1. WHen our Adversaries speak of an Altar, they do not understand necessarily an a Neque obstat quòd aliquando sine altari oblatum est sacrficium: nam non disputamus hic de Altari lapideo, sed id omne vocam' altar, ubi recipitur victima per verba consecrationis effecta. Bellar. l. 1. de Missa, ca vlt. §. Secundò in. artificial Altar; howsoever, we cannot dislike the sentence of Doctor Reynolds, concerning the mutual relation and dependence between an Altar and a Sacrifice: but grant that Altar doth as naturally and necessarily infer a Sacrifice, as a shrine doth a Saint, a father a son: yet so, as to distinguish when these things are properly, & when improperly so called; knowing that the table of the Lord being called improperly an Altar, can no more conclude a Sacrifice properly understood, then when as S. Paul calleth Titus his son according to the faith (which is improperly) a man may contend that S. Paul was his proper and natural Father, which is, according to the flesh. Therefore hath their Cardinal Bellarmine said truly, viz. b Sacrificium & sacerdotium relata sunt, it a ut propriè dictum sacerdotium propriè dicto sacrificio respond at. Bellar. lib. 1. de Missa, cap. ●. Idem argumentum efficitur ab altari. Bellar. ibid. cap. 14. Sacrifice and Priesthood are relatives, so that Priesthood properly taken, hath relation unto a Sacrifice it proper signification: otherwise to conclude from an improper relative to enforce a proper, is as hapless a labour as to draw a straight sword out of a crooked scabbard. And now we apply this unto the point in controversy, proving That the exceptions taken by Protestants are justifiable, and that therein they accord both with Scripture, and primitive antiquity: proved by the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 Their Cardinal Bellarmine hath confessed, that there is as mutual and reciprocal a dependence between Priesthood and Sacrifice, properly taken, as there is between Altar & Sacrifice: notwithstanding c Primi Christiani propter recentem memoriam Sacerdotij Aaronicis, ne viderentur adhuc dur are caeremoniae ludaicae, abstinuerunt non solùm à vocabulo Tépli, sed etiam sacerdotij. Itaque Apostoli in suis epistolis pro Sacerdotibus, Episcopos & Presbyteros, pro Templis Ecclesias dicunt: & similiter loquitur justinus & Ignatius, & caeteri antiquissimi Patres Deinde, tempore Tertulliani iam statim perspect● differentià inter Christianos & judaeo●, coeperunt Christiani Presbyteros nominare Sacerdotes, ut patet ex Tertull. & Cyprian. adhuc tamen abstinebant à vocabulo templi, quia mundus plenus erat templis Idolorum: & usus obtinuer at ut nomine Templi intelligeretur locus consecratus ad sacrificia cruenta: in quo sensu Octavius apud Minutium, & Hieronymus negant Christianos habere templa. Le'larm. lib. 3. de cul●u Sanct. cap. 4. the Christians of the primitive Church (saith the same Cardinal) did purposely abstain from the names of Temple, and of Priesthood, even until the days of Tertullian: (that is, about two hundred years after Christ,) not, as he doth imagine, jest that they might seem to have retained some jewish ceremonies, or Temples of heathenish Idols; for so they should aswell have forborn the names of worship and prayer, which terms were commonly used both of jews and heathens: but rather jest that the newly converted Christians might by the name of Temple, Altar, and Priest, conceit some corporal and real Sacrifice daily to be offered with hands, for expiation of offences, different from the only propitiatory Sacrifice of Christ's body offered up unto God, as an all-sufficient purgation of sin. 3 Which must be thought to have been the condition of those former times, wherein the Fathers of the primitive Church were condemned by the then pagan for want of Altars and Sacrifice: to whom Origen held it sufficient to answer, saying, that although Christians have not d Celsus & arras, & simulachra, & delubra not a●t defugere quominus fundentur, cùm nihil interea videat no●i quidem pro aris & delubris justorum esse mentem à qua haud dubie emittuotur suaviss●mi incensi odores, vota, inquam, & preces ex conscientia puriore. Origen. contra Celsum, lib. 8. pag. 756. Et posteà: Disquirat igitur quicunque velit arras istos, quas nuper exposui, & si lubet, cum aris his conferat, quas intulit Celsus, etc. apertè intelliget illa quidem inanimata, & temporis processu corruptibilia fore, nostra verò haec in anima immortali permansura tamdiu, quamdiu rationalis anima, in co voluei it permanere. Ibid. pag. 757. Edit. Basil. 1536. the lifeless Altars of the pagan, yet have they the living Altars of immortal souls. Nay they were then so utterly destitute of sacrificing Altars, that (witness the writings of Cyril, Arnobius, and chrusostom,) e Consuevistis nobis maximum crimen imp●erati● impingere, quòd non altaria fabricemus. Arnob. contra Gentes, lib. 6. initio. I actant. lib. 6. cap. 24. Cyril. Alex. contra julian. lib. 10. pag. 249. & Claysost. Munus Fuangelij sine sanguine, sine fumo sursum ascendit. In Psal. 95. Caecilius apud Minium Felicem obiecit Christianis, quòd templa nulla haberent, nec arras. Christians for want of Altars sustained from pagan the reproach of impiety: yea and also (as Cardinal Bellarmine, although upon other conjectures confesseth,) of mere f To such testimonies Bellarmine answere●●: ●acilis est solu●●, nam illis temporibus Christiani diligenter cavebant, ne Ethnici nostris sacris interestent, & propter persecutionem frequenter in cryptis & cavernis rem divinam facere cogebantur, unde vulgo habebantur Athei. Bellar. de Missa, lib. 1. cap. 16. By thus answering, t●at the Christians had their Altars in secret caves and private houses, jest they might be seen, and so incur the name of Arbeist●, doth greatly injury Catholics antiquity, a● though having Altars, they had denied that they had any, which dissembling could not become the Ministers of truth: then so to conceal, as thereby to incur the imputation of Atheists among pagan, how should ●ot this disadvantage the profession of the faith' See another answer of Bellarmine hereafter. Atheism. 4 Now therefore far be it from us, to imagine that the blessed Saints of those times, who were always priest and ready to seal the profession of Christ with their dearest blood, would have endured the brand of Atheism for want of external Sacrifices and Altars, if they could have then maintained Altars and Sacrifice in their proper use: nor was it without the direction of the Spirit of wisdom, that the Apostle changed the name * A● 1. Cor. 1●. 〈◊〉 Table of the Lord Altar into a Table, as also many g Chrisost. in 2. 〈…〉 18. Men●a Domini est illa●m medio constituta. 〈…〉 46. T●mpore Dypti●●tum (〈◊〉 it is, 〈◊〉 the lessons were reading) cucurrit omnis multitudo circa Altar, & audiebant. Concil. Constant. 5. Act 1. Absoluto templo & Altari in medio constituto. Fuseb. lib. 10. cap. 4. de Encanjs. 1. Cor. 10. 21. & Mensa Dominica. August. Tract. 26 in joh. & de pec●. r●mis. lib. 1. cap. 24. & Mystica mensa. Chrisistan Psal. 95. Tom. 1. So the most ancient, as hath been confessed. Fathers have done. 5 If therefore some Protestants, calling to mind the temperance of the Primitive age, which (as is confessed) abstained from the names of Priesthood and Temples (we add, that which we have proved, and from Altars) have misliked the liberty of succeeding Fathers for alteration of the phrase: they are not herein to be judged adversaries, but rather zealous emulators and favourers of true antiquity, 6 Neither yet have they been altogether so opposite unto the alleged Fathers of aftertimes, as the Apologists, to engender an hatred against them, would make them appear, because they note in the Fathers a licence in the use of terms only, but no error in doctrine; saying, that h Haec consuerudo— posteris matetiam superstitionis praebuit. Centurists in the places objected. Cent. 4. c. 6. by such custom of speech Optatus gave posterity an occasion of superstition: directly implying, that the judgement of our ancestors was found in this matter, and that the error concerning the nature of Altar & Sacrifice, arising from the common use of such phrases, possessed only their posterity. For we are taught from S. chrusostom and S. Augustine, that the word i See a little about, the letter. g. Table went for currant in their times. In the next place we apply An answer unto the second objection, touching the dignity of Altars. SECT. 3. 7 The second reproof, which the Apologists have confusedly inserted in the middle rank, used against Clemens Alexandrinus, for attributing more to outward Altars, then to the lively Temples of Christ, if they shall distaste, let them try with themselves, how well the contrary sentences of other Fathers can relish with them: for S. k Gemmis Altar distinguitur, & ministrorum Christi nu'la electio est. Hieronym. epist. ad. N●pot. Jerome, S. l Melius fuerat ut vasa viventia seruares, quàm metallorum, neque enim auto placent, quae auto non emun tur: ornatus Sacramentorum redemptio captivorum est. Ambros. lib. 2. the office cap. 28. Ambrose, and S. m OH vanitas vanitatum, sed non vanior, quàm insanior● fulget Ecclesia in parietibus, & in pauperibus eget. Bern. apol. ad Guil. abbot. prope finem. Fodem modo Chrysost. Hom. 51. & 81. in Matth. Bernard consent together, professedly calling it a superstitious vanity rather to respect naked stones, then to clothe the naked poor: which kind of vanity, their own n Fx quatuor circumstantiarum defectu, malum erit ornare templum, nimirum, tempus, locus, modus, & persona. Bellar. lib. 3. de cultu Sanct. cap. 6. §. Secunda propositio. Cardinal, upon four circumstances, doth equally condemn, according to that Scripture where it is written, * Hose. 7. 6. I will have mercy, and not sacrifice; and who knoweth not, that there is as great difference between the stone Temple, and the body of the most contemptible Christian (although we may not call any true Christian contemptible) as there is between a matter of man's workmanship, and a subject of Christ's redemption. 8 If any haply shall contemn the worship of God, because it is not sumptuous, he shall but renew an old infestred superstition of the jews, who esteemed an o Reversus de Babylone populus, Altar tantùm impolitis lapidibus extruxerat, ut est 1 F●d 6. absque templo, absque u●b●● edificijs, absque extructione murorum, & putabat minorem esse cultum religionis, quia templi ornatus deerat. Ad quos Dominus loquitur Mal. 1. pollutum putatis Altar & holocausta, & victimas, quae suprà imponuntur, ignem quoque, qui victimas devorat, esse pollutum, nec intelligitis Deum omnipotentem non autumn gemmasue, & hostiarum multitudinem quae●e●e, led ofterentium voluntates. Hieron. in Malach. 1. Altar built of unhewen stones to be but a profane & polluted thing, as S. Jerome hath observed. Now come we to t●ie whether we can, upon the unproper name of Altar, any way possibly behold the proper nature of a Sacrifice. CHAP. VII. Of Sacrifice. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Now as concerning sacrifice, it is affirmed by our learned Adversaries, that the more ancient Fathers, namely * See this affirmed by Caluine hereafter pag. 145. in the margin, under the letter, ●. at Anno 320. Athanasius, Ambrose, Austin, Arnobius, etc. erred herein, and so fully, that their supper is therefore said to have carried the face of a renewed oblation, imitating over nearly the jewish manner of sacrificing, etc. that they b Calum. in omnes Pauli epist. in Hebt c 7. vers. 9 pa 924 b. forged a sacrifice in the Lord's Supper without his commandment, and so adulterated the Supper with adding of Sacrifice: that also the writings of Irenaeus, Ignatius (who are most ancient) are herein g Cent. 2. c 4. col. 63. line 9 & Cent 2 cap. 10. col. 167. line 17. And see hereafter pag. 145. in the margin, under the letter t. and at Anno 90 & 170. incommodious and dangerous: and that h Sebastianus Francus in his epist de abrogandis in universum omnibus statutis Ecclesiasticis. presently after the Apostles times, the Supper of our Lord was turned into a Sacrifice: in so much as some of our Adversaries doubt not to charge the ancient Fathers even with propitiatory * Andrea's Christianus lib de opificio Mislae, pag. 167. initio, reciting the father's opinion hereof, saith: Dicta autem patrum nonso●um impetrationem, seletiam intrinsecam quandam vim placandi innuunt. Origenes hom. 13. in Leu ticum, ait, Isia est c●m●●moratio sola quae protitium ●acit Deum hominibus. Athanasius in sermon de defunctis apud Damascenum, ait, Incruent chostia oblatio propitiatio e●t. To which end he allegeth likewise further the particular sayings of Ambrose, chrusostom, Augustine, Gregory, Bede, and of the third Council of Brach. And concerning the Father's further testimonies for Masle, see more hereafter, tract. 3. sect. 1. in the margin at the letter, t. sacrifice, and Sacrifice for the dead. So chargeable were the ancient Fathers no less than we now are, in that great question of Sacrifice. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. In satisfying for the objected exceptions used by Protestants, first in general. SECT. 1. HEre the obiectors have noted a taxation of errors, but whether it be about the contention of words, or of doctrine, they have either willingly, or ignorantly dissembled. For the primitive antiquity (as hath been confessed) did abstain from the name of Priest, and so consequently, of Altars and Sacrifice, terming them according to the tenor of the new Testament, Elders, or Bishops, Tables, and Eucharist. In the aftertimes, the Church being then established in the truth of doctrine, the Fathers might presume to take a greater liberty of SECT. 4. 7 The next kind of exception taken by our Centurists, is not of any error of judgement, but of a The Centurists phrase, 〈◊〉 ●●tato. danger and incommodiousness of speech: by which censure the intention of the Fathers is rather justified then reproved; because danger hath not respect unto the mind of the writer, but to the weakness of the Reader. And indeed the Centurists in the objected places do satisfy for themselves, b Doctores hu●us seculi, etsi de oblatione seu sacrificio incruento in Euchatistia Deo fac●endo nihil habent, tamen quaedam a●biguè & incommodè dicta in quibusdam occurrunt, ut in epist. Ignatij ad Smy●n. Non licet, inquit, sine Episcopo neque ofsetre, neque sacrificium immolare. Paul● post: Certè Ignatius ipse de me●ito Christi fide apprehendendo magis quàm de aliqua oblatione seu repraesentatione sacrificij (sicut ex alijs epistolis colligi potesty loquitur. I odem modo Irenaeus videtur loqui incommodè. Sed add●nt: Sed Irenaeus in seqq. praesertim in c. 34. lib. 4. copiosè declarat▪ quòd neutiquam intelligat oblationem consectari pa●●s, sed adhuc consecrandi in usum coenae Domini, & alioqui in usum sacerdotum & paupe●um. Centur. 2. col. 4. col. 63. & cap. 10. col. 16●. R●prehea lunt Latinam versionem Ignatij. in qua Mislae facta est mentio, ubi nihil simile in Graeci● reperitur. saying, that Ignatius and Irenaeus, and the Doctors of that age do not teach the pretended Sacrifice: answering from the sentences of the same Fathers, unto the difficulties of ambiguous and incommodious speeches. Which proveth that these obiectors have dealt unconscionably, in suggesting unto their Reader an opposition of doctrine between the Centurists and those Fathers, in so great a question (as they call it) of Sacrifice, from such places wherein the Centurists have professed and proved their undoubted accordance. 8 The testimonies following are objected (we think) with the like art, and therefore deserve the like answer. It sufficeth us to know that their own jesuite cannot perceive all things in Fathers so direct for their Romish party, when he is forced to answer, that the Fathers purposely spoke of these things obscurely, d Morem fuisle Patrum, ut de rebut fidei cum nondum eslent apertè satis controversiae ab Haereticis morae, securius atque simplicius scriberent & loquerentur, quia putabant se non nisi Catholicè ab omnibus intelligi: & ne mys●erium ●●●dendum infidelibus exponere●t▪ si in sermonibu● popularibus sententiam suam nimis claris verbis explic●ssen●. Greg Valent. Ies. lib. 1. de praesentia Christi in Euchar. cap. 10. jest the Infidels might take occasion of scoffing at their doctrine; as before in the question concerning Transubstantiation, he thought it e Greg. Valent. Ies. See above cap. 2. in the question of Transubstantiation. a brief and simple answer, to tell us, that some Fathers both wrote, and (which is more) thought inconsiderately of this point. But we pass from the moonshine of words, and now declare c If Andrea's Christianus (which Author we found not extant) did attribute such sentence● unto Origen and others in the Rom●sh 〈◊〉, Origen himself may confute him, a● the very words objected do manifest, calling it A commemoration of the sacrifice of Christ's death and sacrifice upon the crosle, as the place itself showeth. Otherwise to acknowledge herein a sacrifice of propitiation and remission of sin doth not prejudice the d●clrine of Protestants, who grant a sacrifice also of propitiation really in th● thing signified and represented in the Eucharist, namely, the pre●●ous body of Christ, as it was wounded to death for our redemption; but not in the elements▪ ● which are only symbols and representative signs of that one only offered Sacrifice. So that the difference between us and the Romish, is th●●▪ We hold upon the infallible substance of Christ crucified, the● catch at shadows, and rely upon an unbl●udy ●oast: or, as Saint chrusostom hath distinguished Eagles, viz. such as in this look up to Christ's body in heaven, from Ravens▪ namely, such as gaze only upon the boast. The testimony of Athanasius is taken out of the report of Damasus (as the Apologi, ●●say) in a book which is counterfeit, as Cardinal Bellarmine doth truly witness, saying, Hunc librum, qui inscribitur Oratio de mortuis, non esse Damasi facilè probari potest: prima ratio, quia scribit, multos Infideles per Christum ab inferno eductos: quod etroneum est, etc. Bellar. lib. 2. de Purg. cap. 8. The state of this great question concerning Sacrifice, as it is controverted between Protestants and Romanists SECT. 5. 9 After the contention about the word Sacrifice, which in respect of the superstitious apprehension of corrupter times hath been judged dangerous and incommodious: we descend to the question of doctrine, concerning the true nature of a Sacrifice; which is by the Romanists in their Council of I rend propounded as a doctrine of faith, and is by them defined to be a Sacrificium est verè propitiatorium. Et▪ una eademque est hostia, idem nunc ofterens Sacerdotum ministerio, qui se●psum obtulit in cruse. Condil. Tridens. Sess. 22▪ cap. 2. the same sacrifice truly propitiatory, now offered by the ministery of the Priest, which was offered by Christ himself upon the Cross: b Sicut non differunt per se & secundùm substantiam corpu● Christi à corpore in altari & in cruse: it● verè & secundùm substantiam non differunt immolatio in pane ab immolatione in altero pane, aut ab immolatione in cruse. Alanus de Euchar. sacrif. lib. 2. cap. 12. So fully the same (saith their Cardinal,) that as the substance of Christ which is really in the Host, differeth not from the substance of his body in heaven: so the immolation and sacrificing of him in the forms of bread, and his sacrificing upon the Cross is the very same. But, Protestants (saith the same our greatest Adversary) although they allow this to be a sacrifice of thanksgiving, and of divine worship of God; yet do they not esteem it to have the proper nature of a Sacrifice, but to be so called after a large and unproper manner of speech: in the which large acception Protestants may accounted it propitiatory also. So that the controversy is only concerning the proper and improper signification of terms, and compriseth two questions: first, whether the Eucharist be a true essential sacrifice; secondly, whether it be properly propitiatory, and available in itself for remission of sins, or no. Both which, we wish, may be decided by the verdict of ancient Fathers, by the tenor of Christ's institution, & by the principles of the Romish Church, and in every of these by the confessions of our learned Adversaries. c Tria sunt genera sacrificiorum: unum in Scriptures dicit●● Holocaustum, quod etiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & honorarium dici potest, cuius finis est solus Dei cultus & honour. Alterum dicitur in Scriptura Sacrificium pro peccato, quod etiam propitiatorium appellatur, cuius finis, praeter Dei cultum, propitiatio irati Dei▪ & peccatorum remis●o. Tertium in Scriptura dicitur Pacificum: hoc quoque duplex est, oblatum ad agendas gratias p●● beneficio accepto; alterum, quod communi vocabulo Impetratorium dici potest, cuius finis est impetratio benefici●▪ Ad●●rlari● facilè concedunt Missam esse sacrificium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non quidem quòd velint esse Sacrificium proprie dictum, sed impropriè & largo modo. Nam tota atùo Sacramenti ad bonorem Dei fit, & in gratiarum actionen●. bellarm. lib. 2. de Missa, cap. 1. §. In principio. The doctrine of Protestants, concerning this question of Sacrifice, is showed to accord with the profession of ancient Fathers: which is first proved by the common language and expositions of the Fathers themselves. SECT. 6. 10 Thereunto the Senate of Fathers do yield their consent, first, by their tenor of a speech of amplification, saying no more, properly, that Christ is sacrificed in the Sacrament of the Eucharist, than they have said that in the Sacrament of a Baptisma est passio Christ. Chrysost. in apost. ad Heb. ●om. 16. Baptism is Christ's passion: b Tingimur in passione Christi. Tert●ll. de Baptismo. In Baptism we are dipped in Christ's passion: c Videmur cum vidisse, quem legimus spect ●sle pendentem▪ & vulnera cius, spiritu scrutante, tractasse. Ambros. lib. 5. in Luc. cap. 7. In reading the Gospel we see Christ hanging on the Cross: d In Baptismo crucifigitur in nobis filius Dei. Ambros. de Poenit. lib. 2. cap. 2. Christ is crucified in us in Baptism: e Quotidie nobis agnus occiditur. Hieron. in 1. Corin. 6. Christ is the Lamb daily slain unto us. Which manner of speeches they would never have used, if they had thought their Readers would have ever stretched such voices unto their highest strain: and therefore must be qualified by that discreet construction, which even the Romish Gloss long since hath acknowledged in expounding the sentence of S. Gregory, wherein Christ is said to f Licet Christus immortaliter vivens▪ ●am non moritur, tamen in hoc mysterio moritur, & eius caro in populi salutem patitur. Greg. Magn. ut citatur per ●ratian. de Consecr. dist. 2. Quid sit. die in this mystery of the Eucharist, and to suffer for the salvation of the people, g Id est, mors eius & passio repraesentatur. Glossa abide. that is (saith the Gloss) Christ his death and passion is represented herein. which (by their own confession) d Oblatio pa●●is & vini, consecrationem praecedens, non pernnet ad ess●ntiam Sacrificij. 〈◊〉. ●. Quarta p●opositio. are not any essential parts of a sacrifice, and therefore could not be termed sacrifices in the strict and proper sense; and indeed it were but a jewish, yea and (as Cardinal Bellarmine hath said) an e See the Secti●n● g●ing before. absurd apprehension, to esteem of the elements of bread and wine, as of the proper sacrifices of the new Testament. 18 Again, the Father's entreating of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, have also frequent use of the word oblation, wherein their Cardinal f Patres dicunt ●ucha●●stiam esse Sacrificium se● obl●tionem, & offerri Deo, etc. Pellar. ibid. Bellarmine fixeth no little presumption of advantage, confounding the terms of oblation and sacrifice: albeit he knew right well that the Fathers, who used the word sacrifice unproperly, did not forbear to apply the word oblation in the like sense, as their own learned jesuite witnesseth: g Secundùm Thoma● oblatio simplex geneticum nomen Oblationis retinens, non est sacrificium.— Nam quaedam oblatio Graecé dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae vox simplicem oblationem significat, alia dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae proprié de victima seu de sacrificio dicitur— Hoc ex rebus ipsis possit declara●i,— olim en●● offerebantur Deo primitiae, & primogeniti, & alia similia, quae n●n sacrifis abantur. Suarez Ies. t●m. 〈…〉. Simple oblations, which are offered to be consecrated (such as bread and wine, before consecration, are acknowledged to be,) do carry but a general name of sacrifice, according to the Greeks, who distinguish between oblation and sacrifice, by the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and answerably unto the rites of the old law, where we read of first first-fruits, and of the first borne, and other such like, which were oblations, but no sacrifices. 19 Whereby we may discern the flat non sequitur of their Cardinal's argument, who would conclude a proper sacrifice from the word oblation: when as he could not be ignorant that the word oblation was used, where notwithstanding there was no sacrifice: wherefore he must be further put in mind by another direct confession of their jesuite, saying, that h Caeremo●ias ab Ecclesia institutas. ad ornatum huius sacrificij, non sacrificia, sed sacrificalia vocamus,— quods interdum aliqua ex his caeremonijs sacrificium vocatur, id est ratissimum, & interpretandum est de sacrificio latè sumpto, prout tribuitur 〈◊〉 actioni & oblationi sacrae. Suarez Ies. ibid. disp. 74. §. 3. pag. 957. although but rarely, yet sometime those rites, which have been instituted by the Church (and therefore are not properly sacrifices,) notwithstanding are by them called sacrifices, but in a more large and common manner of speech, by which every sacred action may be so termed. This observation giveth us just cause to marvel with what pretence our Adversaries can so tie the Fathers to such a servitude in the use of their phrase of sacrifice (when they speak of Christ's Sacraments) in a strict and precise sense; and yet they themselves assume a liberty of calling their own human rites sacrifices, although in a more large and common signification. But we shall not need to stand upon these collections, because Our Adversaries are answered according to their own demand, by an observation, which teacheth us how to understand the Fathers, and confute all our opposites. SECT. 8. 20 Their Cardinal Bellarmine doth argue against Protestants thus: a Si Patres existimarent ●ucharistiam solum esse sacramentum, non etiam sacrificium, ut Aduersarij sentiunt, nulla esset causa cur aliter loquerentur de Eucharistia, quàm de Baptismo: nusquam autem Patres Baptismum vocant Sacrificium; nec dicunt baptiz are esse sacrificare, vel immolare: praeteres quae causa esset cur Patres de Sacramento al●ter loqu●rentur, quàm Aduersarij nostri loquuntur? quomodo enim credibile erit veteres Patres in modo loquendi nobiscum; in sententia cum Aduersarijs convenisse? Bellar. lib. 1. de Missa, cap. 15. §. Hic igitur. If the Fathers had thought that the Eucharist were a Sacrament only, and not also a sacrifice (meaning properly,) they could not have spoken otherwise of the Eucharist then of Baptism: but the Fathers (saith he) never call Baptism a sacrifice, or say, that to baptise is to sacrifice. And concludeth hereupon, that the word sacrifice was used of the Fathers in a proper and literal sense: whereby he doth not obscurely grant, that the use of the word sacrifice, attributed by the ancient Fathers unto the Eucharist, might indeed be interpreted as taken metaphorically and unproperly, if it could be once showed, that the same Fathers applied the same word sacrifice unto the Sacrament of Baptism: otherwise their lesuite Suarez would not so urgently have moved his Reader principally to b In multis Concilijs, ut in Toletano, Brachorensi, Laodicen. vocatur incruentum sacrificium.— Solum est obseruandum propter haereticos, qui hic etiam detorquent ad metaphoram nomen Sacrificium; Sanctos Patres nun quam vocásse ministerium Baptismi, aut alterius Sacramenti nomine Sacrificij; cum tamen Sacrificium metaphoricè sumptum in ●o conveniat. Cùm ergo Eucharistian frequentissimè & absolutissimè Sacrificium vocant, signum est co● propriè de sacrificio loqui. Suarez Ies. tom. 3. disp. 74. Sect. 2. pag. 952. observe against heretics (so he calleth Protestants,) that the holy Fathers of ancient times did never call the ministery of Baptism by the name of a sacrifice, although metaphorically it might be so termed. Therefore (saith he) it is a sign, that when they often call the Eucharist a sacrifice, they name it so properly. 21 Seeing therefore the parallel of Baptism may give our Adversaries their demanded satisfaction, we desire them first to consult with S. Augustine, who expounding that place unto the * Heb. 10. [Voluntariè peccantib' nobis, postquàm accepimus scientiam veritatis, non adhuc relinquitur sacrificium p●ope●catis:]— Hebr. cap. 10. [unto them that sin voluntarily, after they have obtained the knowledge of truth, there remaineth no host or sacrifice for sin:] saith, that c Illud ad Hebraeos qui diligentiùs pertractant, sic intelligunt, ut non de sacrificio contribulati per poe●●●entiam cordis accipiendum sit quod dictum est [non adhuc pro peccatis relinquitur Sacrificium:] sed de sacrificio, de quo 〈◊〉 loquebatur Apostolus, id est, holocausto Dominicae passionis, quod eo tempore o●●ert quisque pro peccatis suis, quo 〈◊〉 passionis fide dedicatur, & Christianorum fidelium nomine baptizatus imbuitur, ut hoc significaret Apostolus [Non posse d●inceps cum, qui peccaverit, iterum baptizando purgati.]— ●●tamen illud sacrificium, de quo loquebatur, id est, h●l●canstum Domini, quod tunc pro unoquoque offertur quodammodo cum eius nomine baptizando signatur, iterum si perm●nserit offerri non potest. Non ●elinquitur pro peccatis sacrificium, hoc est, non pos●t d●nuò baptizari: nec tamen omnis qui non accipit per doctrinam scientiam veritatis, debet arbitrari, posse pro se illud osterri sacrificium, si iam oblatum 〈◊〉 est, si iam eiu●dem veritatis post baptismum Sacramenta percepit, non pot●st iterum baptizari August. T●m. 4 Expos. ad ●●m. pag. 1185. usque ad pag. 1187. every one, when he is baptised into the faith of Christ, doth therein offer up for his sins the sacrifice of Christ's passion. Neither is he alone in this exposition, for he himself saith, that those who entreat of this place more diligently, do so understand it. 22 Secondly, they may be entreated to look upon their jesuite Salmeron, who doth not utterly reject the same interpretation. And furthermore, (to the end that d Sensum hunc habere possunt, non esse hostiam illam cruentam Christi crucifixi re●●quam pro baptizatis delin quentibus, neque si●●ilem rursus baptismum omninò renovantem, ut dixit cap 6. cu●●ss ibi mo●●n●t nomine re crucifixionis, ut hic nomine hostiae iteratae: quia illa non nisi semel applicatur, relinquitur tamen incruen●● & alutaris hostia, quae applicatur per poenitentiae Sacramentum. Salmeron Ies. in Heb. 10. disp. 19 they may be abundantly satisfied) they must not think much to advise with their learned Reader of Spain, who rendereth a reason e Sed quaeris q●id causae pletisque antiquorum suerit, ut Baptismum hostiam appellaverint, ideoque dixerint non superesse hostiam pro peccatis, quia Baptismus repeti non potest Sanè quia baptismo commotimur, & per hoc Sacramentum applicatur nobis hostia crucis ad plenam peccati remissionem: hinc illi per baptisma translatitiè hostiam nuncupârunt, & post baptisma semel acceptum nullam hostiam esse reliquam interpretati sunt, quia baptismus secundus non est. Melchior Canu● loc. Theolog. lib 12. §. Quid igitur. fol. 424. why the most of the ancient Fathers did call Baptism a sacrifice; which they did, saith he, metaphorically, that is, unproperly. 23 Neither may we think that the terming of Baptism a sacrifice, is a solecism in divinity, seeing the same Apostle, speaking of rebaptizing, doth call it a recrucifying of Christ (as the forenamed f Calling in this place that an host or sacrifice, the repetition whereof (saith he) is elsewhere called a recrucifying of Christ, which is Baptism: whereof it is said, Heb. 6. that they who are rebaptized do crucify again the Son of God. Where the same jesuite: Recrucifigere Christum & ludibrio habere, est Baptismum iterate, & exitialem baptismi intinctionem efficere, ut est apud Clementem lib. 6. cap. 15. initiatos iterum baptizare tentantes crucifigunt Christum. Salmeron Ies. comment. in Heb. 6. disp. 14. Salmeron hath out of Scripture the polestar, especially in so tempestuous a night of opposite contentions; and as our Adversaries have done, for our more orderly passage, make use of these two sails, dicta & facta, that is, the words & actions of Christ in his first celebration of the Eucharist. And first, 30 When we exact a proof of a sacrifice out of the words of institution of the Eucharist, we understand not words in their syllables, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, oblation or sacrifice; but in the express sense; notwithstanding some of our Adversaries themselves a Aliqui existim●nt Christum loquendo ad P●trem, usum fuisse verbo offerendi, aut sacrificandi, quia hoc necessa 'em existimant ad rationem sacrificij sive ante sive post consecra●ionem. Suarez Ies. tom. 3. disp. 75. Sect. 2. pag. 962. Christus nulla vocali oblatione usus est quod fecisset, si faucet intrinseca sa●rificio. Salmeron Ies. tom. 9 tract. 29. pag. 224. held it necessary (saith their jesuit) in this sacrifice, that Christ should have performed it with these words of offering or sacrificing. But we are contented to have a sacrifice proved, in such sort as we are able to prove therein a Sacrament: which is not in the precise number of letters, but by the prescribed matter, form, and end thereof: so expressly as their b See in t●e f●rmer Sect. ●n. jesuit meaneth when he said, that Christ did expressly consecrated: and yet he findeth not the word consecration in Christ's speech, but words equivalent he may found, as blessing, and giving of thanks, etc. which expressly betoken a consecration. Now then to the point. 31 As it is some degree of reverence of Scriptures in our Adversaries, to seem to prove this their sacrifice out of Christ's ordinance: so will it be no small derogation unto their doctrine, if when as they make promise' c Probatur sacrificium Missae ex verbis institutionis: est autem argumentum hui●smodi, Christus eipsum Patri obtulit sub specie panis, & 〈◊〉 ipsum jussit fieri ab Aposto●●s, & corum successoribus usque ad finem mundi. Et hoc est verè & proptiè sacrificium. Bellar. l. 1. de Missa, cap. 12. principio. to prove the sacrifice of the Mass out of the words of the institution of Christ, they shall be found not so much as to seem to perform it. 32 Their strongest, and in effect, their only fort is founded upon two words of Christ * Luc. 22. 19 [do this:] from whence some Romanists are said (by M. Caluine and Kemnitius) to reason thus; Christ said [hoc facite, do this] but facere est sacrificare, that is, to do, is to sacrifice, according to the verse of the Poet Virgil, saying, Cum faciam vitulâ, that is, when I shall do a calf, etc. This observation of our Authors out of some Romanists, their Cardinal d Sed anteq●am progrediamur ad hoc comprobandum, operaepretium erit imposturam Aduersariorum refutare. johannes Calumus fingit Catholicos ita proba●e propositionem nostri argumenti Christus dixit [hoc faceted sed facere est sacrificare, juxta illud Virgilij [Cum faciam vitula. ●rgo Dominus jussit sacrificare. Et Martinus Kemnitius Catholicos ridet, quòd hoc utantur argumento. Sed errant, nec bona fide referunt argumenta Catholicorum. Bellar. lib. 1. de Missa cap 12. in principio. Bellarmine calleth an imposture; for the Protestants err (saith he) and do falsely relate the arguments of the Catholickss. But seeing by Catholics he understandeth Romanists, the relation of the Protestants will not be found imposturous, but his answer calumnious, even by the witness of their own late Cardinal e Sunt qui sacrificium esse ostendere conantur ex verbo [sacite, quia illud aliquando accipitur pro sacrificare, ut cùm Virgilius dicit, Cùm faciam vitula pro frugibus, ipse venito. jansenius Concord. cap. 131. pag. 904. jansenius; who reporting the arguments used by their own Authors to prove a sacrifice out of the word [facite] saith, that some of them do it, because the word [facere] is sometime taken for to sacrifice, as when the Poet Virgil saith [Cum faciam vitulâ, etc.] And it may seem that these were not all men of inferior note, seeing that Gregory de f Ex Exod. 9 Hoc est quod facies in Altari, etc.— Et Poets, Cùm faciam vitula, etc. Gregor. de Valent. Ies. de Sacrificio Missa, lib. 1. cap. 4 §. Fatentur. pag. 519. Valentia, their greatly authorised jesuite will have it known, that he is one of the number of them, who have used the same argument, saying, as saith the Poet, Cum faciam vitulâ. How then could our Authors deserve so bitter a taxation and charge of impostureship? But it sufficeth us that Cardinal Bellarmine is ashamed of this poetical argument: and therefore we proceed to examine, whether he can supply any reason which may be truly called Apostolical. 33 To this purpose g ●t quidem quod Christus obtulit sacrificium, iussitue offer●i corpus suum sub specie panis & vini: certum est ex illis verbis Luc. 22. Hoc facite in recordationem mei. Illud enim, hoc demonstrate id quod Dominus fecit in Coena, quòd ante se obtuler at Patri. Bellar. lib. 1. de Missa, cap. 12. § Sed his. he (as h Et Greg. de Valent. Ies. So Suarez. Ies. tom. 3. disp. 75. §. 4. others) insisteth upon the same words [hoc facite] saying, that Christ offered a sacrifice, & commanded it to be offered certainly in these words, [hoc facite, do this,] where the word [hoc, this] doth demonstrate th●t which Christ did in the Supper, viz. to sacrifice himself. Which is so empty & pithless a proof, that their own i Apud Hebraeos ve●bum Asa, quod est facere, nonnunquam sacrificare significat, ut Exod. 10. etc.— Vt autem vel hoc ex loco, vel ex alijs Scripturae locis efficaciter probari non possit, hoc esse sacrificium: tamen ex Ecclesiae traditione id e●si aciter p●obatu●. jansinius Concord. cap. 131. pag 904. jansenius, as it were despairing of the issue, doth say, that notwithstanding this sacrifice cannot be effectually proved by this text of hoc facite: yet may it be proved by tradition. Which causeth us to admire our adversaries vain pretences, who profess to expound Scriptures according to the consent of ancient Fathers, and yet now their greatest Doctor k Bellar lib. 1. de M●ssa, cap. 12. hath not one testimonte out of any Father for proof of this interpretation, ●acite, id est, Sacrificate. Cardinal Bellarmine, when he contendeth for their great Diana, the Romish sacrifice of the Mass, and would prove it out of the words [hoc facite,] doth not out of all the catalogue of ancient Fathers cite any one (that we found,) who interpreteth, facite, to be sacrificate. Neither indeed can it be so enforced: for, as their Cardinal l Re●ertur pronomen [hoc] non tantu● ad sumptionem, ed ad alia omnia, quae mox Christus fecisse dicitu●nen pe, accipere p●nem, grat●as agere, benedicere, ac verbis suis consecrated [Hoc est corpus meum,] frangere, & su●●re. jansenius Concord. cap. 131. 〈…〉. jansenius truly noteth, the Pronoune [hoc, this] is to be referred not only to the taking of the Eucharist, but unto all those particulars which Christ is said forthwith to have done: as namely, the taking bread, giving of thanks, blessing, and breaking, etc. 34 Their other reasons taken from these words, [It is given, broken, shed for you,] which they interpret to signify to be a m Habemus alia tri● argumenta in tribus verbis, datur, frangitur, funditur: quae sunt tempo●is prae●enti●: q●ae non significant da●i aut effundi Apostolis ad manducandum & bibendum, sed dari & effundi Deo in sacrificium: nam n●●ait Dominus, Vobis datur, frangitur, effunditur: sed, pro vobis. Dicit Kemnitius haec referri ad crucem, ut s●t sensns, Hoc est c●rpu● meum quod post dabitur pro vobis ad mortem; quod enim paulo post futurum est, dicitur iam fieri: ut ubi scri●●●r Puer natus est, Agnus occisus est, etc. Et sunt aliae lectiones quae habent in futuro, effundetur. Respondeo, Canon Missae▪ & vulgata editio in Luc. 22. & Cyprianus, legunt effundetur— utraque est vera, giving in the Eucharist, because it is said, given, in the presenttence: and so the words [for you] must betoken in the way of sacrifice; is not thought a sufficient collection unto the Cardinal himself, without the admittance of a n nulla negari debet, praesertim prima, quae est in praesenti, quia non oportet negare simplicem & literalem sensum sine urgen●issima ratione. Bellarm. lib. 1. 〈…〉, cap. 12. twofold sense of one text. But their more ancient Cardinal aught rather to prevail, who saith, that o ●uangelistae in voce praesentis, effunditur; & Paulus in, frangit●r, futuram in cruse effusionem, & carnis fractionem significarunt.— tempore praesenti grammatico more, tempus effusionis & fractionis erat tunc praesens: quomam iam inchoatum erat tempur passionis: ac per hoc sicut in inchoato die potest significari in praesenti quicquid fit illo die— praesens enim grammaticè non est instans, sed quodcunque confusum praesens Caietan. in 1 Cor. 11. both the Evangelists and S. Paul did use the present tense, in saying, the blood is shed, and the body is broken, because very presently after he was to begin the work of his passion: which, (saith he) is a grammaticallsence, as when a man useth to say, he is doing that which shortly after he intendeth to accomplish: and p Non est negandum morem esse Scripturae, ut ea dicantur fieri de praesenti, quae confestim esse, aut mox fieri debent. Sa●meron Ies. in 1. Cor. 11. disp. 19 pag. 154. this is (as their jesuite Salmeron observeth) an usual phrase of speech in the Scripture. Thus our adversaries wanting all direct proofs of their sacrifice, from the words of Christ in the institution of the Eucharist, are become by their own * Delivered in the former Section. principle, unworthy of credencie in this cause. Which yet will be made more evident by our next demonstration; for from words we come to deeds, and show and others. And a little after, Semel Christus mortuus in cruse est, ibique immolatus est in seipso, quotidie immolatur in Sacramento, quia in Sacramento recordatio fit illius quod factum est semel Lombard. ibid. dying upon the Cross, was offered himself, and is sacrificed daily in this Sacrament, because in this Sacrament there is a commemoration of that sacrifice of the Cross, which was once offered. Can it have stood with the learning of so great a moderator of their ancient School, and so subtle a searcher into all the articles of the Romish faith, to have left undecided this point of real sacrificing of Christ, the principal part of their now Priesthood and worship, if he had then believed that any part of the Mass were to be esteemed a proper and an essential sacrifice? Hitherto have we entreated of the first question, showing that in the Mass there is no proper sacrifice: now come we to the second question, and prove That the sacrifice of the Mass cannot be accounted truly propitiatory: which the consequents of our Adversaries do evidently enforce: First from their prescribed manner of Sacrifice. SECT. 12. 45 Although this be an undoubted consequence, to wit, that it cannot be called properly a sacrifice propitiatory, which is proved not to be properly a sacrifice, in so much that the conclusion of the former question might give a supersedeas unto the second: yet the importunity of the Apologists may seem to challenge of us a proof of this second conclusion: which we are ready to perform by arguments taken from the manner, the cause efficient, the end, and the effect of a sacrifice properly called propitiatory. 46 In the manner of this sacrifice there is to be required a destruction of the thing sacrificed, and that this destruction be bloody, & that this blood be by death, and that this death, and blood, and all be sensible and visible. Of the first point their Cardinal Bellarmine sayeth, a Adverum sacrificium requiritur ut quod offertur Deo in sacrificium, planè destruatur, id est ita mutetur ut desinat esse id quod erat: & in hoc differt à sim plici oblatione, quae interdum ritu mystico ele●abatur coram Deo, sed non destruebatur, nisi cum verè sacrificabatur:— ut non solùm usus tei Deo offeratur, sed ipsa etiam substantia, & ideo non solùm usus, sed substantia consumatur. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Missa, cap. 2. §. Octavo. Verum & real sacrificium veram & realem mortem aut destructionem rei immolatae desiderat. Ibid. lib. 1. cap. vlt. §. Haec sententia: & §. Quod autem. In every true sacrifice which is offered unto God, the thing that is sacrificed must suffer destruction, even in the very substance thereof, so that it cease to be that which it was before. Which assertion is true, especially in all propitiatory sacrifices, this kind indeed did always suffer a destruction, and that by * shedding of blood, and was therein a figure of that perfect sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross, wherein his body did sustain a destruction, for man's propitiation. But can this real destruction be affirmed of Christ his body in the Mass without impiety? Their Cardinal Bellarmine saith, b Consumptio seu manducatio, quae fit à Sacerdote, quòd sit pars essentia●●s Sacrificij, inde probatur, quia in tota actione Missae nulla est alia realis destructio victimae praeter istam: requiri autem realem destructionem suprà probatum est. Idem ibid. prop. 7. A real destruction is indeed an essential point of a sacrifice: and in the Mass the Priests eating is the consumption of this sacrifice; yet are not our Adversaries so utterly forlorn of divine light, as to understand such a real destruction of our Lord's body by the Priests eating, that it ceaseth to be in substance that which it was before: not, * Card. Bellar. See above, l. 2. c. 2. § 24 and so following. As for the 〈…〉 which he would make, saying, Christus non amittit suum naturale, cum manducatur, sed amittit esse Sacramentale. Bellar. lib. 1. de Missa, cap. vlt. §. Tertió, is only his own figment, and contradicteth the examples of the old law (which all were naturally consumed, and the Archetypon of all sacrifices, Christ, whose natural body was wounded unto death) and his own grant, saying, The substance of the sacrifice must suffer destruction. they rather choose to say, that not Christ, but the forms of bread and wine are the things which are torn and consumed with the teeth, and that the body of Christ doth not sustain any diminution. 47 The conclusion of these premises is thus comprehended: Every thing really and substantially sacrificed, doth suffer a destruction of substance: but the body of Christ doth not suffer a real, but only a Sacramental destruction; ●● go the body of Christ is figuratively, and not substantially sacrificed in the Mass; and so consequently cannot be truly propitiatory. 48 That a propitiatory sacrifice aught to be also bloody, may be proved by a like deducement from our learned Adversary, who defineth c Propitiatorisi est, cuius finis, praeter Dei cultum, itati Dei propitiatio est, & peccatorum remissio. Bellar. lib. 2. de Missa, cap. 1. a 〈◊〉 propitiatory to be that which doth pacify the wrath of God, for the remission 〈…〉. And we know what is written: * Et sine sanguinis effusione non fit remissio. Heb. 9 22. Without shedding of blood there is no remission: which is spoken of the sacrifices of the old law, but yet (as their Aqu●●as teacheth) was a d Per quod figurabatur quòd remissio peccati erat fienda per tanguinem Christi. Aquinas ●om. in cum loc●●. Bellar. Greg de Valen. and others in their disputes. prefiguration of the shedding of the blood of Christ. But how shed? even as the word e Obijcit Kemnitius: Sin in Missae actione sanguis estunderetur, no esset Missae sacrifici● incruentum. Resp. Non effunditur sanguis in specie propria, sed in specie vini: dicitu● enim sanguis tunc fundi in coena, cum in specie liquida in chalice collectus offertur Deo, ac deinde in eadem specie funditur in or a sumentium. Sed haec effusio non facit sacrificium eruentum, cum sanguis reipsa ● corpore non egrediatur. Bellar 〈◊〉 Missa, cap. 12. §. Ad hoc. & §. Ad secundum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth, to wit, a pouring it out of his body. Now in their Mass the blood (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) goeth not out of Christ's body; in which respect they call it f Sacrificium in cruse cruentum crat. Hoc est incruentum. Greg. 〈◊〉 Ies. lib. 2. de Missa, cap. 5. tag. 623 col. 1. And out of the Counsels and Fathers, Suarez tom. 3. disp. 74. §. 2. an unbloody sacrifice. Ergo, say we, it is no sacrifice propitiatory, that is, effectual in itself for the pacifying of the wrath of God for sin. The answer which our Adversaries make, (saying, g Dicimus 〈◊〉 sacramentaliter in Eucharistia immolari, non quia mors repraesentatur illius, sed quia ex vi verborum consecratio●●●●●aratim s●lum corpus & solus sanguis consicitur: quo ipso verè à sanguine corpus separaretur, atque adeò funderetur 〈◊〉 è corpore, nisi aliunde sicret, ut & sanguis corpus, & corpus sanginem coniunctione indislolubili comitaretur, quotha ●● Christus ●am non moritur Valeut. quo sup. lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 507. col. 1. that albeit in the Eucharist the blood of Christ is inscparably in his body: yet is it truly severed sacramentally by the word of consecration,) is unto our understanding a kind of riddle, telling us of a thing separated, which they say, is indivisibly joined together: and contrary unto the sacrifices of prefigutation in the law, wherein blood was powered out; contiarie to the truth in Christ, out of whose side there h joh. 19 34. issued blood and water; and contrary unto the Sacrament of the Eucharist, instituted for the remembrance and representation of death by the real i Heb. 9 22. effusion of blood, as is furthermore figured in his first k 1. Cor. 11. ●●, 24, 25. taking bread, & afterward the Cup. All which preach unto us a real separation of Christ's blood from his body, and teach us, that in their Mass there may not be acknowledged the proper effect of a propitiatory sacrifice of remission of sins without a proper cause thereof, even a real effusion of blood, which causeth death: which is the third point belonging unto the manner of this sacrifice. 49 All Christians know that the Eucharist was ordained by Christ, as a seal of the new l Hoc poculum est nowm Testamentum, qui pro multis effundetur in remissionem peccatorsi. Math. 26. 28. Testament in his blood, for the remission of sin. And this new Testament (as their learned m Heb 9 15. ●●t ideò novi Testamenti mediator est, ut morte intercedente in redemptionem earum praevaricavonum, quae erant sub priore Testamento, repromissionem accipiant qui vocati sunt, aeternae haereditatis.] Vbi enim Testamentum, ●ccesle est utmors Testatoris intercedat.— Ostendit nos non potuisle haereditatem consequi, nisi per ipsam Christi mortem: & tant●m fuisse eius potentiam, ut omnia peccata delere possit. Ribera jesuita in hunc locum. jesuit from the light of Scripture confesseth) cannot be ratified without the death of the Testator Christ. Will our adversaries answer, that in their Mass Christ doth truly die? n Idem omnes Catholics sentiunt & confitenru●▪ quis enim voquam dixit aut alium Redemptorem esse quaerendum, aut hunc nostrum mori opor●ere? quis nescit quod scriptum est Rom. 6, Christus resurgens à mortuis, iam non moritur? Idem comment, in Hebr. 10 ●um 25. Never any Catholic affirmed this, saith their jesuite Ribera: and Cassander accounteth 〈…〉 meth (saith he) that Christ would it should be so: but we may not curtously inquire why. Yet must he give us leave again and again to inquire how that sacrifice, which hath in itself a virtue only finite, shall pacify God's wrath, which as God himself, is in itself infinite. 53 But we leave our Adversaries in conflict with themselves, some attributing unto the sacrifice of their Mass only a finite virtue, and some an m Missa est infiniti valoris, & ideo ex sui quan titate sufficere ad satisfaciendum pro poenis omnium peccatorum. Ca●et. q. 79. Art 5. & Tom. 2. Opuscul. tract. 3. q. 2. Canus loc. Theolog. lib. 12. cap. 19 Soto in 4. dist. 11. q. 2. These all defend valorem sacrificij infinitum intensiuè. Contrarily do Thomas in 4. dist. 45. Durandus, Ma●or, Gabriel, and others. infinite. Now that they have erred in the causes of a truly propitiatory sacrifice, how should we expect a satisfaction concerning the effects? For here ariseth A third consequence, taken from the effects of a Sacrifice propitiatory: our Adversaries themselves being at a demur, and questioning what is propitiatory. SECT. 14. 54 In this question their Doctors are rapt as it were into factions, by a whirlwind of contradictions. a Vtrum sacrificium Eucharistiae conferat gratiam & remissionem culpae mortalis per se, & ex sua primaria institutione.— Prima opinio tenet hoc sacrificium immediatè ex opere operato confer infusionem gratiae habitualis.— Some do think that this sacrifice doth immediately procure the first habitual grace, but b Secund●●ententia est extremè contraria.— Ha' duae opiniones, ut mihi videntur, aut erràrunt, vel obscure & indistinctè locutae sunt. Suarez Ies. Tom. 3. disp. 79. Sect. 3 others think otherwise. And c Dico hoc Sacrificium posse nobis impetrare gratiam priniam, & re● ist peccati mortalis impetrando nobis sufficientem dispositionem ad huiusmodi effectum.— Sed superest exp●cand ●qualis sit haec impetratio, in infallibilis, & ideo dici possit ex opere operato, an non: in utramque enim partem graves rationes & coniecturae occurrunt. some hold that the obtaining of that grace is infallible, but d Quod enim haec impetratio incerta sit, censent Durandus, Canon, Cordub●.— Aliorum verò sententia est, hunc effectum esse infallibilem aliqua ratione ex vi alicinus promissionis. Idem quo suprà pag. 1010. some say it is uncertain. Some maintain that this sacrifice doth propitiate and procure pardon for e Prima opinio est ut oblatio sacra culpas etiam mortales remittere possit, atque adeò gratiam confer. Melchior Canus loc. Theol. lib. 12 §. In huni●. Paulo post: mortal sins: but others deny this, and that, as they pretend, with a f Haec prima vera non est, nisi omnes Theologi fallantur, qui uno ore animoue dissentiunt. Si enim culpae mortales per Sacrificium soluerentur, Poenitentiae sacramentum non est ad salutem necessarium: ubi enim Sece●do● ca ●emel oblato sacrificio delesset, non esset opus eiusdem denuò culpas alio remedio extinguere.— Quid quod ita culpas mortales universas per hoc sacrificium sine confession remitterent?— Ex quo Ambrosijs Catharini deliratio patet, peccata omnia post baptismum admissa, per sacrificium altar●s remitti. Idem ibidem lib. 12. §. Ha●●m trium. fol. 432. common consent. Some attribute unto it a power of remission g Alij sentiunt valere ad remissionem etiam cu●parum, sed tantum venialium.— Venialia peccata, ut gratia hominem non privant, ita sine gratia remitti posse. Greg Valent. Ies. lib. 1. de Missa, cap. 5. only of venial sins, even such which (as they say) may be pardoned without grace: and yet whether it do remit those venial sins mediately or immediately, h Vtrum immediatè & per se peccata venialia deleat ex opere operato, ita ut sacrificium Missae pro me oblatum, me nihil cogitante aut sciente remittal cu●pas omnes veniales, absque omni actu meo, quo illas formaliter vel virtute detester, sed solùm quod obicem actualis vel virtualis complacentiae non ponam. Partem affirmativam docuit Canon— quam dicit esse certis●●ententiam, communi omnium Patrum ac Scholasticorum authoritate probatam, neminem tamen in particulari resert, neque in antiquis Scriptoribus ego invenio ita expressè declaratum, quanquam recentiores suprà citati, praesertim Soto & Cordub● id sentire videntur.— some do affirm, and i Sic nuda opinio negat hoc sacrificium remittere culpas veniales ex opere operato immediatè per se— neque enim repugnat Deum remittere veniale peccatum sine infusione habitualis gratiae, & sine actu peccatoris, atque adeò sine physica mutatione illius, quia cum veniale peccatum non relinquat propriam maculam, quae privationem alicuius doni includat, etc. Suarez Ies. tom. 3. disp. 79. Sect. 5. pag. 1013. some gainsay. Besides a third kind, who profess that it is not at all available for propitiation against any sin, but only to gain a k Sunt qui censeant hoc sacrificium ad poenatum tantùm relaxationem valere, quorum culpa prius condonata suit: quorum opinio minus probabilis judicatur. Gregor. Valent. jesuita, lib. 1. de Missa, cap. 5. §. Itaque sunt. release of those punishments, the guilt whereof had been formerly pardoned; which is their last and most general defence. And yet when they inquire, whether the virtue of one Mass be as effectual for many men, as when it is offered but for one, they will determine the point, and yet confess, that l Vtrun effectus huius sacrificij sit infinitus extensiuè: ideoqu● oblatum pro multis tantùm valeat singulis quantum si pro solo uno offeratur. In answer to this, he maketh many perplexed distinctions of his own, and yet confesseth hereof, In Scriptures aut Patribus nihil habemus expressum. Suarez Tom. 3. disp. 79. Sect. 12. pag. 1032. neither Scriptures nor Fathers express any thing hereof. Finally, whereas the question is, whether the effect hereof be wrought by satisfaction and redemption, or by impetration and by way of prayer; in this last article also they are distracted into contrary m Qui solan vim impetrandi in Altaris hostia ponunt, high in poenis peccatorum primùm errant. quas sac ificio sanguinis Christi tanquam precio exhibito redimi, quoniam res nota est, perstrinximus breviter. S● enim cle●mosynis peccatorum poenae redimuntur, cur negemus Christi sanguine obl●●o in Altari redimi? ecquis ferat sacrificijs veteris legis resolui poenas, sacrificijs novae legis non resolui? Canus loc. Theol. lib. 12. fol. 435. §. Qui verò. opinions. 55 Well then, what doth their sacrifice propitiate for? mortal sins? Not, said the universal consent of their Schools. Doth it procure pardon for sins venial? Nor so, said other of their learned Doctors. That which remaineth is, to be available only for release of some temporal punishment due unto sins, the gilt and offence whereof hath been pardoned: which position first fighteth with itself, both because (as their Canus affirmeth,) n Non est plenè remissa culpa, quamdiu peccator est reus soluendae poenae. Canus loc. Theol. lib. 12. §. Ex quo. fol. 435. the sin is not fully pardoned, so long as the offender is subject unto punishment, and also because propitiation, as hath been confessed, is a pacifying of God's wrath, which doth look only upon mortal sins, and no mortal sins have propitiation in their Mass: we are therefore enforced by their own positions to make this conclusion; There is no proper propitiatory sacrifice in the Mass. Now behold A mirror of superstition offering itself unto us to be pointed at, concerning the Priest's fee or portion in the Romish Sacrifice. SECT. 15. 56 Jest that our Reader might peradventure marvel why our Adversaries can be so ●rgent for their sacrifice, which we see to be a matter depending upon so many uncertainties, incongruities, and impossibilities, he may be partly satisfied if he but mark their jesuits doctrine, teaching that there is in this sacrifice of the Mass a certain a Quaedam portio remissionis peccatorum per hoc sacrificium contingit ijs, qui procutant ut sacrificium fiat, quaedam ijs qui as●istunt, quaedam ijs qui ministrat, quaedam Sacerdoti sacris operanti, quaedam ei cui sacerdos vult peculiari intention sacram applicare: ●●n ●nim credib●le est non modo posse ipsum cui volverit valorem officij sui, ut est opus operantis, sed etiam— commiss●m ●● esse porti●nem aliquam eff●ctus, quem hoc sacrificium habet ex opere operato, pro arbitrio suo distribuendam:— Sed quo● ad hanc portionem à sacerdote dispensandam attinet, Missam intention peculiari factam pro pluribus non tantùm valere, quantum si pro uno solo celebraretur: cuius rei indicium est, quòd juxta veriorem sententiam meritò ●g●è ferret quisp●am fidelis, si quod sacrum pro ipso peculiari intention sacerdos facere debet, hoc idem pro alijs similiter offerat. Gregor. Valent. Ies. lib. 1. de 〈…〉. ●. Ac primum. & §. Sed tamen. portion belonging unto the Priest, which he may dispose of for the behoof of whomsoever he by his Memento shall think good: which is not so available for many, as if it be applied to one alone: therefore it is, that he that procureth the Priest to have him in his intention, would be offended if the Priest should extend it unto many. This reason may seem to savour too much of Demetrius his devotion, crying, * Act. 19 28 great is Diana, because of the * Vers. 24. no small gain, which hereby may accrue unto the Priest. This may be the rather suspected, by their next position, maintaining, that b Inqui●i potest an tenetur Sacerdos ex justitia applicate sacrificium Petro ratione stipendij accepti, nihilominus applicat illud Paulo: hae● applicatio iniqua est, quia contra justitiam. quaeritur tamen utrum detur effectus Petro, an Paulo; similiter i●bet Pontifex aut superior ut sacrificium offeram pro tali defuncto, ego autem pro me offero: quaeritur cui prosit sacrificium. Quidam dicunt ●n huiusmodi ca●ibus sacrifi●ium operari non secundùm voluntatem Ministri, sed juxta obligationem, quâ tenetur pro hoc when the Priest taking a sti 67 Sixtly, in their processions, which were invented for the more solemn adoration of their Host, they use sometime such a manner of celebrity, as though they had purposed to scorn or profane it with interludes of artificial f Ita Romani factitabant ut aliae Gentes, à quibus ad nos procul dubio titus eiusmodi manavit; nam supplicationum nostrarum pom pam solent ludicra quaedam praecedere, ubi effigies aliqua magnis malis late dehiscens, dentibusque sonitum faciens, & aliae oblectationes ludicrae vagatian quibus Prophetae repraesentantur, alati pueri concinunt, chorus inducitur foeminarum, hic agit David, Salomonem ille, alij reginas fingunt, alij venatores ludunt, simiam vel iumenta sin●● inducentes— Sacerdotes vel alij divorum person as agunt, eorum imagines aut reliquias ferentes. Polyd. Virgil. Invent. lib. 6. cap. 11. Snap-dragons, and winged boys, wherein the Priest acteth the parts of Saints, others represent the persons of hunters, accompanied with Oxen, and Apes, and much gamesome deformities; which savoureth of an heathenish impiety. 68 Lastly, many Romanists who feed the Priest for his Memento at the Altar, and do hope from thence for absolute remission, and yet, by their doctrine, cannot by that sacrifice obtain remission either of g §. 13. mortal sins (which effect they attribute unto their Sacrament of h See Cardin. Bellarm. de sacramento Poenit. and all other Romanists. Penance,) or, as some say, i §. 13. for venial sins (notwithstanding they ascribe so much virtue unto k See above lib. 1. cap. 3. §. 5. holy-water, a matter of their own invention:) but the only power of propitiation they do admit, is in remission only of temporal punishments; which is no more than they promise' in their new devised l See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 20. 21. 22. Indulgences: and what impiety this is, let their merchants & buyers judge. The third part of our conclusion, is implied in The Antithesis or opposite doctrine of Protestants. SECT. 18. 69 As for the Protestants, they in their divine and public Service do profess Christ the son of God, to be the only true Priest of the new Testament; who being God and man, was only able to work in himself propitiation with God for man; and his sacrifice once offered upon the Cross, to be the all and only sufficient sacrifice for the remission of sins: which by an Eucharistical and thankful commemoration (according unto the acknowledged tenor of ancient a Apud veteres loquendi cons●etudo usitatissima est,— pro Martyribus, pro quorum cer taminibus, Deo gratiae agebanbantur, & quor●m precibus Ecclesia commendabatur, offer diceretur; cùm viz. in mystica actione proposito Christi corpore, c●ius ipsi lectissima sunt membra, eorum memoria fieret: quod ex Cypriano & Augustino multis in locis constat, & in Graecor●m Liturgijs manifestiùs exprimitur, qui se rationalem hunc & incruentum cultum osterre dicunt pro virgine Maria, Prophetis, Apostolis, Martyribus. Cassander lib. Consult. Art 24. §. De iteration. Liturgies for all the faithful, whether Martyri, Patriarches, Prophets, or Apostles, & all Saints) they present unto God, as an effectual propitiation both for the quick & the dead; by the which prayers they apply the same propitiatory sacrifice unto the good of all that are capable. But what? not the body as it is glorified, but as then freshly bleeding upon the Cross; which doth, not by a casual or deceivable intention of the Priest, but according unto the faith of the believer, nor by a finite virtue of that sacrifice, but by an infinite, work a full remission, not only of venial, but also of mortal sins, according unto the tenor of holy writ, [ b 1. joh. 2. If any man sin, we have an Advocate, jesus Christ the righteous, and ●e is the propitiation for etc. If any] excluding no penitent sinner, and [ c 1. joh. 1. The blood of Christ doth purge us from all our sins. from all] excepting no sin: and by the same virtue doth redeem us not so much from temporal punishment, as from eternal: building this their doctrine not upon uncertain conjectures, but as it becometh the heirs of truth, upon the written will of our Testator jesus: and finally defend the same not with the unconstancy of innumerable contradictions, but with the strength of an universal consent. All which do perfect this our Appeal, & we conclude in the sentence of S. d Sacrificium cum exhibetu● Deo secundùm vetam eius inspirationem & doctrinam, vera religio est: quod si non habeat, erit no●ia superstitio. August. epist. 49. Augustine, A sacrifice (saith he, using the word in a large sense) when it is offered unto God according to his inspiration and doctrine, it is true religion; but if it want that direction, it is a pestilent and contagious superstition. CHAP. VIII. Of Prayer for the dead. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 4 Fourthly, concerning prayer for the dead, it is granted that i M. George Gifford in his demonstration that our Brownists be full Donatists', pag. 38. and see hereafter pag 44. post med. & pag 45. it was general in the Church long before the days of Augustine, as it appeareth in Cyprian and Tertullian: that also k M. Fulke in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 362. ante med. & vide ibid. pag 303. circa med. & pag. 393 post med. Tertullian, Cyprian, Austen, Jerome, and a great many more, do ●itnesse, that sacrifice for the dead is the tradition of the Apostles. That likewise prayer for the dead is taught in the writings l M. D. Fulke in his confutation of Putgatorie, pag. 353. & 354. aunt med. & vide Dionis. de Eccles. Hierarch. c. 7. part. 3. now extant under the name of Dionysius A●●●pagita, who is mentioned in the Acts: m Act. 17. 34. and those writings as well n M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament, in 2. Thess. ●. sect. 19 fol. 361. b. paulo ante med. thinketh that Dionysius lived in the time of Origen. acknowledged ●● M. Fulke to have been written above 1300. years since, (which was long before the objected * Whereas it is usually objected against this book, that if it had been the writing of Dionysius, than ●usebius or Jerome would have mentioned it; this confessed antiquity thereof before their times, avoideth that objection, which is also no less plainly avoided by Eusebius hist. lib. 5. cap. 26. and Jerome in cattle prope initium, who signify that the books of sundry writers were unknown to them. times to the contrary of Eusebius and Jerome,) as also alleged specially by M. Sutcliffe, as being o Sutcliffe de Presbyterio cap. 13. pag. 91. prope finem, saith: Dionisiu● antiquitatu optimus sanè testu, videtur esse antiquissimus, etc. And the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, in his answer to the Admonition, pag. 105. sect. vlt. allegeth Dionysius, saying, Dionysius Ar●opagita in his book de coelest● hierarch●a, and seventh 〈◊〉, speaketh thus, etc. And see hereafter in this section, num. 13. in the margin at this mark (¶). most ancient, and the best witness of antiquity. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First in answer unto the objected exceptions. SECT. 1. FRom Sacrifice, which they accounted to be a prayer real, consisting in an outward oblation, they have proceeded unto a verbal prayer exhibited in words. And first, in their allegation of the testimony of Doctor a How come we (saith he) to the knowledge of this secret● by tradition of the Apostles? or who is witness that this tradition is of the Apostles? tertul. Austin, Cyprian, Jerome, and a great number. Fulke de Purgat. in the place objected. Where although in his Reply he take a shorter course then to answer these particulars, yet he nowhere granteth that they are truly objected, as indeed they are not. Fulke, they have turned the words of his objection into an answer: and are contented to hear him acknowledge a general use of prayer for the dead in some former times; but wittingly neglect to distinguish of the diverse manners, intentions, affections, opinions, and grounds of that his saying, from whence they might have * See hereafter Cap. 26. learned an answer and satisfaction. 2 After, they produce Dionysius Areopagita, whom for this * For hereafter he will appear to be another man, Cap. 26. present we will suppose to be as true and ancient a Dionysius, as they themselves would make him seem to be: in whose writings there is mention of prayer for the dead; but yet such, as whereby the fundamental cause of Romish prayer for the dead, is rather confuted: as will appear * See more fully in the Sections following. partly in this next Section, where we are to show, What the doctrine of Antiquity was, and wherein it differed from the now Romish Article of prayer for the dead. SECT. 2. 3 As use of praying for the dead, was frequent in the ancient Fathers, amongst whom we found a Credo generosam omnem, Deoue cha●am animam, posteaquàm corporis vinculis soluta hinc excesserit, protinus hilaré ad Dominum su●i convolare, beatitudinemque. imaginatione percipere. Paulo post: Nunc, ● vitae & mortis Domine, Caesarium suscipe, taquam primitias quasdam nostrae peregrinationis. Nazianan landen Caesarij. Nazianzene praying for the departed soul of Caesarius: and S. b Ille quidem abijt sibi in regnu●, quod non deposuit, sed mutavit, in tabernacula Christi iure pictatis ascitus; in illam supremam Jerusalem, ubi nunc positus dicit [Sicut audivimus ita & vidimus in cruitate virtutum, in civitate Dei nostri.] And a little after:▪ Ipse ad Christi pervenit requiem, manet in lumine, & sanctorum coetibus gloriatur 1 the prayeth in the same place: Da requiem, Domine, perfectam servo tuo Theodosio, requiem illam quam praeparasti sanctis tuis. Dilexi eum, nec igitur eum deseram, donec fletu & precibus inducam virum quò ●ua merita vocant, in montem Dei sanctum. Ambros. de obit. Theodos. Again, Qui sine Baptismo mortuus est, non dub●ta●us de meritis Valentiniam, credamus vel Angelorun testimonijs, quòd detersâ labe peccati absolutus ascendit, quam sua fides lau●, credamus, quia asc●ndit ab a●ido & inculto loco ad fl●rentes delectationes, ubi cum fratre coniunctus aeternae vitae fruit●● voluptate. Nevertheless a little after, Vos (viz the two brethren) omnibus oblationibus frequentabo. Ambros de obit●. Val●●t. Ambrose praying for two Emperors, Theodosius and Valentinian, and offering oblations for their souls: notwithstanding that the same Fathers had pronounced those Emperors already to have been possessors of the pleasures of life, in the heavenly jerusalem. And S. c Nunc pro peccatis meae matris deprecorte, per medicinam vulnerum nostrorum, quae pependit in ligno, & sedens ad dextram tuam te interpellat pro nobis, dimit, Domine, dimit, obsecro, ne intres cum ea in judicium, superexultet mise●icordia judicium quoniam eloquia tua vera sunt. A little after repressing himself: Et credo iam feceris quod rogo, sed voluntaria oris mei approba Domine. August. confess. lib. 9 cap. 13. Augustine, even then when he believed that his mother was freed from all punishments, yet sent he forth a dimit for her soul. 4 Besides we read of d Memento Domine, omnium dormientium in spe resurrectionis vitae aeternae. Dignare eorum etiam meminisse, qui inde à seculo placuerunt tibi, Patrum, & Patriarcharum, Prophetarum, Apostolorum,— & sanctae Dei genitricis, & omnium Sanctorum, etc. ●iturgia Basilio tributa: ut est Biblioth. S. Patrum. Tom. 4. pag. 3●. Liturgies, reputed ancient, wherein there are prayers for all that sleep; and by name for Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, yea even the blessed virgin Marie. What can all these prayers else signify (to neglect the idle Gloss of their q Durantus) but (which their judicious f Quamuis de statu animarum, quibus preces nostrae prodessent, non satis constaret, nec inter omnes conveniret; Omnes tamen h●c officium ut testimonium charitatis erga defunctos, & ut professionem fidei de immortalitate animarum, & futura resurrectione Deo gratum & Ecclesiae utile iudic●runt. Apud veteres usitatissima consuetudo est, ut etiam pro defunctis Martyribus, pro quorum certaminibus Deo gratiae agebantur, offerri diceretur; cùm scil. in mystica actione proposito Christi corpote, cuius ipsi lectissima sunt membra, eorum memoria ficret, ut ex Cypriano & Augustino constet, & in Graecorum Liturgij● manifestiùs exprimitur, qui se rationale hunc & incruentum cultum offer dicunt pro virgine Maria, Apostolis & Mart●●ibus. Cassander Consult. Art 24. pag. 219. Author doth confess) that (as he from Cyprian, Augustine, Epiphanius, chrusostom, & ancient Liturgies proveth) thankful congratulationss for their present joys, or else testimonies of their hope, and desires of their future resurrection, and consummation of their blessedness both in their bodies and souls? e Nihil pro ijs orat Sacerdos, sed eos orat. Durantus' lib 2. de Riti●. cap. 35. 5 Now what the doctrine of the Romanists is, equity willeth us to learn from themselves, who teach, that g Quaestio est quibus prosint suffragia desunctis; certum est ea non prodesse ●eatis, nec damnatis, quia priores non egent, posteriores non possunt invari. Bellar. lib. 2. Purgat. cap. 18. After he numbereth ●● the certainty of blessed Martyri. Iniuriam facit Martyri, qui orat pro Martyr, inquit August. intelligens eum, qui remissionem pec●a●●rum, vel essentialem gloriam precatur. A little after he reckoneth among the damned, whom our prayers ●arn: profit, Pueros qui sunt in Limbo. Whom then do they profit? Solùm ijs prosunt, qui sunt in Purgatorio. Ibid. Nimirum in atrocissima poena. Etiam minima poena Purgatorij maior quàm maxima huius vitae, quâ omnis anima cruciatur, quae est in Purgatorio. Bellar. ibid. cap. 14. prayers do not profit souls that do already enjoy blessedness, among whom Martyrs are to be reckoned: nor yet the damned, whether they be in the lowest hell, as reprobates, or in Limbo, as unbaptized infants, both which are forlorn of all hope of help: but they avail only (say they) for souls tormented in the flames of Purgatory, wherein the lest pain is greater than the greatest that can be devised in this world. But seeing this their profession of hellish imprisonments, cannot (as we have * At hath been proved: see before proved) be confirmed from antiquity, this one observation may justly reprove their irregular defence, wherein we found them appealing unto an authority of Fathers, half of whose doctrine they themselves do wholly renounce; whereof we may give them instance in their objected Dionysius, so highly by them advanced for antiquity, and for the truth of the point in question so urgently enforced. Concerning Dionysius. SECT. 3. 6 Their Author Dionysius distinguisheth three sorts of souls departed, whereof some died unbaptized, others as known and notorious sinners, the third sort were holy believers. Of this last kind (for of this kind is our whole dispute) he witnesseth of his time, that after their death they a De his quae siunt in ijs, qui obdormierunt. Dionys. Areopag. Hierarch, ca 11. Mortuis, qui non sunt initiati, & sunt peccatores, haec non precatur & optat. Dionys. ibid. Antistes perficit ea, quae ex sancto instituto fiunt ijs, qui sanctè obdormierunt. Ibid. Propinqui cius, qui mortuus est, proiure divinae propinquitatis, eum qualis est beatum esse dueun●, quòd ad victoriae finem peroptatum pervenerit: & victory Authori gratias agunt cum cantu: & praeterea similem sibi requiem optant. Sumptum eum ad Antistitem portant, quasi ad sacrarum coronarum donationem. ●●●daea 11 in fine. Antistes eum ad veneratione dignum sacrarium collocat, deinde perficit sacrum solemn precationis, qua agit Deo gratias. Cap. 11. Veneratione dignam Deitatem laudat, quòd iniustum, quod tyrannicum (Diaboli) in nos omnes imper. 'em del●uerit, & nos ad sua iustissima judicia transtulerit Cap. 12. Deinceps Ministri promissis veris, quae feruntur in Scriptures divinis, de nostra sacra resurrectione recitatis, sanctè canunt cantus Psalmorum, qui idem valent. Item: Tunc Ministrorum primus Catechumenos demittit, sancto ue qui iam dormierunt praedicant, cum quibus pari laudatione dignum judicat eum, qui paulò ante excessit è vita: hortaturue omnes ut beatum in Christo finem petant Ibid. cap. 12. were brought unto the Bishop of the Church with Psalms of thankfulness, the assembly rejoicing in confidence that they were presently made possessors of eternal life, and received crowns and garlands of blessedness, the first-fruits of their profession. Which solemnities ended, all men there present do kiss the corpse, as of a man amiable, and honourable; and so his body is committed to the earth, never making any mention of any flames of Purgatory, or place of misery, or long delay of their glory (the definite points of Romish prayers;) but as though he had by preoccupation confuted such conceits, he teacheth, that b Quod autem nos à divinis praeceptoribus nostris de precatione, quâ Antistes in eo qui mortuus est, utitur, traditum accepi●us, necessariò exponendum est: Divinus Antistes interpres divinorum iudiciorum, Angelus enim Domini est: didicit ergo ● Scriptures c●aris●imá vitam pro dignitate ac meritis cuiusque tribui, divina benignitate negligentiae maculas dilucte, quas in ijs contraxit humana fragilitas, quandoquidem nemo mundus à sorde. Haec sciens Antistes promissa esse, petit ut ea eveniant, & dentur ijs, qu● sanctè vixerunt. Dionys. ibid. God in such men doth pardon their uncleanness and sins, which were committed through human frailty, & rewardeth their good works with glory. Now take away venial sins, the greatest part of the fuel of Romish Purgatory, and only cause of their prayers for the dead, and then half that fire would soon slake, and their prayers cease. 7 Agreeable hereunto was the judgement of Christians, long after, in the days of S. chrusostom, who condemneth c Cùm video luctus in plateis & lamentationes super eos qui ex hac vita migrârunt, & ul●lationes, & ineptias alias, (credit mihi) erubesco, quia Ethnici nos irrident: non enim quae à me dicuntur intendunt, sed ●uae fivat ● vobis Chrysostan epist ad Heb. ●●m. 4. Cur Sacer dotem, ut pro defuncto velit orare, obsecra● non ignoro te responsurum, ut defunctus requiem adipiscatur, & propitium judicem inveniat. His ergo de rebus flendum & ululandum arbitraris' nun vides quàm maximè tibi ipse repugnas? nam cum ipsum abijsse in prata florentia putas, tamen adversus ●eipsum fluctus tempest ●tis suscitas. Idem in Matth home. 32. Honour mortuo, non fletus & ululatus, sed hymni & psalmi, & vita optima ille moriens cum Angelis volabit, etiamsi nemo obsequijs interueniat. Idem. in jo●. 〈◊〉. 6. lamentations at the death of self, who maketh his firmest footing but a a Quae sunt ista pec●ata, quae impediunt ingressum in regnum Dei, ut tamen Sanctorum amicorum mer●tis impetrent indulgentiam? di●ficillimun est invenire. Ego ce●●è usque ad hoc tempus, cum inde satagerem ad eorum indaginem pervenire, non potui August. l. 21. de Civit. Des. cap. 27. And speaking of the pains of Purgatory after this life, he saith thus: Vtrun ita sit, quaeri potest, non tedarguo, quòd forsitan ●e●um. Ibid. lib. 21. cap. 26. peradventure. To whom we rather subscribe, when b Noli, frater, contra divina tam multa, tam clara, tam indubitata testimonia colligere velle calumnias ex Episcoporun scriptis, sive nostrorum sicut Hilarij, sive antequàm pars Donati separaretur, ipsius unitatis, sicut Cypriani & Agrippini: 1. quia hoc genus literarum ab authoritate Canonis distinguendum est. Non enim sic loquuntur, tanquá ita ex ijs test●monium proferatur, ●t contra sentire non louse at, sicubi fortè aliter sapuerit quàm veritas postulat. In eo quip numero sumus, ut non dedignemur etiam nobis d●ctum ab Apostolo accipere, & si quid aliter sapitis, id quoque Deus revelabit. August. epist. ad Vincent. giving us a liberty to descent from him in some cases, he doth also thus direct us, * Vbi de ●e obscurissima disputatur, non adiwantibus divinarum Scripturarum certis clarisue testimonijs, cohibere se debet humana praesumptio. August lib. 2. de pecc. merit. & remiss. cap. 36. viz. In any doubtful matter it is presumption to believe, when there is no evident place of Scripture to resolve upon. Of which kind are both the Romish doctrine of Purgatory, and prayer for the dead: whereof we have neither precept, nor promise, nor direct example in the volume of God's book, not not where purposely, and at large there is a discoursing of the state of the dead. 13 Nor can our Adversaries be ignorant of that which their own c Mathias Brederbachius in libello de dissidijs componendis. (De oblations & sacrificio ad Altar) pro salute vivorum & mortuorum, hoc ●●quam exprimunt scripta Fuangelistarum & Apostolorum, etc. as he is cited by our Osiander, lib. Papa non Papa, cap. 17. Bred●nbachius hath acknowledged, that there is not found any where, in all the writings of the Apostles and Evangelists, any oblation and sacrifice for the salvation of the quick and the dead. 14 Wherefore seeing this Romish doctrine is found to have proceeded not from faith, but from doubtfulness; nor from a direct and Catholic consent, but from prejudice, much less from the light of the divine Testament, which is the direct line and level of all necessary truth: we are justly stayed from performing any such kindness, which in stead of showing love unto the dead, might seduce the living with deceiucable hopes of succour after their death; where it assureth the Church, that all such as die in Christ d Apo●. 14. 13. are in blessed rest from their labours: but the wicked and such as die in their sins, sink down unto the lowest hell, as hopeless when dead, to be relieved by the prayers of the living, as were e Father Abraham, sand unto my brethren, etc. Luc. 16. those living helped by the prayers of that dead: to this end, that Christians may learn to be wise in time, and to finish up their work before the f joh. 9 4. night come, and make their peace whilst they are here in the g Math. 5. 25. way of grace, not deluding their souls in the fond expectation of the h Math. 25. 8. oil of other men's devotions to light their lamps. Wherefore we do not doubt, but sober and judicious Readers will conceive of Protestants, as of men who are not addicted to fancies or presumptions of men, but wholly consecrated (as long as they live) unto the direction of divine illumination and perfect light of faith, the word of God: whereby whosoever will not be guided in this life, must notwithstanding be judged as soon as he is dead. CHAP. IX. Concerning Limbus Patrum. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In like manner concerning Limbus Patrum, whereas Bellarmine allegeth in proof thereof the plain testimonies of the Greek Fathers, as namely of 2 Bellar. tom. 1. l. 4. de Christianim 2. cap. 14. justine, Irenaeus, Clemens, O●●gen, Lus●bius, Basil, Nazianzene, Nicen, Epiphanius, chrusostom, etc. and of the 〈◊〉 Fathers 3 Bellar. ibid. Tertullian, Hippolytus, Cyprian, Hilary, Gaudentius, Prudentius, Ambrose, Jerome, Rusinus, Austin, Leo, Fulgentius, etc. our Adversary Danaeus answereth to their testimonies, saying, 4 Danaeus ad Roberti Bellarmini disput par. 1. pag. 176. paulò post med. As concerning them, they were not instructed out of God's word, neither do they confirm their opinion from it, but only from their own conjectures, etc. In like pluine manner doth my Lord of Winchester make his acknowledgement, saying, 5 M. Bilson in his book of the full redemption of mankind, pa. 188. fine. All the Fathers with one consent affirm, that Christ delivered the souls of the patriarchs and Prophets out of hell, at his coming thither, and so spoiled Satan of those that were in his present possession: whereunto might be a●ded the like liberal and plain 6 M. Whitaker contra Durcum, l. 8. p. 567. fine, answereth to Dureus his testimonies from the Father's concerning Limb●● Patrum, saying, Quod Scriptures evincere minus potuisti, id Patrum testimonus procul dubio confirms, de quibus ut tibi quod 〈◊〉 litere, breviterque respondeam, apud me una Scripturae u●cula plus habet ponderis, quam mill Patrum sine Scriptures pronun●iata; itaque non expe●●abis dum singulatim hos Patrum errores diluo. And see further M. Whitaker, ibid. pag. 773. initio. And D. Barlow in his defence of the articles of the Protestants religion, pag. 173. post med. saith hereof, This passeth most rise among the Fathers, who taking Inf●r● for Abraham's bosom, expound it that Christ went thither, ad liberandum liberando●, to ●onue● the Father's deceased before his resurrection, into the place where now they are. confession of M. Whitaker, and M. D. Barlow. Insomuch as joannes Las●i●ius a learned Protestant of Poloma, doubtet● n●● to affirm 7 joannes ●ascicius in the book entitled De Russorum, Muscovitarum, & Tartarorun Religione, pag. 122. initio, & 123. and decius' the doctrine thereof from manifest 8 See the testimony of Ignatius, in his epistle ad ●rallianos paulò post med. and the like testimony of Thaddaeus apud Euseb. hist. lib. 1. cap. vlt. testimonies of Ignatiu●, 9 M. Whitgift in his defence, etc. pag. 408 ante med. who was scholar to S. john: as also of Thaddaeus, who was one of 10 Matth. 10. 3. the 〈◊〉: the authority and credit of which last testimony Frigevilleus 11 Frigevilleus Gawius in his Palma Christiana, pag. 74 post. med. Gawius (an●th●r Protestant writer) undertaketh specially to defend. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THis is no controversy concerning the Article of Christ his descension into hell, but only one pretended effect thereof, viz. the harrowing of that brim of hell, which they call Limbus Patrum, or place wherein they think ancient Patriaiks, and Prophets, and other faithful were detained before Christ's death. Which their imagined Limbus is not now in esse, but, by their own doctrine, hath long since been broken up and a Quartus est Limbus Patrun, qui est in suprema part Inferni, in quo inest tantùm poena damni temporalis; nunc autem est vacuus. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Purg. cap. 6. dissolved. Nevertheless seeing this question is brought in among their chiefest controversies: it will not a little concern us to traverse this point methodically, questioning first Whether the Apologists have dealt sincerely with their witnesses. SECT. 2. 2 We may not suffer our Reader to be misguided with the names of Thaddaeus, and Ignatius S. john's scholar, as though this doctrine were so Apostolically ancient: for Ignatius speaketh not of souls delivered from their supposed hell, but a Verè, non hominum opinion crucifi●us est & mortuus vidétibus coelestibus, ut Angelis, terrestribus, ut judaeis & Romans, & Infernis, ut multitudine eorum qui cum Domino resurrexerunt: multa enim (inquit Scriptura) Sanctorum corpora ●ormientium resurrexerunt, monumentis patefactis; & descendit ad inferos solus, ascendit verò cum multitudine, & scidit maceriam, quae à seculo erat, & medium parietem eius dissoluit, & resurrexit intra tres dies. Ignatiu● epist. ad Trallens. of bodies of the dead, which at the resurrection of Christ were raised unto life, or shall be raised at the last and general resurrection of the just. And the Apocryphal speech of Thaddaeus to Abgarus, together with a pretended Epistle of Christ also, which Eusebius found in Syria so many ages after the death of Thaddaeus, as it needeth better assurance, being b Gelasius dist. 15. Vtramque epistolam ut Apocrypham reijcit. Senens. Biblioth. lib. 2. pag. 74. condemned by Pope Gelasius; so can it not enforce more than hath been granted in the objection from Ignatius. 3 Neither can the Apologists escape our further reproof, for wresting out of joint the testimony of our learned Bishop: For these words, all the Fathers with one consent affirm, etc. are the words of his objection, and are c But all the Fathers with one consent. And a little after: We see a number of ancient Fathers inclining to this conclusion. for that cause impaled within these kind of lists [] which are notes of distinction: yet are alleged by them in stead of his judgement, which he afterward delivereth in these words, That indeed a number of ancient writers, etc. therefore not all, but a number are granted. Whereupon ariseth our next question; Whether by the judgement of our Adversaries it be not lawful to take exception against a number of ancients, in a matter of this nature: by the testimony of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 3. 4 There are two other questions which concern other doctrines of a Patres millenarij fuerunt Papias johannis auditor, Appollinarius, Tertullianus, Victorinus, Lactantius, Severus, ●u●tinus Martyr. omnes ex cap 20. Apoc. [Donec consummentur mill anni● perperam intellecto decepti. Sixtus Senens. Bibl. lib. 5. Annot. 233. Fathers, the first teaching that [souls shall devil upon the earth the space of a thousand years after the coming of Christ unto judgement; the second touching the state of b Clemens Rom. Pontifex, Orig. Tertull. Iren. Chrysost. Theod. Oecumen. Theoph. Ambros. Bernard. qui huic sententiae, quòd justorum animae ante diem judicij Dei visione fr●●ntur, non sunt assensi. Stapletonus de authorit. Script. lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 5. Vide Senens. de his & alijs Biblioth. lib. 6. Annot. 345. souls before the day of judgement: both which the Church of Rome, together with Protestants, doth religiously disclaim, as being built upon false foundations. And yet these same doctrines were long since defended with almost as large consent, as was their Limbus. Therefore aught not the exceptions used by Protestants, to be condemned, before that their arguments may be confuted; which are three, viz. opposition of Fathers, Scriptures, and Reasons. Of all which in order: and first Whether the Romish Limbus be not repugnant unto the doctrine of ancient Fathers. SECT. 4. 5 That the souls of Abraham, and of the Patriarches, Prophets, and other holy servants of God before Christ's death, remained not so much as in some outward court of heaven, or place of joy, but (which is the now Romish doctrine) in a part of hell, even in a lake wherein is no water, that is, no comfort, until Christ by his descending thither, did bring a general jubilee, a Salmeron Ies. tom. 10. tract. 50. and plenary Indulgence, for their deliverance out of Satan's possession: this, they say, is the general confessed doctrine. And to this end have they collected the names of 21 Fathers, for proof of this their hellish imprisonment. 6 But first, we think that doctrine cannot be called Apostolical, or wniversal, whereof 400 years after Christ it was lawful for S. b Augustinus sentire videtur locum, in quo erant sancti ill● Patriarchae, ante Christ's adventum, non fuisse in Inferno. Therefore he addeth a little after. Quod dubitando poti●s quàm affirmando dixit. Suarez Ies. in Thom. par. 3. q. 52. Art 1. disp. 24. §. 1. & disp. 42. §. 1. Augustine to doubt; who would not affirm (as our learned Adversaries acknowledge) that the souls of the Patriarches could be in hell. 7 Secondly, we affirm that it was never universally held of Fathers, that the souls of Patriarches, before the coming of Christ were contained in the list or verge of the Romish hell: c Origen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen, d Hieron. in Esa. cap. 65. Jerome, e Ambros. in Psal. 38. Ambrose, f Hilar. in Psal. 51. Hilary, g Chrysost. in Luc. 16. in conclusione Concionis 3. chrusostom name the place to be that which in Scripture is called Abraham's bosom. This place h Eam igitur regionem, propter immensam illam distantiam sublimitatis & profunditatis, dico etsi non coelestem, tamen altiorem inferis. Tertull. l. 4. adversus Martion. cap. 34. Tertullian judged to have been, if not in heaven, yet far higher than hell. S. Augustine leaveth the place i Quod dixero, fratres, hoc si non vobis tanquam certus exposuero, ne succenseatis; homo enim sum, & quantum conceditur de Scripturtis sanctis, tantum audeo dicere, nihil ex me; infernum nec ego expertus sum, nec vos, & fortassis alia via erit, & non per infernum erit, incerta sunt enim haec. August. in Psal. 85. doubtful: but yet resolveth as of an k Sinus Abrahae non aliquam partem inferni credendum esse, satis, opinor, apparet ex illis Magistri verbis [Inter nos & vos chaos magnum firmatum est.] In Gen. ad literam, lib. ●●. cap. 33. apparent case, that it could not be in hell. Lastly, a learned jesuite hath not doubted to incline to this opinion, which is, to think that l Valdè suspicor per sinum Abrah●●●mmum coelum designari. Maldonat. come. in Luc. 16. 23. by Abraham's bosom is meant the highest heaven. Whence we conclude with our foresaid learned Bishop, that m Bishop Bilson in the 189. page of his book above cited. the opinion which holdeth that the souls of the dead before Christ's death were in hell, hath but a very weak foundation, and is contradicted both by Scriptures and Fathers; and cannot be judged to have been amongst them, as it is now amongst the Romanists, a doctrine of faith. For the better justification of our defence, we proceed unto our second argument, the direction of Scriptures, and try Whether the Romish Limbus have any foundation in Scripture: by the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 5. 8 Let our Adversaries limit the borders of hell according unto their own fancies; sure we are that the place which the Scripture calleth hell, is noted to be distinct from Abraham's bosom by a * Luc. 16. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and another helthen that, the Scripture doth not acknowledge. Their Trent Catechism, Cardinal Bellarmine, Ribera, & Fevardentius propound the place of a The first place, Zach. 9 [Tu eduxisti vinctos è lacu, in quo non erat aqua.] Significat Christum educturum Patriarchas ab inferno. Catechis. Trident. Art de descensu. Ecce liberationem ex Limbo. Fe●arden●. Dial. 6. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Christo, cap. 11. Ribera Ies. in cum locum Zach. 9 Zach. 9 of the lake without water, for proof of their Limbus: but are answered by their own learned jesuite b At haec verba non ad Limbum spectare videntur, quia hic locus dicitur locus sine aqua: at Patriarchae aqua refrigerij non carebant. Salmeron Ies. comm. in 1. Cor. 15. disp. 26. Salmeron, that it maketh not for it. Secondly, they cite c The second place, Luc. 16, 23. [Sinus Abrahae] It signifieth the Limbus Patrum. Collig. Anglo. Rhem. in cum locum. Suarez Ies. in 3. part. Thom. q. 52. art. 1. disp. 42. §. 2. Bellar. lib. 4. de Christo, cap. 11. Stapleton, Prompt. Cathol. far. 5. Hebd. 2. Quadrages. Yet, Luc. 16. the bosom of Abraham, whereat their Rhemish annotators, Cardinal Bellarmine, the jesuite Suarez, and M. Stapleton do grope, and think that they have felt their Limbus & hem of hell: but their jesuite Maldonate, d Valdè suspieor per sinum Abrahae summum coelum designari. Maldon. Ies. in eum locum. Et Augusti●●● colligit no● fuisse ullam partem Inferni, quia vox Infernus 〈◊〉 quam in Scriptures in bonam partem reperitur. jansen. Concord ●n eum locum. I vehemently suspect (saith he) that in that place, by Abraham's more gracious than the deliverance by subversion, in drawing them out of the endurance thereof. Which we do affirm from the foresaid immovable foundation, which setteth forth c Apoc. 13. Ag●●● occis●● ab initio mu●di.] Omnes Christus similiter homine● redem●, five ante, five post Christi adventum vi●e●unt: nam ubi Paul●s dicit Rom. 3. Christum fuisse propositum propitiatorium praeced●ntium delictorum; unde statim post primum peccatum facta est promis●●o Gen. 3. quòd conteret caput serpentin. Gregor▪ de Valen. Ies. tom. 4. disp. 1. q. 19 punct. 4. Christ the Lamb slain from the beginning of the world: signifying (by the judgement of a learned professor and jesuite) that Christ was equally a Redeemer unto all the faithful, as well before, as since his coming. Now that since the ascension of Christ the souls of his Saints enjoy the presence of God in blessedness, it is an Article whereupon our d Animas Sanctorum iam nunc frui visione, probatur ex Scriptures & Patribus. Bellarm. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 3. & 4. Adversaries and we do jointly consent: and therefore we from the equal consequence of Christ's omnipotent grace require their accordance in the former. 16 Neither can they justly except against it; for as in another question they hold it reasonable to incline unto that opinion e Illud videtur Christo magis tribuendum, quod eius potestatem & gloriam magis illustrate atque ampliflcae. Salmeron Ies. tom. 10. tract. 51. pag. 422. which more illustrateth the glory of Christ, and multiplieth the power of his grace: so do they confess, that it is a greater argument of the power and grace of Christ, immediately after death to exalt his faithful unto heaven, then to suffer them to be sequestered in places of obscurity, and to linger in an expectation of the desired fruition of God's presence; which grace they have therefore appropriated unto the dignity of the new Testament. This therefore must be Our Conclusion. SECT. 8. 17 First, from the due examination of the testimonies of antiquity, we conclude that the Romish doctrine of Limbus was not Catholic, because it was repugnant unto the judgement of many ancient a §. 4. Fathers. 2. From the search of divine authority, we conclude that it is no doctrine of faith, b §. 5. because it standeth not upon holy Scripture the foundation of faith. 3. From the trial by reasons we conclude, that the Protestants profess so much more gracious & glorious a deliverance of the souls of Patriarches by the power of Christ's death, then do the Romanists, by how much more excellent a blessing it is to be freed from ever coming into a prison, then after some long endurance to be delivered from thence. And lastly, from the practice of our Adversaries we conclude, that they are no competent challengers of antiquity in this case of Limbus Patrum, who are guilty of such novelty in feigning and teaching a c §. 6. Limbus puerorum. We leave this point as less material, and enter upon their next Article. CHAP. X. Of Freewill. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 5 Fiftly as concerning freewill, it is affirmed that Protestants p So say the Purita●● in their brief discovery of untruths, etc. contained in D. Bancro●●● sermon, pag. 203. fine. know that ever since the Apostles time, in a manner, it flourished every where, until Martin Luther took the sword in hand against it. And that accordingly the most ancient Fathers, namely. * Hereof see Abraham cultetus in medulla theologiae Patrum, pag. 369. post med. & 304. post med. & 466. fine, & 151. paulo ante med. & 105. circa medium, & 98. circa med. & 48. poop initium & fine, & 66. sine, & 73. initio, & 40. aunt med. And see the century w●iterss, Cent. 2. c. 4. col. 58. line 30. & col. ●●. line 11. & Cent. 3. c. 4. col 77. & 78. & col 48. line 15. Cyprian, Theophilus, Tertullian, Origen, Clemens Alexandrinus, justine, I●enaeus, Athenagoras, Tatianus, etc. erred therein. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing that divers Romanists, yea and some jesuits will acknowledge a defect of judgement in some ancients, concerning the doctrine of Freewill. SECT. 1. IT seemeth unto us a thing unreasonable in these obiectors, to charge us to satisfy for the sayings of a A man schismatically divided from our Church, and a contemner of the verdict of antiquity. Penrie, the author of their first testimony: yet our answers shall be such as become them who are the professed debtors unto truth, and not respecters of men's persons. Now therefore to the point. 2 The censure which the judicious Protestants have passed upon ancient Authors, is not an universal taxation of all, but yet of many. Now if the Apologists had not in this their opposition rather affected (as may be feared) seducement than judgement, they might have taught their Reader b Chrysostom' impetu dicendi contra Manichaeos', qui fati necessitatem defendebant, naturae vires plus aequo attollit. Sixtus Senens lib. 5. Biblioth Sanct. in Praefat. Chrysostomi doctrina haec est, hominem per liberum arbitrium seipsum dignum facere divinâ gratià. Tollet. Ies. comm●. in job. 6. ●adem cum Chrysostomo est doctrina Cyrilli, & aliorum doctorum, maximè Graecorum. T●llet. ibid. Etiam Theophylactus, Euthymius, Ammonius, ita loquuntur, ac si homo antequam ad gratiam per gratiam trahatur, possit gratiam mere●● Maldonat jesuita comment. in job. 6. 44. Photius etiam & Ambrose eodem modo de proposito Dei statuunt. Tollet. comm in Rom. 9 Similite● Theodoret. Occumen. Theophylact Euthym, Eadem est sententia Hieronymi. Pereriu● Ies. come. in Rom. 9 num. 33. Haec doctrina nimis affinis est Pelagianorum errori. Maldonat Ies. come. in Rom. 6. Profect● ea doctrina contraria est Apostolorum scriptis. Pererius Ies. comment. in Rom. 9 num. 33. from their own Sixtus Senensis, and from three of their principal jesuits, that in the root of the doctrine of freewill, chrusostom, cyril, Theophylact, Euthymius, Oecumenius, Ammonius, and most of others, especially in the Greek Church, did yield too much unto the power of nature in the freewill of man. And in this, and other doctrines of affinity therewith, did seem to have inclined contrary unto Scripture, unto the error of the Pelagians. Wherein we easily perceive with what prejudice the Apologists have been transported thus to traduce Protestants as being injurious in that taxation, wherein, by the judgement of their own jesuits, they stand justifiable unto every conscience of man. Nevertheless we do not so judge the Fathers as herein damnably erroneous, but so far excuse them, as we shall be able to show That the censured Fathers were but inconstantly erroneous in their doctrine of Freewill: who did often deliver unto us, concerning it, most wholesome receipts. SECT. 2. 3 The Protestant a Videmus hos (speaking of justinus, Iren●us, and Clemens) sibi ipsis contraria dicere, & paulò alicubi commodiùs sentire. Cent 2. cap. 59 num 20. And of Tertull. Origen, Cyprian. Methodius: Docto●es huius seculi, post naturam corruptam integram, voluntatis libertatem alias affirm ârunt, aliâ● neg●runt, saepiùs verò affirm ârunt. Cent. 3. col. 77. num. 10. Quae de libero arbitrio commodè & tolerabiliter à Doctoribus huius aetatis tradita habentur, sic habent. Cent. 4. col 212. num. 20. mentioning Arnobius. Eusebius, Ambrose, Hieronymus. Cyp●i●nus contradicit sibi in doctrina de libero arbitrio. Scult. 369. Clemens Alexandrinus praeclarè scribit de libero arbitrio: at his contraria ubique ferè habet. 151. Irenaeus inconstans. 105. Authors, viz. the Centurists and Scultetus, in the places alleged by the Apologists, have particularly and by name observed, that 〈…〉ned. Now b Non desunt ●● haereticis hu●●● tempo●is, q●● libertatem a coactione fatis esse iudicent: Bucerus dicit Luther anos hanc non nega●e— calvinus eanden●enet. Paulò superi●s: E●● libertas, cui non solùm coactio, verumetiam necessitas repugnet: illa dicuntur libera à necessitate, quae pro arbitrio poslumus velle, & non velle. Bellar. lib 3 de lib. arb. cap. 4. Protestant's (say our Adversaries) do acknowledge in man's will a freedom from coaction and force, but not a freedom from necessity, which freedom consisteth in this, that it may will or not will, as it list. Whereas c Libertatem à necessitate probamus per Concilium Tridentinum Sess. 6. cap. 5. dicit hominem liberè consentire divinae inspirationi, quip quam reijcere etiam potest. Et Can. 4. dicit liberum arbitrium sicut consentire, ita dissentire posse— Tunc tota quaestio erat de libertate a necessitate, quam solam negant haeretici, etc. Bellar. ib. cap. 5. §. Ex definitione. Concilium Tridentinum ad u●um libertatis requirit [potestatem distentiendi & repugnandi divinae motioni.] Suarez varia epusc. de au●il. great. pag. 463. Tract. Brevis resolutio, etc. num. 26. Concilium Tridentinum libertatem constituit in indifferentia electionis: quia scilice● liberum arbitrium immediatè ante electionem possit eligere, assentire, & dissentire, & summatim suum ultimum actum edere, & non edere. Benius de efficas. great. cap. 24. pag. 443. the Council of Trent hath defined, that the will of man is free in itself to receive or reject any divine inspiration, placing the freedom of will in the indifference of election, as able (in itself) to choose or refuse any divine motion: But, d Intelligimus hos haereticos (meaning Protestant's) non negare quin voluntas nostra physics operetur, quando vult; sed quia physicà quadam efficacitate determinatur à Deo, ut velit. per efficacissimam voluntatem, quá eam praevenit; ideo aiunt nostram voluntatem passiuè se habere in ea motione, vel quia non liberè agit, vel certè quia (ut morales Philosophi loquuntur) non se agit, sed agitur à Deo: quamuis dum agitur, ipsa etiam efficient actum physicâ efficientiâ. Suarez Ies. lib. 1. de Concursu. cap. 12. Protestants, (say they) albeit they confess the will to work, when it willeth, yet doth it not of itself receive Gods inspiration unto good, but that it is acted, and determinately wrought by the most powerful operation and inspiration of God, to consent unto good. 9 And our Adversaries would have their Readers further to understand, that the question concerneth not the will of a man, as he standeth in the state of grace, but as he is now to be converted from sin unto repentance: for of them that are in the state of justification, the e Cooperamur Deo non solum, ut Aduersarij volunt, post justificationem; sed etiam in ipsa justificatione & initio fidei.— Non, nisi cooperantibus nobis, Deus gratiam nostram operatur. Bellar. lib. 6. de Grat. & lib. arbit. cap. 11. Protestants (saith their Cardinal) do grant that man's will doth cooperate with grace. Therefore the sum and brief of this controversy (that I may join Doctor Stapletons' testimony unto the rest) f Quaestio est, quomodo divina gratia mentem & voluntatem hominis ad hos motus excitet, utrùm sua sola operatione, an evam cooperatione voluntatis,— ita ut ●●cunque excitante grati●, liberè tamen voluntas eam acceptare, vel repudiate possit Stap●et. lib. 4. the 〈◊〉. 1. is, whether the grace, which first moveth and exciteth the will unto good motions, doth work the consent alone; or whether the will have in itself a power freely to consent, and resist every such motion. The Romanists plead for the power of man's will, but Protestants for the efficacy of God's grace. Now according to our promise, we are to establish our doctrine by the suffragies and voices of learned Romanists, and produce The five confessed consequences of our Adversaries, concluding against the Romish doctrine of Freewill: the first is taken from the natural faculty of will. SECT. 5. 10 a Quaestio tractari solet, sit ne officium lib. arbit. agere vel pati, five, quod idem est, sit ne voluntas humana potentia passiva, an activa. Sunt de hac re Theologorum variae sententiae. Sententia ve●issima est, esse eam simpliciter activam. Bellarm. lib. 3. de lib. arbit. cap. 10. It is questioned (saith their Cardinal) whether will be a faculty active or passive: and he resolveth, that it is simply active: b Si liberum arbitrium esset potentia passiva, fal●o diceretur liberum: non enim est in potestate patientis quid in ipso fiat, sed in potestate agentis est quid in alio faciat. Ibid. §. Praeterea. because (saith he) if it were passive, it could not be free. Showing that for defending of that freedom of will (which by their Council of Trent is found to consist in an indifferency of consenting or not consenting to any spiritual good,) it is necessary that the nature of will be acknowledged to be simply active, and not passive: otherwise it cannot be judged to be simply free. But many ancient professors in their Romish Schools, as namely c Tres sunt de hac re Theologorum sententiae; prima est eorum, qui humanam voluntatem pastivam potentiam esse volunt, ac docent actum voluntatis produci actiuè à phantasmate, vel ab obiecto cognito, vel certe ab ipsa ment apprehendence & iudicante obiectum. Haec est sententia Gotrifridi, & Aegidij. Altera est eorum qui volunt partim esse actiwm, partim pass●●un: ita ut ad actionem voluntatis eliciendam causae duae concurrant partiales, tum ipsa voluntas, t●m etiam obiectum cognitum, seu ratio proponens obiectum: ita docent Gregorius, & Gabriel, & Petrus Paluda●is a●cedit Caietanus, qui scribit voluntatem moveri actiuè à se ipsa quoad exercitium, ab intellectu autem quoad specificationem. Bellar. ibid. §. Prima. & §. Altera. We may add Aquinas, to whom Bellarmine would answer. Thomas 1. part. q. 82. art. 4. & de verit. q. 22. art. 12. Intelligimus à Thoma vocatam esse voluntatem potentiam passivam largo modo, nam ipsum moveri ab obiecto per modum finis, quoddam pati est, si agere & pati sumantur proomni genere causae. Ibid. c. 11. §. Quar●●● argumentum, etc. Gottifridus, Aegidius, Gregorius, Gabriel, Paludanus, Caietan, did all (as Cardinal Bellarmine witnesseth) hold that will is a faculty, either partly or wholly passive. And therefore all these their own Doctors do necessarily, by a confessed consequence, overthrow the Romish doctrine of man's will in his first conversion unto grace. 11 A second confessed consequence, whereby the Romish freedom of will is subverted, is taken from the efficacy of God's spirit, in determinating or necessitating man's will. For d Si Deus esset agens necessarium, & determinaret voluntatem humanam, illa non liberè, sed necessariò ageret, ut Aduersarij admittunt.— Nam si nos admittamus, ita determinari voluntatem humanam à Deo, ut non possit agere, nisi id, ad quod à Deo determinatur, & tamen quia Deus eam liberè determinat. & ipsa voluntariè & cum pleno judicio rationis agit: contendamus hominem esse liberi arbitrij. tota controversia inter nos & haereticos erit de nomine. At profectò labores tot hominum doctissimorum, & ipsius Conc. Oecumenici, pro asserenda arbitrij libertate conscripti, 〈◊〉 nobis persuadent. Bellar. lib. 4. de lib. arb. cap. 14 §. Deinde. & §. Quodsi. if (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) God doth determine man's will, that is, so moveth it that it cannot but follow the inspiration, then have we no reason (saith he) to contend any longer with Protestants concerning the liberty of the will of man. Why? e Quo supra. Because such a determination or application of the will by God's motion, doth take away the liberty of will: so he. And accordingly their jesuite Suarez, f Non video quomodo cum hac physica determinatione voluntatis libertatis usus atque exercitium possit consistere. Suarez Ies. opus●. tract. br●●is resol●● tag. 463. I cannot see (saith he) but it must do so: g Ij (Protestants) voluntatem efficacitate divina necessitari affirmances, arbitrij libertatem tollunt:— non autem in sensu composito (hominem enim qua vult non posse, non velle certum est) qu●e qui praedeterminationem suam in sensu diviso obtrudunt, cum Caluino apertè sentiunt, & Concilij Tridentini Decreto refelluntur. Benius lib. de ●ffic. great. 〈◊〉. 12. pag. 231. Et isti impensius adhuc libertatem evertunt quàm calvinus Ibid. pag. 232. For, saith Benius their Divine of Milan, whosoever attributeth such an efficacy unto the divine motion over the will, doth agreed with Protestants, and descent from the Trident Council: and finally their Bishop Martinz saith of this power which we yield unto God, of determining the will; h Gratia efficax non differt ●●ipsa ab excitante, nulla autem gratia excitans habet ex se vim determinandi physicè voluntatem. Martinz de Auxil. Grati●. 〈◊〉. 2. part. 3. num. 12. Vt demonstratur ex Conc. Trident. num. 17. Istiusmodi determinatio idem prorsus est quod necessitas ●●gendo. Ib. part. 4. nu. 9 Physica praedeterminatione positâ, necessariò tollitur usu● libertatis, quod Lutherus & calvinus intellexerunt posita gratia praedeterminante. Ibid num. 21. & part. 7. num. 6. He reckoneth up thirty Schoolmen as assenting. It doth necessarily overthrow the liberty of will. 12 Well then, the confessed consequence is this, viz. whosoever doth acknowledge a divine act so working man's will, that the will cannot resist the power of grace, but must necessarily obey, doth therein deny that liberty of will which is prescribed in the Council of Trent; which is an ability indifferently to obey, or not to obey; but Cardinal Bellarmine hath found in their elder School one i Tenet lacobus Almainus in Moralib. cap. 1. & 2. Deum suo concursu determinare voluntatem. Bellarm. quo supra. §. Pst igitur. Almainus, and Suarez noteth k Illa qualitas, vel motio, aut entitas, aut quovis alio nomine appelletur, quam Deus prius natura imprimi● voluntari, ita illam aff●cit, & ad unum inclinat, ut ad illud unum agendum voluntatem formaliter determinet: ideò usus obtit●●t. ut haec determinatio physica dicatur,— quâ fit ut licet actus voluntatis fit effectiuè á voluntate, tamen determinatio eius ●on fit actiuè ab illa, sed à Deo tantùm, in voluntate autem fiat passiuè, quia in hac praevia actione Deus est agens, atque hac ●●●one volunt voluntatem converti, quia ex illa praemotione & actione solius Dei necessariò consequitur. Suarez op●sc. de 〈◊〉 su. l. 1. cap. 5. num. 4 Hoc doctores nonnulli affirmant. Ibid. Moderni scriptores. Ib. lib. 2. cap. 1. num. 4. diverse other Doctors of this present age, whom he suspecteth to be the l Insinuatu● in hac objections qu●dam d●cendi modus quorundam (ut fertur) Lovaniensium; hom●em 〈◊〉. operari liberè, quia existimae se operari liberè, non quia cùm vera indifferentia operetur, sed determinatus ab alio. Suar. ib. lib. 1 c. 12. nu. 14. Divines of Lo●ame: their Bishop Martinz doth allege their now m Recentiores Philosophi atque etiam The ologi ex schola D. Thomae, ex prioritate divini concursus perniciosè inferunt, Deum creatas voluntates ad agendum determinare: praesertim in actioni●●● ad salutem pertinentibus; easque verbo tantum liberas faciunt, re autem ipsa necessarias. Martinz de effic great disp. 2. part. 1. nu. 1●. School of Thomists: their Benius adjoineth n Quoniam adversus Physicam praedeterminationem, quàm religiosissima Dominic●norum ●amilia a●ctè complectutur ac tenet, tam acrit●r decertavi Benive de effic. great. cap. 14. §. Verum. the religious order of Dominicans. All which (by their own confessions) have attributed unto the working grace a power of determinating and applying the will necessarily to embrace that which is good; some of them also both urging o Quon●am Authores sunt, qui praedeterm●nationem suam ex Augustini judicio tueri videntur, tanquam opinionis suae authoris atque patroni. Martinz quo sup. disp 2. part. 5. princip. Nec curanda à nobis sunt, quae iuniores quidam. Theologi ex varijs socis (namely of the Fathers) tumultu●●é & inutiliter aggerant. Ibid. part. 6. princip. Scio non deesse aliquos, qui ea quae suprà ex Patribus, & proximè ex Docto●●bus Scholasticis adduximus, conentur eludere, & ad suam aptare opinionem, etc. Ibid. part. 7. num. 12. Fathers for their defence, and answering opposite obiestions. 13 If therefore (as our Apologists say) the argument drawn from the confession of Adversaries be strong, how shall the Romanists break this threefold cord of Lovanists, Thomists, and Dominicans, together with others, who have conclusively defended our ground of the divine determination of man's will? and consequently (as Bellarmine, Suarez, Benius, Martinz have formerly argued) do overthrow that kind of liberty of the will, which was maintained in the Romish Church against the doctrine of Protestants. There followeth A confirmation of the last consequence, by a comparison between a confessed power of Reason and Grace, in determinating the will. SECT. 6. 14 Cardinal Bellarmine bestoweth half a Chapter to establish by reason, & by the consent of diverse Schoolmen, the truth of this position, viz. a Probatur liberum arbitrium esse potentiam, viz. ipsam voluntatem, eamque sic esse liberam. ut determinetur judicio practicae rationis Bellar. lib. 3. de lib arb. cap. 8. Quia judicium ultimum practicum est omninò determinatum: dicit enim tunc ratio (omnibus consideratis) hoc est faciendum, igitur voluntas necessariò e●●get id quod ultimum judicium determinavit esse eligendum: nam fi judicium est determinatum, ipsa voluntas erit determinata. Ibid. §. Sexta propositio. Probatur ab experientia, quia nemo est qu s● q●●ratur cur aliquid agate, quin respondeat, quia ita judicat esse faciendum. Et á Bernardo lib. de great & lib a●b. Voluntas agit, et●● non semper ex ratione, tamen non absque ratione.— Et si cum est judicium determinatum voluntas, aliud possit eligere, aut illud non eligere, cum nulla ratio reddi pote●it, cur voluntas aliud eligeret non iudicatum, aut illud iam iudicatum no● eligeret: atque ita dabitur electio sine judicio, & actio sine obiecto, quod fieri non posse ostendimus.— Voluntas beatorum est determinata (not only quoad specificationem) etiam quoad exercitium determinata est ad unum, quoad ap●●●tum ultimi finis, quia iud cium rationis determinatum est, nec potest repraesentare ultimum finem, nisi sub ratione bon●.— Accedae. quodsi posset fieri ut quis aliquid eligeret contra dictamen practici judicij, posset etiam fieri ut esset in volunt●●● peccatum absque errore, vel defectu in ratione, sive intelligentia.— Contrá illud Salomonis Proverb. 14. Errand qui operantur malum. Ibidem. Rursu●: Etsi voluntas sola sit formaliter libera, radix tamen eius libertatis in ratione est.— Rat●● autem non est libera, quia potentia cognoscens non est capax libertatis,— nam haec potentia à natura sua pendet ab obiecto, & ab illo mutatur per speciem, quam ab illo accipit. Ibid. §. Septima propositio. Voluntatem esse potentiam unam pa●ticularem, & radicem eius libertatis esse in ratione, & voluntatem pendere & determinari à judicio ultimo practicae rational, sententia est venssima, quam docent Thomas in 1 Sum. q. 83. Art 1, 2, 3. & in 1. 2. q. 13. Item Richardus, Capreolus, Ca●ctanus, Conradus, & a●orum qui Thomam sequi solent. Bellarm. ibid. cap. 7. in fine. The election of the will doth necessarily depend upon the last judgement of reason, by which it is necessarily determined, as that after all things are considered, in the end, by the last act of reason, saying, [this must be done] the will yieldeth, & cannot but consent, and resolve, saying, [this will I do.] Whereby he hath undermined the whole foundation of his former defence: for if the drawing of the will by the line of a determinated necessity, doth (as they have said) disannul the freedom of will: then reason (which is now confessed so to overrule every deliberate action of will, that it cannot resist) may be thought to destroy their pretended liberty of will. And indeed Cardinal Bellarmine by name, is challenged by their own b Docet Bellarminus vlt. ut electio pend at necessariò ab ultimo judicio, quia posito judicio voluntas necessariò eligat.— Et in cap. 9 lib. 3. de great, & lib. arb. ut respond at obiectioni, sic disserebat: [Voluntas in eligendo libera est, non quòd non determinetur necessariò à judicio ultimo & practico rationis, sed quòd istud ipsum judicium ultimum & practicum in potestate voluntatis est.] Vbi sanc, ut fatear haesitantiam meam, & mei tar●●tatem ingenij, vix aut ne vix quidem intelligo quo pacts non in circulum incidat ratio, si haec propositio cum superiore conferatur: nam in superiore statutum est libertatem rad●cali●er esse in judicio practico rationis, formaliter in voluntate: & tamen in praesenti illud ipsum judicium practicum rati●nis ponitur in potestate voluntatis, quod esset radicaliter positam esse in voluntate libertatem. Sed videamus quomodo voluntis quae videri poterat necessitate obstricta, iamiam vindicetur in libertatem. Sic igitur pergit cap. 9 [Per hoc quod voluntas (before the election) sivit se mou●ri ab una ratione proposita, fit ut mens omissâ aliâ inquisitione pergat & concludat indicium particulate, ad quod continuò sequitur electio: itaque libertas voluntatis in eo propriè sita esse videtur, quòd propositis varijs rationibus non necessarijs, sinat se moveri ab uno, & non ab alia.— Sic author iste. Ego verò, quae est ingenij mei imbecillit as, non satis intelligere possum, qu●m cohereant ista cum superioribus: si enim electio voluntatis necessary sequitur judicij determinationem ad unum, quomodo habet in sua potestate resistere & non resistere? vel sinere se moveri aut non moveri? Benius lib. de efficac. Dei auxilio, cap. 24. Benius, either to recant his opinion before specified, or else to yield unto Protestants their whole cause, concerning the freedom, or rather not freedom of man's will in spiritual actions of grace. 15 Our argument is this: If (as hath been confessed) the act of reason necessarily determinate the will, than the act of grace may equally necessitate the will, which disannulleth that indifferency, wherein their Church doth place the liberty: except they shall yield more power unto reason, which is the act of man's natural spirit, then unto the omnipotent efficacy of the Spirit of God. We now add A special inducement, not to rely upon the judgement of Romish Doctors, among whom diverse patrons of Freewill are found to be associates with confessed heretics. SECT. 7. 16 diverse of our Adversaries who defend Freewill, do confess a necessity of the grace of God, without which they believe we cannot do well; and presume thereupon, that their opinion is gracious enough: who whether they admit that the outward or inward grace of God is necessary in the conversion of man from sin, yet are they to understand, that (as our adversaries witness) a Pelagius non negavit priora auxilia, (that is, praedicationis externae, & consiliorum propositiomi) imo & divinam revelationem asseruit: quòd existimabat his proposit ●ho●inem sibi sufficientem esse ad credendum, & operandum quicquid est ad salutem necessarium.— Quinetiam Pelagius gratiam Dei utilem esse intelligebat, etsi non necessariam simpliciter ad operandam iustitiá. Su●rez I●s. opusc. d● au ●●l divin. great. l. 3. c. 2. nic. 2. Semipelagiam orti sunt, quasi Pelagij reliquiae, qui dixerunt ad comparandá 〈◊〉 necessarium esse sempernatu●ale auxilium, non tamen gratuitum, quia alioqui non ess●t in potestate hominis salua●i, sed ●n voluntate Dei dantis auxilium necessarium evi velit▪ quod putabant propter nosira merita d●●. Hic error damnatus Conc. Aransicano. Suarez ibid. num. 5. the Pelagian heretic did acknowledge the first, and the Semipelagian professed the other: and therefore notwithstanding this acknowledgement of necessity of grace, they may have either consanguinity, or at lest affinity with an ancient heresy. 17 Their Cardinal Bellarmine, that he might remove from his Catholics all suspicion of but the colour of Pelagianisme, saith, that b Kemnitius scribit, Catholicos in ea esse sententia, ut liberum a 〈…〉 gratiam excitatum excrat vires quas habebat, etiam antequam excitaretur, & per illas suas vires vocationi divinae consentiat, ita ut gratia prae●emens non tribuat vires libero arbit●io, sed excitet. At hoc non sentiunt Catholici, sed agnoseunt quidem liberum arbitrium in homine antequam gratia divina praeveniat, quia liberum arbitrium res naturalis est, quae per peccatum non amit●itut. Sed tamen nec dicunt nec sentiunt liberum arbitrium ex se habere potentiam ullam, saltem proximam ad actus p●otatis, sed eam accipere à Deo per gratiam praevementem. Bellar. lib. 6. de lib. arb. cap. 13. Catholics do not think that man can by his natural power, without the inward exciting grace, 'cause the ancient Fathers and Counsels speaking hereof, say, that it worketh by an ineffable or unspeakable manner: and also because the metaphorical phrases of Scripture do intimate, that the divine motion proceedeth from illumination & inspiration. Which evidently evinceth, that the doctrine which their jesuite held, and which he defendeth as the doctrine of their Church, is contrary unto the profession of ancient Fathers and Counsels. 22 We return unto the moral manner of working, which is done by persuasion, and (to let Ariminensis pass in his by-way from his fellows, wherein, they say, he walketh f 〈…〉 viâ in 〈◊〉 28. q. 1. 〈…〉 inter 〈…〉 D●us hominem 〈◊〉 ad bonum & ipsum liberi arbitrij consensum, agnoscit medium quendam impulsum, quo 〈…〉 ad consentiendum applicat,— atque in has applications operanti● gratiam constituit. — A little after he proveth, 〈◊〉 gratiam 〈◊〉 & consensum, 〈◊〉 mediam non 〈◊〉 Martinz disp. 1. part. 1. 〈◊〉. 7. alone) we do further demand concerning the efficacy and power hereof, whether it do so work, as but morally to determine and apply the will to consent unto the godly motion? This is denied by their Bishop g Efficacia gratiae non est pofita in determinatione morali, probatur. Idem disp. 3. part. 1. num. 7. & part. 4. num. 10. Martinz, but yet again affirmed by their jesuite h Non repugnat dari excitationem ita efficacem, ut moraliter praedeterminet volunt atem, ut saepè contingit in actibus humanis, quando habet homo ●uidens judicium, rem sibi expedire, & contrarium esse perniciosum. Item potest Daemon ita vehementer inducere hominem suafionibus suis & suggestionibus, ut nisi grati● Dei iu●etur, moralit●r non possit se continere, quin consentiat, ergo multò magis Deus gratiâ excitante, &c Suarez Ies. lib. 3. de anxil. great. cap. 10. num. 5. Suarez, and proved, that sometime the exciting grace is effectual so to predeter mine the will, as that morally it cannot but consent. Thus by our adversaries contradictions we have gained a confession both of a moral determination, and a physical efficacy of working man's will by God's exciting grace. 23 After this discussion of the first kind of grace, which they call exciting, we are drawn by their disputes to examine the differences of the second part, which is the helping and assisting grace. But how can we describe this point, wherein our Adversaries are at a i Quid sit gratia adiwans (or, cooperans) 1. reipsa ab excitante distingui,— sed non est admittenda▪ 2 Gratiam adi●uantem esse motionem quandam inter excitantem & consensum liberi arbitrij mediam, quâ Deus hominem iu●tat ut consensum ipsum ●liciat. Haec satis refellitur, etc. 3. Ipsos habitus supernaturales, qui in ipso conversionis momento à Deo infunduntur, esse gratiam adiwantem.— At habitus infusi non concurrunt efficiently ad eos actus, quibus peceator disponitur ad eos habitus recipiendos. 4. Esse actiwm Dei concursum cum voluntate poc●atoris ad convers●onem, supplendo immediatè per se concursum habitus infusi.— Si concursus nomine intelligat●● actus consentiondi, qu●tenus est à Deo, tum etc. 5. esse eandem gratiam excitantem, quatenus est efficax. Martinz disp. 1. part. 4. p●r 〈◊〉. fivefold odds, about which, and what this helping and cooperating grace is? We may be contented with that definition, which in the last place is set for the best, viz. to think it to be a concurrence of God's grace, effectually moving the will to consent: and not intending to prosecute three other of their k Concedunt gratiam adiwantem physica motione agere, & perfectum inducere consensum.— ●●go quidem idem non fat●or modò, verumetiam prositeor,— non omnes ●odem modo, alij ut physica illa motio it. flu● in effectum, alij ut in●luat in voluntatem & effectum simul, etc. Benius cap. 19 §. Et quod. pag. 342. Andrea's Vega lib. 6. in Conc, Trid. cap. 7. affirmat in conuersione peccatoris posse adiwantem gratiam dari sine excitante▪ idque ex ipsius gratiae, & ex libertatis nostrae potestate confirmat, ut subitò dolere de peccatit.— In quo declinare videtur à Concil. Tried Sell. 6. c. 5. & ca●. 3. Vbi definitu●, non posse hominem diligere, sperare, poenitere, sicut oportet, absque praeveniente Spiritus sancti inspiratione. Martinz disp. 1. part. 3. Quidam ad eliciendos actus supernaturales mhil putant aliud requiri praeter habitum infusum ● necessariam esse gratiam adiwantem. Ibidem. curious questions hereabout, we only point at them in the margin for Scholars to observe: wherein they shall found nothing but even and odd, yea and nay, true and false. We rather hasten unto A fift consequence taken from the comparison made between Grace and Will, where our Adversaries do irreligiously equal Will with Grace, and sometime prefer it; against the confessed doctrine of ancient Fathers. SECT. 10. 24 If even the very comparison of grace with will, that is, God with man a Gregorius, Capr●o●●● in 2. dist. 28. Soar in 3. p. Tom. 1. disp. 3. Sect. 6. & alij recentiores. Tum quia voluntas creata inferioris ordinis est, & proinde suapte vi improportionata ad actus tales (viz. supernatura.) Tum quia, etc. Tum denique quia Patres liberum arbitrium solent appellare instrumentum divinae gratiae, simpliciter negant esse agens, principale in negotin salutis. in the effecting of any good, cannot but become odious unto any religious Reader; how much more hateful shall it seem to be, when therein we shall perceive will to be equalled, yea and to be preferred before grace, as in the writings of some Romanists may appear? For concerning the equality, we read that although their Gregorius, Caprcolus, Soar, and some other in these days, thought the will of man to be of an inferior nature, and incompetent, and unfit to apply itself unto spiritual actions; in which consideration (say they) the Fathers called will the instrument of grace, and therefore judged grace to be the principal agent in every action belonging unto salvation: yet their Bishop Martinz is privileged to advance the will, and to make it● kind of principal cause. But why? b Verùm haec sententia non placet, primò quia ratio merendi non videtur cadere posse in agens instrumentale, sed tantùm in principale. And the title of his Secti●●, Homo in operibus bonis quae facit cum auxilio grat●ae, in suo ordine est causa principalis. But he laboureth to reconcile them, and yet therein confesseth, Differunt autem, quòd corum quidam dicunt ad rationem principalis causae requiri virtutem propriam & proportionatam, vel eminentioris ordinis quàm sit effectos: Alij negaot id esse necessatium. From these so contrary premises, the conclusions must needs be contrary. Martinz ib. num. 7. &c A little after, Deus comparatione operum ad quae opus est speciali Dei auxilio, causa prima sit & principalis particulari●.— Homo etiam est illorum causa particularis, & in suo ordine principalis. Idem ibid. num. 10. Because (saith he) the reason (mark here how the pride of man's will can plead for itself) of meriting cannot belong to any cause but that which is a principal. In like sort doth their Cardinal Bellarmine proceed to match grace and will together, by comparing them unto c Duo serunt ingentem lapidem, quem unus serre non possit: neuter enim alteri vires addit, aut eum impellit, & utrique liberum est onus relinquere.— Sic Deus & voluntas, ut licet in eodem prorsus momento agere incipiant, tamen Deus operatur, quia voluntas operatur, non contrà.— Neque tamen sequitur Deum pendere à creatura, sed ab aeterna sua institutione & voluntate: (A little before) Quoniam ad hoc se liberè quodammodo obligabat, quando naturam creabat. Bellar. lib. 4 de Lib. arb. cap. 15. two men carrying one stone, neither of them adding any strength unto the other, and both free when they will to cast off the burden. 25 As yet man's freewill and God's grace go hand in hand, which maketh their doctrine seem impious; but how sacrilegious will it appear to be, when as others shall give man's will the upper hand? Of this kind we suspect them to be, of whom their Martinz testifieth, that d Sunt qui putant gratiae efficaciam constituendam esse in actu voluntatis consentientis: & illam gratiam efficacem esse, cui volunta● cooperatur, qua volunt illam inefficacen esse, cui voluntas ex suo arbitrio non vult cooperari▪ undè secundùm illos efficacia gratiae à libero arbitrio pendet.— Ratio, quia nulla est Dei vocatio, quam non possit homo pro libito acceptare▪ aut reijcere. Martinz disp. 3. part. 2. num. 1. they think the efficacy of grace to consist in the act of the will, and to depend upon the liberty of man's will, because in will there remaineth always an indifferent ability to receive or reject grace. This speech their foresaid learned Bishop e Sed efficacia gratiae non est constituenda in cooperatione liberi arbitrij,— quia Rom. 9 Non est currentis: & in 1. Cor. 4. Quiste discernit? Sanè qui gratiam efficeret efficacem, se ipse diceretur decernere. Ibid. num. 4 & 7. comm●nis sententia hoc tenet: num. 9 Qui sentiunt gratiam à voluntate pendere, loquuntur de actuali efficacia in actu secundo, nec aliud volunt quàm Dei auxilium ex ●o fac●re consensum, quia liberum arbitrium u●lt ei cooperari, cùm oppositum posset facere. Qui volunt à solo Deo penders, 〈◊〉 de efficacis in 〈◊〉 primo, quia à libero arbitrio non pendet, ut Deus conferat talem vocationis motionem. Ibid. num. 17. Martinz, not allowing it, would gladly qualify: but if such a dependence of grace upon man's will might be admitted, then as God saith to all regenerate men, Without me you can do nothing: so might the will of every man (especially in respect of acting a consent unto good) rejoin unto God, saying; Without me thou canst do nothing. 26 And doubtless the sentences of their other Romish Doctors do sound unto the same effect, wherein, in the cooperation & jointworking in the act of consent, they yielded the f Dico Deum sequi determinationem voluntatis, quoni● ideo Deus agit actum ●llum, quiá eum volun●a● agit, & non quia agit voluntar, Deus agit; & ideo dicitur magis prop●●● Deus coagere voluntary talem actum causando, quám voluntas dicatur coagere Deo. Greg. Ariminen. in 2. dist. 34. Idé docet Scotus in 2. Sent. dist. 37. q. 1. Allowed by Bellarm. lib. 4. de lib. arb. cap. 14. more proper causing efficacy unto the will: for with them God, forsooth, doth follow the determination of man's will, and not contrariwise: and they always loathing to grant God the determining power unto good, pronounce, that g Hinc fit ut voluntas sit verè libera, & se ipsa determinet, tamet●● Deus eam moveat & applicet ad optis, quoniam ipsa Dei motio in eius potestate est, sive (ut Caietanus loquitur) Dei motione voluntas nostra liberè utitur. Ibid. cap. 16. §. Atque. the motion which God useth for the effecting of consent, is still in the power of man's will, the will itself determining itself. Which doctrine cannot possibly make any harmonic in any religious heart: insomuch that their own Benius may seem to have abhorred it; who being that last author which hath written of this subject, and otherwise a zealous proctor for free-will, doth step a little aside, moved (as he saith) by divine scriptures, which h Sanè cùm divinae literae clament, Deum omnia opera nostra operatum esse, ac sigillatim operari omnia in nobis,— add etiam Deum operari in nobis velle & perficere: negandum non est Deum ad omnem nostrum actum positiwm, specialiterue ad supernaturalem, & ad ipsam determinationem voluntatis nostrae concurrere▪ quòd si concurrit, cur non ipse mecum determinare, seu potius condeterminare dicetur? Certè divina Scriptura, quae dicit in vanum nos aedificare, nisi Deus aedificet, de spirituali aedificatione loquitur imprimis. Atque haec sententia est etiam Patribus conformis. Clemens, Const lib. 7. Dionysius Areopag. de divin. nominib cap. 4. Athanas. in orat contra Idola, Theoph. lib. 1. ad Autol. Basil. home 32. Nyssen. lib. de resurrect. & anima, Damasc lib. 1. de fide orthod. cap. 3. Theod serm. de provid. August. lib. 7. de Genesi, c. 9 11. 15. 23. l 8. c. 13. de catechiz. rudib. c. 35. lib. 3. contra julian. & 3. contra Maxim. non semel, Quaest. l. 83. quaest. 26. epist. 85. & alibi saepè, Hilar. in Psal. 146. Anselm. lib. de casu diab. cap. 1 & 20. Omnes actiones & effectus sive motus Deo tanquam principali & immediato agenti tribuunt: idque sigillatim (ne quis interim haereat quod istorum aliqui humanas actiones visi sunt excepisse) de humanis: praeter Aug. & alios ex citatis multos, docet Chrysost. hom. ●. in Gen. Hieron, epist. ad Ctesiphon. & lib. 1. contra Pelag. ubi disputant Deum esse causam omnium bonarum hominis actionum: nec posse nos quicquam agere nisi causante Deo. Quinetiam cum Athan. Cyrillus, Nazianz. Chrysost. Theoph. Nyssen. (horum loca recitavi multò ante) addant in huiusmodi bonis actionibus animam moveri à Deo tanquam instrumentum, viwm tamen & simul agens atque cooperans, sive ut corpus ab anima; quis talem in nostris supernaturalibus actibus Dei causationem admittere possit, quin divinam condeterminationem (tametsi propter coinstantaneam liberi arbitrij cooperationem & determinationem sine ulla ipsius liberi arbitrij offension) non cogatur agnoscere & confiteri? Benius 〈◊〉 Gratia efficat. cap. 20. pag. 356. proclaim God to work all in all in us, yea both to will & to do that which is good: that therefore it may not be denied, but that God, especially in spiritual acts, doth concur with man, even to the determining of his will. 27 Whereunto he bringeth a conformable assent of many ancient Fathers, as namely Clemens Bishop of Rome, Dionysius Areopag●ta, Theophilus, Basil, Theodoret, Augustine, Hilary, Anselme, chrusostom, Jerome, Athanasius, Damascen, Gregory Nazianzene, cyril; some of them granting, that man's soul is moved of God in good actions, as an active instrument: and in the end, although he will not acknowledge God to predetermine, that is, of himself to restrain the will unto a necessary consent unto good: yet he hath brought in (as he calleth it) a condetermination thereof. And thus is he become half orthodoxal; we wish (as S. Paul did) unto him and all others, that they were such not in half, but altogether. In the last place we use A sixt consequence, which maketh against the Romish doctrine of Freewill, which is taken from a confessed instance: whereby our Adversaries (as they are also by other doubts) are brought into an extreme exigence and strait. SECT. 11. 28 It is imagined by our Adversaries, that there are two men to be converted, as for example Peter and Paul, and both of them equally assisted by grace: the question is, whether (this being their state) the one may be converted, the other not. For if they can be equally converted, it must be attributed only to the liberty of man's will: if they cannot be equally converted, then there is not in the freedom of will that indifferency, which they call liberty, to reject grace. Among the Romanists, a Aliqui Theologi dicunt, non posse dici à Catholico Theologo, in hac part, ignorant, quòd stante aequah auxilio Dei, Petrus convertatur, & non Paulus: nec verentur contrariam sententiá temerariam & Pelagianam appellare. Alij verò Theologi contrariam sententiam absolutè & sine distinctione affirmant. Suarez Ies. lib. 3. de a●xil. great. cap. 20. some (as their jesuit Suarez testifieth) say, that it is a rash and heretical opinion to affirm, that one of them could be converted, and not the other. Hereby insinuating, that where grace is equal and proportionable, the effect of consenting must be alike; and so the pre-eminence of grace may be preserved: others notwithstanding (saith he) do absolutely affirm the contrary, which they do, no doubt, for the maintenance of freewill. 29 Peradventure their learned jesuits can assoil this by some distinction. b Respondeo, etsi eadem gratia sit, quod attinet ad substantiam motionis, tamen uni fuit congrua, alteri non congrua, haec enim est singularis Dei gratia, ut move at hominem, prout videt congruum atque aptum esse Bellar. lib. 6. de lib. arb. cap. 15. Sententia 9 Cardinal Bellarmine, c Eadem ratione cùm eodem seu aequali auxilio per modum principij stat, unum hominem converti aut poenitere, & non alium: quae ratio concludit hoc evenire posse non solùm hominibus inaequaliter affectis, sed etiam hominibus eiuldem ingenij: imò etiam inaequaliter dispositis, ut qui pe●ùs est dispositus, convertatur, & alter resistat:— quamuis hoc ra●●ù● accidat. Suarez quo supra, num. 8. although numb 10. ●e fly unto congruam vocationem, as doth Martinz, who saith: Suarez, and d Efficacia gratiae non reducitur in aptitudinem, aut complexionem peccatoris, tanquam in causam efficientem, sed ut in materialem. Disp 3. part. 4. num. 7. Martinz, answer, that the reason of the conversion of the one rather than the other, proceedeth from hence, that although the motion of grace be essentially equal, yet is it made more fit unto the one parties disposition then unto the others; God by his singular favour (when he purposeth to work effectually) so moving man, as he findeth it most agreeable and convenient. But this answer is confuted by their own Benius, saying, e Qui sanè author etc. (meaning, Bellarmine, whom he there nameth) Etsi assentiri cupientem, me quidem tria magnopere haerentem habent.— Mutat statum quaestionis: illi enim cui ex se ista gratia apta est ut persuadeatur, sine dubio est gratia: ita non erit gratia aequalis. In eadem navi est Franciscus Suarez— cuius responsum pugnat cum Conc. Tridentino: dum enim docet Synodus ita offerri gratiam, ut possit recipi & respui, supponit esse ex se congruam & opportunam. Benius cap. 23. pag 411. & deinceps. His own answer is, Posito aequali auxilio gratiae, & aequali in duobus hominibus affectione. fieri non potest, ut unus convertatur, & non alius.— Cum est affectio varia, aliter potest fieri. Idem ibidem. Although I could willingly assent unto (noting expressly Cardinal Bellarmine) this author, yet there be three especial reasons which hinder me; one is because he changeth the state of the question, which was, that the two parties were supported by equal grace: but if God do persuade the one in more fit and seasonable manner than the other, this being a respect of grace, it maketh the grace unequal. 30 Thus may we see how that when the bend of these our adversaries wits hath been to plead for the liberty of man's will, they themselves are so fettered in their own arguments and answers, that not only in every passage each one can note another's insufficiency: but also that, like as men in a maze, by much turning and winding, they become so impotent, as not to know which way truly to turn them: so these by their perplexed and intricate subtleties, are so intoxicate, as that in the end, their Cardinal Bellarmine is driven to answer to the objection concerning Gods predeterminations of second causes, saying, f Si Deus non omnia praedeterminaret ante praevisionem secundarum causarum, non posset omnia certè praescire. Respondeo, res omninò difficilis est, & fortasse in hac vita incomprehensibilis, &c Bellar. lib. 4. de Lib arb. cap. 15. This is a very hard point, and peradventure in this life not possible to be comprehended. 31 So likewise their Doctor Weston, a Professor at Douai, taketh upon him the decision of a principal point, g Caeterùm superest adhuc, quod mihi saepiùs negotium facessit, cuius apertam intelligentiam neminem u●deo adhuc satis expressisse, aut in eius explicationem animum intendisse: est autem huiusmodi: (The brief whereof is this) Quae sit primordialis ratio habendi concursum Dei in hanc determinatam partem. The opinion of some is, that Concursus Dei magis propendet in unam partem, quám in aliam, ad modum congruitatis, it. genij, & cognitionem volentis.— Haec apertissima ratione pugnare existimo cum libero arbitrio, at que unius partis antecedentem necessitatem & fatum inuchere.— Superest discutiendus ipsemet actus arbitrij:— Sed pro tenuitate ingenij mei ita clucidavimus controversiam alioqui obsenrissimam; cumprimis students rem maximè probabilem paucisue succinctam in medium proffer; tametsi, ut verum fatear, neque in istis inquisitioni meae fecerim satis. Westonus de trip. hom. office lib. 3. cap. 10. which (saith he) hath much troubled me; the plain meaning whereof I have not found sufficiently unfolded by any. The point is the reason of the concurrence of God's grace with man's will, pretending that he hath explained the most obscure question; and yet in that confesseth that therein he hath not satisfied himself. 32 Lastly, others of them are found h De modo quo liberum arbitrium vel movetur, velse movet ad exercitium boni; clamant alij rem nonposse in hac vita percipi, sed omnem ingenij humani captum superare, Occam & Sà, & Caietaous, & alij. Benius cap. 20 pag. 353. in fine. crying and acknowledging, that the manner of Gods moving of the will passeth the capacity and apprehension of man's wit and understanding: when as else our adversaries writing so many and huge volumes upon this one argument of freewill, & professing by their learning and subtlety to satisfy from point to point, yet are in the end enforced to confess it a matter impossible; what doth it import, but that all this while with lost labour they have been turning an Ixion's wheel, and tumbling Sisyphus his stone? Nothing now remaineth, but that unto these premises we affix Our conclusion by way of Appeal. SECT. 12. 33 If therefore the importunity of the Apologists, in upbraiding Protestants with opposition against some Fathers in the question of freewill, wherein the same censure of Protestants hath been justified by many learned a §. 1. jesuits, may convince these obiectors of inconsiderate boldness: 34 If many express sentences of the Fathers themselves, who are acknowledged by b §. 3. jesuits to have defended, that by the fall of the first man all mankind (as the prodigal child lost his substance) lost the freedom of will, may be thought to patronise our cause: 35 If the judgement of their Godfridus, Aegidius, Gregory, Gabriel, Paludanus, Caietane, in c §. 5. confessing that the will is not absolutely active, be, as Cardinal Bellarmine hath said, to deny their pretended freedom of will: 36 If that the d §. 5. & §. 6. consent of their Lovanists, Thomists, Dominicans, and others, teaching that Gods operative and active grace determinateth and applieth the will unto good, do (as their jesuits have concluded) undermine the liberty of will defined and defended in the Council of Trent: 37 If, of the defenders of freewill, e §. 7. & §. 8. some believed not the necessity of grace: which doctrine is condemned (by jesuits) of Pelagianisme; f Ibidem. some denied that God can absolutely determine the will, and are confuted by the most part; some disliked, that God should be said by his exciting grace to work physically in man, and are gainsaid by their Benius, as therein adversaries unto Fathers and Counsels; g §. 9 & §. 10. some held that God doth not morally determine the will, and are excepted against by their Suarez; some gave to man's will, in the act of conversion, an equality, yea the pre-eminence before grace, and are therefore contradicted by others, as repugnant unto Scriptures & Fathers; and finally, h §. 11. some laboured to satisfy all doubts concerning the concurrence of grace and will, and yet confessing that they cannot assoil them, are confuted by themselves: 38 If all these may prejudice either our adversaries judgement, or the sincerity of their consciences, then hath our Reader sufficient warrant to except against the Romish doctrine of the freedom of natural will, in the state of man's corruption before his conversion, by discerning it to be but a bastard, and bondslave by the thraldom of sin; knowing that a natural agent hath no more proportionable power in itself to apply itself unto any godly motion, which is a spiritual object, then can a dead carcase raise itself unto life. And if that * Gen. 21. 9 Ishmael, Hagars' seed, even this natural will of corruption, shall laugh and mock at actual grace, as at jacob the child of promise, and think himself to be as free as he; then let us remember the voice which spoke, saying, Cast out the bondwoman and her son, for she cannot be heir with the freeborn. Doubtless so it is, grace and will cannot be both heirs and principals in the act of man's conversion unto the state of regeneration. And whether in this case we are rather to stand unto God's side, or unto man's, let any conscience judge. We conclude (to omit i Alij forta●●e minus trib●●nt l●bero a●bitrio quàm oporteret; ut Greg▪ Ariminensi●, Capreolti●, Marfilius, Bellar. lib. 5. de lib. arb. cap. 4. §. Intra hos. others whom Card. Bellarmine doth dislike) in the words of their own Doctor Bonaventure, whose sentence their k Hoc piarum est mentium, ut nihil sibi tribuant, sed to●um gratlae Dei: unde quantumcunque aliquis debt gratiae Dei, ● pietate non receded; & etiamsi mul●a tribuendo gratiae Dei, aliquid subtraha● potestati naturae, au● liberi arbitrij. Cum verò aliquid gratiae Dei subtrahitur, & naturae tribuitur quod gratiae est, ibi potest periculum interueni●e. Bonaventura, ut resert Cassander Consult. Art 18. And this he numbereth amongst Saniors eiusdem ordinis hominum scripta. Ibid. Cassander receiveth among the more sound and safe writings; This is the duty of all men piously affected, (saith he) to arrogate nothing unto themselves, but to ascribe all good unto grace: because that albeit a man may without impiety take from the power of nature and freewill, to give it unto God's grace, yet may it be dangerous to attribute unto nature that which is proper unto grace. Wherefore although our Adversaries shall say of themselves, in respect of their will unto God (be this spoken by way of a spiritual allusion) We are * Act. 22. 28. freeborn; yet will it be our safety rather to confess, that with a great power and price we obtained our freedom. CHAP. XI. Of the Merit of good works. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 6 Sixtly, as concerning Freewill, and Merit of works, M. D. H●●frey saith, q Humfred. jesuitismi pa●. 2. pag. 530. a●te med And concerning the confesled doctrine of Merit of Works in Clemens Alexandrinus, Theophylus, Cyprian. justine Martyr, etc. See Abraham ●●●ltetus ubi suprà, pag. 48. ante med. & 122. post med. & 151. post med. And the Century writers, Cent. 2. c. 4. & Cent. 3. c. 4. It may not be denied but that Irenaeus, Clemens, and others (quos vocant Apostolicos) called Apostolical (in respect of the time in which they lived) have in their writings the opinions of Freewill, and of Merit of works. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First arguing between the dependence of Freewill and Merit. SECT. 1. IT is no incongruity that merit and freewill be matched together, because merit hath so great a dependence upon freewill, that out Adversaries (to wit, Cardinal Bellarmine, the Rhemish translators, Castro, possibility of desert thus used by these Fathers, to wit, Basil, chrusostom, Jerome, Augustine, Hilary, Ambrose, Gregory, Bernard, do so invincibly fortify the doctrine of Protestants against the property of merit and desert of man's work, that this their profession may well seem to need no other Apology than these determinations of Fathers. k Manet sempiterna ●equiess illis in hac vita, qui legitimè certârunt, non tanquam debitum operibus redditum, sed ob munificentissimi Dei gratiam, in quo spe●à runt. Basil. in Psal. 114. Eternal life (say they) is reserved for all such as shall accomplish their spiritual fight, not as a reward of debt, but as a gift of God's munificence. l Non quòd eo dignus sim, sed propter benignitatem tuam. Idem in Psal. 143. 12. Not by man's worthiness, but by God's bounty. m Hoc est gratis propter nomen tuum, non propter meritum nicum: qui a tu dignaturus es hoc facere, non quia ego dignus, cui facias August. in Psalmun. Not because man deserveth it, but because God vouchsafeth it. n Deus remuneratur hominem secu●dùm opera. Greg. see above, lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 11. Not for the work sake, but according to the work. Finally (which is the upshot) o Digni nos sumus, sed ipsius dignatione, non dignitate nostra. Bernaerd. in dedic. Eccles. serm. 5. Neque talia sunc hominum merita, ut propter ea vita aeterna debeatur ex iure, aut Deus iniuriam faceret, nisi eam donaret. Idem in Annunciat. serm. 1. Sufficit ad meritum scire, quòd non habeo merita. Idem in Cant. serm. 68 Si propriè appellentur ea merita, quae dicimus nostra, spei quidem sunt ●eminaria, charitatis incentiva, occultae praedestinationis indicia, futurae felicitatis praesagia, via regni non causa regnandi. Idem de libero Arbitrio & Gratia. Not as a cause, but as a way of attaining unto God's kingdom. Yet we furthermore manifest, That ancient Fathers as they did commend this doctrine unto men in their public writings, so did they likewise confess it unto God in their private devotions: by the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 6. 12 The ordinary doctrine of the Romish School is, to place their confidence in the merit of those good works which are done of men whilst they continued in the state of grace: and where they found in authors the contrary caveat, that is, a Deleantur illa verba: Credis non proprijs meritis, sed Domini Christi virtute & merito ad gloriam pervenire. Index Hispanicus ad lit o. in librum qui inscribitur O●do baptizandi, pag. 149. See the like in the Index Expurg. apud junium, upon Stapulensis and others. not to trust in our own merits, such admonitions they command to be bl●tted out. 13 But Protestants although they believe and profess, that the cup of cold water, even the lest good work shall receive an inestimable reward of bliss; yet teach they men always divinely to discern between their own unworthiness in the best actions, and Gods gracious acceptance of the lest good of man's imperfect obedience: imitating herein the examples of those ancient Fathers, whom b Henricus Kispinigius Venlonensis Canonicus. Antuerp. 1583. in his book entitled, Aquae vivae de fontibus salvatoris. Kispinigius a Romish author hath recorded to have been very devout in this kind: where c Ambros. serm. 20. super Psalm. 118. vers. Vide humilitatem meam. Nemo sibi arroget, nerro de meritis glorietur, nerro de potestate se iactet, sed omnes speremus per D. jesu misericordiam invenire, quoniam omnes ante eius tribunal stabi●●i: de illo indulgentiam postulabo, quae enim spe● alia peccatoribus? Et qui se aurum habere put at habet plumbum, & qui granum tritici, habet paleam, quae possit exuri. Ib. lib. 5. cap. 13. Ambrose presenting himself before the throne, professeth saying; I will call for mercy, for there is no other hope. S. d August. Confess. lib. 9 cap. 13. Vae etiam laud●bili vitae. 6 remotâ misericordiâ discutias eam, Domine. Et in exp. Psal. 142. Ne intres in judicium cum servo tuo, Domine, etc. Quantumlibet enim mihi rectus videar, producis tu tamen de thes●uro tuo regulam, & coaptas me ad eam, & pra●●s invenior Ibid. Fateor quis peccavi, & conscientia mea meretur damnationem, & poenitentia mea non sufficit ad satisfactionem: sed certum est quòd misericordia tua super at omnem offen●ionem. Noli igitur intrare in judicium, etc. Ibid. cap. 9 Augustine praying, saith: Enter not into judgement with thy servant, OH Lord, for although I seem unto myself straight, yet thou Lord, drawest out of thy treasures a rule to measure me, whereby I am found crooked: my conscience saith, I have deserved damnation, but thy mercy surmounteth the guilt of mine offence. Accordingly S. e Cyprianus Martyr: Rogo Domine, subvoni mihi, noli me secundum actummeum iudica●●● nihil ●nim praeceptis tuis pa●ui: exaudime orantem, sicut exaudisti jonan de ventre Ceu, & cijcics me de morte ad vitam. Ibid. cap. 20. Cyprian maketh himself, as it were, another jonas, willing to be cast over board, & praying not to be judged according to his offence. Answerably to the rest, f S. Hieronymus, Ecce vi●um, qui descendens à jerusal●m in je●icum, captus à latronibus, & vulneratus, & semivi●us relictus est: tu pie Samaritane, recipe me, peccavi enim nimis in vita mea, & malum coram ●e ●eci Ibid. cap. 21. Thomas Aquinas: OH pie Pelican, jesu Domine, me immundum munda tuo sanguine, cuius una stilla totum mundum saluum facere possit, ab omni ●●elere. Jerome taketh upon him the person of the wounded man lying in his gorebloud, and flieth by prayer unto Christ, saying, Thou gracious Samaritane, etc. 14 After these Fathers, their foresaid author produceth their Aquinas, the father of their School, with this supplication unto Christ: g OH quàm dura mihi sunt ista quae loquor, quia memeti●sum in coquendo serio ●dicam tamen ut contra me ●nnet verbum Dei 〈◊〉: ●go meipsum reum esse non abnego, torpotem meum video; ●ortasse erit apud pium jud cem impetratio veniae, ipsa agnitio clupae Greg. Magnus de munere Pastoris, & lib. 1. hom. 11. super Ezech. 33. OH thou merciful Pelican, Lord jesus, purge me with thy blood, one drop whereof is sufficient for all our sins. Unto these might be added the like breathe of S. Gregory acknowledging his own guilt, and S. Bernard desiring his then living friends h Orate salvatorem, qui non vult mortem peccatoris, ut tempestinum ●am. exitum non differat, sed custodiat: curate muni●e votis calcaneum nudum meritis, ut is qui insidiatur inven●●e non possit, unde figat dentem, & vulnus instigat. Bernardus e●ist. 310. to fortify his heel (that is, the ending of his life) voided of merit, with their prayers, that the serpent might not have wherein to six his tooth. 15 Not that such servants of God can be said to have been voided of good works, but that they examining such their metals by touch, and by weight, found them too light and unperfect to deserve the proper name of merit. Yet such have always been the prayers of holy men, not only of those whom man, but even of those also whom the mouth of God hath canonised and sainted. But what need we multiply examples, especially in a case so true and evident, that it may be observed in all the faithful, that the most worthy servants of God have always been most ready to acknowledge their own unworthiness? 16 Neither may that be called an answer, which their Cardinal Bellarmine hath framed unto himself, whereby he would satisfy an objection viged from the testimony of S. Bernard: i Fortasse Bernardus tum ex humilitate, quae prop●ia merita ignorat, tum ex incertitudine propriae gratiae prudentei non confidebat in meritis suis, sed in sola misericordia:— sed non i seo merita non habebat, quia merita sua non agnoscebat. Bellar. lib. 5. de justif. cap. 6. in fine. Peradventure S. Bernard (saith he) denying that he had any merits, did it in humility, or upon the uncertainty of his proper grace; so that it doth not follow that he had them not, because he did not acknowledge them. For this imagination fighteth against the express doctrine of S. Bernard, as their own Vega hath alleged him: k Et Bernardus: Nostra, si qua est, humilis justitia, recta forsitan, sed non pura, nisi forsitan nos inchores esse credimus quàm Patres nostros, qui non minus veraciter quàm humiliter dixerunt, Omnes justitiae nostrae tanquam pannus menstruatae mulieris. Vega lib. 15. de justif. cap 13. pag 698. The justice which is in us, (saith S. Bernard) is peradventure true, but yet impure, except we shall think ourselves better than our fathers, who, no less truly then humbly, confessed their justice to be no better than a menstruous cloth. Their Cardinal doth suppose that S. Bernard confessed rather in humility then in truth, contrary unto S. Bernard, who professeth to keep the footsteps of his forefathers, who acknowledged their unworthiness no less truly then humbly. As for the other answer of uncertainty of his proper grace, it doth no more prove that he would deny that he had merits, than it doth confess that he had them; because uncertainty in the one doth imply an uncertainty in both. And it is certain that S. Bernard, as he was truly humble, so was he humbly true, acknowledging no more in himself, than he taught to be common to all others, to wit, that our works are so far off from being properly meritorious, that, indeed, we aught to deem them in their own nature to be no better then menstruous. We now pass from the Fathers, to confer a little with our Adversaries, and prove That the denying of the merit and worthiness of our best works, is much more safe than is the now Romish profession: proved by the consequences and confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 7. 17 It were no great difficulty for us, from the confessed principles of learned jesuits and others, to ruinated the foundation of this their Merit; & this might also be thought expedient, if it were not reserved for a particular * In the third part Apologiae Catholicae, hereafter (God wiling) to be published. Treatise: yet may we afford our godly Reader a taste in one example of M. Weston, lately professor at Douai; who perusing the disputes of Gregory de Valentia, a jesuite universally reverenced & applauded by all of that religion, & perceiving him so to value the good works of men regenerate, as judging the excellency of them (in themselves, without the supposed promise of God) to be unworthy of eternal life, doth infer (and truly,) that a Multum tamé displicet quod Greg. de Valenti●●ensit. 1. 2. q. de eff●ctu Grat. disp. 8. punct 4. qui seclusa hac gratuira Dei pollicitati●ne (quae ad aeternae vitae acquisitionem planè necessaria est, nostris operibus pondus uti praemium constituens) ita de operum valote pronunciat: [Long● superat (inquit) illam pregnant ● dig 〈◊〉 vitae aeter●iae.] Hinc namque seq ●●tur 〈◊〉 hominis 〈◊〉 opus in ●ei veticate u● lorens co●dignun habere p●ae●●o coelesti, sed omnem u●lorem pon●●● Dei acceptatione, & favore eius extrinseco, quemadmodum illi (meaning Protestant's) existi●nant de iustiti● infuta, qui dicunt— illam non esse veram iu●titiam, aut debitam plenamue peccati expiationem sine nova imputat ●oe me●iti Chr●sti, & Dei benignitate superaddita, quod Concil. Trid. Sell. 6 can 11. omninò reijcit: sic enim homines reipsa ●usti non essent, sed favo●e tantùm extrinseco sic denominati. Westonus lib 2. the tri●l●● minis officio. c. 28. p. 366. it must follow hereupon, that no work of a just man hath truly any condignity (that is, proper Merit, and equal worthiness) with any heavenly reward: and in fine concludeth, that this sentence doth jump with the doctrine of Protestants, who teach (as their Cassander testifieth out of the testimony of Bucer a Protestant,) that b Ingenuè agnovit Bucc●us: Si Deus (inquit) iudicaturus est unumquem que secundùm opera sua, cert● bona opera in vera side & charitate facta ad salutem sunt necessaria: ut ●uis Deus respectu bonorum operum temporariam & aeternam mercedem ●●rgitur, non quidem ex dignitate ope●um in se, etc.— Si sancti Patre● (inquit) aut alij intelligant per, mere●i, facere ex fide gratiae Dei bona opera, ex quibus Deus mercedem promisit & rependet: hoc sensu usurpare illud verbum minimè damnabimus. Cassander Consult. Art 6. seeing God will judge men according to their works, good works must be held necessary unto salvation; yet so, as not to attribute the reward to the worthiness of the works, but unto the favour of God's promise: in which sense (saith M. Bucer) the use of the word Merit may be admitted. But under that word to convey into men's hearts an opinion of condignity, and proper worthiness, is (we think) but that leaven of superstition, which is able to sour the whole lump of the best action. 18 We may furthermore demand of their Cardinal Bellarmine, who being brought now at length by the evidence of the truth to confess, that c Propter incertitudinem ●ropriae justitiae, & periculum inanis gloriae, tutissimum est fiduciam totam in sola Dei misericordia & benignitate reponere. Bellar. lib. 5. de justif. cap. 7. prop. 3. it is the safest for Christians not to put their confidence in merits, but in the sole mercy and favour of God: why confessing a danger in man's confidence in merit, he should not likewise acknowledge danger in their conclusion and doctrine of merit: that is, why he should not instruct men as well to trust and believe, that there is no merit in them, as not to trust unto merit? For se●ing their faith teacheth, that every man must merit heaven, than their hope (which is the daughter of faith) must necessarily trust and expect to be saved by merit. Wherefore our desire is, that our Adversaries would proportion their faiths unto their hopes, especially if their hope be that which their Cardinal holdeth to be the safest, which is, to put confidence only in God's grace, and not in the worthiness of works. But what need we insist upon the consequence of their arguments, seeing we have The confessions of our Adversaries, directly and largely (with Protestants) disclaiming the Romish article of Merit? SECT. 8. 19 Although the doctrine of that Church is, that every good work done by a regenerate Christian, is a Nostra opera propriè merentur felicitatem de condigno. Bellarm. lib. 5. de justif. And a-againe, Opera bona justorum meritoria esse vitae aeternae ex condigno, non solum ratione pacti & acceptationis, sed etiá ratione operis, ita ut in opere bono ex gratia procedente sit quaedam proportio & aequalitas ad praemium vitae aeternae. Bellarm. ibid. cap. 17. §. jam vero. And Pererius the jesuit, Si bona justorum opera spectentur & pensitentur ea ratione, ut proficiscuntur à Spiritu sancto per gratiam justi hominis animam inhabitantem, ea profect● convenientem habent proportionem aequalitatis & dignitatis cum praemio ipso vitae aeternae. Comment. in Rom. 6. num. 55. pag 710. properly meritorious, that is, of worth to deserve eternal life: which their jesuite Coster expresseth thus, b Vt clarè perspiciatur non minus 〈◊〉 actionibus aeternam felicitatem prometeri quàm mihi 〈…〉 gitiosis aeterna supplicia. Costerus Ies. Enchirid. Tra●● de Meritis. By good works (saith he) we do as properly merit eternal blessedness, as we do by wicked deeds deserve eternal torments; which doctrine was first made an article of faith by their last Council of Trent, wherein every one is pronounced an c Si quis dixerit justificati hominis opera bona non veré mereri vitam aeternam, Anathema sit Council Tried Sess. 6. cap. 16. can. 32. Anathema, who denieth that the good works of holy men do truly merit everlasting life: yet was this so undoubtedly no universal doctrine in the Church of Rome even of later times, that our country man Waldensis, living in the days of K. Henry the fift, and specially commended by the then * Breve Apostolicum Martini Quinti— dilecto filio Thomae Waldensi, etc. Pope, by whose Breve he was excited to writ against Wicleffe; doth, in confutation of the Romish distinction of merit of condignity and congruity, pronounce, that d Haec ipsa determinatio Scripturarum— cong 〈…〉 us iungeretur locutionibus de meritis hominum quàm absolutè iungeretur vel diceretur quòd homo ex meritis est dignus regno 〈…〉 o●um, aut hâc gratii, vel illâ gloriâ, quamuis quidam Scholastici invenerunt ad hoc dicendum termin●● de condigno & congruo.— ●usti dicit Apostolus, non sunt condignae passiones, etc.— Quid hoc iam ut sic mereamur de congruo? Rep●●o igitur saniorem Theologum, fideliorem Catholicum, & Scriptures sacris magis concordem, qui tale meritum simpliciter abnegat, & cum modificatione Apostoli & Scripturatum concedit, quia simpliciter quis non meretur regnum coelorum, sed ex gratia Dei, aut voluntate largitoris.— Nam meritorum nostrorum in articulo mortis 〈…〉 Deus attendit, sive rationem congrui, vel condigni; sed gratiam suam aut misericordiam suam. Q●omodo ergo non ad 〈◊〉 salvatoris & gratuiti coronatoris accedit, quòd gratiâ eius tacitá tantum disputamus de meritis? Tho. Waldensis, Tom 6 Sacrament. tit. 1. cap. 7. fol. 30. b. He is a more sound Divine and firm Catholic, who doth simply reject such a merit: adding, that in the hour of death God will not regard man's merit (properly taken) whether of Condignity or Congruity; but his own good will, grace, and mercy. And of Durandus, whom our adversaries note to have been e Durandus vir doctistimus. 〈…〉 aeus in 1. Tim. 5. digross. 5. a most learned man, their Cardinal Bellarmine hath confessed, saying, that f Dur●ndus▪ Opera nostra, inquit, non sunt meritoria de condigno, nisi largo modo sumpto hoc vocabulo, ita ut hoc condignum respectu condign propri● accepti, d 〈…〉 possit congruum. Bellar. lib 5 the justif cap 16. §. Alij volunt. Durand denied that our good works can be esteemed properly meritorious by way of condignity. 20 Besides these, Gregory Ariminensis, Brugensis, and especially the choice and fierce adversary against Protestants, Ecchius, did all hold (as their g Grego●ius Arminensis tenet, nullum esse meritum nobis de condigno, respects beatitudinis: idem tenet Marsilius, & Brugensis est in eadem sententia. johannes Elzius accedit hinc sententiae. Vega Opusc. de Merit q. 5. pag. 789. & q. 4. pag. 782. Vega witnesseth) that there is no merit in man condign, that is, justly worthy of blessedness. Unto these may be added the Romish Achilles in the days of M. Luther, their Doctor Albertus Pigghius, who in the question of justification without inherent righteousness, is noted by Cardinal h Concerning the maetter of justification, not by the perfection of inherent righteousness, but by imputation through faith, Bellarmine ●aith, In eandem sententiam, seu potiùs errorem Albertus Pigghius incidit. Bellar. lib. 2. de justif. cap 1. § In eandem. Bellarmine to have been of the Protestants opinion: besides other Divines of i ●t a whores Antididagmatis Colo●ensis. Bellarm. ibid. Colen, pro Ecclesia & nobis. johannes Brentius in Luc. 16. Negari non potest, etc. Confessio Wittenberg. cap. de Inuoc. Sanct. Fatem●r quòd Sancti in coelis quodam modo pro nobis orent, etc. David Chitraeus ad 25. Matth. Gasper Cruciger, Basilius Faber. Cocci●s tom. 1. lib. 5. art. 4. Bellarmine joineth unto some of these, Calvin. lib. 1. Instit. cap. 14. §. 12. & lib. 3. cap. 20. §. 20. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 15. Saints now triumphing in heaven, do pray for the state of the members of the militant Church, at lest in their general supplications. But the main matter of distance is, that d Inuocationem Sanctorum Protestants impugnant. Idem ibid. Protestants teach, that Saints departed may not be innocated, or properly prayed unto. contrarywise the last Romish Council hath decreed that this assertion is e Mandate sancta syno●us omnibus Episcopis, & caeteris docendi munus sustinentibus, ut— doceant illos, qui negant Sanctos aeterna so●licitate in coelo fruentes invocandos esse,— ut pro nobis singulis orent,— vel pugnare cum verbo Dei— impiè sentire▪ Concil. Trid. Sess. 25. impious: and their Pope Pius 4. in his Bull made for the ratifying of the decrees of the same Council, entitled the form of the oath for the profession of faith, hath bound the Romanists f Constanter teneo— Sanctos cum Christo regnantes vener andos atque invocandos esse. Bulla Pij 4. super forma juramenti professionis fidei. constantly to believe the Article of the invocation of Saints. Which now cometh to be examined, first from the judgement of antiquity, showing Our adversaries abusive pretences of antiquity. SECT. 2. 3 First, if all the books, alleged by our Adversaries for proof of Invocation, which carry in their titles, the names of ancient Fathers, could be admitted for legitimate, then more might be said for the antiquity of Invocation: but seeing that many such writings appear not only by exceptions used by a D. Fulk taketh exception unto Ephrem, and that Athanasius in serm. evang. de deipara, in his Annot. in Rhem. Testament upon 2 Pet 1. 15. Protestants, but even by the confessions of our learned Adversaries, to be falsely so instiled, by the names of b Bellarmine objecteth for Invocation, Athanasius de Annunciat. seu de sanctiss deipara, lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 1. wherereas himself in divers places confesseth, Athanasijs opera pleraque esse supposititia: and Nanius a professor at Louvain▪ affirmeth as much of this Sermon de Annunciat. in his Preface in Athanas. Athanasius, c Others object Origenis Lamentationes: which book Pope Gelasiu● rejecteth as Apocryphal writings, dist. 15. cap. Sancta Romana: and Origenis commentarios in job, of which Sixtus Senens●●, Duplex est explanationum opus in job, neutrum est Origenis. Bibl. Sanct. lib. 5. Annot. 134. Origen, d Others object Cyprian. de Poenitentia: a book rejected by Gelasius, ub● supra. Cyprian, e Bellarmine objecteth Naz●anzen● oration in Cyprian; and there ●s the tale of tempting a maid to incontinency by the help of the devil, whilst he was yet an infidel, and of her prayers to the 〈◊〉 sed Virgi●, ●nd his conversion thereupon▪ contrary to the true story of Cyprians conversion by Ceciliu●, set down by Saint Hier●me, as it is in Si●tus Senensis Bibl. sanct. lib. 4. in Cypriano. Nazianzene, and diverse others, which by due examination might be discovered: it is necessary that they abate of their accounts of the witnesses of succeeding ages. 4 Secondly, their Cardinal Bellarmine framing this question, f De modo quo cognoseunt preces nostras.— Alij dicunt sanctos vide●e in Deo omnia à principio suae be atitudinis, quae ad ipsos aliquo modo pertinent— Alij solum tunc revelari ij● à Deo oratione● nostras quum eas fundimus— Prior est simpliciter probabilior, quia si indigerent sancti nova revelatione, Ecclesia non diceret ita audacter [Orate pro nobis,] sed peteret aliquando à Deo, ut ei● preces nostras revelaret— tamen posterior sententia est magis idonea ad convincendos haereticos.— Sed dices,— cur patribus in Limbo non revelabantur preces viventium, si nunc revelantur in coelo? Respondeo, tunc non fuisse ordinariè ijs revelatum quid hic agebatur, quia non erant beati. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten Sanct. cap. 20. Vbi notandum est, quòd ante Christi adventum, Sancti qui moriebantur, non intrabant in coelum, nec Deum videbant, nec cognoscere poterant ordinary prece● supplicantium, ide● no● consuetum finsse in veteri Testamento, ut diceretur [Sancte Abraham, ora pro me, etc.] sed solum oraban● eius temporis homines Deum, & allegaba●● merita Sanctorum, qui iam obierant ut illie eorum or ationibus iwarentur. Bellar. ib. cap. 19 §. Item Exod. Why the people of God in the old Testament did not use to pray unto the Saints departed, as thus, [holy Abraham pray for us,] but only were accustomed to call upon God: he answereth, that therefore they were not prayed unto, because they could not ordinarily know the prayers of the living then; and that they knew not men's prayers, because they were not then in heaven, and in the state of blessedness. 5 Whence it may be collected, that seeing those Saints, who are but only in the outward court of heaven, and not in the chamber of presence, enjoying the blessed fight of their God, and of the Lamb; are not to be invocated: and consequently those Fathers (which are g Te●tullianus, Origenes, Irenaeus, Chrysost. Theodor. Occumen. Theophylactus, Ambrose sententiae huic assensi sunt, quae negat animas frui divina visione ante resurrectionem. Stapleton. lib. 1. de authorit. Script. cap. 2. §. 5. Quibus addi po●●unt justinus Martyr, Lactannus, Prudentius. Senensis R●bl●●●. lib. 6. Annot. 345. confessed to have been both many, and very ancient) who denied that the Saints of the new Testament do yet enjoy that perfect state of blessedness, must be thought not to have allowed of the ordinary use of the invocation of Saints; whatsoever our Adversaries shall answer hereunto, must necessarily prove their own greater h For if they did not approve that use, than we ask why they are produced as patron● thereof? If they did, but yet as erring herein, by thinking that souls which enjoy not beatifiea visione, aught to be usually prayed unto▪ then do they▪ by dovying their authority in an half, ●each men a liberty to except against them in the whole point of Ina●cation. entanglement. 6 Thirdy, none will deny, but that religious prayer is the natural child of * jac. 1. Let him pray in saith:— for he that doubreth &c faith, and that faith receiveth her offspring by the virtue of an infallible truth: but Invocation, (even that which we disprove) in the first hatching of it, was delivered but in these doubtful terms of, i S● dixe●i● Sancto● curam gerere nostrae ●●lu●●s, & pro nobis orare, non erit inconueniens. Orig. lib. in Cant cap. 2. in h●c verba, Ordinate charitatem, ●go sic arbitror, eos qui do●●●unt orationibus suis nos iware. Idem in Matth. 16. and Greg. Nazianzen. ●rat. in landem Basil. Et nunc quidem in coeli● est, & sacrifici● illic pro nobis offered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ut puto. And, Audi Constantini anima, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nazianzen. Orat. 1. in julian. if a man shall say so, or, it is not inconvenient to say so; or, as I suppose; or, if he have any sense of our prayer. This was the nature of it whilst it was yet but an Embryon, as now hath appeared by Origen, whom notwithstanding our learned Adversary k Sanctos iam in coelo invocandos esse, ut pro nobis orent.— Asserunt Patres Graeci, Origene● anno 230. 〈◊〉 Thesaur. Continuer. tom. 1. lib. 5. art. 6. Coccius produceth for the first Father that hath patronized this Invocation, when as yet he professeth to confirm the doctrine of all Romish articles now controverted, by the currant of all antiquity. Which may be unto us an evidence, that this their doctrine neither was primitively ancient, which can found no direct Father of it before Origen, who lived 230. years after Christ; nor yet any doctrine of faith, which had then no better a foundation then if, and I suppose, etc. 7 Fourthly, there was a long time after Origen, before this bird was so full feathered, as to be used in the public Liturgies of the Churches by a solemn invocation of any Saint: which we may the rather presume to be true, because their foresaid Doctor Coccius could not allege any example hereof, whenas notwithstanding he is not sparing to prove, that l Sanctos in coelo triumphantes, pro nobis or are:— Asserunt variarum Gentium ●●turgiae: Romana à Petro conscripta,— Domine, miserationes tuas nobis ●agire intercessionibus sanctae Dei genit●icis, & omnium sanctorum tuorum: & Liturgia alia Rom. ultra annos 1100. usa est: Memoriam venerantes, imprimis glorio●ae Virgins, & Apostolorum— quorum intercessione concede ut protectione tua muniamur—. ●aturgia Hierosol. authore lacobo.— ut precibus eorum misericordiam consequamur. Whereunto he adjoineth, Liturgiam Aethiopicam á sancto Matthaeo, & Mediolanensem à S. Barn●ba: & post ab Ambrosio 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 Coccius Th●saur. qu● supra, Art 4. the Saints triumphant do pray for us, by (as he calleth them) most ancient Liturgies, as of Rome, Jerusalem, Aethiopia, and Milan; wherein there is not any voice of praying unto Saints in heaven, that they may pray unto God for the good of souls, but only that they on earth do pray unto God to hear the prayers of his glorified Saints, in behalf of the members of the militant Church: which is no direct invocation of Saints, but unto God: wherein there can be no danger of Idolatry. 8 As for diverse kind of prayers made by Fathers in some panegyrical or funeral orations, at the praising of the then departed, by way of a Rhetorical m Such was that Rhetorical Apostrophé of S. Hierom unto Paul● in his funeral oration: Vale, o Paula, & cultoris tui ultimam senectutem precibus tuis iwa. Hieron. Epitaph. Paulae. Tom. 1. Such was Greg. Nazianz●●s Apostrop●é, Orat. in julian. & Orat. de laud Basil. Greg. Nyssen. Orat. in Theodor. Chrysost. ad pop. Antioch. Ambros. lib. de Vid●●, the chief testimonies objected by Bellarm. lib. 1. d● bea●. Sanct. cap. 19 & alibi. Apostrophé, they aught not to be objected, because our Aduersa it, not that they did, but that if they should pray for the living. And is not the very like tenor of supposition used by the Apostle? If an Angel from heaven shall preach any other thing besides that which you have received, hold him accursed. This doth not import, that therefore some Angel from heaven either could, or did use to preach any extravagant doctrine, but (as▪ their jesuit h Gal. 1. Si Angelus Euangeli●avent praeter id, etc. Est Hyperboles loqu●tio, & or atio conditionalis, ac vera,— quamuis nec antecedens, nec consequens sit possibile. Salmeron Ies. in 〈◊〉 locum. Salmeron truly noteth) it is spoken by an hyperbole and excess, signifying that although (to suppose a thing impossible) an Angel should so preach, yet he were to be held accursed. 15 But why do we spend time in confutation of other arguments wrested from the texts of the old Testament? Their jesuite Salmeron will make up our conclusion, i Patriarchae in veteri Testamento nondum ●rant beati, ideò nihil de hac re habetur expr●ssum. Salmeron Ies. comment. in 1. Tim. 2. disp. 2. art 7. §. Primum. And again: Respondeo, non fuisse in more, in veteri Testamento adeundi Sanctos intercessores, quia nondum erant ●eati, nec tantus illis honos debebatur, ut nunc defunctis, & erat periculum idololatriae. Salmeron jesu●ta ibid. disp. 8. The Patriarches of the old Testament (saith he) were not in the state of blessedness before the coming of Christ; therefore is there nothing expressly written in the old Testament of Invocation of souls departed, neither was this honour due unto them for fear of Idolatry. Thus far concerning the old Testament: we in the second place pass on to the new, proving likewise That there is no express direction for their Invocation out of the new Testament, until we come unto the Apocalypse: even by the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 4. 16 First, the good servant is promised a reward of blessedness, Matth. 24. 46. even to be placed our all that his Lord hath. This, in the opinion of their Cardinal, & of another jesuit, must signify, that a Matth. 24. 46. Beatus ille servus, quem, cùm venerit, invenerit sic facientem, Amen, dico, constituet cum super omnia.] id est, super Ecclesiam ut Pastorem. Ergo per Sanct●s Ecclesiam protectione c●tinua conseruat, & Sancti ante resurrectionem accipiunt potestatem regendi Ecclesiam. Bellar. lib. 1 de bo●●, Sanct. cap. 28. §. Idem etc. & §. Quartò quia. And Coster. Ies. Enchirid. cap. 14. Saints, after their departure, are made protectors of the Church (meaning the militant Church of Christ) whereas, indeed, by the context it is plain, even in the judgement of their jesuite Maldonate, that it is b Haec est expheano praecedentis parabolae, vers 23. [Super multa constitue● eum] qua part di bium non est secundum Chr●sti adventum significari qui longo post tempor● futurus erat, etc. Mald. Ies. come in Matth. 25. 31. & u 19 etc. an explanation of the Parable going before, cap. 25. 19 where it is said [a long time after will his Lord come] whereby, doubtless is meant the second coming of Christ. And in the same Chapter it is said, When his Lord shall come. The error then of their former objection is a misapplying of the text unto the time before the resurrection: which cannot be understood, but of the second coming of Christ. 17 Secondly, S. Paul, Rom. 2. pronounceth glory, honour, and (according to the vulgar Latin) incorruption unto every one that worketh good. Hence their Cardinal frameth his argument, concluding, that therefore c Ro●. 2 ●loriam, honorem, incorruptionem omni operanti bonum Frgo Sanctis debetur à nobis honour religio●●●. Bellar. lib 1 de beaten. Sa●ct. cap. 13. §. Denique. there is religious honour and worship due from us unto the Saints; never regarding that the Apostle speaketh not of an honour to be performed of us in this life, but of that eternal and consummate blessedness of soul and body, which they shall enjoy in the resurrection of the just, as their own jesuite d Loquitur de die judicij, & significat aeterna bona cum animi & corporis incorruptione coniuncta. Pererius Ies. in cum locum. And the Rhemists by Honour, understand Celestial blessedness. upon the same place. Pererius hath truly collected out of the text. 18 Thirdly, S. Peter 2. Epist. 1. 15. writing unto the dispersed Christians, (according unto the English translation of the Rhemists,) saith, I will do my diligence you to have often after my decease also, that you may keep a memory of these things: which words their jesuits Salmeron, Suarez, and Bellarmine do judge for their purpose, e In 2. Pet. 1. 15 Dabo operam frequenter vos habere post obitum meum, ut horum memoriam faciatis.] Quibus ostenditur Sanctos defunctos cognoscere preces viventium. Salmeron Ies. in 1. Cor. 13. disp. 21. Sunt egregia verba Petti, quibus hoc probemus. Suarez Ies. tom. 2. pag 250. q. 17. disp. 23. §. 2. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 18. Quomodo autem dabit operam, nisi orando & precando? Salmeron Ies in locum Petri. excellent to prove, that Peter after his departure would remember them: and this must needs be (say they) by praying for them. We may answer, (not to stand upon their bad Latin, and worse English translation) that the true construction of the words is, that S. Peter promiseth to f Dabo operam, id est, ordinabodum sum in via ut vos habeatis post mortem meam libros, qui vobis haec in memoriam revocent, ut horum memoriam habeatis, id est, doctrinam meam impleatis. Ca●etanus Cardin. in ●um locum. provide whilst he is in the way (that is in this life) that they should have his books (namely, his Epistles) which after his departure might put them in mind of such things: So saith their Cardinal Caietane; which their Aquinas expresseth in other words, g Dabo operam, ni●irùm, Dum vivo, commonendo vos, etc. Aquinas in ●um locum. I will do my diligence whilst I live, in warning you, etc. And is as much as if he had said (saith their jesuite Salmeron,) i Quasi dicat, ut post obitum meum possitis horum frequenter meminisse Emmanuel Sa Ies. in ●um locum. I will endeavour that after my departure you may have these things in frequent remembrance: and this sense their Gagnaeus calleth an k Dilucida explicatio. Gagnaeus in cum locum. evident interpretation. We see then their objection to pretend, that S. Peter after his departure out of this life would remember them: our answer from their Doctors is, that Saint Peter intended to provide that after his departure they might remember him in his doctrine. And what can the words do his diligence else signify? In earth we know there is a place for care and diligence, & in heaven all tears (whereby is signified all care and pains) are wiped away. In this question we again appeal unto their own jesuite Salmeron, who saith, that l Nihil de hac re invenitur in Epistolis Pauli, vel Canonicis, atque Catholicis aliorum, quae ob alias speciales materias scriptae fuerunt. Salmeron Ies. come. in 1. Tim 2. disp. 2. art. 7. §. Primum. there is not any thing found either in the Epistles of S. Paul, or of S. Peter for this purpose: and therefore doth take his flight unto the book of the Apocalypse, where, he saith, there is occasion of this doctrine: which is next to be examined, we proving That the Invocation of Saints departed is not revealed in the book of Revelation: from the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 5. 19 S. john in his Revelation cap. 6. telleth us of the Saints under the Altar, which cry unto Christ for revenge upon them that spilled their blood: whereupon Cardinal Bellarmine and Ecchius argue thus; m In Apocalypsi verò, ubi erat locus scribendi futuros successus Ecclesiae per modum prophetiae, & praesertim status gloriae ●am inchoatus expressed habetur, ut Apoc 6 10. Animae interfectorum sub Altari clamant, Vindica sanguinem nostrum de ijs qui inhabitant terram.] Salmeron Ies. ibid. disp. 7. §. Sed cum. Si animae sanctorum Martyrum vindictam petunt de interfectoribus, ergo multò magis misericordiam petunt pro fratribus suis. Bellar. lib. 1 de beaten. Sanct. cap. 18. §. Locus 6. and Salmer. Ies. in the place already cited, and Costerus Ies. Enchirid. If the Saints departed do pray for revenge against their enemies, it is likely they do pray for blessedness for their friends and brethren. The consequence is good, but the Antecedent is nought, because those Saints there mentioned, do not properly pray for revenge: which their jesuite Ribera did right well understand; n Quaeritur quomodo mortui vindictam petant de interfectoribus suis, quos vivi ut proximos suos amabant. Absit autem ut sancti sint in vita feliciore crudeles. Quaestio facilè soluitur, si dicimus cor●ora Sanctorum conspersa cruore ultionem de interf●ctoribus petere, sicut Gen. 4. Sanguis Abel dicitur clamare ad Deum contra Cain interfectorem. Ribera Ies. come. in Apoc. 6. The question is, (saith he) how these souls under the Altar did pray for revenge upon their enemies after their death, who in their life time did pray to God to forgive them; God forbidden (saith he) we should think that the Saints are made more cruel by their blessedness: but the question is easily assoiled, that the bodies of the Saints imbrued with blood did cry for vengeance, even as the blood of Abelis said, Gen. 4. to have cried for vengeance against Cain. And jest any scruple might arise from the word souls, which are said to cry, their jesuite Viega doth prevent it, saying, that it is the use of Scripture by o Nec te mo●eat quòd animae dicuntur, quia animae pro hom●●ibus ipsis sumuntur, ut saepè aliâs. Viega Ies. in cum locum. souls to signify men. Now the cry of Abel's blood (as their jesuite Pererius noteth from S. Augustine) p Clamour Abel clamour non vocis erat, sed rationis. Perer. Ies. Com. in Gen. 4. Per illud [Subtus Altar] quidam intelligunt Christum, ita, ut esse sub Altari, sit esse sub testificatione nominis Christiani. Vasquez Ies. tom. 1. in 1. 2. Thom. disp. 19 q. 4. cap. 3. was not a cry of voice, but of reason: God discerning things not by sense, but by equity and justice: A q Vox quae non per aures auditur, sed quae occidentium conscientiam perstringit. Chrysost T●m. 3. Serm. de Inuentio & Maximo. voice (saith S. chrusostom) which doth not speak in the ear, but which pierceth the conscience and heart of murderers. And this fallacy is an obtruding of a literal sense in stead of a metaphorical. 20 Their last place is out of Apoc. 5. 8. according unto the Rhemish translation, thus: [The four and twenty Seniors fell before the Lamb, having every one haps, and golden vials full of odours, which are the prayers of the Saints.] Hereby it is plain (say the same translators) that the Saints in heaven offer up the prayers of the faithful, as incense: and so the Protestants may have no excuse of their error, that the Saints have no knowledge of our affairs, or desires; which is also the argument of their r Bellarment to p●●ue Sanctos orare pro nobis, urgeth the same saying, Quem locum exponentes Primasius, Richard is, Scholia Graeca apud Oecumen. & Gagnaeus, dicunt orationes illas esse intercessiones pro stabilitate infirmorum. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 18. §. Tertius locus. See also Ecchius Enchirid. and Salmer. Ies. come. in 1. Tim. 2. disp. 7. Cardinal. But if we by the s Viginti quatuor Seniores, etc.] Augustinus, Beda, Primasius, universam Ecclesiam intelligunt: ut Gregorius exponit, Sancti sunt praedicatores: communis expositio, quam sequitur Glossa, Richardus, Rupertus, & alij sign. praestantiss●mos quosque Sanctos, p●●cipuè Praelatos & Doctores utriusque Testamenti, duodecim Patriarchas, & duodecim Apostolos. Viega Ies. come. in Apoc. c. 4. §. 14. How? as they are now triumphant in heaven? no, nothing maketh for this, but that the four and twenty are said to be in heaven. But chap. 8. 1. where it is, Silence was made in heaven half an hour: by [Heaven] their jesuite understandeth t●● militant Church: [In coelo] id est, in Ecclesia: [media hora] id est, per biennium tempore juliani: [Factum est silentium,] id est, nulla vox Christi publicè audiebatur, ut etiam Hieronymus, & Lyranus exponunt. Idem in Apoc. 8. 1. §. 1. Commu●● expositio (of the former text, Apoc. 5.) Bedae, Primasij, Ruperti, Hugonis per [Citharas] carnis mortificationem intelligit: Nos verò divinarum laudum commemorationem intelligimus, quas 24 Seniores mort ficanone carnis, & verbi divint praedicatione denunciant. [Phiala●] it est, corda Sanctorum. four and twenty Seniors, shall understand the Preachers and Doctors of the Church militant; by Harps the mortification of the flesh; by Vials the hearts of Saints; by odours the prayers of the Saints; but such Saints as are beaten & bruised by affliction, thereby (as by spices brayed) their prayers, as incense, are made more fervent and odoriferous: which their jesuite Viega holdeth to be the true and proper exposition of this place, confirming it (as he saith) by the testimonies of S. Gregory, Bede, Primasius, Rupertus, and the common interpretation: then have our Adversaries proved themselves no good markemen. 21 So again they do in another text Apoc. 8. 3. where it is written, according to the translation of the Rhemists: * According to the Rhemish Translation. And another Angel came and stood before the Altar, having a golden censar, and there were given unto him many incenses, that he should give of the prayers of Saints ascended of the Angel before God, etc. Whence those Annotators (supposing that by t If this be Sa●nt Michael, or any Angel, and not Christ, as some take it, which offereth up prayers,— hereby we conclude against Protestants', that it derogateth not from Christ, that Angels do offer our prayers unto God. Rhemists annot. in Ap●●alyp. 8. 3. Angel is not meant Christ, but Michael, or some other Angel,) do intimate, that there is the same function of Angels in praying for the Saints upon earth: but this we may omit, because this interpretation is by them but doubtfully objected, and u Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. c. 18. omitteth this place. neglected by their Cardinal, and in a manner contiadicted by their jesuite Viega; who from a common consent expoundeth the place, to signify, that x Interpretes reliqui omnes per Angelum intelligunt Christum.— Data sunt Incensa Christo, hoc est, omnium electorum orationes, quoniam orationes Ecclesiae per summum Pontificem Christ●m Deo offctuntur, nam per Christum Mediatorem omnia munera nostra Deo Patri init●●mus: per Dominum nostrum jesu i● Ch●i●tum. Viega Ies. comment. in Apoc. 8. And again, Oranones, quae sunt eò feruentiores, quò illi magis laboribus p●emuntur, & in ignem tribulationis tanquam aromata inijc●untur:— ignis Thymiamatis est carnis mortificatio. Ibid. comment. in cap. 5. Apo●al. the prayers of all the elect are delivered unto our high Priest and Mediator Christ jesus, when they end their prayers with this clause, [through jesus Christ our Lord] After the discussing of particular places, perverted by our Adversaries unto extravagant senses, we add A confirmation of our former proofs by more general confessions of our learned Adversaries, showing that the Article of the Invocation of souls departed, is not expressed in the old and new Testament: and our argument arising thereupon. SECT. 6. 22 With great diligence have the Romanists searched the Scriptures for defence of their Invocation, & with no less presumption have they said, a Bellarmine▪ and others in the former Sections. We have proved it out of both Testaments; seeing that all their particular instances have been confuted by their own Doctors: amongst whom some furthermore say more largely, that b See the jesuite Salmeron, and others above. in the old Testament the Patriarches used not to be invocated, both because they were not in perfect state of blessedness, and also because there had been then a danger of Idolatry to offer that honour unto them. And for the new Testament, we have two witnesses, Ecchius, & their jesuit Salmeron, whose authority may seem to command their assent: they say that c Non est expressum in novo Testaments in Scriptures (said in Traditione) quia in primitiva Ecclesia durum esset ●d judaeis praecipere▪ & occafio d●●etur Gentibus putandi sibi exhibitor esse multos deos pro multitudine deorum, quosreliquerant. Dubium tamen non est, quin Ecclesi●● Apostoli eam tradi●erint. Salmeron Ies. come. in 1. Tim. 2. disp. 7. §. Postremo. Explicité non est precepta Sanctor● defunctorum invocatio in sacris literis, etc. Ecchius Enchirid. it was not expressed in the new Testament, because in the primitive Church the jews would have thought it an hard matter to be commanded to invocate Saints departed, and the Gentiles would have taken an occasion to have thought that the worship of new Gods had been prescribed unto them: These reasons do equally confute their second hold, when they say, that it was a d For if that Tradition were then 〈◊〉, the danger of scandal would have been the same: if it were concealed in the pri●●ltive Church during the more general conversion of the jews and Gentiles, than was it not in use of a long time, and our comfort ●● this that our practice is agreeable unto the form of the primitive Church. tradition: for so also might they have been, bewitched with idolatrous fancies. 23 In brief, these observations of our adversaries proofs of Invocation from Scriptures (which are found no less vainly then vehemently objected against us) do greatly persuade us that they in thus contending, have wrangled with their own consciences against the light of truth. 24 The conclusion which we gather from our Adversaries, confessing that in the jewish Church the people of God did not use to invocate Abraham and the Patriarths, is, that therefore the doctrine of the like invocation of Saints departed is not justifiable among Christians: which consequent is fortified by the judgement of S. e Esaias Propheta dixit. [Tues Pater noster, qu●s Abraham nesci●●t nos, Israel non ●ognourt n●s:] Si tanti Patriarchae, quid orga populum à se procreatum ageretur ignoraverint, quomodo mortui vivo●um rebus atque actionibus cognoseen. dis, ad●●uandisue miscenturi A●g●st. lib. de 〈…〉. cap. 13. Tom. 4. Augustine, who applieth the speech of God's people in Esay, saying unto God, [thou art our Father, for Abraham knoweth us not, worshipped God the Creator of all things: but were not accepted, because albeit they believed thereby to worship but one God, who was indeed in those things which they worshipped, yet was he not in them after that manner as they conceived. As yet there is not found among them an universal consent in this faith. 30 Again, their Cardinal Bellarmine doth report of Pope Adrian, that he p Adrianus Papa deceptor à Synodo 〈◊〉, iudica●●t praedecessorem ●usi Honorium 〈◊〉 haereticum. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Po●●, cap. 11. §. Ad qua●tam. being deceived by a Synod, did condemn his predecessor Pope Honorius for an heretic. If this be true, then are our Adversaries easily catched in their own snare: for how must they not necessarily confess, that the Pope may err in canonizing an unjust man, as they have willingly acknowledged, that he hath erred in condemning the just? seeing that an equal * Esa. ●. 20. woe is pronounced by God against them that call evil good, as to them that call good evil. And thus are they become voided of all pretence of any ground of faith, in this part of worship. 31 Furthermore, (not to insist upon these particular Saints, to wit, Gregory, Christopher, and Katherine, etc.) we need but to point at their own Authors, such as were q Prota●● Bona ●enturam, qui 〈◊〉 Parisi ensis impieta●●● vocantis in dubium gesta & ex●mpla sanctorum. Cath●rinus annot. in Caiet. pag. 129. Gulielmus Parisiensis, r Multi sunt, quorum sententiae haereticae habentur, ipsi tamen censentur in ca●one Sanctorum. Agrippa de Vanit. scient. Agrippa, s Erasmus Catherinae Se●●nfis canoni●ationem impir 〈…〉. Catha●. qu● supra. pag. 128. Erasmus, and their Cardinal t Bessarius Cardinalis dixit, videre se Romae 〈…〉 vitam improbàrat: s● valdè dubitaro dixit, utrùm vera essent, quae ab antiqui● prodita fuerunt. B●dinu● Method. hist. cap. 4. Bessarius, calling in question the lives of some of their Saints; of which number some were canonised in their persons, whose opinions were condemned as heretical: and some, whose lives he himself being an eyewitness, said he did dislike. Which showeth that their Romish catalogue of Saints is not worthy of faith. 32 Lastly, this their Oracle of their faith, to wit, the Pope's judgement, may seem to loose some credit for want of antiquity, because u Primus Po●tifex qui legitur Sanctos canonizasse fuit, ni fallor, Leo ●ertius. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 8. Sanctus Leo anno octingentefimo tertio Vuerdam navigavit, & Sanctum Su●●●bertum in Sanctorum numero reposuit. Azoriu● Ies. Instit. Moral. part. 2. lib. 5. cap. 6. the first Pope that Cardinal Bellarmine can found for a precedent in this act of canonizing Saints, was Leo the third, who governed that See not till about x Leo tertius fuit anno 796. Cost●rus' I●ss. in Catalogo Pont. seven hundred and ninety years after Christ: so very a novice, in respect, is the father of their faith. Thus we have heard some of the Romish Doctors from reason and experience, by their own confessions, yielding us this Antecedent, viz. their act of canonizing Saints, whom they do invocate, to be deceivable: which being supposed, the other Romanists have approved this consequence, viz. that then the greatest part of Romish worship aught to be abolished. We proceed to show a greater uncertainty of their faith in this point, viz. The uncertainty of our Roman Adversaries in the question of what souls are to be invocated: and the invalidity of their objection taken from the Article of the communion of Saints. SECT. 8. 33 The principal and most popular argument, whereby our Adversaries do possess the minds of the uniudicious, is (as we find in their jesuite Possevine) to persuade them, that Protestants by denying the doctrine of Invocation, do destroy the a V●ss, (appell●● Lutheranos) quibble articulus Symboli de communione Sanctorum non 〈…〉 duiti non est 〈…〉▪ Sanctorum, à quibus avertistis & fidem. Pos. 〈◊〉 in refut. 〈…〉 Chitrai. Article of the communion of Saints: which Article their own b Vt & vo● 1. joh. 1.— haec societas in communione Sanctorum sita est. And a little after, Omnium Sacramentorum fructus ad universos fideles pe●tinet— communio charitati●, unde Christus formam orationis praescripsit, panem nostrum, non mesi: communio membrorum, seu sym pathiae, sive dolendi & gaudendi:— communio donorsi, spiritualium: alij Apostoli, alij Doctores,— & temporalium subveniendo egentibus. Cateclusm. Romanus, ex decreto Concil. Trid. & Pij Quinti Ponti●icis jussu editus, in hunc Articulum, Roman Catechism (published by the decree of the Council of Trent, and the command of Pius Quintus then Pope) doth only expound, to signify the communion which the militant and visible Church hath by the spirit of charity in Sacraments, and visible functions, through a sympathy of the members thereof. As for the other communion of the Church specified by S. john, * that you (saith he) may have fellowship with us, and that our fellowship may be with the Father & the Son: it signifieth the union of one faith, by one Spirit, in one head Christ, to one hope of a complete and everlasting blessedness, wherein all the faithful have been always linked together, and shall be unto the end of the world. 34 But the obiectors make three combinations of souls, wherein they pretend a spiritual communion: first is of the souls in Purgatory with the living upon earth: and of those souls their Cardinal avoucheth, that c Non est incredibile animas in Purgatorio pro nobis orare, atque impetrare Bellar. lib. 2▪ de Purgas. cap. 15. §. Quod autem. it is not incredible, but that they in Purgatory pray for us: yet (as they confess) the judgement of d Thomas contrarium in 2. 2. q. 83. art. 3. Bellar. ibid. Et Alexander part. 4. cue 26. memb. 3. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral. part. 1. lib. 9 cap. 10. Aquinas, and the e Communis sententia est, eos minimè orare pro nobis. Azor. ibid. §. Sanctus Thomas. common opinion of the School doth hold the contrary; albeit they conceive of souls in Purgatory as of spirits, f Animae in Purgatorio, etiamsi inferiores sint nobis, ratione poenarum, tamen superiores sunt ratione gratiae & charitatis, in quam ●am confirmatae sunt. Bellar. lib. 2. de Purg. cap. 15. §. Praeterea. more gracious in the sight of God, and more abounding in charity then are the souls of the living. Wherefore their Church praying for them, and g Ra●●o ●orum est, quia non cons●evit Ecclesia eos orare. Azor. quo suprà. not using to pray unto them, may seem in her religion not to stand so much upon their belief of the communion of Saints, or evidence of truth, as upon presumption. But if we suppose that those souls do pray for us, yet this engendereth another doubt, viz. whether we must therefore pray unto them. Here again we found our Adversaries as planets in variable oppositions; h Contrà alij opinantur, posse no● ad eos precas ditigere, quia Dei gratia & charitate sunt praed●ti: & vel Angelorum ministerio, vel Dei munere possunt preces nostras cognoscere. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral. lib. 1. cap. 10. Some think (saith their jesuite Azorius) that we may pray unto them, because they are endued with charity, and either by the ministery of Angels, or by the help of God may understand our prayers: nevertheless their Cardinal Bellarmine, contrarily supposing that they pray for us, i Q●anquam ita sit, tamen superfluum videtur, ab ijs petere ut pro nobis orent, quia non possunt ordinariè cog●o●ce●e quid agamus in particulari, sed solùm in genere sciunt nos in multis 〈…〉. Bellar▪ lib. 2. de Purg. c. 15. §. Praetere● animae. yet were it a thing superfluous for us (saith he) to invocate them, because ordinarily they cannot understand our prayers, nor know our particular wants. 55 Now what the judgement of Protestants is in the case of Invocation, our Adversaries will report: k Dicunt Protestants, Sanctos orare pro nobis, sed tantùm in genere. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 15. & in seqq. Protestants do grant (saith their Cardinal) that the Saints in heaven do pray for the Church militant in general: yet l Argumentum tertium (of the Protestants) Sancti iam defuncti non cog●oscunt viventium prece●: ergo frustrà invocantur.— because the Saints do not know the prayers of the living, therefore are they not to be invocated upon. And is not this consequence of Protestants justifiable? m Respondeo, huius argumenti nec bonam esse consequentiam, nec verum esse quod assomitu●: Itaque primum. conseq●●tio negari potest.— Certè non frustr● invocan●●r Sancti, 〈◊〉 demus ●os non 〈◊〉, neque cognoscere pr●ce● nostras. Bellarm. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 20. §. Respondeo, huius. I answer (saith the same Cardinal) the consequence is not good: which notwithstanding himself hath already made good, where he said, that n See above. it were a superfluous thing to pray unto the souls in Purgatory, because they do not ordinarily know what we do in particular. 36 They make a second combination of souls between them in Purgatory and the Saints in heaven: and are among themselves divided, some o Circa or a●iones Beatorum pro animab●s in Purgat●rio, non defuerunt 〈◊〉 Caeholic●, qui nagarune or are ●eatos pro animabus Purgatorij.— Nihilo●●in●s certum exis●ino, Sanctos beatos pro eye o● are. Suarez les. Tom. 4. disp. 48 Sect. 5. nu 6. think that the blessed Saints did pray for the souls in Purgatory, and some think not. Whereby we note (to omit a prayer in the Church, which in the outward tenor p Animaduer●● Ecclesiá in istis or ationibus pro defunctis or a●e ut liberentur non tan●ùm à poenis Purgatorij, sed à Gehenna, & poena aeterna inserni.— Verior sensus est, ita pro ijs orar●, ut tamen repra●●e ●●ct d●● exitus corum, id est, ut ante mortem ita praeucuiantur, ut per viam sa●●●s incedant. Suarez ibid. num. 12. entreateth for deliverance of souls out of hell, and pains eternal) how easy it is for men to be wise above their reach in the search of things which are unsearchable. 37 The third respect is between the souls of the living, and the spirits of young infants dying shortly after Baptism, who do (in their opinion) immediately and infallibly ascend unto heavenly mansions. From which consideration there ariseth this question, q Quaeritu● an singulos etiam paruulos, qui baptis●ate ●b luti ad c●●lestei● stat●● p●t●iam c●●uolârunt, iure possimus orare. Respondeo, Ecclesiam non quidem singulorum justorum & beatorum animas deprecari, privatim tamen quisque potest eas singular animas or are, quas piè credit in coelum esse receptas. Az●r. Ies. Instit. Moral. part. 1. lib. 9 cap. 10. §. Decimo tertio. The word Singul●rum, doth not signify all, but any particular one; for the s●●e question is there made concerning singulos Angelos, and he granteth that some particular Angels are prayed unto, but denieth that the case is alike of Infants. whether any such jufants may in public be particularly prayed unto. The Church (saith their Azotius) useth it not, that is, useth no such prayer unto any such particular Infant. But why? is there any childhood in glorified Saints? is there ignorance in blessedness, or difference of age in eternity? Let them now, if it please them, satisfy us, or rather themselves, why they refuse the public and particular Invocation of such blessed Infants, r Non enim negamus quin Infants recè●s baptizati saluentur, si statim ex hac vita discedant.— Censentur totam legem implere. Bellarm. lib. 4. de justif. cap. 7. who, in the judgement of their own Church, are infallibly in the state of glory; and yet exercise a function of canonizing men, whom they make to be their public Advocates, wherein (as hath been confessed) they both may, and have been deceived: which argueth that their Church is not directed with the spirit of an infallible truth. And yet we wish that this were their greatest error: for we proceed to demonstrate Manifold Idolatry in the practice of Invocation in the Romish Church, which is another degeneration from antiquity. This is proved both by the conseguences and confessions of our learned Adversaries: and first by laying down the description of Idolatry. SECT. 9 38 Although our Adversaries might be permitted to profess the doctrine of Invocation, yet their manner of invocating may be such as the changing of * Act. 14. 12. Barnabas into jupiter, and Paul into Mercury, and so, by a kind of translated Idolatry, dishonour God in honouring of his Saints: which we examine by their own rules. And first Idolatry is described by their jesuite Valentian, to be a Idolol●●ria est, honorem, qui soli Deo debetur, tribuere creaturae— honour 〈◊〉 est quiequid verborum aut o●●iclorum omnin● accommo●●●●● est ad gig●c●d●m 〈…〉 in divinam maiestatem propri● conver●iat, sive directè, sive indirectè. Gregor. Valent. Ies. lib. 1. de Idol. whensoever a man intendeth to apploe unto any creature, either by words, or by actions, any estimation which is proper unto the majesty of God, whether is be done directly, ●● indirectly. 39 Such was the case of the ancient heretics Colliridians, who although they believed not the Virgin Mary to be God, yet (as Cardinal Bellarmine confesseth) they b Cùm non secus ac Deus invocatur: ita olim quidam Mariam, quos Epiphanius refellit. Hares. 79. invocated her with an honour due unto God; and were anciently confuted by Epiphanius. Which manner of indirect honour, we think will appear to be as rife in the Romish worshippers, as were the * Matth. 13. tars sown by the envious one in the time that the husbandmen were asleep. And for proof hereof we may be contented (although it be but one) with An example of the sacrilegious and idolatrous worship practised by the Romanists, in Invocation and adoration of the blessed Virgin: by evidences both from their words, and actions. SECT. 10. 40 We contend not against the honour of pre-eminence ascribed unto that glorious person, before all other vessels of blessedness. We let our Adversaries call her, as they do, a Praecipua est Sanctorum. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 15. the worthiest of the Saints, the b Bellar. See at the letter, d. Queen of heaven; and if they will, also (as generally praying for us through the mediation of Christ, but not to be invocated) our Advocate: for such like encomiasticall praises their c Martinus Lutherus comen. super Magnificat. Persona est superior cunctis, cui nemo sit par, etc. Oecolampadius de laudando in Maria Deo: Templum est sanctiss.— Regina est omnis● super omnes,— quis non rapiatur in amorem eius, quam Deus ipse de●mat, quam vo●erantur Angeli & Archangeli,— quae humani generis est Aduocata, & Regina appellatur misericordiae? etc. Et Bullingerus de B Virg. Excellentissima sunt in Maria omnia, & hoc splendidiora, quo proficiscebantur à fide sinceriore, & flagrantiore Dei dilectione. Coccius tom. 1. lib. 3. art. 6. alleging other Protestants to the same purpose. Coccius doth acknowledge to be used of diverse Protestants, and others. But our dispute is about the excess of worship not much differing from the forenamed heresy of the Collyridians. 41 We know that their d Incidi in hominem de schola calvini, qui mihi alioqui perhumanus, & candidus videretur, eoque uteret familiariter, ut eum, si quo mode possem, ab illa insania revocarem.— Respondebat, caulam praecipuam ess: (cur â communione Ecclesiae discessent) quôd Sanctos in precibus invocaremus, quó●que eo modo divinitatem illis affingeremus. At hae imposturae mendaciaue impudentissima sunt, quis enim Catholicorum unquam uni vero Deo, vel Martyrum, vel Apostolorum, vel Angelorum, aut ipsam denique coeli Reginam— Mariam ullo modo equally? Bellar. praf. in controuer de Eccles. milit. §. Incidi. Cardinal doth contest in behalf of all Romanists, saying, Who ever honoured the Queen of heaven, the Virgin Mary, with any worship whereby she is equalled unto God? and inveigheth against Protestants, as against imposterous liars, who make this a pretence of dividing themselves from the Romish Church. But the truth hereof we permit unto any of sincere judgement, to try this by their own words & actions, who make the e Iniquitatem, quae separavit inter nos & Deum, vicit Mariae bonitas, quae maxima futura erat, quae & omnem mensuram excederet. Ozorius Ies. 〈◊〉. tom. 3 Conc. 1. in Annunciat. B Virgins Maria. blessed Virgin (we do but report the public sentences of Romish jesuits, and others) to exceed all measure of goodness: to accounted her f Constituta est super omnem creaturam, & quicunque jesu curuat genu, Matri quoque pronus supplicat: & Filij gloriam cum Matre non tam communem judico quàm eandem. Viega Ies. comm in Apoc. 12. sect 2. num. 3. citing the testimony ex Arnoldo Car●ot. tract. de laudib. Virgins. glory not so much common, as even the same with the Son of God: to make her a partaker of the better half of God's kingdom, even g Non defuerunt viri celebres qui dixerunt Deum regni sui, quod constat ex justitia & misericordia, dimidi 〈…〉, hoc est, misericordiam in B. Mariam transm●sse. C●ssand. lib. consult. art. 2●. Simile habet Holco●tus in lib. sap. lect. 36. & ●i●l in Can. lect. 80. his mercy: thereupon to h Poss●mus provocare à foro justitiae Dei ad curiam B. Mariae. Bernardin. in Mariali. appeal from God's court unto hers: and as being i Ibi si quis à filio terreatur, quia judex est, Matrem adeat, quia medicina est. H●l●●●. ubi suprà. Edit. Ven●t. afraid of the judgement of the Son, therefore to have recourse to the Mother for comfort: as though k Sine qua decrevit Deus nihil dare. O●●r. tom. 4. Conc. de devot. B. Maria. Et omnes intelligant quicquid ab a●terno illo four in terra● pro●●uat, pro●●●ere per Mari●m. Tursells●●● jesu●ta Epist. Dedicat. de virg. ●●●ret. nothing could be obtained of God, but through her: together with a doxology and thanksgiving of two of their principal jesuits in this tenor, l Bellarmine shutteth up all his books of controversies with this sacrifice of praise for her divine assistance, Laus Deo, & B. Virgini: sometimes thus, Laus Deo, Virginiue Matri Mariae, Deo item jesu Christo, aeterni Dei aeterno filio laus & gloria. In fine controu. de cultu Sanct. Lugduni anno 1596. So also Greg. de Valent. Ies. Laus Deo, & B. Virgini Mariae, item jesus Christo. In fine lib. de Missa & de Purgat. Glory be to God, & to the blessed Virgin Mary, and also unto jesus Christ. These are sayings in the public books privileged by their Church, and the breathe of her bestbeloved sons. But shall the divine writ dignify Christ in his nature, calling him the eternal son of God; in his office m 1. joh. 2. 1. an advocate for us; in his mercy as being that n Heb. 4. 14. 15. high Priest, who had a natural fellow - feeling of our infirmities; so faithful as therefore named o Heb. 2. 17. the faithful high Priest, in those things which concern him to perform between man and God; so present as p Heb. 9 24. appearing before the face of God for us; so prompt as inviting q Matth. 11. all that labour and are loaden with sins, to come unto him; so powerful as said to r Rom. 8. sit at the right hand of God, and to intercede for us; and shall souls remove their suit from his mercy seat, and appeal unto any other Saint? Secondly Christ according to his Divinity is s Philip. 2. 6. equal with God, and according to his humanity is t verse 9 exalted above every name unto the right hand of eternal majesty, in whose humanity the u Coloss. 2. 9 fullness of the Godhead is said to devil bodily: and shall jesuits dare to prefer the Virgin Marie in their Magnificats (contrary unto x My soul rejoiceth in God my Saviour. Luc. 2. hers) before her Saviour? Thus they shall be no more jesuits, but rather Marianites. Yet behold Agreater appearance of public Idolatry in the Romish Church; by more pregnant demonstrations. SECT. 11. 42 Well have their learned jesuits observed, that there are some kind of external acts of worship, a Officium aliquod est suap●e natura ità prae●larum, ut qui●i●, rationo ipsa naturali docente judicet solum Deum tali officio dignum, quale est sacrificium & votum. Valent. Ies. lib. 2. the idol. cap. 3. Alij religionis actus exteriores ex se have mentem & intentionem significant. (he meaneth Latriam) ut sunt sacrificium, oblatio, & votorum nuncupatio. Coster. Ies. Enchirid. cap. 14. §. Ex his. which are known by natural reason to be properly belonging unto God: whereof they name those two, sacrifice, & vows. But they cannot deny but that that is used of other Romanists, which is observed to be professed in the Order of the Friars predicant, b In professione fratrum praedicatorum sic vovetur: Voveo Deo & B. Mariae, & omnibus Sanctis, me praefato tali, vel tali, obediturum. Cai●tan. in Thom. 2. 2. q. 88 who in their first admission vow unto God, and the Virgin Mary, to be obedient unto their Principal, Now then, these two homages of vows and sacrifice being acknowledged to be so peculiarly belonging unto God, let our Adversaries consult, (seeing the * See confessed above. Collyridians have been condemned for Idolatry, in sacrificing unto the virgin Mary) how their Votarists can be excused for offering their vows unto her. But this is not all. 43 They prefer S. Francis before Christ, (we urge nothing which is not publicly c Franciscu●'s Deo unitissimus, ideò praefuit omni creaturae. fol. 4. Factus unus spiritus cum Deo. fol. 3 In quo passio Christi pro genere humano renovatun fol. 144. Propter eius unam Missam, placatus est Deus toti mundo. fol. 64. Christus oravit, Franciscus exorat●●. Lib. conformitatis, cuius author fuit F. Bartholomeus de Pisis in generali Minorum capitulo, Anno 1389. which book was publicly approved and allowed by the Romish censors with this testimony: Opus quod divina favente clementia, intitulatur de Conformitate vitae B. Francisci ad vitam Domini jesu Christi, discuti & examinari diligenter fecimus, & nihil invenimus correctione dignum. Impressus Bononiae anno 1510. per Gotardum Ponticum, cum hac inscriptione, Liber aureus. authorised in their Church) making Christ by his prayers to be but an Orator only to pray, but S. Francis an exorator, to prevail and obtain. And yet the book which is fraught with such stubble as this, is graced among them with the title of a Golden book. And their Church, as in a novel conceit she saith the d In Censura Coloniensi dicitur, Orationem Dominicam fundimus Sanctis, ut sancte Geryon, Pater noster qui es in coelis, etc. sed hanc debet habere sententiam, quòd cupimus orationem illam Dominicam Sanctorum manibus ad Deum deferri. Pag. 200. ut refert noster Pelargus jesuitis. loc. 16. Lord's prayer unto Saints, so doth she chant it in her Rituals, saying unto the Virgin Mary (as is e In nonnullis Ecclesijs canitur, jube filio, o foelix Puerpera; jure Matris impera Redemptori. Cassander consult. art. 21. And this antiphony is taken ex Ritualibus, as Duraeus the jesuit testifieth adverse. Whitach. fol. 352. confessed,) OH happy thou, command our Redeemer, by thy Mother's right: and elsewhere in other hymns, making the blessed Virgin the only refuge, saying of her, that f Ignoro ad quem confugiam (speaking exclusively) nisi ad te Dominam meam dulcissimam Virginem Mariam. Antidote. animae, Orat. S. Maria. And again: Adsis, oh Maria, ne desperatione succumbam mortis agone, tunc cum (excluding all others) nulla spes est altera, nisi tu, Virgo Puerpera, Patris parens & filia, cui me reconcilio. Ibid. Orat. OH clementissima. Pope Innocentius did promise' many Indulgences unto them, who with devotion should use this last prayer. there is no other hope. Which prayer was magnified by Pope g Quicunque subscriptam orationem quotidiè dixerit in honorem beatisses. Virgins Mariae, trecentos dies Indulgentiarum habebit ab Innocentio Papa, qui eam instituit. Teste nostro Lubberto, Replicat. ad Gretzer. lib. 4. cap. 1. Innocentius, promising Indulgences to all that shoulduse it. Can regenerate Christians but moan to hear such songs? How is not that Church by such means to be thought adurlteous, and they to be accounted her panders, who shall plead for her excuse? 44 It is true, that the honour of the Mother redoundeth unto the Son, but then only when the honour is just: for in that * 1. Reg. 2. 19 20. King Solomon sitting on his throne, caused a seat to be set for the king's mother, and she said, I desire a small request of thee, etc. it showeth, that a King would be desired of his Mother, not commanded: for it was sufficient honour for her to sit near his person of majesty. So likewise this vessel of grace, in her hymn professed, that it was her honour to magnify her Lord Christ, and that her happiness was to rejoice in the same her Saviour: so that the Romanists may be justly thought in their worship, much to dishonour that blessed Virgin by too much honouring her. The * Matth. 2. wise men of the East, who were directed by a star where to found Christ, when they had found him, did, without her intercession to their Intercessor, directly present their homage unto Christ. Let their wisdom, or rather the wisdom of the holy Ghost in relating that story, be our star to direct us in our worship. We add in the last place A confessed practice of Idolatry by their Romish people, in their Invocation of Saints: from the complaints of our more ingenuous Adversaries. SECT. 12. 45 We know that this accusation of an adversary, in upbraiding their church with the Idolatry committed by her people, would be suspected to be but an exasperation of malice: therefore do we desire her attention, not unto the criminations of protestāns but unto the confessions & complaints of her own Doctors; some of them wishing a a Quinetiam publicè ab ijs, quorum ad officium hoc spectat, & imprimis Virgins Matris veneratio ita comen dandanè Christi seruatoris honori aliquid derogetur, neuè (ut Bonaventurae verbis utar) dum Matris excellentia ampliat●r, filij gloria minuatur: & sic in illo matter provocetur, quae magis vult filium extolli quàm seipsam, utpote creatorem creaturae. Et mox obijcientibus, quòd honour Matris referatur ad filium, respondet idem Bonaventura; Verum quidem esse, non tamen ex co sequi, quòd omnis honour qui tribuitur filio, tribuendus sit Matri, quia hoc esset non filium honorare, sed potius filio contumeliam facere. Cassander defence. lib. de Offic. pij viri, contra Caluinum. correction of some prayers, jest that by too much dignifying of the Mother, the honour due unto the Son might be impaired: exclaiming against the popular Idolatry, whilst b Multi Christiani in re bona pletumque peceant, quòd divos di●asque non aliter venerantur quàm Deum. vives in Aug. de Civit. Dei, lib. 8. cap. vlt. & lib. vlt. Multi, etc. Clandius Espencaeus 〈◊〉. in 2. Tim. 3. many (say they) do worship the Saints, (yea and c Benè multi rudiores, qui— imaginibus magis fidant quàm Christo, vel alijs Divis, quibus sunt dicatae. Polyd. Virgil. de Invent. lib. 6. cap. 13. very many their Images) with the same honour which is due unto God; d Fóque ventum est, ut Christus iam in coelo regnans B. Virgini subijciatur Cassander consult. art. 21. subjecting unto the blessed Virgin Mary our Lord and Saviour Christ, the king of glory; as also in e An verò benè ac divinitùs educati pueri hodiè juxta scomina Propheticum Esa 65. propè centenarij, hoc est, Christiani vetuli & seniculi, qui non minus t●ibuunt Divis quàm Deo, qui hunc quim illos minùs placabilem aut exorabilem putant? ●tinam mentiar, etc. Espencaeus quo suprà, pag. 118. Luteti● Paris. 1561. reposing more confidence in Saints, then in God: and lastly exhibiting (as may be f The books of Accounts belonging to Christchurch in Canterbury (as is reported) do testify that there being three several offerings, to Christ, to our Lady, and to Thomas Becks; the oblations to Thomas communibus annis did amount to eight hundred or a thousand pounds, to our Lady two hundred pounds, to Christ sometimes five marks, sometimes twelve, and sometimes Hoc anno nihil. seen) greater pledges of devotion unto a supposed Saint, then to our Lord Christ. When we have all these so plain and public notifications of so many sacrilegious superstitions, which are partly caused, partly occasioned by their Church, can we either acknowledge in her a true mother-hood, or she a just father hood in true antiquity? What now remaineth, but only A conclusion, manifesting whether the profession of Protestants or Romanists is the more fafe for our soul's repose. SECT. 13. 46 In as much as we are taught to except against a doctrine of worship, which for antiquity is not from the first a Matth. 19 From the beginning it was not so. beginning, or for authority b Isa 1 Who required these at your hands. not required by God; or for security c jac. 1. Let him ask in faith, not doubting. not of faith: & that this Article is not found to have had any more ancient motioner than d §. 2. Origen; delivered with no stronger patronage than is e §. 2. doubtfulness; issuing from no better ground than f §. 2. affection; which carried the Collyridian weaklings headlong into a condemned adoration of the blessed Virgin: our Reader may judge whether this doctrine can be esteemed to b● truly Catholic. 47 Then, seeing some of our Adversaries have professedly suggesteda confirmation of this doctrine out of Scriptures of the old & new Testament, both by general assertions, & particular instances, and have been g §. 3. 4. 5. 6. confuted from point to point by the testimonies of their own Doctors: our Reader is occasioned to suspect both the credit of the obiectors, who have violently forced the Scriptures beyond compass, & also the truth of the article, which is proved to have no direct evidence in Scripture. 48 Next, knowing the greatest part of Romish Invocation dependeth upon the authority of the h §. 7. Pope of Rome in canonizing Saints, a jurisdiction both new, and i §. 7. deceivable: whereupon followeth a necessary k §. 7. abolishing of the greatest part of the Romish worship: our reader may determine whether they may be thought to be safe directors of our faith, who are thus unsatisfiable in their own. Furthermore, considering that our Adversaries in inquiring what parties are to be invocated, are (as it were) at a crossway, saying and gainsaying, that they in l §. 8. Purgatory pray for us, and we to them, etc. and teaching an invocation of Saints canonised, which may be subject unto error; and yet forbidding all invocation of particular Infants, who (in their judgement) are infallibly sainted: our Reader may weigh, whether this incongtuitie issue not merely from presumption. 49 Lastly, understanding that the diverse m §. 10. speeches of their greatest Doctors, as jesuits; and authorised n §. 11. prayers in their Church, do flatly vent out Idolatrous forms of praying, & that also many of their o §. 12. people are confessed to be deeply plunged in this same crime of crimes, by their manner of invocating Saints: our Reader will easily conceive, whether there can be any safe communion with them, who have so deformedly degenerated from the integrity of the worship of God; or whether it be not more safe to embrace such an Advocate, who (according to the proper signification of this word among Lawyers) can in justice plead the cause inter Deum & reum; even that one whom the finger of God hath pointed out, saying, * 1. joh. 2. 1. If any man sin, we have an advocate with the Father, jesus Christ: and so to resolve with an holy jealousy, for the honour of God, and of his Christ, to continued in the simplicity of that worship, which best accordeth with the Oracles of God in sacred writ: the rather because, as their jesuite confesseth, that that p Cultus noxius semper saepè laethalis, quando cui debetur cultus, non quo debetur modo exhibetur. Delrio Ies. lib. 1. de Magia. cap. 1. pag. 2. service is always hurtful, and sometimes pernicious, wherein we do not perform dutiful worship after that manner which we own unto God. CHAP. XIII. Of unbaptized Infants, departing this life. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 8 Eightly, concerning Baptism, that the most ancient Fathers (who succeeded next to the Apostles Scholars) namely justine, Clement, etc. 2 Centur. 2. c. 4 col. 47. line 43. and in Centur. 3. c. 4. col. 82. line 55. it is said, Affirmare audet Cyprianus, quòd persona Baptizans Spiritum sanctum conferat & baptizatum intus sanctificet. thought regeneration (not to be signified but) wrought by Baptism, and the word; unto which (two) joined together they attribute efficacy, that is to say, remission of sins: that also 3 Cent. 3. ca 6. col. 125. line 16. Origen, Tertullian, and Cyprian, mention how that the baptised persons were accustomed to be signed with the sign of the Cross. That there were likewise then used ●● Baptism sundry other ceremonies, as 4 Cent. 3. col. 124. line 53. & col. 126. line 20. Abrenunciation: 5 Cent. 3. col. 125. line 1. & 124. line 57 threefold immersion, 6 Centur. 3. col. 123. line 9 unction etc. That 7 So saith Cartwright in M. Whitgifts' defence, &c p. 522. fine. And Bullenger in his Decades in English, decad. 5. serm. 8. pag. 1049. a. circa med. Austen was of mind, that children could not be saved without Baptism: that 8 Mulculus Loc. common. de Baptismo, pag. 308. post med. Austen and many Fathers were of the same opinion. In so much that (as Calvin confesseth) the Fathers hereupon doubted not 9 Calvin. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 15. sect. 20. almost from the ve●ie beginning of the Church, to use the Baptism of lay persons in danger of death. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Setting down the state of the question. SECT. 1. THere be three points concerning Baptism, which by these Apologists we are urged to discuss: First, the efficacy; secondly, the necessity: thirdly, the rites and ceremonies belonging thereunto. Our answer to the first is, That the Apologists have bewrayed much ignorance, by objecting against Protestants the efficacy of Baptism: by the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 The efficacy of Baptism, which is, as the Apologists have noted, * Apolog. num. 2. the working remission of sin, is now by them objected against Protestants, as adversaries thereunto. Wherein appeareth their double ignorance, first in not understanding the general doctrine of Protestants, which notwithstanding our greatest Adversary hath thus acknowledged: a Lutherus art. 2. ait, omnia peccata in Baptismo remitti. calvinus, omnium peccatorum reatus per Baptismum deleri, Philippus Melancthon, Peccatum in baptismo remitti, ut non imputetur. Bellarm lib. 1. de Baptis. cap. 13. Kemnitius fatetur remitti in Baptismo omnia peccata, quinetiam tolli ac deleri, & solùm reliquias quasdam originalis peccati restare. Bellar. ibid. Neither do they affirm a bore remission only, but such a one as doth always imply regeneration also, and an inchoative extinction of original concupiscence and sin. Therefore Luther [In Tit 3 Baptismus est lavacrum regenerations] Non quo externus homo abluitur tantùm, sed quo tota natura mutetur in aliam naturam, id est, quo prior nativitas carnalis destruitur cum tota peccatorum & perditionis nativitate. Luther homil. in Tit. 3. If peradventure some particular one should hold otherwise, yet should they not by thus objecting make it the Tenet of Protestants. Luther, Caluine, Melancthon, and Kemnitius say (saith he,) that both remission of sin is given, and regeneration wrought in Baptism. Secondly, they have much injured the Centurists, whom they produce as censurers of the Fathers in this point of efficacy of Baptism, (which consisteth in the remission of sin;) but do utterly mistake, in the b For the Centurists, Cent. 2. c. 4 col. 47. line 43. note the efficacy of Baptism not for an error, but for a truth taught by the Fathers. Sentiunt regenerationem fieri per baptismum & verbum, quibus coniunctis efficaciam tribuunt remissionem peccatorum, & quidem in adultis poenitentiam requirunt. No more blaming the Fathers for affirming the efficacy of baptism remission and regeneration, then for requiring repentance in every adultus baptised. first place, error for truth, and in the c In the second place, Cent. 3. c. 4. col. 82. line 55. the Apologists are as much deceived: for the error there noted, is not of many Fathers, but of only Cyprian; and not for the efficacy of baptism, but of the person baptizing Aff●●mare audet quòd persona baptizans Spiritum sanctum conserat. And of the additaments of baptism, de efficacia & necessitate Vnctionis, which every Romanist will grant to be a point erroneous: for only the word and water are of the necessity of this Sacrament. second, Baptism in stead of the baptizer. Concerning the necessity of the Bapisme of Infants, our first enquiry must be, whether the Romanists will permit such kind of exceptions against the doctrine of some ancients in a question of like nature: by the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 3. 3 We shall need no other precedent for our direction then the examples of our Adversaries, who would press us with a yoke of necessary subscription unto all the opinions which have been general in any age before us; which notwithstanding they themselves do easily and liberally reject. For first, the a Augustini & Innocentij primi sententia fuit, quae sexcentoes ferè annos viguit in Ecclesia, Eucharistiam etian. Infantibus neceslariam esse: quae tandem ab Ecclesia reiecta est. Neque Protestants à nobis in hac re dissentiunt. Maldonatus jesuita comment. in johan. 6. 53. necessity of ministering the Eucharist unto Infants (as a learned jesuite confesseth) was defended by Augustine and Pope Innocentius, and was practised in the Church for almost 600 years together: notwithstanding it is now (upon better judgement) contradicted, and altered in the same Church. 4 Secondly, they acknowledge, that b Aliquando aliquorum Patrum opinio fuit, cum omnium Scholasticorum sententia pugnans, ubi docuerunt Patres, Infants absque baptismo morientes igne perpetuo crucia●i. Nostra uérior, eos poe●â sensus non puniri. Azorius Ies. Instit. Moral. lib. 2. cap. 17. part. 1. Nonnulli Catholici sentiunt, par●●los infants non baptizatos propter originale peccatum puniri, non modò poenâ damni, quae est sola gratiae privatio, sed etiam poenâ aliquâ sensus ex igne proveniente, mitiori quàm adultos: August. ser. 14. de verb. Apost. ubi dicit infants illos deputandos esse ad sinistram in ignem aeternum. Et lib. 5. cont. lulian. cap. 8. docet hanc poenam ignis seruatam esse infantibus, quanta tamen sit futura, definire non audet. Idem planè affirmat Fulgent. libro Hypognost. & lib. de Incarnate. cap. 30. Tametsi negare non possumus praedictam opinionem fuisse Augustini & Fulgentij, à qua non multum Gregorius magnus abhorret, tamen meo judicio non solùm probabilior, verumetiam communis Scholae sententia, ●os nulla aliâ poenam quàm damni, id est, pri●atione beatitudinis puniri Vasques jes. in Thom. disp. 134. cap. 2. &. 3. S. Augustine, Fulgentius, Gregory, and other Fathers did teach, that Infants dying without Baptism did presently descend into the place of the damned, to be sensibly tormented in hellfire. Nevertheless, now (say they) the general profession of our Church is against it. How then shall we presume of sincerity in our Apologists, who in the doctrine of the necessity of Sacraments, do so closely pursue us with that authority, which they themselves do, in these two points, freely, and (as we willingly confess) also justly refuse? Notwithstanding seeing their argument so urgeth the absolute necessity of Baptism of Infants, as without which they cannot possibly be saved, we descend unto a second trial, to know. Whether the question of the absolute necessity of Baptism be justifiable by the practice of primitive antiquity: from the testimonies of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 4. 5 The custom of the more primitive Church (as they know) a Quodsi de sanctis & pijs olim hominib' legitur eos diu distulisle baptilmum, etc. hoc fuit extraordinarium. Greg. Valent. Ies. tom. 4. disp. 4. punct. 4. which being spoken of the Adu●tus, doth agreed unto Infants. deferred their Baptism for a long season. Whether this were ordinary, or (as some of them will have it) extraordinary, is not pertinent unto the point of necessity. Socrates noteth, that b Aliam consuetudinem in Thessalia esse cognovi, ut diebus Paschatis duntaxat baptizent: ob quam causam omnes, paucis admodum exceptis, absque baptismo moriuntur. Socrates' hiss. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 21. in Thessaly, by reason of deferring of Baptism until Easter, it happened that many, yea the most died before Baptism, aswell Infants, as sometimes men of discretion. 6 Now when we found, that the ancient and universal custom of the Church was (as it appeareth in the decree of Pope c Tom. 1. Conc. apud Surium, pag. 731. Leo the first,) to appoint only two times in the year for solemn Baptisms (although indeed the case of necessity was sometime excepted,) we require of our Adversaries the reason of the alteration of that custom, which hath been for antiquity so long, and large for universality: and they tell us, that d Haec consuetudo iamdiù antiquata est, quia (inquit Rupertus) periculosum erat tantam multitudinem deferri propter occasiones mortis, maximè propter tu●bam Infantium visum est sanctae Ecclesiae passim indulgentiâ baptizandi conceslâ, cuncta antevenire pericula. Suarez Ies. disp. 3. de Sacram. & Binius Conc. Tom. 1. in Decret. Papae Leonis, cap. 1. can. 6. Suarez addeth, Quantum ad obligationem praecepti spectat, nam quantum ad obseruantiam, ob antiquitatis reverentiam, & memoriam, adhuc Romae huius consuetudinis vestigia servari videmus. Suarez tom. 3. in Thom. disp. 31. & q. 71. Sect. 2. pag. 433. lit. b. c. it hath been therefore changed by the Church, because of the danger, which by so long delay did ensue, especially towards young Infants, by many occasions of untimely deaths. This we take to be a sufficient acknowledgement, that the primitive Doctors held no such absolute necessity of Baptism for Infants, except we shall dare to think the primitive mother Church to have been either so unwise as not to discern the now pretended danger, or else so unnatural and graceless (especially in so great an hazard of salvation) as not by speedy Baptism willingly to prevent it. In our third trial we shall manifest, That this doctrine of Protestants is fully established by the confessions of their learned Adversaries. SECT. 5. 7 By our diligent search into the writings of our Adversaries, we found diverse among them to have been so far from the now Romish opinion, concerning the unbaptized children of Christian parents', that they held it a Suscipiunt nonnulli sententiam etiam orthodoxi iuxtà & doctissimi viri, quâ asseritur, quodsi eorum habenda sit ratio, ad quorum aures evangelii denunciatio nondum pervenerit, etc.— posse hosce natiuâ solùm intelligentiâ imbutos Dei exi stentiam, eiusque post hanc vitam remunerationem agnoscentes, sieve id certâ scientia assecuti fuerint, sive aliorum relatu ita esse credant, modò Dei amore in vita flagraverint, & odio peccati ab eius contagione recesserint, sempiternam foelicitatem suo tempore indipisci Hoc opinantur ●yranus in Heb. 11. Tostatus in Gen. 17. Dionys. Carthu●. in Heb. 11.— Andraeas Vega lib. 6. in Conc cap. 20. Vives lib, 18. Ciu●t. cap. 47. & alij nonnulli; quod ex hi● Scriptures efficere conantur, Heb. 11. Credere ad Deum, etc. & Rom. 1. Cum Deum cognovissent, etc.— Ratio eorum qu●d viderant infinitas myriadas hominum, ad quos nullus evangelii sonus vel extremâ ullâ yllabâ unquam pervenerat: parùm autem videtur consentaneum divinae misericordiae, si eorum omnium infants dirâ quadam necessitaus' lege ad or●i flama● destinatos nostris sententijs diceremus, quinetiam adultae aetatis tot homines & foeminas, &c Vt refert Westonu● Anglus, Trofessor Duaci, de trip●●●minis officio, lib. 3. cap. 22. not agreeable to the divine mercy of almighty God to condemn the unbaptized children, even of heathenish pagan, to the torments of hell. 8 If some of our Adversaries have thus pronounced of Infidels Agars' seed, (which engendereth unto eternal bondage) for the freeing of them from hell, we are in good hope that some others amongst them will be found so charitable, as to lend us a voice in behalf of the of spring of Sarah (that is, the children of the promise borne of faithful parents) for the acknowledgement of their bliss. This they have done with a large consent, as b Vt pereant quotquot, qui sunt infiniti, qui bapti●mo carent, ho● (inquiunt Caictanus, Gabriel, & alij Catholici) est à Dei misericordi● ali●num. Bellar. lib. 1. de Bapt. cap. 4. §. Quintum. Ca●●tan● thus: Sicut incircumcisi infants in temporibus legis, propter impossibilitatem circumcisionis in fide parentum salua●i po●erant, ita nunc non baptizati. Caiet. in 3. Thom. q. 68 art. 1. & 2. Gerson thus: Deum misericordiam saluationis suae non it● sacramentis alligâsse, quin absque praeiudicio possit pueros nondum natos extra uterum intus sanctificare gratiae suae baptismo, vel virtute Spiritus sancti. Part. 2. pag 303. Parisijs. Biel speaketh of those infants which are as yet unborn, and refuseth their answer who say that unto them non est provisum de remedio, since that as he saith, Repugnat misericordiae divinae, quae (ut communiter loquuntur Doctores) nullo unquam tempore post lapsum reliquit hominem sine remedio. Biel in 4. Sent. dist. 4. q. 2. Brixiae 1604. In Tilman is the like sentence with Caietane. Others though they thought them excluded out of the celestial heaven, yet Ad eum errorem (as Bellarmine saith) proximè accessisse videntur Ambrose Catharinus, lib de statu puetorum sine baptismo decedentium, Pigghius in 1. controvers. & Hieron. Sa●anatola lib. de triumpho c●ucis: Docent enim infants sine baptismo morientes futuros post judicium beatos naturali beatitudine, & in quodam veluti Paradiso terrestri perpetuò feliciter ue victuros. Bellar. lib. 6. de Amiss. Gratiae, cap. 1. §. Ad quem. namely, Caietane, Gabriel, Gerson, Ambrose Catharinus, Pigghius, besides (as they say) alij, that is, others: and amongst others we * See the Section following. found Tilmannus, Segebergensis, Thomas Elisius, Georgius Cassander, all concluding that all such children of faithful parents are within the covenant of grace, and capable of eternal life. Thus much from their confessions, we proceed yet further unto a fourth trial Whether the foresaid doctrine of Protestants be not justified and fortified by the most exact proofs and consequences, used and urged by our learned Adversaries. SECT. 6. 9 If in a question of this nature we should only rest upon the bore confessions of our Adversaries, without their judicious consequents, we might seem to be directed rather by men's persons, then by their reasons: therefore that our Reader may know, that these Doctors were, in this our defence, no blind guides, we have singled out of our adversaries such advocates for us, as are accounted to have been a Georgius Cassander lib. de Baptismo Infantium, part altera, Coloniae 1565. Cum privilegio, etc. Haec testimonia ideò assumpsimus, ut ostendamus religiosissimos viros, & antiquorum Patrum obseruantissimos. ●ol. 139. Authors most religious, & obedient unto the authority of ancient Fathers: one of them being a b Hanc opinionem apertè professus est vir in rebus divinis acutissimus ipse Gersonem secutus, & Tilmannus ordinis Praedicatorij, Coloniensis Theologus. & post eum Thomas Elisius Neapolitanus in lib. cui Titulus, Clypeus piorum adversus haereticos, Ibid. Gerson Doctor Parisiensis in sermon, quem secit in Concilio Constantiensi, omnibus Patribus ibi existentibus, ●bi praedicavit tales infant's benedictione Dei posse salvari in fide parentum; quam pijssimam opinionem sequitur Magister magistrorum suo tempore Thomas Caietanus Cardinalis, & Tilmannus vir eruditissimus. Elisius ibid. fol. 134. Doctor of Paris, & preaching this doctrine without control in the Council of Constance: another being a Cardinal, for learning reputed the Master of Masters: who all do by forcible arguments evince our conclusions, to wit, that God both can and will mercifully respect those children, who issuing from faithful parents, are by any necessity (which is voided of all contempt) deprived of the use of the Sacrament of Baptism: and that this doctrine is, in many respects, the safest hold. 10 The first and general reason is taken from the mercy of God unto his Church, which in all things exceedeth in goodness not only the deserts, but even the hopes of men: and hereof they resolve upon a constat, that is, an c Constat Deum misericordiam saluationis suae non ita legibus communibus Traditionis Christianae, non ita Sacramentis ipsis alligàsse; quin possit pueros nondum natos extra uterum sanctificare, etc. Gerson apud Cassandrum quo suprà, fol. 121. & Gabriel Biel, ibid. fol. 122. Non enim alligavit Deus poenam svam (ut communis est Theologorum sententia) ita visibilibus Sacramentis, ut sine ipsis, modò absit contemptus, saluare nequeat, aut nolit, maximè quando impossibile est ut quis ea suscipere possit, Tilmannus apud Cassandrum quo suprà, fol. 128. evidence, that God in such cases of necessity will not precisely tie his grace unto the use of outward elements. Which is propounded as the common opinion of their Divines, & is also confessed by Cardinal Bellarmine, saying, (although of a matter of a different kind) that d Answering that it is no error to think that Christ by his descent into hell did free many, yea all out of Purgatory ex gratia speciali: his reason, quia Dominus non est Sacramentis alligat●s, aut meritis nostris. Bellar. lib. 4. de Christo, cap. vlt. yet condemneth this. God is not tied in his bond unto his Sacraments. Which may be (we think) a comment upon that text where it is written, [ * joh. 3. 5. Except a man be borne again of water and etc. to expound this word, [except,] by way of another exception, namely the case of such a necessity: which is without all contempt of the Sacrament. 11 This is secondly proved by the ordinance of God in the old Testament, wherein (as their own e Circumcisionem valuisse ad remissionem peccati originalis magno cons●nsu Patres tradiderunt, & Scholastici Theologi omnes. B●llar. lib. Recognit. §. De Sacramentis in genere. Authors do observe out of the Fathers) Circumcision was the Sacrament of remission of original sins; when notwithstanding the children dying uncircumcised were saved (saith S. f Credimus etc. paruulis autem etiam solam profuisse imò & suffeciffe parentum fidem. S. Bernardus epist 77. and Hugonem de sancto Victore. Bernard) only by the faith of their parents. Therefore the people of God in the new Testament may (as we think) conceive hope of their children: for the faith of both Testaments being the same, we may not imagine a diverse necessity of a Sacrament, because (as their Cardinal Caietane hath truly argued) g Fides ●ola veterum non fuit maioris virtutis apud veteres, quàm apud nos:— at tunc deficiente pa●uulis proprio salutis auxilio, parentum fides pro illis sola sufficiebat: ergo nunc quando paruulis deest baptismi remedium. — And to an objection, that the Sacrament of the new Testament is of greater virtue and necessity, he answereth, Duobus existentibus fide & fidei Sacramento▪ operanti apud veteres fidei, adiunctum est nostro tempore fidei sacramentum sub ratione possibilis; intelligimus, non ut virtutem fidei soluat, sed ut adimpleat. Caietan in 3. part. Th●m. q. 68 art. 1. & 2 Pergit: Confirmatur hoc à salute paruulorum, ●ui ante diem circumcisionis moriebantur, nam tales, secundum probabiliorem opinionem, moriebantur incircumcisi, ut patet de fratre Salomonis; & tamen saluabantur, etc. And Tilmannus Sigebergensis in Clypeo fidei—. Quis tam stipes est, qui ignoret parentum solam fidem paruulis succurrisse ante circumcisionem morientibus? Consequitur itaque paruulis, &c So Elisius: Filij Haebraeorum, qui mori●bantur incircumcisi, aut saluabantur, aut non: si saluabantur, habeo intentum, quia fides nostra est multò melior: si sic, sequeretur quòd mares essent deteriores conditionis quim foeminae, cùm ambo haberent originale pec●a●um, & mares damnantur, qui incircumcisi moriebantur, foeminae non. These are cited by Cassander, part altera de Bap. Infant. fol. 123. 126. 138. a Sacrament being but an adjunct of faith, was ordained not to dissolve, but to confirm the same faith. Well then, could a jewish * 2. Sam. 12. Father, hearing of the death of his child before it had received the outward character of God's covenant by the Sacrament of circumcision, call for meat and drink to solace himself, for the confidence sake which he had of the happy estate of that child; and shall Christian parents by a contrary belief of the eternal misery, necessarily enthralling their unbaptized children in the prison of hell, sit down and take up the lamentation of * Matth. 2. 18. Rachel, weeping and mourning for their children, because they are not? 12 Thirdly, the Romanists ground their pretended necessity of Baptism upon the words of our Saviour, saying, * joh. 3. 5. Except a man be borne again of water, etc. yet notwithstanding have they conceived another Baptism, which is h Perfecta conversio ac poenitentia rectè baptismus flaminis dicitur, & baptismum aquae saltem necessitate supplet:— sine dubio credendum est veram conversionem supplere baptismum aquae, cùm non ex contemptu, sed ex necessitate aliqui sine baptismo aquae decedunt. Bellar lib. 1. de Baptis. cap. 6. §. Secunda propositio. Flaminis, saying, that i Catechumeni in adulta aetate ante susceptum baptisma voto & desiderio sumendi credunt, & inter Ecclesiae membra numerantur: saluantur quoque si nondum suscepto fluminis baptismate decesserint: quod usuvenisse Valentiniano Imperatori certissimum est, de quo Ambrose: Audivi (inquit) vos dolere, quòd non susceperit Sacramenta baptismatis; Dicite mihi, quid aliud in nobis est, nisi voluntas, nisi petitio? atque etiam dudum hoc votum habuit, etc.— Quae autem ratio est, ut baptismus flaminis magis locum habeat in adultis quàm in paru●●● an fortè Deum crudeliorem fore paruulis quàm adultis? Tilmannus apud Cassandrum, quo suprà. catechised persons, & such as be of discretion, in whom there is contrition for sin, and purpose of being baptised, although they die before they receive the outward Baptism of water, yet are they in the state of salvation, the necessity of the baptism of water now wanting, being supplied by the baptism of the Spirit. Which their jesuite Lorinus doth prove out of S. Augustine, concluding also out of Scripture, that in such a case, k In Act. 10. 44. Cecidit Spiritus sanctus super omnes qui audiverunt verbum.] Monet Augustinus q. 84. in levit. ut hinc intelligamus quod invisibilis sanctificatio quibusdam adfuerit atque profuerit, possitue interdum adesse & prodesse sine visibili Sacramento, ut Deus non alligetur (ut vulgati axiomate loquuntur) suis Sacramentis, quando viz. Sacramentum (l. 4. de Bapt. c. 24) ut Baptistismum, non contemptus religionis, sed necessitatis articulus excludat, ut Augustini verbis utar. Lorinus Ies. comm. in Act. 2. S● also Bellarmine, conversio ad Deum, licet Baptisma quoddam sit, non est tamen Sacramentum. Bellar. lib. 1. de Baptis. cap. 6. §. Quinta prop. the invisible grace of sanctification doth, without the visible Sacrament of Baptism, profit those faithful, who by necessity, and not in contempt of religion, are deprived of Baptism. 13 Hence their forenamed Authors assume, that the children of the faithful dying without Baptism, may be thought to receive the Baptism of the Spirit, as well as those Catechumenists spoken of, (among whom by the Fathers is reckoned l Lbrum Ambrosijs de morte Valentiniani legate, & advertet sine dubio sanctum virum homini non baptizato & mortuo fidenter, & de sola fide salutem praesumere, & tribuere indubitanter bonae voluntati quod defuit facultati. Bernard. epist. 77 ●●d Hug●nem: and in the same place addeth out of S. Augustine, Tunc, inquit, impletur invisibiliter, cum mysterium baptismatis non contemptus religionis, sed articulus necessitatis excludit, Ibid. Valentinian the Emperor:) except we shall think (say they) that God is more merciful unto men of years, then unto tender Infants: as to make men capable of grace without the use of outward Baptism, & to deny children the necessary means of salvation. But what should hinder their salvation? only the want of Baptism by water? How then could Valentinian be saved? They say this was, because the want of the outward baptism of water was supplied by the inward Baptism of the sanctifying Spirit: and we know, that * Luc. 1. john the Baptist, when he was as yet unbaptized, and uncircumcised, he was Christened by the spirit of sanctification, even in his mother's womb. 14 The Romanists have added yet a third Baptism, which they term sanguinis, of blood: which, they say, acquitteth a man of the necessary debt of Baptism, which is by water; m Martyrium rectè dicitur esse quoddam baptisma— dans gratiam ex opere operato.— Probatur ex Martyrio infantum: Constat enim infants pro Christo occisos non solùm salvari, sed etiam haberi ab Ecclesia in numero Martyrum, etc.— Infants qui nihil possunt operari:— & probabilissimum est, & ferè certum, eos non fuisse circumcisos, inter quos non pauci erant Gentiles. Bellar. lib. 1. de Bapt. cap. 6. §. Prima propositio, etc. so that aswell the unbaptized children, as men being slain for Christ, are truly baptised (say they) in their own blood, & thereby are not only saved, but also numbered among the blessed Martyrs: which they think to be confirmed by the example of the Infants slain at the birth of Christ. Whence their own Authors are bold thus to argue against them, viz. n Baptismi vicem implere passionem probat Cyprianus ab exemplo Latronis.— Altera Caietani ratio est, quia status ille est capax baptismi sanguinis. Si enim propter Christum infans in 〈◊〉 occideretur, Martyr esset non minùs quàm innocentes.— Et hic est scopus omnium verborum, quae habet Caietanus. Infants in utero sunt capaces baptismi sanguinis, ergo flaminis. Tilmannus apud Cassandrum, part altera de Baptismo Inf●●t. fol. 128. & 131. If children unbaptized may be capable Baptismi sanguinis, that is, of the Baptism of blood, then are they capable Baptismi slaminis, that is, of the baptism of the Spirit also, even in the wombs of their mothers. Which reason is very solid and sound, because there was never any soul interested in Christ, but it was possessed with his sanctifying Spirit: as it is written, * Rom. 8. 9 Whosoever are Christ's have received the spirit of Christ. If these reasons be not sufficient, we add A confirmation of the same doctrine of Protestants, by other arguments of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 7. 15 Another general principle and practice of the Romish Church, is to teach, that a Paruulos non credentes actu primo baptizari in sola fide Ecclesiae. Concil. Trid. Sess. 7. Can. 14. children wanting faith are baptised in the faith of the Church, because, b Bellarmine answering this argument of the Anabaptiss: Infants non credunt, ergo non sunt baptizandi: saith, Dico sufficere ad baptismum fidem alienam: sicut eye obfuit peccatum alie●um. Bellarmin de Baptism. lib. 1. cap. 9 §. Quintum argumentum, etc. Rursus: Duplex fides requiritur in Baptismo, Actualis una, quae praecedit, ut dispositio, & ca est quae exigitur à baptizatis, dum iubentur respondere an credant, etc. altera quae sequitur Baptismun, quae est pars essentialis iustificationis, & non est actus sed habitus. Ibid, cap. 11. §. Est autem. as another man's sin was originally the cause of their damnation; so other men's faith sufficeth them unto Baptism, for their salvation. Hence their own Authors do learnedly thus collect, c Ait Thomas 3. part. q. 68 & q. 69. A. 6. ad 3. In multis locis pueri baptizantur in fide militantis Ecclesiae, quae si per impossibile deficeret, suppleret Ecclesia triumphans. Elisius apud Cassandrum, quo suprà, pag. 134. Si itaque fides & voluntas Ecclesiae infantibus accomodata, eos baptismo consequendo idoneos reddit: quid quaeso causae est cur non etiam eos obtinendae sanctificationi idoneos efficient, si externum baptismi signum iam voto praesumptum, necessitas, quae vitari non potest, iam sola prohibeat?— Nam etiam ante Baptismum susceptum, paruulos in credentium numero aliquo modo haberi, ex priscae Ecclesiae consuetudine apparet, quâ infants ante lotionem de fide interrogantur an credant, etc.— quod etiam patet ex ordine Romano, in quo feria 4. hebdom. 3. quadragesimae scrutinium, quod vocatur, etiam in paruulis ab huiusmodi interrogatione solenni & professione fidei per Acolythum in nomine Infantium inchoabatur.— Quod nisi haec inani & mendaci caeremonia fieri dicamus, certè vel tunc infants non prorsus à fide alieni habendi sunt etc.— Ergo non deest illis prorsus fides, nec conversio cordis, quae illis per Dei benignitatem imputatur,— praesertim ubi voluntas (namely of the offerers) pro facto reputetur, ubi factum excludit necessitas, ut docet Bernardus in epistola ad Hugonen de Sancto Victore: ubi etiamfis neget infants hanc fidem, hoc est, cordis ad Deum conversionem habere, prohibente aetate, & consequenter salute privari, si absque baptismi perceptione moriantur: fatetur tamen in eodem loco, ipsos cùm baptizantur infants fide omninò non career, sine qua impossibile est vel ipsis infantibus placere Deo, sed salvari & ipsos per fidem, non suam quidem sed alienam. Cassander ipse ibid. pag. 140. Seeing that (say they) according to the ancient custom of the Church, yea and the Roman order of Baptism, the child when it is baptised, is solemnly asked, whether it do believe, and whether it desire to be baptised; and answer is made by the Church in the name of the child, I believe, and, that is my desire: it cannot be denied, but that the child (except we will confess that this is a vain and lying ceremony, which is used in the Church) is, before it be baptised, in some sort partaker of the Sacrament of Baptism, even by the faith of the Church, which hath vowed them hereunto. So that, in case of necessity children are no less excusable by the vow, and the faith of the Church, than the adulti are held to be by their own: which point they have further cleared & confirmed by a pertinent and pregnant d Quid si quis Paterfamilias inter barbaros firmiter statuerit, die crastino familiam suam totam, in qua etiam infants sunt, Christo per baptismum consecrare, & ipse cum universa familia vel subita ●ue, vel aquarum dilu●io, vel ignis incendio, vel grassatorun hostium ferro è vita tolleretur: nemo, credo, dubitabit adultos omnes salvari, qui se iam fide ad Deum converterant, & baptismi sacramentum voto perceperant, baptismi gratiâ non privari: An infant's solos damnatos dixerimus, qui tamen uni cum adultis Christo votó parentis addicti & consecrati fuerunt?— Bonaventura paruulos ad baptismum disponi ait, non quidem secundùm actum suum, sed secundùm actum alienum, quia divina misericordia alienam voluntatem ipsis propriam reputat. Cassander ibid. fol. 148. supposition: but we proceed. 16 A fift argument may be derived from strange Paradoxes (as we think) which the presumed necessity of outward Baptism hath begot, as namely to equalize the children of faithful parents with the seed of e In Ecclesia festinatur ad baptizandos paruulos, ne filij fidelium sine baptismo decedentes, sint apud inferos cum alijs filijs infidelium. Bellarm lib 4. de Ami●●grat. c. 14. §. Certè. Infidels, in respect of grace and damnation; to allow a f Licet infidelis non crederet se quicquam bonifacere, & cum irrisione fecerit, etc. Tollet Ies. lib. 2. cap. 20. pagan to baptise, although it be done in scorn, & a g Validus est baptismus datus amenti. Sà jes. Aphorism. Tit. Baptismus. mad man to be baptised; and to admit of h Potest esse baptismus in lixivio, in brodio carnium vel piscium, quando non est notabilis mixtio, ut aqua non sit, vel ex aqua è luto expressa, vel in aqua sulphurea: ●c●t non sint ista adhibenda nisi in extremo necessitatis tempore. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 2. cap. 18. lee, or broth, or puddle-water for a true element of Baptism: and finally (to pass over an other i Nota secundò, debet esse actus ex se ordinatus ad ablutionem, unde qui puerum morientem proijcit in puteum profundum, ut baptizetur, quantumuis suffocaretur, quia non potest ab aqua extrahi, iste non baptizat, sed occidit, peccatue mortaliter. Tolet. Ies. Instruct Sacerd. lib 2. cap. 18. scruple) to draw the matter unto that issue, that either (contrary to the doctrine of their own School) k Cùm enim pue● in ventre matris periclitatur, & emisit manum, vel pedem, potest baptizari in ea part, & hoc est probabilius, licet aliqui dicant contrarium. Thomas 3. part. q. 68 art. 11. tenet quod potest, etc. Tolet. ibid. Verissimè dicit Thomas, quia donce in uteris sunt, non habentur in numero & conventu hominum. Tilmannus apud Cassandrum de Bapt. Infant. the child may be baptised in the mother's womb: or else contrary to the practice of their Church, the l Alioquin sequitur, ut cùm puer existens in utero matris sit in maximo periculo mo●iendi, & nullo modo salvari poterit, nisi baptizetur, ut matter deberet & teneretur de necessitate salutis permittere ut eius venture scindatur, & extrahatur inde puer viws, ne mo●iatur & demnetur; sed hoc nunquam usitatum e●at ab Ecclesia. Ergo aliud est remedium puero taliter existenti destinatum ne damnetur. Thomas Elisius apud Cassandr●●'s quo suprà. fol. 138. mother's belly must be ripped up, so she die bodily, that the child may be baptised, and obtain a spiritual life. 17 If we might be suffered a little to transgress our former course, and not wholly to stand unto the arbitrement of our Adversaries, in defence of our cause, but use our own arguments, it would be no hard matter for us by that Scripture; ( * 1. Cor. 7. 14. Because the Infidel husband is sanctified by the faithful wife, etc. otherwise were your children unclean, but now they are clean,) to show that although all men, by their natural birth, are no better than a * Matth. 3. 7. generation of vipers; yet when the * Rome 11. 16. Root is sanctified and holy, (such is the prerogative of Christianity) that the branch may be also called holy. Otherwise if the unbelieving husband should not have suffered his child to be baptised, which was begotten of the believing wife, and the child so dying must perish: then the privilege of believing should not be so great, if the cleanness spoken of did not extend further than the approbation of her marriage. There remaineth nothing now, but to shut up all in The conclusion, manifesting the doctrine of Protestants to be the more sound and safe profession. SECT. 8. 18 Our Adversaries defend (we know) as an Article of a Hui●smodi infants qui sine baptismo decedunt, non salua●tur, quoth est fides Catholica. D Hungerus Col loq. Ratis● in. collocutor congress Sess. 1. & Greg. de Valen. Tom. 4. faith, that all children dying without Baptism are not saved: but are committed unto prison, even the brim of hell, there to endure the everlasting punishment of loss, which is the privation of blessedness. The unsoundness of which position is discerneable: first, because it is not a Catholic, that is, not an universal faith, which not only some ancient Churches confuted by their b §. 4. practice, but also many late c §. 5. Romanists, and singular Doctors have contradicted by their public writings. 19 Secondly, because they cannot define it be to an article of infallible truth; the contrary whereunto their own singularly approved d §. 5. §. 6. §. 7. Doctors have strongly maintained, as more agreeable unto the glory of God's grace, more comfortable to his Saints, more proportionable to his covenant in the old Law, more warrantable by example of the Baptist, and more consonant both unto other Baptisms, as flaminis & sanguinis, and also unto the manner of baptizing professed and used in their own Church. 20 Thirdly, the revolt which the greatest defenders of that Article have made from true antiquity, doth manifest them to be neither Catholic nor faithful in their profession: who have devised, after the general day of judgement, a peculiar place for such Infants, which they call e See above Cap. 8. §. 4. Limbus puerorum, distinct from the tormenting hell, contrary to the universal doctrine of ancient Fathers; who according unto the tenor of the last judgement, have acknowledged but only two stations, one on the f Matth. 25. 33. right hand, and one on the left; only two kind of persons, g Ibid. sheep & goats, under only two denominations, h Vers. 34 & 41. cursed & blessed: only unto two endless ends, everlasting i Ibid. hell fire, & Christ's eternal kingdom. What shall we speak of baptizing by madmen, & by pagan, and in scorn, and with puddle water, even unto the ripping up of the mother's belly: which have been the fancied k §. 6. concomitants of this doctrine? 21 Lastly, every child at the fist birth is, in both Churches, vowed and destinated to be baptised in due time: but yet differently; for the Church of Rome despaireth of the salvation of such a soul dying without baptism: the Church of the Protestants do believe, that by the mercy of God in Christ, it shall enjoy blessedness. Now then (supposing an indifference of truth on both sides,) whether doctrine is more safe, may be judged by the grace of our Lord, who promiseth to answer his Church according to her faith. There yet remaineth something to be answered Concerning the ceremoniallrites urged by the Apologists, to wit, Baptism used by lay persons, threefold immersion, sign of the Cross, and unction. SECT. 9 22 These obiectors, and great challengers of Protestants to dispute, do, in this place, urge the authority of ancient Fathers, to prove the ceremony of threefold immersion, that is, the dipping of the party baptised thrice in the laver of baptism: thereby to convince Protestants of contempt against venerable antiquity; when as yet themselves could not be ignorant of the doctrine of their own Church, teaching that the same a Baptizatus ter mergebatur in aqua, in similitudinem mortis Christi, qui tres dies sepultus fuit. Aquinas in Coloss. 2. lect. 3. Hic ritus qui ab Apostolica authoritate confirmatus, per contrariam consuetudinem ab eo, qui Apostolica authoritate fungitur, Romano Pontifice mutari & aboleri potest Greg. Valent. Ies Analys. pag. 78. custom for antiquity, (notwithstanding it be Apostolical) both may be, & b Haec consuetudo per contratiam consuetudinem iamdiu abolita est. Canus locis Theol. lib. 3. cap. 5. is also abrogated by the Pope of Rome, and that (as they pretend) c Postulante justa causa, ut patet in Concil. Toletano quarto. Bellar. lib. 4. de Euchar. cap. 28. for just cause. Wherefore we may score up this objection, with others, as notes of the insincerity of these Apologists, who dare thus boldly accuse others in their own guilt: when they aught to have acknowledged the primitive form of baptism to have been but once dipping, as more agreeable unto the nature of baptism, which is but * One faith, one baptism. Ephes. 4. 5. one. 23 The Baptism of laymen, proceeding from the abovenamed doctrine of the necessity of Baptism, hath in the former discourse received an answer: whereunto may be added, that S. Augustine, who standeth most for the necessity of Baptism, doth not absolutely defend such lay-ministers, but thinketh that they, by so doing, are possibly guilty (which therefore cannot be called God's ordinance) of some kind of d Si nulla necessitas, alieni muneris est usurpatio: si necessitas urgeat, aut nullum, aut veniale delictum.— Sed etsi nulla necessitate usurpetur, & à quolibet cuilibet detur, quod datum est non potest dici non datum, quamuis rectè dici possit, illicitè datum. August. contra literas Parmen. lib. 2. cap. 13. sin. How much less would he have defended the now Romish position, which teacheth, that e In tempore necessitatis Pagano vel Infideli licet baptizare. Tolet. Ies. & Card. lib. 2. Instruct. cap. 20. & Bellar. lib. 1. de Sacram. Baptis. cap. 7. pagan and Infidels are lawful ministers of Baptism; seeing Augustine thought it a f Non temerè aliquid inde affirmandum est sine authoritate Concilij tanti, quantum tantae rei sufficit. August. loco citato. rashness for any to affirm this without the authority of some great Council? Which kind of Baptism their Pope Gregory the second did so far condemn, that he commanded such persons to be g Quos à Paganis baptizatos esse asseruisti, si ita habetur, ut denuò baptizes in nomine Trinitatis, mandamus. De Consecrat. dist. 4. C. Quos à Paganis. To this authority Bellarmine answereth, that there was some defect in the form of those Pagan baptisms: this he saith only, but proveth it not, whereas such baptizers were before absolutely excepted against by a more sufficient Council: Laici baptizare possunt, modò sint ipsi baptizati, & non bigami. Conc. Eliber. Can. 38. For herein pagan baptism is also contrary to these weak grounds which the Fathers gave for toleration of lay Christian men's baptism: Scimus etiam Laicis licere (baptizare) ut enim accipit quis, ita dare potest. Hieron contra Luciferian. cap. 4. baptised again: for what promise hath Christ ever made to those undertakers of holy things? 24 Again, ancient Fathers and Counsels have decreed, and that without the limitation of the cases of necessity, that h Ne ipsi quidem sanctissimae Christi matri datum est ut baptizaret, alioqui ipsa potiùs quàm johannes baptizâsset Christum. Epiphan haeres 79. Non permittitur mulie●● in Ecclesia loqui, sed nec docere, nec tingere, nec offer. Tertull. cap. 9 de Veland. Virg. Mulie● baptizare n●n praesumat. Concil. Carthag. 4. C. 100 At which Council S. Austin was present: for of the exception which P. Lombard and Gratian do add, in casu necessitatis, Bellarmine confesseth, Non habetur in Tomis Conciliorum illa exceptio. Bellar. lib. 1. de Bapt. ca●. 7. no woman, not not the blessed Virgin, should presume to baptizm. Nor can their Cardinal Bellarmine found in all antiquity any one authority that alloweth it in any case, before their late Council of i In Concilio Florentino habetur, in casu necessitatis licere laico, seu foeminae, seu Pagano baptizare, modò adsint materia, forma, & intentio debita. Bellarm. ibid. Florence. An Answer unto the objected ceremonies SECT. 10. 25 Abrenunciation, which is a protestation of a Tertul. lib. de corona Militis: Sub Antitistis manu contestamur nos abrenunciare Satanae, pompae, & Angelis eius. Centur. 3. col. 126. renouncing the devil, and all his works etc. and the sign of the Cross, are as ordinarily and religiously used in our Church, as they were in the days of Origen, Cyprian, and Tertullian, and could not be objected unto those Protestants of whom they are not rejected, without some lust of unnecessary contention: except it be that our Adversaries do intent, by urging the use of these ceremonies, to intimate a necessity of them. And then we answer them, that although there hath been found among themselves one Bishop, who hath defended that Baptism is of no efficacy without the sign of the Cross; yet by their common doctrine is that opinion judged to be b Refellitur error Claudij Episcopi Taurinensis, qui dixit Baptisma esse nullum, nisi signum crucis fronti baptizati infigeretur: Hic autem manifestus est error, constat enim cùm Christus institueret baptisma, nunquam de signo crucis meminisse. Alphons. de Castro. lib. 3. haeres. Tit. Baptismus. manifestly erroneous, even because, in Christ's institution there is no mention of crossing. Which argument is equally sufficient to confute the necessity of anointing, which (as their learned Alphonse saith) c Christus baptisma instituens, nullum de chrismate adhibendo dedit praeceptum. Alphonsus ibid. in the institution of Baptism was not commanded by Christ. 26 In Dionysius (whom our Apologists believe to have been S. Paul's Scholar) we found that anciently they used to anoint Christians with oil both d Meminisse autem decet, quòd in prima ad vitam spiritualem regeneratione ante baptismi susceptionem, sit ipsi initiando positis omnibus vestibus, per totum corpusinunctio, tanquam prima communicatio cognitionis fidei; & in fine omnium oporationum vitae, etiam defuncto infunditur oleum: nunc autem in e●equijs infusum defuncto oleum significat eundem illa peregisse certamina, & illis completis sanctè esse consummatum. Dionysius de Hierarch. pag. 102. Paris. 1519. before their Baptism, and also after their death, at the time of their burial: the first, in token that they who will be Christians, are called to be Athletae, that is, Champions, consecrated unto a spiritual wrestling; and the other in token (their warfare being now ended,) that their sweat and dust is done off, when like victors and conquerors they are to take their rest. This last unction, which is after death (whereby their doctrine of Purgatory, threatening horrible torment, & promising no present rest, may seem to receive no little prejudice) the Romanists have neglected, and yet spare not to impute an iniquity unto Protestants for omitting the former: when as such ancient ceremonies may according unto the diverse conditions of times, & discretion of several Churches, permit both their use, & change, always with this caveat, that they be neither altered by the spirit of faction, nor used with a superstitious opinion. CHAP. XIIII. Of Auricular Confession. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 9 Ninthly, concerning Confession, Absolution, Penance, and Satisfaction: that even 10 Cent. 3. cap. 6. col. 127. line 28. and see the words alleged hereafter tract. 1. sect. 7. in the margin at the letter, c. nearest the end. in (those firster) times of Cyprian and Tertullian, was used private confession, (even) of thoughts and lesser sins, and that the same was 11 Vide ibid. then commanded, and thought necessary. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: The state of the question, as it is laid down by our learned Adversaries. SECT. 1. IT is not questioned between us (as their own a Admittit calvinus generalem confessionem, admittit etiam privatam coram Pastore, sed addit, hanc liberam esse debere, nec ab omnibus exigendam, nec cogendos ad enumeranda omnia peccata praecepto aliquo, aut arte inducendos, nisi quoad interest sua purabunt, ut solidum consolationis fructum referant. Bellar. lib. 3. de Poe●it. cap. 1. And that all Protestants do agreed in this doctrine, he showeth in the same place. Cardinal witnesseth,) whether it be convenient for a man burdened with sin, to lay open his conscience in private, unto the minister of God, and to seek at his hands both the counsel of instruction, and the comforts of God's pardon: but whether there be (as from Christ's institution) such an b Erat à Christo institutum. Bellarm. ibid. Lindanus Panop. tab. 4. Opinio contraria, haeretica est. Maldonat. jesuita Summ. q. 18. art. 4. absolute necessity of this private confession, both for all sorts of men, & for every particular known sin, and ordinary transgression, as that without it there can be no remission or pardon to be hoped for from God. The principal differences then between Protestants & Romanists stand upon two feet, the necessity & possibility of Romish confession: which two whosoever shall impugn, is by the sentence & decree of the Council of Trent, forthwith pronounced an c Si quis dixerit in sacramento p●●itentiae ad remiss peccatorum necessarium non esse iure divino, omnia & singula peccata mortalia, quorum memoria cum debita praemeditatione habeatur,— Anathema sit. Si quis dixerit confessionem omnium peccatorum, qualem Ecclesia servat, esse impossibilem— Anathema sit. Concil. Trid. Sess. 14. Anathema. For confirmation of which confession, the Apologists have pretended the judgement and practice of antiquity. Therefore do we first give our Reader to understand, That the testimonies of Tertullian and Cyprian are impertinently objected. SECT. 2. 2 This which hath been confessed, that Protestants do greatly approve the use of private and voluntary confession, when a man either suspecteth the unlawfulness of any action, or else when he groaneth under the sensible guilt of a troubled soul, and shall desire the way of curing his disease, by the comfortable pronunciation of God's pardon, from the mouth of him who hath the commission thereof from God, we hope our Adversaries will not dislike. But when they further object, a Cyprianus didisertè ait, in minoribus peccatis, quae quidé non in Deum committuntur, necesse est ad exomologesin venire, idque frequenter fieri iu●e●. Cyprian as the Apologists eite it out of the Cent. 3. cap. 6. col. 127. the Centurists have been mistaken in the word minora peccata, etc. thinking them to signify those which the Romanists call venial: for it followeth: that private confession of thoughts and lesser sins was commanded by S. Cyprian, as necessary for all men, and do conclude thereupon a necessity of their private confession; we upon due inquiry can truly answer, that b In Cyprian lib. 3. epist. 16. Et exomologesis fiat inspecta eius vi●a, qui agit poenitentiam, nec ad communicationem venire quis possit, nis● prius ab Episcopo & clero manus fuerit imposita: quanto magis in his gravissimis & extremis delictis cautè omnia & moderate secundùm disciplinam Domini observari oportet? Argumentum epistola est: Significatio ad plebem super lapsis, etc. and lib 3. epist. 14. and lib. 1. epist. 3. it is exomologesis criminis. Cyprians meaning in those minora delicta, quae non in Deum committuntur, is greatly mistaken, because S. Cyprian doth not compare public sins with private, but public sins with public sins; because the lesser sins were so great, that the committers of them could not be admitted (as himself speaketh) into the communion of the Church, without the absolution, and imposition of the hands, both of the Bishop & his Clergy: and the great sins there spoken of, were no less than lapsus tempore persecutionis, that is, renouncing of the faith of Christ in the time of persecution, and polluting themselves with heathenish Idolatry: this Apostasy from the faith of Christ, which is the monster of sins, S. Cyprian compareth with other scandalous sins which men are subject unto, & did in the end resolve, that if the lesser sins are not absolved without confession, then must these extreme rebellions against God undergo a public censure, before that the offenders could be received into the bosom of the Church. Hereby it is plain, that the Exomologesis in Cyprian cannot signify any auricular confession, neither can those minor a delicta, lesser sins, betoken any venials, nor doth he mention sins of thought, or private transgressions, but such as were possibly both heinous in themselves, and scandalous unto the Saints. 3 The second testimony is as much misconstrued, for c Potrò non aliam ob causam complurium hic testimonijs usi sumns, quàm ne quis admiretur Tertullianum de clancularia ista admistorum confess●one nihil locutum; quae, quantum conijcimus, nata est ex ista exomologesi per ultroneam hominum pietatem, ut occultorum pecc●torum esset & exomologe●is occulta● nec enim usquam praeceptum olim legimus. Beatus Rhenanus, Praf. in Argum Tertul. de P●nitent. Tertullian (as their own Rhenanus upon Tertullian noteth) speaketh not of the private, but of the public confession, because (saith he) in those times the private was not commanded. Let us in the second place, for trial of the truth of antiquity, begin at the ordinance of God, whom the Philosophers called primum, & verum, and whom we profess to be both the antiquity of truth, and truth of antiquity. And therefore for disabling the defence of the Romish doctrine of confession, we lay down this proposition, viz. That the pretended Romish Confession is not from Divine institution, nor any doctrine of faith: proved by the testimonies of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 3. 4 The Council of Trent decreed it to be a Si quis dixerit— necessariam non esse iure divino, etc. Concil. Trident. Sess. 14. necessary by the ordinance of God, and will have it so believed under the censure of Anathema upon every one that shall contradict it. The which necessity their Cardinal b Confessio figuralis necessaria erat iure divino, & à De● instituta,— non in genere tantùm, sed etiam in specie. Num. cap. 5. Bellarm. lib. 3. de Poenit. §. Tertia figura. Probo ex novo Testamento. Ibid. cap. 2. Alphons. de Castro, Tit. Confessio. Bellarmine laboureth to evince, both from the figures of the old Testament, and prescript of the new. Notwithstanding their own Authors do more ingenuously grant the contrary: for of the pedagogy of the old Testament, their Cardinal Tollet saith, that c Propositum confitendi non erat necessarium in veteri lege. Toletus jesuita, Instruct. Sacerd. Tract. de Confess. the purpose of confessing was not then necessary; their Lyra reacheth a note higher, saying, that d In veteri lege non omnia peccata in particulari explicabant, quia tum impossibile erat, tum propter brevitatem temporis, tum quia Sacerdos non omnia peccata populi sciebat, sed in generali, (addit) sicut nos facimus in principio Missae. Lyra in levit. 16. 21. the Priest heard not the particular confessions of the people, for that had been impossible, but only in general. Accordingly have others pronounced concerning the new Testament, as their jesuite Maldonate witnesseth: e Sunt etiam inter Catholicos, qui putant nullum esse praeceptum divinum de confession, ut omnes Decretorum Interpretes, & inter Scholasticos Sotus. Maldonnat. Ies. Sum. q. 18. art. 4. although he add, Sed haec opinio aut iam declarata est satis tanquam haerisis, aut operaepretium faceret Ecclesia si declararet esse haeresin, etc. diverse Catholics, among whom are all the Interpreters of the Decrees, do think that there is no divine precept for this kind of confession. Which opinion, he notwithstanding is emboldened to call now heretical, whereof their own Glossator long since was licensed to affirm, that f Melius dicitur ab universalis Ecclesiae traditione, quàm novi aut veteris Testamenti authoritate instituram fuisse. Glossator apud Gratian. de Poenit. dist. 5. cap. In poenitentia. Of this the Index Expurg. commandeth, Deleatur. Vide Pappum, Collatio censurae, pag. 329. it is more truly said to have been ordained by a tradition of the Church, then by any authority either of the old or new Testament. If this be not sufficient, we pursue further to prove That the Romish doctrine of Confession had no being in the times long after the days of the Apostles: as it is testified by diverse Romanists. SECT. 4. 5 We shall not need any domestical witness for proof hereof, the testimonies of our Adversaries being so prompt, direct, & copious in this behalf: some of them affirming, that a Erasmus annot, add epist. Hieron. & annot. in c. 19 Act. & in Method. Theolog. & Beatus Rhenanus annot. in lib. Tertull. de Poenit. docent Confessionem secretam singulorum peccatorum non modò non esse iu●e divino institutam aut imperatam, sed neque in usu antiquae Ecclesiae fuisse. Vt refert Bellarm. lib. 3. de Poenit. cap. 1. § Nostro seculo. private confession was not ordained by God, nor practised in the ancient Church; but that b Confessio longo tempore in prisca Ecclesia est olim publicè facta. Maldonatus jesuita Su●●m. q. 20. art. 1. in the Primitive Church for a long time the confession then used was public: as for the private confession, c Quae non apud Graecoes necessaria est, ad quos non manavit Traditio. Glossa Gratian. de Poenit. dist. 5. C. In poenitentia. it was not yet acknowledged in the Greek Church; which they accordingly prove (out of Augustino, Ambrose, and chrusostom) d The question being made, Vtrum solá cordis contritione & secretâ satisfactione absque omni confession, quis possit Deo satis●●cere: he affirmeth that there are some, qui dicunt quamlibet 〈◊〉 veniam sine confession fact● Ecclessae & Sacerdotali iud●cio posse promereri: for which purpose he allegeth Ambrose, Augustine, and chrusostom. Glossator apud Gratian. quo suprà. Ludgum 1572. not to have been held necessary in those times. 6 But such is the imperfection of sight in the Romanists, that they offended as it were with the brightness of this acknowledged truth, do command such testimonies of their own men to be c Quod scilicet adulto peccatum non remittitur sine oris confession, quod tamen fal●um est, etc. Gratianus ibid. Deleantur haec ve●ba [Quod tamen falsum est] Index Expurg●rt est a●ud Pappum in Collat. censurae in Glossas, pag. 326. & pag. 329. See above, §. 3. lit. ●. put out. And when for confutation of their pretended necessity thereof, the like evidence is brought from ancient historians, recording the fact of the Patriarch Nectarius, who upon the notorious trespass of a Deacon, abrogated the manner of private confession; then our Adversaries (as namely their two Cardinals Bellarmine and Baronius) for answer hereunto, deal so homely with two ancient Ecclesiastical witnesses, Sozomen and Socrates, as to give them the f Soluitur argumentum calvini de facto Nectarij ex Sozomeno & Socrate, qui dixerunt, etc. Neque enim ignoramus Sozomenum multa mentitum. Bellar. lib. 3. de Poenit. cap. 14. And Bar●nius, as the testimony next following doth show: Lie; and so (say they) is Caluins' argument answered, taken from the fact of Nectarius. We may hereby discern what kind of disputers our Apologists do boast of, to wit, men who assume unto themselves a censorious authority of branding ancient monuments with the note of a Lie, and make the reproach of old historians their answer, and our satisfaction; notwithstanding this answer beso g Respondent aliqui, non esse adhibendam fidem huic narrationi, qui● multa mentitus est Sozomenus; & Socrates quoque fidem non facit in hac re, quia haereticus erat Novatianus. Et ita firm● respondet Caesar Baronius. Sed non potuit facilè de re tantâ tam publicâ & manifestâ mendacium confingi: aliqui ergo concedunt illum ●ustulisse usum sacramenti Poenitentiae Suarez jes. in Thom. part. 3. tom. 4. disp. 17. §. 2. improbable, that their own learned jesuite h Suarez jan suprà: adding further: Aliqui alij, ut Nectarium excusent, dicunt eum abstulisse usum, sed tantùm ad tempus breve, ad sedandum scandalum obortum; ●amue suspensionem ad tempu● Chrysostomi durasse. Suarez quo suprà. This proveth that it was not necessary. Suarez dare support the credit of our Historians relation and report. Their last refuge is, to answer, that Nectarius abrogated the i Ex occasione eius poenitentiae (opinion Bellarmini, publicae) acciderat flagitium Diaconi cum muliere, & inde tumultus contra Clerum exortus erat. Abrogabat igitur confessionem publicam. Bellarmin. quo suprà. Odiosum, ut credibile est, visum Sacerdotibus tanquam in Theatro audiente populi multitudine, delicta pronuncia●e Presbyterorum, itaque aliquem vitae integritate maximè spectatum, secretorum omnium tenacem & sapientem huic officio praeficiebant, cum accedentes, qui peccârant, acta vitae ●uae confitebantur: ille pro cuiusque delicto quid aut singulosfacere aut luere opo●tebat interminatus, abloluebat, ut à se ipsi poenas commissorum exigerent. Sozom. hist. lib. 7. cap. 16. cited by the Apologists 162. Nectarius simpliciter confessionem abrogabat. Tho. Waldensis tom. 2. cap. 141. public confession only, as though to take away the scandal given by a Deacon, fornicating in a public confession, they would permit a private confession, wherein he might have a greater shadow and covert for such a work of darkness. 7 Let now our Adversaries bethink themselves how inconsiderately they have answered not only unto the testimonies of Socrates and Sozomene, but unto S. chrusostom also, who was the successor of Nectarius, and stood against not k Nunc aute● necesse non est praesentibus testibus confiteri. Chrysost. hom. de Poenit. & Confess. Sic quidem respondent Gratianus & Baronius, haec intelligenda esse de confession publica. Sed plurimùm obstant huic interpretationi nonnulla verba Chrysostomi, quibus videtur excludere ministerium linguae, & dicere, sola cogitation fieri debere confessionem, ut hom. 31. in epist. ad Heb. Ante Deum confitere peccata tua, apud verum judicem ●um oration delicta tua pronuncia, non lingua, sed conscientiae tuae memoria. Igitur haec expositio videtur mihi valdè probabilis, loqui Chrysost●mum de secreta confession. Suarez Ies, in Thom. part. 3. tom. 4. disp. 17. §. 2. Addit Suarez, quanquam non excludit eius necessitatem. public confession, as Baronius would have it, but (as their jesuite Suarez confesseth) against the private. Thus much of the no absolute necessity of their commanded confession. Now followeth Of the impossibility of Romish Auricular confession: acknowledged by their own Doctors. SECT. 5. 8 No man will say, that any command can be justly imposed by law of necessity, wherein there is the stamp of an impossibility of performance; for every such law reigneth not as a king, but as a tyrant: of which kind we doubt their Decree of necessary confession will appear to be. 9 What the doctrine of Protestants is concerning the private confession of particular sins, we permit their Cardinal Bellarmine to report: a Admittit etiam calvinus privatam (confessionem) coram Pastore, quando quis ita angitur & afflictatur peccatorum sensu, ut se explicare nisi alieno adiutorio nequeat: sed addit moderationem, ut libera sit, ne● ab omnibus exigatur, nec necessariò de omnibus. Etenim, inquit Melancthon, connum eratio omnium impossibilis, etc. Unto these he adjoineth the consent of Kemnitius: Non necessariam esse ait: and Omnisi Protestantium. Bellarm. lib. 3. de Poenit. cap. 1. Calvin (saith he, and he adjoineth unto Calvin other Protestants) admitteth of private confession to be made unto the Pastor, whensoever any is afflicted in his conscience, and shall have need of another's help: yet with this moderation, that this confession be free, and not exacted, and secondly, that it do not enjoin a rehearsal of all particular sins. Herein condemning the Roman Church (as there appeareth) of a double error, the first is the opinion of necessity, to charge men upon danger of damnation to confess (if they can) their secret sins: the second is, by the exacting an enumeration of particulars, which is a doctrine of impossibility. The Romish kind of necessity diverse * See in the ●ormer Sections, unto whom we 〈◊〉 add, Panormitanus & Gerson eam non necessariam esse contenderunt. Gregor. de Valent. Ies. de Missa, lib. 2. cap. 4. Romanists have already excepted against, from the authority of Scriptures and Fathers, and by the practice of the ancient Churches. 10 In the point of impossibility, the now practise of the Romish Church is so marvelously exorbitant and degenerate, as that it caused their own Rhenanus to complain, that their chief Schoolmen Scotus and Aquinas, have, by their Deuteronomies and new rules, made a form of private confession, b Aquinas & Scotus, nimiùm arguti homimes talem confessionem reddiderunt, ut gravis Theologus saepè testatus sit, juxta illorum deuteroseis impossibile esse nobis confiteri. Beatus Rhenanus argum. in tertul, de Poenit. unpossible to be observed: c Equidem credo de hac re controversiam nullam futuram, si non haec salutaris confitendi medieina ab ignaris & importunis medicis multis inutilibus traditionibus infecta & contaminata fuisset, quibus, conscientijs quas extricare & levare debebant, laqueos injecerunt, & tanquam tormentis quibusdam excarnificârunt. Cassander consult. art. 11. pag. 82. ensnaring (as their Cassander speaketh) and tormenting the consciences of men; whilst some of them impose a d Multi Scholastici dixerunt omnia venialia necessariò esse confitenda. Maldonat. Ies. Summ. art 3. q. 18. necessity upon the conscience, even of all venial sins that can be remembered. We further insist, to show The same impossibility (besides their undecent interrogatories in confession) proved by the Canons and rules of our Romish Adversaries. SECT. 6. 11 The Council of Trent hath prescribed, and all their a De mortalibus: Circumstantiae, quae n●tabiliter aggravant peccatum, in confession explitare est necessarium: eius generis sunt septem; Quis, quid, propter quid, quo modo, quibus auxilijs, ubi, quando. Suarez Ies. ●im. 4 disp. 22. §. 1. jesuits have proclaimed a confession of all mortal sins, with all the material circumstances of such sins; which circumstances are seven, and are incident unto the actions of men, to wit, [who I am that did it, what I did, to what end, how, by what helps, where, and when it was done. 12 The reason hereof their jesuite Maldonate hath thus expressed: b unus finis confi●endi est, ut obligaret homines, ne ipsi judices essent, an habeant peccatum, & an illud fit mortale an veniale; quia plerumque imperiti sunt, ideoque cogendl sunt exponere, quicquid fecerunt, Sacerdoti, ut judicet peccarent, nec●e, ut peccatores vi clausum obtinerent remissionem peccatorem. Quapropter Sacerdos debet omnia remittere, & quia non potest remittere, nisi qu● audit, omnia debet audire. Maldon. jes' sum. q. 18. & art. 8. & art. 3. & 4. Because men (saith he) commonly are no competent judges in their own cases, and not able oftentimes to say whether their acts be sinful or not, or if they think them infected with sin, yet can they not discern whether they be mortal or venial; therefore are they compellable to confess unto the Priest whatsoever they have done, that they may obtain remission of sin: and because the Priest can remit no sins, but such as he heareth confessed, he that must remit all, must first hear all; c Nec Sacerdos remittit ullum peccatum, nisi poenitens proferat, quae debet, omnia. Suarez Ies. tom. 4. disp. 22. Neither can the Priest remit any one sin, (saith their jesuite Suarez) except the penitent confess all that he aught to confess. 13 The case is now plain, that howsoever they d Reliqua peccata, quae diligenter cogitanti non occurrunt, in universum in eadem confessi one inclusa intelliguntur. Concil. Trid. Sess. 14. cap. 5. wrap up whole bundles of forgotten sins within those which are confessed, yet the reason which they give for the necessity of their confession showeth, that man is obliged to confess, not so much, because he judgeth his own act to be sinful, as that he may be judged whether he hath sinned. And because he in his ignorance may misdeem his own actions, taking that to be good which is a sin, & of his sins think that to be venial, which is indeed mortal, the party confessing is chargeable by this rule, & the jesuits conclusion, to reveal all whatsoever he hath done, that is, whatsoever might either in word or work be subject unto a mortal sin; the rather because (as the jesuit Costerus truly observeth) e Saepè quae levia sunt nobis, gravia sunt Deo; quod primos parents ob culpam, ut primo aspectu apparet, levem, de summo gradu dignitatis in maximas miserias cum universa posteritate deturbabat. Costerus Ies. Enchirid. Tract, de fide speciali. §. Admittitur. that may seem a light offence unto man, which is heinous in God's sight. He exemplifieth it in the first sin, and so he may well, for it seemed unto the offender to be * Gen. 3. fair and pleasant, and as it were, but a venial sin; but it had a mortal, yea an immortal worm within, which we call sin, which doth engender unto death, and to eternal bondage; not in words and works only, but even in the inward affections, and secret cogitations. Which caused Christ to upbraid the Pharisees with the * Matth. 9 4. evil of their thoughts: for thoughts also (howsoever they be free among men, who cannot discern them,) enter into the balances of God's trial and judgement. 14 The brief of all this is, to know that if there be no remission of any sin, which is not particularly and truly confessed unto the Priest; no true confession, which is not of all that aught to be discovered; no just discovery, where all acts subject unto sin are not expressed; and that there is neither word nor work, whether outward or inward, either in thought or affection of heart, but is subject unto the contagion of sin: then must it follow, that either their manner of confession is to no end (that is, not necessary,) or else is it endless, and impossible. 15 Secondly, the curiosity of that art of confession, by searching and ripping up other men's sores, hath proved so loathsome, that their Bishop Tyardaeus doth greatly complain of some jesuits, f Isti verò (speaking of the jesuits) sancti scil. pneumatici, quibusdam interrogationum formulis circa scrupulosas peccatorum differentias obscoena & impudica quaedam exquirunt, quae sine utriusque sexus interrogati (cuius ●●ribus inauditae turpitudines & lasciviae instillantur) rubore, & interrogantis inhonesti appetitus titillatione vix ullis verbis, an● ne vix quidem enuntiari possint. Pontus Tyardaeus Episc. Cabilonens. de fratribus jesuitis, pag. 35. Who (saith he) use such interrogatories in taking confessions, whereby they may extract the most scrupulous differences of sins, either by searching into the most obscene & filthy circumstances of the fault, so far as it can hardly be uttered of the confessed without shame, or of the Priest without some dishonest motion: which might peradventure be thought a defect of some few, but that we read of their general instruction concerning the case of g unde si confessarius, fortè dum audit confessiones, in tales incidit pollutiones, non ob id tenetur non audire alios, nisi sit periculum complacentiae in pollution. Tollet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 5. cap. 13. pag. 567. pollution, occasioned by their manner of confession. To come unto The conclusion, showing whether the doctrine of Protestants, or of the Romanists is more safe. SECT. 7. 16 There are two Courts whereunto sinners are to be convented, coeli & soli, the tribunal in heaven, and the Church on earth: unto the first all kind of sinners are summoned by their inward consciences daily to appear, and to look upon God the judge, whom some behold on the left side; such are they who stand only in the eye of his justice, and forthwith are ready with Cain in desperation to run away: others behold him on the right side, where they see directly their Advocate jesus pleading their pardons, by whom that tribunal of the judge is turned to a mercy seat, and they hear the gracious proclamation of pardon unto all faithful penitents. 17 The other Court, which is of the Church militant, is subordinate unto the former, & doth exercise a jurisdiction over the consciences of men; but with a difference, for here the examiners are but men, unable to search thoroughly into the hearts of confessors, and consequently may err in the use of the key, by locking and opening, that is, by condemning & absolving amiss: but God is the discerner of all spirits, who only * Isa. 22. 22. shutteth and no man openeth, and openeth and no man can shut; whereby it may happen that the innocent soul may stand bound in the inferior Courts of man's judgement, and yet by grace be acquitted and absolved before God: which showeth that man's absolution is not of an absolute necessity. Nevertheless the authority of particular Churches is not to be condemned, for they are Christ's confessaries, and have a jurisdiction over public and private sinners, against public and notorious offenders; wherein they should proceed without partiality, as S. Paul did against the * 1. Cor. 5. incestuous, and as S. Cyprian against those * See above. Apostates. For if this were duly executed according to the power given unto them, than might many wretched and dissolute sinners be drawn out of Satan's bonds, and (to allude unto the Prophet David's Psalm) they might sing and say, * Psal. 23. 4. Thyrod, (that is, thy shepherds staff) hath comforted me: but as we cannot but wish the vigour of this ancient discipline revived, so have our Adversaries no cause to boast of the practice thereof; for their jesuits do willingly confess, that a Quod non tam apertè & frequenter, & in specie res etiam ipsa Indulgentiarum à veteribus commemoretur, causa fuit usus severioris poenitentiae, qu● temporibus illis multum vigebat, ita ut non esset magnoperè necessarium beneficio indulgentiarum uti: posteà verò decrescente feruore poenitentiae, illarum (Indulgentiarum) usus invalescere coepit. Greg. de Val. Ies. lib. de indulge. cap. 4. Paulò post initium. Quia tunc homines feruentiores erant in bonis operibus, & minùs indigebant indulgentijs quàm nos, ergo non tam amplas remissiones habebant. Tollet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 6. ca 22. as severity of discipline (used so fervently in ancient times) decreased, so the use of Indulgences did increase. Which in effect is as much as to grant, that their late * doctrine and practice of Romish Indulgences is the bane and overthrow of ancient discipline: and Luther, we know, was the great b Probatur Indulgentia ex Bulla Leonis 10. contra Lutherun, & in Decretali quam ad Caietanum Legatunsuum misit in Germaniam. Greg Valen. tom. 4. disp. 49. §. 2. enemy unto Romish Indulgences, herein inclining to the more ancient and safer practice. 18 Concerning private sins, which (as Origen saith) must be purged by vomit (meaning, by an oral confession unto the Church,) whereby the surfeits of man's heart, and the undigested gorge of a loathsome conscience is disburdened, we also hold to be a good physic, and very sovereign for the soul of man; which may be done either by a general confession of sins, or else by a district acknowledgement of some particulars. 19 Of the general confession we need not dispute, their Cardinal c Admittit calvinus, lib. 3. Instit. cap. 4. generalem (confessionem) quam Minister pro se & populo in Ecclesia faciat. Bellarm. lib. 3 de Poenit. cap. 1. Bellarmine doth grant that this is practised amongst Protestants: the only question is about the other kind. And the use of private confession is (as our Adversaries have witnessed) acknowledged by Protestants, but with a double limitation and restraint, the first is the foresaid d §. 4. freedom of consciences, the second the e §. 5. and §. 6. possibility of performance. 20 In both which considerations the Romish doctrine of confession may be judged less safe, because now it is prescribed under the damnation of f §. 2. Anathema, to be held both necessary and possible: which hath been confessed of their own Doctors g §. 3. not to have been ordained of God, h §. 4. nor practised of the primitive Church, nor held i §. 4. necessary of the Greek Church unto this day, but to have been transformed into a k §. 5. & 6. snare of men's consciences through the impossibility of a due discharge. The abuse whereof hath been an occasion, l §. 6. both unto confessors of pollution, & also unto many confessed, of grievous & sacrilegious impieties: by experience whereof one of their own Divines was moved both to m Ridenda est, Theologi illius sententia, qui optimè consultum iri Indis dixit & scripsit, si confessionum obligatio tollereretur: ne tot, inquit, & tam gravia sacrilegia perpetrare cogantu● O stultam hominis vocem,— si perversis remedio quovis abutentibus ista est ratio medendi, tolle matrimonia, ne fiant adulteria:— qui● potiùs apud rectè & sapienter aestimantem pluris est, quòd pauci electi per medicinam sanantur, quà quod plurimi reprobi per eius abusum deteriores fiant. Acosta Ies. lib. 6. de Indorum salute, cap. 16. say and to writ, that it were good, (speaking of the now Romish manner of confessing abused by the converts of India) that it were taken away. Now let us proceed. CHAP. XU. Of penitential Satisfaction. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. That also as then Penance 12 Centur. 3. col. 127. line 40. or satisfaction was enjoined according to the offence, that the same Father's 13 Whittaker contra Camp. rat. 5. pag. 78. and see him also alleged in M. Fulkes defence of the English translations, cap. 13. pag. 368. ante medium. thought by (such) their external discipline of life, to pay the pains due for sins, and to satisfy God's justice: that 14 Whitaker in resp. ad Camp. rat. 5. pag. 78. paulò ante medium. not Cyprian only, but almost all the most holy Fathers of that time were in that error. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: The state of the question. SECT. 1. EVery Protestant will easily confess, that S. a Satisfactio poenitentiae est peccatorum causas exscindere, nec earum suggestionibus aditum indulgere. August. apud Gratian dist. 3. C. Satisfactio. Quim magna deliquimus, tam granditer defleamus, alto vulneri diligens & longa medicina non defit. Cyprian. in Serm. de Lapsis. Cyprian and other ancient Fathers did enjoin unto offenders a proportionable outward Penance, which might be properly a medicinable help, for the mortifying of sin, and testifing his inward remorse, together with the satisfying of the parties offended, and especially the Church of God; thereby to procure the Church's prayers, and a ministerial absolution, with a pardon from God. But our only question is concerning the manner of their injunctions; whether there be not somewhat reprehensible in them. For our better discharge in this point, we first declare, How far these exceptions taken by Protestants, are justifiable in the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 The taxation of ancient Fathers is only for the inconueniency of a Nimis asperè & durè locuti sunt: non tamen concedam eo sensu dixisse quo accipiuntur à novis satisfactionarijs, ut probo ex Chrysost. & Augustino, qui omnem satisfactionem referebant non ad expiationem delictorum praeteritorum, sed ad cautionem in posterum se a peccatis abstinendi. calvinus in loco à Bellarmino citato, lib. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 9 Hear Caluine himself speak: words which are subject to misconstructions, and not for b Omnes ferè veteres, quorum libri extant, in hac part lapsi sunt, ubi de satisfaction● agitur, nimis asperè & durè locuti sunt. Sed non concedam eos ipsos adeò fuisse rudes & imperitos, ut eo sensu illa scripserint, quo à novis ipsis satisfactionarijs leguntur. Chrysost. enim ita scribit. homil. in Psal. 150. ubi misericordia efflagitatur, interiogatio cessat; ubi misericordia petitur, poenae locus non est. Quae verba utcunque torqueantur, cum Scholasticis conciliari nunquam poterunt. Et Augustinus, Poenitentiae satisfactio est causas peccatorum exscindere, nec ipsorum suggestionibus aditum indulgere. Quo apparet illis quoque seculis ir●isam passim fuiss● satisfactionis doctrinam, quae pro delictis admissis rependi dicitur, cùm omnem satisfactionem referant ad cautionem, se in posterum à peccatis abstinendi, Calvin. lib. 3. cap. 4. §. 38. etc. their sense and positive doctrine, which M. Calvin himself proveth from express doctrine of the same Fathers: whose integrity of acquitting the Fathers from any error of doctrine, our Apologists aught in right to have acknowledged. But seeing his name is to the Romanists so odious, that they command it c Supprimatur nomen calvini: & loco [D. calvinus] ponatur, Studiosus quidam. Index Expurg. Belg. pag. 204. to be blotted out, even in his sentence which, in their own judgement, is greatly praisworthy: we marvel not that this should be thought less gracious, although otherwise in itself never so justifiable: as may appear by the observation which Cardinal Bellarmine bequeatheth unto his Reader, teaching him to understand, that d Satisfactio non offertur pro culpa, sed pro poena; quòd si veteres patres interdum actionibus humanis tribuere id videntur, ut pro expianda culpa satisfaciant, interpretandi sunt ex congruo, non ex condigno. Bellar. lib. 4. de Poenit. cap. 1. when the Father's attribute satisfaction unto men's actions for expiation of sins, they must be interpreted as to understand satisfaction, or merit, de congruo, of congruity, and not that (which only is properly called merit) de condigno, that is, of equal worthiness and condignity. 3 We see then, that our Adversaries themselves dare not take the sentences of the Fathers with their naked hands, and therefore have they cautelously qualified their phrases with a distinction of Merit or Satisfaction, de congruo, and de condigno: which notwithstanding is so incongruous and successesse a distinction, that it is rejected by their own e Catholicos quosdam viros dictissimos & pientissimos adhuc video eò propendere, ut Ecclesia meritum de congruo repellat, ut contra Patrum authoritatem ●ec●n● inventum. Vega Ies. lib. 8. de justif. cap. 8. Et in opusc. de Merit. q. 7. pag. 816. most learned (as themselves call them) and godly Divines, in the name of a new invention, and unlawful, and repugnant to the authority of ancient Fathers. It might therefore have behoved both these Romanists, and also our Centurists, to have accorded to the above specified wisdom & moderation of M. Caluine, in reproving some of their hyperbolical and excessive phrases, and to have been directed by their more perspicuous & plain testimonies, whereby they clearly manifest their orthodoxal meanings: whereof we deliver our Reader a taste, showing That the ancient Fathers did deny, that Penitential works were properly satisfactory unto God. SECT. 3. 4 Although the Fathers do sometimes exceed in phrase of speech (as hath been confessed,) terming their Penances not only medicinal corrections (which we allow,) but even also an expiatory price, and satisfaction of God's divine justice against the guilt of sin: which their Cardinal will have warily interpreted, and in an unproper sense: yet the same Fathers when they cast their eyes upon some penitents, who are proudly conceited of the worthiness of their humility, do teach such men a Christus nobis propitiatio factus est: ergo in ipso omninò Poenitentiae sacrificium ministratur & agitur, & omne quod ex poenitentia quis consequitur, ad cum refertur. Hesychius in levit. 7. lib. 2. to esteem Christ the only propitiation in Penance: and to acknowledge, that b Cùm omnem vitam in peccatis detriverim, si me poenituerit, fiámne saluus? prorsus fies. unde hoc liquet? ab ipsa Domini tui benignitate, non ex tua poenitentia mihi sumo fiduciam: poenitentia enim tua non valet tantam abstergere malorum luem, etc. Chrysost. de Poenit. homil. 3. siue in Hypomuemat. in Esalam. it is mercy, and not only Penance, which purgeth the leprosy of sin. And therefore c Ergo & agendam poenitentiam, & tribuendam veniam credere nos convenit, ut veniam tamen tanquam ex fide speremus, non tanquam ex debito. Ambros. de Penit. lib. 2. cap. 8. in Penance to hope for pardon, not of right, but by promise through faith, because d Sola secundi Adami tribulatio purgat quos contaminavit offensio sola prioris: non quòd propria cuiquam sufficere possit satisfactio. Quid enim omnis poenitentia nostra, nisi quòd si non compatimur, omninò non possumus corregnare. Bernard. de verb. lib. job. in sex. trib. Quibus labonbus, quibus ieiunijs possumus nostra lavare peccata? Ambros. in Psal. 118. serm. 20. no penitential labours in themselves can wash our wounds; not nor the e Etsi fratres pro fratribus moriamur, tamen in fratemorum peccatorum remiss nullius sanguis Martyris funditur; quod fecit Christus pro nobis, nec in hoc quid imitemur, sed quid gratulemur contulit nobis. August in joh. tract. 84. Martyrs, when they die for others, can be said to have power of imitating Christ in gaining remission for other men's sins, because Christ hath not given us a virtue of imitation of him herein, but of congratulation; and then to testify, that f Ego testificor ac fide jubeo, fore ut si quisquam nostrûm, qui peccatis obnoxij sumus, recedens à pristinis malis, ex animo veréque promittat Deo se postea nunquam ad illa rediturum, nihil aliud Deus requirat ad satisfactionem ulteriorem. Chrysost. de Beato Philogonio. Non dixit, si castigaremus nosipsos, si supplicium de nobis sumemus, sed si solùm velimus agnoscere peccata, si nosipsos condemnate, liberaremur utique ab huius & futuri seculi supplicijs. Chrysostom. in 1. Cor. homil 28. God (it is not then of merit, but of acceptance) accepteth of sincere and unfeigned repentance, and constant purpose of amendment of life, for our satisfaction; Lastly, to repose our mournful souls in the g Omnium piorum sub hoc onere corruptibils carnis, & in huitis vitae infirmitate gementium, spes una est, quòd Aduocatum habemus. etc. August. contra 2. epist. Pelagian. lib. 3. cap. 5. hope, that we have an Advocate. It is further requisite, that according to the order of our dispute, we further show, How far distance there is between the now Romish Church, and the judgement of Antiquity, in this point of penitential satisfaction. The first is want of observation of due order. SECT. 4. 5 This first aberration from Antiquity doth appear by their practice. For the Fathers enjoined sinners to perform some external kinds of Penances, as medicinable cures of the sick soul, and trials of his unfeigned repentance, before that ever they did absolve them, and restore them to the peace of the Church; as appeareth by the last objected place of Cyprian, and the confession of their own a Hoc interest inter actionem poenitentiae, seu exomologesin veteribus usitatam, & eam, quae nunc usu recepta est, quòd olim nisi his operibus ab Ecclesiae praefecto iniunctis ritè peractis, absolutio & reconciliatio, & communionis ius per manus impositionem non concedebatur:— quae quidem actiones ad remissionem impetrandam. & Dei offensam placandam valere putabantur, non quòd eam dignitate sua mere●entur, sed quòd eye animus hominis ad gratiae divinae susceptionem praepararetur.— Hodié verò à facta confession manus poenitenti imponuntur, & ad communionis iu● admittitur, & post absolutionem opera aliqua pietatis, quae ad carnis castigationem, & reliquiarum peccati expurgationem faciant iniunguntur; quod ipsum utiliter fieri potest, si periti Ministri Ecclesiae opera adhibeatur. Cassand. art. 12. de Confession. Cassander. 6 But contrarywise the Romanists (which he likewise observeth) do first absolve the confessing penitents, and afterwards impose upon them the satisfactory works. Which we note, not as thinking that works (if they be godly) may not be wholesomely enjoined, but that the pretenders of antiquity should not be thus preposterous. Besides this, A second Aberration, not only from Fathers, but even from their own profession, by diverse strange and unreasonable manners of diminishing and dissolving of their Penance. SECT. 5. 7 They a jeiunijs, orationibus, eleemosynis, vel alijs pietatis officijs nos posse satisfacere. Concil. Trident. Sess. 14. can. 13. glory indeed much of their penitential acts, to wit, fasting, prayer, alms, and other works of piety: yet so, as to instruct their Priests to use b Multis modis potest Confessor diminuere poenitentiam,— tertiò quando poenitens est ita imperfectus, ut timor sit ipsum non accepturum poenitentiam, aut, si accipit, non impleturun. many ways of diminishing men's Penance, as for example, when it may be doubted that the penitent either will not receive the enjoined Penance, or else will not perform it. The penitent cannot be offended when he may do as he will. 8 And if he be not willing to have any such Penance enjoined him, then are they taught to use a more gentle plaster in this form: c Quintò quando alià viâ iwantur poenitentia & satisfactio, imponendo ei omnia quae facturus est bona, & quae passuru● est patienter niala, loco poenitentiae,— sciendum est quòd opera alii Deo debita.— Si à confessario imponantur in satisfactionem, valent ultra obligationem, cui etiam satisfaciant: quando autem Confessarius absolutè imponit poenitentiam, intelligitur de opere alias indebito: ut cùm dicit ieiuna duos dies, non intelligit dies in quibus est praeceptum ●●iunium. Tollet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 3. cap. 11. Whatsoever good thou shalt do, & whatsoever evil thou shalt patiently endure, be all that unto thee in stead of thy Penance. Here is no penal matter, which is commonly of works not commanded of God: for such works as these they call opera alias Deo debita, that is, works which every Christian man (even without Penance) is bound to perform unto God, & consequently here is a Penance without Penance. 9 Again, jest that their penitents might prove refractory and wayward children, they have provided that the Priest in confession may d Potest unus pro altero reiunare, vel bona opera facere, sed quod est meriti, sibi non alteri dari potest.— Potest igitur Confessarius imponere poenitentiam poenitenti per se, vel per alium implendam: licet non debet facere, nisi rationabili de causa. Idem ibid. impose upon the party a Penance to be performed either by himself, or by another, so that it may be sufficient if he can get another man to fast for him. It is not heard of in physic, that one should receive health by another man's diet, nor in Divinity, that any shall be judged but according to his * 2. Corinth. 5. own works, or justified but by his * Roman. 1. own faith: and the law of justice teacheth, that in punishment, * Galat. 6. every one must bear his own burden: yet thus they thought good to provide for their delicate penitentiaries, by beating them upon other men's shoulders, and inflicting insensible punishments upon them. Which kind of translation of punishment, the ancient Fathers, if they had but dreamt of, would have entertained with laughter, if yet the pitying of men's follies could have permitted them to laugh. Their third revolt from Antiquity, is their dissolving of the doctrine of Penance by their new doctrine of Indulgence, practising thereby a kind of impostureship. SECT. 6. 10 We hear them further boast of the prescript of their a Proculdubiò magnoperè à peccato revocant, & quasi fraeno quodam coercent poenae satisfactoriae. Concil. Trid. Sess. 14. cap. 8. satisfactory punishments, as being bridles and curbs to repress men from sin; and yet have they found a means to lose the rains by a new art, which is (as themselves do define) b Per indulge●tias concessas satisfacit cum poenis impositis in confession, ut si confessor imposuit ei disciplinam, jeiunium, cleemosynam, vel similia opera, si indulgentiam consequatur, non tenetur subire poenas. Tollet. Ies. lib. 6. cap. 23. Indulgentia cùm absoluto conceditur, non apponendo illud periculum (de iniunctis) tunc valet quantum ad ea, quae in remissionem peccatorum iniunguntur a Confessore, & quae iniungenda essent, vel in confession, vel in justo Dei judicio. Tollet. ibid. ca 23. § Quartò. the Indulgence or pardon of these penitential acts, which are enjoined to a sinner by his confessor, after absolution. And now their Church is become an indulgent Mother indeed, for by this one Article the three strings of their bridle called satisfaction, to wit, prayers, fastings, alms, are wholly disannulled, by granting unto the party who should satisfy, a pardon so large, as sometime for some c Secundùm usum Sarum, quicunque in statu gratiae existens devotè dixerit septem orationes sequentes, cum septem Pater noster, & septem ave Mariae ante imaginem pietatis, merebitur 56. annorum millia indulgentias etc. Ho●ae B. Mariae Virg secundùm us●● Sarum. Papa potest illam tot dierum, & annorum mill millium concedere, qualis posita reperitut in diversis concessionibus summorum Pontificum, vel aliorum. Gerson. 2. p. Tract. de indulge. Considerate. 8. alias Alphab. 34. lit. a thousand years; and so light, as for but saying a few unknown prayers, yea d Cardin. Bellar. See above lib. 1. ca 2. §. 21. for the the lest cause, to obtain sometimes the greatest Indulgences. And jest that any might think that any Pope, being the Father of their Church, could so far dote in his old age, as to lavish out his Indulgences without reason; their jesuite doth admonish his disciples out of Gratian, e Vbi evidenter non constiterit indulgentiam sine legitima causa esse concessam, contemnenda non est. nec minoris efficaciae est reputanda, quàm verba sonant.— Ratio est, quia Superioris factum semper est praesumendum esse legitimum & validum, praesertim in summo Pontifice.— De cuius judicio dixit Gratianus, Nemini licere disputare, in §. Qui autem, 17. q. Cuius sententia praesumitur justa, quando non est evidenter iniusta.— Hoc satis est ut nulla Indulgentia eius, quantumuis magna & excedens appareat, omninò contemnenda sit, licet fortassis non val●t quoad totum effectum, valebit quoad aliquem.— Vltimò, quamuis in aliquo casu contingeret committi intollerabilem errorem & manifestum in quantitate, vel in causa indulgentiae, nunquam est publicè spernenda, aut liberè reprehendenda. Haec assertio magis ad prudentiam pertinet quàm ad doctrinam: probatur tamen tum quia cavendum est ne cum haereticis in verbs aut factus, quae Pontificis imminuere authoritatem videantur, etiam apparenter conveniamus:— tum etiam quia buiusmodi zelus nec necessarius est neque utilis Suarez jes tom 4. disp. 56. §. vlt. not to hold it lawful to dispute of the Pope's judgement, but to presume it to be just, except the contrary do evidently appear. And although he should commit some intolerable error in granting of an Indulgence, yet were not this publicly to be despised, or freely reproved; both because we are to beware jest we either in word or deed agreed with heretics in such things, wherein the authority of the Pope may seem to be impaired, and also because this zeal is neither necessary nor profitable. 11 This is wholesome counsel, and well befitting a child zealous, but not of truth. For their own Victoria Doctor of the chair, and public Reader in the University of Salmanca in Spain, who is instiled among them for an f Academiae Salmanticensis incomparabilis moderator. In front libri. incomparable moderator, spared not to note the Pope's prodigal dispensations with the Decrees of the Church, g Papa in dispensando de Decretis Conciliorum potest graviter errare. Vtinam liceret dubitare de hac conclusione,— sed videmus ● curia Romana quotidiè tam largas, imo omninò tam dissolutas dispensationes profectas, ut orbis far non possit, nec solùm in scandalum pusillorum, sed etiam maiorum. Francis. de Victoria, Relect. 4. 〈…〉 which we see daily (saith he) sent from the Court of Rome, greater than that the world can suffer. And his conclusion is, that it is not to be doubted, but the Pope can err in his dispensations: and we presume, that they will hold the privilege of the Pope to be no greater in disposing of Indulgences, then in dispensing with laws. 12 But that which we call a mere impostureship is, first the boasting of Penance, wherein they comprehend satisfactory works of prayer, fasting, and charity; which in their opinion do not only satisfy for punishment, but also meritoriously obtain h Per illa opera homo censequitur augmentum Gratiae Tollet. Ies. quo suprà increase of more grace; yet notwithstanding do insist in the doctrine of Indulgence, which is a pardon and remission of all those works of Penance, and by experience is found to be no better than the * See above, lib. 1. cap. 2. sect. 22. murderer of true Penance, and bawd unto licentious wickedness: in which respect the saying of the Poet may be verified, i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euripides. See more of Indulgences above, lib. 1. cap. 2. sect. 20 etc. That which is called benignity, is indeed a nurse of impiety. 13 Secondly, when they consult concerning him who is obliged by his Penance to give alms unto the poor, they do resolve, that k An sit melius dare argentum in Eleemolynam, quim in subsidium ad consequendam indulgentiam,— loquendo ex genere, censeo melius esse subsidium facecere ad consequendam indulgentiam, Suarez Ies. tom. 4. disp. 49. §. vlt. pag. 633. it is better for him to bestow that money in gaining of a pardon from the Pope: l Non est de necessitate Indulgentiae, ut sub conditione alicuius pijoperis concedatur. Suarez ibid. disp. 52 §. 4. which may sometimes be granted (say they) without the condition of any good work. Well, the money is paid, what shall they have for it? they doubt whether m Indulgentias per se non valere ad remissionem culpae venialis. Alij (quae ut probabilior & communior Theologorum sententia) restringunt ad poenam temporalem. Suarez Ies. tom. 4. disp. 50. §. 1. num. 10. & 11. remission of the guilt of venial sins, or only of temporal punishment: but from what temporal punishment, they cannot consent, n Quidam senserunt istis non remitti reatum poenae apud Deum, sed solùm obligationem exe quendi sacramentalem poenitentiam, quae opinio antiqua fuit. Propter formam indulge. pro iniunctis poenitentijs: alij valere ad remittendas quascunque poenas relictas ex peccatis remiss. Ibid. §. 3. whether only from punishments which in Penance are enjoined by the Priests. Whatsoever the remission be, justice requireth, that in a matter of faith & soul's comfort, a man should stand upon some good ground of assurance; and therefore if he pay for o Plena plenior ple●issima: Aliqui ad distinguenda membra supponunt indulgentiam plenam & pleniorem non esse totales absolutè, sed vel in ordine ad mortalia tantum, vel in ordine ad peccata confessa, vel ad poenitentias iniunctas,— sed verisimile est, unam remissionem potuisse dici plenam, etc. Ibid. §. 4 plenissimam Indulgentiam, that is, a most full pardon, what reason is it that (as some say) such pardons are not to be understood to signify a total absolution? Or if he pay for two pardons, is it sensible (which some teach) p una indulgentia destruitur per adventum alterius, ita Corduba: sed existimo nunquam Indulgentiam hoc modo ●olli. Ibid. disp. 57 §. 2. that one of them shall disannul the other? Or whatsoever the effect may be, yet is there little or no security in this traffic, whilst that (as some of our Adversaries defend) either the Pope, who is the pardoner, q Indulgentiam concessain (à Pontifice) ut perpetuam semper durare, esse tamen semper revocationi obnoxiam. Ibid §. 1. Valet revocatio ad nutum concedenus, etiamsi sine caus●. Ibid. §. 2. may revoke it when he will, even without giving any notice of the cause unto the party, but r Posset Pontifex per solum actum contrariae voluntatis revocare Indulgentiam. Ibid. only by the contrary act of his will: or else s In Indulgentijs ●ibest conditio, nisi Christus reprobet. Gerson. 2. p. de indulge. Papa possit errare in concedendis Indulgenti●s See confessed before. may be deceived, and give a pardon which Christ will not approve: or else promise' pardons by the virtue of a t Non defuit in Ecclesia qui negaverit huiusmodi esse the saurum Ecclesiae spiritualem, qui per Indulgentiam dispensari valet. Contraria videtur de side, vel haec saltem erronea. Suarez quo suprà. disp. 51. §. 1. Ex Theologis praeter Maironen, D●randus— ausus est negare the saurum Ecclesiae constantem ex meritis vel satisfactionibus aliorum, praeter Christum.— Contraria certa est.— Id confirmat Leo d●cimus contra Lutherum. Suarez ibid. §. 2 & §. 3. spiritual treasury, which is said to consist of the merits and satisfactions of Christ and his Saints: laying this for the ground of their faith of the truth of all Indulgences, notwithstanding that their own teachers have been so bold as to deny that there is any such treasure in the Church. 14 Is it now any marvel why their * See above, lib. 1. c. 2. §. 22 Doctors before the days of Luther have called Indulgences godly deceits: who were herein only deceived, to call them godly? which common experience caused others of their Church to complain, that they extinguished piety, exhausted and made vile the keys of the Church. How then should not such a pardoner have need himself of many pardons? or how did not Luther justly call the Pope's Bull, bullam, a bubble, in respect of their vanity? whereof, as a special argument, we may allege the novelty of their practice: for than we ask, how long they have thus used to pamper their younglings? their own Doctors tell us of a surety, that u De ijs nihil express habemus nec in S. Scriptura, nec ex dictis antiquorum Doctorum, sed modernorum. Antonin. Summ. part. 1. tit. 10. c. 3 this doctrine of Indulgence is not found either in Scripture, or in the traditions of ancient Fathers, and practise thereof: x Cùm Purgatorium tam scriò cognitum ac receptum Ecclesiae fuerit universae, quis iam de Indulgentijs mirati potest. quum in principio nascentis Ecclesiae nullus fuerat earum usus? Roffensis adversus Luther. art. 18. not in use in the primitive Church, y Ante tempora Lombardi & Gratiani, qui scripserunt ante annos 400. Indulgentiarum usus non erat frequens. Greg. de Valent. Ies. de indulge. cap. 4. The reason by him alleged, is, Vsus poenae severioris. nor yet in much request before the days of Peter Lombard, who lived 1200 years after Christ; which cannot well sort with their pretence of antiquity. Now followeth A confutation of the Romish doctrine of Satisfaction: taken from the manifold doubts and perplexities wherewith their own Doctors are entangled in the defence thereof; according to the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 7. 15 Here we found them wrangling and questioning among themselves concerning the Act of Satisfaction, enjoined in Penance, a Prima sententia requirit opera quae praecepta non sunt. Reckoning seven Doctors: Ratio— quia si opus est debitum ex praecepto, non potest eodem solui debitum pro peccato.— Tertia sententia est,— etiam praecepta ad satisfaciendum valere, accounting seven others and answering, Debitum praecepti est debitum obedientiae,— & meritorium,— etsi poenale est, satisfactorium esse possit Suarez jes. Tom. 4. disp. 37. §. 4. whether it be a work of precept and commandment of God, or only of counsel and perfection, and not commanded; or if this satisfactory work be a work of perfection, yet whether it must necessarily b Prima est, opus satisfactorium esse per se, etiamsi nihil poenale insit. Citing four Authors. Secunda est, solum fieri per opus poenale, quatenùs poenale est. Citing eleven. Ibid. §. 6. be penal, that is, have in it a nature of punishment and grief, or not; or if it be penal, yet what it is, wherein the satisfactory virtue consisteth, c D●● sunt extremae sententiae: prima ponit totum valorem ad satisfaciendum in exteriori actu:— secunda contraria est, totum ponens in interiori. Suarez ib. §. 5. whether only in the inward, or outward act, or in both; or if in both, yet concerning the perfection of it, whether it stand in need of God's acceptation, or not. And how soever, yet concerning the effect, whether it be e Quidam dicunt fieri satisfactionem pro temporali poena, sed non pro culpa.— Alij meliores Theologi— dicunt satisfactiones verè & propriè fieri pro culpa. Vega. lib. 13. cap. 36. available for guilt, or for temporal punishment only; and if either so or so, yet concerning the necessity, whether the satisfaction be f An satisfactio sit pars essentialis, vel tantùm integralis. Paluda●us essentialem huius sacramenti, alij integralem— quia perfici potest hoc sacramentum nulla satisfactione imposita. Suarez 〈◊〉 suprà, disp. 38. §. 1. num. 18. so essential unto the Sacrament of Penance, that there can be no absolution without it, or no; and if it may, yet concerning the parts hereof, whether g Per contritionem ipsam, & per confessionem homo satisfacit, unde interdum fi illa sa●●●factio aequalis sit, non est alia necessaria, quamuis contrarium senfit Richardus Suarez tom. 4. disp. 38. §. 3. contrition or confession will not sometime serve for satisfaction: and if satisfaction itself shall be thought to be necessary, yet concerning the quantity h Aliqui doc●●● satisfactionem minimam nullum effectum habere,— alij, totum reatum poenae tollere. Idem ibid. §. 2. whether the lest satisfaction that is, be not sufficient to take away the whole guilt of punishment, or no: and when all is done, yet concerning the obligation, i An poe●tens teneatur acceptare impositam satisfactionem; alij (noting eight) negan● cum teneri.— Vera sententia est, obliga●● pos●e ut teneat Alleging sixteen. Suarez ibid. §. 7. whether the party confessed be chargeable in conscience to undergo and perform the Penance and satisfaction enjoined him, or no. d una opinio, satisfactionem hanc non indigere promissione, aut acceptatione D●●. Alia est, totum negotium satisfactionis nostrae positum esse in divina acceptatione & benevolentia. Ibid. §. 7. 16 Thus their profession in this case appeareth not to be founded upon resolved principles, but upon dissolute conjectures, not knowing the nature of their penitential works, nor the essential property of their Sacrament, nor the validity of their satisfaction, nor the necessity thereof, either in the priest to enjoin it, or in the penitent to perform it. We adjoin to this A second confutation of Romish Satisfaction, in respect of their opinion of Merit, derogatory from Christ his personal satisfaction: by the confessions and consequences of our Adversaries. SECT. 8. 17 Our contention is not, whether the penitential aught by fastings and abstaining even from ordinary & lawful delights, & in detestation of his sin take a just revenge upon himself: which is the a 1. Co●. 7. 11. Upon which place M. Caluine thou. Caeterùm quia peccata debemus ulcisci ubicunque sint, neque id modò, sed à nobis potis●●nùm incipere, ●atiùs patet, quod hic dicit Apostolus: loquitur enim de signis poenitentiae, hoc unum est ensign inter reliqua, dum peccata vindicando Dei judicium quodammodo avertimus, quemadmodum alibi docet 1. Cor. 11. Si nos iudicaremus, non iudicaremur utique à Deo. calvinus in eum locum. Apostles doctrine according to the exposition of M. Calvin; nor whether public offenders aught to make public acknowledgement of scandalous faults, and to endure the censure of the Church for satisfaction unto God's people. Nor do we make question whether we are to practise other actions of holy devotion, for the habituating and disposing of ourselves, that we may be more capable of reconciliation with God: but whether these in their kind of Penances do in their own nature properly satisfy God's justice, and prevail to free men from any punishment due unto a sin. 18 Let now this point be equally weighed in these two balances, to wit, the Protestants objection, and the solution of the Romanists: then shall our Reader easily discern whether profession is of more weight. b Obijcitur, Si applicatur nobis per opera nostra Christi satisfactio, vel duae sunt satisfactiones simul ●unctae, vel una tantùm: si duae, tum ●is punitur eadem culpa; si una, vel Christi est, vel nostra: s● Christi, tunc nos non satisfacimus; vel nostra, & rum aut Christum excludimus, aut cum Christo honorem dividimus, nam i●le soluet pro culpa, nos pro poena. Resp. The Protestants object unto us (saith Cardinal Bellarmine,) that if in our satisfactory works the satisfaction of Christ be applied unto us, either they must be two kinds of satisfactions joined together, or else but one: if two, than the same fault is twice punished in them, and so we should satisfy for guilt: if one, than it is either Christ's, or ours: if Christ's, then do not we satisfy; if ours, than we divide the honour of satisfaction with Christ. Hear now our adversaries answer: c Alij respondent quòd sint duae, sed una ab altera pendens: nam etiamsi una suffi●eret, tamen ad maiorem Dei glotiam, cui satisfacit, & maiorem bonorem hominis satisfacientis, placuit Christo con●●ngere nostram satisfactionem suae: quomodo etiam homo justus adulrus duplici titulo ●u● habet ad eandem gloriam; uno, ex meritis Christi sibi communicatis per gratiam, altero, ex meritis proprijs. Qui modus non videtur mihi improbabilis, 〈◊〉. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 14. §. Quarta ratio. & § Secundus est. & §. Quartus. Some of us have answered (saith the same Cardinal,) that they be two diverse satisfactions, the one depending of the other: for though that one satisfaction of Christ be sufficient, yet for the greater glory of God, to whom satisfaction is made, and the more honour to man satisfying, it pleased Christ to join our satisfaction and his own together. So that a man hath a double title unto eternal glory, the one by the merits of Christ communicated unto him by grace, the second by his own merits. Which manner of satisfaction is not improbable. 19 Which doctrine of joining the honour of Christ and man's in the marvelous work of Satisfaction, (which themselves do not affirm as certain, but as being in their own eyes only not improbable,) Protestants judge to be rather execrable, according to the confessions of their own Doctors of d See above lib. 1. cap. 2 Sect. 23. Louvain, who have judged that no passionall works of men can be properly called sati●factionss. Therefore are we rather to apply our faith unto S. Bernard his resolution, who being a light shining in the darkness of superstition, at the time of his dissolution, and conflict with Satan, did not presume of his own satisfaction joined with the satisfaction of Christ; but contrarily, did thus commend his soul unto God: e See above. I confess (saith he) that I am unworthy, and that by my own merits I cannot attain to the kingdom of heaven: nevertheless my Lord & Saviour possesseth it by a double right, the one is by his natural inheritance, the other by the merit of his passion: he is contented with the first for himself, and the virtue of the second he hath bequeathed unto me. God grant that every Christian whensoever he shall take his last sleep, may lay his head on this pillow. We add A preoccupation or prevention of an objection usually obtruded by the Romanists, imputing unto Protestants a licentiousness in their Religion; but are confuted by comparison in one Article of Contrition. SECT. 9 20 a Secundù● Lutherum haec Gratia non inf●mditur absque magna animi concussione: vehemens igitur animi concussio cum nequeat non fentiri dum adsit, neque talem plerique ex his qui confitentur, ullam sentiunt, consequitur ut non sit impossibile confessum aliquando contritum non esse. Roffens. Episcopus art. 12. adversus Luther. Luther (as our Adversary, their Bishop Roffensis noteth) saith, that grace is not infused into the heart of any sinner, except there be so great an affliction of spirit, that he cannot but feel it, otherwise he maketh but a confession without contrition. So likewise the other Protestants b Docet Kemnitius contritionem acrem & vehementem: & calvinus nullos, nisi conscientia vulneratos, sincerè Dei misericordiam implorare. Bellar. lib 2. de Poenit. cap. 10. §. Vt incipiamus, partim cap. seq. Kemnitius and Calvin teach (as their Cardinal observeth,) that the contrition must be compungent and vehement in a wounded conscience, which shall obtain grace and mercy. As for the Romanists, they for the perfection of Penance can be contented with a c Ad perfectionem poenitentiae secundo requiritur tenuis quidam dolour animi internus, respondens delectatiom inchoatae quam percepimus cùm peccavimus. Maldonat. Ies. Summula. qu. 16. art. 1. small grief of mind, which their jesuite d Nam quòd absolutionis beneficio dolour ille non usquequaque perfectus, qui à ple●isque attritio, à nonnullis imperfecta contritio vocatur, valeat ad salutem & primam iustificationis gratiam consequendam, tam mihi certum est, ut inter Catholica dogmata propemodum numerandum putem. Neque obscure Tridentini Patres id docuisse videntur, cùm etiam attritionem, quae per se non rush●icat, ad iustificationis gratiam in Sacramento Poenitentiae impetrandam valere declararent. Trid. Conc. Sess 14. cap. 4. Acosta Ies. de sal. Indorum, lib. 6. cap. 11. Acosta gathereth from the words of the Council of Trent: and thereupon will have it to be a point so certain as almost to be numbered amongst the doctrines of faith; whereof their jesuite Tolet doth conclude, saying, that e Contritio una vel ●emissa potest delere quodcunque peccatum, quamuis gravissimum. Tollet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib 3. cap. 5. one contrition although it be but remiss, is able to blot out any sin be it never so great. Contrary to the contrition required in holy Scripture of * joel. 2. renting the heart, sorrowing like a woman that laboureth with child, * Mal. 4. in the bitterness of soul: walking up the stairs of * Isa 38. study, care, indignation, revenge. In the Gospel there is the smoking flax, a bruised reed, the heavy load, and such like, whereunto the language of ancient f Cyprian. de lapsis. August. Enchirid. cap. 65. Hieron. in Psal. 118. Lactant. lib. 6. Fathers doth accord. Now then contrition and sorrow of heart being the soul of repentance, whether they that challenge the vehement, or they who are content with the remiss grief, are like to be the better professors of true Penance, let our Reader judge: and for his more direct view we add * 2. Cor. 7. A conclusion, manifesting (by way of appeal) on whether side (of Romanists or Protestants) the religious security in this case doth rather stand. SECT. 10. 21 We may recognise what hath been already proved at large, & is in the Romish profession, in this question, most observable, teaching us a less a §. 9 sorrow for sin, and a more presumption in b §. 8. Merit; being hot in the ch●se of the c §. 1. words of ancient Fathers, but cold in pursuit by their d §. 3. judgement; dissenting also from antiquity by a preposterous e §. 4. absolution, by unreasonable diminutions, and dissolutions of all their penitential works, in f §. 5. permitting their penitents to perform them either by other works, (which, notwithstanding their Penance, they are bound in conscience to fulfil) or by other men's works: or finally not to accept of Penance except he list. And howsoever they remain ignorant of the g §. 7. necessity both of the duty of performing such works, and also of the benefit of performance, whether they be behoveful for mortal or for venial sins, whether for remission of guilt, or only of temporal punishment. And notwithstanding the greatest necessity, and worthiness of their satisfactions that can be imagined; yet have they instructed their people rather to h §. 6. purchase the Pope's Indulgence, the strangler of Penance: and yet must this traffic also stand upon such hazards, as peradventure to obtain for their money a piece of a Pardon in stead of a full, or one in steed of many; and yet so to enjoy this one, as that it be always revocable at the Pope's secret pleasure, yea although it be without cause: which pardon also perhaps he had no more authority to grant, than a man hath in a dream by an i §. 6. imagined treasury of the Church, voided of all warrant either of Scriptures, or of true antiquity. From all which perplexities of contradictions, presumptions of self - Merit, & sales of deceit, the profession of Protestants is most free; who exact of all penitents that shall desire any spiritual comfort, no light, but a k §. 9 vehement compunction of spirit, and continual first-fruits of repentance; without either diminution or dissolution, so far as they shall be medicinable unto man, or acceptable unto God: yet so, as not to overprize their actions, calling them proper satisfactions; which estimation diverse l §. 8. Romanists have equally condemned. And now whether profession appeareth to be more sound, we permit unto the indifferency of our Readers judgement to conclude. We pass on unto the next point CHAP. XVI. Of Absolution, and Imposition of hands. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And that the Priest, when Confession was (as before) made, and Penance enjoined, 15 Centur. 3. col. 127. line 77. did afterwards absolve the Penitent (even) 16 Vide ibid. And see this ceremony of imposing the Priest's hand in absolution, mentioned by Cyprian in serm. de lapsis, paulò 〈◊〉. & lib. 3. epist. 17. & 18. Concil. 4. Carthag. Can. 76. & 78. & Chrysost. in joh. 20. horn. 85. fine. with the now like used ceremony of imposing his hand. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the state of the question. SECT. 1. WHereas the practice of the Romanists is first to absolve, & then to impose satisfactions, the dispute of these Apologists is contrarily, first to entreat of satisfaction, and afterward of the point of absolution. But to come to the matter, whereunto in this question we need not to reply much, seeing our Adversaries have herein so little to object: 2 They mention two points, absolution, and the ceremony used therein, which is imposition of hands: but it seemeth not that they urge the matter of absolution itself. And indeed the power of absolution, whether it be general or particular, whether in public or in private, it is a See our Service book in both. professed in out Church: where both in her public Service is proclaimed pardon and absolution upon all Penitents, and a private applying of absolution unto particular Penitents by the office of the Minister; and greater power than this no man hath received from God. And now we deliver A proof of the profession of Protestants, by the testimonies of our Adversaries. SECT. 2. 3 Our Adversaries do not profess an absolute absolution, but such an one as is bounded with an exception of non ponendi obicem, that is, except the party who is absolved, by want of faith or repentance do put a bar, which unto man is invisible. Notwithstanding it were well they would have had the moderation, with P. Lombard, to discern aright of man's jurisdiction in the office of absolution, as namely to understand, by that saying of Christ unto the Pastors of the Church, [* whose sins you remit on earth, they are remitted in heaven] a Quomodo verò dicitur, Quodcunque solueris super terram, solutum est in coelis? al●quando enim ostendunt solutos & l●gitos, qui non ita sunt apud Deum; nam in lignos l●gant & sol●●nt. Sed intell●gen ●im est 〈…〉— unde Origenes, interdum qui foras mittitur, intus est, & qui for às est, intus videtur re●meri. P. Lombardus 〈…〉 that such only are worthily absolved of the Church; who are also absolved in heaven; because by the error of man it may so happen, that he that seemeth to be cast out of God's family, be still within; and he who may be thought to remain within, is notwithstanding cast out: and that therefore b Aliter Deus soluit, vel hgat, aliter Ecclesia, ipse enim per se tantùm dimittit peccatum, quia 〈…〉 macula, & à debito aeternae mortis soluit: non autem hoc Sacerdotibus concessit, quibus 〈…〉, id est, ostendendi homines ligatos & solutos potestatem: unde Dominus 〈…〉 is per se restituit, deinde ad Sacerdotes misit, quorum judicio ostenderetur muodatus. Lombar●● 〈…〉. God absolveth differently from the Church: God by remitting the sin and purging the soul of the blemish thereof, and freeing it from eternal punishment: whereas the Church's power of binding and losing consisteth in declaring who are bound and absolved of God: even as it came to pass (saith he) when Christ by his power cleansed the leprous parties, and after sent them to the Priest, to be by his judgement shown and manifested to be clean. 4 Nevertheless it is not likely that the Romanists will suffer this Master of their elder School to instruct their new disciples, seeing that when they found the same in the Gloss of their Decrees, they either compel that Gloss to speak c Dimittantur, id est, dimissa ostend antur, etc. dist. 23. cap. 2. Gloss. otherwise, or else command it to be d Deleatur tota haec Glossa. judex Expurg. Per Sacramentum ex attrito quis fit contritus: ideo dimittuntur peccata, non tintùm ostenduntur dimissa. Editio Gregoriana in marg. Teste Pappo in judice Expurg, in Belgia. pulled out: but how unjustly, we may easily judge by their other practice, who in their judicial absolution e Absolutio Sacramentali●, quia requirit contritionem & internam dispositionem in poenitente, non potest in invitum conferri; at absolutio 〈◊〉 cialis, quae est ab excommunicatione & alijs censuris, quia non pendet necessariò nisi ● voluntate praelati● potest in invitum ●onferri. Bellar. lib. 1. de indulge. cap. 6. §. Tertia obiectio. do unloose an excommunicate person, although it be against his will: and sometime do (as they say) f Respondemus, defunctos ab excommunicatione absolui,— quando detegitur aliquis per errorem excommunicatus. Ibid. cap. 14. §. Altera quaestio. Etiam haereticum mortuum cum signis contritionis posse absolu● post mortem, sieut & alios poeniteutes, affirm at Innocentius. Tollet. Ies. Instruct. ●●●erd. lib. 1. cap. 16. absolve a contrite heretic after he be dead; which is no more than a declaration that he did repent, and was before his death absolved of God. As for The Imposition of hands: SECT. 3. 5 This point is of no great moment, because it cannot challenge any necessity of precept: neither is it esteemed by our Adversaries to be any essential part of absolution, which may concern either the a Materia absolutionis est peccatum confessum, contritum, & satisfactori expositum. Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 1. Absolutionis forma est haec; Ego te absoluo, etc. Ibid. lib. 3. cap. 12. matter or form, and so assume unto itself the necessity of a Sacrament: which we think may be reckoned with that ceremony of imposition of hands, used in the office of Confirmation; b Dicit Hieronymus, impofitionem manuum multis in locis ad honorem Sacerdo●ij magis quàm ad legis necessitatem factam esse. Gregor. de Valent. jesuita, lib. de num. Sacrament. cap. 3. §. Respondeo. which S. Jerome said (as their jesuite doth witness,) was used in many places rather for the honour of Priesthood, then by necessity of commandment. 6 To be brief, as it behoveth the one side not to be scrupulous in such things, so will it become the other not to show themselves too superstitious in matters of outward ceremonies, but above all things to seek reformation of the heart, for the edifying of souls unto life. And if any will persist so to strive about things indifferent, either promise or c●ntra, as thereby to make a schism among Professors, we choose to be of that Church whereof S. Paul said, * 1. Cor. 11. 16. We have no such custom, nor yet the Church of God. CHAP. XVII. Of the Primacy of S. Peter: and first whether he were that [Rock,] mentioned, Matth. 16. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 10 Tenthly, concerning the Primacy of Peter, and the Roman sea, our Adversaries reprehend sundry of the Fathers for their affirming the Church to be builded upon Peter: namely 17 Centur. 4. col. 1250. line 2. S. Jerome: 18 Centur. 4. col. 555. line 30. Hilary: 19 Centur. 4. col. 558. line 54. Nazianzene: 20 Centur. 3. col. 84. line 37. Tertullian: 21 Centur. 4. col. 84. line 59 Cyprian: 22 Centur. 3. col. ●5. line 3. Origen: and in general 23 Calvin. Instit. lib. 4 c. 6. sect. 6. saitht In Petro sundatam esse Ecclesiam, quia dictum sit, Super have petram, etc. At 〈◊〉 ex Patribus sic exposuerunt, sed reclamat tota Scriptura, etc. And Dan●us' in respons. ad Bellarmini dispit. part. 1. pag. 277. post med. saith; Patres pessimé de Petri perso●a sunt interpreta●i, etc. many Fathers; reproving also others for their entituling Peter 24 Centur. 4. col. 556. line 17. the head of the Apostles: and 25 Ibidem col. 10●4. line 16. the Bishop of Bishops. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing first the purpose of the Romanists, in insisting so much upon the word Rock. SECT. 1. Our Adversaries have now at length brought us unto the chief arch, and that we may so say, the highest pinnacle of their Romish Temple, to wit, primary and plenary jurisdiction of their Popes over all Bishops, which they seek to derive from the pretended supremacy of S. Peter over all the other Apostles; and the foundation hereof they lay upon their exposition of this word, Rock: which is their last refuge in all their disputes. Therefore will it concern them to maintain this hold, which they endeavour to do, especially by the testimonies of some Fathers: whereunto we answerably appeal, first concerning the exceptions used by Protestants, showing that Notwithstanding that the word Rock shall point at S. Peter (according unto the exposition of some Fathers,) yet doth not this so fully advantage the Romish claim: even by the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 The now Romish purpose is known to intent, that if the word, Rock, should betoken Peter, therupon presently to build a monarchical palace, which they call * See the Sect. 8. praeceptinam potestatem, that is, a commandatory power and jurisdiction of S. Peter over all the other Apostles: not considering that which a Nisi fortè sic excusandurs fit Cyprianus, quod Petruni non pro homine, sed pro typo accepit, propemodum indicant quae sequuntur; unus, inquit, pro omnibus loquens, & Ecclesiae voce respondens, ait, Domine quò ibimus? Itaque Petrus saxeus Ecclesiae sedem repraesentat. Erasmus 〈◊〉. in Matth. 16. Erasmus hath observed as probable in the sentence of S. Cyprian, viz. that although Christ had called Peter the Rock, yet it was not to make Peter the imperial top, but the representative type of the Church: that as he answered in the name of all, so every one professing the same, might be a Petrus in his kind. Accordingly, Cardinal b Etsi Petrus per Petram lapis fundamenti intelligi deberet: 〈◊〉 secundùm sanctum Hieronymum, ita similiter alij Apostoli ●●erunt lapides Ecclesiae, ut Apoc. 11. 〈◊〉 lapides. Cardin. Cusanus lib. 2. de Conco●●. E●cl●ss. cap. 13. Cusanus from S. Jerome answereth, that although the word, Rock, should betoken S. Peter to be the foundation-stone, yet so likewise were the other Apostles called the stones of the Church. 3 Lastly, there is a primacy of order and degree, and there is a primacy of authority and jurisdiction: the first, with S. * See hereafter §. 7. Jerome, Protestants will easily ascribe unto S. Peter; but that of jurisdiction is as hardly proved by our Adversaries, as it is by Protestants easily denied. 4 It is true that the Centurists have taken exceptions unto the sayings of Optatus, and Arnobius: and therefore would we further know whether their exceptions be true. Optatus said, that Peter had his name Cephas, as signifying Caput, that is, head, from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and thereupon he calleth Peter the head of the Apostles. Which descant as it is by our * Etsi Petrum sedisse Romae Aposlolorum omnium caput, unde & Cephas appellatus sit, tamen, etc. Cent. 4. col. 556. line 17. Centurists disliked, so is it applauded in some sort by our c Cepha, tale nomen imponitur Petro, quod Syriacé saxum, Graecis Caput significat, ut notavit Optatus. Bellar. lib. 1. de Rom. Pont. cap. 17. §. Altera est. Turrianus les. resp. ad Sada●l●, ob. 61. & Turrecremata Cardin. lib. Sp. quaest. Adversaries, as namely, Cardinal Bell armine, Cardinal ●urrecremata, and Turrian: notwithstanding this exposition be in the censure of true learning so incongruous and strange, that their own learned Valla doth d Quasi verò hoc vocabulsi, Cepha, ●●●aecum sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Valla, declamat. de Donat. Constant. wonder that any would use it: which their Ferus durst term e Est ridiculum, quod quidam per, Cephas, caput interpretantur. Ferus in hunc locum. ridiculous: & their Cardinal Caietan proveth it to be f Vt evangelista huic errori occurreret, de industria interpretatur Petrus, non Caput. Cardin Ca●●tan. comment. in evang. joh. 1. erroneous by the express interpretation of the blessed Evangelist. 5 Again our Centurists (not to insist in the judgement of S. g Quod nos Cephas, idem Syriacè saxum, quod Graecè & Latinè Saxum dicimus. Hieron. come. in Gal. 2. Jerome who defendeth our truth,) in the place alleged by a * See above, note *. Tamen; do show, how notwithstanding the use of this word head, yet that Optatus his judgement was not Popish. Their next censure against Arnobius was for making Peter after Christ the only h De Petro minus commodè loquitur (s●●l. Arnobius) q●● est (in 〈◊〉) Episcopus Episcoporun— quod ut doceam, illud contendo quòd nullus Apostolorum nomen Pastoris accepit, ●olus enim Chris●us dicebat, Ego sum Pastor bonus—: quod sanctum nomen & ipsius nominis potestatem post resurrectionem Petro poenitenti concessit, viz. cum dixit, Pasce oves meas. The Centurists resell this, thus,— Nam Petrus ipse 〈…〉. cap. 5. ad Presbyteros eodem utitur vocabulo, cum ait, Pascite gregem Christi. Et Paulus, Ephes. 4. Alios posuit pastors, etc. Pastor, which our Adversaries themselves do accordingly confute by Scriptures and Fathers, as the eight and ninth Sections following do fully manifest. But because our first contention is about the sincere exposition of the word, Rock, we orderly proceed and prove That this chief pretended foundation of Popedom is ruinous, by the general expositions of ancient Fathers, who teach that by, Rock, in Matth. 16. Christ is signified, and not Peter. SECT. 3. 6 This question hath been often debated, whether by [Rock] is meant Christ, whom S. Peter confessed, when he said, Thou art Christ the son of the living God:] or the person of S. Peter himself; which now we offer to be decided by the verduict of ancients. chrusostom saith thus: a Christus est fundamentum, ipse enim dicit Petro [Tu es Petrus, & super hanc Petram.] Chrysost. hom. de cruse Dom. circa medium. Rursu●: Super hanc petram, dixit, non super hunc Petrum; non enim super hominem, sed super fidem aedificabat Ecclesiam. Serm. de Pentecost. paulò ante finem: & homil. 55. in Matth. Christ said [super hanc petram,] that is, [upon this Rock,] he said not [super hunc Petrum,] that is, [upon this Peter:] for Christ built his Church upon the faith, and not upon the man. Hilary, Gregory Nyssene, cyril, all say thus; b una haec est fidei petra, Petri ore confessa cùm dixit, Tu es filius Dei. Hilar. lib. 2. de Trinit. cap. 6. Gregor. Nyssen. in testimon. vet. Testam. de Trinit ●●ntra jude●s'. Cyril. de Trinit. lib. 4. That was the Rock which Peter confessed, saying of Christ, Thou art the son of God. Theophylact likewise (as a learned jesuite witnesseth) saith thus, [ c [Hanc] id est, super Christum, quem ●u confessus es. Theophylact. comment. in Matth. 16. At also Emanuel Sà Ies. annot. in Matth. 16. This Rock,] meaning Christ. Ambrose thus: d Id est, in hac fidei confession statuo fideles ad vitam. 〈…〉 Epist●●d Ephes cap. 2. Upon the confession of Peter. Their Eusebius Emissenus, thus: e Super hanc petram, quam tu, Petre, modò fidei fundamentum posuisti▪ super hanc fidem, quam tu modò docuisti, dicens, [Tu es Christus etc.] Huic enim sententiae Apostolus concordans, ait, Aliud fundamentum nemo potest ponere, etc. Euseb. Emissen. de natif. Petri, or Emserius. That confessed Rock is Christ, besides which foundation there is none other. Augustine thus; f Super hanc Petram Dominus fundavit Ecclesiam. Ab hac petra, Petrus sortitus est nomen. August. Tract. 124. in joh. The [Petra,] that is, [Rock,] from whence Peter had his name. Theodoret thus; g Petra angularis Christus. Et Dominus B. Petro ait, [Super hanc petram, etc.] Theodoret. in Matth. lib. 1. cap. 7. in Psal. 47. Rursu●: Hoc fundamentum iecit Petrus, vel potiùs ipse Dominus: cùm enim dixisset Petrus [Tu es Christus, etc.] dixit Dominus [Super hanc, etc.] Ne ●os igitur denominate ab hominibus, Christus enim est fundamentum: ac si dicat, Non est aliud fundamentum, quàm petra illa, quam Petrus posuit in fundamentum, cùm diceret, [Tu es Christus, etc.] Idem in 1. Cor. 3. Even Christ, which Peter did lay for his foundation. Anselme thus; h [Super hanc petram, etc.] id est, super me, quasi dicat, Es tu Petrus à me petra, & tamen mihi reseruetur fundament dignitas. Anselmus in Matth 16. Christ, to whom the dignity of foundation doth belong. Again, S. i Super hanc petram, etc.] id est, super hanc petram, quam confessus es, quam cogno●isti, dicens, [Tu es Christus filius Dei vivi:] super hanc aedificabo Ecclesiam meam; super me aedificabo te, non me super te. August. de verb. Dom. secundúm Matth. Serm. 13. Rursus: Petra erat Christus, super quam ipse aedificatus est Petrus. Tract. 124. in joh. Augustine (though he differ sometimes in his interpretations, yet (as Doctor Stapleton confesseth) k Augustinus in hunc sensum proclivior erat. Stapleton doctr. princip. controu. 2. lib. 6. cap. 3. is he inclined rather by the word Rock to understand Christ: saying in the person of Christ to Peter; I will not build me upon thee, Peter, but thee upon me. 7 We may add unto this Synod of Father's one, whom the Apologists have placed in their first Chapter for the supreme patron of their faith; and who sitting in the seat, and (as they call the Roman Bishopric) chair of S. Peter, even S. Gregory, saith plainly thus: l Apostolus dicit, 1. Cor. 3. Aliud fundamentum nemo potest ponere praeter id quod positum est, quod est Christus jesus ipse Dei atque hominum mediator, qui ad ipsum Apostolorum principem ait. [Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram, etc.] Ipse enim est petra, à qua nomen Petrus accepit. Greg. in Psal. penitent. in illa verba, [Initio tu, Domine.] Christ named himself the Rock. Therefore M. Calvin had just cause to say, that he m In Petro fundatam esse Ecclesiam, quia dictum est, [Tu es Petrus:] sic aliqui Patres. — Subiungit: Neque hic ideo Patrum authoritatem repudio, quia eorum testimonijs destituor ad probandum quod dico, si citate libeat; sed quia in re tam clara disceptans molestus esse Lectoribus nolo. calvinus Institut. lib. 4. cap. 6. §. 6. As for most of the testimonies produced out of the Fathers for the contrary exposition, they understand by Rock, by a metonymical implication, the Rock Christ, whom Peter confessed. refused not the testimonies of Antiquity herein, as being forlorn of their patronage, but for fear of wronging his Readers, by some tedious superfluity. 8 These places are not unknown unto our Adversaries, which necessarily ruinated the principal foundation of Popedom, which they labour seriously to fortify, answering unto such objected authorities of Fathers; but (alas) so weakly, as though they meant to prevaricate in their cause. For we are ready to show, That the answers, which the most learned Romanists do make unto the alleged authorities of the Fathers, are apparently dissonant and dissolute. SECT. 4. 9 The chief leaders, and as it were, commanders amongst the Romanists, understanding of this great breach made upon them by so many forces of these forecited authorities, do seek to repair it by the art of distinguishing, in this manner: a Sed nos respondemus, confessionem Petri duobus modis considerari posse; uno modo absolutè & secundùm se, sine relatione ad personam Petri; altero modo cum relatione ad Petrum. Priore modo fides non est fundamentum. Bellar. lib. 1. de Pont. cap. 10. §. Respondetur. Cùm dicunt Patres, Confessionem istam esse Petram, intelligunt cum relatione ad Petrum confitentem. Maldonat. Ies. comment. in Matth. 16. Stapleton. de doctrine. princip. lib. 6. cap. 3. & 5. Loquitur Christus de ●dificatione passiva, qua Petrus erat aedificatus super Christum. Stapleton. ibid. cap. 2. in eundem finem alia. Grego●. de Valent. Ies. Analys. lib. 7. cap. 1. & West●●●● de trip. hom. office lib. 3. cap. 15. We answer (say they) that the confession of Peter may be two ways considered, either absolutely in itself, or else respectively by a relation unto S. Peter: the Fathers when they call the faith or the confession the Rock, they do not take those words simply, but only respectively, that is, with a reference unto Peter, as if the meaning were this; that not the faith or confession of Christ (as we call it) in abstracto, or in itself, (teaching that Christ is the eternal Son of God) is the Rock, and sufficient foundation for a Christian to build his faith upon, except it be believed with a personal respect unto S. Peter, that is, no otherwise to profess that faith and confession to be the Rock, then as it was S. Peter's faith, and S. Peter's confession. 10 But the Fathers in their forecited testimonies were so far from respecting Peter, in expounding faith, or confession of Christ, to be the Rock, that they did precisely exempt and separate him from it, distinguishing therein between the Rock and Peter, as between hanc and hunc, that is, this Rock, and him, which is Peter; so 1 See above §. 3. a. chrusostom: or as between Christ confessed, and Peter the confessor; so 2 See ibid. lit. b. cyril, 3 See ibid. lit. b. Hilary, 4 See ibid. lit. b. Gregory Nyssen, and 5 Ibid lit. ●. Emissenus: or as between Christ the foundation itself, and the builder, Peter; so 6 Ibid. lit. b. Anselme: or as between Christ himself, and an other; so 7 Ibid. lit. l. S. Gregory: yea, and so expressly, as to say, that the Rock is not Peter, but Christ; so 8 Ibid. lit. ●. chrusostom, and S. 9 Ibid. lit. i. Augustine. Vainly therefore have our Adversaries sought to elude so plain and grave testimonies, as though the Fathers could have possibly fancied S. Peter to be both the faith confessed, and the confessor; both the foundation, and the builder; both me and thee, this and the other; Christ, and Peter himself. Let it not be thought a matter impertinent to propound A Confirmation of the former sense, by a clear demonstration. SECT. 5. 11 That (in the sayings of the Fathers) which S. Peter confessed, was the Rock: but S. Peter did confess Christ, and not himself: Ergo (in the Father's meanings) not Peter, but Christ was the Rock. And the truth of the same interpretation of the Fathers, may be further illustrated and evinced by a plain, and not improbable supposition; by admitting some godly & faithful men in the days of our Saviour, to have believed (according unto S. Peter's confession) [Christ to be the eternal son of God,] who notwithstanding had never heard of the personal faith, or yet so much as of the name of S. Peter. From this we may thus argue: Either were such believers not built upon the Rock, and so some sanctified and faithful believer in Christ should not be built upon the Rock: or if any such were truly built upon the Rock, who never believed in S. Peter, than the word Rock hath no necessary reference or respect unto S. Peter. 12 This supposition may not be judged frivolous, seeing that Origen who is one of the most ancient Fathers, doubted not to say, that a Quod si nos quoque locuti fuerimus, quod dixit Petrus, [Tu es Christus filius Dei vivi:] tanquam non accepta revelatione à carne & sanguine, sed à luce corda nostra illucescente, à Patre, qui in cox lis est, efficimur Petrus, & nobis dicitur, quod hunc sermonem sequitur, Tu es Petrus, & quae sequuntu●i Petrus enim est quisquis Christi discipulus. Origen, Tract. 1. in Matth. Whatsoever Christian he be, that shall confess as S. Peter did, saying of our Saviour, [Thou art Christ the son of the living God,] receiving this revelation not from flesh and blood, but from divine illumination; the same is made a Peter; and unto him is said that which was spoken unto S. Peter, [Thou art Peter.] But why do we so much contend to receive our exposition from the testimonies of Fathers, which we may have granted us by The confes●ionss of our learned Adversaries, wherein the word Rock, is expounded to signify Christ, and not Peter? SECT. 6. 13 If, besides the judgement of ancient Fathers, the learned Romanists themselves shall be found to subscribe unto our former exposition, we are in good hope that our Reader will therein magnify the power of truth. Now then (to assemble our witnesses) their learned expositor b Super hanc patram quam confessus es, id est, super Christum. Lyranus in Matth. c. 16. Lyra, their preacher c Hugo Cardin. Ferus, and Cardinal d Fer us in Matth. 16. Hugo, by Rock, expound Christ; their common Gloss upon the Papal Decrees, fixeth a e Per h●● verba, credo, Christum non aliud demonstrasse, quàm haec verba quae Petrus respondit Domino, cum dixit [Tu es Christus filius Dei vivi,] quia super co articulo fund aea est Ecclefia. Ergo super scipso fun lavit Deus Ecclefiam. One of the Glosses in Grat. dist. 19 c. Ita Dominus. credo, that is, a belief upon it: their Cardinal Cusanus is confident in the matter, and ventureth against their f Quanquam Petro dictum est, [Tu es Petrus, & super hanc Petram:] tamen per Petram, Christum, quem confessus est, intelligimus Card. Cusan. Concer. Cath. lib. 2. cap. 13. notwithstanding, to affirm, that by the Rock, is meant Christ. 14 And jest any may peradventure suspend their judgement until they hear some jesuite speak, g Christus est Petra, super quam (Matth. 16.) fundata est Ecclesia. Pertrius jesuita Comment in Dan. 2. in ea verba, [Lapis abseissus.] Pererius saith, that Christ is that Rock (noting the place of Matth. 16.) upon the which the Church is built: and their other jesuite Salmeron showeth, that h Ephes. 2. Superae dificati eslis super fundamentum. Intelligi Christus potest, seu fides eius, iccirco in singulari numero dixit, fundamentum. Salmeron Ies. comen. in Ephes. disp 6. I take this testimony from the consequent only, and not from the antecedent. Christ is that foundation mentioned Ephes. 2. His reason is, because the word foundation, is put in the singular number: the consequence which peradventure he borrowed from i Fundamenta quando plur aliter ponuntur, Doctores signific●●ti quando singulariter, Doctorum Doctorem Christum jesum. Beda in Matth. 16. Bede. Now there Rock and foundation, implying the same thing, may admit the same conclusion: which S. Gregory well observed, when he said, that k In saenloquio quando in singulari numeto, fundamentum dicitur, nullus alius nisi ipse Dominus designatur, de quo & Paulus art, 1. Cor. 3. Fundamentum aliud nemo potest ponere,— quod est Christus jesus, ipse enim est fundamentum fundamentorum. Greg. lib. 28. in job, cap. 38. in holy writ, when the word Foundation is used in the singular number, who else can be understood but Christ, even as S. Paul witnesseth (saith he) unto the Corinthians, saying, that the Rock was Christ? This we think, is forcible enough for the satisfaction of any indifferent Reader: but that argument which followeth, is able to convince and convert an obstinate: wherein we show, That the whole tenure of Scripture doth confirm our former signification, proving that the word Rock, must betoken Christ: from the best rule of expounding of Scripture, according to the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 7. 15 The safest and most justifiable manner of interpretation of the Scripture (as the Fathers teach) is, to expound Scripture by the analogy of Scripture: thereby allowing unto God that right, which a man will permit unto enery man, which is, to be the best expositor of himself. 16 There is but one instance fitting this point, which our Adversaries take in all the Bible, as namely, isaiah. 28. 16. [Behold I put in Zion a tried stone, a precious corner stone, a sure foundation.] Which Cardinal a Quis sit hic lapis netno Ignorat, qui Fuangelium legit, ●bi Christus Petrum petram vocat, quá significatur sedes Romana, quae est: undamentum fundatum, i. secundatium fundamentum, Christus est primarium, de quo Apostolus, Fundamentum aliud etc. 1. Cor. 3. 11. Beller. in Praf. de Rom. Pont. § Porro. Bellarmine, and b An it a constitutum habes, ut in quenquam arietandum putes, qui Pontificem Rom. ●u premum n●litantis Fcclesiae caput veneretur? nae si tu in hoc animo es, miserum te miseramue conditionem tuam: frange citiùs caput cum omnibus manipularibus 〈◊〉, quam nobis vel minimum plagae signum impresseris Hic est enim lapis ille 〈◊〉, ●robatus, preciousus, in fundamento fundatus, super quem qui corruet conf●ingetur. Isa. 28. 16. justu● Baroniu● Veteraca trensis. Danieli Tossano, lib. 3. epist. 1. justus Baronius do lay for a ground, whereupon they would have the prerogative of Peter and the Popeseeme to be built, saying, that by precious and cornerstone, in that place, the Pope of Rome, although less principally, is meant, so that whosocuer shall fall upon this stone, shall (as it followeth in that text) be broken in pieces. Thus please they themselves in their fancied Gloss, whereby belike they sought to demerit the Pope. 17 Notwithstanding many of their own learned c Lapidem probatum, Esa. 28. id est, Christum. Pintus in eundem locum. 〈◊〉 in 1. Cor. 3. Catetan in Rom. 9 Salmeron. jesan 1 Pet. 2. Maldonat. jesan Matth 21. 42. Pererius jesan Dan. 2. Authors, (viz. Hector Pintus, Caietane, Aquinas, accompanied with three Jesuits, as namely, Salmeron, Maldonate, and Pererius) do by that stone understand only Christ, confirming their exposition by the joint consent of all ancient Fathers, and analogy of these Scriptures, as Psal. 117. The stone which the builders refused, is become the head stone of the corner; expounded by S. Paul, Rom. 9 out of Esa. 8. Behold I will put in Zion a stone of offence, and a rock of stumbling; and Dan. 2. The stone hewn out of the mountain, without men's hands, signifying Christ, was borne of a Virgin, without the help of man's generation: and Zach. 9 Behold the stone which I have given you, whereon there are seven eyes, signifying the seven gifts of the holy Ghost, peculiar unto Christ: and 1. Cor. 10. The rock was Christ, by figurative representation: and 1. Cor. 3. 11. Another foundation then that which is laid, can no man lay, which is Christ: and Act. 4. 11. This is the stone refused of the builders. And Matth. 21. 44. Upon whom this stone shall fall, it will beat him in pieces. 18 Lastly, the same saying of Esa. 28. which hath been wrested to prove S. Peter to be the precious cornerstone, is (as their own Ribera truly noteth) d Ind toties Christus d●citur lapis. Esa. 28. [Ecce ego mittam in fundamentis Zion lapidem, lapidem probatum, angularem, pret●olum, in fundamento fundatum:] quod cut dicatur, Petrus exposuit 1. Per. 2. 4. dicens, Gustate quám dulcis est Domious, ad quem accedentes lapidem vi●um, ab hominibus quidem reprobatum, à Deo autem electum & honorisiearum. Et vers 6. Ecce pono in Zion lapidem, etc. Ribera Ies. comment. in Amos 9 num. 21. expounded by S. Peter himself, to signify the Lord Christ. This harmony of Scriptures, by consent of Fathers, and accordance of so many confessions of their own Authors doth ratify the position of S. Gregory, to prove, that by Rock or foundation in the singular number, only Christ is signified; which maketh fully for the certainty of our conclusion. From expositions we come unto assertions, and further rejoin, That in the judgement of ancient Fathers (concerning the word Head) Peter had no such Imperial commandover the other Apostles, as our Adversaries pretend. SECT. 8. 19 The Romish doctrine now commonly defended is, to attribute unto Saint Peter such a power over all other Apostles, as to have been the a Accepit Petrus Potestatem praeceptivam super Apostolos. Coster. Ies. Enchirid. Tract. de Rom. Pont. Ille solus Pastor universalis Ecclesiae. R●ffens. art. 25. adversus ●uther. Petro data est potestas praeceptiva atque regiminis▪ Apostolis autem potestas executiva tantùm & gubernationis. Stapl. ton. doctrine. princip. lib. 6. cap. 7. universal Bishop above all, and to have had authority of commanding all, and that other Apostles had only the authority of putting in execution that which was commanded by S. Peter. Now if the jurisdiction of Peter had been so pre-eminent, then S. Cyprian must have deceived us, in saying, that b Parem potestatem Apostolis omnib●s Christus tribuit. Cyprian de unit. Eccles. And, Hoc erant utique & caeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus, pari con●ortio praed●ti, & honoris, & potestatis; sed exordium ab unitate proficiscitur, ut Ecclesia una monstretur. C●●rian de sim●l. praelat. W●ich sentence is well expounded by Erasmus. Cyprianun Petrun non pro homine, sed pro typoaccepisse, propemodum ●●d cant quae sequuntur, etc. Erasmus annot. in Matth. 16. all the Apostles received equal power: and S. Jerome must likewise have erred in affirming, that the c Ecclesia super omnes ex aequo aedificata est. Hieron adversu● jovin. lib. 2. The word● which follow, De capite constituto, signify only a primacy of order. Church is equally built upon them all. 20 As for our adversaries arguments taken from diverse titles of excellency, which ancient Fathers have ascribed unto S. Peter, we esteem them little better than trifles, as being utterly unfit to conclude a monarchical supremacy of Peter over the rest: otherwise they must accuse the Fathers of a sacrilegious impiety, for derogating from the dignity of S. Peter, by honouring others with titles of equal authority; Ruffinus calling S. james d jacobus Apostolorum Princeps R●ff●nu● hist. ●ib. 2 cap. 1. the Prince of the Apostles; S. chrusostom naming S. Paul the e Erat Paulus Princeps Apostolorum, honore par Petro, ne quid dicam amplius. Chrysost 〈…〉▪ Pau●●, hom. 8. & in Gal. 2. Prince of the Apostles: S. Gregory also giving the same S. Paul the title of f Paulus ad Christum conversus, caput effectus est nationum, qui obtinuit Ecclesiae totius principatum. Greg. in 1. Reg. lib. 4. cap. 4. the head of nations, who had obtained the government of the whole Church: Prudentius proclaiming g Duo Apostolorum Principes Prudent. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. two Princes of the Apostles: Ambrose making S. Paul h Paulum Petro non imparem. Ambros. in Gal. 2. and Chrysost. Paulu● altar Michael, qui Dux Christianorum esse sortitus est. Chrysost. de laudib. Pauli. not inferior unto S. Peter. And again S. Gregory, speaking of primitive Antiquity, and saying, that i Petrus universalis Episcopus non vocatur. Greg. lib. 4 epist. 32. Peter was not called the universal Bishop. By all which we see that title ascribed, by ancient Fathers, unto other Apostles, which our Adversaries do, in their Pope's behalf, proclaim to be proper unto S. Peter; but vainly, as hath been proved, and may yet be made more evident by The confessions of our learned Adversaries, acknowledging that the pretended prerogative of S. Peter is not proved out of Scriptures. SECT. 9 21 Whatsoever our Adversaries can plead out of holy Scripture for the establishing of Peter's prerogative over the other Apostles, must be either taken from some promise made unto S. Peter, or else from some practice executed by him: but there is no evidence in holy writ, in either of these respects. 22 For Nicholaus Cusanus, sometime a Cardinal, who is commended by our Adversaries for * See the Catalogue of Auth●●▪ before the book, at the name of Cusanus. a man most skilful in divine Scriptures, & the Prince of Divines in his time, who was most earnest & vehement in descending of Pope Eugenius, and had the title of the Cardinal of S. Peter's ad vincula: so that they cannot justly except against this witness; as though he either could not, or would not advance the authority both of Saint Peter and the Pope by the best reasons he had, yet he concludeth upon his knowledge, that a Sed scimus quòd Petrus nihil lus potestatis à Christo accepit alijs Apostolis. 21. dist. in notio 24. q. 1. S. Peter had no more authority than the other Apostles. Which he proveth by b Nihil enim dictum est ad Petrum, quod etiam alijs dictum non sit: Nun, sicut Petro dictum est, Quodcunque ligaveris,— ita alijs est dictum, Quemcunque ligaveritis?— ●t quanquam Petro dictum est, Tu es Petrus.— Si Petrus per petram lapis fundam●ti Ecclesiae intelligi deberet, tunc secundùm S. Hieronymum ita similiter alij Apostoli ●uerunt lapides. Apoc 21. 〈◊〉 sicut dictum est Petro, Pasce ove●, tamen ista pastura est in verbo & exemplo, quae praecipitur alijs Apostolis, Ite in mundum universum, etc. Card. Cusanus lib. 2. Concord. Cathol. cap. 13 instancing against all the promises, which our adversaries object for the predominance of S. Peter. 23 Secondly, from the practices of S. Peter they have also so little hold, that when we require that they should show acts recorded in holy writ, wherein it may appear that S. Peter did at any time exercise their pretended dominion over but any one of the other Apostles, than their ancient jesuit Salmeron is brought into that strait, as to hold it his best evasion to answer, that c Petrus videbatu● quodammodo pastoratum suum negligere, & inter eos tanquam aequ●lem, non tanquam maiorem se ge●ere. Salmeron Ies. comen. in 1. Pet. 1. disp. 1. We speak not of his authority over other Pastors (which Salmeron there confuteth) but over the Apostles. Peter seemeth in a sort to have neglected his Pastorship. Which is an impotent shift, detracting from S. Peter's faithfulness, and is notably prejudicial to their own cause. 24 But that we may conclude this point judiciously, and more acceptably, we will do it from the pen of one of their Doctors, whom they themselves have commended to be the d En Theologiae praeceptorum summum, quem Hispania Dei beneficio accepit. Canus loc. Theol. lib. 12. cap. 1. intitio. most excellent Divine in all Spain, & who professeth of himself, that he will e Ne quis suspicetur me velle quicqu●m derogare praerogativae & primatui Petri— quem pro vi●●● desendimus. Franciscus de Victoria, Relect. 2. qu●st. 2 conclus. 4. defend the prerogative and primacy of S. Peter with all his power and might. This their so commendable, and so zealous a Doctor, hath published for his conclusions, that both by the mandates of Christ, and by the acts and deeds of the Apostles, viz. f Potestatem Apostoli receperunt immediate a Christo,— quod pro certo mihi videtur pronunciandum.— Haec est apertè sententia Cypriani, Epist. de unitate Ecclesiae? Hoc erant caeteri Apostoli quod Petrus; nec audienda est Glossa, dicens, Hoc non intelligi de potestatis plenitudine, ut patet apud Cyprianum.— Quod pro certo mihi videtur pronunciandum. Franciscus de Victoria, Rel●ct. 2. q●●st. 2. conclus. 3 & 4. all the Apostles received all their power, both of Order and jurisdiction, immediately from Christ. Which (howsoever he laboureth to qualify it, by other conclusions) must overthrow the doctrine of the motherhood of their Church. Which, besides the strength of Scripture, he confirmeth by the testimony of S. Cyprian, confuting also the Romish Gloss, which in zeal unto S. Peter corrupteth S. Cyprians meaning, who intended to equalize other Apostles with Peter. But we are called from the perusal of S. Peter's titles, unto the visitation of his Chair. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Insomuch that whereas the Fathers doubted not to celebrated publicly a yearly festival 26 Concil. Turonense 2. can. 16. saith, Sunt etiam qu● infestivitate Cathedr● Domini Petri Apostoli, etc. And Austin Serm. 15 de Sanctis, saith: Institutio solemnitatis hodier●●, à Senioribus nostris Cathedr● nomen accepit, etc. rectè ergo Ecclesi● natalem sedis illius colunt, quam Apostolus pro Ecclesiarum salute suscep●●, dicente Domin●, Tu es Petrus, etc. ideo dignè fundamentum hoc Ecclesi● colit. And see farther mention hereof in Beda, in Martyrologio. day, in honour of Peter's See (which respect so had thereto, is more than we find had to any other See of any other Apostle:) Danaeus answering hereunto, affirmeth the Father's assertion hereof, to be (26) the judgements and testimonies of the Church then corrupted and bewitched, or made blind with this error. (27) Danaeus in resp. ad Bellarmini disp●●. part. 1. pag. 275. fine, & 276. initio. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 10. 25 Here the obiectors seem to be very zealous of the dignity of S. Peter, especially in commemorating the yearly solemnity and celebration of his feast for the honour of his See. But what See of Peter is meant they willingly conceal, carrying the matter in a mist, peradventure to the end that their Reader might imagine that all this dignity of S. Peter's See doth properly belong unto the See of Rome; when as they might even in a word have given some intimation to their Reader, not only out of the objected Authors a Festum Cathedrae S. Petri, qui sedit Antio●hiae, ubi primi cognominati sunt discipuli Christiani. Beda in Martyr●log. Octau, Calend. Bede and b Quòd Cathedrae naralis hodi● colitur, Sacerdotale officium honoratur. August. Serm. 15. de Sanctis. Augustine, but also out of Pope c Anciochena Ecclesia, in qua primum, praedicante Apostolo, Christianum nomen exortum est, in gradu tertio collocata, nunquam inferior fuit. Leo Epist. 53. Leo, their Cardinal d In Ecclesia Catholica celebrarisolet antiquitus anniversaria solennitat● Cathedra Antiochena, Baronius anno Christi 39 num. 24. Baronius, and e Durandus lib. 7. Rational. cap. 8. Durandus, that this was Peter's See at Antioch. Concerning which we are to prove The rawness of our adversaries argument taken from this Feast of Antioch, for confirmation of the supreme authority of S. Peter: shown by confessed presidences of Antiquity. SECT. 11. 26 Their Cardinal a Vicesima praetogativa est, quòd solae illae Ecclesie semper sint habitae Patriarchales. & primae, quas Petrus fundaverat, siquidem apud veteres, tres Ecclesias tantùm propriè fuisse Patriarchales, Romanam, Alexandrinam, Antiochenam, calvinus non negat, Porrò Hierosolymitana 500 annos ferè post habita est Patriar▪ ha●is, sed nomine, non re, id est honore, non potestate.— Miratur calvinus, nec immeritò, cu● tam paucae & c●● isto ordine collocatae?— Sola causa istius numeri Patriarchalium (namely the first three) est dignitas Petri, solae coim illae Ecclesiae habitae sunt Patriarchales proprie, in quibus Petrus tanquam Episcopus sedit; Alexandria sedit pe● se (Niceph. lib. 14 cap. 3.) vel per discipulum suum Marcum, quem eò misit ad sundandam suo nomine Ecclesiam, ut docet Greg. lib. 6. c. pist. 37. Antiochiae & Romae pe● seipsum sedae.— Ratio aut●m ordinis est, quia cum omnes tres sunt sedes Petri, tamen Romanam per se usque ad morte administravit: Alexandriam per Marcum Euangelistam, Antiochenam per Euodium. Sic●● ergo maior est Petrus Apostolus Marco evangelista, Marcus evangelista Euodio, qui neque Apostolus, neque evangelista fuit: it a quoque Romana Ecclesia Alexandriná, & Alexandrina Antiochená dignitate superat. Bellar. lib. 1. de Rom. Pone. ca ●4 Bellarmine recounting the prerogatives of S. Peter above the other Apostles, scoreth up for the twentieth, that only those three Churches, wherein Peter did sit as Bishop, either by himself or some other, as namely, Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, were anciently acknowledged for patriarchal Seats: and that only because of the dignity of S. Peter. And after for the b Vigesima septima praerogativa est festum Cathedrae Petri, nam dies feflus in honorem institutionis Episcopatus Petri. etc. Bellar. Ibid. seven and twentieth argument of his prerogative, he allegeth the now objected feast in honour of his chair at Antioch: which he doth to this end, that Rome as a correlative may be much more dignified by the person of S. Peter, because forsooth he lived and died in this chair. 27 We now see their intent, and by it discern the unsoundness of their judgement: for if these forenamed respects be arguments of S. Peter's prerogative and dignity above the other Apostles, what shall we think of the c Definitio centum quinquaginta Patrum, ac etiam post hoc Calcedonensis Concilij. super praelatione sedis Constantinopolitanae post Roman, habet illam causal, dicens: Etenum sedi sentoris Romae, proper imperium civitatis illius, dignè Patres pr●uilegia reddiderunt, eadem intention permoti: & rationabiliter iuditantes Imperio & Senam vibem o●●atam aeque senioris Romae primlegijs frui, & in Ecclesiasticis sicur illam, habere maiestatem negotijs, & secundam post illam existere. Ecce argumentum vix solubile, quoth in Calcedonensi Concilio approbatur. Card. Cusan. Concord. Cath●l. lib. 1. cap. 16. hundred and fifty Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon, who (as their Cardinal Cusanus witnesseth) preferred the Patriarches See of Constantinople, before the patriarchal seats both of Alexandria & Antioch? and diverse Bishops of Rome d In Chalcedonensi Synodo conatus est Episcopus Constantinopolit anus non solùm Patriarchatum adip●●ci, sed etiam secundum locum inter Patriarchatus obtinere; sed non ante ●usti●ianis tempora à Rom. Pontificibus impetravit, ne●ipe post annum Domini quin getesi●●um. Bellár. lib. 1. de Rom. Pont. cap. 24. §. His accessit. who (as Cardinal Bellarmine confesseth) condescended unto the same priority of the patriarchship of Constantinople? and finally of S. Gregory, e Gregorius johan●i Episcopo Constantinopolitano, Eulogio Alexandrino, Gregorio Antiocheno, johanni Hierosolymitano, & Anastasio Patriarchae Antiocheno. Greg. lib. 1. epist. 24. Unto thu their Binius answereth in Cone. Rom. sub Greg. 1. fol. 732. johannem Constantinopolitanum primo loco ponendum existimavit, quia is ob regiam civitatem claritate fulgere videbatur: ex praescripto Conc. Ni●eni Episcopos in hoc titulo assignatos dignitate dispares suisse non ignoravit. Hacte●●s Binius. who, notwithstanding that he was not ignorant (as their Binius confesseth) that the Council of Nice had otherwise decrced, yet in the superscription of his letters he gave the Bishop of Constantinople the pre-eminence? Must not all these be judged, by the Romanists collection, to have been, in a manner, traitorous in eclipsing the light and honour of S. Peter, by abasing of his chair of Antioch? If this be not sufficient to display the vanity of our Adversaries dispute, we shall supply A second manifestation of the weakness of their Argument, by retorting it upon themselves, to the prejudice of their cause. SECT. 12. 28 The reason of that feast of the chair of Antioch was, a As may be gathered out of S. Augustine. because the episcopal and ordinary settled ministery in the Churches (by which the faith of Christ hath ever since been maintained) then and there first began: or rather, b As may be observed both out of ●eo and Bede. because by the blessed success of S. Peter's preaching, there the believers did first take upon them the glorious name of Christians, by which name they were forthwith distinguished from all other professions in the world. 29 But the Romish inference, which from the festival of that See of S. Peter, doth conclude a supremacy of jurisdiction over all other Apostles, is by our c As for Daneus, who is objected, calling Bellarmine's arguments Naenias, etc. by his brevity he becometh obscure: and whether he mean that the Sermo 15. de Sanctis, attributed unto S. Augustine, were but counterfeit, seeing that feast is not found mentioned in any very ancient writer, whether Greeke or Latin, or whether he mean that they were frivolously applied for advantaging Peter's jurisdiction over the other Apostles in the Romish manner, either of them he might have intended, without contempt of the objected Fathers. Danaeus justly called frivolous, returning it, as he doth, d Ergo laus ista non ad Romanos, sed ad Antiochenos pertinet. Danaeus in the same place by them cited: for the feast of the Chair of S. Peter at. Rome, is (in respect) but of yesterdays invention. against themselves; thereby arguing that Antioch might challenge a privilege above Rome, because in e Calend. Rom. Februarij 22. Rome the festival solemnity of that chair of Antioch is celebrated unto this day. We now end this point with A conclusion arising from the premises of this Chapter, expressing the security of the Protestants doctrine concerning the pretended Sovereignty and jurisdiction of S. Peter. SECT. 13. 30 In the due survey of the particulars of this question, we find our a §. 1. & 2. Adversaries zealously advancing S. Peter's monarchical power, and transcendent authority over all the Apostles of Christ and the whole Church of God, by the virtue of one word Rock; but confuted by the express expositions of b §. 3. Fathers, the strength of necessary c §. 5. consequences, the feebleness of their own d §. 4. answers, the direct e §. 7. Analogy of Scriptures, and the ingenuous f §. 6. confessions of their own Doctors: insomuch as that they may be thought in stead of a Rock, to have built their foundation of Popedom upon the sands. 31 Their second endeavour hath been as hapless, collecting a pre-eminence of authority in Peter from only g §. 8. titles of Head, Chief, Prince: which have been in h §. 8. antiquity attributed unto other Apostles: who (by the i §. 9 confession of our Adversaries) were equalled with S. Peter both in the power of Order, and of jurisdiction: according unto the evidence of k §. 9 Scripture, reporting the promises made unto S. Peter, or the acts done by him. 32 Wherefore for their last strength they have been glad to lay hold upon the weak support of a ceremonial feast: all which do fully ascertain us of the uncertainty of their claim, & embolden us to appeal unto any godly Reader to judge between us, whether it be not less prejudicial unto apostolic function to esteem the Apostle S. Peter to have been in pastoral jurisdiction only equal unto the rest (though for order's sake precedent,) then that all the other Apostles should be subjecteth unto one. From Antioch we are constrained to travel unto Rome. CHAP. XVIII. Of the primacy of the Roman See: and first of the disposition of Pope Leo in that claim. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. As concerning the Primacy of the Roman See, the Centurists say a Centur. 5. cap. 10. col. 1262 line 30. Leo very painfully goeth about to prove, that singular pre-eminence was given to Peter above the Apostles, and that thence arose the Primacy of the Roman Church: and Beza further saith b Confess. Genevae, c. 7. sect. 12. and Whitaker de Concilijs contra Bellarminum, pag. 37. paulò ante medium, saith, De Leone primo non laboro. magnus ille fuit Antichristiani regni architectus: and yet ibidem pag. 34. circa medium, he saith, of Leo, Fuit ille quidem doctus & pius Episcopus, sed fuit tamen magis ambitiosus, etc. It is manifest that Leo in his Epistles doth clearly breathe forth the arrogancy of the Antichristian Roman sea. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First showing that the Protestants in their censure of Pope Leo, are not contradictory unto themselves. SECT. 1. EXcept our Adversaries did think that Peter could beget a Pope, and that they are able to translate his ancient chair of Antioch unto Rome, they would never have so much busied themselves to prove either the prerogative of Peter's person, or the honour of his See: yet may we not contemn their strength of proving this, before that we have tried it. Now then 2 Doctor a See their marginal note. Whitaker is brought by the Apologists in their marginal notes, commending Pope Leo for an holy man, and yet also condemning him as too ambitious. We answer, as their jesuite Maldonate hath observed, that the b Quaerunt quis corum maior esset. Matth 18. 1. 2. Non dub●●un est qum, eorum an 〈◊〉 Christus reprehenderit.— In Ecclesia enim primum esse velle, caeter●l ue praeesse, id meritò fuit tanqu● ambitiosum reprehe●●●endú, etc. Ma. donat. Ies. comment. in Matth. 18. disciples of Christ (among whom S. Peter was one) were reprehended by Christ for affecting ambitiously to reign over others: c Non hic agi de prima in gubernanda Ecclesia dignitate, etsi eo etiam sensu hunc locum alicubi (epist. 53. ad Pulcheriam Augustam, de ambitu Anatolij) apud Leonem magnum legi memini. Idem comment. in Marc. 9 34. See a so jansen. Concord. in haec loca, Petrum unum fuisse. which Pope Leo doth interpret of that ambition, wherewith one desireth to have the supreme dignity in the governance of the Church. And will our Adversaries deny, that S. Peter and other Apostles were holy men? If such were the defect of the domestical attendants of our Saviour, why may not those, who are in respect but pilgrims from his presence, be subject unto the like default without any prejudice unto their substantial faith, and other degrees of holiness? Is not the Moon light, except it be at the full? or men not to be called godly, except they be perfect? As for Pope Leo, he was so peremptory, that for his presumption he found in his time some brotherly checks: for That pretended jurisdiction, which Leo assumed, was crossed in his time, (and consequently the taxation of Protestants justified,) in the proceed of the general Council of Chalcedon, in the assembly of six hundred Bishops. SECT. 2. 3 Our late Adversaries who collected this Council, do draw from thence (as they think) fit arguments for the magnifying of the Papal authority, because therein the title of a Libellus Ischytio●is Diacom ad Leonem Papam, & Concilium Chalcedon ●●anctis●imo & beatissimo universal Archi●pi●copo, & Patria●che magnae Romae, L●oni. Concil. Cal●ed. Act. 3. Surius Tom. 2. Con●. pag. 111. Ad haec Binius: Nota in his libellis vocari Leonem universalem Archiepiscopum. And, Universal Bishop, and the name of b Literae decretae à Council Calced ad Dioscorum. Nunc vestra sanctitas (alloquitur ●egatos Papa) Prim●tum tenet sanctissimi Leoni●. Act. 3. Synod. Ad hoc Surius & Binius in marg. Primatus Romani Pontifici●. Surius pag. 117. Primicy is attributed unto Pope Leo. We cannot deny but that this Pope was there called Universal Archbishop, but (which is a n●te of restraint) c Relatio sanctae Synodi Calced ad B Panam Leonem. Act. 3. Romanorum Archiepiscopo Leoni, etc. Surius pag 137. of the Romans, and not of the whole Church, which might imply an universal jurisdiction. For in the same Council is repeated the judgement of the godly Emperor Theodosius, who in the Council next before this, yielded the same title of Primacy, yea and of authority also unto Dioscorus the Bishop of Alexandria: for which cause he is taxed by a bold Romanist, of e Theodosius dat quod non habet, nisi ex usurp at a potestate, idque ex imperitia Ecclesiastici Canonis. Binius Tom 2 Conc. fol 7. ignorance and rash usurpation: yet notwithstanding hath their Surius advertised his Reader to f Pa●chas nus, & Locentius, & Bonifacius, Legati Leonis, tenentes locum sedis Apostolicae, (quia missi Apostolici semper prius loqui & confirmare soli●● sun●) etc. Act. 10. Hinc Surius: Nota authoritatem Pontificis Romani. At, note the authority of the Pope confirmed by a sentence in the Council of Chalcedon which sentence their Binius saith, g Fort● haec verba ● margin in textum irrepserunt, licet verissima sint. Binias' Tom. 2. Conc. fol. 115. may be suspected to have crept out of the margin into the text. 4 But to let pass that shallow collection of Surius, we appeal unto the d Imperatoris epistola ad Dioscorum Alexandrinum. Act. 1. Authoritatem & Prima●um tuae praebemus be●titudini, scientes, etc. Surius pag. 19 real Acts of the general Council itself, wherein h Antiquae Romae thro●o, quód utbs illa imperare●, iure Patres privilegia tribuêre. Et eâ consideratione moti, 150. amantisumi Dei Episcopi sanctissimo novae Romae throno aequalia privilegia tribuêre, rect●●udicantes urbem, quae & imperio & senatu honorata est, & aequalibus cum antiquissima Regina Roma privilegijs fruatur, etiam in Ecclesiasticis, non secùs ac illam, extolli & magnifie●i, secundam post illam existentem, ut & Ponticae. & Asianae, & Thraciae Dioecesis Metropolitanis soli. praetere a praedictarum Dioecesium Episcopi, quae sunt inter barbaros, à praedicto thro' no ordinentur. Act. 15. Can. 27. apud Surium. privileges are granted to the Patriarch of Constantinople, equal to the prerogatives of the Bishop of Rome: whereunto our adversaries answer, that i Meminerit candidus Lector, Canonen hunc 28 de Constantinopolitan● Episcopi privilegijs & eminentia prorsus reiectum à Leone sanctiss. Romano Pontifice, ut ex multis eius suprà excusis literis perspicuè videre licet: & certè coactus est etiam Anatolius ipse Constantinopolcos antistes, qui callidè à Patribus Calced. Synodi Canonis huius promulgationem impetra●at, reclam antibus Romani Pont. Legatis & Vicarijs, intra pristinos se limits continere, & ab infaustis ambitionis consilijs animum revocare. Surius Tom. 2. pag. 206. Eodem mode Binius. fol. 180. A Leone reiectum, quòd supponit Romanam sedem non divino, sed humano iure caput Ecclesiae effectum esse. Supposing an absence of the jegates of the Pope without proof: and yet the 7 Canon (where they were undoubtedly present, saying, Quod si adversus eiusdem Provinciae Metropolitanum Episcopus vel Clericus habet querelam, petat aut Primatem Dioeceseos, aut sedem R●giae u●bis Constantinopolitanae, & apud ipsani iudicetur:) giveth equal po●er to the Bishop of Constantinople. this Canon of the Council was afterwards rejected by Pope Leo, because it thought that the Roman See had her pre-eminence only from human authority, and not from the ordinance of God. This may be as a glass, wherein our reader may perceive the right complexion of our Adversaries, and the antiquity of our profession. They, to dignify the See of Rome, had rather we should judge k Conc. Chalcedon oecumenicum quattum, in quo sexcenti & triginta Episcopi interfuere. Surius ex Ph●tio, Tom. 1. Concil. pag. 3. six hundred and thirty Bishops assembled in the fourth general Council, to be sacrilegious, in detracting from the jurisdiction of a Pope, then to think that Pope Leo might have been ambitious by not submitting his judgement unto the authority of that Council. 5 Again, when we renounce that universal authority, which the Popes do now challenge over the Church, and (which our Adversaries pretend to have descended upon every Pope by the line of succession from Christ,) esteem it to be an human usurpation; we are by our Adversaries called l Bellarm. lib. 4. de not is Ecclesi●. schismatics: notwithstanding that our assertion be herein justified by a Council, so general, as consisting of more than six hundred Bishops; so ancient, as being the fourth of all the Oecumenicals, even about Anno 440; and so sincere and orthodoxal in the doctrine of faith, that m De quatuor primis Concilijs sic scribit Gregorius: Haec suscipere me & venerati fateor, Nicaenum,— Calcedonense denique, ●n quo Eutychetis, & Dioscori pravitas reprobata est ● haec tota devotione amplector. Gratian. dist. 15. C. Sicut. S. Gregory professed that he did honour and embrace it. 6 furthermore we may observe the strange disposition of our Adversaries who still urge the authority of this Council for confirmation of the Papal title of n Vocat haec Synodus Leonem caput universalis Ecclesiae, eumque nominat Patrem Epi●●oporum omnium.] Admodum verisimile est nomen Oecumenici in titulo huius Epistolae praefi●um quidem fuisse, sed ●ibrarij alicutus dolo hinc subtractum; maximè quis Leo lib. 7. epist. 30. ad Eulogium Episcopum Alexandrinum scriben●, ait: Vestra sanctitas novit, quòd per sanctam Calcedonensem Synodum uni Pontifici sedis Apostolicae (cui nunc. Deo disponente, deseruio) hoc universalitatis nomen oblatum est. Binius annot, in hanc Synod. fol. 188. the head of the universal Church: notwithstanding they confess the word Universal not to be found inscribed in that Epistle of the Council: and are therefore brought to conjecture, as of a thing not unlikely, that that inscription by the fraud of some penman, was razed out. But why should this be so much as surmised? because Leo (say they) in his Epistle doth affirm, that the Council of Chalcedon did attribute unto him this title of universality. Thus we see what our Adversaries only would prove, and now our discreet Reader may judge, whether it be more likely that the Epistle of a Pope, or the Epistle of an universal Council could be rather subject unto the fraudulent corruption of a Scribe, especially after that he shall call to mind the protestation used by S. Gregory, saying, * See above, lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 29. at the letter, b. in margin. Never any of my predecessors used this title of universal Bishop. We end this point with a brief observation: to wit, That the ambition of Pope Leo was humility, in respect of the usurpation of his successors: by the judgement of their own learned Cardinal. SECT. 3. 7 Cardinal Cusanus after other arguments brought for confirmation of his conclusion, doth insist upon the ancient examples of these Bishops of Rome, viz. Gelasius, Leo, and Gregory: a Ex quibus patet, quód sancti● antiqui Roman Pontifices non ita praesumebant de sua potestate▪ sed suerunt humiles, evam se purgando coram Synodo sua, non universalis Ecclesia▪— imò Leo Papa submittit se omnibus poenis to legibus contenus Martiani, si non seruaverit contra suam confirmationem, sicut scribit ipse ad Leonem Augustum de sua erga leges consensione: si contrà quit, me pumtionum conditionibus subdo, quas non solùm beatae memoriae Principis Martiani authoritas, sed etiam ego mea consensi●nt firma●ti, Cardin. Cus●nus Concord. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 20. From these examples it may appear, (saith he) that the Popes of ancient times did not so much presume upon their authority, for they were humble: and did purge themselves in their own Synods, yea and Leo submitted himself unto all the punishments which were contained in the laws of the Emperor Martianus. Neither yet do Protestants (who have been objected by the Apologists) make Leo guilty of the now Romish ambition, which consisteth in usurpation of an absolute power of making all Ecclesiastical laws, of creating all Patriarches and Church-officers, of receiving all Appeals, of determining all causes, of deciding all matters of faith, of disposing of all temporal Crowns, and of dispensing of Indulgences and Pardons: all which were almost as easily confuted as propounded. The Conclusion. 8 Knowing that Pope Leo was subject unto that ambition, which he a §. 1. himself noteth to have been in some of the holy Apostles: and that indeed he was ambitious, except, to free him from that stain, we shall condemn the Emperor Theodosius of b §. 1. rashness, or c §. 2. six hundred and thirty orthodoxal Bishops, of schismatical presumption; and yet that Leo and his Predecessors did differ as much from his late successors (which hath been confessed) as humility differeth from pride: we cannot therefore but discern that the Apologists have been either too careful, or else too careless what to object: and yet they continued still to be like themselves, as will appear by their next oppositions. CHAP. XIX. Of a forgery, which hath been objected against their Popes. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And my Lord of Canterbury saith q M. Wiritgift in his Defence, pag. 34●. post med. It is certain that then, viz. in the time of the ancient Carthage and African Council, the Bishop of Rome began at lest to claim the superiority over all Churches. In like manner is that ancient Council of Sardis, whereat sundry Fathers of the Council were present, charged for acknowledging 28 Hereof see Osiander cent. 4 p. 294. ante med and Cal●in Institut. lib. 4. cap. 7. sect. 9 and see hereafter Tract. 1. sect. 7. in the margin▪ at the letter, d. of the second alphabet. Appeals to the Bishop of Rome: and M. Fulke and other Protestants affirm, that the ancient Roman Bishops 29 See M. Fulke alleged hereafter, Tract. 1. sect. 9 letter, ●, of the second alphabet. And see Spa●ke against M. john de Albines in his answer to the Preface, ante med. and Osiander Centur. 5. pag. 28. & 218. Anastasius, Innocentius, Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestinus, (who lived 1200 years since,) challenged prerogative over the Bishops of Africa by forging a false Canon of the Nicen Council; which pretence of forgery is hereafter 30 See hereafter Tract. 1. sect. 7. in the margin, at the letter, c. d. of the second alphabet. avoided. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THis next degree of time, wherein they insist, was about the year of Grace 400. when, what was the case of the Carthaginian and African Council; what were the Appeals allowed by the Council of Sardice, and whether there were any forgery of the Romae●e Bishops, we must discuss, but (that we may follow the footings of these Apologists) hereafter: when we shall examine what reason they had to promise' in this place an avoidance of that objection. Their third instance is CHAP. XX. Of Pope julius his claim of authority, in respect of a Council. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. M. Whitaker saith also of julius Bishop of Rome (who lived in Constantine's time,) that 31 See Whitaker de Concilij●, etc. quaest. ●. pag. 42. sin. 43 initio, & 44. paulò ante med. he challenged to himself authority, that no Council should be celebrated without the sentence of the Bishop of Rome. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. The state of the question. SECT. 1. TWo points would be observed in this pretended claim of Pope julius; the first is, what it was that he challenged; the second is, by what right. Both these are recorded by Socrates. His challenge was, that he aught a julius Episcopis, qui Antiochiae convenerunt, per litter as respondet, ac docet eos contra Eccles●ae Canon's egisse, quòd illum ad Concilium, non voc●ssent, quippè cùm Canon Ecclesiasticus vete●●e Decreta absque Romani Episcopi sententia sanciantur. Socrates lib. 2. cap. 13. to be called unto the Council, and that without his sentence no Decrees should be concluded. The right hereof he pretendeth to stand upon the authority of an Ecclesiastical Canon. Now the question is, how far this challenge can make for the Primacy of the See of Rome. For the Apologists (we know) have propounded this for the only scope of their present dispute: therefore it belongeth unto us to prove, That the claim, which Pope julius made, doth nothing less than prove a Papal Primacy of jurisdiction: even by the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 The School of Romanists, and especially of Jesuits, hold the power of a Esse Pontificis congregare Synodum generalem, primò demonstrari potest à divinis; nam Concilium legitimum congregari non potest, nisi in nomine Christi● Matth. 18. 20. Quando duo aut tres congregantur in nomine meo. lbi, in nomine Christi, nihil videtur esse aliud quim authoritate Christi congregari. hoc est, ab eo qui à Christo habet congregandi authoritatem. Bellarm lib. 1. de Concil. cap. 12. §. ●sse autem. calling a Council, to be the peculiar prerogative of the Pope; which they contend to prove from Scripture, Matth. 18. 20. When two or three are gathered together in my name, I am in the midst: where the promise is general, as well respecting congregations and assemblies of the faithful in prayer, as in Counsels. And shall not Christian men any day pray in the name of Christ unto God, before they have the Pope's real command, or assent? But (for we have been constrained to digress) to return to the point. 3 They judge b Est Concilium universal, quod ab universali Pastore Romano Pontifice non indicitur, Concilij nomine indignum Gre●●r. Valent. Ies. Analys fid. pag. 86. col. 2. §. Primam. no Council worthy the name of Occumenicall or universal, which is not appointed by the Pope: when as yet they might be directed by their own Doctors, first, that (as their Cardinal Cusanus, with others, witnesseth) c Dicendum de viversalis Ecclesiae Concilio, quòd 〈◊〉 authoritus non ita dependet à congregante, quòd nisi per Papam congregaretur, tunc non fieret Concilium; quia tunc 〈◊〉 fuissent octo prima Concilia omnia firma quoniam per Imperatores congregabantur: & Rom. Ponufex, ad instar alio●am Pat●●archarum, Divales sacras iussiones pro veniendo, aut initrendo ad Concilia recepit. Cusanus Cardin. Concord. Cathol. l●● 2. cap. 25. the authority of a Council doth not depend upon the Pope, because so we should disannul the authority of the eight first general Counsels, which were appointed by Emperors, when the Pope of Rome, as other Patriarches, received by letters missive a public warning to come, or sand unto the Counsels. 4 And if julius had been so neglected as not to receive due intelligence of the indiction of a general Council, his challenge (by the virtue of ancient Canons) might have been just, although not singular, but common with other Patriarches, who in the like case have made the like complaint. For how could the Council be called general, or universal, whereunto the principal members are not called? Because, d Sicut quocunque, qui alioqui tenetur Synodis interest, & volenti, & potenti spreto, judicium Synodi quia non recto ordine charitatis processit, reprehendi posset, ita fortius in Capite. Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 15. ante finem. If any (saith their Cardinal) be neglected whom it may concern to be present, the judgement of that Synod deserveth reprehension; how much more if the Pope be excluded? which we also allow. But from a case so common with others, it is a fallacy called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to conclude an absolute and singular Primacy of any one. So again, Their former argument for the Pope's Primacy is confuted by the confessed proceed of a Council. SECT. 3. 5 a Hoc probat textus Concil. octavi, quia expectati fuerunt Vicarij senior. Romae, & amplius expectare non sit justum: incongruum omninò puramus despicere fluctuintem Christi salvatoris Ecclesiam per dilationum dispositionem, quae illi debetur.— Idem legitur in 2. Ephesina Synodo, ●●ando Concilium misit ad julium Episcopum, Hilarium Diaconum, Ambasiatores Leonis Papae, notificando eyes quomodo t● post crastino die Concilium sedere vellet, rogando ut venire maturarent, & ipsi non venerunt: tunc Talasius Episcopus Cae●a●eae Cappadociae dixit, remorari nos in hac civitate multam laesionem omnibus sanctissimis & religiosissimis Episcopis ●fferre, & non hoc solùm, sed pijssimus arnicus Christi Imperator accelerari vult Synodi finem.— Quia igitur common●● recusaverint convenire nobiscum— arbitror non esse necessariam dilationem, si placet Synodo, etc. Cusan. ibid. l. 2 c. 2. Their Cardinal granteth, that in the second general Council of Ephesus, when the Legates of Pope Leo, to wit, julius and Hilarius had warning to come unto the Synod, but by delays refused to be there; then Talasius Bishop of Cappadocia, moved this Council not to expect them any longer, but notwithstanding their absence to proceed. Here we found a general Council, wherein the Pope was not present, either by himself, or by any of his Legates. 6 Nay, the Bishops of Rome were in those times so impotent and unable to gather any Ecumenical or general Council, that it is by them observed out of ancient monuments, that Pope Leo with his Provincial Council was glad to entreat licence of the godly Emperor b Leo Papa ad Theodosium Augustum: Concilium universal intra Italiam, sicut Synodus quae ob hanc causam Romae convenerat mecum petit, Clementia vestra concedat. Haec ibi. Ecce universalem Synodum per Synodum, ubi Papa praesidet, ab Imperatore intra Italiam petitam. Cardin. Cusanus Concord. lib. 2. cap. 7. Theodosius, that they might celebrated a general Council in Italy. Which argueth that the now pretended Romish primacy had not his Christendom in the days of Pope julius, as their own arguments in other Sections will fully prove: after that we have shown That the now Romanists, in defending the Primacy of the Popes in general Counsels, have discovered their notorious pride and ambition: proved by the assertions of our Adversaries. SECT. 4. 7 As they hold it necessary that Popes should be made acquainted with the celebration of every general Council; (for how else could it have been called universal?) so aught they to think it, at lest requisite, that the same Popes should be personally present in some one general Council, or else show us some sensible reason of their absence. Their Cardinal for excuse of their personal absence from the first seven general Counsels, hath conjectured two special reasons, which may not be pretermitted. 8 First, a Ego suspicor duas fuisse causas quare Papa non Concilijs generalibus personaliter affuit: prima, quia non videbatur convenire ut caput sequeretur membra, cum potius membra ●equi debent caput. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Rom. Pont. cap. 19 §. Ego suspicor. because it seemed unto the ancient Popes (saith he) a thing inconvenient, that the head (for so was the Pope) should follow the members. Of what spirit this may savour of, their old preacher Ferus will signify: b Membrum est unum altero nobilius, nihilominus tamen omnibus est common quòd sunt membra unius corporis● in hoc unum non praestat alij, unum alteri non invidet, nec inferius contemnit. Sic in Ecclesia quodlibet membrum sua operatione alijs inseruit. Ferus comm in Act. 8. Although (saith he) one member be more excellent than another, yet this is common unto all, that every one is a member to the same body: neither doth one either disdain or envy the good of another, but every one will be serviceable to strengthen another. And could any such disdainful Pope (if yet there had been any such) deserve the title of c Pontifex qui servus servorum Dei se nominat. Bellar. lib. 3. de Laicis, cap. 7. §. Ex. Servant of the servants of God? 9 d Altera ratio, quia in Concilijs Orientalibus, ubi semper suit Imperator, Graeci Imperatorem in summo loco collocabant. Ergo ad vitand●m tumultum ipse non ibat, sed tantùm Legatos mittebat. Bellar. lib. 1. de Concilijs, ca●. 19 § Altera ratio. The second cause was (saith their Cardinal) for that in the East Churches, and Counsels, the Emperor was placed in the highest seat; therefore the Popes (jest they might be occasion of tumult) would not go themselves, but sent their Legates. This reason seemeth to be a feather of the same wing of pride, which was condemned by our Saviour, who (as their own e Cùm dixit Christus [Vae vobis, qui diligitis primas cathedras] ibi non res ipsas, sed affectus damnabat. jansenius Concord in cum locum. Qui minor est (inquit Christus, Luc. 9) maior est: quia quanto quis humilior, tanto Christo similior. Ergo inter vos spirituales, non debet esse contentio de primo loco, sed de postremo: hinc Christus, Discite à me, quia humilis sum. Stella in Luc. 9 Doctor's note) cried woe against them who loved the chiefest chairs: when labouring to compound a strife which arose among his Disciples, contending who should be the chief, he said, that he who was the lest, was the greatest; teaching thereby, saith their Stella, that whosoever are spiritually minded, should not contend for the uppermost, but for the lowest rooms. 10 Not but that there aught to be a respect had of the persons of men, but that (if the case had so stood, as our Adversaries observe, when as yet the Emperors were most religious) we are advised to consider, concerning the f Concil. Nicaenum, in quo trecenti decem & octo divini Episcopi. Surius Tom. 1. Concil. Secundum erat Constantinopol. centum & quinquaginta Episcoporum: 3. Ephesinum ducentorum Episcoporum: 4. Calcedonense, in quo sexcenti triginta Episcopi interfuerunt. Constant. 2. 165 Episcopi. Surius ex Photio, initio 1. Tomi Conciliorum. three hundred & eighteen Bishops who were assembled in the first general Council of Nice, & an hundred & fifty in the second general Council of Constantinople, and two hundred at the third general Council at Ephesus, and six hundred and thirty Bishops in the fourth general Council at Chalcedon, and one hundred sixty five at the second general Council at Constantinople ( g Cunctas personas (inquit Gregorius Papa) quas praefata quin que Concilia respuunt, respuo, quas venerantur, amplector:— quisquis aliud sapit, Anathema sit. Surius Tom. 2. Concil. pag. 602. which five first and most famous Counsels were honoured by S. Gregory, he pronouncing Anathema upon every one that doth not embrace them) that they were the most happy vanquishers of the most desperate heretics that ever wounded our head Christ. Whether now are we rather to think, that a thousand four hundred sixty and three orthodoxal Bishops could have been so injurious, or some few Popes so ambitious; which is our present theme? And who seethe not, by their Cardinal's answer, that for the space of the first five hundred years, and in purest times of the Church, it was held as a Catholic truth, to prefer in place an Emperor before a Pope. But we return unto their pretence of Papal authority in the Council, and give divers plain demonstrations, that the now Romish profession of Papal Primacy, concerning the ordering of a general Council, is a flat Apostate from the integrity of former times in many necessary points: even by the confessions of our learned Adversaries. The first two are against their presumed absolute sufficiency in the Pope alone without a Council, and his authority to command it. SECT. 5. 11 That this mystery may be more clearly displayed, we will use the light of method, reducing all the points of their pretended Primacy, for order sake, unto these five prepositions, 1. without, 2. before, 3. in, 4. after, and 5. above a Council. 12 Without the help of a Council the sole authority of the Pope is by them defended, to be sufficient to a Pontifex Romanus est judex legitimus controversiarum omnium, quae possunt oriri in negotio religionis, etiam cum sine Concilio aliquid definiat. Gretzerus jes●in Colloq. Ratisb Sess. 1. Plurimas haeeses Romanus Pontifex sine Concilio generali damnavit, ut Pelagij, Priscilianistae, joviniani. Bellarm. lib. 4. the Roman Pont. cap. 3. judge and define of all matters of religion: which they pretend to prove (but b Pelagius damnatus est in Conc. Milevit. & Affricano. Suarez jesuita Opusc. de auxil. great. cap. 2. And the Priscilianists were condemned in Conc. Caesar-August. anno 418. and in Bracarensi Synodo. See Surius Tom. 2, Con. pag. 746. untruly) by experience; hereby (as any may perceive) to prefer the authority of one man before the judgement of the whole Church. Against which kind of spiritual * By a kind of a Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. monopolising we may but only demand (as their Doctor doth from experience,) c Quid opus est Concilijs, quorsum tot sumptus,— quorsum ●ot Theologi accersuntur, quorsum attinet tot Academias in tractandis negotijs distorqueri, cùm ex uno Pontifice quid verum sit audi●e liceat? Erasmus annot. in 1. Cor. 7. What necessarte use could there be of Counsels? what need of so great charge and travel about them? to what end is it to trouble so many Divines and Universities for discussing of doubts, if we might be satisfied by the only judgement & determination of the Pope? For thus should they have no necessary reason to allege that Scripture, [ * Matth. 18. 20. See it objected above. when two or three are gathered together, etc.] for gathering of a Council. The second proposition followeth. 13 Before that our Adversaries will acknowledge any Council to be truly called, they hold it necessary that the Pope do authorize it; which we have heard affirmed by d See above §. 2. jesuits, & confuted by their own e See above §. 2. Doctors, as derogatory from the true tenor of purest antiquity. Next is The third Demonstration, unfolding four new and notable deformities, and especially a Romish spiritual tyranny, and a presumption anabaptistical, concerning the Pope's behaviour in a Council. SECT. 6. 14 In the Synod, when it is called and assembled, we may perceive many Romish aberrations and revolts from true antiquity. The first is in making their Pope the necessary a Generale Concilium est, in quo nemo rectè praesidet, nisi summus Pontifex, aut alius eius nomine. Bellar. lib. 1. de Concil. cap. 4. precedent of all general Counsels, either by himself, or by his delegate: especially seeing they believe that the b Etsi Legati sint nomine Pontificis, tamen— non habent privilegium non errandi, quod habet Pontifex. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Concil. cap. 11. §. Praeterea. Legates of the Pope have not the same privilege of not erring, which the Pope hath in himself: for this seemeth to imply a great incongruity, if not impiety, that the Pope (when he might be at any general Synod) should sand his Legate, and to absent himself. As for example, in the last Council of Trent, which continued the space of fifteen years, wherein no one c Tridentinum Concilium habuit Praesides vice summi Pontisicis tres Legatos Papae— sub Paulo tertio, julio 3 Pio 4. Vega lib. 1. de justif. cap. 5. Pope appeared in his own person: shall we allow them to answer for this last Council, as they have done for the seven first, viz. It is not meet that the Pope, the head, should follow the body? as though it were meet the head should be distracted from the body. 15 Nay, but if (as they say truly) the d Concilium Apostolorum primum fuit, à quo formam acceperunt alia omnia Concilia. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Council cap. 2. Council of the Apostles Act. 15. should be a precedent and form of all orthodoxal Counsels, and that also S. Peter (unto whom their Pope will be thought to succeed) e In Act. 15. Petrus fuit in Concilio primo. Idem, lib. 3. de verbo Dei, cap. 5. §. Sextum argumentum. was personally present in that Council: then are their now Pope's defective in this point, who by their absence make their own body, that is, the Church Acephalon or headless. 16 Secondly, f Protestants requirunt in Concilio, ut liberum sit Theologos non minus quim Episcopos voces decisivas proffer in Concilijs. in a Synod Protestant's require, that it may be free aswell for Priests and learned Divines, as for Bishops to have definitive voices: this by the now Romish doctrine is denied, as being g Respondeo, hoc esse contra formam Concilij. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Concil. cap. 21. contrary unto the form of a Council. And in behalf of their Bishops, who for want of learning, may be thought incompetent judges of the mysteries of faith: their Cardinal Bellarmine answereth, that h Respondeo, Episcopos habere authoritatem judicandi, non quia doctr●unt, sed quia sunt personae publicae. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Concil. cap. 16. Bishops have authority of judging in Synods, not as they are learned, but as they are public persons; as if their ignorance could not prejudice their judgement. But their Cardinal Arelatensis hath long since confuted this, by the practice of the foresaid Apostolical Synod: which our Adversaries have acknowledged to be the platform of all other orthodoxal Counsels; i In Act. 15. Visum est nobis.] Vox [nobis] refertur ad illud quod praecessit, ubi nominantur Apostoli & seniores: & verbum [Visum est] non consultationem sed decisionem significat. Quid prohibet Concilium Apostolicum i●●tari? In Concilio Nicaeno Athanasius Presbyter ferè solus argumentationes Arianorum disturbabat: etiam in Constantiensi Synodo, & in Pisana, & in amphssima ●ateranensi Presbyteros iudicâsse unà cum Episcopis non est ambiguum. Card. Arelatensis in Concil. Basil. ut resert Aenaeas Sylutus de gesis Concil. Basil. Therein james (saith he) said [It seemeth good unto us:] where the persons signified by the pronoun [us] are noted in the text to have been not only Apostles, but also Seniors, or Presbyters: and the word [seemeth good] doth show, that it was their desinitive sentence. Afterwards he manifesteth by the example of the first Council of Nice, and the late Romish Counsels of Constance and Laterane, that other learned presbyters, besides Bishops, had judicial voices in Synods. 17 Finally, their preacher Stella displaying the ignorance of many Bishops who were called at the Council of Trent, and carried with them other learned Divines, by whom they might be illuminated, saith, that he could k Hi Episcopi secum ducunt doctos Theologos, qui ipsos illuminent, ut in nostro Trident. Concilio nostris temporibus contigit. In hac quidem re non possum mihi á risu temperare: melius quidem Episcopi facerent, si Epi●copatus suos Theologis renunciarent. De his vera est Domini sententia, [Si caecus caecum.] Stella in Luc. cap. 6. in illa verba: Si caecus caecum. not contain laughter at the sight of that deformity; and therefore held it better that those Bishops should resign their Bishoprics unto the learned Divines, because in these Bishops (saith he) is verified the saying of our Sautour; If the blind lead the blind, both fall into the ditch: and consequently their former reason must be thought to depend but only upon a blind distinction. 18 Thirdly, in a Council we know, and they confess, l Non est numerus in Concilio adeò necessarius sicut libertas & unanimitas. Cardin. C●sanus, lib. 2. de Concord. Cathol cap. 3. the number is not more necessary than the liberty and unanimity of their suffrages and voices. Now they ascribe this prerogative unto the Pope, m Pontifex mittere solet Legatos instructos de sententia Apostolicae sedis cum ea conditione, ut si Concilium consentiat cum indicio Apostolicae sedis, formetur Decretum: si minùs, differatur decreti formatio done Romanus Pontifex respondeat. Bellar. lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 11. §. Quod. to sand his Legates to the Council, but with the instructions and directions of the apostolic See: so that, if the Council will consent unto the judgement of the See apostolic, they may then form and frame a Decree: otherwise the matter must be deferred until they should understand the pleasure of his Holiness. The reason why they would tie the Council unto the Pope's predetermination is, because n Aliquando Legati mittuntur ad Concilium cum instructione sedis Apostolicae:— Si Patres consentiant ac definiant dissentientibus Legatis, errare possunt, sicut contigit in Conc. Ephesino 2. if that the Fathers of the Council (say they) or the Legates themselves shall judge contrary unto their instructions, they may err. 19 They produce for example in the first kind, the second Council of Ephesus; in the second sort, a Council of Constantinople: and finally set it down for a conclusion, that o Secundò si Concilia consenserint Legatis contra instructionem Pontificis agentibus, dici non possunt legitima, quia pugnant cum capite, & sic erravit Constantinopolitanum Concilium, tempore Nicolai primi. Bellar lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 11. per integrum cap. the Counsels, if they consent against the Pope's instructions, they are not to be acknowledged as lawful, because they are divided from the head. This is that which we have named a spiritual tyranny, and indeed a very stifling of that liberty, which was always the very natural and vital breath of a lawful Council: but when their judges like mil-horses are thus blinded with prejudice, it is no marvel though their Cardinal p In condendis statutis generalibus Papa non tantam potestatem habet, quantam adula●ores eidem tribunt: scilicet quòd ipse tantùm statuere possit, alijs consulentibus. Cardin, Cusanus Concord, Cathol. lib. 2. cap. 12. Cusanus held such voicers to be no judges, but only Counsellors, and called the defenders of the forenamed authority of their Pope, slatterers: and that justly, as hath been proved by the ancient Counsels of q Sive Pontifex in definiendo studium adhibeat, sive non adhibeat, modò tamen controversiam definiat, infallibiliter certè definiet: atque adeò re ipsa utitur authoritate sibi à Christo concessa. Greg. Valent. Ies. Analys. lib. 8. cap. 3. §. Respondeo sive. Ephesus, Constantinople, and Chalcedon, which have neglected the Pope's instructions. 20 Lastly, in a general Council, he that shall claim the power of pronouncing a definitive sentence, aught to perform great diligence for disquisition of the truth. Yet do their jesuits so much adore their Pope, as to make him an immediate Oracle of truth: for cue if the Pope (saith he) do determine any controversy, his definition & judgement is infallible, whether, to that end, he use any diligence, or not. This is an anabaptistical Enthusiasmus, as (if occasion permit) shall be showed in due place. 21 For this present we oppose the judgement of Ferus (whom our Adversaries reckon among the r See in the Catalogue before this Book, at the name Ferus. Preachers notably learned in the book of God,) who observing the passages of the Apostolical Council at jerusalem, mentioned Act. 15: s In Act. 15. Cùm magna conquisitio facta est] Vide quàm prudenter agunt; non praecipitant sententiam, sed singula expendunt in rebus fidei; non satis est dicere, Volumus & mandamus. Quid mirum si in hoc Concilio fuerit Spiritus sanctus? Nos autem aliter convenimus, nobis pollicentes quiduis nobis licere de plenitudine potestatis; & quomodo Spiritus sanctus huiusmodi conventus probare possit? ●erus in Act. 15. Mark (saith he) how wisely they deal, they do not rashly give sentence, but examine every thing: It is not sufficient for us to say, [we will and command.] What marvel therefore is it if the spirit of God were in this Council? But our meeting is now otherwise, by promising unto ourselves a licence to do any thing [upon the fullness of authority:] and how can the spirit of God allow of such kind of assemblies? Now follow The two last Demonstrations, especially that which advanceth the Pope above a Council: confessed by our Adversaries themselves. SECT. 7. 22 After that the Council hath enacted any Decree, then do the Romanists yield unto the Pope a power either of a Ius confirmandi aut infirmandi Concilia generalia, & particula●ia penes Pontificem Romanum est. Stapleton. controu. 3. & 4. And Bellarmine taketh exceptions to many Counsels, quia erant à Pontifice reprobata. Lib. 1. de Concil. cap. 8. & 7. etc. confirming, or of infirming, and desanulling their sentence. This were a Primacic indeed, but their learned Cardinal saith, that this claim is b Non tamen est hoc verum, quòd in Synodo ritè congregata, admissis admittendis & ritè celebrata, authoritas ita etiam ab ipso capite dependeat, quòd nisi in quacunque definitione consentiat, definitio illa nulla sit. Cardin. Cusan. Concord. lib. 2. cap. 15. false: and proveth it from the Council of c In Sardicensi Concilio Rom. Pontificem praelatum in iudicando in particularibus Concilijs non nisi per formam ibi traditam, scil. quòd ipse potest sententiam approbare, non improbare, nisi per novam Synodum. Cardin, Cusanus Concord. lib. 2. cap. 15. Sardice, that the Pope's judgement is restrained to a form, and that without the consent of a Synod, he hath not so much as an absolute negative voice. 23 Above the Council they do advance the Pope, affirming, that d Papa Rom. est absolute supra generale Concilium ita ut nullum in terris supra se judicium agnoscat.— Non potest ab ullo Principe seculari, sive Ecclesiastico judicari, neque ab omnibus in Concilio co●gregatis. Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 26. & lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 17. & Azorius jes. Instit. Moral. part. 1. cap. 14. Valentian. Analys lib. 8. cap. 7. Pontifex à nemine in terris judicari potest, non enim potest evidentiùs ostendi principatus eius, quàm si ostendatur ita omnibus praelatus, ut nemini sit subiectus: Bellarm. lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 26. the Pope of Rome is absolutely above any general Council: so that he doth not acknowledge any judgement above him, being not subject unto any power on earth, whether civil or ecclesiastical, not not unto all the Bishops of the Church assembled together in a Council. But this is that doctrine which their own Rhenanus called e Epistola Beati Rhenanis ob errorem de primatu Petri, quo adulationem appellat hanc assertionem, Papam esse supra Concilium, deleatur. Index Expurg. apud junium, pag. 165. flattery, and for this cause had the tongue of his testimony pulled out: yet hath God raised out of this midnight of darkness other witnesses unto his truth. For their Victoria (whom their Canus commendeth for f See above cap. 17. §. 9 the chiefest professor of Divinity that Spain had in his time, and who professeth of himself, that g See above cap. 17. §. 9 he will do his best to defend S. Peter's prerogative:) h Audi quid johannes de Turrecremata Cardinalis tenet, assertor vehementissimus Pontificiae dignitatis, lib. 3. cap. 10. ubi joquens de utilitate Conciliorum; Celebratio (inquit) Conciliorum utilis est ad refraenandun exorbitantias quorundam Pontificum, qui Pontificatum suum aut extra Patrum regulas pro voluntate sua exercent, aut Simoniaca pravitate dehonestant, aut vita scandalosa confundunt. Hac de causa legitur congregatum fuisse Concilium Romae per Imperatorem contra johannem 12. Papam, qui venator lubricus & incorrigibilis erat: quod factum laudat Turrecremata. Again, Propter in●ustas dispensationes, & mandata insolentia possint convocari Concilia generalia, contra voluntatem Papae. Hoc quoque tenet Sylvester, & Cardinalis Turrecremata. Franciscus de Victoria Tract. de Pontif. Relect. 4. prop. 23. harken (saith he) what Cardinal Turrecremata, the most vehement defender of the Pope's dignity, held concerning the profitable use of Counsels against enormous Popes, as sometime was the celebration of a Council at Rome against Pope john the 12. who was incorrigible. This necessity of a Council contra, that is, against the will of a Pope, Victoria and Sylvester do constantly approve. By which it appeareth, how fa●●e the Church of Rome is departed not only from the Catholic doctrine of the Greek Church, but even from her own late commendable practice. We add, Our Conclusion. SECT. 8. 24 We are now at leisure to reckon the gain which our Adversaries have got by objecting unto Protestants the practise of a §. 1. Pope julius: from whence they have b §. 2. impertinently concluded the Pope's Primacy in the ordering of Counsels, & by the opposition of a general Council, wherein the fame julius was Legate, have found an evident proof of the Pope's c §. 3. & 4. subjection: and whereas they undertake to defend the now Papal jurisdiction in respect of the ordering of a general Council, they have bewrayed manifold Romish revolts from primitive antiquity. First, d §. 5. they teach that the Pope's sole authority is, in itself sufficient, without the help of a Council, to direct the Church infallibly in all necessary truth: which assertion is e §. 5. confessed to impugn the wisdom of all ancient Churches, & maketh all Counsels to have been, in effect, superfluous. 25 Secondly, if the Council must be gathered, then do they f §, 2. appropriate the power thereof unto the Pope, which claim is g §. 2. confessed to be contrary unto the ancient practice of the Church in the calling of general Counsels. 26 Thirdly, when a Council is called, the Pope's ordinary want of presence in Counsels, wherein he claimeth a presidence, is h §. 6. confessed to contradict the practice of the first Council Apostolical. His allowing of Bishops only to have i §. 6. definitive voices in a Council, is k §. 6. confessed to decline from the common use of Counsels, even of later times. His preinstructions, wherewith he preoccupateth his Bishops, and limiteth them what they shall say, doth turn judicium into praeiudicium, and is confessed to overthrow the ancient liberty of their voices, wherein consisteth the life & soul of a Council. His presumption of a power of judging without diligent inquisition of the truth, and his peremptory conclusion by will and command, are l §. 6. confessed to be condemned by the Apostles practise, in their first Council at jerusalem. 27 Fourthly, after that the Council hath enacted Decrees, the Pope's pretended power of dissolving them, is m §. 7. confessed to be false, and repugnant unto the profession of ancient Popes. 28 Lastly, his now proclaimed jurisdiction above a Council, is n §. 7. confessed to be but flattery, even by their own Doctors, who notwithstanding profess the defence of the Papal Primacy by all their power. Such is the now Romish challenge by them who would make the Pope, as it were α and ω in the judgement of the Church, and in pretence of ancient proofs overthrow the confessed form and profession of all antiquity. CHAP. XXI. Of S. Cyprian his judgement concerning the Pope, and Church of Rome. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. S. Cyprian though a Bishop of Africa (who lived Anno 240.) is charged by the Century writers for his affirming 32 Centur. 3. c. 4. col. 84. line 44. our chair founded by our Lord's voice upon the Rock: and that 33 Ibid. l. 49. there aught to be one Bishop in the CATHOLIC Church: and for his challenge 34 Ibid. l. 56. Peter's chair the principal Church from whence priestly unity ariseth: and lastly, for his (say they) 35 Ibid. l. 51. teaching without any foundation of Scripture, that the Roman Church aught to be acknowledged of all others, for the Mother and Root of the Catholic Church. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First, showing the importunity of our Adversaries, in insisting upon this testimony of S. Cyprian, unto whom we do as willingly appeal. SECT. 1. FRom Pope julius they are ascended an hundred years nearer the rising of the Sun of righteousness, Christ our Lord, even unto the age of S. Cyprian the glorious Martyr of Christ. Neither do we found in all the writings of our Adversaries any Father more generally noted, for proof of any point of Romish doctrine, then S. Cyprian is for the defence of the Pope's Primacy: nor yet in Cyprian any one testimony more vehemently urged, almost in all their disputes, then are these now alleged, which the Romanists do so confidently press, as though in them they had displayed the ensigns of victory. Hereunto therefore must we address our answer, requesting our Adversaries, that (casting away all preoccupation of personal and partial respects) they would be contented to stand unto this so honourable a witness, who hath testified a glorious profession of the name of Christ, and sealed the truth thereof with his blood, which was shed by the hands of Infidels: and whose judgement we shall willingly admit as an umpire in this controversy. And to this purpose we deliver A satisfaction to the objected exceptions, taken by Protestant's unto some words of S. Cyprian. SECT. 2. 2 S. Cyprian, indeed, useth such phrases of a Cyprian lib. 1. epist. 3. & lib. 2. epist. 10. ad Cornelium, dicit, Non aliunde haereses natal, nisi quòd Sacerdoti Dei non obt●mperatur, nec unus in Ecclesia judex vice Christi cogitetur. Ergo, etc. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. ca 12 & 16. Costerus Ies. Enchirid. Turrian. contra Sadael. Duraus contra Whitakerum. one Bishop, but so, as it may appear by himself, that by one Bishop he understandeth not one, to be universal, but generally every Bishop in his distinct Diocese, calling the government of the whole Church b Episcopatus unus est, cuius à singulis in solidum pars tenetur. Cyprian. lib 4. epist. 9 Omnes Episcopi sunt unus Episcoparus: quilibet Episcopus vice Christi ad tempus judex. Cyprian. ibid. And, unde haereses, nisi quia unus Episcopus, qui Ecclesiae praeest, superba quorundam praesumptione contemnitur? Which Cyprian speaketh of himself to Papianus, who delivered disgraceful reports against him. So lib 1. epist. 3. one Bishopric, wherein every Bishop as a Vicar of Christ, hath equally a full portion, bound to yield account unto God for it. 3 And although the next sentences of S. Cyprian may seem, at their first view, unto the unexpert Reader, to observe in the Church of Rome both a grace of c Ecclesia super Petrum fundata: aliud altar constitui non potest. Et, Schismanci isti, (inquit) Petri Cathedram atque Ecclesiam principalem, unde 〈◊〉 Sacerdotalis exorta est, non respiciunt; nec cogitant eos esse Romanos, ad quos pe●fidia non potest habere accestum. Cyprian. ut refert Bellarm. lib. 4. de Eccles. milit. cap. 10. impossibility of erring, & also a prerogative of the d According to the words alleged by the Apologists. Mother Church of all others, and are therefore censured by our Centurists for speeches inconvenient. yet no man, exercised and conversant in his writings, and other Fathers, can be ignorant, that such like speeches are but the languages of Rhetorical amplification, which commonly they use by way of persuasion rather than of asseveration. 4 So now when five Novatian & heretical Bishops had created a schismatical Bishop in Carthage, who to gain favour at Rome, did there falsely boast, that he had been ordained by 25. Bishops of Africa: S. Cyprian (to give the Bishop of Rome a caution, jest peradventure he might be deceived with lies) doth writ unto him, putting him in mind of the commendations which S. Paul once gave of the Romans, not so much to show what a kind of Bishop he was, as to intimate what he should be. For S. Cyprian, even in the very same case whereof he wrote, did greatly complain, that e Basilides post crimina detecta Romam pergens, Stephaoum collegam nostrum long positum fefell●● Cyprian. epist 68 and Clerum & plebem in Hispania. And epist. 55. Mendacia non diu fallunt. Concerning the same point. Stephen the Bishop of Rome suffered himself to be deceived by Basilides: noting him of an error in defence of a cause f Quae mihi ad literas nostras Stephanus frater noster rescripser●t, misi tibi rescripti exemplum, quo lecto magis ac magis eius errorem denotabis, qui haereticorum causam contra Christianos, & contra Ecclesiam Dei asse●ere conatur. Cypr. epist. 74 ●este vel Card. Bar●ni●, anno 258. num. 37. against the Church of God. Again the same commendation of the Romans given by S. Paul, the g In these points of faith, and in all others, the commendations which S. Paul giveth unto the Church of Rome, is much to be noted, saying, [Your faith is renowned in the whole world, and your obedience is published in every place.] The translators of the Rh●mish Testament in the Argument before the Epistle, at the end thereof. Rhemists' wish may be much noted; intimating therein the singularity of their faith: whereas notwithstanding their Cardinal Tolet from the same Chapter teacheth his Reader contrariwise, to h perpend evangelii indifferentiam; quamuis enim Romani inter caeter ●● Gentes eminerent, & primatum tenerent, tamen in praedicatione evangelii, & in salutis negotio pares eos facit: cum 〈◊〉 Rom. 1. 13. Vt aliquem fructum habeam ex vo●●●, sicut in caeter is Ge●●b us. Tol. Ies. come. in hunc locum. observe the indifferency of the Gospel, in saying [vers. 13. That I may receive some fruit of you, as I do of other Gentiles:] Thereby other Churches of the Gentiles were, concerning the business of salvation, equal with the Romans, notwithstanding that the Romans did otherwise excel all others. We return unto Saint Cyprian, and prove our former answer to be true, yielding divers plain Demonstrations, whereby is proved, that S. Cyprian was an absolute adversary both unto Stephen Bishop of Rome, and his Chair; by the testimonies of our learned Adversaries. The first is concerning the title of Universal Bishop. SECT. 3. 5 The title of Universal Bishop of the Church, hath been long used of the Pope of Rome, and is assumed at this day by the Romanists for the peculiar character and ensign of his primacy; notwithstanding that S. Gregory long since did both disclaim and detest it, as hath been a See confessed above, lib. 1. c●p. 2. §. 29. showed. But what of S. Cyprian, who was about 300 years ancient unto S. Gregory? b Neque quisquam nostrumm se Episcopum Episcoporum vocat. Cyprian. epist. ad Quintum. None of us (saith he) is called the Bishop of Bishops: which not Cyprian only, but (as our Adversary Surius showeth) c Concilium Carthaginense sub Cypriano Episcopo. In principio, Neque quisquam nostrùm Episcopum se Episcoporum constituit, aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, quando habet omnis Episcopus, pro licentia libertatis & potestatis suae, arbitrium proprium, tanquam judicari ab alio non possit, cùm nec ipse possit alterum judicare: sed expectemus universi judicium Domini nostri jesu Christi, qui solus habet potestatem de actu nostro indicandi. Apud Surium Tom. 1. Conc. in Conc. Carthag. pag. 242. the whole Council of Carthage under Cyprian did profess: furthermore calling it a terror tyrannical for any one Bishop to impose upon his fellow Bishops a necessity of obedience. Which Canon now specified, was especially and purposely intended against the Bishop of Rome: for (as their own last, and most authorised Binius plainly testifieth) d Alludit ad Decretum Stephani Papae, qui aliter sentientibus poenam excommunicationis comminatus est. 〈◊〉 cod. Tom. an●●t. in cum locum this Council, in this speech, did allude unto the Decree of Pope Stephen, who then denounced excommunication against such as were opposite unto his judgement. Whereby it is clear, that S. Cyprian, together with all the Bishops of that Council, by denying the Pope of Rome the title of Universal Bishop of the Church, did equally abandon all pretence of his now usurped universal jurisdiction over the Church. And this may be truly called our first Demonstration. The second Demonstration, from S. Cyprian his opposition unto the Pope's Chair, in the case of Appeals. SECT. 4. 6 The right of appealing unto the Bishop of Rome from all the coasts of the world, is urged by their Cardinal Bellarmine as a special c Argumentum nonum ex eo p●ti potest, quòd ex quavis part orbis Christian● ad Romanum Pontificem legitimè provocatur. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 21. in initio. argument of the Pope's absolute Primacy: notwithstanding S. Cyprian directly ordained in a Council, that every man's cause should be heard there, where it was committed: and therefore commanded those men to return home again unto Carthage, who had adventured to appeal unto Rome, not allowing that any other Bishops should retract things done by them in Africa, unless (saith Cyprian) a few le●d and desperate persons think the Bishops of Africa to have f Statutum est omnibus nobis, etc. Cyprian. epist. 55. ad Cornelium. I am causa eorum cognita est, sciunt quò revertantur, nisi paucis desperatis minor videtur authorita● Episcopor●● in Africa constitutorum. Cyprtan. ibid. and lib. 1. epist 4. n●teth Stephen, Deificam disciplinam negligent▪ for admitting of the Appeal of Basilides and Martial: and applieth against Stephen that of the Psalmist, Tu odisti disciplinam, & proiecisti sermone● meo● post te: videb as furem, & fimul curreb●s cum eo. less authority, by whom they have been already judged and condemned. And after chec●●eth the Bishop of Rome and his counsellors for giving entertainment to such extravagants, censuring him in the words of the Psalmist, Thou ha●t hated discipline, and cast my words behind thee: thou seest a thief, and consentest unto him, etc. Thus hath S. Cyprian showed his opposition unto one of the greatest prerogatives that the Pope challengeth at this day, viz. the Appealing unto his See. And this must needs demonstrate the adversnesse which S. Cyprian had against the now Romish Primacy, as will be better confirmed by A third Demonstration of S. Cyprians judgement, by opposing himself unto the high chair of the Pope, even unto a Roman Council; is it is confessed by our Adversaries. SECT. 5. 8 Whether by S. Peter's chair our Adversaries will have us to understand the Pope's sole and peremptory command, or else his ordinance by assent of his Consistorians and Cardinals, or else his Decree in a Council; S. Cyprian is the same Cyprian still. And although our Romish Adversaries who otherwise seek by the authority of Cyprian to erect the Papal throne, and to prove, that a Subesse Romano Pontifici est de necessitate salutis, Cuius judicium est regula veritatis. Bellarm. lib. 3. de Eccles milit. cap. 2. & 5. Lindan. Panopl. l. 4. c. 84. Greg. de Valent. Analys. lib. 6. c. 5. Vasquez jesuita Tom. 1. disp. 21. ●um. 2. to be subject unto the Bishop of Rome, is necessary unto salvation; yet concerning this Father, Cardinal Bellarmine and Binius confess, that b Stephano Papae Cyprianus seriò praecipienti parere nolu●●, sed verba contume●osa contra Pontificem prot●. lit. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont cap. 7. Ft, Romano Pontifici contra errorem suum in Concilio desinienti adversabatur, Martyrio postea coronatus. Bellar. lib. 2. Concil. cap. 5. Hoc erat Conc. Cart haginen. 3. ubi Cyprianus (postquam Stephanus eorum acta de causa rebaptizandi reprobáslet) numero Episcoporum 87. ex Africa & Numidia congregato Concilium aliud celebravit, ubi Stephanum tacito nomine suggillabat. Binius Tom. 1. Annot. in Act. h●●us Conc. Cyprian opposed himself in a Council of fourscore and seven Bishops against the Pope, defining contrariwise in another Council: and besides did contum●ltously revile the Bishop of Rome, being himself afterward crowned a faithful Martyr: although he were c Vt Cyprianum Stephanus à communione sua quod in ipso erat, repelleret,— & praeciperet universae fra●e●●●tati, ne quis eius Legatos in domum reciperet. Cassander lib. Consult. art. 7. dented communion by the Pope, and yet was d Nec tamen eius retractatio unquam in●enitur. Bellar. lib. ●. de Conc. cap. 5. never known to have recanted. 9 Can any than surmise that S. Cyprian did judge the chair of Rome, and the Bishop thereof absolutely infallible, when he himself set his Council against the Council of Rome? or that he could believe the Roman See to be the only Catholic Mother, who feared not to die out of her communion? This we take to be an infallible demonstration of Cyprians judgement, to teach us that the now chair of Rome is of such a new frame and fashion, as which S. Cyprian would never have approved. We furthermore insist in A fourth Demonstration of S. Cyprian his doctrine, concerning the Mother Church. SECT. 6. 10 That the eclipse of judgement in our Adversaries, may yet more visibly appear, we approach yet nearer to the Motherhood of their Church. 11 We found one sentence of S. Cyprian much magnified by our Aduer saries, and in the mouth of almost every Novice, to wit, a Non habet Deum patrem, (inquit Cyprianus) qui non habet Ecclesiam matrem. Costerus Ies. Apolog. part. 3. No man can have God to his Father, who hath not the Church to his mother. Hence they labour to prove the Church of Rome to be the absolute and only Catholic Mother, without which there is no salvation. Who would not now think that the Romanists, as often as they urge this sentence, did believe it to have been spoken by S. Cyprian, in behalf of the Church of Rome? But this is their boldness, for the same sentence is by S. Cyprian purposely applied against that cause which Stephen the then Pope of Rome urged; who is confessed to have b Cyprianus cum Stephanus à sua communione eum repelleret, & Episcopos ab illo ex Africa legatos, nec ad sermoné communis colloquij admitteret, & praeciperet universae fraternitati, ne quis ●os in domum suam reciperet, sed & tectum & hospitium negaretur. Cyprianum quoque pseudochristum, & dolosum operarium diceret. Cassander Consult. art. 7. denied Cyprian his communion, & to have forbidden that any should so much as receive his messengers into house, or Inn: the which Pope, Cyprian, in the words immediately following the alleged sentence, doth accuse of c Cum nativitas Christianorum in baptismo sit, baptismi autem regeneratio & sanctificatio apud solam sponsam Christi sit, quae parere spiritualiter & generare filios Deo possiti ubi, & ex qua, & cui natus est, qui filius Ecclsiae non est? Vt habere quis possit Deum patrem ante Ecclesiam matrem? Cùm verò nulla omninò haeresis, neque aliquod schisma habere salutaris baptismi sanctificationem foris possit, cut in tantum Stephani fratris nostri obstinatio dura prorupit? etc. Cyprian. Epist. ad Pompeium, pag. 329. obstinacy. See at last Our Conclusion. SECT. 7. 12 Now then let our Apologists deliberate how they will answer their own objection retorted upon them: S. Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, who lived 240 years after Christ, did himself (as we have proved) together with four score and eight Bishops of Africa and Numidia, deny the Pope's a See above §. 3. title of Universal Bishop; yielding no other title unto Pope Cornelius then b ●ib. 1. epist. 3. & lib. 4. epist. 9 & epist. 68 Stephanus collega. See above. brother and fellow; reprehending Pope Stephen for his c Epist. ad Pomp. & add Quint. pride, ambition, and obstinacy; forbidding his d §. 4. Appeals, and opposing a Council against his e §. 5. Council; dying out of the Pope's f §. 5. and 6. communion (but yet not out of the unity of the Catholic Church) and in the honour of Martyrdom. 12 This, we think, might work in our Adversaries, at lest, a blush, and teach them to forbear to assume S. Cyprian for a Patron of the Roman Primacy, Chair, and Motherhood: except they would intent to prove concerning S. Cyprian, that the same man of God and holy Martyr of Christ, was neither Saint nor Martyr, but (because an Adversary unto the Pope's Decree) undoubtedly a damnable schismatic. After him they speak CHAP. XXII. Of the claim of Pope Victor concerning the Roman Primacy. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Victor 36 M. Whitgift in his defence, etc. pag. 510. prope finem. (as my Lord of Canterbury affirmeth) lived Anno 198. and was a godly Bishop and Martyr, and the Church at that time in great purity, (as) not being long after the Apostles time: yet is he charged by Amandus Polanus to 37 Amandus' Polanus in silogethesin theologiae, p. 165. have showed a Papal mind and arrogancy: and by M. Spark 38 See M. Spark against M. john d'Abbines, in his answer to the preface, ante med. And see Osiander, Cent. 2. pag. 87. & 96. somewhat Pope-like to have received his bounds when he took upon him to excommunicate the bishops of the East; M. Whitaker also charging him with * Whitaker contra Durçogon; un, l. 7. pag. 480. initio. exercising jurisdiction upon former Churches. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By an historical relation of the Acts of Pope Victor, containing in it sufficient matter of justification of the former objections. SECT. 1. WE wish that our Apologists had followed the equity which the governor in the * Act. 25. 27. Acts did in behalf of S. Paul, not only to relate exceptions, but show the reason why; which would clear this matter, and thoroughly justify our cause concerning Victor. It were folly to stand upon his sayings, where we see his doings: and because our Adversaries do much and often object the example of Victor, as though in him they were become victorious in their cause, we desire to be tried by our evidence. 2 The history is large, but memorable, and necessary for the resolution of this question: whereof we have summarily comprised the most pertinent points, according as our learned adversaries have related them out of Eusebius, & digested in their late volumes of Counsels by their approved Surius, thus. 3 a Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 22. de Victore in hunc modum scribit: Cùm quaestio erat de seruando Paschate, Episcopi Ecclesiae Asianae seruandam magis, à veteribus sibi traditam consuetudinem confirmabant: In quibus Polycrates, qui in ijs primatum agere videbatur; Ego (inquit) secundùm Traditionem omnium Patrum meorum obseruo eorum duntaxat, quos ab initio secutus sum: septem namque ex Parentibus meis per ordinem fuerunt Episcopi, ego octaws, qui omnes ita obseruamrunt hunc diem. unde sexaginta quinque annos aetatis gerens, in nomine Domini multorum orbis Episcoporum notitiam plenissimè habens, & sanctis Scriptures intendens, non perturbor ex his, quae in terrorem proferuntur. Multitudo Episcoporum nimia sententiam meam confirmat. Sed ad haec Victor, Romanae Ecclesiae Episcopus, pertinaciùs agens, passim totius Asiae & Vicinarum Provinciarum Ecclesias à communionis societate abscindere nititur, tanquam in haeresin inclinantes, & literas mittit, quibus omnes simul absque discretione ab Ecclesiastico foedere segregaret. Sed hoc non omnibus placebat Episcopis, quin potuis ècontrario scribentes ei, iubebant ut magis quae pacis sunt ageret, & concordiae & unitati studeret. Denique extant Episcoporum literae, quibus asperiùs obiurgant Victorem, velut inutiliter Ecclesiae commodis consulentem. Inter quos Irenaeus Victorem arguens, quòd non rectè fecerit abscindens à corporis unitate tot & tantas Ecclesias Dei, quae morem sibi antiquitus traditum custodirent: Polycarpus, inquit, cùm ad urbem Romam venisset, sub Anacleto ita egerunt de hac quaestione interse, ut in pace coirent, utque non unusquisque sententiam suam obstinata contentione defenderet. Neque enim aut Anicetus Polycarpo persuadere poterat, ut non obseruaret ea, quae noverat johanuem Discipulum Domini nostri, vel caeteros Apostolos, cum quibus semper fuit, obseruâsse. Neque rursus Polycarpus Anicetum persuasit, ut morem maiorum suorum non obseruaret. Haec apud Surium Tom. 1. Conc. pag. 194. Where the question arose between the Greek and Latin Church about the observation of the day of Easter, the Bishops of the Church of Asia dissented from the opinion of Victor the Bishop of Rome, amongst whom Polycrates did writ hereof in this manner; I Polycrates (being now threescore and five years old, and successively the eight after seven Bishops of my * The Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. kin, who all observed the day of Easter after our custom, as did also all our forefathers) do, in the name of the Lord, observe it in the same manner after the tradition received from our Fathers, and from the full consent of multitude of Bishops: and looking into the holy Scriptures, a●● not dissuaded nor dismayed with the terror (namely of excommunication by Victor) which is moved against me. 4 Notwithstanding Victor goeth about to excommunicate all the Bishops of Asia, as inclining to heresy, & undiscreetly to separate them from the fellowship of communion, which had been amongst them: who was therefore disliked by other Bishops, commanding Victor to seek the peace and unity of the Church. Among others Irenaeus did reprove him, because he divided so many, & so worthy Churches from the unity of the body for observing the ancient traditions of their Fathers, even from S. john: whereas before time Polycarpus a Greek Bishop, and Anicetus, notwithstanding they could not persuade one another to the alteration of their diverse customs herein, yes did they preserve unity together. The use of the former relation: taken from the due confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 5 The particulars of this story are evidently acknowledged by our Adversaries in these their confessions: 1. that a Extant ipsae literae, quibus asperius obiurgant Victorem, velut inutiliter Ecclesiae commodis consulentem. Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 19 the letters of reproof against Victor are publicly extant. 2. that b Asiani in Concilio Asiatico, putantes se evangelio & Maiorun traditiombus inhaerere, á consuetudine celebrandi Paschatis die 14. primi mensis, recedendum non esse constituerunt; idque per Polyctatem ad Victorem rescripserunt, Victor Concilium reprobabat, & Excommunicationem contra pertinaces executus est. Binius tom. 1. Conc. fol. 131. col. 1. the Bishops of Asia did in a Council decree to maintain their ancient custom, for the which cause Victor executed his excommunication against them: 3. that c Victor Pontifex omnes Orientales & Australes Ecclesias simul à communione amputabat, cui tunc inter caeteros excellentissimos viros restitit Polycrates Asiae Episcoput; & Irenaeus Victorem Pontificem tanquam pacis turbatorem acriter obiurgabat. Agrippa de Vanit. scient. cap. 59 Magna libertate Victorem reprchendit Irenaeus, quòd praeter exemplum corum, quibus successerat, tam facilis esset ad amputandas Ecclesias non in fide, led in ritibus dissidentes. Erasmus epist. ad Episcop. Trident. de dedic. Irenaei. Victor did also excommunicate some Churches of the West for the same cause, & was reprehended by Irenaeus as a troubler of the Church of God. 4. that some of the Bishops of Asia afterwards become holy d Irenaeus ad componendum Ecclesiae dissid●●m Romam mittitur, Martyrum literis mirificè commendatus. Euseb. lib. 5. Martyrs of Christ jesus. And lastly, that (for aught that can be found in history) e Quòd Victor sentent●am suam mutanent, nusquam legimus. Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 19 the excommunication of Victor was never repealed. 6 What now can our Apologists tax in our Protestant Authors, which may not be justified by antiquity? They reprehend Victor for arrogancy, and transgressing of the bounds of his jurisdiction in, excommunicating the Churches of Asia: and the premises have showed, that Eusebius noted Pope Victor as offensive herein; Irenaeus reprehended him for being a troubler of Christendom; besides multitudes of Bishops in a Council, who (which could not be without disclaim of the now pretended Papal jurisdiction) made Decrees against the sentence of Victor; and yet were men themselves of that integrity both of life and doctrine, that notwithstanding that opposition unto Pope Victor, they have ever in the Church of Christ been honoured with the memory of holy and renowned Martyrs. 7 By all which we do necessarily evince, that the Primitive antiquity held it not any Catholic doctrine to believe either the subjection to the bishops of Rome to be necessary unto salvation, or his Cathedral sentence to be infallible, or that it is a damnable state for a Christian to die in the excommunication of that Church. 8 Nevertheless there are not any Protestants who censure Victor for usurping an absolute power over Counsels, or arrogating any infallibility of judgement unto himself, & his successors, or to have been inspired with the spirit of the f For excommunication of another Church, doth not properly imply an absolute jurisdiction; for so some Bishops in the East excommunicated Pope julius in the cause of Athanasius. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 11. & 7. Menas the Patriarch of Constantinople did excommunicate Vigilius Bishop of Rome. Niceph hist. lib. 7. cap. 26. how justly, is not now our question. But they doing so, did not thereby challenge a jurisdiction over the Roman Bishop, no more than the Church of Geneva could do, if it should excommunicate the Church of England. now Popedom: but yet by such his immoderate action he kindled sparks, whereat his successors long after, by little and little, raised such a flame of spiritual ambition, as which all Christendom sithence could never quench. Wherepon we may conclude a justification of the Protestants exceptions by the judgement of notable Martyrs, and other Doctors both of the East and West Church: from whence issueth a confutation of their Romish Primacy. But yet again, CHAP. XXIII. Concerning the judgement of the ancient Father Irenaeus, in behalf of the Primacy of the Roman Church. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Lastly S. Irenaeus (who lived next after the Apostles Scholars, and in the same time Victor) is disliked for his affirming, that 39 The Century writers, Cent. 2. c. 4. col. 64. line 10. all the Church aught to accord to the Roman Church, in regard of a more powerable principality: wherein the Centurists charge him with 40 See the 2. Century in the Alphabetical table, at the word Irenaeus. a corrupt saying, concerning the Primacy of the Roman Church. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First satisfying for the objected exception. SECT. 1. Our a Quod in exemplaribus Irenaei, qualia nunc habemus, extat. l. 3. c. 3. novitatem sapere videtur. Ad Ecclesiam Romanan propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem convenire Ecclefiam. Praetermittunt. Nam ad Romanam Ecclesiam omnes alias esse alligatas, Episcocopum eius loci esse Occumenicum, qui errare non possit, & cui omnes neceste est subesse, neque Ignatius, neque alij huius aetatis scriptores habent. Centurists do not reprehend the ancient Father Irenaeus, but suspect that this sentence objected is falsely fathered upon him: which they prove by light of more antiquity, & whereunto their own learned b Ante Nicaenum Concilium non magnus respectus Romae habebatur. Aeneas Silvius. Author, and sometime Pope, may seem to bear witness, and is therefore reproved by their Cardinal, as c Quae sententia partim non vera est. Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 17. §. Cum igitur. not altogether true. Neither may our d Possuannenses Ies. in Thesibus. Bellar. lib. 4. the Eucl●●r. cap. 26. against the testimony of Ignatius. and lib. 1. de Pont. cap. 26. against Eusebius. and lib. 5. de lib. arbit. cap. 23. against Clemens Bishop of Rome. And lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 9 against Epiphanrus, and Bellarmine elsewhere, As also Surius and Binius in their volu●●ss of Counsels, in very many testimonies. Adversaries deride the former kind of answering, and censuring some book of Fathers to be corrupted, which is so common an exception in like case amongst ᵉ themselves, in many instances of Fathers objected against them. 2 Howsoever, that testimony of Irenaeus by potentiorem principalitatem, that is, more power able principality, doth not signify an absolute spiritual pre-eminence of the Roman See, but that for the access of honour of the City, which at that time was (as it were) the Queen of the world, and then professed the sincere faith in great & admirable constancy, it might challenge the best reason of accordance: otherwise we shall be able to prove, That the alleged testimony of Irenaeus rightly pondered, doth much disable the Romish cause, in two principal points. SECT. 2. 3 First, the question which was then to be decided by Irenaeus, against the heretics of those times, was concerning the perfect Scriptures. He willeth them for their satisfaction to consult with a Cùm ex Scriptures argu●ntur, in accusationem convertuntur ipsarum Scripturatum, quasi non certò habeant, neque sint ex authoritate, & quia variè sunt dictae, & quia non possit ab his inveniti veritas, qui nesciunt Traditionem: Non enim per litter as traditam came, sed per vivam vocé. Traditionem itaque Apostolorum in toto mundo manifestatam in Ecclesia adest perspicere omnibus, qui vera audire velint: & habemus coumerare eos, qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesijs, & successiones eorum usque ad nos, quia nihil tale docuerunt, quale ab his deliratur. Sed quoniam valdè longum est in hoc tali volumine omnium Ecclesiarum enumerare successiones, maximae & antiquissimae, & omnibus cognitae à gloriosissimis duobus Apostolis Petro & Paulo Romae fundatae Ecclesiae, eam quam habet ab Apostolis traditionem & fidem per successiones Episcoporum pervenientem usque ad nos indicantes, confundimus eos. Ad hanc enim Ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem convenire Ecclesiam, id est, sideles, in qua semper conseruata est quae est ab Apostolis traditio. Irenaeus lib. 3. cap. 2. & 3 the ancient Churches, which successively descended from the Apostles: and for instance sake propoundeth unto them Rome, which (saith he) hath by direct succession from the Apostles preserved this tradition, viz. of Scriptures) even unto this time. In the which Church (this is the clause of his sentence) the Apostolical tradition hath always been preserved: herein plainly acknowledging that no further respect may be had unto Rome, than it shall be found to have kept the Canon of Scripture, which is the foundation of Catholic faith. 4 But this now Rome hath violated the same Apostolical tradition of the Canon of Scripture, which by all ancients from * Which was Anno 160. Irenaeus till many years after was professed in the Church of Christ. For which cause it is that S. * About the year 400. Augustine in his time preferred the judgement of b Ad Hebraeos quoque Epistola, quanquam nonnullis incerta sit, tamen magis me movet authoritas Ecclesiarum Orientalium, quae hanc etiam in Canonicis habent. Angust. lib. 1. de pecc. merit. & remss. cap. 27. the Greek Churches before the Roman Authors, among whom the authority of the Epistle to the Hebrews was doubtful. 5 And long after the age of Irenaeus the Apocrypha books, which are now suggested by the Romish Church for canonical, were (as our Adversaries do witness) not acknowledged by c Melchior Canus (loc. Theol. lib. 2. cap. 10.) witnesseth for the first fine. Melito, Origen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Damascene: nor yet by d Partly Canus, ibid. cap. 10. & 11. Epiphanius, Ruffinus, Hilary, e Partly Bellarm. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap. 10. excepting only one book of judith, as allowed by Jerome, but untruly, as Acosta witnesseth, lib. 2. de Christo revelat. cap. 13. Jerome. And shall we think that Irenaeus, if he were now alive, would afford this new Rome the same commendation, knowing that she hath not preserved the most sacred depositum, even the tradition of holy Scriptures? 6 Secondly Irenaeus, as hath been confessed, did sharply reprehend Pope Victor, and notwithstanding the excommunication which Victor denounced against the Asian Churches, he and other of the West Church did willingly f Caeteri dicebant (amongst whom was Irenaeus) se nihilominus cum ijs pacem velle colere. Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 23. communicate with them. Which kind of association the now Romanists at this day would call, at the lest, schismatical. 7 To conclude, when our Adversaries do argue from a confessed sincerity of the faith of primitive Rome, for the authorizing of the now profession of this later one, they make no better consequence then if a man, who being decrepit would prove that he is of a sound and perfect body, because he was free from cramps in his youth. But how this is to be accounted either a Mother, or a Church, occasion will be given to unfold * See in the sourth Book. hereafter. From their pretence of pre-eminence we are called to a Fast and abstinence. CHAP. XXIIII. Of Lent Fast. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 11 eleventhly, as concerning the appointed Fast of Lent: S. Ambrose saith; 2 Ambrose ser. 25. 34. & 36 It is sin not to fast in Lent: for which M. Cartwright 3 M. Cartwright alleged in M. Whitgitrs defence, p. 100 initio. reproveth him: and yet no less is affirmed by 4 August. de tempo●e, Serm. 62 &. 77. S. Augustine 5 Chrysost. ad pop. homil. 6. prope sinem. chrusostom and other 6 Concil. 8. Tol. can. 9 Fathers: insomuch as Chemnitius confesses, that 7 Chemnitius examen Concil. Trident. part. 1. pag. 89. b. ante med. saith, Quad ragesimam enim Ambrose, Maximus Taurinesis. Theophilus, Hieronymus, & alij affirmant esse traditi●nem Apostolicam. Ambrose, Maximus Taurinensis, Theophilus, Jerome, and other do affirm the fast of Lent to be an Apostolical tradition. In more undoubted proof whereof, other Protestant writers do not only affirm 8 See this in Abraham Scultetus medul theologiae Patrum, p. 440. initio. the superstition of Lent, and fasting, to have been allowed and commanded by Ignatius 9 M. Whitgift in his defence, &c pag 408. circa medium. who was Scholar to S. john: but do also defend 10 See Abraham Scultetus ubi suprà. And the same epistle of Ignatius (being and Philippenses) is in like manner cited and acknowledged by M. Whitgi●t in his defence. p. 102. ante med. And by M. Cartwright alleged ibidem. pag. 99 prope sinem. And M. Hooker in his Ecclesiastical policy. lib 5. sect. 72. pag. 209. circamed. answeteth our adversaries usual objection made against it. And so likewise doth M. Whitgift in his defence, etc. that verse Epistle of Ignatius, in which this doctrine is extant, to be his true Epistle, and not sergeant. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First, in satisfying for the objected exceptions, and proving that this Fast is not of divine institution: by the judgement of our Adversaries. SECT. 1. THis Fast, we confess, was of great antiquity, and (although in different degrees) had in general use and observation, which S. Ambrose teacheth to have been ordained by the a Hanc Quadragesiman Dominus suo jeiunio consec●avit. P●uilo post:— Quisquis ergo Ch●istianus consecratam ieiunando non impleverit Quadragesimam, praevaricationis & contumaciae tenebitur, quod legem divinitus datam prandendo relcindit. — Ambros 34. & 36. A coelesti maiestate praeceptum.— praeceptum Donum. Ibidem. divine institution of Christ: and b Aliqui iuniores censent esse ●re divino sancitum: & id probant, quia aliqui veteres Ecclesiae Patres videntur docuisse illud esse iutis divini. Azorius Ies. Instit Moral. part. 1. lib. 7. cap. 12. it is also the opinion of some younger Romanists, (their jesuite Azotius witnessing thus much,) who therefore think it to have been commanded by Christ, because some ancient Fathers seem to teach as much. 2 Now whether Protestant's might not take exception against such testimonies of Fathers, so far as they seem to affirm that this Lent-fast was instituted by Christ, and whether those abovesaid younger Romanists have not been by such testimonies deceived, we may be certified by the general consent of our Adversaries; c At communis opinto Theologorum Scholasticorum est, Quadragesimarium i● uni●m non esse juris d●uini Azor. ibid. This being the common opinion (saith their jesuite) of Schoole-divines, that this Lent-fast was not appointed by divine ordinance: who are therefore content to de●ive it d Sed docent Apostolica traditione seu mandato celebrari— Item alioq a Patres testantur, hoc jeiunium esse ab Apostolis institutum. Idem ibidem. from an Apostolical tradition, by the judgement (as they say) of ancient Fathers. But yet (if we respect the generality of the command) only e Statutum est ab Ecclesia ut omnes ante Pascha iciunium Quadragesimâ obseruarent. Paulò post:— Obseruatio ista ab ipsa Apostolorum trad tione man●sse videtur: quae ersi fortasse non à princi● io omnes expressè praecepto astringebat, tamen omnibus seculis atque omnibas o●bis partibus obseruata, etc. jansenius cap. 15. Concord. evang. doubtfully. 3 For we know that when Vibicus did foolishly contend for the necessity of the Saturdays fast, he was confronted by S. Augustine, saying; f Ego in Apostolicis & Euangelicis literis, totoue novo Testamento, animo id revoluens, video praeceptum esse jeiunium; quibus autem diebus non oporteat, praecepto Domini vel Apostolorum non invenio definitum. Aug. epist. 86. And after concludeth: Vt quadraginta illi dies ante Pascha obseruentur, Ecclesiae consensio roboravit. Epist. 119. I read indeed that we are commanded to fast: but which aught to be the days of our fasting, I found not prescribed in the evangelical or Apostolical writings of the new Testament: and in conclusion doth grant, that the Lent fast is a tradition Ecclesiastical. S. Augustine doth sometime writ of the forty days fast, that it hath a divine authority, but meaneth not an authority of precept, but of example, as in g August. ibid. Elias, Moses, and Christ. 4 Lastly, the Protestants take not exception against Ignatius, but against them who have corrupted these Epistles of Ignatius, whose writings our Doctor Scultetus (cited by the Apologists) affirmeth to have been h Sunt epistolae adulteratae, Scuitetus in the place alleged. pag. 440. adulterated and corrupted. And this Epistle and Philippenses is not found in S. Hieromes Catalogue, where he reckoneth the other Epistles of Ignatius: which maketh it the rather to be suspected. 5 All that our Adversaries would say, is, that this fast aught to be observed: we only demand, by what law? If divine, than did not S. Augustine confute that silly disputer Vrbicus, by disproving the necessity of his Saturdays fast: if it were from the ordinance of the Church, than it is not of absolute necessity, but according to the discretion of the Church variable and alterable: which in the next place is to be proved. Therefore we show, i Hieron, Catalogue. Tit. Ignatius. And for M. Hooker and others, to allege places out of such a book, is not altogether to warrant it. That the manner of Lent fast used anciently, was variable, and also may be changed according to the wisdom of the Church: even by the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 6. Ecclesiastical historians, such as were a Quidam ieiunabant unum diem, quidam duos, vel plures, quidam quadraginta horas. Eusebius Eccles. hist. lib. 5. cap. 6. & 26. Eusebius and b Quadragesimam, in qua populu●ieiunat, alij in sex dierum septimanas computant, ut Illyrij, & qui ad Occidentem siti sunt, necnon & universa Lybia & Aegyptus, cum Palaestinis: alij in septem, ut Constantinopolitaniss, & nationes circumiacentes usque ad Phoenices: alij sparsim tres intra sex aut septem illas ieiunant: alij tres Pa●cha immediatè praecedentes continuant: alij duos, ut Montani sectatores. Sozom. hist. lib. 7. cap. 19 Sozomene, have showed the manifold varieties of Churches in the observation thereof: whereupon c Quia nemo hac de re potest ostendere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mandatum scriptum, manifestum est quòd Apostoli illud cuiusuis sententiae & voluntati liberum reliquerunt, ut quisque nec necessitate inductus, quod bonum est ageret. Socrates lib. 5. cap. 21. & 22. Socrates doth collect, that because we found it not commanded by writing (which is the doctrine of Cardinal d Concludit Caietanus, in Ecclesia primitiva libera fuisse jejunia. Caietanus, ut refert Catharinus adversus Caiet. §. De praecepto jeiunij. And this hath been proved from antiquity. Caietane,) we cannot but know that it was used at the first freely. Then was it not from divine authority, and consequently not of such absolute necessity, but that it may be altered: which we have promised to prove by confession of some Romanist, and so (by God's grace) we shall, yea and by such an one, whom their jesuite Pererius (who is himself most commendable among our Adversaries) thus commendeth: ᵉ Not man (saith he) since the great Doctors, hath taught the mysteries of Scriptures more plainly or fully than Melchior Canus, who was reputed a most learned Divine in the Council of Trent. f Mysteria sacrarum literarum nullus, &c, Pererius Ies. come. in Exod. & come. in Dan. lib. 12. cap. 6. 7 This their Melchior Canus saith as plainly, and as fully, that f In alijs verò, quae scilicet Apostoli constituerunt tanquam Ecclesiae Pastorss, poterit quidem summus Pontifex, ut in caeteris Ecclesiae legibus dispensare, sic enim schola loquitur: poterit etiam contrarius populi mos instituta huius genetis abrogare, ut Trina immersio.— Eiusdem quoque ordinis est Quadragesi●●ae jeiunium. Melchior Canus loc. Theol. lib. 3. cap. 5. fol. 102. the Pope hath power to dispense with the Lent-fast: yea and that the people may abrogate it by a contrary custom. Therefore may we think the Apologists, and other our Adversaries to be inconsiderate disputers, whensoever they insert this tradition of Lent-fast amongst doctrines (in their opinion) necessarily appertaining unto the law of faith. But we are contented to hear so great an Adversary to have confessed (notwithstanding the objected testimonies of ancient Fathers) as much, if not more than Protestants have or would desire. Nevertheless, for our further discharge, we add that The differences of lawful traditions Ecclesiastical, in using or not using them, are no just causes of dissensions in the Christian Churches. SECT. 3. 8 It is testified by their a Isti ●raeci etiamsi in obseruantia (Paschatis) variârunt, tamen nobiscum pacifici semper fuerunt, nec dissonantia ieiunij fidei consonantiam rupit. Irenaus, ut ex Eusebio, Surius tom. 1. Conc. pag. 195. Surius out of Irenaeus, who advised Pope Victor in behalf of the Greek Church (which differed from the Church of Rome in the observation of Easter:) The difference of Fast (saith Irenaeus) doth not dissolve the union of faith. This was the wise and discreet judgement (as their own b Nobilis Hispanus consuluit Hieronymum in Bethleem commorantem, cui rescripsit Hieronymus, (Tom. 1. epist. 28.) Traditiones Ecclesiasticas ita esse obseruandas, ut à maioribus traditae sunt, nec aliarum consuetudmen, altarum contrario more subverti. Idem Augustinus epist. 118. ad lanuar. Cùm Romam venio, ieruno Sabbato; cùm hic sum non i●iuno. Binius Tom. 1. Concil. Annot. in Conc. Elibert. Can. 26. Binius noteth) of Jerome and Augustine, both of them resolving, that diversity of Ecclesiastical customs may not be any causes of distractions in the Churches: and elsewhere S. Augustine hath elegantly compounded the like contention: c Sit igitur una fides universe, quae ubique dilatatur Ecclesiae tanquam intus in membris, etiamsi ipsa fidei unitas diversis quibusdam obseruationibus celebratur, quibus nullo modo quod in fide verum est impeditur, omnis enim filiae regis pulchritudo est intrinsecus, Psal. 44. Illae autem obseruationes, quae variae celebrantur, in eius vest intelliguntur, unde dicitur; In fimbrijs aureis circumamicts varietate. Sed ea quoque vestis ita diversis celebrationibus varietur, ut non contentiombus dissipetur. August. epist. 86. The King's daughter (saith he) is said to be all glorious within, and her raiment to be wrought with needle work of divers colours: so in the Church where there is one faith, and variety of rites, the diversity of observations in the garment may not beget a contentious opposition, in the indistinct members of one body, which is the Church. Howsoever, with what reason can our Adversaries accuse others of alterations, who themselves are not altogether precise in holding their ancient limits? for we may understand, That the Roman Church hath altered her ancient Rites of fasting: by the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 4. 9 Our Adversaries do readily confess, that they a No● non ieiunamus eo tempore, quo Christus ieiuna●it, quia Christus i●iunabat à sex to die januarij usque ad 14. Februarij; nos autem ibi plerunque incipimus ubi ipse desijt. Bellar. lib. 2. de bonis operibus. cap. 16. fast not the days, which Christ fasted, but commonly begin there where Christ ended: that their one Pope hath b Aliqui existimant quatuor illos dies esse additos à Gregorio secundo: sed parum refert an Gregorius primus, an secundus eos adiecerit. Azor. Ies. Inst. Moral. lib. 7. cap. 12. part. 1. added four days unto forty, to be observed of all: another Pope hath c Per Telesphorum Rom. Pontificem ann. 139. ex Quadragesima quinquagema facta est, quia discreta esse debet vita Clericorum. Polydor. Virgil. lib. 6. Invent. cap. 3. & Binius Tom. 1. Conc. in Decret. Telesph. & Azorius jes. quo suprà, turned the forty days fast into fifty, for the distinction of the Clergy. Neither have they spared to leave d jejunia quartae & sextae feriae in Quadragesima ab Apostolis instituta fuerunt, & jeiunium quartae feriae extra Quadragesimam in Latina Ecclesia nunc translatum est in Sabbatum, cum homines ex lege à carmbus, ex arbitrio à prandio abstineant. Baronius anno Christi 57 num. 199. Bellar. lib. 2. de bonis operibus, cap. 17. Wednesday fast, and to change it into Saturday: thus bold have our Adversaries been to altar that tradition which they think came from the * See above Sect. 1. d. Apostles, and yet are offended with the Protestants for differing from Ignatius the Apostles * See the Apolog. Scholar, or rather his counterfeit. From this particular point of Lent fast we ascend unto the general doctrine of religious fasting, and prove, That the manner of a public religious fasting practised in the Church of Rome, is in diverse respects, reprovable by examples of antiquity; from the confession of our learned Adversaries. The first exception is against the indiscretion of their choice mixed with some appearance of hypocrisy. SECT. 5. 10 Here we have not to deal with any politic fast, but with that only which consisteth in the religious mortification of the rankness of the fleshly nature of man; to make his body, which is the temple of the holy Ghost, more seasonable for that divine Spirit, & more comfortable for his own regenerate soul to devil in. This being the principal end, is also the form, and (as we may so say) the very soul of every religious fast: by which the true nature of fasting must be discerned from false and superstitious. Now the imputation of indiscretion in the Romish fasts, ariseth from the consideration of the time, manner, persons, and immediate end of their fasts. 11 First they allow in the time of their set fasts, a Non violate ientaculum vespertinum pro more sumptum, u●l ex causa s●●●ptum manè delato ad vesperam prandio; nec ova aut lactieinia extra Quadragesiman. Eman. Sa, Aphorism. de jeiunio. Ne ante meridiem cibum sumat. Peltanus de tribus bonorum generibus, as he is cited by Pelargus, jesuitis. loc. 17. an evening or a morning eating, which we may call a Breakfast: notwithstanding they know, that b Propriè esse jeiunium, est nihil prorsus comedere, nihil bibere. Maldon. Ies. Summula, qu. 22. art. 2. it is properly a fast (if the nature can endure it,) to eat and drink nothing at all, during the prescribed time of fast. This is the first deformity, viz. to seem properly to fast eating. 12 Secondly, in the matter and measure of their fast, the practice of their church is marvelously exorbitant, prescribing (for so they call it) c Quartum fuit magis delicatum jeiunium, constans ex oleribus, & leguminibus, & pomis:— quintum fuit vesci pultibus, & abstinere à carnibus, ovis, lact, & quicquid lact fit, & à vino: quod ad hunc usque diem servatur, praesertim in Quadragesima, praeterquàm quòd vinum bibitur. Maldonat. ibid. qu. 23. art. 2. a delicate fast, wherein they use to eat variety of roots, & fruit: besides another, wherein is forbidden only flesh, eggs, and whatsoever cometh of milk; and yet they confess, that d Aliquando prohibentur caro & lacticinia, & non est jeiunium, ut in Dominicis Quadragesimae. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 6. cap. 3. §. Primo. both flesh and white-meats are forbidden, where notwithstanding there is no fast; as though they would teach men not to fast fasting. Again, they thus dieting their fasters with first-fruits, roots, and many delicacies, would, no doubt, be still thought zealous affecters of prime antiquity; albeit they must, and do confess, that e Mihi purio●is Christianismi, magisue consentaneum esse evangelicae & Apostolicae doctri●ae videatur, si nullum certum cibi genus praescribatur. Erasmus Paraphr. in 1. Cor. 8. it may be thought a fast more agreeable unto the apostical doctrine, wherein nothing is prescribed to be eaten; bewraying a mind willing to follow antiquity destitute of antiquity. 13 Yet is not this all, for in their fasts they forbidden f Ecclesia Romana abstinentiam praecipit carnium, ovorum, casei, non autem in frigidioribus regionibus à vino. Bellarm. lib. 2. de bonis operibus, cap. 5. In more positum est, ut in diebus ●eiuniorum piscibus, leguminibus, fructibus, & vino similiter utamur. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral. lib. 7. cap. 10. part. 1. flesh, eggs, and g Quaeritur quibus diebus liceat vesci caseo aut lacticinijs, etiam vesci sagimine sive lardo ut vocant: Glossa affirmat, & Hostiensis, & utuntur sagimine Cluniacenses Monachi. Azor. Ies. ibid. in fine cap. cheese, and yet commonly do use to drink wine, yea and also some sometime to eat lard: notwithstanding that they are not ignorant, that h Certè negari non potest, consueta veterum Christianorum jejunia carnium usu, & vini potu c●ruisse, & veterum Patrum, quae attulimus, testimonia docent. Azor. Ies. ibid. §. Certè. the ancient Fathers, in their Fasts, did use to abstain both from flesh and wine. Which argueth their delectum absque delectu, that is, an indiscretion in their choice, forbidding cheese, and eating lard, by abandoning flesh, & yet admitting wine, i Vinum calefaciendo corpus incitat in libidinem. Bellar. lib. 2. de bonis operib. cap. 5. Yet, saith he, not so much as flesh, ibid. But, Versti●è dictum est à Salomone, Luxuriosa res est vinum, & tumultuosa ebrietas. Prou. 20. Perer. Ies. come. in Gen 9 which (as themselves affirm,) heateth the body, and provoketh unto lust: for the which cause Solomon hath said of it, Wine is luxurious, & in that respect was called by the very * Aristophanes. heathen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, the milk of Venus. So that whereas a fast is ordained as physic to abate the pride of nature, and the fever of lust, they put in wine, which is not an wholesome ingredient, but may seem to set the patiented on a flame, especially if it be done in any excess: whence have ensued so many abuses among their fasters, that their own k leiunia nostra, quae in vini copia natant, & piscium varietate carnis delicias superant,— veteribus omnibus non modò fuisse incognita, sed & intolerabilia, adeóque abhominanda constat,— Vmbram ta●tùm prisci ieiunij apud plerosque in Ecclesia Catholica videamus.— jeiunium, quod non ante tertiam horam pomeridianam soluebatur, ante meridiem interrumpitur. ●●nd enus Panopl. lib. 3. cap. 11. Lindanus and l Pro-Sabbati sive sextae feriae jeiunium in abstinentiam carnium est conversum, quomodò & totius ferè Quadragesi●ae: quae tamen abstinentia inanem tantùm veri ●eiunij umbram retinet, cùm apud plerosque maiorem luxus profusionem, quam corporis lascivi refraenationem ullam habeat. Cassander defence. libelli de officio pij viri, pag. 119. Castander can do no less than loath diverse of their fat and foggy fastings among them, deeming them both abominable and intolerable, and such as have not so much as a shadow of the fasts of ancient times. 14 Thirdly, in the persons unto whom they enjoin fasting, they bewray some partiality & indulgence: for although it be piety in the public fasts to spare m Multae sunt causae à jeiunio Ecclesiastico liberantes homines, quae ad quatuor capita revocantur, id est, infirmitas languoris, ut sebricitantes, aut infirmitas complexionis, ut qui unico prandio necessarium victum, accipere nequeunt, sed frequenti indigent cibatione; vel aetatis, cùm nondum vigesimus primus annus completus est; vel infirmitaris conditionis, ut mulieres gravidae, & lactantes liberae sunt à jeiunio, sed non à qualitate ciborum: 2. paupertas, qui ostiatim vict●m petunt: 3. labour corporeus notabiliter defatigans corpus, ut fossores, messores, aratores, seminatores, fabri lignarij, lapicidae, cursores, iter facientes pedites, non sutores, etc. nisi proveniat labour ex officio, ut qui iwant ad muros construendos, aut incendium extinguendum, etc. 4. pietas, nempe officia spiritualia, & opera misericordiae, quae in jeiunio esse non possunt, ut concionari, legere, peregrinari, & qui non potest reddere debitum uxori. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. cap. 4. children, and women that suck, & women great with child, besides beggars and weak persons; yet to licence also all youth under the age of one and twenty years, all workmen who are greatly laborious, all who by office are employed in the oversight of any public bodily work, all Preachers and Readers, and some kind of husbands to eat in the time of their public religious fasts, is, we think, an indulgence voided of any ancient prescription. 15 Fourthly, one n Ecclesia jeiunium instituit quod est poenale. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. de fine ieiunij. end of their fasting is, that it should be in his degree (as their jesuite saith) penal, serving for a punishment. How it may be called penal or corrective, we will not contend. The fast of our Saviour, who o Matth. 42. fasted and was hungry, doth teach us that hunger, wherein there is a kind of affliction, is indeed the outward perfection of a religious fast, which except it bite of this salt, cannot be altogether so seasonable. This our Adversaries must likewise confess, if they will call the exercise of fasting truly penal. 16 Well then, let us compare their prescribed fasts with this end: we have heard of their fasting with breakfast, and of the nature of their delicate fasts, where they are allowed to eat all variety of roots, first-fruits, fishes, and whatsoever junkets which have not any affinity with flesh: they are licensed to drink wines without exception, yet so, that they eat & drink (which is the duty of every Christian, even in banqueting) without intemperate excess. Thus whilst that our adversaries do define fasts to be penal, and prescribe or allow such as are so pleasantly delicate, their manner of fasting is not voided of, at lest, a little leaven of hypocrisy, which the mouth of almost a * A child partaking once of their delicate fast, not many days after longing for the former kind of dainties, cried to his mother, saying, Good mother when shall I fast again? babe may confute. Nevertheless we further show A greater danger, either occasioned or caused by the Romish fasts, both unto the bodies and souls of men. SECT. 6. 17 Besides the errors already specified, other two extremities deserve reproof, whereby both the bodies and souls of men have been injuried: for concerning the bodily wrongs, we hear one amongst them complaining of a a In Gallia, ut scribunt, duo periclitantur non ob aliud, nisi quia duobus Quadragesimae diebus comederunt carnes, coacti morbo: vide quid caeremoniae faciunt, nimirum, ut ob hominum constitutiones violemus praecepta Dei, ●●uiùs ducentes parricidium, quàm praeterire constitutionem Pontificum; quanquam hoc nullus Pontifex vetuit, ne aegrotus ea sumat, quae postulat valetudo. Atque haec impia persuasio in nonnullarum provinciarum & civitatum gubernatoribus haeret, qui per Quadragesimam in totum macellum claudunt, & severis edictis carnium venditionem prohibent, hoc est, invalidis (qui in civitatibus populosis multi sunt qui citra carnis esum valetudinem & vitam tueri non possunt, & piscium esu laeduntur) his, inquam, quantum in ipsis est, mortem vel ce●tè mo●bum indicunt: at, inquiunt, nemo aegrotos occultè vesci prohibet; ridiculum, quasi non satis prohibeat vesci qui prohibet vendere.— Erasmi responsum oppono, Tolerabilius arbitror ut sexcenti vescantur carnibus citro necessitatem, quàm ut unus hac superstitione periclitetur de vita. Cassander desens. lib. de offici● pij viri, pag. 159. wicked opinion of some Magistrates, who forbidden all sale of flesh in the time of Lent, causing thereby, as much as lay in them, either the death or diseases of many languishing people, by a too superstitious restraint. 18 This defect (we confess) proceeded rather from the ignorance of such Magistrates, then from the imperfection of their law of fasting; which we would not have noted, but only because herein there is some appearance of an iniquity; to wit, public Magistrates can transgress the law of God in more than endangering the lives of subjects, and are not censured by their Church: but if private men shall be known to have transgressed man's ordinance by eating flesh secretly without cause of necessity, forthwith they are publicly and severely punished. But we leave this injury which is incident unto the body. 19 As the soul is far more precious, so the danger thereof is much more pernicious, which some men of scrupulous consciences do two ways incur: first they b Nec probandi sunt, qui ment huius legis non animaduersâ, ad superstitiosam imò impiam proprij corporis debilitationem hoc Ecclesiae statutum detorquent, dum nimiâ inediâ, vel noxio cibo morbos sibi, nonnunquam mortemue accersunt.— Non refe●t, inquit Hieronymus, utrum magno vel parvo te interimas: quia de rapina holocaustum offered, qui vel ciborum nimia egestate, vel manducandi, vel somni penuriá immoderatâ corpus affligit. Cassander ibid. pag. 158. who being ignorant of the law of fasting, do (as saith their Cassander) by the strict and superstitious observation of the outward letter thereof, pine and consume themselves with fasting: notwithstanding that (as S. Jerome teacheth) it is all one for a man to kill himself with eating too little, as with too much, and such a faster may be said to offer unto God a Sacrifice of a thing stolen, who by too immoderate fasting doth shorten his own life. 20 This is the danger of the souls of such superstitious fasters, which falleth upon them, though not by the intention of the law of their Church, yet peradventure by want of due explication thereof, and by the rigorous exaction of some of their Clergy men, against whom we found one publishing this complaint: c Imprimis autem illorum hominum imperita superstitio, & superstitiosa imperitia damnanda est, & execranda, qui huius salubris constitutionis, ad hominum salutem (qui sinis est legis) latae sententiam & vim ignorantes, eam ad tyrannicam conscientiarum oppressionem, & hominum exitium, & divinae legis trangressionem converterunt, dum citrá discrimen quibusuis intentata mortalis culpae poena, eius rigidam & exactam obseruationem exegerunt, multosque hac superstitione implicatos in summa incommoda & pericula corporis & animae coniecerunt. Idem ibid. pag. 158. We abhor (saith he) the superstitious ignorance of some, who pervert the law made for man's good, unto a tyranny over the consciences of men, and breach of the charity commanded by the law of God, through the rigid and exact challenge of the observation of the law of fast. 21 Yet this danger may possibly be avoided by repentance at the hour of death, but the second peril of the soul is more contagious, which is the opinion of a condign meriting grace and glory by the act of fasting, which (in whomsoever it is) must needs increase together with their fast. We object not unto our Adversaries the grossness of the Montanists, who held d Montanus, praeterquàm quòd privata authoritate tres Quadragesimas instituerit, in quibus non nisi aridis cibis vescendum esse docuerit; nova jejunia, & nowm ieiunandi modum instituit, abstmens' à cibis quibusdam, velut à malo principio conditis. Hanc sententiam Eleutherius damnat Binius Tom. 1. Conc. in Decret. Eleuth. Decret. 1. three Lents, wherein they imposed only an abstinence from dry meats, upon an opinion (as our Adversary Binius saith) that those things had an evil beginning: but the opinion of merit, which may be thought to contain in it a dangerous Pharisaisme; which is this, that e jeiunium valet ad satisfaciendum pro peccatis, & ad praemium coeleste promerendum. Bellar. lib. 2. de bonis operibus, cap. II Tollet. Instruct. Sacerd. pag. 568. Salmeron tom. 4. fasting (as Cardinal Bellarmine in the name of his Church professeth) is available to satisfy for sin, and to merit and deserve an heavenly reward. 22 This kind of humility we have * See above. proved to be an infectious pride, and therefore do we assent to the more safe and moderate judgement of our learned Adversaries, who cannot without grief but confess, that divers f Diffitendum non est, homines superstitiosos & imperitos qui huiusmodi Ecclesiae ritibus ad salutem hominum factis, ad tyrannidem & conscientiarum laqueum abusi sunt: atque etiam multi ex vulgo in earum observatione fiduciam collocârunt. Cassander Consult. art. 16. Nihil habere momenti ad pietatem, quibus vescamur cibis. Erasmus in 1. Cor. 8. superstitiously affected, have abused the rites of fasts, which were for their good, unto the tyranny and snare of their own consciences, reposing confidence in the observation of them; so far, that their whole religion g Hic gravissimi viri Erasmi verba ascribere malo: At quidam (inquit) clamant, quis nescit in caeremonijs non esse constituendum finem pietatis●imò quis nescit totam religionem hactenus fuisse redactam ad caeremonias, ac vigorem Euangelicum fuisse per cas propemodùm antiquaturn? Cassander Defence. lib. de officio pij viri, pag. 158. standeth upon ceremonies, to the abolishing almost of the vigour and strength of the Gospel. It will be expected that we show What the doctrine of Protestants is, concerning Fasts. SECT. 7. 23 Because our Adversaries are prove to object an Epicurism unto Protestants, no otherwise than Vrbicus did unto the Catholics, (of whom S. Augustine said, a Ventricolas magnus ieiunator accusat. August. epist. 86. Casulano Presb. The worthy faster accuseth us for bellygods,) as though Protestants contemned all manner of religious fasts: we cannot choose but take up S. Augustine's answer, and apply it unto them, b Nemo legem sicut iste, intelligit, ni●i qui non intelligit. Aug. No man hath that understanding of the matter, but he that is destitute of understanding. Wherefore that every one may rightly apprehended the doctrine of Protestants, we think it sufficient to have it published, especially from his pen who is most traduced by our Adversaries in this argument. 24 c Duo sunt●ciunia laudabilia, unum civil à Magistratu sancitum certis temporibus, quae est ordinatio utilis & necessaria, ne luxu omnia absumantur: Alterun est spirituale, Christianis omnibus seruandum. Atque equidem ben● ageretur si aliquot diebus ante festum Paschatis, & Pentecostis, & Nativitatis Domini communite. seruaremus, it a tamen ut caveamus, ne ex ●eiunijs nos aliquid à Deo promereri credamus. Est & aliud jeiunium perpetuum, & potissimùm ut corpus tuum co●●ceas, & in sobrietate contineas. Ecce tibi, hoc dictum jeiunium verum esse dicendum existimo, quando totum corpus castigatur cum omnibus quin que se●sibus, abstinendo ab illis quibus tam bellè afficitur & delectatur. Tale jeiunium hoc aetatis non multum inventtur ap●●●●onachos. Luther. de die Domin. Natah Christi proximo. There be two kinds of laudable Fasts (saith M. Luther,) the one civil, appointed by the Magistrate, which is to abstain from certain meats at certain times, for the better providing for the commonwealth, jest the necessary store be consumed with riot: the second kind is spiritual, to be observed of all Christians; and it were very good that this might be performed for certain days before the feasts of Easter, and Pentecost, and the Nativity of our Lord; always with this caveat, that we put no opinion of merit in them. There is yet another fast, which aught to be perpetual among Christians, which is upon occasions for the chastizing of the flesh, that is, when the whole body is corrected in the five senses abstinence from such things, wherein our outward man is naturally delighted. This kind of fast (and he knew very well) is not much used in Monasteries. And again, d Omninò per jeiunium corporis castigatio & ●oderatio nobis commendatur, sed nequaquam eo animo suscipiendum est, quasi aliquid per illud vel s vel salutis, vel justitiae meritum para●e, sed duntaxat ad castigandum corpus, & commodandum proximis. Atque hoc pacto verè se●uis in ieiuniji tuis Deo, dum illud gratuitò in honorem ipsius, & ad extinguenda peccata & domandam carnem propriam suscipis. Qui edendo ieiunant, carnem s●am cituis irritant, quàm domant. Luther. lect. evang. die Domin. à Nat●li Christi. A fast is not to be used with a conceit of meriting thereby, but only to the subduing of the flesh, and better helping of our neighbour. And thus thou shalt truly serve thy God, when as thou shalt undertake this freely for his honour, and to tame thy flesh: but those who eat fasting, do rather provoke lust, then subdue it. What now remaineth, but by due comparison to try, Whether the doctrine of Protestants or of Romanists be more safe in Christian profession, and practise of a religious Fast. SECT. 8. 25 Both kind of Professors do require public and religious exercises of fasting, the end whereof should be the taming of rebellious flesh: but first they differ in the manner of exaction. The Romanists command the time of forty days fast, upon a bond of a §. 1. necessity: the Protestants in the tenor of liberty, which liberty is not permitted unto every private man; for this would engender a confusion: but is belonging unto particular Churches of several nations, accordingly as it was used in ancient times by the evidence of Ecclesiastical b §. 1. & 2: stories. 26 Secondly, the Romanists free c §. 5. all under twenty years of age, all Preachers, Readers, and whosoever are employed in bodily labours; the Protestants charge all Christians to fast, so far as the indifferent ability of nature shall permit. 27 Thirdly, the Romanists accounted it a fast, by the Decree of their Pope d Telesphorus Pontifex in suo Decreto quod habetur Dist. 4. Cap. Statuimus. Statuimus ut septem hebdomadas plenas Clerici in sortem Domini vocati, ● carne ieiunent, Vbi, vides, nihil aliud esse jeiunium, quàm à carni bus abstmere. Salmeron Ies. tom. 4. part. 1. tract. 11. §. Innocentius. pag. 105. Telesphorus, which is only an abstinence from flesh: but Protestants define a true fast, to be an abstinence (in them that are able) from all nutriments; which hath been c §. 5. confessed to be more agreeable unto antiquity. 28 Fourthly, the Romanists prescribe fasts as religious corrections, and penal exercises, and do notwithstanding pamper their people with variety of f §. 5. delicates: but Protestants urge an abstinence from all natural delights; which crosseth that conceit, where with some men have been possessed, and were anciently condemned by S. g Famam abstinentiae quaerunt in delicijs. Hieron. ad Nepotian. Jerome; who sought a fame of fasting in the use of delicates. How much greater hypocrisy may that seem to hatch, which hath professed Penance in their pleasant repasts? 29 Fiftly, the now Romanists ascribe unto the observations of their fasts power of h §. 6. merit and satisfaction: but Protestants teach men in actions of humiliation to put upon them the spirit of humility, and not to trust unto the merit of their Fasts: and some of our Adversaries have confessed, that i §. 5. & 6. the putting of confidence in such observations hath been the snare of men's consciences, and darkening of the truth of the Gospel. 30 Lastly, this Romish fast is k Dispensare vel generaliter ut nullus teneatur reiunare, vel non illis, vel illis diebus, est solius Papae: dispensare verò singulariter cum illo vel illo justa de causa, vel ne illo vel illo die, potest, Episcopus, vel illo ab●ente parochus. Compend. Manualis Navarri, as it is cited by our ●elargus, jesuitis. loco 17. dispensable by their Popes and Bishops, and Pastors both generally and particularly: and so is made a bait of their pecuniary Indulgences; which hath been confessed by witness of our Adversaries to be a l See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 22. deceitful novelty. So that if we further would examine the discretion of a Fast, in respect of the nature of meats, the sentence of S. Bernard may direct us, where answering to such as m Repleti ventrem fabâ, mentem superbiâ, cibis damnamus saginatos, quasi non melius sit exiguo sagimine ad usum vesci, quàm ventoso legumine usque ad ructum exsaturari, & praecipuè cum Esau non de carne, sed de lente sit reprehendendus, & de ligno Adam non de carne damnatus, & jonathas ex gustu mellis, non carnis, morti adiudicatus: è contrà verò Elias innoxiè carnem comederit, etc. Bernard. apolog. ad Guliel. Abbatem, tom. 1. col. 1285. filled their bellies with peason, and swelled in their minds with pride, saith, that it is more safe to take food moderately for our refreshing, then to be crammed with pulse, especially remembering how Esau was not reprehended for eating flesh, but for lentels, nor Adam condemned for flesh, but for the fruit of the tree, nor jonathan endangered for flesh, but for the taste of honey. 31 And if again we rightly discern the leprosy of Mass * See confuted above, cap. 11. merit, then may we also be persuaded that our godly & reverend Archbishop (here objected by our * Apolog. pag. 19 num. 9 Apologists) had some cause thus to resolve: n B. Whitgift in his defence, pag. 102. the place objected by the Apolog. I think (saith he) that in S. Austin's time a man might have observed this rule of fasting without offence unto God, but I do not think that he may do so now in like manner; because it is certain that in the Church of Rome there are many wicked opinions, both of the difference of meats, and also of merits adjoined unto them: so that if it were a sin not to fast as S. Ambrose and those Fathers did, it is more sin to fast as the Papists do. 32 Be thou notwithstanding (good Reader) mindful of that saying of God by the Angel unto Sara, when her servant Hagar was brought back unto her, * Gen. 16. Behold (saith he) she is in thy hands, do with her what thou willest: so if thou be endued with the spirit of God, thou hast thy body committed unto thy discretion to chastise by private fasting, & to humble it unto thy Christian service, & by public according unto the godly discretion of that Church wherein thou livest; always remembering the lesson of o jeiunârunt Ninivitae, & iram effugerunt; ieiunârunt judaei, & nihil profecerunt.— Iram istam non soluebat jeiunium aut saccus, sed vitae immutatio. jon. 3. Vidit opera eorum, etc. Quod non dicimus, ut jeiunium contemnamus, sed ut honoremus, honour enim ieiunij est vitae emendatio. Chrysostom. in Matth. 7. S. chrusostom, teaching that the perfection and honour of a religious fast consisteth not in fasting, but in amendment of our lives. CHAP. XXV. Of unwritten Traditions. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 12 Twelfthly concerning unwritten Traditions and Ceremonies, and first concerning unwritten Traditions, it is confessed as followeth. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the State of the question as it is unfolded by our learned Adversaries. SECT. 1. THis Argument of Tradition which our Adversaries make to be, as it were, the Metropolis of all their presumptions, will appear to be but an airy meteor,, after that the state of this controversy shall be thoroughly laid open, and other particulars discussed, which are incident thereunto. The importance hereof may crave an extraordinary patience of our godly Reader in perusing our answer, & diligence in examining our proofs; for now we contend for the full sufficiency and perfection of the Oracles of all truth, and the foundation of Christian faith, which is the written word of God: thus then 2 a Controversia inter nos & Protestants, in duobus consistit; primum est quòd nos afferimus in Scriptures non contineri expressè totam doctrinam, sive de fide, sive de moribus, & proinde, praeter verbum Dei scriptum, divinas & Apostolicas Traditiones esse necessarias. Lutherus huic doctrinae dicit Anathema. Omnes volunt omnia ad salutem necessaria, in ipsis Scriptures contineri. Secundò dissidemus, quòd illi existimant Apostolos quaedam instituisse praeter Scripturas, quae ad ritus & ordinem Ecclesiae pertinent, quae tamen non sunt necessaria, nec praecepta, sed libera. Nos contrà. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 3. in initio. The difference between Protestants and us (say the Romanists) concerning Tradition, consisteth in two things; we hold that all doctrine necessarily belonging unto faith and manners of life, is not expressly ( b Non ob eum finem Scripturae datae sunt, ut essent totius fidei regula sufficientissima, vel ut omnem veritatem complecterentur ant expressam aut ex proprijs principijs deducendam: Protestants contrà. Stapleton. doctrine. princip. lib. 12. cap 3. Ecclesia Catholica in ijs quae sunt sidei non est alligata ad Scripturas tantùm. Ibid. cap. 4. or by way of necessary consequent) contained in Scripture, but affirm, that besides the written word of God, other divine and Apostolical unwritten Traditions be necessary. But all Protestants hold, that all things necessary to salvation are contained in the written word: c Desensio Protestantium in Colloquio Ratisbonensi fuit, hoc argumentum locum habere contra eos tantùm, qui Scripturae authoritatem non recipiunt, non autem contra eos (such as are all Protessants) apud quos praesupposita est Scripturae sacrae authoritas. Tannerus Ies. adversus Relat. Hunni. cap. 12. yet so, that the question have place amongst them, who believe the authority of Scriptures. d Bellarmine in the place before alleged. Our second difference is, that they think indeed that the Apostles ordained rites and ceremonies, which are not written in Scriptures, but such (say they) as were for decency only, and left unto the liberty of the Church to be used, or changed. 2 This we confess to be a full and true relation, distinguishing aright of the articles of this controversy, which these Apologists, and other our Adversaries, in objecting testimonies of Fathers against the Protestants doctrine, have either subtly or ignorantly * For though in the beginning of this Section they distinguish in word Traditions and Ceremonies, yet in their allegations they do so confounded them, that their Reader cannot discern when the Fathers speak for Tradition or for ceremonies: and so may he more easily be misled to thinks that all Fathers writ for the Tradition of doctrines against the sufficiency of Scripture. confounded. For our more ready and safe passage through this great Ocean, we make this our first examen: Whether Protestants do confess themselves, in this question (concerning the sufficiency of Scripture,) destitute of the general patronage of ancient Fathers. SECT. 2. 4 This the Apologists may seem to intimate, but with great injury against not only a Whose sufficiency is to be adored. See hereafter §. 11. Scriptures and b See hereafter. Fathers, but also against our judicious c Fateor Patres multa dè Traditionibus commemorare, sed in illorum testimonijs haec quatuor sunt obseruanda: 1. Traditionis nomen aliquando doctrinam scriptam significare, & dogma aliquod, quod firmo Scripturae testimonio nititur. 2. Illas Traditiones, quas Patres commemorant, esse fere omnes liberas consuetudines, non necessaria dogmata. 3. Aliquando Patres fuisse deceptos, quia i●ter se dissentiunt. 4. Abrogatas fuisse à Papistis Traditiones multàs, quas Patres commemorant. Aliqua ex his quatuor obseruationibus sufficiet ad singula Patrum testimonia soluenda. M. W●●●tak●r in the book alleged, two leaves before the end of that book, De sacrae Scripturae perfectione. Huic accedat, quòd Patres sufficientiam Scripturarum praedicant, & omnia dogmata Religionis à Scriptures esse petenda docent. D. Whitaker in the same place. writers, who avouch that the whole stream, in a manner, of all antiquity doth clearly go with them; Doctor Whittakers' and Doctor Reynolds, in the very objected places, affirming, that concerning all points▪ necessary for salvation, the Fathers do with one general voice commend the sufficiency of the Scriptures; which we are further to demonstrate. But yet first in our second examen we must try, Whether our Adversaries can rightly digest the testimonies of those ancients, by whom the doctrine of Tradition is plainly subverted. SECT. 3. 5 The Romanists yield not unto the book of God his due perfection, but leave it like a sick man's broken and unperfect will, half nuncupative, and half written, and do except, as they list, against ●uch testimonies of antiquity as plead for the prerogative of holy Writ. For when S. Cyprian is alleged as adhering unto the a unde ista traditio? An ex Dominica authoritate veniens, an de Apostolorum mandatis atque epistolis veniens? ea enim facienda esse quae scripta sunt, testatur Deus. Cyprian epist. 74. ad Pompe●●m. written Tradition of truth, they reject him, saying, that he did this b Hoc dixit, cum errorem suum tuerk vellet. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 11. in maintenance of his error. By which answer, they (although he unwillingly) lend S. Austen a blow, who commendeth S. Cyprian by name, saying hereof, that c Quod Cyprianus monet, ut ad fontem recurramus, id est, Apostolorum traditionem, optimum est, & sinc dubitatione faciendum: traditum est enim nobis (sicut ipse commemorat) ●b Apostolis quòd fit unus Deus, & Christus unus, una spes, & fides una, & una Ecclesia, & unum baptisma. Ephes. 4. August. lib. 5. de Baptis. cap. 26. the admonition of Cyprian is the best, and must doubtless be performed. 6 When the Author of the unperfect work upon Matthew under the name of S. Chrysostom counseleth Christians, d Nulla probatio potest esse verae Christianitatis, nisi à Scriptura divina Christiani volentes sidei suae ●irmitatem accipere, ad nullam rem aliam confugiant, nisi ad solas Scripturas. Opus imperf. home 49. in Matth. 24. to receive the grounds of their faith only from Scriptures, not admitting any proof of their Christian religion, but only from Scriptures: they answer, that e Hoc non est Chry●ostomis testimonium, sed operis imperfecti: & hic locus ab Arianis insertus est, quibusdam codicibus nuper emendatis sublatus est. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei; cap. 11. chrusostom was not the author of that book, and that, these words are inserted by the Arian heretics: and again, to make all sure, they have lately taken order that these words be put out, and not used in their editions of chrusostom. If this be justifiable, then how shall the authorised writings of their own Doctors escape the same blot? for their jesuit Acosta commendeth the Author of this book for one f Author operis imperfecti cum Ambrosio, Irenaeo, & alijs comparandus est. Acosta Ies. de temp. noviss. lib. 2. cap. 12. comparable in learning to Ambrose, Irenaeus, and other Fathers; and their jesuite g Eleganter sanè Author Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum, volentibus cognoscere quae sit vera Ecclesia, non est alius modus, nisi tantummodò per Scripturas. Salmeron Ies. come. in Rom. in proem. part 3. disp. 3. Tit. De falsis Ecclesiae signis. Salmeron expoundeth this part of the sentence of the same Author (which is, to discern the true Church only ●y Scripture) and extolleth the rest as excellently well spoken; which notwithstanding their Church (as Bellarmine * See above at lit. e. telleth us) hath purged and left out of their new editions, as savouring of heresy. Or how shall the acknowledged S. chrusostom be dealt with, when he is * See a little after. found clearly to avouch that same truth? 7 The most religious Emperor Constantine may not be thought to have been heretically affected, when he admonished the Fathers and reverend Bishops of the first Council of Nice, in all their questions h Constantinus Magnus Imperator: Euamgelici & Apostolici libri, & antiquorum Prophetarum oracula planè nos instruunt quid de divinis sentiendum est: proinde hostili posita discordia, ex verbis divinitus inspiratis sumamus quaestionum explicationes. Apud Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 7. to consult only with those heavenly inspired Scriptures, because they do fully instruct us what to believe in divine things: whereunto their Cardinal Bellarmine answereth thus, i Respondeo, Constantinus Magnus Ecclesiae Imperator, non magnus Doctor fuit. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 11. Constantine was indeed a great Emperor (saith he,) but no great Doctor, Which answer, if not rather scorn, doth not only touch Constantine, k Eusebius quidem dixit, Constantinum quasi communem quendam Episcopum divinitus constitutum, quae ad pacem Dei faciunt, universis dispensantem. Espencans Episcopus comment. in 1. Tim. 3. & Salmeron Ies. in 1. Tim. 2. disp. 10. Neither is that answer which Bellarmine addeth, that by divina, are meant ea quae ad divinam naturam pertinent: but, as Cassidiore translateth, de veritate & lege divina. And Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 7. in the words going before, saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, de rebus ad divinam religionem pertinentibus. who (as their own Bishop Espencaeus noteth out of Eusebius,) was esteemed in the Church as it were an universal Bishop appointed by God himself for the peace thereof: but doth also blemish the judgement of all the Catholic Bishops in that famous Synod of Nice who (as l Trecenti decem & octo Episcopi ibi in unum convenerant.— Imperator omni genere laudis illustrissimus, verba facere, etc.— At quanquam pars maxima Concilij verbis eius obtemperavit: tamen, — reckoning as the only opposites, the Arrian faction. Theod. hist. Eccles. lib. 1. cap. 7. Theodoret witnesseth) assented unto the saying of Constantine: which judgement m Verè te (Domine Constanti Imperator) admiror, fidem tantùm secundùm ea, quae scripta sunt, desiderantem. Hoc qui repudiat, Antichristus est; qui simulat, Anathema. Hilar. in lib. quem Constantio ipsi tradidit, pag. 212. Basileae anno 1590. Hilary both admired in Constantius the son of Constantine, and also pronounced him an Antichrist and Anathema that refused to have his faith to be tried only by Scriptures. 8 This is the common voice of ancient Fathers, as will hereafter be proved. Till when, these few testimonies may serve to abate the edge of eagerness which is in these Apologists, in their fierce opposition against some exceptions taken by Protestants, against some testimonies of ancient Fathers; which now we are to examine, THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Concerning unwritten Traditions and Ceremonies, it is confessed as followeth, Whereas (2) Chrysost. in 2. Thess. hom. 4. S. chrusostom saith, (3) The Apostles did not deliver all things by writing, but many things without, and these be as worthy of credit as the other: M. Whittaker in answer thereof, 3 Whittaker de sacra Scriptura, pag. 678. paulò post med. I answer that this is an inconsiderate speech, and unworthy so great a Father: & whereas Epiphanius saith, 4 Epiphan. haer. 61. circa med. We must use Tradition, for the Scripture hath not all things, and therefore the Apostles delivered certain things by writing, and certain by Tradition: with whom agreeth S. Basil saying, 5 Basil. de Spir. sanct. cap. 27. Some thing we have from Scripture, other things from the Apostles Tradition etc. both which hath like force unto Christian Religion: M. D. Reynolds answering to these foresaid sayings of basil and chrusostom, saith, 6 D. Rainolds in his Conclusisions annexed to his Conference, the first conclusion, pag. 689. I take not upon me to control them, but let the Church judge if they considered with advice enough, etc. Whereunto might be added the like confessed 7 Where Euseb. lib. 1. demonstr. evang. cap. 8. is objected to say that the Apostles published their doctrine, partly by writing, partly without writing, as it were by a certain unwritten law. M. Whittaker de sacra Scriptura, pag. 668. fine, saith thereto, I answer that this testimony is plain enough, but in no sort to be received, because it is against the Scriptures. testimony, from Eusebius. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: In answering for the alleged exceptions against the testimonies of chrusostom, Epiphanius, Basil, and Eusebius. SECT. 4. 9 Here are not many testimonies of Fathers expressly urged, whereby our cause may seem to receive any prejudice in the doctrine of unwritten Traditions. The first is the testimony of S. chrusostom, wherein if by these words, [as worthy of credit] be meant the Traditions ceremonial, in this sense we must believe certainly that the ceremonies ordained by the Apostles were just, and lawful, albeit (as even our Adversaries * See a little hereafter. do teach) alterable: so this sentence doth not differ from the profession of Protestants. But if the Romanists will have it understood of doctrinal points of faith, which are absolutely necessary unto salvation, as though some such article were not recorded in Scriptures; then was it not unjustly to be censured a speech unfitting the golden mouth of chrusostom: because so S. chrusostom should contradict himself in many places, not only of his supposed works (as hath been * See above §. 3. lit. e. showed) in so plain sort justifying our defence of only Scripture, that their Church hath therefore in their new editions of chrusostom wiped that sentence out: but also in his unquestionable works, yea even in his Homily next going before the objected testimony, where exhorting all men to be exercised in reading the Scriptures, a Omnia clara sunt & plana ex Scriptures divinis; quaecunque necessaria sunt, manifesta sunt. Chrysost. in 2. Thess. 2. hom. 3. All things (saith he) which are necessary, are manifest; and yet again more plainly, b Non oportet quicquam dicere sine his testibus ●olâue animi cogitation; nam si quid dicitur absque Scriptura, auditorum cogitatio claudicat, etc. In Psal. 95. Bellar. resp. quo suprà. Hic prohibetur ne quid ex nostra inuentione sine Scriptura dicatur False, for that which a man shall say only of his own invention in divine matters, were not in itself ridiculous and condemnable, although it cannot be reproved by Scripture: therefore he calleth that of our own invention, which is not warranted by Scripture. Man must say nothing (saith he) of his private intention, without testimonies of Scripture. For the which cause he calleth the sacred Scriptures c Praesertim cum habeamus omnium exactissimam trutinam, & gnomonem, ac regulam, divinarum legum assertionem: ideo absecro & oro omnes vo●, ut relinquatis quidnam huic aut illi videatur, déque his à Scriptures haec omnia inquirite. Homil. 13. in 2. Corinth. Bellarm. resp. Non loguitur de omnibus dogmatibus, sed de opinion carnalium, qui anteponun● opes paupertati. False, for chrusostom speaketh generally, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, omnium exactissimam regulam habemus, etc. And he addeth a reason: Quomodo non absurdum est propter pecunias alijs non credere, sed ipsas numerare & supputare: pro rebus autem amplioribus aliorum sententiam sequi simpliciter. A reason generally fitting all matters belonging to Divinity: then followeth this our propounded, Praesertim, etc. a most exact balance, square, and rule of divine laws. Wherein chrusostom is irreconciliably contrary unto the Romanists, who for the defence of unwritten Traditions do esteem of Scripture, not as of a most exact, but only as of d Scriptura etsi non est facta praecipuè ut sit regula fidei, tamen est regula fidei non totali●, sed partialis. Bellarm. lib. 4. de verbo non scripto. cap. 12. §. Dico secundò. a part of a rule of faith. 10 The place of Epihanius was formerly objected by their e Object. Epiphan. hares. 55. Nobis positi sunt termini & fundamenta fidei, & Apostolorum traditiones, & Scripturae sanctae, etc. Et hares. 61. Oportet Traditione uti, non enim omnia in divini● Scriptures posita sunt, Bellar. lib. 4. cap. 6. Cardinal, and by our f Answer. Epiphanius ita delectatus erat traditionibus ex scriptures Apocryphis, ut Christian non in Bethlen, said in spelunca quadam in itinere natum asserat; Adamum ibi sepultum, ubi Christus est crucifixus, quam Hieronymus liberè reijcit, quia ex Scriptures non habet au●horitatem. Epiphan. lib. 3. tom. 2 haeres. 80. In Constitutionibus Apostolorun (inquit) divina doctrina pilos barbae non esse secandos. Epiphan. lib. 2 tom. 1. contra Apostolicos: peccatum esse post decretan virginitatem ad nuptias reverti. Contrà Hieron. in 1. Cor. 7. Si quis in statu virginitatis adoleverit, si posteà agnoseat se in duplici statu virginitatis constitutum esse, ut aut scortetur, aut uxorem ducat, faciat quod vult, si uxorem duxerit, non peccavit. Eodem modo Cyprian. lib. 1. epist. 11. Epiphan. jeiunium quartae & sextae feriae haberi à traditione Apostolorum, Contrà August. epist. 86. Cùm Vtbicus urgeret ex Apostorum traditione necessitatem in Sabbato ieiunandi, alij verò contrà dicerent, non in Sabbato, sed in sexta feria ieiunandum, respondet August. Est quidem haec opinio plurimorum, quamuis eam falsam esse perhibeant plerique Romani:— interminabilis est ista contentio generans lights, non finiens quaestiones: sit ergo una fides univer●ae Ecclesiae, tametsi ipsa fidei unitas quibusdam diversis obseruationibus celebretur. Et posteà August. Ego in Euangelicis & Apostolicis literis video praeceptum esse jeiunium, quibus autem diebus non oporteat ielunare, aut quibus oporteat, praecepto Domini aut Apostolorum non invenio definitum. So Kemnitive part 1. exam. de Tradit. Etsi dicat preccatum esse, si quis post votum ducat uxorem, haeres. 61. tamen. ibidem, melius esse dicit, ut si quis in cursu ceciderit, ducat uxotem etiam post votum, atque ita. claudus licet veniat in Ecclesiam, quàm ut occultis iaculis quotidiè saucietur. Aliter Papistae. qui nihil curant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dixit quidem Epiphan peccatum esse contrahere post votum, sed etiam addit, melius esse habere unum peccatum quàm multa, quod est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So M. Whitaker de sacra Scriptura, quaest. 6. To chrusostom we have answered before. Authors, (whom these obiectors do allege,) fully satisfied, who have proved, first, that diverse Traditions which Epiphanius fancied, were confuted by ancient Fathers: S. Jerome crossing him in his Tradition concerning the place of Christ's birth, and of Adam's sepulchre: Cyprian, in his Tradition of the breach of a vow: Augustine, in his Tradition of the times of fasts. 11 Secondly, our Adversaries may not absolutely exact his judgement herein, except (according to the Traditions by him specified) they will be bound never to cut their beards: and likewise recant their now Romish doctrine, which teacheth (contrary unto Epiphanius) that * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 35. it is better to wallow in daily fornication, then after a vow to be coupled in wedlock. 12 Lastly, we are in this question thus directed by Epiphanius himself: g Nos uniuscuiusque quaestionis inventionem non ex proprijs ratiocinationibus, sed ex Scripturarum consequentia discere possumus. Epiphan. haeres. 61. but more fully haeres. 69. In invention of truth we are in every question to learn what to hold, not from our own reasons, but from the consequences of Scripture. 13 In the third place the testimony of h Object. Basil. de Spir. sancte, cap. 7. Quo in loco plurimos enumerat ritus ab Apostolis institutos: quaedam addit essentialia, ut Symbolum Apostolicum, & unctionem in Confirmat. alia etiam commemorat, quaelicet non ex se necessaria, tamen postquam praecepta sunt necessaria, ut sine peccato non omittantur. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 6. Basil is objected, and hath been likewise satisfied by our i Answer: Primò dubitari possit utrum haec vera & genuina Basilij verba sint, neene: Erasmus hunc librum in dubium vocavit Praef. in Verse. Basil. Secundò, si sunt haec ipsa verba Basilij, secùm ipse pugnat, quia docet necessaria omnia ad salutem reperiri in Scriptures. Tertiò, Zachariam illum Matth. 23. 35. johannis Baptistae patrem fuisse ex veteri traditione docet: sed Hieron. docet Apocryphum hoc esse, & proindè eadem facilitate reijci, quâ astruitur. Et Chrysost. probat eum fuisse Zachariam Ichoidae filium, de quo 2. Paral. 24. 20. Quartò (cùm loquitur de ritibus) ait evangelium sine traditione scripta vim nullam habere, sed esse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Videamus quales sint ipsae Traditiones, an sint tanti precij: inter alia, [converti nos oportere ad Orientem cùm precamur,] Anon Deus nos etiam ad Occasum conversos exaudit? Eucherius antiquus pater, lib. 2. cap. 58. in comment. Reg. piè docet, non praecipi quemadmodum corpus disponi debeat inter orandum, dummodò animus praesens sit Deo, Socrates scribit Ant●ochenos ad Occidentem spectare solitos in precibus, lib. 5. cap. 22. Deinde Basilius hunc ritum defendit. quia (inquit) antiquam patriam quaerimus Paradisum, nempe in horto Eden ad Orientem solis positum à Deo. At nos non terrestrem sed coelestem patriam quaerimus. Porrò Basilius, Benedicimus aquam baptismi:] Nun in qualibet aqua elementari 〈◊〉 hac benedictione Baptismus valebit? Chrysost. hom. 25. in joh. praeclarè scribit, Christum omnes aquas suo Baptismo sanctificâsse. Quinta Basilij Traditio, ter mergendos esse baptizatos. Cypriantis lib. 4. ep. 7. ●agis asperfionem probat. Gregor. lib. 1. epist. 41. nihil interest ait, utrùm una an trina mersione utamur. Concil. Toletanum 4. can. 5. trinam immersionem prohibet. Deinde nos à Paschate ad Pentecosten stantes precari debere, tribus ratiunculis defendit: atque hoc decretum fuit in Concil. 1. Nicaeno: Aut necessariae sunt istae Basilij traditiones, aut non; si sunt necessariae, cur ipsi Pontificij eas omnes no● observant? si non sunt necessariae, cur nos Basilij authoritate premunt? At ait Bellarm. has aequè nos obligare atque scriptas Traditiones, licet non quo ad obseruationem, tamen quoad fidem: sic praecepta Dei alia maiora, Dilige Deum; alia minora, de verbo otioso fugiendo. Matth. 12. quae aequè nos quoad fidem obligant, sed non quoad obseruationem. Resp. At Papistas' multas ex his Traditionibus tum quoad obseruationem, tum quoad fidem abrogâsse: at ne minimum praeceptum in Scriptures traditum quoad obseruationem est abrogandum, ne illud quidem de verbo ociolo. So M. Whitaker de sacra Scriptura, quaest. 6. The objection from Maximus and Theophilus are of less moment. See Kemnitius. Doctor, proving from the judgement of Erasmus, that the objected book cannot be necessarily fathered upon S. Basil: secondly, by way of Dilemma; for if the Traditions, which Basil accounteth necessary, be (notwithstanding his authority) not necessary, why are they objected? But if by his authority they must be judged necessary, how shall S. Jerome be excused, who rejected the Tradition approved by Basil concerning the person of Zacharie, mentioned, Matth. 23? Or what shall be answered for Eucherius & Socrates, who confute the necessity of praying towards the East? or chrusostom, who (contrary unto Basils' necessity of blessing the water) teacheth, that all waters are by Christ his baptism sanctified for baptism? or how shall any plead for Cyprian, Gregory, & the Council of Toletum, who altered and condemned Basils' necessity of threefold dipping of the baptised into the water? Or lastly, wherewith may the Romanists justify themselves, who usually pray kneeling, contrary unto Basils' necessity of standing in prayer, all the time between Easter and Pentecost? 14 Thus (we see) our Adversaries by exacting the authority of one, do condemn the judgement of many, whereas (especially seeing this book cannot be proved to have been Basils') they should rather have consulted with other both many and plain testimonies in his undoubted works; where he judgeth it k Infidelitatis argumentum est, & signum superbiae certissimum, si quis corum, quae scripta sunt▪ aliquid velit reijcere; vel eorum, quae non sunt scripta, introducere. Basil. Serm. de fidei Confess. Where although he confute private opinions, yet doth he use a general principle, and therefore addeth in the same place, Apostolus per humanum exemplum vehementer prohibet aliquid divinis Scriptures vel addere, vel demere, cùm dicit, Hominis testamentum nemo reprobat, aut aliquid ei superstruit; proinde quamcunque alienam à Domini doctrina vocem ac mentem, ita nos semper & nunc fugiendam cog novimus. There, indeed, he useth new words, but such as contained no new doctrine, for he saith, Non sunt alienae à sensu Scripturae. an argument of infidelity, and an evident sign of pride in any, who shall reject either any doctrine that is written, or bring in any which is not written. Likewise in another Tract (which is by our Adversaries attributed unto him) he holdeth it l Necessarium est & consonum, ut ex sacra quis Scriptura quod necesse sit diseat, ad pietatis plerophoriam, tum ne humanis Traditionibus assuescat. Basil. Reg. contract. q. 95. Si quicquid non est ex fide, peccatum est, ut vult Apostolus, Fides verò ex auditu, auditus autem per verbum Deitergo quicquid extra Scripturam divinam est, cùm ex fide non sit, peccatum est. Basil. Ethic. Reg. 80. c. 22. necessary, that every one learn out of Scripture, what is necessarily to be learned, both for his full persuasion in points of godliness, and also jest he be carried away by human Traditions. 15 Now followeth Eusebius, whose sentence we m Fuseb. lib. 1. Demonst. evang. c. 8. Caeterùm, inquit. Moses in tabulis inanima●is; Christus autem in mentibus vita praeditis perfecta novi Testamenti documenta descripsit. Eius verò Discipuli ad magistri sui nutum auribus multorum doctrinam suam commendantes, quaecunque quidem velnti ult●a habitum progressis à perfecto ipsorum magistro praecepra fuerant, ea ijs qui capere poterant, tradiderunt; quae cunque verò ijs conventre arbitrabantur, qui animas adhue affectibus innoxias gererent, curationisue indigentes, ea ipsi ad imbecillitatem multorum se dimittentes, partum literis, partim sine litetis quasi iure quodam non scripto servanda commendarunt. Vt resert Bellar. Tom. 1. lib. 4. de verbo Dci non scripto, cap. 7. §. Eusebius. have fully related: where (to pass over other n Ait Eusebius, Christum non omnia omnibus tradidisse, sed excellentiora quaedam perfectis hominibus reseruâsse; atque sic etiam fecisse Apostolos: long aliter Irenaeus lib 3. cap. 15. Deindè absurdum est existimare, tam excellentes ac sublimes esse illas Traditiones, quas Papistae venditant, ut sint omnibus communicandae. So M Whittaker de sacra Scriptura, q. 6. cap. 12. answers) if by Tradition unwritten, he meant matters not necessarily belonging unto faith, it doth not weaken our cause, which defendeth only that * See confessed above in the state of the question, Cardinal Bellarmine. doctrines necessary to be believed are written in Scripture: but if they will understand thereby doctrines which are necessary for every man to believe, than the clause of Eusebius, where he saith, that the people were taught partly by written Traditions, partly by unwritten; cannot agreed with the consent of our Adversaries, affirming that all things absolutely necessary for all men's salvation, are written in Scripture: and thus must the Romanists either grant, that the testimony of Eusebius maketh not against Protestants, or else confess, it maketh against themselves. And we cannot be persuaded that Eusebius, who writ a book in commendation of * See above Sect. 3. num. 7. Constantine, could descent from his confessed resolution so greatly approved in the Council of Nice, whom our Adversaries have rejected. We return unto THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And thus much briefly concerning the Fathers of the Greek Church. Now as concerning the like confessed doctrine of the Fathers of the Latin Church, (to avoid tediousness,) S. Austen only (as being most * Gomarus in speculo verae Ecclesiae, etc. pag. 96. ante medium, saith: Augustinus patrum omnium, communi sententia, purissimus habetur. approved by our Adversaries) shall serve for all: who labouring to prove, that those who are baptised by heretics should not be rebaptized, saith, 8 August de Bapt. contra Donat. lib. 5. cap. 23. The Apostles commanded nothing hereof, but that custom which was opposed herein against Cyprian, is to be believed to proceed from their Tradition, as many things be, which the whole Church holdeth, and are therefore well believed to be commanded of the Apostles, although they be not written. Wherein and 9 See the like saying in Austin epist. 118. ad januarium. other his like sayings, his meaning is so evident and confessed, that M. Cartwright speaking thereof▪ saith, 10 See M. Cartwright in M. Whitgifts' defence, etc. pag. 103. ante medium. To allow S. Austin's saying, is to bring in Popery again: and that 11 See M. Cartwrights' words alleged ubi suprà. if S. Austin's judgement be a good judgement, than there be some things commanded of God, which are not in the Scriptures, and thereupon no sufficient doctrine contained in the Scriptures. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 5. 16 We see no reason why we may not so far admit S. Augustine, in this question, among the Latin Fathers, (seeing our Adversaries so please) that he alone may serve for all. The matter in controversy is, indeed, a doctrinal question, to wit, whether those, who have been baptised by heretics, aught to be rebaptized. S. Cyprian held that they aught, alleging, that except the contrary a unde est haec Traditio? an ex Dominica authoritate descendens, an de Apostolorum mandatis & epistolis? ea enim facienda esse, quae scripta sunt, testatur Dominus. Cypr. epist. 10. ad Pomp. Tradition may be proved out of Scripture, it deserveth no credit. S. Augustine, although he maintain the contrary conclusion unto Cyprian, saying, that they which have been baptised once, may not be baptised again; yet doth he hold S. Cyprians caution, viz. the necessity of proving this doctrine by Scripture: judging this (which our Adversaries call an b See before, pag. 343. erroneous exception) to be indeed c Quod Cyprianus monet, etc. See above, pag. 343. the best course; which he himself presently followeth, confirming his question of not rebaptizing by Scripture, as Ephes. 4. and evincing the same truth (to use his own words) by d Ne videar humanis argumentis agere, ex evangelio profero certa documenta. August. contra Donat. lib. 1. cap. 7. tom. 7. sure proofs out of the Gospel; and again, e Perspectis disputationis rationibus, & Scripturarum testimonijs, potest dici, quod veritas declaravit, hoc sequimur. Ibid. lib. 4. cap. 7. by testimonies of Scriptures well weighed; and yet again, f Potetat iam sufficere, quòd tot repetitis testimonijs, adiunctis etiam Scripturarum documentis ostendimus. Ibid. lib. 6. cap. 1. See also de Gen ad lit. lib. 10. cap. 23. The instance which Bellarm. giveth, is confuted. which we have showed (saith he) by Scriptures. So plainly make these for the perfection of Scripture, that our Adversary Cardinal Bellarmine without an g Si hae, Augustini, coniecturae non valent nisi post Concilij definitionem, ut vult Bellarminus, cùm non valebant quando ijs Augustinus pugnabat contra Donatistas', adhuc enim nihil de hac re erat contra Donatistas' in Conc▪ aliquo definitum. So Whitaker de sacra Script. q. 6. pag. 457. which fully overthroweth the answer which Bellar. used, Augustinum usum fuisse coniecturis ex Scriptura, quae aliquid valent ad confirmandam veritatem post Concilij definitionem, sed per se non sufficiunt. Ibid. error cannot tell how to shifted them. 17 In the second like saying (as they call it) of S. Augustine, which we have related from their h Object. August. epist. 118. Illa quae non scripta sed tradita custodimus, quae quidem toto terrarum orb seruanturr, dantur intelligi vel ab ipsis Apostolis, vel plenarijs Concilijs, quorum est in Ecclesia saluberrima authoritas commendata, atque statuta retineri: sicut quòd Domini passio, & resurrectio, & ascensio in coelum, & adventus de coelo Spiritus sancti anniversaria solennitate celebratur. Vt refert Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo non scripto, cap. 7. §. Sed Augustinus. Cardinal, the obiectors might have been satisfied by our learned Author whom they have produced: i Answer: Ha' traditiones non ita sunt magni momenti: nam sine his omnia possunt esse in religione salva. Secundò Augustinus nescit num istorum dierum obsertiatio ab Apostolis an à plenarijs Concilijs instituta fuerit▪ vocat quidem has necessarias, sed quomodo ad salutem? nullo modo, sed quòd necesse esse cuivis illas servare, quocunque se conferret ad seruandam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & scandala removenda. Postremò Socrates lib. 5. cap. 22. Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 19 August. epist. 86. scribunt nihil omninò de festis diebus praescripfisse, aut Christum, aut Apostolos. M. Whittaker de sacra Scriptura, quaest. 6. cap. 12. who showeth that these are questions of ceremonies, and not of doctrines of faith: things which are necessary to be be kept in their times and places for fear of scandal, but not of necessity unto salvation. Neither yet hath S. Augustine defined, that these Festivals are by Apostolical Tradition: but elsewhere (according to the light of Ecclesiastical history) he confesseth, that neither Christ nor his Apostles prescribed any certain times of fasting. 18 The consequent which they urge out of T. C. is not altogether so conclusive, for they might well conceive, that albeit we can be contented that S. Augustine may serve for all Latin Fathers; yet are we not bound to admit that M. Cartwright shall serve for all Expositors of S. Augustine, especially knowing that he hath been so learnedly confuted by our reverend Bishop in reply unto that objection, saying, that this sentence of Augustine (even in that sense propounded) is the overthrow of Popery: because this Romish Article can never be proved by due concurrence of antiquity. But concerning M. Cartwrights' inference, we have more occasion to answer * See hereafter. hereafter: we return unto S. Augustine, in whom we further insist, and prove, That S. Augustine in this question of Tradition, is an excellent Patron of the Protestants Assertion: in defending the sufficiency of Scripture. SECT. 6. 19 To know how little cause our Adversaries have to single out S. Augustine to serve for all, we shall need no better witness then S. Augustine himself: a Vltimò proferunt Augustini testimonia, ac primum lib. 2 de doctr. Christ. cap. 9 In his, quae apertè posita sunt in Scriptura, inveniuntur illa omnia, quae continent fidem morésque vivendi. Etiam in lib. de bono viduit. cap. 1. Sancta enim Scriptura nostrae doctrinae regulam figit, ne audeamus sapere plus quàm oportet. Non est ergo mihi aliud te docere, quàm verba tibi Doctoris exponere. Etiam lib. 2 de peccat. merit. & remiss. cap. 36. Vbi de re obseu●issima disputatur, non adiwantibus divinarum Scripturarum certis clarisue documentis, cohibere se debet humana praesumptio, nihil faciens in alteram partem declinando. Bellarm. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 11. §. Vltimò proferunt. Respondeo ad primum; loquitur de doguiatibus, quae necessaria sunt omnibus simpliciter, qualia sunt quae in Symbolo Apostolico, & Decalogo continentur. Ad secundum; contra eos agit qui fingunt novas doctrinas, quae Scriptures consonae non sunt. Ad tertium; loquitur de quaestionibus obseurissimis, qualem esse putabat de origine animarum, ad quas definiend as non suppetunt ulla firma testimonia, sed solùm coniecturae quaedam ex divinis literis. Bellar. ibid. Among those things (saith he) which are contained in Scripture, all those things may be found, which concern faith, and manners of life. But why? Holy Scripture (saith he) is unto us the rule of doctrine, jest we should be wise above that we aught. What then? Whensoever there is question made (saith he) of a case of greatest difficulty, and we have not clear proofs of Scripture for our conclusion, so long must man's presumption keep silence. 20 These proofs are both very perspicuous and pertinent, whereunto our Adversaries cannot make any answer, but with their greater b For the first testimony, lib. 2. de doctr. Christ. cap. 9 In omnibus his libris timentes Deum, & pietate mensueti, quaerunt voluntatem Dei. Then followeth. In ijs enim, etc. plainly showing that of those doctrines which did concern not only generally all men. but also every one, even Bishops themselves in all things necessary. Secondly, by Card. Bellarmine's grant we may conclude, that no unwritten tradition is simply necessary for all men. Thirdly, if by the judgement of S. Augustine, Scripture be sufficient for direction in the most obscure questions, such as is the original production of the soul, then certes much more sufficient must they be thought to be in questions of more necessary consequence. entanglements. We therefore conclude out of the same Father, that c Deum contra insidiosos errores voluisse ponere fundamentum in Scriptures. August. 2. tract. in joh. Sancta Scriptura nostrae doctrinae regulam figit, ne audeamus plus sapere quàm oporte●; sed sapiamus ad temperantiam, sicut unicuique Deus partitus est mensuram fidei. August. lib. de bono viduit. cap. 1. the words are general for the proof of one particular. God hath set in Scriptures a foundation against the seducement of error, & a rule of godliness, that we may be wise unto sobriety. 21 These be infallible testimonies of the sufficiency of holy Writ. What now remaineth, but that we hear S. Augustine pronounce an d Proinde sive de Christo, sive de Ecclesia, sive de quacunque alia re, quae pertinet ad fidem vitamue nostram, non dicam si nos, nequaquaquam comparandi ei qui dixit, [Licet si nos] sed quod secutus adiecit, Si Angelus de coelo vobis annunciaverit praeterquàm quod in Scriptures legalibus & Euangelicis accepistis, Anathema sit. August. contra lit. Petil. lib. 3. cap. 6. Legite haec nobis de Lege, de Prophetis, de Psalmis, de ipso evangelio, de literis Apostolicis, & credemus. August. de unitate Eccles. cap. 6. Non affetamus dolosas stateras, ubi appendamus quod volumus pro arbitrio nostro, sed stateram divinam de Scriptures sanctis, in illis quid sit gravius appendamus, vel potiùs à Domino appensa recognoscamus. August. lib. 2. de baptis. cap. 6. Anathema upon all them who shall teach any thing either of Christ or his Church, or any other matter of faith, besides that which is received from Legal and evangelical Scriptures? whereunto we wish our Adversaries would subscribe? But they proceed. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Add but now hereunto, that 12 See Kemnitius examen. part 1. pag. 87. 89. 90. Chemnitius reporteth for their like testimony of unwritten Traditions, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Epiphanius, Ambrose, Jerome, Maximus, Theophilus, Basil, Damascene etc. That M. Fulke 13 See Mr. Fulke against Purgatory, pag. 362. ante med. & 303. & 397. and against martial, pag. 170. 178. and against Bristowes Motives, p. 35. & 36. also confesseth as much of chrusostom, Tertullian, Cyprian, Augustine, Jerome, etc. that lastly, M. Whitaker 14 See Master Whittaker de sacra Scriptura, pag. 678. 681. 683. 685. 690. 695. 696. 670. 668. acknowledgeth the like of chrusostom, Epiphanius, Tertullian, Cyprian, Augustine, Innocentius, Leo, Basil, Eusebius, Damascene, etc. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: In answer unto the objected testimonies of Clemens Alexandrinus & Tertullian; which have been objected by our Adversaries with a sinister conscience. SECT. 7. 22 If the Obiectors had thought the testimony of S. Augustine available in itself, for avoiding tediousness (as they said) to serve for all the Latin Fathers, they should not have needed these new additaments, wherein they sensibly affect that tediousness, which seemingly they promised to avoid. But to the purpose. 23 They begin with Clemens Alexandrinus, belike not without cause; for their Cardinal herein would seem in a manner victorious, saying: a Ob. Clemens Alexandrinus dic●t sibi extorqueri i fratribus, ut ea quae à Presbyteris Apostolorum successoribus, voce sibi sola, tradita essent, deseriberet in libris, & posteris traderet. Whence Bellarm. Quid clarius pro Traditionibus dici potest? Lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 7. What can be more clear for unwritten Traditions, than this? Wittingly concealing what kind of Traditions this Clemens meant: which these our b Not mentioning the answer of Kemnitius, proving the reason of Clemens, Quia Christus revelavit paucis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quae non erant multis communicanda, to be condemned professedly by Iren●us and Tertullian, as being the pretence of old heretics: next he showeth what kind of Traditions were suggested by Clemens: 1. Graecoes iustificatos fuisse Philosophia, lib. 6. Strom. 2. Christum uno anno praedicâsse, lib. 2. Stron. Hanc haeresin Iren. l. 2. c. 39 haereticis tribuit. 3. Sive hîc sive alibi agi poenitentiam. 4. Apostolos post mortem impijs apud inferos evangelium praedicâsse, qui in vita non poterant audire evangelium, lib. 6. Strom. 5. Christianos non posse contendere judicio nec coram Gentibus, nec coram Sanctis, lib. 7. Strom. & alia similia multa. So Kemnitius, examen▪ part 1 Tract. de Tradit. 6. Clemens lib. 2. Strom iecit semina haereseos Nestorianae, ut Heruetus interpres indicavit in margin. 7. Et in lib. 3. ait Christum nec verè esurijsse, nec verè sitijsse, sed visum esse sitire, & ●surire: and moreover, librum obiectum non extare. Thus M. Whittaker desacra Scriptura, quaest. 6. cap. 12. Authors remember to have been justification by philosophy, Repentance after death, Preaching the Gospel unto the wicked in hell: these and other such like were the Traditions; so worthy of all concealment, that all Christians on both sides are ready to condemn them, as being no better than seeds of heresies: besides that his reason, which he used for confirmation of such Traditions, viz. Christ (saith he) revealed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mysteries, to few, which were not communicable unto others; hath been (our Authors showing the same) as expressly confuted by Irenaeus and Tertullian, who accounted this fancy to be the chief foundation of old heresies. Yet this must be, forsooth, the clear defence of their Traditions. 24 Next is produced the testimony of c Ob. Tert de Corona Militu: Harum discipliplinarum Traditio auctrix, & in lib. 1. contra Marc. & lib. 2. ad uxorem. & lib. de veland. virg. agit de Traditionibus: etiam lib. de prescript. docet haereticos non ex Scriptures, sed ex Traditione refutandos esse. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 6. Tertullian, but out of such books of his (as our d Answer: Lib. de Corona Milit. & de veland. virg. were written in his Montanisme: but add, Pertinet ad Montanicas destructiones, quod Tertull. in lib. de exhort ad castitatem disputat:— obijcit sibi, ergonè primas nuptias destru●s? respondet, nec immeritò, quoni●m & ipsae ex eo constat quod est stuprum: & propter hanc stupri affinita●em optimum est mulierem non tangere: disputans contra primum & secundum matrimonium, allegat dicta, Sancti estote, quom● ego sanctus, etc. tertul in libro de leiunio, narrat Montanistas ob has causas à Catholicis reprehensos. Argu●nt igitur nos (inquit) quòd jejunia propria custodiamus, quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obseruemus, lavacti quoque abstinentiam: ●ovitatem nobis obiectan●,— dicun: ieiunandum esse ex arbitrio, non ex imperio novae disciplinae, pro temporibus & causis uniuscuiusque: Sic & Apostolos obse ruâsse, nullum aliud jugum imponentes certorum & in common obeundorum i●iuniorum:— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●o●um affectati officij nomen, & proximum Ethnicae superstitions: & proi●de nos à fide abs●● dentes, intendentes spiritibus mundi seductoribus, qui sicut nubere probibeant, ita iubeant à cibis abstinere:— dicunt in duobus praecep●●s charita●● tota lex pendet & Prophetae, non in pulmonum & intestinorum inanitate, etc. Tertull. in lib. de poenitentia, à Montano hábet unicam tantùm esse poenitentiam post baptismum. So Ke●nitius in the places objected. Tertull. cùm l●brum de corona Militis scripserat, Montanista erat: dixit enim se habere illum paracletum, quem Christus promiserat, & fretu● huius paracleti authoritate, mults 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Ecclesiam invexit. Quanquam Tertullianus de hear aptissima volumina scriplerit, sed consequens error hominis detraxit scriptis probábilibus authoritatem: sic Hilar●us comment in Matth. cap. 5.— Tertullianus Ecclesiae homo non fuit. Hieron. contra Helnidium. Rurs●●: Multa contra Ecclesiam scripfit. Hieron. in Catalogo. Absurdum est tius Montanicas traditiones nobis obtrudere. Tertull. Catholici dogmatis parùm tena●. Vi●c. Lyrinens. in comment. cap 24. Impudenter faciunt Papistae, quòd eas nobis Traditiones obijciunt ex Tertulliano, quas ipsi non retinent, nec ullo modo retinendas judicant: sunt enim Traditiones istae Tertull. huiusmodi; Baptizatos ter mergita●e: Baptizatis lac & mel static degustandum porrigere: sumere Eucharistiam tempore victus: nefas esse diebus Dominicis à Paschate ad Pentecosten de geniculi● adorare. Locus Tertull. ex prescript. obiectus, adversarios nostros vulo●rat gravissimè: nam contrà haeret eos agit, qui negabant Scripturas esse perfectas, quique aichant Apostolos non omnia omnibus, sed quaedam perfectis tradidisse si●●odie Papistae. Tertullianus quidem provocat à Scriptutis ad Ecclesiam, non quidem ad doctrinam aliquam non scriptam, sed ad eius doctrine defensionem & propagationem. So M. Whittaker in the places objected. Authors show,) which whereby him professedly written against the Catholic Church, from whence he had revolted unto the sect of Montanists. Here indeed, our Adversaries have much matter for their Traditions, but it is of that kind as must (if they will needs defend it) prove them no Catholics: because Tertullian then a Montanist, defended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a prescription of set fasts by a law of necessity, and an abstinence from certain kind of meats with an opinion of sanctity, eagerly inveighing against the Catholic Church for denying the manner of their fasts by dry meats: and for calling such kind of rites a novelty: not to mention his condemning of second marriages: he himself being for such errors condemned by S. Jerome and other Fathers, as an Adversary unto the Catholic Church. And his Traditions in the place alleged, are threefold mersion, giving honey and milk unto persons baptised, receiving the Eucharist at the time of meat: which our Adversaries themselves have in their wisdom rejected. 25 Might it not have become the Apologists (if they had been studious of truth) to have left Tertullian, where Tertullian left the true Church? but peradventure they did foresee, that if they should be urged to consult not with the Montanist, but with the Catholic Tertullian, their hold of Tradition would suffer a breach. For Tertullian in his book of Prescription written against heretics, doth (as Doctor * See the testimony going before. Whitaker hath proved,) wound their cause; and elsewhere he disputeth against the heretic Hermogenes negatively from Scripture, thus: e Profert. 11. Tertull. qui lib. contra Hermog. Adoro, inquit, Scripturae plenitudinem. Scriptum esse doceat Hermogenis officina. Si non est scriptum, timeat vae illud adijcientibus, vel detrahentibus destinatum. Respondeo, loquitur Tertull. de uno dogmate tantùm, quòd scilicet Deus creaverit omnia ex nihilo, non ex praeiacente materia, ut Hermogenes somniabat. Etquoniam hoc dogma apertissimè continetur in Scriptures, dicit Tertullianusse adorare Scripturae plenitudinem, quantum ad hoc dogma; & addit, Hermogenem qui addebat ad Scripturam dogma contrarium, & repugnaus ipsi Scripturae, incidere in ipsam male dictionem, qua prohibemur nihil addere, aut detrahere Scripturae, ita ut veritas eius immutetur. Bellar. lib. 4 de verbo Dei non scripto, cap. 11. pag. 182. Answer: Verba Tertulliani generalia sunt: disputat enim Tertull. negatiuè ab authoritate Scripturarum, sic: Hermogenes non potest docere hoc esse scriptum, Ergo vae, etc. In libro de resurrectione carnis Haereticos vocat [Lucifugas] Scripturarum. lbi, Aufer Haereticis quod cum Ethnicis sapiunt, ut de solis Scriptures opiniones suas sistant, & state non poslunt] quae Papistis maximè conveniunt, qui nec cogi volunt dogmata sua de solis Scriptures sistere, & nos cupiunt in omni disputatione à Scripturarum luce deducere. Et libro de carne Christi [Si non probant, quia nec scriptum est:] & mox, [Sed nihil de co constat, quia Scriptura non exhibet. So Doctor Whittaker in the places objected. This thy doctrine is not written, therefore is there due unto it a woe, which is denounced against them, who add unto Scripture: wherein he is so confident as to profess, that heretics cannot prevail, if they shall be compelled to stand only to Scriptures. From which again he argueth negatively, thus; It is not proved (saith he) because it is not written: then the which nothing can make more for the proof of the sufficiency and perfection of sacred Writ. After this discharge, will be expected An answer unto the other Fathers alleged by the Apologists. SECT. 8. 26 It would be (we fear) not only a matter of tediousness, but even a kind of torment unto our judicious Reader, to insist, with us, upon all their objected particulars, either by repetition of the testimonies of a See above §. 4. chrusostom, b See above §. 4. Epiphanius, c See above §. 4. Basil, d See above §. 6. Augustine, already satisfied; or by addition of any thing unto the now satisfied testimonies of Clemens Alexandrinus and Tertullian: or by aggregation of the sentences of e Orig. cap. 6. epist. ad Rom. Ecclesia ab Apostolis Traditionem accepit, etiam paruulis baptismum dare. Et home 5. in Num. Enumerat multas traditiones non scriptas. This Bellarmine objecteth lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 7. Answer: Origenes inter dogmata non scripta, non recenset articulos aliquos fidei, sed tantum ritus quosdam, Benedictionem aquae baptis. trinam mersionem— innumeras genuflexiones.— is Discipulus fuit Clementis Alexandrim, cuius dogmata Hieron. ad Pammachium venenata ●oca● So Kemnitius: Baptismus paruulorum est scripta traditio: genua flectenda esse inter orandum, laudabilis quidem traditio est, sed non necessaria, ut Basilius lib. de Spir. sancto, cap. 27. affirmat Christianos diebus Dominicis & Paschate usque ad Pentecosten non flexis genibus, sed erectos precari solitos esse. Scripserunt contra cuin multi antiqui Patres, Epiphanius, Theophilus, Hieronymus. So M. Whittaker in the places objected. Origen, f Object. Cypr●an lib. 1 epist. 12. Traditionem profe●t unctionis in Baptismo: & mixtionem vini cum aqua. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 6. Answer: August. lib. 2. contra Crescon. cap. 32. de quadam Cypriani epistola verba faciens: Ego huius epistolae, ait, authoritate non teneor quia literas Cypriani non quidem ut Canonicas habeo, sed eas ex Canonicis judico: quod in eyes divinarum Scripturarum authoritati congr●●t. cum laud eius accipio, quod autem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. Cyprianus dicit, [Vngi necesse est baptizatos qu●mobren tandé? ut incipiamus scil●esse uncti Domini: quàm hoc frigidè dicitur? num sine hoc unguento non pos●umus esse unctos Domini? fateor apud antiquos mixtam fuisle aquam vino moderatè temperatam, quia in illis locis vinum ita forte fuit. Haec mixtio licita est, modò aqua vini naturam non tollat. So M Whittaker in the places objected. In duobus consistit Sacramentum Baptismi, verbo & elemento, ideo etsi alia desint, quae ad decorem Sacramenti instituta sunt, non id●o minus verum esse Sacramentum & sanctum, si verbum sit ibi & elementum. Lombardus lib. 4. dist. 3. Cyprian, g Ob. Ambrose: Qui explicat ritus, qui ab universa Ecclesia seruantur in baptismo, qui non inveniuntur in sacred literis, & ab alijs ad Traditiones Apostolicas referuntur. Traditionem etiam Symboli Apostolici, & Quadragesimae proponit. Bellarm. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 6. Answer: Unto the first their own P. Lombard hath satisfied, concluding that verbum & elementum are of the essence of baptism. See the former objection. To the other: Ambrose asserit exemp'o Christi nobis indictam Quadragesimam. Sed Chry●ostom. homil. 47. in Matth. disertè hoc negat: Christus, inquit, non jubet ut jeiunium suum imitemur, sed inquit, Discite à me. quia mitis & humilis sum. So Kemniti●s: Cùm exemplum Christi u●get, Traditionem scriptam defendit. In Serm. 37. Qualis es Christianus cum Domino i●iunante tu prandes? An ergo Pontificij boni Christiani, qui prandent? Symbolum Apostolicum in Scriptures reperitur. So M. Whittaker. Ambrose, h Ob. Hieronymus ad Marcellam voca● Quadragesimam legem Apostolicam. Bellar. lib. 4 d● verbo Dei, cap. 6. Answer: Consuetudinem piam quis unquam reprehendit? sed hae consuetudines liberae sunt, non necessariae. So M. Whittaker. Jerome, and the i Ob. Innocentius, Leo, Damascen. Answer: Innocentij testimonium Bellarminus omisit. 2. Illae epistolae decretales nullius sunt sidei: deinde erravisse Innocentium in Traditionibus suis, ut constat ex Augustino, lib. 2. contra julian. 3. Omninò frivolas esse: ut ubi ait non audere se verba confirmationis proffer, ne mysteria prodero videatur. viz. confirmo te signo crucis, & ungo chrismate salutis in nomine Patris, Filij, & Spiritus sancti. Leonem errasse, cum dicit Apostolos jejunia instituisse, quae non sunt ab illis instituta. 2. Dico non observari iam à Papistis illa jejunia, quae Leo tradidit, quartae & sextae feriae. Damascenum non moramur, utp●te qui recens author, quem Papistae non audent in omnibus defendere: nam unà cum Canonicis Scriptures Canon's Apostolorum & Clementinos numerat. So M. Whittaker lib. de sacra Scriptura. See of Theoph. in the places objected. rest, which in the margin are by our Authors sufficiently answered. 27 The sum of all is this, that the Traditions which have been objected, if they may be deduced out of Scripture, (such as the k Infants posse baptizari deducitur evidenter ex Scriptures. Bellar. lib. 1. de Sacram. Baptis. cap. 9 Baptism of Infants, and the l Dico articulos fidei primarios de Deo, Christo, Trinitate, & alijs praecipuis fidei nostrae mysterijs propterea scriptos esse ut credantur. Mulhusinus Ies. contra Pareum, de authorit. Script. Thes. 19 And the Catechism of Trent proveth every article out of Scripture. Apostles Creed are confessed to be:) then are they not properly to be reckoned amongst their unwritten Traditions: but if they be properly unwritten, they may be conceived as either contrary unto Scriptures (such as the testimonies of Clemens Alexandrinus, and Tertullian appeared to be,) and therefore cannot be equalled with Scriptures: or else were not held as necessary, (as for example the times of * See above cap. 24. Fasts and festivals, and their diverse rites in m In duobus consissit Sacramentum Baptismi, verbo & elemento; ideo etsi alia desint, quae ad decorem Sacramenti instituta sunt, non ideo minus ve●um esse Sacramentum & sanctum, si verbum sit ibi & elementum, Lombard. lib. 4. dist. 3. Baptism etc.) and therefore do not so much as touch the list or hem of this controversy: or lastly, such as have been abrogated by the Romanists themselves, (whereof we have many * See above in the state of the question. examples;) which therefore men not importunately contentious, would in discretion have buried in the grave of silence. 28 To conclude, we found not any Tradition absolutely unwritten ( * See in the Section following. whether doctrinal or ceremonial,) delivered by the Fathers, to be of that nature, as that it n Sacrosancta Synodus— Accipimus omnes libros tam veteris quàm novi Testamenti, necnon Traditiones ipsas tum ad fidem tum ad mores pertinentes, tanquam vel ore tenus à Christo, vel à Spiritu sancto dictatas, & continua successione in Ecclesia Catholica conseruatas, pari pietatis affectu & reverentia sus●ipit & veneratur. Synod. Trid. Sess. 4. Decret. 2. aught to be embraced (this is the Romish profession) with the like godly affection and reverence, as we do the sacred Scriptures. This we hold to be in Divinity more than a paradox, as both the above mentioned, and the now following examples do certainly demonstrate. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Now as concerning ceremonies, M. Calfehill (to omit others) affirmeth, that 15 Hereof see M. Fulks rejoinder to Marshal's Reply, printed 1580. p. 131. fine & 132. initio: the Fathers declined all from the simplicity of the Gospel in ceremonies. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Satisfying for the exception from the complaints of ancient Fathers, against the overspreading corruptions of doctrines, and ceremonies of their times. SECT. 9 29 * For the Author came not unto my hands. If our Author intent by simplicity of the Gospel such a profession, which will not allow of any ceremonies in the Church, except they be expressly delivered, this (as hath been acknowledged by our greatest a See above §. 1. Adversary) is contrary to the common doctrine of Protestants: but if by simplicity be understood a virtue opposite either unto supers●uitie or superstition, than it belongeth unto us to try how justifiable this exception may be proved to be: none can desire any better proof hereof than which may be taken from the confession of the Fathers, and the practice of our learned Adversaries. 30 First therefore understand, that Papias, who was the disciple of S. john, did (as b Papias multa paradoxa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, tanquam ex Traditione non scripta ad se re●ata adijcit, & peregrinas quasdam doctrinas cum alijs nonnullis fabulosis, in quibus est Chiliastica opinio. He addeth a reason: Mediocri judicio erat praeditus. The effect: Papias quamplu●imis post se viris Ecclesiasticis erroris chiliastici occasionem dedit. He addeth a reason, Quia praetenderunt antiquitatem istius viri. Euseb. lib. 3. cap. 33. as it is prosecuted by Kemnitiu●. So Basil: Non omnia eius viri laudamus, sunt quae etiam pro●sus damnamus, habent enim quaedam seminaria impietatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. epist. 41. de D●●nys. Alexandrino. Eusebius witnesseth) broach many paradoxes and exorbitant doctrines, in pretence that he had received them by Tradition from the Apostles; thereby occasioning many other Ecclesiastical Doctors, (who were moved by the antiquity of Papias) to fall into the error of the Chiliasts. And shall we think that those purer times, when some ancients not content to keep regiam viam, that is, the roadway which is the written word of God, but were seduced by presumption of unwritten Traditions, and erred in points of docttine; could be altogether free from some sprinklings and spots of ceremonious corruptions? 31 It is a * See above Chap. 22. §. 1. known contention about the observation of Easter, which afflicted and vexed the Church of God in the days of Victor Bishop of Rome, by dividing the East and West Churches, the one side pretending a Tradition from S. john and S. Philip; the other presuming of a supposed Tradition from S. Peter and S. Paul. Whereby was made a schism and rend not in the garment only, but even in the body of Christ, which is his Church. 32 These two examples may serve for many, which might be alleged, to give us more than a signification of the danger and uncertainty of unwritten Traditions, which the aftertimes, even of S. Augustine (not to wade deeper into this pool) had more cause to complain of: whom we found bewailing the corruptions of his age, and confessing, that he c Multa huiusmodi propter nonnullarum, vel sancta●um, vel turbulentan●m personarum scandala devitanda liberius improbare non audeo.— Sed hoc nimis doleo, quia multa quae in divinis lib●i● salube●●ima praecepta sunt minus curantur; & tam multis praesumptionibus ple●●a sunt omnia. August. epist. 119. cap. 19 durst not freely reprehend many Traditions, whereby the Church was then pestered, and which he calleth presumptions; and consequently, could not agreed with the simplicity of the Gospel of Christ. But we draw nearer unto the Apologists, and show clearly, That our Adversaries confess themselves to have abrogated many unwritten Traditions, which in their own * For the objected places of the Fathers for the necessity of Traditions, do particularly mention the points following. opinion were held of the forenamed Fathers to be no less necessary or Apostolical, then are the other unwritten doctrines or customs, which the Romanists defend. SECT. 10. 33 All the testimonies which we allege, are the plain confessions of our learned Adversaries: 1 Trina mersio in baptismate, quae Traditio ab Apostolorum Canone profluxisse videtur, iamdiu per contrariam consuetudinem abolita est. Ca●●● loc. Theolog. lib. ●. cap. 5. Introducitur trina mersio ad confessionem Trinitatis: quanquam Dionys. cap. 2. de Eccles Hierarch. Basil. lib. de Spir. sancto, ca 27. Athanas. q. 125. ad Antioch. Hieron, contra Luciferian. August. ser. 21 & 201. de T●mpore. Ambros. lib. 2. de Sac●am. c. 7. hanc trinam mersionem ● traditione Apostolorum ortam scribunt. Tamen ex con●uni consensu Theologo●un ad Sac●amenti essentiam constituendam sufficit vel unam, vel trinam immersionem, aut aspersionem adhibe●e. Binius annot. in Can. Ap●st. 50. Threefold immersion (say they) or thrice dipping in baptism for signisication of the Trinity, which Dionysius Areopagita, Basil, Athanasius, Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, do think to have been an Apostolical Tradition, hath been long since abolished: and one only dip or aspersion is held to be sufficient by the common consent of Divines. So likewise do they confess the 2 Erant & alij ritus, qui iure & me●ito ab Ecclesia antiquati sunt; baptizati enim lac & mel praegustabant. Teitul de coron. Milit. Hieron Dialog. contra luciferian. Durant. lib. 1. de Ritibus, cap. 19 num. 44. In Occidentis Ecclesijs, usque ad Hieronymi seculum, renatis in Christum vinum lacue tribu●batur. Hieron. ad cap. 65. Esaiae Durant. ibid. num. 44. removing of the old custom of tasting honey in Baptism: 3 Mediolani in susceptione Baptismi pedes lavabantur. Teste Ambros. lib. 3. Sacram. cap. 1. Postea abrogatum. Aug. epist. 119. cap. 28. Durant. quo supra. of abrogating the ceremony of washing of feet: 4 Sententia haec, infantibus Eucharistiam necessariam esse, ci● itersexcentoes annos viguit in Ecclesia, nunc multorum seculorum usu, & decreto Conc. Trid. explicata est, non licere da●i. Maldonat. Ies. come. in joh, 6. Paruulis Eucharistia tradita ex Tertul. lib. 4. adversus Martion. Ambro●. lib 3. Sacram. cap. 1. Hieron. adver●. Lucifer. Fáque usitata erat, ut apparet ex ordine Romano: & Alevinus monet ne paruuli lac sumant, antequam communicent. lib de divin. office c. Sabbato sancto. Posteà verò cessant adultorum baptismate in Latina Ecclesia, antiquata est, quia dijudicare se nequeunt pa●uuli Durant. lib. 1. Ritib. cap. 19 num. 44. Hoc solitum fuisse praetere●, testatur August. 23. epist. Verùm haec consuetudo in Latina Ecclesia antiquata est. Binius Tom. 2. Conc. fol. 1201. the decreeing also the administration of the Eucharist unto Infants, used six hundred years in the Church, to be unlawful: 5 Ea consuetudo, qua baptizari tantùm licebat in Pascha & Pentecoste, propter communis vitae pericula abrogata est. Durant. lib. 1. de Ritib. cap. 19 num. 44. the disannulling the custom of deferring Baptism until the feasts of Easter and Penticost: 6 Nocturnae vigiliae, quarum quidem Tertull. & Hieron. meminerunt, quásque alij Patres laud●runt, in desuetudinem abiêre. Ledesima Ies. lib. de divin. qua lingua legend. cap. 19 Placuit prohi●eri ne foeminae in coemiterio pervigilent, quiasub obtentu orationis, saep●● sceleta committantur. Conc. Elibert. can. 35. Et eiusmodi foeminarum vigiliae à Conc. Tolet●no, pòst Tridentino prohibentur. Binius annot. in eum Can. the abolishing of the night Vigils: and 7 In Concil. Turonensi, tempore Caroli magni decretum est, ut, exceptis diebus Dominicis, & illis solennitatibus. quibus universalis Ecclesia ob record●tion●m Dominicae resur●ectionis solet stando o●are, fixis in terram genibus simpliciter divinam misericordiam deposcamus. Hoc in Conc. Nicaeno, can. 20. staturum, in die Dominico stando orandum: hoc in di●bus quinquaginta à Pascha usque ad Pentecosten obse●uari con●u●tum veteres Patres testantur, Ambros. Hieron. Non curuamur in terra, sed cum Domino resurgimus. Durant. lib. 3. de Ritib. cap. 24. num. 21. Cu●us ut Apostolicae habitae & in Synodo Nicaena cap. 2●. constitutae— nullum nunc in Ecclesia vestigium est reliquum. Cassander defence. officij pij viri, pag. 119. the standing in the public prayers at Easter and Penticost: and 8 Corpora de●unctorum veteres lauâsse, docent Tertull. apolog. adverse. Gentes, cap. 42. Idem Eusebius & Gregorius. Durant. lib. 1. cap. 23. num. 13. the washing of the bodies of the dead: and 9 Constit. Clement. c. 32. Mentio fit Agapae, Christiani enim in principio religionis in Ecclesiam conveniebant, simul epulabantur: ea conu●●ia quoniam amore & charitate mutua celebrantur, Agapae sunt dicta, reprehensae ab Apostolo apud Corinthios, in alijs tamen Ecclesijs diu manserunt. Illas post longum tempus prohibuit Conc. ●aodicaenum, ne in Ecclesijs fierent, manserunt tamen in alijs Ecclesijs. Nun● autem omninò in desuetudinem & obli●ionem abierunt. Bovius Episcopus Ostiensis, ut est a●ud Su●um Tom. 1. Conc. pag. 125. the Agapes and feasts of charity, used in the primitive Church, and a long time after continued: 10 Canon primus Apostolicus: Episcopus ordinetur à duobus vel tribus Episcopis:] Tamen ob Episcoporum raritatem, aliamuè causam iustam per Pont●ficis disp●nsationem sit, ut cum uno Episcopo ordina●te adsint duo aut plures Abbates infulati, qui vicem Episcoporum gerant. Bellar. lib. 4. de Eccles. cap. 8. ut not at Binius Conc. Tom. 1. Annot. in hunc Canonem. Et tamen de hoc Canone, Hic numeratur inter eos, qui ut authentici recipiuntur ab Ecclesia. cap. 3. dist. 16. Binius ibid. fol. 14. col. 1. the dispensing with an Apostolical Canon concerning the consecration of Bishops: 11 Romana Ecclesia, quam secutae sunt Ecclesiae Occidentales, ex Apostolica consuetud●e consuevit sextâ feriâ & Sabbato ieiun●re: his enim diebus ablatus erat à discipulis sponsus: veruntamen in Ecclesijs Orientalibus aliter fieri in more positum ●uit, ut feriâ sextâ & quartâ ●eiunaretur, ut ex Can. Apost. 68 & lib. Const. Clementis cap. 16. ex Ignatio ad Philippens. ex Epiphan. Athanas. & alijs constat. Binius Tom. 1 Conc. fol. 247. Sabbatum & Dominicum diem ieiunare, quoniam ille est naturae conditae monumentum, hic resurrectionis. Const. Clementis Rom. S. Ignat ad Magues. & Philip. Surius Tom. 1. Conc. pag. 101. Quartae & sextae feriae jeiunium praecipitur, quod diù mansit in Ecclesia: nunc (quod est dolendum & lugendum) cum alijs optimis maiorum institutis in de●u●tudinem abijt. Praecipitur quoque Sabbati celeb●itas, sed cum diei Diminici cultu mini●●è aequata. Etiam statuebatur de unius magni Sabbati jeiunio; agnosco priscum morem, sed eundem accessions meliorum legum exoletum. the neglecting the Wednesdays and Saturdays fast: and 12 Nam Romana Ecclesia, Apostolicâ utens potestate, singula pro conditione temporum in melius mutat, non fuit contenta unius Sabbati jeiunio, sed instituit ut idem mos in omnibus Sabbatis seruaretur. johannes Bovius Episcopus Ost. Schol in lib. 7. Const. Clementis c. 24. ut est apud Surium. Tom. 1. Conc. pag 130. the altering of some ancient Constitutions by (thus they pretend) an institution of better rites, through the Apostolical authority of the Church of Rome: and 13 Ex quatuor & octoginta Apostolicis Canonibus, quos Clemens Rom. Pontifex & ●orundem Apostolorum discipuli in unum coegit, vix sex aut octo Latina Ecclesia observat. Michael Medina, lib. 5. de sacrorum hom. continentia, c. 106. as our D. Reinalds allegeth. Thes. 5. not observing almost eight Canons of eight●e, which by Pope Clemens were supposed to be Apostolical. 34 In all these we hear of nothing but of altering, dispensing, abrogating, abolishing of Customs, Rites, Ceremonies, Canons (in their opinions) general, ancient, and in most part necessary and Apostolical. If this be done (as they presume) justly, how shall they not excuse, if not commend Protestants for the like abrogations, whom notwithstanding they therefore ordinarily charge with intolerable contempt? Or how shall not our discreet Reader discern which professors do more ingenuously incline unto the simplicity of the Gospel; whether the Romanists, who disannul and abandon such rites, although in their judgement they seemed to have been Apostolical; or Protestants, who judging the most of these as not Apostolical, do for the uncertainty of such like traditions, zealously affect especially such orders, which they are persuaded did successively and successfully descend from Antiquity, admitting only of those rites, which may neither oppress the Church by their number, nor by their nature corrupt it? We return back again to salute the Senate of Antiquity, and now at length show, That the ancient Fathers with common consent, do profess and adore the sufficiency of Scripture, in all doctrines necessarily belonging unto points of faith, or precepts of life. SECT. 11. 35 This question of Tradition being, as it were, the Epitome of all Romish controversy, it may exact of us a more ample discharge, which is to be performed by pregnant testimonies of Antiquity. a evangelium per Dei voluntatem in Scriptures novis tradiderunt fundamentum & columnam fidei no●trae futurum. Ire●. l●●. 3. ●●t. 1. Haeretici q●ida accus●nt Scripturas, quasi non possit veritas inveniri ab his, ●ui nesc●unt Traditionem. Idem lib. 3. ca 1. Legite diligent●ùs id quod ab Apostolis est evangelium nobis datum, & legite diligentiùs Prophetas: invenietis universam actionem, & omnem doctrinam, & pass●onem Domini nostri praedicatam in ipsis. Irenaeus calleth the Gospel written, the pillar and foundation of faith, and reproved heretics for accusing the Scripture, as though by it truth may not be found of them who are ignorant of Tradition. Origen held it b Necesse est Scripturas sanctas in testimonium vocare: sensus quip nostri sine his testibus non h●bent fidem. Origen. home 1, in jerem. And again: necessary that we bring the testimonies of Scriptures: c Sicut omne aurum quod fuerit extra templum non est sanctisicatum, sic omnis qui fuerit extra divinam Scripturam (quamuis admirabilis videatur quibusdam) non est sanctus, quia non continetur à sensu Scripturae, quae solet cum solum sensum sanctificare, quem habet ●●se, sicut templum proprium aurum. Origen. home 25. in Matth. To the first Bellarmine answereth nothing to the purpose: to the second, nothing at all. Again: Vide qu●m proximi periculis fiant high, qui exerceri in divinis literis negligunt,— ex quibus solis huiusmodi examinationis agnoscenda discretio est. Origen. in cap. 16 ad Rom. lib. 10 This, Cardinal Bellarmine pretermitteth. without which we deserve no credit, but are like as the gold without the Temple, unhallowed. Athanasius proclaimed the d Scripturae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sufficiunt ad veritatis instructionem. Athanas. lib. contra Gentes seu Idola. And again: Scriptures to be our sufficient instruction in truth; and the very e Divinam Scripturam certis libris comprehensam, esse anchoram & sustentaculum fidei nostrae. Idem in Synop●i. Sufficiant quae in ijs repcrias documenta. Ad Scrapionem. anchor of our faith. S. Basil pronounced f Infidelitatis argumentum est, & signum superbiae, si quis eorum, quae scripta sunt, aliquid velit reijcere, aut eorum, quae non scripta, introducere. Basilius' serm. de fidei confess. it to be a most certain sign of infidelity, to add any thing that is not written; and therefore advised every one for g See above. §. 6. in the margin. avoiding of Traditions, to admit of nothing as necessary, which is not consonant unto Scriptures. S. chrusostom taught, that h See above §. 6. in the margin. whatsoever is spoken without Scripture, doth lame the understanding of the hearer: and called Scripture, in respect of the sufficiency thereof, an exact rule & Canon of faith: and i Meritò ostium Scripturas appellat, quoniam nos ad Deum ducunt; & eius nobis cognitionem aperiunt: ipsae oves faciunt, ipsae custodiunt; neque lupos erumpere permittunt. Tanquam enim ostium firmissimum haereticos arcent, & in tuto constituunt, neque nos etiamsi velimus aberrare sinent, etc. qui non sacr● utitur Scripturâ & aliundè ascendit, id est, non concessâ viâ, fur est Chrysostom. homil. 58. in 9 joh. in medio. Tom. 2. a most firm door to keep out a Wolf: judging him a thief that ascendeth any other way then by it. Epiphanius maintained, that k See above §. 5. we may learn to found out every question from the consequence of Scripture. Cyril Alexandrinus defended, that l Non omnia quae Dominus fecit, conscripta sunt, sed quae scribentes tam ad mores quàm ad dogmata sufficere putaverunt, ut recta fide & operibus, & virtute rutilantes, ad regnum coelorum perveniamus. cyril. in joh. lib. 12. cap. 68 And again: In duobus Te●●amentis omne verbum requiri posse, quod ad Deum pe●tineat. Homil. 5. in levit. Whether we call the author hereof Cyril or Origen, it is not material. all things are written in Scriptures, which the holy writers thought sufficient for doctrine and manners, etc. Tertullian m Adoro Scripturae plenitudinem. Scriptum esse doceat Hermogenis officina; si non est scriptum, timeat, Vae illud adijcientibus aut detrahentibus. Tertull. lib. contra Hermog. cap. 22. Aufer ab haereticis quod cum Ethnicis sentiunt, ut de solis Scriptures opiniones suas sistant, & stare non possunt. Tertull. lib. de resurrect. carnis. adored the fullness of the Scriptures: and hereupon pronounced a woe upon them that broached any thing which was not justifiable by Scripture, whereunto he would have heretics compelled to stand. Theophilus judged it to be a property of a n Diabolici spiritus est aliquid extra divinarum Scripturarum authoritatem [divinum putare. Theoph. Alexand. in 2. Paschali. devilish spirit to think any thing divine which is without authority of Scriptures. Cyprian demanded, o See before §. 4. Add, Non aliundè loquendum est de rebus fidei, nisi ex literis fidei. Cyprian. What is this Tradition? from whence cometh it? from the authority of Christ in the Gospel, or the precepts of the Apostles in their Epistles? and hath therefore been rejected by our Adversaries, albeit he hath been by S. Augustine therein both justified and commended. S. Jerome accounted all teaching which is p Sine authoritate Scripturarum garrulitas non habet fidem, nisi viderentur perversam doctrinam divinis eloquijs roborare. Hieron. come. in 1. cap. epist. ad Titum. Sed alia quae absque authoritate aut testimonijs Scripturarum, quasi traditione Apostolica spout reperiunt atque confingunt, percutit gladius Dei. Idem comment. in 1. cap. Haggaei. The answer of Bellarmine, saying, that it is spoken against those, who feign some things of themselves, which they would have seem to be Apostolical, cannot help him, for Jerome speaketh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, humi dormitiones, which themselves esteem ancient: Ecclesiam urbes habere Legis, Prophetarum, Euangeliorum, & Epistolarum, & non egressam esse è finibus suis, id est, de Scriptures sanctis. Hieron. in 1. cap. Mich. destitute of the authority of Scripture, a vain babbling, & all such stuff to be worthy to be cut with the sword of God's Spirit: the sufficiency of which Scripture he preached, as being the bounds & limits, which the Church of God may not pass. Ambrose asked, q Sanctis Scriptures non loquentibus quis loquetur? Ego quid facere potuerit nunc praetermitto, quid fecerit quod aperta Scripturarum authoritate non didicit, tanquam secretum praeterco. Ambros. lib. 3. Hexam cap. 3. & lib. 2. de vocat. Gent. cap. 3. Who shall speak when the divine Scriptures are silent? therein putting all men to silence, who preach doctrines of faith without Scripture. Vincentius Lyrinensis judged r Non quia Scripturarum Canon solus non sibi ad universa sufficiat: sed. etc. Vinc. Lyrinens. cap. 41. the Canon of Scripture only sufficient unto all things. Theodoret thought it wisdom, s Non audeo dicere aliquid quod tacuit Scriptura divina. Theod. 2. dial. contra Haeret. not to dare to say any thing which divine Scripture hath concealed. Damascene professed, that he sought t Nos ea omnia, quae tradita sunt, & per Legem, & per Prophetas, & per Apostolos, & per Euangelistas, recipimus, agnoscimus, colimus, approbamus:— Sed nihil praeter haec aliud quaerentes. Damascen. de Orthodox. fide, lib. 1. cap. 1. for nothing besides Scriptures. S. Augustine, whom the Apologists did choose to be the mouth of all the Latin Fathers, hath concluded, that u See more above § 6. And again: Alijs verò testibus vel testimonijs, quibus credendum esse suadetur, tibi credere vel non credere liceat, quantum ea momenti ad faciendam fidem, vel habere, vel non habere perpenderis. August. epist. 112. Ego solis Scriptures Canonicis debeo sine recusatione consensum. Lib. de natura & Grat. cap. 61. in those things, which are plainly delivered in Scripture, are contained all things which concern faith or godly life, etc. Whatsoever is confirmed by Scripture, must be believed; other witnesses thou mayst believe according to thy discretion. And to this purpose hath he x See above §. 6. & 4. etc. called the Scriptures the foundation laid by God against all entanglements of error; the fixed rule of doctrine: beyond which it is no sobriety to be wise: the divine balances, wherein doctrines are to be examined and tried whether they be heavy or light: and in the end pronounced every one Anathema that teacheth doctrines, which are not contained in Scriptures. 36 And hereunto agreeth the forecited testimony of y See above §. 3. Constantine the great, and first Christian Emperor, so greatly honoured in the first and most famous Synod of Nice: where he desired that the divine books of the Prophets & Apostles might be laid before them for their sufficient instructions in divine causes: unto whom all the Orthodoxal Bishops in that Council yielded their present assent. The which S. z See ibid. Hilary approved in the Emperor Constantius, so far forth as to accounted him an Anathema, and an Antichristian one, whosoever shall gainsay it. And now we come to try, Whether profession, of the Romanists or Protestants, be the more safe and secure for a Christian man's resolution: decided by the consequences of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 12. 37 From the Senate of Fathers we are come into the Schools of our Romish Adversaries, and wish that the true * This same question concerneth not those questionist●, who ask how shall we know the Scriptures to be the word of God, but by Tradition? but the controversy is only between those parties, who do acknowledge the truth of the Scriptures. Which accordance once presumed, then followeth this point, whether this Scripture, which we have received by Tradition, be n●t the sufficient Canon of all necessary matter of faith, and precepts of holiness? state of the question may be remembered, viz. whether all they that acknowledge the truth of the Canon of Scriptures, aught not likewise to profess this sufficiency in them, to wit, that they contain in them all necessary Canons and rules which may concern all necessary doctrines of faith, or directions of life. The Protestants have affirmed it, the Romanists have denied it: and these our Adversaries lay it down for a fundamental conclusion, a Tertium fundamentum: Multa pertinere ad Christianorum doctrinam & fidem, quae nec apertè nec obscurè in sacris literis continentur.— Sanctorum Martyrum auxilium precibus esse implorandum, eorum ue memorias celebrandas, imagines venerandas esse,— sacrae literae nusquam fortè tradiderunt. Canus locis Theol. lib. 3. cap. 3. That there are many things belonging unto the doctrine and faith of Christianity, which are neither expressly nor obscurely contained in Scriptures. Which Traditions their Council of Trent hath decreed to be worthily b Sacrosancta Synodus,— Omnes libros tam veteris quàm novi Testamenti, cum utriusque Deus unus sit Author: nec non Traditiones ipsas tum ad fidem tum ad mores pertinentes, tanquam ore tenus, vel à Spiritu sancto dictatas, & continui successione in Ecclesia Catholica conseruatas pari pietatis affectu & reverentia suscipit & veneratur. Conc. Trid. Sess. 4. Decret. De Canonicis. honoured with equal affection and devotion, as is due unto the books of the old and new Testament. And whereas Protestants require such a Catholic Council which may be animated with the spirit of the written word, from whence only, and not from Traditions, all conclusions of necessary doctrine may be taken: our Adversaries judge this c Conditionem hanc Protestants exigunt, ut in Concilijs ex sola Scriptura divina sententiae ferantur, non ex Traditionibus.— Respondeo, est conditio iniqua. Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 21. §. Quarta conditio. & §. Quartò, condition to be unjust. For the Scripture with them is but d See above half a rule of our faith. This doctrine is that leaven which we wish, might be purged: and to this end we borrow some help from the consequents and confessions of our learned Adversaries. But first by consequence. 38 If that all doctrines, (as their e Quaedam in doctrina Christiana [tam fidei quàm morum] esse simpliciter omnibus necessaria [ad salutem] notitia articulorum Symboli Apostolici, item cognitio decem praeceptorum, & nonnullorum Sacramentorum. Bellarm. lib. 4 de verbo non scripto, cap. 11. §. Primum, etc. And a little after: Nota secundò ea quae sunt simpliciter necessaria, Apostolos consucuisse omnibus praedicare: aliorum autem non omnia omnibus, sed quaedam omnibus, quae nimirum erant omnibus [utili●] etc. Ibid. §. Nota secundò. Then, Dico illa omnia scripta esse ab Apostolis, quae sunt omnibus necessaria, & quae ipsi pal●m omnibus vulgò praedicaverunt. Idem ibid. Cardinal confesseth) which are simply necessary, or profitable for all men, are contained in Scripture; then by necessity of consequence their doctrines of Purgatory, Invocation of Saints, worshipping of Images, Indulgences, Auricular confession, Prayer for the dead, Merits, etc. and many other their Romish Articles (which our * See above in every particular treatise. Adversaries have proved not to be contained in Scripture,) must be none of those doctrines which are necessarily to be believed of all Christians: and S. Paul hath said (Ephes. 2.) that there is but one God, one faith, one baptism: therefore are we to dream no more of different faiths, than we may of diverse Gods. 39 Secondly, our Adversaries argue thus: f Nun ad solas Scripturas Haeretici appellabant, Traditiones repudiabant? Stapleton. lib. 2. de author. Eccles. cap. 6. Greg. de Valent. Ies. lib. 6. Analys. cap 8. Tannerus Ies. Colloq. Ratisb. Sess. 8. Heretics (say they) did refuse Traditions, and appealed only unto Scriptures. Ergo Scriptures are not sufficient rules of the doctrine of life. By this consequence we may contrarily rejoin, viz. seeing that our learned Adursaries, to wit g Omnes Haeretici (inquit Augustin.) audacias figmentorum svorum, quas maximè exhorret sensus humanus, hac occasione evangelicae sententiae colorare conantur, quasi haec ipsa sint, quae tunc Discipuli portare non poterant. Quis autem nostrûm audeat eorum se dicere iam capacem, quae illi capere non valebant? Aquinas in Catena aurea in hunc locum. Aquinas, h Irenaeus lib. 1. ca 23. scribit de Basilidian. quòd asserant non oportere eorum mysteria eff●ri, sed in abscondito continere per silentium: & cap. 24. de Carpocratianis, & tertul quoque lib. de Prescript. solent dicere non omnia Apostolos scisse, vel omnia quidem scisse, sed non omnia omnibus tradidis●e. As is confessed by Cardinal Bellarmine, lib. 4. de verbo Dei non scripto, cap. 12. ante finem. Cardinal Bellarmine, i Matthaeus fingitur esse author duorum librorum, quorum altar de ortu Mariae, alter de infantia salvatoris inscribitur: qui Valentinorum & Gnosticorum commenta sunt. Sixtus Senens. Bibl. lib. 2. Tit. Matthaeus. pag. 83. col. 1. Matthiae Apostoli evangelium inter alia non Canonica enumerat Origenes, eividem Traditiones Clemens lib 2. Strom. citat, & in 7. libro scribit Marcionem, & Basilidem ex harum authoritate haereses suas firmâsse. Senens. ibid. lib. 3. Tit. Matthiae. Alij fuerunt haeretici, qui non omnes Pauli epistolas respuere sunt ausi, sed eas tantùm quas maximè suis dogmatibus infestas cognoverunt: veluti Encratitae, Severiant, Marcionitae, Manicha●i, Arriani, Aëriani, Anabaptistae, & plerique alij haeretici. Senens. Bibl. lib. 7. §. De epistolis Pauli in universali. pag 600. Arian● Origenis libros in dogmatis sui defensionem citabant. Idem ibid. pag. 601. Ex libro Hermetis Ariani execrabilium dogmatum praesidia sumebant. Ibid. lib. 2. Tit. Hermes. Senensis, k Ipsae haereses, inquit tertul, ab ipsa Philosophia subornantur, inde aeones & formae nescio quae apud Valentinum cùm Platonicus ●rat, inde Marcionis Deus melior à Stoicis. justus 〈◊〉, alias, Baronius prescript, adverse. Protest. justus Baronius, l Initio Ecclesiae Cerinthus falsas revelationes finxit, tales Prophetiae sectatorum Marci, Magi, tales Prophetissarum, & ipsius Montani, tales Archonticorum, Manetis quoque tales revelationes. Del Rio Ies. disq. Magic. Tom. 2. lib. 4. ca 1. q. 2. §. 2. pag. 134. Falsas revelationes finxerunt Donatistae. Idem Tom. 2. lib. 4 cap. 1. q. 2. §. 2. pag. 134. Del'rio, m Valentinus Platonicas fabulas invexit, quas secuti sunt Gnostici: Hermogenes Stoicorum opinionem est sequntus, Montanisticum dogma de mátrimonio, Paracleto authore defendit. Beatus Rhenanus Argan Tert. adversus Valent. & Hermog▪ & Marc. Rhenanus; and lately M. n Phanatici Anabaptistae cò venerant dementiae ut se usque adeo divi●itus illuminatos iactitent, ut necesse non habeant vel Ecclesiae vel Scripturarum vocem requirere: scripturas è mortuis literis descriptas aiunt, Ecclesiam ablegant tanquant errantium hominum coe●um.— De Scripture is inquiunt, quarum senteotia aliqua est, & in omnem partem versatilis, parum laboramus. Edwardus Weston●s de tr●plici hominis officio, lib. 3. cap. 22. Weston, do confess almost of all the most notorious and pestilent heretics, (such as were the Valentinians, Gnostics, Marcionists, Basilidians, Encratites, Seucrians, Manichees, Arrians, Aërians, Carpocratians, Montanists, Archonticks, Donatists', Anabaptistes, etc. yea and of all Heretics, that they refusing to be tried only by canonical Scriptures, did shelter themselves under the pretext either of philosophical principles, or feigned Gospels, or forged Traditions (pretended to be Apostolical) or fancied Revelations. In which last point the Anabaptists are confessed not to have been inferior, who (as their Doctor Weston reporteth,) presuming of their divine Revelations, neglected the Scriptures, accounting them a dead letter. We by the due opposition, which we are to hold against this Hydra of heretics, all possessed with the same spirit of detracting from the sufficiency of holy Scripture, may warrantably profess our full resolution of faith to depend of God's Letters patents, the divine Scriptures. 40 Thirdly, the manner of reasoning negatively from Scripture: as thus, [that doctrine is not in Scripture, Ergo it is no necessary doctrine of faith,] is (if it be true) so demonstrative an argument to establish the truth of sufficiency of Scripture, and to infringe the Romish faith of unwritten traditions, that their * See above cap. 7. §. 9 Cardinal durst not admit thereof: yet notwithstanding our Adversaries do so argue in confuting the corruptions of the Greek Liturgies, o Against the Greek Liturgies, [Ostendant ex Christi facti● aut mandatis, etc.] See above lib. 1. because such points cannot be proved from the written institutions of Christ; & in confirming of the pretended prerogatives of S. Peter, p Dictum est Petro, & nulli praeterea Apostolorum, Tu es Petrus, etc. Ego pro te oravi: Petri nomen mutatur, non aliorum: Petrus nusquam non primus nominatur. Bellar. lib. 1. de Rom. Pont. cap. 16. lib. 4. c. 3. lib. 1. cap. 10. & 17. & 18. because we read not of any such promises made unto any of the other disciples. Their Bishop Roffensis by affirming, that q Cum Purgatorij doctrina sit omnibus scitu necessaria, non est credibile illud non posse ex Scriptures probati. Roffens. Episc. art. 37. adverse Lutherum. it is not credible, seeing Purgatory is a doctrine of faith, but that it may be proved out of Scripture, doth yield us our conclusion of defending nothing to be a necessary doctrine, which is not proved out of Scripture. Their jesuit * See above §. 9 Suarez determineth, that the Priests eating of the Eucharist is not the essential part of a Sacrifice, because it is not directly evinced out of Scripture. Their r Boniventura ait, quia Euangelistae nullam mentionem huius institutionis (speaking of extreme unction) faciunt, verisimile esse Christum illam non instituisse. Suarez Ies. disp. 39 §. 2. Tom. 4. Boniventure excepteth against Extreme unction as not instituted by Christ, because it is not mentioned in the Evangelists. Their Pope * See above cap. 4. §. 5. julius renounceth the sopping in of bread in the Eucharist, because it is not in the Gospel. All which do evince our manner of conclusion. 41 Lastly, they pretend that the Traditions which they affirm to be written, are, s Traditio non igitur dicitur non scripta doctrina, quòd nusquam scripta est, sed quòd non invenitur scripta in ullo libro Apostolico, etiamsi scripta sit in libris veterum patrum. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 2. §. Vocatur. although not in the Bible, yet in the books of ancient Fathers: which albeit we should for this present suppose to be true, yet will their justus Baronius have us observe out of S. Augustine, t Neque enim sic potuit integritas atque notitia literarum uniu● quantumlibet illustris Episcopi custodiri, quemadmodum Scriptura Canonica tot linguarum literis, ordine & successione celebrationis Ecclesiasticae custoditur; contra quam tamen non defuerunt, qui sub nominibus Apostolorum multa confingerent. Ex. August. epist. 48. justus Baronius de unit. Eccles. Tract. de epistolis duab. Aug. pag. 129. that no writings of any Bishop, although he were very famous, could be so well preserved from the contagion of heretics, as might the holy Scriptures, which were translated into many languages, and in the custody of so many nations. Whereunto we may add the experience of the uncertainty of unwritten Traditions, * See above, §. 9 confessed by the examples of the Chiliasts, upon pretence of receiving them from the Apostles; and of the Asians in the contentious manner of observation of * See above. Easter, whilst that the West Church pleaded an original of their custom from S. Peter, the East Church theirs from S. john. join unto both these, the known peremptoriness of the Romish Church, which * See above §. 10. hath altered or abolished (either upon suspicion, that they were not true, or upon supposition that they were not necessary:) and all these must needs teach us, that the unwritten Traditions cannot deserve equal honour with the written verities. But why do we contend to force a truth from consequences? which we may have granted us by The confessions of our learned Adversaries, confirming unto us the sufficiency of Scripture. SECT. 13. 22. What good is it that is required unto an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and full sufficiency in any law, which issueth not abundantly from this sacred fountain of the written word? If we be to speak any thing concerning God the Author of all grace, a De Deo dicere non debemus, quod in sacra Scriptura non invenitur, vel per verba, vel per sensum. Aquin●●'s Summ. part. 1. q. 36. art. 2. ad 1. nothing may be said, (saith their Aquinas) but what is found in Scripture: If we seek to confute and convince most impudent and impious heretics, b Non aliter impios haereticos persrictae fronus poteramus convinceie, nisi sacros habe●mus codices, ex quibus clara veritas elucelceret Stella in Luc. 1. praf. there is no other way (saith their Stella) then by Scriptures. If we oppose ourselves against the spiritual tyranny of Antichrist, c Omn●nò nulla res adversus Antichrists ty●annidem Athletas Christi melius armabit, quàm coelestis doctrinae iwictiss●ma authoritas; ubi enim maxima tentatio, praeclar●or● Scriptu●arum remedia opposita sunt Accsta jes. de temp. novissdib 1. cap. 10. ad finem. nothing is more invincible (saith their jesuite Acosta) than the authority of Scripture. If we examine the differences of Churches, and would discern the true from the false, d ●leganter sane etc. Salmeron Ies. See above §. 3. commending the saying of the author of the imperfect work of S. chrusostom. the only means (saith their jesuite Salmeron) is by Scriptures. If we be assembled in Council to debate questions of faith, and would be resolved, e Mauritiani (id est, Missi à Mauritio Pastorss add Conc. Trident. ●privatim auditi, quibus Pictavius dicit, Quod ad primum caput attinet, quòd decidendi facultatem Theologis vestris concedi petitis, praeposterè facitis, etc.— Quod item sactam Scripturam controversiarum de Religione solam esse judicem contenditis, ut nemo est qui ambigat, ita cum de sacrae Scripturae interpretatione di●ceptatur, neque inter parts convenit, quin litis arbitrium Concilio permitti debeat, in dubium revocari non debet. Thuanus hist part. 1. lib. 7. Anno 1552. pag. 721. We contain ourselves in this question of the sufficiency of Scripture in itself. then (saith their Pictavius, at the Council of Trent) the only judge of all matters of religion is the sacred Scripture; and f Hoc demùm est eruditionis & Theologiae nihil ultra quod in sacris literis proditum est definire. Erasmus episi dedicat. ante lib. Hilarij. not to define any thing but by Scripture, it is (saith their Erasmus) the true property of divine learning. 43 In brief, what can Protestants say more for the prerogative of the holy Scriptures, then to profess that which their Bishop Roffensis hath confessed, viz. that the Scripture is the g Scriptura est quoddam conclave veritatum omnium, quae Christianis omnibus necellariae sunt Roffens. Episcopus, art. 37. adversus Lutherum. conclave and treasury of all necessary Christian truth; or to affirm with their Ederus, h Quaecunque ad salutem necessaria sunt, ea proculdubio praescripta sunt omnia. Ederus Oeconom. Bibl. lib. 1. pag. 44. authorised by the Popesbull in his preface. All things necessary unto salvation are written: with their Marsilius out of S. Augustine to profess, that i Antè tamen benè se habit reminisci quod diximus— juxta sententiam B. Augustini, & infallibilem rationem in Scriptura firmatam, videlicet quòd [Nulli sermoni vel Scripturae certam fidem seu credulitatem aut confessionem veritatis praestare tenemur, de necessitate salutis, nisi ijs quae Canonioae appellantur:] id est, quae in volumine Bibliae continentur, & eye quae ad has necessariò se quuntur, etc. Marfilius Patau. defence. pacis, part 2. cap. 28. That which he after addeth concerning the certainty of interpretation by the authority of Counsels, belongeth to another question, for we entreat now only of the canon of truth. i've own no belief unto any writing or speech, as to hold it necessary unto salvation, but only unto such as may be necessarily proved by Scriptures; or to determine with their learned Bishop Espencaeus, that k Scripturas si quid scire, si quid agere opus est, verum docere, falsum coarguere, educere à malo, inducere ad bonum, nec verò qualitercunque bonum facere, sed perficere; easue posse hominem ad salutem erudire, & sufficienter doctum reddere. Episcop. Espencaeus in 2. Tim. 3. Scriptures are able to perfect a man in any good, & to instruct him sufficiently for his salvation: or with their Antoninus to believe from Gregory, that l Loquitur Deus in Scriptu●ss, & ita copios●, ut Gregorius exponit 22. Moral. quòd non oportet Deum iterum loqui nobis aliquid necessarium, cum ibi omnia habeantur. Antonin. 3. part. lib. 18. cap. 3. God speaketh in the Scriptures so plentifully, that he needeth not to speak unto us concerning any thing necessary for us, seeing all necessary doctrines may be had in Scripture; or finally to conclude with S. Gregory alone (because our Adversaries would have him seem to be our greatest Adversary,) that m Qui verè loqui desiderant, è sacris literis sumere debent quid loquantur:— ut omne quod loquuntur ad divinae authoritatis fundamentum revocent. Greg. Moral. in job. lib. 18. cap. 14. Confessed by Espencaeus. See above lib. 1. cap. 5. §. 1. whosoever desireth to speak any thing truly, let him take that which he speaketh out of Scripture? And now try whether these many testimonies do not fortify this universal profession of all Protestants, which is (as hath been truly related by our Adversaries) that all necessary doctrines of faith, and precepts of life are contained in Scripture, as in an exact Canon of all Christian faith. Therefore We conclude, by way of Appeal. SECT. 14. 44 We have heard of the * §. 9 and 10. confessed uncertainties of many traditional points; of the unfallibility of the written word unto all believers, from the * See these §. 11. Fathers, so magnifying the sufficiency of the same word in all necessary doctrine, as a Theodoret & Gregory. without which nothing may be spoken, b Damascene. nothing delivered, without which there is c Cyprian. no necessary Tradition, no true d Augustine. wisdom, e Jerome and Origen. no faith; without which f Ambrose. who shall speak? and g Tertullian. woe to them that shall speak; without which it is a h Basil. sign of Infidelity, and of a devilish spirit to speak: because the Scripture is a k chrusostom. door against thieves, the l Augustine. true balances against all false, the m Jerome. foundation and pillar of faith, the n Chrysost. most exact Canon & rule of truth, the o Athanasius. anchor hold of belief. And that therefore our consent must be p August. only from Scriptures, that heretics must be compelled to stand q Tertull. only unto Scriptures: i Theophilus. that he is an r Hilarius. Anathema, whosoever desireth not that the faith may be tried s Athanasius. only by Scriptures: because they are in themselves t Cyril, & others. sufficient for our instruction. 45 We are not also ignorant, that our Adversaries have without all reason u See §. 3. rejected the authorities of some Fathers, have x §. 10. abolished many Traditions, which were (in their opinion) Apostolical: have by their y §. 13. consequences and z §. 14. confessions confirmed unto us the sufficiency of the divine & sacred books of life. Wherefore we appeal unto the conscience of every Christian, to judge whether it do not deeply concern him to adore the sufficiency of sacred Scripture, as the treasure of all truth, the chair of Christ, and highest tribunal of souls upon earth: and whether they who in their a Mittitur Episcopus, cùm consecratur, ad evamgelizandum: ut noverit quale sit eius potissimum munus: Mitra, quae capiti super ponitur, geminata duorum Testamentorun scientiam, quam tradere debet, denotat. Salmeron Ies. come. in 1. Tim. 4. disp. 13. §. Ad nonam. cloven Mitres do profess the understanding and preaching of the doctrine of the two written Testaments, could justly refuse that condition, which Protestants required of them in the Council of Trent, viz. that b See above §. 12. and before. the Scriptures only might be allowed for the rule of deciding of all doctrines necessary for salvation: or whether they might justly call this * So they called it, see above. condition unjust: or rather whether this refusal be not, in truth, strongly prejudicial against their profession: the judgement hereof we commend (good Reader) unto thy discreet censure, and the success of thy resolution unto the gracious blessing of God. CHAP. XXVI. Of the Faith of Dionysius and Hermes. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 13 Thirteenthly, it is confessed yet further in general concerning Dionysius Areopagita and Hermes, who are holden most ancient and Apostolic, Of Dionysius mention is made Act. 17. 34 and of Hermes Rom. 16. 14. namely that Dionysius in his foresaid writings which were above a thousand years since (as D. Humphrey Humfreid. in jesuitismi, part 2. rat. 5. pag. 513. fine, & 514. initio, saith: Hunc Areopagitam, Suidas, Michael Singel●●, Gregorius Turonensis & alij, Pauli auditorem credunt fuissé illum scriptorem coelestis & Ecclesiasticae Hierarchiae. And see before, Sect. 3. num. 4. lit o. confesseth) publicly extant and alleged under his name. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First proving that the Author, whom they have called the Apostolic Dionysius, is falsely so entitled, being indeed of a later, and obscurer order, by the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 1. THese our Adversaries after their urgent questioning about particulars, do now seek to engross most of their doctrines in the names of Dionysius Areopagita and Hermes, whom they propound unto us as Authors, both ancient for time, and for truth, in a manner, authentical. But do insist in Dionysius. 2 It is too great a presumption in our a Rhemenses Annot. in Act. 17. Sunt opera Dionysijs Areopagitas. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 7. Canisius Ies. in initio Catechismi, in Patrum encomijs. Duraeus Ies. contra Whitacherun, Rat. 6. Lorinus Ies. comment. in Act. 17. Campian. Ies. Rat. 5. Adversaries, so boldly to proclaim the objected Author for that Dionysius Areopagita, S. Paul's Scholar, who is mentioned in the Act. 17: for diverse of their own Doctors (as their Senensis saith) b Alij quidem Catholici dubitant an illius Dionysijs opera sint, cuius titulo inseribuntur, ut refert Sixtus Senensis Bibl. l. 6. annot. 229. Incertum est, tum quia Hieronymus in Catalogo de viris illustribus huius non meminit, tum quia Gregorius Pontifex non ausus est asserere hunc eum Dionysium Areopagitam fuisse. Caietan. Cardin. come. in Act. 17. do doubt, whether this Author were that Dionysius unto whom these books are ascribed, or no: amongst others c Praefat. in problem. Alexandri Aphrodisijs add Nicolaum quintum. Theodorus Gaza in his epistle unto Pope Nicholas: and d In Act. 17. Valla, and e Annot. in Act. Nunc habemus Leonem Pontificem eius nominis decimum, cuius sub auspicijs meus hic de●udat labour. Erasmus Paraph. Annot. in 1. Thess. 2. Erasmus in his work undertaken & perfected under the protection of Pope Leo: yea their Cardinal f Comment. in Act. 17. Cai●tane also, who is commended by them to have been g Incomparabilis Theologus, & inter doctissimos sui seculi eruditissimus, à Leone 10. Pont. cum Legatione in Germaniam missus ad compescendos ●umores, quos Lutherus excitaverat. Senens. Bibl. lib. 4. Tit. Thomas. an incomparable Divine, the most learned Doctor of his age, and the choice Legate of Pope Leo to withstand Luther: unto these may be added * See in Senens. Bibl l. 6. annot. 229. Bede. 3 And if they wish that our resolution may depend rather upon reasons, than upon men's persons, it would be no hard matter to prove the inscription of that work, viz. Areopagita, to be a counterfeit, especially by a consideration in itself, in h In libris de d●uinis nominibus citatur Clemens Stromateus, qui tamen vixit annos 200. post aetatem Dionysijs Erasmus Annot. in Act. 17. citing (as their Valla noteth) Clemens Stromateus, who lived two hundred years after this Dionysius: and (to omit other arguments) by the silence of many ages after his death, wherein there was no public notice taken of any such writings, even until the 600 circuit of time, when yet S. Gregory seemed to doubt of the Author. Whereunto our i Quia D. Hieronymus lib. de viris illustribus non meminit horum scriptorum. 2. quia Gregorius Magnus non ausus est hos libros B. Dionysio asserere. Caietan. quo suprà. Del'Rio a jesuite hath professedly written a book, for proof that the Author of th●se books was that ancient Areopagita: and in answer unto these objections▪ saith: Nonnullos alios Ecclesiasticos scriptores Hieronymum praetermisiste, vel quòd diligentiam eius fugerunt, vel quòd unus homo non potuit omnes nancisci vel novisse, vel omnium semper meminisse. etc. For the second member, or he could not, is opposite unto a former could: which must argue negligence. Adversary and jesuit so answereth, as that he may seem to accuse S. jerom of some negligence, as though when he purposely writ a catalogue illustrium Scriptorum, that is, of famous writers, who succeeded after the Apostles unto his time, he could have been either ignorant or forgetful of the most famous Dionysius, if at that time any such work had been extant, 4 Again, they make S. Gregory only k Dixit Gregorius [fertur,] quoniam Latino's alloquebatur, quibus authoritas librorum nondum Latio donatorum satis adhuc cognita, vel comperta non erat. And a little before: Gregorius satis clarè ostendit se proniorem esse in sententiam affirmativam, quandoquidem ex hoc libro doctrinam suam (which is not true: see the Section following, out of Ribera) confirmavit. Delrius Ies. Vindic. Areopag. cap. 6. And see above lit. i. to incline rather unto their opinion. And to the end they may more authorize the work by the excellency of the name of that Dionysius, they disgrace the succeeding Churches, as being for many ages generally l Id nunc superest ambiguitatis, vix enim quibusdam credibile visum est, tot seculis B. Dionysijs Areopagitas tam clari & Apostolici viri libros occultari potuisse: causa prima est Suidae, etc. Quia Catholici obtestatione Dionysijs erant obstricti, ne imperitae multitudini, sed solis doctis sua scripta quasi multorum capacitatem excedentia, revelarent: doctis autem paulatim deficientibus,— for●an etiam Hieronymus excellentissimum Areopagitam inter Ecclesiasticos seriptores▪ non commemoravit: quia eius libros tanquam eminentes non putavit ad communem notitiam deputatos, etc. Aliam causam reddit Anastasius Bibliothecarius, cum testatur veram esse Graecorum sententiam prohibentium libros Dionysijs per multa secula occultatos, donec per quendam Petrum Romanum (ut author Maximus) ex Bibliotheca Romanae Ecclesiae, quae fida semper custos fuit exemplarium optimorum, deprompti, in G●aeciam fuerunt asportati, quos p●iùs pauci Graeci noverant, Latini vix ulli. Del'rio, cap. 8. so unlearned (as they say) that they were both ignorant, and uncapable of the matters contained in this work. Which answer we take to be no better than a prevarication, & betraying of their cause. But who would not rather imitate the negligence (as the Orator speaketh in like case) of their more ancients, than the obscure and violent diligence of these new devisers? especially seeing they seek to delude their Readers by the feigned testimonies of m D. Rainolds noteth the conjectures of some Romanists, who object Gregory Nazianzene, Origen and Athanasius: he answereth▪ Gregory Nazianzene doth praise a certain author, but nameth none: and that the witness of Origen also is forged, because that that Origen maketh mention of Arians and Manichees, who did arise near 200. years after that ancient Origen. Rainolds conference with Hart, pag. 417. To this may be added the testimony of their Sixtus Senensis concerning Athanasius: Gregory Nazianzene, Origen, & n Liber unus continens quaestiones 162. Athanasio tribuitur, qui tamen Athanasijs non videtur. Suspicor hunc ex varij● fratrum scriptis collectum à studioso quopiam, qui in quaestione quarta Theologiam mysticam Dionysijs allegat Athanasijs seculo ignotam: & quaest. 33. citat etiam Athanasium ipsum, & ab eo etiam sententiam diversam profert. Sixtus Senens. Biblioth. lib. 4. Tit. Athanasius. Athanasius, as though by three sergeant and suborned witnesses, they had intended to prove one. 5 Wherefore we judge it to have been a point of sobriety in their Grocinus, sometimes Divinity-reader in S. Paul's Church of London, when reading his Lectures out of these works attributed unto Dionysius, o Gulielmus Grocinus, summus Theologus Londini in aede D. Paulo sacra enarrationem Hierarchiae coelestis auspicaturus, meditata praefatione multum asserebat hoc Dionysijs opus fuisse, vehementer destomachans' in eorum impudentiam qui dissentirent: at idem priusquam dimidium operis confecisset, ac gustum attentius cepisset, ingenuè coram auditorio fassus est, verso calculo, sibi non videri id opus Dionysijs Areopagitas fuisse. Erasmus annot in Act. 17. although at the first he noted every one of impudency, who should dare to deny them to be the proper writings of Dionysius Areopagita; yet before he had half finished his Lectures, he confessed ingenuously before his auditory, that he thought them not to be the works of that learned Dionysius. But we leave these and p At the time of the death of the blessed Virgin, at our Divines of Rheims report, and at S. Dennys, and after him Damascene reporteth, all the Apostles then dispersed into divers nations, were miraculously brought together, saving Thomas, who came the third day after to Jerusalem to honour her divine departure and funeral, as the said Dennys writeth, who saith, that himself, S. Timothy, & S. Hierotheus were present. M. Hart against D. Rainolds, pag. 414. and the Rhemists annot. in Act. 1. 14. Now the blessed Virgin died the fifteenth year after Christ's ascension, say the Rhemists. D. Rainolds answereth truly out of Act. 15. 4. and 16. 1. and 17. 34. it was seventeen or eighteen years after Christ's ascension before S. Dennys knew Christ. Ibid. pag. 419. other their contradictions about the Author: and now examine the authority of the work, proving, That the books which carry the name of Dionysius, are not so absolute, but that they may admit exception; by the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 6 If it were granted that this Author was very ancient, who (as Doctor a By likelihood Bishop of Alexandria. M. Fulke against the Rhemish Test ament in 2. Thess. 2. Sect. 19 He doth not affirm him to be so ancient, neither could he, Origen living about the 290. when as this Dionysius was not extant in the days of Athanasius, about the year 340. Fulke but only supposeth) might have been for name sake Dionysius Alexandrinus, the scholar of Origen: yet are we to consider, that these works carry not in them the pretended authority, that we aught by them to be directed in faith: because their subject matter is especially the celestial Hierarchy, or distinct orders of Angels, and powers, and dominions celestial. Now we know that S. Paul called such points * 2. Cor. 12. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,— Nefas est homini ea loqui. things not able to be uttered, and which aught not to be spoken of unto man: and shall we think that his supposed scholar Dionysius durst adventure to reveal other like obscurities? Let them imagine this, who know not that the ancient Father b Nec rehnquentes nos eloquia Domini & Mosen, & reliquos Prophetas qui veritatem pra con●●uerunt, his credere oportet nihil sanum dicentibus, instabilia autem delirantibus: dicant nobis quae sit rerum invisibilium natura, ena●re●t numerum Angelorun, & ordinem Archangelorum, demonstrent thronorum Sacramenta, & doceant diversit●t ●ss dominationum, principat●um, potestatum, atque virtutum. Sed non habetis dicere. Irenaus lib. 2. cap. 55. Irenaus accounteth it a matter of dotage to undertake a manifestation of the nature of things invisible, as of the number of Angels, order of Archangels, diversities of dominations, powers, and virtues. Which kind of presumption c And S. Augustine Enchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 58. confesseth that he knoweth not such mysteries, saying, Dicant qui poslunt, si modò probare possunt quod dicunt. S. Augustine seemeth to note, when he saith of such speculators: Let them tell me such things, who can; yet so, that they be able to prove what they tell me. 7 Or if yet their judgement seem not fully controllable, let them consult with their own learned jesuite Ribera, who can inform them, that d Multieam sententiam (concerning the office of Seraphins) unius authoritate Dionysijs lequuntur: verùm gravissimi Patres Graeci & Latini cum sequi noluerunt,— Gregorius Papa Dionysijs authoritate noluit acquiescere, ne fortè sacrae Scripturae verbis videretur adversari; si rem tam abstrutam, ratione nostra meti●i velimus, saepè multumue aber●abimus. Si ●utem principatus dicuntur quia etc.— quòd verò quidam existimant, Dionysium haec à Paulo Apostolo accepisle, nec ipse unquam dixit, non taciturust antum authorem in re tam subti●i, & obscurà, nec ipsi probant; imò ità saepè loquuntur, ut non certa sed probabilia dicere se facilè iudicent. Ribera Ies. come. in Heb. 1. num. 99 etc. albeit many are carried with the opinion of Dionysius in a doctrine, namely, concerning the office of Seraphins; yet (saith he) many most grave Fathers, both Greek and Latin, would not accord unto him; yea, and S. Gregory would not rest herein, jest in so doing, he might seem to descent from the holy Scriptures. As for the names of Angels, he saith, that If Dionysius had learned them of S. Paul, he would not have concealed it: and concludeth thereof, as of a matter doubtful and conjectural. We trust then our Apologists will hold us excusable, if herein we choose rather to be the scholars of S. Gregory in not believing any testimonies of Dionysius, further than they do agreed with Scriptures. Nevertheless if we should deal so bountifully with our Adversaries, as to allow of the testimony of this Dionysius, what would the Apologists prove from him? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. He doth (casually and obiter among other things) make mention, over and besides the foresaid doctrine of prayer for the dead, t Hamelmanus de traditionibus Apostolicis, col. 707. line 27. & col. 736. line 56. and M. Whittaker de sacra Scriptura, pag. 655. ante med. of Apostolic unwritten Traditions: of u Hamelmanus ubi supra, col. 707. l. 4 & col 732. l. 51. Chrism: x Hamelmanus ubi supra, col. 707. pomell 49. & col 743. pomell 4. Consecrations of Monks: and y Humtred in jesuitum. part. 2. pag. 519 circa med. and Luther tom. 2. Witeberge. anno 1562. de Capti●. Babyl. fol 84 b. ante med. six of our Sacraments. THE PROTESTANTS APPEALF. Proving that the particulars alleged from Dionysius, are not answerable unto the Apologists pretence. SECT. 3. 8 For first, Prayer for the dead, which was used by Dionysius, (as our D. Fulke hath learnedly observed) a That Dionysius doth not speak of prayer for the dead, in the Liturgy, and that which he delivereth, he expoundeth afterward, not to be a supplication, but rather an interpretation of the mercy of God already performed upon the party departed. M. Fulke annot. in 2. Thess. 2. pag. 667. Therefore did the Apologists insert this, without our Author. See this also proved above, chap. 8. Sect. 2. was not a supplication, to receive mercy, but an interpretation, or acknowledgement of mercy received. 9 Doubtless, if that either need of prayer for the dead to be delivered from torment, or else the power of prayer to advance them in bliss, had been taught by Dionysius, their Cardinal Bellarmine (who b Bellarm. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 7. laboureth to authorize this Author, and citeth him as often as his cause will permit) would not have (as he c See his whole dispute de Purgatorio. doth) pretermitted so necessary a witness in this case. 10 Besides, the place objected will answer for itself. It is true that Dionysius in describing the order of the Christian funerals, saith, that the Bishop or Minister doth d Accedens divinus Antistes ipsi mortuo sanctè precatur, atque post precationem cum ipse salutat, & ordine omnes qui adsunt: precibus quidem à divinâ benignitate contendit, ut omnia peccata, quae humana fragilitate commissa sunt, ei qui excessit è vita remittat, & eum in regionem vivorum educat.— Verùm fortassè dices, cur id petat Antistes?— Hoc statuo cum scriptis divinis, Sanctorum preces in hac vita perutiles esse, si quis bene animo constitutus adeat Sanctum aliquem, & petat ut adiwet— negligente divina humanitate pro benignitate sua, maculas, quas humana fragilitas contraxit. Answering to the question:— Haec Antistes scit promissa esse à scriptis divinis quae vera sunt, petit autem ut ea eveniant, & dentur ijs, qui rectè vixerunt sancta praemia, ita tamen ut ad Dei imitationem bonitatis similitudine formetur, aliorum ue dona ut sua beneficia poscat, & vera promissa sciat futura, eisque qui adsunt quasi interpres exponat, ea quae ipse ex sancto more & instituto repetat, planè eventura esse ijs, qui in divina vita hinc migraverint. Paulò post:— Petit Antistes quae à Deo promissa sunt & planè concedenda: in quo & animi sui constitutionem, quae bonitatis divinae speciem prae se fert, Deo, cui boni chari sunt, declarat: & eye qui adsunt ut interpres, munera & bona, quae sanctis eventura sunt, exponit. Dionysius Areopag. Eccles. Hierarch. § Haec quidem. pray for remission unto the dead, for the escapes committed only by human frailty: but because he had taught, that every holy and faithful servant of God, did immediately attain unto the joys of heaven, he moveth this question, Why then doth the Minister pray to God to help him, and what can be the use of such prayers? For resolution hereof he first showeth, that God of his mercy doth according to his promise and gracious bounty, pardon such infirmities: and in the end concludeth, that by that manner of prayer the Minister doth nothing else, in regard of God, but express his affection of charity unto him who is dear in God's sight, and his faith in avouching the truth of God's promise, in declaring that he will certainly accept of the soul of the departed: and in respect of the men there present, he doth expound unto them the certainty of that hope. So that it may rather be called a protestation then a supplication, as the circumstances of the testimony do sufficiently prove. 11 That which may make this question questionless, is to observe that Dionysius in the same contemplation doth according unto Scriptures, range the souls departed into but two companies, wicked and godly; and of these later he doth profess, that e Qui verò sancti vixerunt— Dei vera certaque spe promissa Dei spectantes, divinae laetitiae pleni ad mortis extremum tanquam ad finem certaminum proficiscuntur.— Verùm Deus prohibeat ne quis sanctus vir in huiusmodi errores incidat, sed sciant se totos iucundam gratam que requiem esse adepturos,— & divina voluptate complentur propterea quòd mutationem in peius iam non timeant, sed aeternorum bonorum, quae adepti sunt, certò sciant aeternam iam sibi fore possessionem.— Propinqui eius qui mortuus est, pro iure propinquitatis & morum similitudine beatum cum dicunt, quòd ad victoriae finem peroptatò pervenerit & victoriae authori gratias cum cantu agunt, & propterea sibi similem requiem optant. Dionys. Eccles. Hierarch. Perionio Interpret. §. Haec quidem. Compare these with that which hath been delivered out of Dionysius above, cap. 8. §. 2. when they are dying, they are filled with divine comfort in their assured and certain hope, that when they yield up the ghosts, they shall not fall into a worse state, but possess eternal life. But when? Now when they die, saith Dionysius; that is (as Cardinal Bellarmine expoundeth it) f Nota dicere Dionysium à morte hominis statim consequi immortalitatem. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Beat. Sanct. cap. 4. §. Secundus sit. immediately after death. Upon the truth of which profession, the faithful Christians, who do honest and honour his funerals, do use to congratulate his state of victory with Psalms of joy, and wish that they may be made partakers of the same rest. Which argueth no less difference between the specified profession of Dionysius, & the now Romish, then there is between doubtfulness in the soul departing, and certain and assured hope between fear and full joy: or as between the doleful sighs of the bystanders, and their joyous songs of deliverance: and consequently as between a Purgatory torment, and a glorious and happy triumph. 12 Of Monks we have spoken at large, where the Romish order of Monastical life, is confessed not to be so old as the age of Dionysius Areopagita, by many years. 13 Howsoever, the Traditions which they would derive from Dionysius (as we may perceive by the Apologists accounted) are neither many: nor yet (if they be rightly conceived) very weighty. The principal matter is that which they allege concerning Chrism and the Sacraments: which we are to discuss, and show, That the now doctrine of the Romish Church concerning their seven Sacraments, is not from the Catholic faith of the ancient Fathers, or of the alleged Dionysius. SECT. 4. 14 What a proper and true Sacrament is in the Romish doctrine, their Costerus hath defined, saying, that a Sacramentum est divinae & invisibilis gratiae externum signum & visibile, à Christo institutum, ut per id quisque Dei gratiam accipiat atque sanctificationem vi ipsius sacramenti. C●sterus Ies. Enchirid. it is an outward and visible sign of some divine and invisible grace: by virtue of the which Sacrament the Receiver obtaineth grace and sanctification. The number of this kind of Sacraments the Council of b Si quis dixerit aut plura esse Sacramenta, aut pauciora quàm septem, viz. Bapt. Confirm. Eucharist, Poenit. Extrens. unct. Ord. Matrim. aut aliquid horum non esse verè & propriè Sacramentum, Anathema sit. Conc. Trid. Sess. 7. Can. 1. Trent hath reduced unto seven, Baptism, Confirmation, Eucharist, Penance, Extreme Unction, Priestly Orders, Matrimony; denouncing that man Anathema who shall say, that any of these is not truly and properly a Sacrament, or that the number of true Sacraments is either more or less than seven, c Si quis dixerit Sacramenta novae legis non esse a Christo instituta, Anathema sit. Conc. Trid. ibid. which (they say) were instituted of Christ: whom (with us) they confess to be the d Sacramentosolum Christum esse. Bellar. lib. 1. de Sacram. cap. 23. only Author of a Sacrament. 15 We will not put our Adversaries to prove by Scripture, that either their seven Sacraments are properly Sacraments, or else that the number of true Sacraments is just seven: because when they are brought unto this trial, we cannot but pity their e See a taste in the next Section. perplexities. For their inferences are little better than was that argument used by their Patriarch of Venice in the Council of Trent, f Dominica Quadrages. anno 1563. Tyraboscus Venetiarum Patriarcha orationem habuit in Concil. Trid. Mundi creationi (inquit) finis septimo die impositus est▪ saturando populo quinque panes, & duo pisces, quae septem efficiunt, suffecerunt. Quod D. Philippo dictum est, Ducentorum denariorum panes non sufficere; hunc habet sensum, veteris nempe & novi Testamenti mysteria, populo illuminando non satis esse. At quomodo Concilium panes saturando populo inucmet? septem nempe constituendo Sacramenta. Gentillet. Exam. Conc. Trid. lib. 4. Sess. 22. num. 26. who from that history of Christ [feeding so many thousands with five loves and two fishes,] which make up in all, the number of seven, and whereof Christ said, [It is sufficient,] did (as our gentiletus reporteth) conclude, that from the sense of that place the Sacraments of the Church must be fully seven. Our present charge is to seek the voice of Antiquity. 16 Herein our Adversaries seem to be confident, saying, that g Fundatur autem haec veritas in Ecclesiastica Traditione, quae docet Christum illa septem iustituisse; & non plura. Suarez Ies. Tom. 3. disp. 12. §. 1. the truth of this assertion, viz. the Sacraments are neither more nor fewer than seven, is grounded upon Ecclesiastical Tradition, which teacheth that Christ did institute these seven. But being required to prove the exact necessity of this number of seven out of the Fathers, they answer, that they are not to be charged to show h Non debere adversarios petere à nobis ut ostendamus in Scriptures aut Patribus nomen septenarij numeri Sacramentorum: Scriptura enim & Patres non scripserunt Catechismum. Bellar. lib. 2. de effect. Sacram. cap. 24. either out of Scriptures, or out of Fathers the name of seven Sacraments, because the Fathers writ no Catechisms. We exact not the name of the number seven, but only as two and three make five, so would we have demonstration that any of the Fathers in any place, writing of the Sacraments of the new Testament, did give any certain intimation of the number of seven? They answer, that although this set number of seven, is not intimated by any Father, i Satis est quòd Patres in varijs locis, aut certè varij eiusdem aetatis Patres omnium septem Sacramentorum alicubi meminerint. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Sacram. in genere, cap. 27. Tametsi Patres non omninò numerent simul in aliquo loco Sacramenta septem; tamen etc. Greg. Valen. Ies. lib. de numero Sacram. cap. 1. yet must we be content, that here & there they have mentioned them. Which is known to be a lame and halting consequence, to any one who remembreth that the Fathers used to extend the name of Sacrament unto many things which our Adversaries themselves know to be no proper Sacraments; as for example, k August lib. 2. de pecea. merit. & remiss. cap. 26 Cibum sanctificatum, qui Catechumenis dabatur Sacramentum appellat. Et lib. 4. de Symb. cap. 1. Exorcismos Sacramenta appellat: lib. 19 contra Faustum Manichaeum, cap. 14. Crucis signum Sacramentum nominat. Suarez Ies. Tom. 3. disp. 14. §. 2. Thus is objected, whereunto afterwards he answereth, that the word Sacrament among the Fathers was used largo modo. meat given unto the Catechumenists: the sign of the Cross: yea and the l August. de bono coniugali, cap. 18. Sacramentum plurium uxorum significat multitudinem omnium terrarum Deo subiectam. Polygamy, or multitude of wives, which the Patriarches did enjoy, S. Augustine doth term by the name of Sacraments. Why then should we not rather be directed by the testimonies of Fathers, where (as our m August. epist. 118. lib. 3. doctr. Christ. cap. 9 Ambros. lib. de. Sacram. justinus Martyr Apol. 2. Tertull. lib 4. contra Marc. cap. 34. Cyril. de Cateches. Kemnitius Exam. Conc. Trid. de Sacram. part 2. Authors have observed) the Father's entreating more precisely of the Sacraments of the new Testament, do only express two, Baptism, and the Eucharist: amongst others, S. Ambrose in his Treatise properly written of the Sacraments, and S. Cyril in his book entitled a Catechism? 17 As for their Dionysius, it may be that Protestants (answering unto him as he was objected by the Romanists, to confirm six Sacraments,) might generally answer (not as confessing, but only as supposing that he taught six) by denying his authority: for their own learned Cardinal n Dionysius in Eccles. Hierarch. Tractar de Bapt. & Euchar.— Item de consecratione olei, de ordin. Clericorum— caetera tria omisit,— nec tamen ignoravit sacram Poenit. Bellar. lib. 2. de effect. Sacram cap. 27. §. Ad. Bellarmine can found in him but five, and we think he would not have willingly miss of his account. And yet of those five he might well abate one, if not three; for Dionysius doth no more esteem the consecration by oil to be a Sacrament, than he doth the * Mentioned by Dionysius in the same place. anointing with oil the corpse of the dead, in testimony of the hope of resurrection: which ceremony the Church of Rome doth neither use, nor o Quae sine dubio Sacramentum non erat, sed pia quaedam caeremonia. Suarez Ies. Tom. 4. disp. 39 sect. 1. num. 10. approve for a Sacrament. So that by their consequence taken from the authority of Dionysius, to prove six, they are chargeable to allow an eighth; so unreasonable is their reason taken from this witness. 18 What then is the greatest strength of the Romish defence for seven? p Hanc veritatem insinuaverat Conc. Florentinum, expressiùs verò Tried Conc. Sess. 7. cap. 1. Suarez Ies. Tom. 3. disp. 12. Sect. 1 §. Secundo. The Council of Florence (say they) did insinuate this truth: and the Council of Trent did expressly define it. Upon this foundation dependeth their last resolution of seven, Ergo q Id quod Ecclesia Christi de numero Sacramentorum tradit, id sine omni dubitatione credendum est: sed Ecclesia tradit non esse vel plura vel pauciora. Ergo. Greg. de Valen. Ies. lib. de numero Sacram. cap. 1. we must believe that there are neither more, nor fewer than seven. But if not the silence of ancient Fathers, who have never taught this, yet the ingenuous confessions of their own brethren must somewhat prejudice their conclusion. Hear therefore The Romish number of seven proper Sacraments abated, by the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 5. 19 Let us remember, when we speak of Sacraments, what we have in question: first we talk of Sacraments properly so called: for if we should speak of improper Sacraments, which are mentioned of ancient Fathers, our Adversary will not deny, that not only seven, but even * So many as there be signs of holy things. seventy seven Sacraments might be named. Next, in all proper Sacraments they and we * See above §. 3. require, that they have their institution from Christ, and a power of conferring sanctifying grace upon every rightly constituted and prepared receiver: and of this kind they have propounded fully and only seven, to be believed under the danger of Anathema and curse upon every soul that shall except against any one of them. 20 Now then let them but give us leave to believe their own Authors, & we shall easily manifest, that this their profession concerning the number of Sacraments was not held Catholic, not not in the Church of Rome, until more than a thousand years after Christ: for a Non temerè quemquam repeties ante Petrum Lombardum, qui certum aliquem ac definitum numerum Sacramentorum statuerat. Et de his septem non omnes quidem Scholastici ●què propriè Sacramenta vocabant. Cassander Consult▪ art. 13. until the days of Peter Lombard (who lived about the year 1151,) you shall scarce found any author (saith their Cassander) who set down any certain and definite number of Sacraments: neither did all the Schoolmen call all those seven, proper Sacraments. We may try the truth of this general assertion by three particular instances. 21 First, two of their ancient School, to wit, b Confirmationem non esse à Christo institutam, falsa opinio suit, & post Ecclesiae declarationes planè est haeretica.— Alensem eodem tempore refutavit Albertus magous', & Thomas. Greg. Valen. Ies. de num. Sacr. cap. 3. §. Verum. Alensis and c Holcottus negat Confirmationem esse propriè Sacramentum. Cassander quo supra. Holcot, were licensed in their times to * See above §. 3. deny that confirmation was from Christ's institution: and we know that (as their Council of Trent hath truly defined) * only Christ can institute a proper Sacrament. 22 Secondy, Matrimony is numbered among the seven, which their Council of d Si quis dixerit etc. Conc. Trid. Sess. 24. can. 1. Trent hath discerned to be properly a Sacrament, instituted of Christ, and conferring grace. Nevertheless their profound Doctor e Ex nostris Catholicis unus est Durandus, qui Matrimonium Sacramentum non nisi aequivocè dici posse disputat. Bellar. lib. 1. de Sacram. cap. 5. §. Quae etiam. Durand (as Cardinal Bellarmine testifieth,) judged it not to be properly a Sacrament: and both he & the chief master of the Romish School taught, that f De Matrimonio non modò Petrus Lombardus negavit in eo conferri gratiam, sed long post cum Durandus disert▪ inquit, non esse Matrimonium univocè Sacramentum, sicut alia novae legis Sacramenta; nam nec confer gratiam non habenti: non esse itaque propriè & strictè dictum Sacramentum. in 4. dist. 26. q. 3. Cassander Consult. art. 13. it hath not the virtue of conferring of grace. We omit other particulars, and give an instance of the fundamental stay of our adversaries faith 23 Thirdly therefore Extreme unction is questioned of: the Trident Decree doth fasten a curse upon every one that g Si quis dixerit Extremam unctionem non esse propriè Sacramentum à Christo institutum, & à B. jacobo (cap. 5.) promulgatum, Anathema sit. Conc. Trid. Sess. 14. shall deny it to be properly a Sacrament, which was instituted by Christ: but why do they believe that it was instituted by Christ? h Si non fuisset à Christo institutum, ex hoc lequeretur non esse verum Sacramentum. Suarez Ies. Tom. 4. disp. 39 Sect. 2. num. 1. See Costerus above Sect. 3 Because (say they) if it were not ordained by Christ, it cannot be accounted properly a Sacrament. Which they profess (as they say) i Sacramentum hoc fuisse à Christo institutumm, semper fuit communior opinio Scholasticorum, & nunc est de fide definita in Conc. Trid. Sess. 14. Can. 1. in particulari de hoc Sacramento, & in gener. Sess. 7. can. 1. Nam omnia Sacramenta novae legis sunt à Christo instituta, Suarez Tom. 4. disp. 39 Sect. 2. according unto the common opinion of Divines, and the late definition of their foresaid Council of Trent: notwithstanding they do confess, that in their more ancient School Cardinal Hugo de sancto Victore, whom for the excellency of his judgement k See the Catalogue of Authors before these books. they have called the Augustine of his age; and Peter Lombard, surnamed by them the l See the Catalogue of Authors before these books. Master of their Schools; and Bonaventure, who for his exquisite judgement is entitled by them a m See the Catalogue of Authors before these books. Seraphicalll Doctor, together with Alensis and Altisiodorus, the singular Schoolmen of their time; these n Nonnulli negârunt hoc Sacramentum fuisse á Christo institutum, ex quo planè sequebatur non esse verum Sacramentum: Ipsi verò consequens non admittunt, qui putant posse esse Sacramentum ab Apostolis institutum. Ita verò sensit Hugo de sancto Victore, lib. 2. de Sacram. ca 2. quem secutus est Magister in 4. dist. 23. Bonaventura ibid. art. 2. Alensis qaaest. 8. membro 2. Altisiodorus, pomell 4. Sum. Tráct. 7. cap. 1. Suarez quo supr. did not think this Extreme unction to have been instituted by Christ; and consequently, (although unwittingly) have they denied it to be a Sacrament, as saith their jesuite Suarez. 24 Necessary therefore it is, (according to the definition of their last Council) they prove the institution thereof from Christ, before it may be presumed to be a right and perfect Sacrament. The first place of Scripture, which they produce, is Mark, 6. 13; where the Apostles are said to have [anointed many sick, and healed them:] which place their jesuit o Et ungebant multos oleo, & sanabant, Marc. 6. 13.] Vbi Sacramentum ést, si hic non est? Enimuerò qui hîc de Sacramento Extremae uncti onis agi negat, ad tollendum hoc Sacramentum, aut malignè, si haereticus, aut impudenter, si Catholicus est, gradum facit. Maldon. Ies. come. in Marc. 6. Maldonate so confidently teacheth to prove the Sacrament of Extreme unction, that he dare ask, Where is it proved, if not in this text? which was also the opinion of p Hoc testimonio utuntur ad hoc dogma comprobandum, Waldensis Tom. 2. de Sacram. cap 163: Castro contra haereses, verbo extreme. unct & Petrus à Soto lect. 1. de hoc Sacram. Suarez Ies. Tom. 4. disp 39 their Waldensis, Alphonsus à Castro, and Soto. But this defence, the same q Nunc autem non●ullos ex authoribus nostris in haereticorum castris recognoscens, timeo ne dum in haereticos tela conijcio, aliqu●m fortè C●tholicum fe●●am: mitto illos paulò vetustiores, quos prohibet reverentia nominare, quosque a tas nondum nova● experta haere●es excu●at. Quid attinebat, vigente iam Lutheranorum haeresi, Catholicos doctosue vi●os dice●e, scriptisu● 〈◊〉 dare— non hic de Sacramento Extremae unctionis agi? Maldon. Ies. come. in Marc. 6. 13. Maldonate saith, is oppugned and disclaimed by diverse Catholics, both before and since the doctrine of Protestants, whom he forbeareth to smite, jest (as he saith) he might hit his own fellows: among whom we may reckon their Cardinal r Illud oleum Marc 6. non erat hoc Sacramentum Extremae unctionis, quia Apostoli hoc utebantur, illa unctione aut solùm aut praecipuè ad curationem morbi corporalis. Bellar. lib. 1. de Extreme. unct. cap. 2. Nihilominus verius censeo illam unctionem, quá Marc. 6. utebantur Apostoli, non ●u●sse verum Sacramentum Extremae unctionis, which he proveth by many arguments. Suarez Ies. Tom. ●. disp. 39 § 1. n●m. 4. Bellarmine, and jesuite Suarez, who say and prove, that the oil spoken of in the Evangelist Mark, was not the Sacrament of Extreme unction: confirming this by the judgement of the t Conc. Trident. expendens locum Marci, dicit Sacramentum hoc ibi insinuatum non ●uisle, ut intelligamus etiam ex ment Concilij non esse pa●em vim horum testimoniorum (jac. 5. & Marc. 6.) immeritóque citatos authores illa aequiparate. Suarez Ies. tom. 4. disp. 30 §. 1. num. 9 Council of Trent. Will he call these * See lit. o. impudent? 25 Their next place is from S. james, chap. 5. wherein whosoever shall not confess that the Sacrament of Extreme unction is published, is by the same u See above at the letter, g. Council made obnoxious and subject unto the curse of an Anathema: and yet before that Council their learned x Ex hoc loco nec e● ve●bis, nec ex effectibus colligitur extrema unctio illa miraculosa▪ quam Christus instituit sanaudis aeg●otis,— nam textus promi●tit allevationem infirmi, & de remissione peccatorum non nisi conditionaliter loquitur: at unctio Extrema non nisi in mortis articulo adhibetur, & directè tendit ad remissionem peccatorum, etc. Caiet. in jac. 5. Cardinal doubted not to publish in his books, that the Sacrament of Extreme unction cannot be proved by that text, either from the words, or from the effects, which by that unction do properly concern the healing of bodily diseases. Which may be confirmed by the y Olim haec unctio non ut hod●è ferè fit, ad extremum usque vitae periculum & valetudinem iam deploratam differebatur. — A little before: Olympia— Haec forma verborum adhiberi solet [Vngo te oleo sancto, etc. Obsecrans, fugatis omnibus doloribus & incommoditatibus corporis tui, recuperetur in te virtus & salus, quatenùs per huiusmodi operationem mysterij— pristinam sanitate● recipere mereare.] Ex qua forma constat, hanc unctionem non modò ad remissionem peccatorum, & animi corroborationem, sed etiam ad morbi corporalis levationem pertinere; id quod forma benedictionis olei Ambrosiana & Romana significat: in qua inter caetera oratur, ut prosit febribus, paralyticis, etc. Cassander Consult. art. 22. Of corporal cures in antiquity. ●evardentius come. in jac. 5. delivereth many examples out of Tertull. ad 5. cap. Out of Hieron, in vita Hilar. and out of the Constitutions of Clemens Pope of Rome. confessed practice of antiquity, as appeareth in the form of the Roman anointing, and of other more ancient examples, which teach, that the anointing was anciently used for the restoring of the sick unto health, and not, as it is now, referred unto the time that a man is pass all hope of recovery. Now then, We conclude. SECT. 6. 26 Consider what hath been confessed by our Adversaries, viz. that the objected a See §. 1. Author, named Dionysius, is not so currant, nor his b §. 2. authority so absolute, nor his c §. 4. 5. particulars of prayer for the dead, Monks, Traditions, and Sacraments so pertinent, as our Adversaries would pretend: whose now article of d §. 4. faith, concerning the just number of seven Sacraments, hath been tried by the confession of their Doctors to be but newly imposed, especially in these e §. 5. three, Confirmation, Matrimony, and Extreme unction. So may we perceive the invalidity, if not iniquity of the Romish claim. How much more sensible will this be, if we should instance from Dionysius, against the Romish doctrine of multitude of ceremonies, private Mass, proper Sacrifice, Purgatory torment, prayers in an unknown tongue, and other controverted Articles, as they are now professed in the Roman Church? From Dionysius they fly unto Hermes. CHAP. XXVII. Of the faith of Herme●. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. That also the book of Hermes entitled Pastor, affordeth in like manner testimony or groundwork of z Abraham Scultetus in medulla Theolog. etc. pag. 467 post med. free-will and monastical solitude: of a Hamelmanus de trad. Apost. col. 252. fine, & col. 253. initio, & col. 254. line 38. and Abraham Scultetus ubi supra, pag. 467. post med. Purgatory, and prayer for the dead: of b Hamelmamus ubi supta, col. 253. l. 54. & col. 254 l. 49. Merit and justification of works: of professed Chastity c Hamelmanus ubi supra, col. 251. line 48. & col. 254. l. 30. in Ministers: of d Hamelmanus ubi supra, col. 254. l. 36. fasting from certain meats: of e Ibidem col. 253. line 46. the innocent parties remaining unmarried in case of adultery: of f Kemnitius examen. Concil. Trident. part 4. pag. 127. 2. prope finem. works of supererogation: & of g Hamelmanus ubi supra, col. 254. l. 53. saith, Fuit igitur bonum Papismi initium impurus ille liber Pastoris, vel Hermetis. Popery. And though in the primitive Church some question h Vide Eusebium hist. lib. 3. cap. 3. prope finem. was made of this book, as whether it were Canonical Scripture or not, (many Father's i It was thought to be sacred, and for such alleged by Origen lib. 10. in epist. ad Roman. Tertullian lib. de oration. Clemens Alexan. lib. 6. Strom. Athanasiut in libro de decretis Nicen. Synod. Cassianus collat. 13. c. 12. and by Irenaeus lib. 4. cap. 37. thinking that it was;) yet is it confessed to have been received at the lest for k Hamelmanus ubi supra, col. 254. line 24. saith, Illum pro ecclesiastico habuerunt quidem Patres: and col. 730. line 25. he saith, Hermit i● libellus qui dicitur Pastor. est olim aliquando in numerum ecclesiasticorum librorum relatus: in so much as Eusebius hist. lib. 3. cap. 3. Ruffinus in Simbolum, & Hieron. in cattle. do commend this book for profitable: and so M. Whittaker de sacra Scriptura, p. 93. fine, confesseth of Jerome. Ecclesiastical, and the authority thereof to have been so many ages since specially alleged l Hamelmanus ubi supra, col. 253. line 10. saith, Liber Pastoris videtur receptus esse ab Irenaeo & Clement. And col. 255. line 42. he saith: Ostendit E●sebius à quibusdam librum pastoris receptum esse, & imprimis ab Irenaeo, sic & Origenes l. 1. d● Principijs c. 3. citat qu●dam ex libr● Pastoris eiusque libri lectionem commendat: hom. 13. in Ezech. by Origen, Clement, and Irenaeus, who lived next to those Apostles times. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Proving the unworthiness of the authority of this book; from the testimonies of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 1. BEfore we speak of the faith of Hermes, necessary it is, that we show what may be our faith of this Hermes, which book the Apologists contend to prove to have been in the Church, if not of Canonical, yet at lest of Ecclesiastical authority. But what hath been, and what aught to be our estimation hereof, the Apologists might have learned, if not from the judgement of our Scultetus & other Protestants by them alleged, who account of them to be a Libri ut venusti, ita fabulosi sunt, etc. Scultetus in the place cited by the Apologists. fine, but fabulous, yet from the censure of their own best approved Doctors. 2 First, Sixtus Senensis examining the credit of this book of Hermes, aliâs Pastor, saith, that b Hoc opus olim publicè in quibusdam Graeciae Ecclesijs legebatur ad institutionem eorum, qui primis ad fidei institut. instruebantur clementis; multiue veteres Patres eius testimonijs ad dogmatum confirmationem usi sunt: post quo●um tempora authoritas huius libri paulatim defecit, & à Gelasio demum inter Scripturas dubiae fidei reiecta est, ut arbitror, ad haereticorum subversionem, qui inde execrabilium dogmatum praesidia assumebant. Sixtus Senensis Bibl. lib 2. Tit. Hermes. the authority hereof decayed, and was accounted by Pope Gelasius among the Authors of suspected credit: which Gelasius did, as I think, (saith Senensis) for the subversion of those heretics, who from that book did gather strength for the maintenance of their execrable opinions. 3 Secondly, Cardinal c Liber Hermae seu Hermetis, qui inscriptus est Pastor, quibu●dam antiquis optimè notus ac probatus fuit,— novit eum atque frequenter citat Origenes, qui tamin eum à nonnullis contemni tradit, ut planè appareat, hand integram solidamue fidem apud omnes meruisse. (n. 4.) Quod autem ad Latino's pertinet, sic eyes liber innotuit, ut tamen eum ipsi inter eorum Apocryphorum genera adnumerarint, quae legi in Ecclesia possint, non tamen citari deb●re ad fidem Catholicam astruendam: hac enim censura à maioribus fuisse notatum Tertullianus affirmat: ipse autem posteà ipsum respuit, quòd reciperet moechi poenitentiam contra pleudoparacleti doctrinam; ait enim, [Sed cred●rem tibi, si Scriptura pastoris, quae sola moechos amat, divino instrumento meruisset incidi: si non ab omni Concilio Ecclesiarum etiam vestrarum inter Apocrypha & falsa iudicaretur, adultera & ipsa, & indè patrona sociorum.] Haec Tertullianus, planè significans Pastorem librum extra claslem divinorum librorum esse reiectum, quòd plus aequo quidam illi favissent,— De codem agens Ruffinus, haec ait, [Haec legi quidem in Ecclesijs volverunt, non tamen proferri ad authoritatem ex his fidei confirmandam.] haec Ruffinus. Eadem quoque ratione idem liber i sancto Prospe●o, adversus collatorem agente, qui eius authoritate errorem suum tueri conatus fuit, nullius planè authoritatis est iudicatus. Sed & i Gelasio aequè inter Apocrypha recensetur; usos eo quoque fuisse Arianos ad suam haeresin confirmandam, testatur S. Athanasius, etc. Cardinalis Baronius anno Christi 159. num. 5. 6. Baronius saith of the same book, that Origen indeed cited it, but confesseth also that it was contemned of some in his time: which the Latin Fathers reckoned in the number of those Apocryphal books that were read for instructions in manners, but not for confirmation of any matter of faith: which Tertullian afterwards did abhor, calling it adulterous: which S. Prospero, in his dispute with one, who thereby would have confirmed an error, did esteem of no authority: and from which the Arrian heretics (as witnesseth Athanasius) did confirm their heresies. 4 Our third witness is Cardinal d Vox Apocryphus Graeca est, & rem occultam & reconditam significat.— Porrò Ecclesiastici scriptores non semper hanc vocem eodem modo usurpant: interdum vocant Apocryphas scripturas eas, quas non est certum an sint ●anonicae & divinae, etiamfis satis constet nullos in ijs errores inveniri: sic Hieronymus in Galeato, etc. Interdum vocant Apocryphos eos libros, qui errores admixtos habent: sic utitur hae voce Origen. Hieron. August. quam significationem secutus Gelasius in decreto de libtis Ecclesiasticis: eos libros vocat Apocryphos, qui sunt editi ab authoribus haereticis, vel certè suspectis.— Nec minus Apocryphus censendus est liber Hermetis, qui inscribitur Pastor, tametsi enim eum divinitus inspiratum putaverit Origenes, & ex eo testimonia proferant Tertull. & alij, tamen disertis verbis eum à Canone reijcit Gelasius in decreto de libris Ecclesiasticis. Bellar. lib. 1. de verbo Dei cap. 20. §. Igitur vox. & §. Nec minus librum Hermetis, qui ins●●bitur Pastor. disertis ver bis à canone reijcit Gelasius,— & Athanasius,— & idem etiam Athanasius in libro de decretis Nicaenae Synodi, & Theodoretus Arianos, qui ex hoc libro testimonia petebant, dicunt ex libro non canonico testimonia petijs●e. Bellar. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap. 20. Bellarmine, who testifieth, that whereas the word Apocrypha hath a double sense, either to signify books, which are not fully divine and Canonical, albeit they contained no error; or else such books, wherein there was an admixture of errors: in this sense Gelasius in his Decree concerning books Ecclesiastical, did call the books Apocryphal, the authors whereof he either judged to have been heretics, or at lest suspected; among which he numbereth Hermes. Which the Decree itself, made by e Quae ab haereticis, sive schismaticis conscripta vel praedicata sunt, nulla tenu● r●cipit Ecclesia Catholica Romana; nam è quibus pauca, quae ad memoriam venerunt, & quae à Catholicis vitanda sunt, credimus esse subdenda imprimis etc.— Item & libet Pastoris Apocryphus, & libri omnes quos fecit Lenticius discipulus diabolt, Apocryphi etc. And Gelasius concludeth his decree, concerning these books, thus: Haec & omnia his similia etc. non solum repudiata, verumetiam ab omni Romana Ecclesia eliminata, at que cum suis authoribus & sequacibus cum Anathematis indissolubili vinculo confitemur esse damnata. Gelasius Papa apud Gratian. dist. 15. cap. 3. Gelasius against it, doth fully discover, in the end concluding thus; All such like we confess not only to be refused of the Roman Church, but also to be cast out and abandoned, and finally with all the authors and allowers of them, to be with an unseparable curse of an Anathema utterly condemned. 5 Thus (we see) how far these Apologists have been transported with prejudice, the nurse of all errors; who (that they might draw Protestant's into the suspicion of contumacy, for rejecting the authority of an author entitled Hermes, or Pastor,) have honoured him with an opinion of S. Paul's scholar, and have approved his authority, as being at the lest, Ecclesiastical; never regarding either the exact judgement of Protestants in refusing it, or else the confessions of their own most authorised Doctors in commending the wisdom of some ancients, who have contemned it as false and adulterous: but notwithstanding such evidence, do by the sentences of this Author piece out a part of their artificial Catholic Apology. Now what shall it advantage them if Protestants have granted that there is in this book Popery, wherein their own Romanists confess so many seeds of heresy to be found? 6 Nevertheless, in the books of Hermes, which are put into their Bibliotheke of holy Fathers, few of their particulars can be found; in so much as our greatest f Bellarmine in these several controversies, where he seeketh to prove these particulars of free-will, etc. although he cite Dionysius Areopagita for votum continentiae; yet the authority of this Hermes he pretermitteth in these questions. Adversary, when he would have every part of Popery seem to be most absolute, yet hath not confirmed almost any one point by any testimony of this Hermes. The Apologists now hasten to the last point, but with what speed, the premises may teach us to guess, and the sequel will accordingly demonstrate. CHAP. XXVIII. Of their last Argument from Antiquity: taken from the Rule of S. Augustine. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 14 Fourteen, whereas the Lord Archbishop of Ca●terbury doth against Cartwright learnedly and truly urge this general rule or proof of Apostolic doctrine, saying, m M. Whitgift in his defence, etc. pag. 351. For so much as the original and beginning of these names, Metropolitan, Archbishop, etc. such is their antiquity, cannot be found so far as I have read, it is to be supposed they have their original from the Apostles themselves. For as I remember S. Augustine hath this rule in his 118. Epistle. In so much as he yet further saith in proof of this rule, n M. Whitgift ubi supra, pag. 352. It is of credit with the writers of out time, namely with M. Zuinglius, M. Calvin, and M. Gualther, and surely I think no learned man doth descent from them. It is now by the premises made more than evident, that the several doctrines of our faith, are according to this rule, no less free from all noted and known beginning since the Apostles times, then are the other foresaid doctrines of metropolitans, and Archbishops: a thing so manifest, that M. Cartwright (though our great adversary) doubteth not yet further to acknowledge the same, saying therefore of this very rule in plain words, o See M. Cartwrights' words in M. Whitgifts' foresaid defence etc. pag. 352. initio. That thereby a window is open to bring in all Popery: and p M. Cartwright alleged ibid. pag. 103. paulò ante med I appeal (saith he) to the judgement of all men, if this be not to bring in Popery again, to allow of S. Augustine's saying: etc. So evidently do our own learned Adversaries, confirm and prove our foresaid Catholic Religion, whereto we were so many ages since converted, to be undoubtedly Apostolic. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. WEll may we think that the Apologists by * See before in the question of Traditions, Chap. 25. twice instancing in this argument, have put therein a double confidence. Which whether it proceed from the strength of good consequence, and not rather from the weakness of their judgement, we permit unto the equal censure of our Reader, after that we have discussed these four points. 1. what was the rule of S. Augustine delivered, which is the subject of this dispute. 2. what is the argument of our reverend Bishop from that rule. 3. the inference of M. Cartwright from that argument. 4 the collection of the Apologists upon that inference, and conclusion. To begin at the first, The rule of S. Augustine. SECT. 2. 2 S. Augustine, who consonantly unto other Fathers had pronounced of * See before Chap. 25. all things necessary to be believed, that they are contained in Scripture, (whereby is avouched the sufficiency of Scripture in all doctrines of faith,) he in the place now objected (being the 118. Epistle ad januarium,) delivereth rules concerning only the rites and ceremonies of the Church: whereof some were then used universally in all Christian Churches, as namely the solemn and yearly celebrations of the days of Christ's passion, resurrection, and ascension, etc. Of this kind of custom he giveth this Axiom; a Illa autem quae non scripta sunt sed tradita custodimus, quae quidem toto terrarum orb obseruantur, dantur intelligi vel ab ipsis Apostolis, vel plenarijs Concilijs, quorum est in Ecclesia celebetrima authoritas, commendata atque statuta retineri, sicut quòd Dominici passio, & resurrectio, & ascensio in coelum, & adventus de coelo Spiritus sancti, anniversaria solennitate celebrantur: & si quid aliud quod servatur ab universa quacunque se diffundit Ecclesia. August. epist. 118. ad januar. cap. 1. & paulò post. cap. 5. Similiter enamsi quod horum tota per orbem frequentat Ecclesia, nam hoc quin ita faciendum sit, insolentissimae est insaniae. Ibidem. Whatsoever is not written, but is delivered by Tradition, and is observed in the Churches throughout the world, is to be understood to have been ordained either by the Apostles, or else by general Counsels, which are of most renowned authority in the Church. 3 Besides these universal Traditions, b Alia verò quae per loca terrarum regionesue variantur, sicuti est quòd alij ieiunant Sabbato, alij verò non, alij quotidiè communicant corpori Dominico, alij certis diebus accipiunt.— Totum hoc genus liberas habet obseruationes, nec ulla alia disciplina melior est gravi prudentiue Christiano, quàm ut eo modo agar, quo agere viderit Ecclesiam, ad quamcunque devenerit: quod enim neque contra fidem, neque contra bonos mores iniungitur, indifferenter est habendum, & pro eorum, inter quos vivitur, societate est seruandum.— Ambrose respondet, cùm, inquit, Romam venio, ieiuno Sabbato▪ cùm bic sum, non ieiuno: sic tu ad quamcunque fortè Ecclesiam veneris, eius mor●m serva, si cuiquam non vis esse scandalo, nec quenquam tibi. Ibid. cap. 2. other customs & ceremonies there be (saith he) which be particularly observed in some particular countries, as somewhere to fast on the Sabbath, but otherwhere it is otherwise. And concerning these he hath another rule, to wit, Whensoever any man shall come into any particular Church and country, where any custom or ceremony is enjoined, which is not contrary either unto saith, or good manners, he aught in wisdom to observe the rites there used, thereby to avoid a double scandal, both of himself unto others, and of others unto himself. These be the golden Rules which S. Augustine prescribeth for a Christian man's direction in the case of ceremonies. The first of these is that rule which the Apologists have chosen to oppose against us; let us repeat The argument which Archbishop Whitgist hath used and urged, taken from S. Augustine's rule. SECT. 3. 4 a Out of the Apolog. Forasmuch (saith he) as the original and beginning of these names of Metropolitan, Archbishop etc. such is their antiquity, cannot be found, so far as I have read: it is to be supposed they have their original from the Apostles themselves. 5 We shall not need to dispute with the Apologists of the truth of this consequent, for they confess that it is learnedly and truly urged; yet would it become them to know the measure thereof by a double dimension, breadth and depth: the breadth reacheth no further than unto matters of ceremonies, and other customs of the Church. For as for doctrines of faith, (if they shall be applied unto this rule,) these are the Church's conclusions, and are so far to be believed as they depend upon their authentical premises, even the sacred Scriptures; which we have proved from S. Augustine, and other Fathers to be the perfect treasury of all fundamental principles of Faith. 6 Secondly, the depth of the same position, if it be rightly sounded, will be found to be a truth of * So B. Whitgift, with others. strong probability only, and not of an absolute infallibility; as may seem to be intimated both by the word [supposed,] which is used by our learned Archbishop, and also by the confession of jesuits, who grant, that the names of Metropolitan and Archbishop are not Apostolical, but b Apostolicae Traditiones sunt Quadrag●simae jeiunium, etc.— Ecclesiasticae Traditiones sunt mores & consuetudines, quas obserua. Ecclesia, nimirùm illa consecrat altaria,— distinxit Episcopos, Archiepiscopos, Primates, Metropolitanos, Patriarchas; Constitutiones sancit. Azorius Ies. Instit. Moral. part. 1. lib. 8. cap. 4. Quod verò quaesitum est, cur non meminit Petrus Hierarchiae Ecclesiasticae, quae tot habet gradus Episcoporum, Archiepiscoporum, Patriarcharum, etc. hoc ideo factum est, quia institutione Ecclesiastica & Canonica constat, si autem hic enumerarentur, possent hinc putari juris divini existere, quod falsum esset: enamsi legimus apud Clementem in epistola ad jacobum, aut apud Anacletum in Epistola, Domini jussu & mandato gradus illosfuisse institutos: & illi gradus enumerati nihil aliud sunt quàm Episcopatus, qui maiorem aut minorem habent jurisdictionem, non autem maiorem potestatem ordinis. Salmeron Ies. come. in 1. Pet. 5. disp. 8. §. Quòd verò. Their Cardinal Cusanus doth specify the originals: Vbi erat Metropolis civitas, Metropolitanis erant, qui de tribus aut quatuor civitatibus intra illam provinciam qui Matri provinciarum praesidehant: unde isti aliquando Metropolitanis, aliquando Archiepiscopi nomniantur: ubi minores civitates habuerunt tantùm flamines, vel comites Episcopi sunt constituti, etc. Cusanus de Con●●d. Cathol. lib. 1. cap. 7. Ecclesiastical Traditions. Howsoever, the collections will be found altogether importable, which either our M. Cartwright, or their Apologists have deduced from it. And first we manifest, that The inference made by M. Cartwright upon the former argument, is infirm. SECT. 4. 7 By this rule (saith he) a window is opened to bring in all Popery: and for the evidence of his inference, he adventureth to appeal unto the judgement of all men; but herein hath he bewrayed a double defect of judgement in himself. For by that rule of S. Augustine (which implieth only matters ceremonial and Ecclesiastical Constitutions,) to enforce all Popery (which standeth upon many doctrinal points of faith,) is no less error in true scholership, then from a particular proposition to infer an universal conclusion. * See hereafter where the new Romish inventions are fully discovered. Whereas, indeed contrariwise our grave and judicious Archbishop hath well and truly replied, that * Archb. Whitgift in the place alleged by the Apolog. this rule of S. Augustine is so far from authorizing Popery, that it rather quite overthroweth the same; for that by it is confuted the Supremacy of the Pope over all other Churches, which hath neither been always, nor in all places: as hath been also proved, and * See above, Cap. 18. may be further confirmed, not only in matters of Ecclesiastical rites and orders, but even in questions which concern the soul of Religion. 8 But he held it sufficient, in speaking of Popery, to strike only at the head thereof, by instancing in the Primacy of the Pope: which is so true, that S. Augustine himself, who is the author of that Rule, may be the justifier of his application. For in the case of Appiarius, a wicked Priest (who being excommunicated by his own Bishops, sought to be restored by Pope Celestine) a Erat Concilium Carthaginense, anno Dom. 419. in causa Appiarij Presbyteri. Possevinus Apparat. Sacr. Tit. Carthag. Huic Conc●lio Augustious interfuit. Costerus Ies. Enchirid. § De numero sacrarum Script. This Council is objected for denying Appeals unto Rome, and preferreth the authority of a provincial Council before the authority of the Bishop of Rome. the Council of Carthage, consisting of * Cranzius. 214. Bishops, among whom S. Augustine was one, did withstand the Appeals from Africa unto the See of Rome, preferring the judgement of a provincial Synod before the command or jurisdiction of the Pope. And could the Papal Primacy, which is the head of Popery, receive a deeper wound than this was? whereof we may judge better by the plaster which their Cardinal Bellarmine hath prepared in the way of answer and satisfaction. b [Nisi fortè (saith the Council) quisquam est qui credat unicuilibet Deum posse examinis inspir are justitiam, & innumerabilibus congregatis in Concilium Sacerdotibus denegare.] Respondeo,— non necessariò tenemur credere quidquid in ea epistola Episcopi illi dicant, praesertim cum satis appareat, eos commotos sceleribus Appiarij, qui ad Rom. Pontificem confugerat, modum in verbis non nihil excessisse. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 7. §. Quarta ratio, etc. I answer (saith he) that we are not bound to believe whatsoever the Bishops of that Council writ in that Epistle, especially knowing that they were then much moved with the mischiefs wrought by Appiarius, (who then fled unto the Bishop of Rome,) and somewhat exceeded measure in their words. 9 But we stand not upon words, but examine their deeds, and hereupon demand which side may rather be thought to have exceeded measure? whether that Council which excommunicated so notorious a man, or the Pope, who endeavoured to restore him? Then let us compare S. Augustine's consent unto that Council, with his now objected rule, and do they not both justify our Archbishop's Assertion in the confutation of the now usurped Papal supremacy? So now we see that little window, which seemed to be open unto all Popery, to be closely shut, and a great door opened for the maintenance of the liberty of other provincial Counsels in all their just oppositions against the Pope. It remaineth we answer unto The Apologists collection, which is taken from the former erroneous Inference: proving it to be deceitful. SECT. 5. 10 These Apologists working artificially upon the abovenamed misconstruction of that rule of S. Augustine, make it one of their premises, whereby evidently to confirm their foresaid religion: yet when we consulted with S. Augustine concerning the ground of all doctrine, he told us that nothing is necessary, which is not contained in Scripture: which overthroweth the Romish religion in their traditional doctrines. 11 When we seek his judgement concerning ritual and ceremonial Constitutions, he requireth the use of that a Leni nos iugo Christus subiecit, & levi sarcinae. August. epist. 118. lenis iugi, & levis sarcinae, that is, the easiness of Christ's yoke, and lightness of his burden: reaching us herein a sharp razor to cut away the most of the Romish ceremonies, which * See above lib. 1. cap. 3. have been manifested to be for number more than jewish, many for observation superstitious, and some also in signification ridiculous. 12 Wherefore seeing the Apologists, when they could not be ignorant of M. Cartwrights' misapplication of that rule, or of our Archbishops learned reply, yet durst adventure to lay the whole frame of all Romish religion upon this one silly Assumption, taken but from one distressed Answerer, by misconstruction of but one testimony of S. Augustine, which can but only probably prove their intent; they stand herein thrice reproucable, and may worthily exemplify the parable of our Saviour in the Gospel, where the unwise man is said to build his whole house upon the * Matth. 7. 26. sands. Here end the Apologists objections, and our answers concerning the judgement of ancient Fathers in many particulars. Only we hold it necessary to add as a supplement the question following: and to show CHAP. XXIX. A general Tract concerning the authorities of ancient Fathers: showing the Romanists profession, yea and oath of consenting unto the Father's expositions; together with their neglect of due accordance. SECT. 1. THe Romanists are very large in their protestations in this behalf, saying: a Non sunt improbanda veterum Patrun testimonia, quando omnes vel ferè omnes in unam sententiam conveniunt, vel in uno aliquo Scripturae loco interpr●rando concordant. Salmeron jesuita comment. in 1. joh. 3. disp. 25. §. Tertio. When either all, or almost all ancient Father's consent in one opinion, or else in the interpretation of any one place of Scripture, they may not be impugned. Or thus, b Quod maior pars Patrum senserint, id esse Catholicae veritatis profitemur. Canus locis Theol. lib. 7. cap. 3. Ad Patrum suffragia (ringatur invidia licet) adhaerescemus. Campianus Ration. When the greater part of Fathers do agreed in one judgement, we profess this to be a Catholic truth. And the Bull of Pope Pius the fourth, in the confirmation of the Council of Trent, prescribeth an oath unto all c Bulla D. N Pij 4. divinâ providentiâ Papae, quarti, super forma juramenti professionis fidei. Pius Episcopus, Sernus servorum Dei, ad perpetuam rei memoriam: Cùm juxta Tridentini Concilij dispositionem omnes quos deinceps cathedralibus & superioribus Ecclesijs praefici, vel quibus de earum dignitatibus, canonicatibus, & alijs quibuscunque beneficijs Ecclesiasticis curam animarum habentibus,' provideri continget publicam orthodoxae fidei professionem facere, seue in Romanae Ecclesiae obedientiâ permansuros spondere & jurare teneantur: nos volentes ut etiam per quoscunque quibus de Monasterijs, Conuentibus, Domibus, & alijs quibuscunque locis Regularium quorumcunque Ordinun, etiam militiarun, quocunque nomine vel titulo providebitur, idem servari, juxta hanc & non aliam formam professionem praedictam solenniter fieri authoritate Apostolica mandamus sub huiusmodi tenore: Ego N. firma fide credo & profiteor, etc. Item sacram Scripturam nunquam nisi juxta unanimem consensum Patrum accipiam & interpretabor. Bulla Pij 4. super formaiuramenti, Concil. Trid. annexa. Bishops, Deans, Canons, and all that have cure of souls, together with all that enjoy any places in Monasteries, convents, or Houses, and to whatsoever person regular, to swear, never to receive or use any interpretation of Scripture, which is not according to the uniform consent of ancient Fathers. 2 Never did the ancient Jews more boast of their original and descent from Father Abraham, then do the Romanists glory in their pretended consent of ancient Fathers; yet as the ostentation of the former was condemned of Christ, as carnal, so this latter may be justly condemned as sophistical. 3 For they affirm, that d Augustinus & caeteri Patres in commentarijs fungebantur officio Doctorum: at Conci●●a & Pontifices funguntur officio ludicis à Deo tibi commisso. Paulò superius: Ad explanationem more Doctoris ●ruditio, ad modum indicis authoritas requiritur: Doctor proponit sententiam suam— sequendam solùm quatenùs ratio suadet, at judex ut necessariò sequendam. Bellarm. lib. 3. de verbo Dei, cap. vlt. §. Aliter. the Fathers are to be accounted as Doctors, not as judges, not necessarily to be obeyed, but to be followed so far as reason shall persuade. This might seem reasonable, if they had not bound themselves by oath to follow their uniform consent: for where there is a necessity of duty challenging the assent, there is no place left for liberty of persuasion by reason. Yet would we know how reasonable they will appear to be in their practice? In the exposition of the last commandment, they yield unto us e Non concupisces, etc.] In his duobus praeceptis— etc. Catechis. Triden. pag. 372. In duo d●●●dit Clemens Alexandrinus, & Augustinus.— Huic occurr●re possit aliquis non sine probabilitate, dicens, esse qui dem decem praecepta, etiansi primum illud in duo dividatur, ita tamen ut decimum illud [Non concupisces] non distribuatur in alia duo, ut graves Doctores arbitrantur, josephus, Origenes, Ambrose, Hieronymus, Procopius, & Rupertus. Vasquez Ies. de adorat. lib. 2. cap. 7. & Bellar. lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 7. §. Porrò. five ancients (they might as truly have said fifteen) for two: they except against eleven for one, in the words of the f Gen. 49. Dan erit coluber in via.] Hoc vaticinium jacob de Dan intellexerunt atque interpretati sunt de Antichristo, Irenaeus lib. 5. etc. reckoning eleven Fathers, Perer. Ies. come. in Gen. 19 Card. Bellar. addeth Theodoretus and Arethas, saying a little after, Videtur jacob loqui ad literam de Sampsone.— Et videtur sanè jacob benè precari silio suo, cùm haec dicit, & proinde non malum sed bonum praedicere. Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. cap. 12. §. Denique. & Suarez Ies. in Thom. qu. 59 art. 6. disp. 54 §. 2. Tom. 2. opponunt Hieron. Patriarch jacob. Their jesuite Maldonate expounding the text of Matth. 16. 18. saith, g Matth. 16 Portae Inferni non praevalebunt.] Horum veiborum sensus non videtur mihi esse, quem omnes▪ praeter Hilarium, quos legisse memini, authores putant. Maldon. Ies. come. in Matth. 16. vers. 18. That doth not seem unto me to be the true sense, which all Authors whom I can remember (except Hilary) do use. Their jesuite Tollet interpreting a verse of the Psal. 31. h In camo & fraeno Psal. 31.] in cuius explicatione nec Graeci nec Latini, nec qui Hebraeos sequuntur mihi perfectè loqui videntur. Tollet. Ies. come. in haec verba Psal. annexo comment. in Rome Venet. 1603. Neither the Greek, nor Latin Authors seem unto me (saith he) to have delivered the perfect meaning hereof. Their jesuite Salmeron explaining a text of S. Paul's Epistle, 1. Cor. 6. i Peccat in corpus suum. 1. Cor. 6.] Id est, obligavit corpus liberum, & obnoxium reddidit iuri & potestati meretricis.— Quod miror non ita esse apprehensum ab interpretibus (amongst whom he reckoned Jerome and Oecumenius) ut par erat. Salmeron Ies. comm. in ●um locum, disp. 9 §. Dicendum ergo. This is the meaning thereof, which I marvel (saith he) other authors (he excepteth none but himself) do not duly apprehended. 4 There is no man that is traveled in the writings of the jesuits, but knoweth that these three or four are but the examples of three times three hundreds (which we speak not by excess) of the like kind of interpretations, wherein they profess to k Prophetae & lex usque ad johannem. Matth. 11. 13.] Eas (interpretationes) recitabo, quas venerandos authores habere video, quibus hoc debemus, ut corum sententias aut sequamur, aut honorificè recitemus.— Omnes ferè veteres ita exponunt▪— Quae quidem ver●, sed mihi videtur non fatis apta interpretatio. Maldon. Ies. come. in ●um locum. cite the expositions of Fathers, although not to follow them, yea even then, when they confess, almost all Fathers to consent. 5 If they shall say, that the tenor of their oath of expounding Scriptures according to the uniform consent of Fathers, is to be understood only of expositions concerning documents of faith, and necessary precepts of life; yet can they not escape the guilt of transgression. For first, to know whether it be generally inexpedient for men not to marry, doth necessarily concern the Church both to understand and teach: as when Christ's disciples objected saying, Than it is not expedient for a man to marry; and our Master answered, [All men receive not this saying,] it is confessed concerning the Fathers, that l Non omnes capiunt hoc verbum. Matth. 19 11.] Quod dicit [Non omnes capiunt hoc verbum] ita ferè omnes exponunt, tanquam si sensus esset, Non omnes quod dicitis praestare possunt, id est, career uxore, quia non omnes castitaeis donum habent.— Ita Orig●nes Tract. in Matth. 7. Greg. Nazianzen. Orat. in haec verba, Ambrose in exhort. ad Virg. Quam interpretationem adduci non possum ut sequar, quia cum Christus versu seq. dicat, Qui potest, minimè dubium est quin capero dicat pro intelligere. Maldon. comm. in eum lo●●m. He opposeth only Epiphanius. almost all of them expound this answer of Christ to signify that it is not in all men's power to live unmarried, because of the want of the gift of continency: implying (as we think) a necessity in some to marry: yet their jesuite (notwithstanding this large consent of almost all the Fathers) is bold under the shadow of only one to oppose, saying: I cannot be brought to follow this interpretation, but think rather that Christ by saying, [All men receive not this saying] meant that all men did not understand it. 6 Secondly, our Adversaries make no doubt but that the true words of consecration in the Eucharist are necessary for to work their imagined Transubstantiation, without the which they accounted the Sacrament no better then bore bread, and the true form of consecration (as their Trent m Catechismus qui ex Concilio Trident. Pij Quinti Pontificis maximi jussu, ad P●●ochos primùm editus.— Forma conficiendae Eucharistiae, & consecrationis panis haec est; [Hoc est corpus meum:] & [Hic est calix] etc. Apud Ederum in partitionibus Catechis. Trident. Tab. 56. Catechism teacheth) doth consist in these words, [hoc est corpus meum, this is my body, etc.] which they hold, as Cardinal n Haec est forma, omnium consensu. Bellar. See above quaest. de Eucharist. num. 63. Bellarmine pretendeth, with an universal consent: notwithstanding their learned Archbishop in his Treatise, lately dedicated unto Pope Sixtus Quintus, durst avouch that this doctrine is o Totus in corum raptus sum sententiam, qui sola prolatione verborum q●●tuor sine precibus dictam consecrationem fieri posse negant,— sed per verba sacrae orationis.— Hancue esse om●um orthodoxorum, tum Graecorum tum Latinorum sententiam. Archiepiscopus Caesarien. de necess. correct. Theol. Scholast. 〈◊〉. 1. fol. 115. contrary to the judgement of all orthodoxal Fathers, both Greek and Latin. 7 Infinite might we be in such like exemplifications; which by due examination prove, that our Adversaries do not only not defend the most controverted points by either all, or half, and sometimes not by a many or yet few expositions of Fathers; but also in some points do reject them all, as formerly their Cardinal Caietane hath done, who professed p In initio siquidem commentariorum in Genesin, si quando, inquit, (Caietanus) occurrerit nows sens●● textui consonus, quamuis à torrent Doctorum sacrorum alienus, aequum se praebeat Lector censorem. Et paulò post: Nallus, ait, detestetur nowm sacrae Scripturae sensum, ex hoc quòd dissonat à priscis Doctoribus: non enim alligavit Deu●●●positionem Scripturarum sacrarum priscorum Doctorum sensibus, sed Scripturae ipsi integrae sub Catholicae Ecclesiae cen●●a. Vt refert Canus locis Theol. lib. 7. cap. 3. num. 10. to follow that sense of exposition of Scripture, which appeareth to be most consonant unto the context of Scripture, notwithstanding the stream and torrent of ancient Expositors writing to the contrary. For better trial hereof, we annex A second observation of the Romish practice in so rejecting the testimonies of Fathers, as professedly to prefer the judgement of their younger Divines before the confessed custom and doctrine of Antiquity. SECT. 2. 8 If the Romanists professing to follow the consent of Fathers had only not followed them, and not also professed not to follow them, their degeneration from antiquity, and guilt of prevarication should have been ●he less: but their Bishop Espencaeus waxeth wroth with Protestants for dis●king the circumgestation of the Eucharist in procession, as being contrary to the practice of ancient Churches; and in the end answereth, that a Non obstat quòd circumgestatio Eucharistiae videtur res nova, quia valet ad devotionem excitandam: sed Christus, aiunt Aduersarij, in hoc Sacramento cibus est ut sumatur, non ut often tetur & circumferatur. Sed non sunt audiendi qui circa Dei & Sacramentorun cultum omnia reduci volunt ad vetustum morem: ●on enim semper ●elius quod antiquius. Claudius' Espencaeus, l. 2. de adorat. ●uchar. cap. 8. sub finem. they are not to be heard speak, who concerning the worship of God & use of the Sacraments, would have all things reduced unto their ancient course; because (saith he) that is not always best, which is the more ancient. 9 Secondly, in their last oath they are sworn to believe the b Indulgentiarum potestatem á Christo in Ecclesia relictam fuisse, ●llarumque usum populo Christiano maximè salutarem esse affirmo.— power of Indulgences to be instituted by Christ; and as a doctrine profitable for all Christians, they reckon it among the Articles of the Romish faith, c Hane veram & Catholicam fidem, extra quam nemo saluus esse possit, etc. Bulla Pii 4. post Conc. Trid. without which (say they) there is no salvation: notwithstanding that this may seem to have been of so late an invention, that their Bishop d Multos fortassè movet, indulgentij● istis non usque adeo fide●●, quòd earum usus in ecclesia videatur fuisse recentior & ad●odùm terò repertus apud Christianos. Quibus ego respondeo, no● certò constare à quo primum tradi coeperunt. fuit tamen nonnullus earum usus ut aiunt (speaking of his own Romanists) apud Romanos vetustissimos, quod vel ex stationibus in urbe frequentissinus intelligi datur (which are no better evidences for indulge●●● then posts in the field are to prove a race) said & Gregor. 1 aiunt, aliquas ●uo tempore concessisse: neque cuiquam obscurum est quin posterioribus ingenijs multa sint tam ex Euangelijs quàm ex Scriptures caeteris nunc excussa luculentiùs, & intellects perspicaciùs, quàm fuerant olim; nimirum, aut quia veteribus adhuc non erat perfracta glacies, neque sufficiebat illorumaetas totum illud Script●ra●um Pelagus ad aniussim expendere, aut etc. R●ffensis Episcopus assert. Lutheran. consut. art. 18 initi●▪ Roffensis finding no sufficient evidence in ancient records, is constrained in the end to answer thus: There is no man (saith he) but may perceive, that there are now many things understood in Scriptures more plainly, and more clearly discussed, than they were in ancient times. 10 Thirdly, we read Rom. 5. that Christ is acknowledged to be the only just one, and that except him * In quo omnes peccaverunt. Rom. 5. all men sinned in one man Adam, from whom all others are descended by natural and carnal procreation. We believe and teach, that where all is so precisely mentioned, no one that is naturally descended from mankind, not not the blessed Virgin can plead exemption: & herein (by the confession of Erasmus) we have the consent of all those holy Fathers, who ever fell into the mention hereof. But the Romanists hold the contrary, f Add, quòd etsi eius contradictoria propositio non sit, ut haeretica, damnata, non nihil ●ame● ad fidem spectat, eò quòd in Ecclesia piè receptus est cultus huius sententiae, & authoritate Pontificis cum favore indulgentiarum celebrari mandatus: nonnullis quoque miraculis & revelationibus ad servos & ancillas Dei factis, comprobatus creditur.— Hoc privilegium Thomas, quasi nimis excelsum, Virgini denegavit, putans per illud adaequari beatam Virgins jesu Christo. Salmeron Ies. comen. in Rom. 5. disp. 49. §. Et primum. & §. Nec potest. In celeberrima Parisiorum Acaden●● nullus magistri in Theologia titulo dignus habetur, qui priùs iurisiurandi religione non se adstrinxe●it ad hoc Virgins priu●iegium tuendum & propugnandum. Ibid. disp. 51. §. Deinde illis. Which (say they) doth somewhat concern faith, being received in our Church, approved by the Pope with the grace of Indulgences unto them that embraced it, and confirmed by revelations and miracles: which privilege of the Virgin, although S. Thomas Aquinas denied, as derogatory from the dignity of Christ, because hereby she is equalled with him: yet do all that take any degree in the profession of Divinity in the University of Paris, first swear, that they will defend this prerogative of the blessed Virgin. Here is a strong and strange antipathy. 11 Again their jesuite Salmeron doth answer, saying, g Argumenta petunt ex eo, quòd non sit verisim●● ut sui devoti amici, & familiari religione Divam Virginem complectentes, ut Bernardus, Bonaventura, Thomas, & alij, h●●● cius piaerogativam ignoraverint.— Respondemus imprimis, totam devotionem ●rga Dei genitricem non consistere 〈◊〉 Bernardo, Bonaventura, & alijs Patribus: multos habuit illa, & adhuc habet sibi magis quàm mundo notos, quibus haec nostra sententia magis placet quàm contraria. Salmeron. ibid. §. Secundò. All devotion e Sancti namque omnes qui in eius rer mentionem incidêre, uno ore asse●erârunt beatam Virginem in peccato mortali conceptam fuisse:— infirmum tamen ex omnium authoritate argumentumd▪ citur.— En argumentum Achillicum, quo Erasmus omnium Patrum testimonio non le existimat obruendum. Canu●l●● Theol. lib. 7. cap. 1. after answereth cap. 3 Hanc quaestionem minimè ad sidem pertinere.— Non mihi, fateor ingenuè, 〈◊〉 via patu●t ad Erasmi argumentum eludendum: yet in the next words contradicting himself, would make the Fathers not to 〈◊〉 held that opinion; notwithstanding the jesuite Salme run reporting the judgement of some Romanists, saith, that, Quidam illore● computant ducentos Patres, alij, ut Bandellus, 300. Caietanus quindecim, & illos quidem, ut ait irrefragabiles, Salmeron Ies a Rom. 5. disp. 51. princip. belonging unto the honour of the Virgin and Mother of our Lord, doth not consist in S. Bernard, or Bonaventure, or Thomas, or other Fathers: and in the end concludeth, h Tertiò, argumenta petunt à Doctorum antiquitate, cui semper maior honour est habitus, quàm novitatibus. Re●pondet●r, quamlibet aetatem antiquitati semper multum detulisse, & quilibet sen●x, ut quidam Poeta dixit, Laudator tempori● acti. Sed illud asserimus, quò iuniores, eò perspicaciores esse Doctores. Salmeron ibidem. §. Tertiò. Younger Divines are more apprehensive of truths, than were the more ancient Doctors. Which censure, we think, could not pass from them (especially in a matter now generally professed of their Church, as worthy, in their opinion, the approbation of the Pope, and confirmation by Revelations and Miracles, and ratification by an oath) without a kind of check & scorn of reverend antiquity. 12 Fourthly, in another question of necessary moment, i Conuenit internos & Aduersarios, praecepta Levitica non obligare Christianos, quatenus sunt propriè Levitica,— sed quatenus naturalia. Sed tota controversia est, an omnia illa praecepta quae habentur in Levitico de gradibus cognationis sint naturalia, an verò aliqua, vel omnia iudicialia? Aduersarij omnia naturalia esse volunt, & propterei indispensabilia, nos contrà. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Matrimon. cap. 27. initio cap. whether the levitical Law, concerning the degrees forbidden in marriage, belong unto Christians (whereby Protestants from the authority of ancient Fathers, prove the Church of Rome to be a patroness of Incest, by dispensing with marriages prohibited by God) another Adversary was licensed to answer thus: k Maneat sanè Patribus suus honos, sua ma●estas, sint, ut merentur, in summa veneratione ac pretio:— insuper audeo dicere, recentiores multis in locis Patribus pressiores, excussiores, diligentiores, vigilantiores èsse. Apologia Tumultuaria pro dispe●satione matrimonij Regis Henr. 8. cum uxore fratris sui defuncti. §. Postre●ò illud. With reservation (saith he) of due honour unto the Ancient Fathers, the younger Divines are in many places more vigilant & judicious, (meaning in discerning the sense of Scriptures) then were those ancients. These kind of answers bewray our adversaries dispositions: which we further manifest by A third observation, that the Romanists do sometime contradict the interpretations of Fathers, not so much by the direction of reason, as by the distraction of affection. SECT. 3. 13 Affection is distorted, whensoever it is partially transported, whether it be upon a good, or a sinister intent; in both which kinds our adversaries do discover themselves: one professing that it is no fault to interpret Scripture beyond their meaning, a Bernardum putant aliqui sacras Scripturas promptè magis atque inexpeditò saepenumero, quàm apposite citare, nulla quidem impietate aut. Scripturarum iniuriâ: non enim potest honesta ad pietatem docendi aliqua esse inhonesta ratio. Tumult Apologia, fol. 34. §. Primum igitur. He bewrayeth his own intent, and in the case in question wrongeth S. Bernard and others. so long as it be done to confirm godliness: which we judge to be a profane and licentious doctrine, because it is impossible that Scripture, which is God's truth, should allow alying Gloss. As for example where their b Siculus Andrae as, cognom●nto Ba●batius,— ut i Bessarione Antistite, &— Cardinale gratiam iniret, de ear Commentariolum priùs edidit.— Occurrit, inquit in 1 Reg cap 2. [Domini enim sunt cardines terrae, & posuit super eos orbem] quam authoritatem Hostiensis Doctor excelsus figuravit ad Cardinals: sicut enim ostium regitur cardine, ita & Ecclesia Romana regitur consilio Cardinalium Haec ille— Lawyers, to win favour of the order of Cardinals, alleged that Scripture, 1. Sam. 2. 8. where the godly woman in praying unto God, said [the pillars (in Latin Cardines) of the earth are the Lords, and he hath set the world upon them,] & glozingly writ, that by this was figured the Cardinals, because as a door by a hinge (or Cardine) so is the Roman Church ruled by Cardinals. Which kind of Expositors are not unfitly compared by their c Vide, non secus isti iuri●consulti aliquoties detorquent sacras literas quò volunt, ut sutores sordidis solent dentibus extendere pelles. Polydore Virgil. lib. 4. cap. 9 Invent. rerum. Lugduni 1558. Whose last sentence is commanded by their Index Expurg. Belg. to be purged out. Polydore so to wrist the Scriptures, even as Shoemakers use to streth their leather with their sordid teeth. And can they show one Father, who thus dreamt of their Cardinals? 14 Their sinister affection lieth open unto the Reader, where they profess not to consent unto the Fathers, to the intent that they may manifest their greater dissent from the doctrine of Protestants: for thus doth their jesuite Maldonate demean himself for propounding an interpretation of Scripture, whereof he saith he had no Author, d Non nego me huius interpretationis Authorem neminem habere, sed hanc eò magis probo quàm illam alteram Augustini, caeterarumque alioqui probabilissiman: quòd haec cum Caluinistarum sensu magis pugnet: quod mihi magnum est probabilitati● argumentum. Maldonat. Ies. comm. in joh 6. 62. Yet notwithstanding (saith he) I do approve this exposition, rather than that of S. Augustine's, or else any others; although most probable, because it doth most dissent from the interpretation of the Caluinists. So likewise their Cardinal Bellarmine examining whether the e Duae scripturae proferuntur, una ex cap. 6. Marci, altera jac. 5. de priore non omnes conveniunt, an, cum Apostoli ungebant olco infirmos, & curabant, illa fuerit unctio Sacramentalis,— an solùm adumbratio eius Qui tuentur priorem sent●ntiam, ut Tho. Waldensis & Alphonsus à Castro, ●a ratione ducuntur, quòd Beda, Theoph Oecumen. in commentarijs Marci & jacobi videantur dicere, esse eandem unctionem cuius fit mentio in utro que loco. Sed probabilior est sententia Ruardi, ●ansenij, & Dominici à Soto: mibi etiam eo certè nomine gratior, quòd video Lutherum, Caluinum, & Kemnitium in priore opinion; existimant enim illi eandem unctionem esse in Mare. 6. & jao. 5. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Extreme. unct. cap. 2. initis. same kind of unction be signified Mark. 6. and jac. 5. (a point of some special consequent) refuseth the judgement of Beda, Theophylact, and Oecumenius, and preferreth the opinion of no Fathers, but even of three Doctors of his own profession; which (saith he) is the better welcome, because I found Luther and Caluine to embrace the other opinion, namely, of Beda, Theophylact, and Oecumenius; unto whom we may add for us the judgement of f See above. Cardinal Caietane. 15 Besides all which, a late Romanist doth boast himself to be another Columbus, that as he discovered new countries, so doth this man glory in finding out new constructions, and manner of g Quemadmodum Christophorus Columbus— cum praeter omnem expectationem in vasto illo oceano nowm orbem aperuisset, aurum & rariores lapides, terrae opulentae indices in Hispaniam reduxit: sic ego— cum aliam Scripturam, tanquam terram novam, sub hac vulgari & trita iacentem deprae henderim,— in veritatis argumentum lectiones quasdam, veluti— sapientiae admirabilis atque incognitae gemmas vobis exhibeo. Paulò post: Et ne quis praeiudicio suo indulgens, ut huius rei veritatem elevet, totum hoc tanquam figmentum ingenio maeo imputet; iam anticipata fidei meae sponsione promitto, quòd came sapientiae divinae demonstrationem in hoc libro visurus sit, quae ingenij humani, adeoque intellectus creati operam excedat. — Deinde post: Si quis adhuc vel de rei magnitudine, vel humilitate mea diffidens, quaerat, Quomodo iam queat investigari, quod tot aetates clam fuit?— Quodsi Deus, ut potentiam suam testatam faciat, Ecclesiae Catholicae, seu quondam Sarae senescenti, intellectus uterum foecundet,— & novam cupidinem in homine boreali, id est hebe●, ad intelligentiae divinae conceptum accenderit, merito dixerit Ecclesia, Risum mihi fecit Deus, etc. Guliem Alabaster Anglus, Apparatu in Revelat. jesu Christi, Praef. ad Lectorem. Antuerp. anno Dom. 1607. interpretation of Scriptures. And if we ask him how he could found out that, which hath lain hid so many ages? he is licenced to answer, that if God to show his power in his Catholic Church, shall make the barren womb os Sara fruitful in her old age, then may the Church say with Sara, God hath caused me to laugh. Laugh? but true Catholics will rather grieve to perceive any man's wit so seriously idle, as to endeavour to unclasp the whole book of Revelation by an analytical, and indeed cabalistical manner of exposition, which he hath set abroach: whereof we may give our Reader a taste in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and English. 16 The Hebrew word h Ibid. pag. 102. Gomalim, signifying Camels, from the roots thereof Gam-malim, he will needs have to be signified Protestants: and the Greek word i Pag. 294. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, revel. 9 11. must morethens intimate Luther. The Latin Bonum, he fancieth to be derived of k Pag. 151. [Bornwell] which is (saith he) an intentive particle, and of [num] coming of nuo: and the English word God, of an intensive particle [Go] and the syllable [odd,] which is of itself. And by this art he intendeth shortly to avouch the truth of the Romish Church, and prove the Protestants doctrine to be Antichristian. 17 But hereby he hath moved pity even in his Adversaries, who know that the affectation of such an interpretation must redound unto the l Sacra vetustatis authoritate profanae novitatis cense remus. audaciam. Vinc. Lyrinensis. profanation of the sacred word of God, which was abused by old heretics called Gnostics, and Valentinians, even through the like kind of speculations, as m Epiphan. lib. 1. adversus haeres. Epiphanius observeth: and therefore may be an argument unto their Reader of a man suddenly go out of the sunshine into a dark house, who the more clearly he saw before, the less now he can see. There followeth A fourth observation of a cunning practised by our Adversaries, in wronging the testimonies of antiquity. SECT. 4. 18 When the Fathers make clearly against them, some possibly will follow the examples of D. Allen and D. Sanders, a Difficultate oppressus Alanus Copus, & Sanderus, respondent, verba illa non esse Epiphanij, sed supposititia:— id quod common & frequens effugium esse solet ijs, qui testimonijs Conciliorum aut Patrum in aliqua controversia nimis premuntur.— Mihi verò haec responsio non placet.— Porrò verba illa recitata esse ipsius Epiphanij, nec supposititia inde constabit, &c — Vasquez Ies. lib. 2 de Adorat. disp. 5. cap. 3. num. 140. 141. who (as their own jesuite Vasquez witnesseth,) being oppressed with difficulty of answering, said, that the words alleged out of the Father Epiphanius are sergeant: although indeed (saith the same jesuite,) it may appear, that they are (which he proveth by good demonstration,) certainly the proper words of the Father. 19 But what if this escape be prevented by public registers, such as be the books of the Council? Their jesuite Vasquez hath given example of b Recentiores aliqui pondere h●●●s (Concilij Elibertini) quasi oppressi, tanquam optimum effugium elegerunt, authoritatem Concilij negate, quòd Provinciale fuerit,— nec à Pontifice confirmatum:— Et sanè, si aliâ viâ Concilio satisfieri non possit, hoc nobis effugium sufficiat. Vasquez Ies. lib. 2. de Adorat. disp. 5. cap. 2. initio cap. Baronius tom. 2. anno 305.— existimat hanc Synodum legitimam fuisse. Binius de Conc. come. in Can. 36. Concilij Elibert. some, who of late (saith he) being as it were oppressed with the authority of the provincial Council of Eliberis (which condemned the worship of Images) held it their best refuge to deny the authority of that Council, as being but only provincial, and not confirmed by the Pope; and doubtless (saith he) this evasion may serve the turn, if a better answer cannot be found. This Council is ancient, even 1300 years ago (according unto Binius,) wherein there was a consent of Fathers in a definitive sentence, no Father of that age, or of many ages after contradicting their determination. 20 If this answer fail, and that the Father's testimonies be proved entire, then (not to call in question their art of corrupting the Fathers, which their c In hoc capite non du bium quin multa sint addita, veluti declarandi gratiâ, ab ijs, qui omnia magnorum authorum scripta spurcis suis manibus contaminabant. Lodovicus vives in lib. 22. de Civitate Dei, cap. 8. pag. 693. Lugduni 1560. vives may seem to note in their own men) they do betake themselves unto two other shifts: for first they instruct their Divines, that whensoever they shall be pressed with the authorities of ancient Fathers, d In Catholicis veteribus plurimos feramus authores, & extenuemus, excusemus, excogitato commento, persaepè negemus, & commodum eye sensum affingamus, dum opponuntur in disputationibus. Index Expurg. Belg. And that by [veteres] is meant the Fathers, it appeareth by Gretzer: Quid piaculi fecit Index, cum— pro Bertramo agens, came illi gratiam fieri cupit, quae sit alijs nonnullis ex antiquorum numero, ut Tertulliano & Origeni? Gretzer jesuita de iure prohib. libros. lib. 2. cap. 10. § Obijcit junius. by some devised and colourable Comment to excuse their speeches, or to deny that they meant so, or else to apply unto them some favourable exposition. This first is gentle physic, which if it do not work, than (this is their last refuge,) they apply a stronger purge: for as they have e Index Expurg. editus Parisus, anno Domini 1557. And see this confessed before, Chap. 25. Sect. 3. num. 6. razed a sentence, which advanceth the sufficiency of the sacred Scriptures, out of that unperfect work which hath long passed under the name of S. chrusostom; so they either do, or may hereafter practise the like tyranny against the writings of other Fathers, especially seeing they challenge this authority herein, upon a pretence that f Secundò dum prohibetur Bertramus, nego prohiberi Patrem; nam Ecclesiae Pater ille est, qui salutari doctrinâ Ecclesiam alit & pascit:— si pro tritico lolium admiscuerit, eatenus non pater est, sed vitricus, non Doctor, said seductor.— Quartò insuetum non est, ut veteres damnentur errores, si nocendo fiant novi.— exemplum habemu● in Gelasio Pontifice, qui Tertullianum & Origenem, & alios, etsi valdè antiquos, lege lata ex orthodoxorum manibus & usu excuss●t, ius hoc semper fuit penes Ecclesiam.— Etsi integrum librum proscribere fas est, fas etiam erit proscribere partem; seu paruam, seu magnam; eum exscindendo, delendo, obliterando, vel simpliciter omittendo, idque ob Lectoris utilitatem. Gretzerus Ies. de iure prohib. libros, lib. 2. cap. 10. pag. 328. & 329. the father is no natural father, but a stepfather, who nourisheth not the Church with wholesome food, but mixeth darnel and pernicious grain with the wheat: therefore as the Popes (say they) have dealt with some writings of Origen and Tertullian, by the same right may they now (according to their wisdom,) abolish any writings of others, either in whole or in part, by cutting or blotting them out. And so it may come to pass, that the Fathers shall not only be no judges, but even no Doctors of the Church; for they may be silenced by their Popes, who are in our adversaries doctrine the Fathers of Fathers: and this must be the end of their disputes, not by persuading, but by commanding a consent. We now come unto The necessary cautions, which are to be used in the allegations of books of antiquity. The first is, that undoubted Authors be alleged, and not sergeant. SECT. 5. 21 It hath been the common and constant profession of all Protestants to stand unto the judgement of antiquity, for the continuance of the first four hundred years, and more, in all things: which appeareth by their undoubted books and testimonies, clearly and universally held in those purest times for necessary doctrines of faith. The first caution is, that they bring us the testimonies of true Fathers; otherwise the subornation of sergeant witnesses, must argue the weakness of the cause. 22 Their own a Senens. Biblio. lib. 4. per totum. Senensis and b Possevin. Apparat. per totum. Possevine have discovered, for their part, such a number of this illegitimate seed, as doth amount to many hundreds: by the error whereof, our Adversaries usually delude their Reader, suggesting unto his weak sight erroneous Authors under the names of orthodoxal Fathers; objecting, for the defence of Romish positions, testimonies in the c Ambros. objected by the Rhemists, annot. in 1. Timoth. 3. 15. although Salmeron reject all his commentaries upon S. Paul's epistles: Salmer. Ies. in ep. Pauli, disp. 19 pag. 61. Tom. 13. So likewise Possevin. Apparat. tit. Ambrose. Clemens epist. 1. ad jacob. fratrens Domini. Ob. by Binfildiusde contrite animarum post mortem. §. 5. memb. 3. Rejected by Card. Turrecr. as saith Senens. Bibl. lib. 2. Tit. Clemens: and by Bellar l. 3. de bonis operib. c. 11. §. Caeterùm. And Athanas. q. 34. ad Antiochum. ob. by Card. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 6. initio: and are held to be feigned epistles by Possevin. Ies. Apparat. tit. Athanas. and by Senens. Bibl. l. 4. tit. Athanas. and Eusebius Emissenus, Dionysius Areopagita, and Cyprianus ob. and disclaimed. See above Cap. 2. §. 4. & Cap. 25. §. 1. & Cap. 2. §. 7. name of Ambrose, Clemens Rom. Athanasius, Eusebius Emissenus, Dionysius Areopagita, Cyprian, and multitudes of others, which by our Adversaries themselves are rejected, as being works of a suborned and bastardly offspring. 23 And indeed these are no more fit truly to confirm any Romish doctrine, than the Epistles of Clemens and Anacletus Bishops of Rome, can be thought sufficient to countenance the Papal authority; which their learned Cardinal Cusanus suspecteth to be d Sunt meo judicio illa scripta de Constantini donatione Apocrypha: sicut fortasse longa scripta (speaking of their epistles in Gratian) sanctis Clementi & Anacleto attributa, in quibus volentes exaltare Romanam sedem, omni laud dignam, plus quàm Ecclesiae expedit, se penitus quasi fundant. Cardin. Cusanus lib. 3. Concord. Cathol. cap. 2. fol. 782. Apocrypha: whereunto notwithstanding (saith he) they do give credit, who do too much defend the authority of the See of Rome. And if it be true which their own e Antonius Contius, Professor Regius in Academia Brugensi, Impres. Antuerp. anno 1570. dist. 16. Cap. Septuaginta, showeth by many arguments. Omnium Pontificum, qui Syluestrum praecesserunt, epistolas Decretales falsas esse. Contius, one who was the public professor at Bruges, doth by many reasons contend to prove, viz. that the Decretal epistles of all the Popes (that is, for almost the space of three hundred years,) before Pope Sylvester, are false: then why do they not adjure those many spirits to departed, which are of this sort, and are yet held with them for Oracles, possessing the bodies of their f See Surius Tom. 1. and Binius Tom. 1. Conc. Counsels? 24 Again, their books which have been corrupted by heretics (which also are confessed to have been many) are to be esteemed as none of the Fathers, being by the g The Pelagians corrupted the Commentaries attributed unto Ambrose: witnessing Salmeron in epist. Pauli, disp. 19 pag. 61. and the annotations upon S. Paul's epistles ascribed unto S. Jerome. Senens. Bibl. lib. 4. tit. Hieronym. pag. 251. The Arrians the works of Origen. Bellar. lib. 1. de Christo, cap. 10. §. Tertiae aetatis. Eunomians the books of Recognitions of Clemens. Senens. lib. 2. Tit. Clemens. pag. 50. The novatians the books of Tertullian de Trinitate. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Christo, cap. 6. §. Ad locum. The Nicolaitans the Canons of the Apostles. Senens. lib. 2. tit. Clemens. pag. 49. and other Heretics the books of Pope Leo, Senens. ibid. lib. 4. pag. 326. art of Arrians, Pelagians, Eunomians, novatians, Nicolaitans, and other heretics, infected with deadly corruptions: so that the unexpert scholar is no otherwise occupied in turning over the Fathers, than an ignorant man who is conversant in an Apothecary's shop, where without wary circumspection he may suck his bane out of boxes, which carry the title of an Antidote. The second and third cautions, that the Testimonies be clear in their sense, and general in consent. SECT. 6. 25 Our Adversaries themselves know right well that the Father's writings are full of obscurities, which they note especially in S. a Mos est Hieronymi commemorare in fuis commentarijs sententias multorum authorum— apertè fa●sas, nec significare Lectori eas sibi displicere: cuius consuetudinis inexpertus Lector facilè in fraudem & errorem inducatur, existimans eas esse Hieronymi sententias. Pererius Ies. comm. in Gen. 19 disp. 6. §. Verùm quia. & Ribera Ies. comm. in Hos. 12. num. 5. & Senens. lib. 4. tit. Hieronymus. Non mi●um est si in hac quaestione de Eucharistia occurrant aliquae sententiae obscuriores Patrum, etc. Greg. Valent. lib. 1. de Christi praesentia. cap. 10. pag. 38. col. 2. Quae à Patribus interdum non dogmaticè, sed obiter & contentiosè scribuntur. Stapleton doctr. princip. controu. 2. lib 6. cap. 5. Augustinus non exposuit hunc locum in commentario aliquo proprio,— sed solùm adduxit aliquid ex hac Pauli sententia ad suum propositum. Bellar. l. 1. de Euchar. cap. 14. §. Duodecimus locus. In the exposition of the place of S. Paul. 1. Cor. 10. The fathers did eat the same meat: making against Transubstantiation. Jerome, and which they also often pretend in answering Protestants unto many arguments out of the Fathers: and yet they themselves do commonly allege testimonies and interpretations of Fathers for the proof of * See these particulars above, lib. 2. per totum. Merit, Sacrifice, Transubstantiation, Satisfaction, and other Romish doctrines; wherein (as hath been from their own confessions proved) they have given us only shells in stead of kernels, and the words of Fathers against their meanings. For else our Adversaries are not ignorant, that some Fathers sometimes have had their by-paths; in which regard the Romanists themselves do admonish their Readers to b Oportet matura consideratione expendere occasiones non paucas, ob quas prisci illi Ecclesiarum Magistri interdum à veritatis scopo aberrarunt; primùm quia absque praevio ductore intentatum ante à iter aggressi sunt:— deindè cùm innumera penè pro temporum, locorum, ac personarum oportunitate dixerunt,— in multiloquio non deest peccatum.— Praetere à dum ardebant veteres illi tanto sincerae pietatis— ardore, ut dum unum errorem omni conatu destruere annituntur, saepè in alterum oppositum errorem vel deciderint, vel decidisse videantur.— Porrò in libris sanctorum Doctorum, quos authenticè legit Ecclesia, nonnunquam inveniuntur quaedam prava vel haeretica. Senens. Biblioth. lib. 5. in Praefat. pag. 328. 329. Coloniae 1586. weigh four occasions, whereby those ancient masters were made sometime to miss their aim, & to err from the truth: adding, that in those very books of theirs, which the Church doth read for authentical, there are some things found, which are indeed false and erroneous: and c Etsi sacri Patres multa praeclara & omni fide dignissima scripserint, quae meritò tribuenda sunt Spiritui sancto, qui illa eye suggessit; sunt tamen interdum nonnulla minùs certae & constantis veritatis, quaedam verò probabilia, & interdum graviores lapsus de rebus, quae in Ecclesia suo tempore definitae non erant, & ideo ad authoritatis pondus & fastigium, quale obtinent Scripturae, non pertingunt: ita ut Biblia sacra sola digna sint ut absolutè dicantur Scripturae. Salmeron Ies. comment. in 2. Tim 3. disp. 4. §. Et addit. although those holy Fathers did teach many things worthy of all credit, by the direction of the holy Ghost; yet sometime they delivered some things doubtfully, and in some things they did greatly err. 26 Which errors the Protestants have likewise noted, not as the children of Cham, pointing at deformities to laugh and scorn, but as careful and faithful Pilots, discovering shelves and sands, for the directing of others in the safest course: which notwithstanding the Romanists do usually object for the proof of 1 Prayer for the dead, from such testimonies of some Fathers which defended loca resrigerij: an error condemned by the Romanists. See above, lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 15. Prayer for the dead, for 2 Purgatory, from such authorities of some Fathers as held that all the Saints, even the blessed Virgin also must be tried by fire in the day of doom: and is rejected by the Romanists as erroneous. See ibid. lit b. in the margin. Purgatory torments, for 3 Mixture of water with wine in the Eucharist, from such sentences of a few Fathers, who taught that this mixture was in itself not only a figure, but even an essential part of this Sacrament: confuted by themselves. See above, lib. 2. cap. 4. Mixture of water with wine in the Eucharist, for 4 Necessity of Baptism of Infants, from such clauses of some Fathers, who taught that otherwise they should suffer eternal torments of hell: which our Adversaries do now utterly dislike, as derogating from the mercy of God. See above, lib. 2. cap. 13. §. 3. Absolute necessity of baptism of all Infants, for 5 That Antichrist must be a jew, from such comments of Fathers as rely upon a false interpretation of jacob's prophecy: which exposition our Adversaries confess to be violent and untrue. See above lib. 2. cap. 5. §. 2. Antichrist to issue from some jewish tribe, for 6 Free will, from such opinions of some Fathers as are confessed by themselves to have therein too much inclined unto Pel●gianisme. See above lib. 2. cap. 10. §. 1. Man's freewill unto good of himself: when as, notwithstanding these testimonies and opinions of some particular Fathers, the Romanists themselves have condemned such sentences, as being both false and pernicious: besides their doctrine of 7 See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 19 20. & seq. Indulgence, which is confessed to have been scarce conceited on by either Latin or Greek Fathers. The last caution is, that the Fathers deliver their judgement in the nature of necessary doctrine in Christianity. SECT. 7. 27 For herein our Adversaries have forfeited the estimation which they would challenge, and which is proper unto just and sincere disputers. Two points, of a See above lib. 2 cap. 12. Invocation of Saints departed, and of b See above lib. 1 cap. 2. §. 14. Purgatory, proceeded from some Fathers under the term of peradventure: besides diverse traditional c See above lib. 2 cap. 25. ceremonies, which by the Fathers were used in the rule of indifferency, but have since by the Roman Church been imposed upon her people in the law of necessity: and (which exceedeth admiration,) the forenamed doubtful and not universal doctrines, hath the same Church lately * See Bulla Pij 4. in Conc. Trident. in forma juramenti. translated into the symbol of her new Creed, in the conclusion of their last Council of Trent; which consisteth upon four and twenty Articles. Upon all these former premises we make bold To conclude, by way of Appeal. SECT. 8. 28 Whosoever shall remember that the Romish Clergy is bound by an oath, never to interpret Scripture contrary unto the uniform consent of ancient Fathers: which they neither a For what one of a thousand doth read all the Fathers, to try their consent in all interpretations? can, nor do perform: but assume unto themselves, not only that liberty commended unto all Christians, b 1. Thess. 5. 21. Trying all things, and choosing that which is good; that is, so far to follow them, as by reason they may; or as far as they, like as natural Fathers, give their children wholesome food: but also c Sect. 1 reject their uniform authorities, and d Sect. 2. prefer the judgement of younger Divines before them: and not upon the evidence of truth, but by importunity of e Sect. 3 affection, whether in pretence of godliness, or upon a f Ibid. grudge against Protestants, jest with them they might accord unto the ancient interpretations: or else not upon the justice of their cause, but by g Sect. 4. impotency of satisfying unto the testimonies of Fathers, do arrogate unto themselves a power either of deluding them by some h §. 4. lit. d. cunning comment, or of refusing them as i Ibid. supposititious and bastardly, or of k Ibid. utterly blotting, and razing them out: I say, Every such Reader must necessarily be able to discern between the profession of Romanists and Protestants, as between bondage and liberty, affection and reason, truth and dissimulation. 29 And if further he shall call to mind how the Romanists, to make themselves the only heirs of the ancient Fathers, have l §. 5. lit. c. suggested sergeant names in stead of currant, m §. 5. lit. g. erroneous writings for sound, n Sect. 6. 7. particular opinions for general, o Sect. 6. 7. doubts for determinations, (all which have been particularly discovered:) he cannot but easily judge whether the Protestants or Romanists deserve more credit, in the alleging and allowing of the testimonies of Antiquity. The end of the second Book. THE THIRD BOOK: ENTREATING OF THE FAITH OF THE JEWS, AND the practice of Miracles; both which the Apologists do suggest in the next place for the confirmation of their Romish faith. Chap. I Of the faith of the jews. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Another like Demonstration thereof by testimony from the ancient jews. §. 4. Add but now in further demonstration hereof, that concerning such Articles of faith now in question, as are common to us with the Fathers of the old Testament, whensoever upon any occasion, direct mention is made of any of them, either by those that were before Christ's time, or by the jewish Rabbins since, it is still with us, and against our Adversaries. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By an Introduction into the matter. SECT. 1. THE Apologists, after a long and obliqne pilgrimage unto a Lib. 1. cap. 1. England, and b Ibid. cap. 9 Wales, from whence they wandered unto the c Ibid. cap. 10. elder, and d Ibid. cap. 11. younger Graecia, besides other e Ibid. cap. 12. etc. Remote Nations of Armenia, and Aethiopia, and then again by a circumcirca f In the second book. wended into Europe, Asia, and Africa, and all in visitation (if they might have been found) of the old Monuments and Records of the now controverted Articles of faith; do now at length set foot within the coasts of judaea, searching if there they may find some Relics of the Roman profession out of the faith of ancient jews: and by their first words [add but now] put us in good hope to make their full period here. But restless and undeterminable are the by-paths of error, for now are we brought to follow them through a wilderness of opinions, called the jewish g See hereafter cap. 3. §. 1. Talmud, and herein to seek the doctrines (as they pretend) of ancient jewish Rabbins: which is all one labour as to follow a swallow in her flight. Nevertheless they call this observation a demonstration of their Romish faith: which is prosecuted more fully by their jodocus Coccius in his late huge volumes entitled the h Thesaurus Catholic●s, in quo controversiae fidei.— Catholic treasure of the controversies of faith: a work commended unto the world, as i Opus— omnibus verae fidei, pietatis, & Christianae antiquitatis amantibus summè necessarium.— especially necessary for all, who are lovers of the ancient Christian truth, and authorised by the k Cum privilegio Caesareae Maiestatis. Coloniae 1599 privilege of Caesar. 2 Which argument from the jewish faith, albeit it seem unto the ignorant to be (as they call it) a demonstration of their faith, yet will it prove unto the judicious, a demonstration rather of folly, arising from the principles of delusion: as may be evinced by the examination of their particulars, whereunto we orderly proceed. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. So in the example of prayer for the dead, admitting the book of Macchabees but for a true history. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Concerning the Canonical Scriptures of the old Testament: herein convincing these Apologists of rashness, and their Church of obstinacy in erring, even by the universal judgement of the ancient jews; from the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 3 We may remember their challenge to be entitled A Catholic Apology; and their first allegation for this last point to be taken out of the book of Macchabees, admitting (as they say) the book but for a true history: implying that it is not only true, as other human histories, but that it is (as are divine Scriptures) authentically and infallibly true: like as in producing the book of Ecclesiasticus they said, * See hereafter initio cap. 4. out of the Apolog. Though we should for a time suppose it not to be Canonical Scripture; intimating that it is most certainly Canonical, as hath been decreed by their Council of Trent of a Si quis librum Hester, Danielis, Baruch, Ecclesiastici, Sapientiae, judith, Tobiae, duorum Machabaeorum, Danielis libros integros cum omnibus suis partibus, prout in veteri vulgata Latina editione habentur, pro sacris & Canonicis non susceperit,— Anathema sit. Conc. Trid. Sess. 4. the books of Macchabees, Ecclesiasticus, Toby, judith, Baruch, Wisdom, and some Apocryphal parts of Hester, and Daniel, by an imposition of their curse of Anathema upon every one that shall not confess all these to be Canonical Scriptures; as do the Protestants, whom our Adversaries do therefore condemn as sacrilegiously b Protestants illud ipsum verbum, quod solum restiterat, exsectis è toto corpore tam multis partibus, delumbarunt. Campianus Ies. Rat. 1. Possevin. Ies. in not is divini verbi. pag. 26. Bellarm. lib. 1 de verbo Dei, cap. 7. & seqq. maiming and rending asunder the word of God. 4 This is a principal controversy, which concerneth the integrity of holy Scriptures, the principles of faith, wherein we appeal unto the judgement of ancient Hebrews, c Ij libri veteris Testamenti— in Canone Hebraeorum non habentur. Costerus Ies. Enchirid. cap. 1. de sacra Scriptura. §. De numero librorum. in sol. Ob. 1 & 2. Hij (sex) libri simul omnes reijciuntur ab Hebraeis, ut B. Hieron. testatur in Prologo Galeato. De●nde Haebraeorum sententiam sequuntur Haeretici (Protestants) huius temporis ferè omnes. Bellarm. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap. 10. initio. who (as our Adversaries themselves confess) did reject all those six books as not Canonical, which are excluded by Protestants. Yet this was the prerogative of the jews mentioned by the Apostle, to * Rom. 3. 2. have the Oracles of God committed unto them; that is, (as saith their Cardinal d Id est, Oracula divina, in sacris Scriptures contenta, commissa & concredita esse judaeis; apud eos enim in quadam custodia & deposito eloquia Dei manserunt, factiue sunt depositarij, & custodes eloquiorum Dei. Tolet. Ies. ●om. in Rom. 3. 2. Tolet) The divine Scriptures, as God's pledges were preserved by them. 5 But some peradventure will suspect that the jews did violate and frustrate this so sacred a depositum and repose, by rejecting some Scriptures which were of divine authority. OH not: for S. Jerome and Origen (whose sentence Cardinal * See hereafter cap. 16. Sect. 3 Bellarmine doth both allege and allow) did thus reason concerning the truth of the Hebrew Testament; that if the books thereof had been corrupted, than Christ or the Apostles would surely have reproved so notable a crime, especially seeing they reprehended in them less faults. If this Argument may pass for currant for the justifying of the jews, to free them from the suspicion of a wilful depraving of any sentence of Canonical Scriptures, shall it not be of more weight to absolve them from dismembering whole books of holy writ? Yes verily: for it will be confessed by their Cardinal Bellarmine, that the jews were always so religious, that they would * See hereafter cap. 16. §. 3. choose rather to die an hundred deaths, then to suffer any corruption of the holy Scriptures. 6 Again, we cannot, but acknowledge the observation of their Cardinal Caietan to be very sound and judicious: c Duas maximas utilitates ex judaeorum obstinatione percipimus, altera est fides librorum sacrorum. Si enim omnes judaei conversi essent ad Christum, putaret iam mundus judaeorum adinuentionem fuisse— quòd fuerit promissus Messiah. Sed ubi inimici Christi judaei perseverant, & testantur nullos alios apud Patres fuisse libros Canonicè sacros, nisi istos. etc. Caiet. Card. come. in Rom. ●ap. 11. pag. 76. All Christians (saith he) receive a double benefit by the apostasy and obstinacy of the ●ewes; one is to know which are the true books of the old Testament: for if all the jews had been converted unto the faith of Christ, then would the world have suspected that the jews had invented those promises which are of Christ the Messiah: but now inasmuch as the jews are enemies unto Christ, they bear witness unto us, that there are no other books Canonical (meaning, of the old Testament) than those which the jews themselves have acknowledged. So that we may well think that that Church is less Christian, which is not more jewish in this Article concerning the Canon of holy Scriptures, especially seeing (as will be confessed) the ancient Fathers did embrace the judgement of the jews in this point. 7 Let now any sensible brain of any Christian man, understand that the Romanists (who stand convicted in this first and highest point of all controversies, even the discerning of the true Oracles of God) pretend a demonstration of their faith out of the doctrine of ancient jews: and he may consequently judge what is the vanity of their challenge, wherein they have adventured to profess, and that in print, * See the Apology in the beginning of this third book. concerning such articles of faith now in question, that whensoever upon any occasion direct mention is made of any of them, either of those that were before Christ, or by the jewish Rabbins since, it is still with us (say they) against our Adversaries. This their darkness in this one point is afterward more fully discovered by examples of all the Churches of the world in the primitive age after Christ, and by the confessions of many Roman Adversaries witnessing the same truth of our profession concerning the Canon of Scriptures of the old Testament. Now we come to the first question. CHAP. II Of Prayer for the dead; out of the book of Macchabees. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. It may not be denied but that long before Christ's time, judas Macchabeus (the undoubted servant of God) q 2. Macchab. 2. 43. procured sacrifice for the dead: that the Priests at Jerusalem accordingly offered r 2. Machab. 2. 45. Solely made a reconciliation for the dead, that they might be delivered from sin. it, and that the Author of the History so many years after commended s 2. Machab. 2. 45. It was a holy and good thought, & vide ibidem, verse 43. the same. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. NOT a Bellarm. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 3. Coccius ●n Thesauro Cathol. Greg. Valent. de Purgat. and others. Romanist almost falleth into this argument of Prayer for the dead, but he presently pointeth at this place with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as though this were in itself sufficient to confounded any Protestant: but we answer by examination 1. of the Translator, 2. the Relator, 3. the Actor, and 4. the authority of this story, now mentioned. 2 The translation is according to the vulgar Latin, which D. b Lib 1. de Idolat. cap. 5. Sect. 8 & 9 Reynolds hath proved from all the Greek Originals, & many Latin copies to be corrupted, which hath it thus; Et factâ collatione etc. that is, And having made a gathering, he sent twelve thousand drachmas of silver to jerusalem, to be offered for a sacrifice for the sins of the dead. The word [mortuorum,] of the dead, is added, even as is the naming of twelve thousand drachmas in stead of two thousand: as though they meant hereby to enlarge their royal exchange of Indulgences. 3 Secondly, the Relator jason Cyrenaeus, who calleth himself the c 2. Machab. 2. 24. abridger of this story, hath been showed by d Deinde totum illud, etc. Our Zanchius de divin. attrib. lib. 4 cap. 4. Zanchius to have been rather an enlarger of it, by adding unto it more than is to be found either in the Hebrew Ben gorion. lib. 3. cap. 19 or else in the Greek histories of josephus, who have both recorded this story. 4 But if we should allow for disputation's sake, the story to be truly expressed, and that (which some e See D. Reynolds, and Jerome Zanchie, in the same places. impugn) this Sacrifice had been offered by means of the Actor judat Macchabaus, for the dead, and not only for the living; yet must we consider that it was for the behoof of those dead, who had taken jewels consecrated unto Idols, which was forbidden by the law, Deut. 7. This was a sin, yea and such a sin, that this f The sin of Acan, josh. 7. 1. one was the only cause why many perished in the host of Israel: which argueth that it was an heinous sin. 5 Finally, these being now slain, the idolatrous jewels (the matter of their sin) g 2. Machab. 12. vers. 40. are found under the coats of every one of them: which proveth, that as they died for sin, so they died in their sin. And will our Adversaries allow public prayers to be made for those who die in h They will not. See above in the questions of Purgatory and Sacrifice. Mortal peccatum est reatus, cui, quantum est in sesolùm, semper debetur aeterna damnatio. Vega lib. 14. de peccat. mort. & ven. cap. 16. fol. 640. mortal sin? But they i Greg Valent. Ies. lib. de Purgat. suppose that some of these had repent; yet because this could but only be supposed, it may be demanded of our Adversaries, whether they will allow public prayers to be made specially and by name for any public transgressors, who are not known to have given any sensible testimony of repentance? How then shall the Romanists justify this example? 6 For as in earthly building, we are not to apply the rule unto the stone, but the stone unto the rule; so in spiritual edification, God's k To the law, and to the testimony. Esa 8. 20. law must not be examined by example, but example by law. And seeing (as their jesuite confesseth) l Neque certè dubitandum est quin orandi institutum pro defunctis ex Maiorum traditione Macchabaei acceperint, cum in lege quidem nihil de ea re scriptum sit. Gregor. Valent. jesuita, Anal. fid. lib. 8. cap. 6. §. Sic et. the ordinance of prayer for the dead is not found written in the law of God, we presume his act cannot be thought lawful, in seeking a m Vers. 43. Sacrifice of sin-offering in behalf of the slain. 7 To pretend that he was warranted by the law of some n Greg. Valent. suprà, lit. l. unwritten Tradition, is a conjecture contradicted by * See hereafter cap. 8. Sect. 4. lordship levit. 5. our Adversaries, and oppugneth the perfection of Gods written will. For if God did so particularly and precisely ordain in his written law p sin-offerings for trespasses of only bodily pollution by touching of the carrion of dead beasts, would he have omitted mention of Sacrifices for the precious souls of men, if any such had been behoveful for the dead? Thus much of the Actor judas. 8 Howsoever, (that we may come to speak of the authority of this story,) our Adversaries are not ignorant, that not only all the jews, but the most ancient Fathers, as namely, Jerome, Ruffinus, Epiphanius, Athanasius, Eusebius, and (to omit others,) S. Gregory did not acknowledge these books of Maccabees for Canonical Scriptures; and consequently, not to be of authority sufficient to patronise any doctrine of faith. And now we come to salute their Rabbins. CHAP. III Of the authority of the jewish Rabbins. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Whereunto might be added further like testimony thereof, from josephus t joseph cap. 9 dissuadeth those distressed soldiers that were ready to kill themselves, saying, Ignoro milites, quae sit propitiatio animae hominis qui seipsum interfecit: quis intercedet pro nobis ad Deum si sic peccaucrimus? most plainly thereby insinuating, that for such as die in better estate, prayer may be made. Bengorion, also from Rabbi Simeon u Rabbi simeon in libro Zoar, in cap. 18. Genesis, saith of such as are temporally punished after this life: After they are purged from the filth of their sinn●, then doth God 'cause them to ascend out of that place. (who lived before Christ,) and from sundry other old jewish x Menachimsiam in comment ad levit. c. 16. and R. Hismi. Alphesijs scholiastes ad caput Roch. Haschana. And R. Isaac. Ababab. in Lucerna lucis, conclusione 1. part. 2. cap. 2. & R. David Kimhi in Psalm. 32. Rabbins. In so much at the jewish Rabbins of later age do thereupon yet to this day profess, still to remain and observe y Rabbi Moses in his Simbolum fidei judaeorum, printed at Paris Anno 1569. fol. 26. b. & 27. a. & 22. b. expresseth a prescript form of prayer for the dead. Like testimony hereof is given by joannes Isaac, in Institutionibus linguae Haebraicae impressis Coloniae 1553. And by Antonius Margarita (a late converted jew) in his book entitled universa jud●urum fides. Prayer for the dead: a thing not denied but plainly confessed by M. * Whitaker contra Duraeum, lib. 1. pag. 85. ante med. saith, Scio enim judaeis esse libros memoriales quos in Synagogis suis legunt, eosque nunc precibus quibusdam pro mortuis uti soler● non ignor. Whitaker. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Giving full demonstrations of the frivolous and irreligious presumption of the Apologists; discovering the emptiness and impiety of such authorities taken from the jewish Thalmud, upon which this part of their Romish Apology doth wholly depend. SECT. 1. GAlatinus the principal, and (if we compare them together) almost the sole Author from whom these Apologists have borrowed their proofs, professeth, that the truth which he laboureth to prove, is especially taken out of the a Cui quidem rei cum unicè intentus essem, ae in eruendis arcanis in Thalmud inventis. Galatin. epist. dedic. And again: Vt tandem ipsa veritate in Thalmudicis libris inventa. Praefat. ante lib, in fine. Thalmud of the jews: & this will appear to be the nest wherein the testimonies of those Rabbins are hatched, which are produced by Galatinus, in his work entitled: The Secrecies of the Catholic faith; or by Coccius in his volumes of the Treasury of the Catholic faith; or by these obiectors in this Apology for the Catholic faith: who all, by yielding crèdit unto such testimonies, have not a little prejudiced and discredited their own judgement. 2 For their abovenamed Senensis, a man famous for his great learning and zeal, (as their jesuite Possevinus b Six●us Sen●nsis, P●o Quinto Pont. Max. obvarias disciplinas—, unà cum zelo culius divini, clarus. Posseninus Apporat sac. Tit. Sixtus Senensis. testifieth) and in special account with Pius Quintus, whose c Me habiti● sanctae professionis tuae tuis ipse vestibus, tuis ipse manibus induists▪ & in filium tuo renatum spi●●●● adoptâsti Senensis in fine Epist. dedic. adopted child he professeth himself to be, in his Bibliotheca d Beatissimo Patri, a● sumnio Christian●● Religionis Antisti●●, Pio Quinto Pont. Opt. Max. Tit. Epist. dedic. einusdem. dedicated to the same Pope, doth give his Reader to understand, that the e Operaepretium me facturum existimate, si turp tudines, impietates, & blasphemias non●ullis voluminibus comprehensas mam●estare●●, etc. Vt Principes Christianos iterum adversus Hydrae renascentis colla inflamment. Idem Bibl. S. lib. 2. §. Traditiones. pag. 125. Thalmudicall writers are so full of impieties & blasphemies, that he desireth all Christian Princes to set against this Hydra of many heads; the jewish Thalmud. Whereof he observeth, that (whether we speak of the first edition of that jewish divinity, which was composed especially out of the Rabbins before Christ, and ended in the year 189. called by them f Anno 188. absoluta est pars illa Thalmud à judaeis, quae Misna inscribitur. Genebrard. Chron. lib. 3. pag. 386. Anno 469. absolutum à judaeis Thalmud Hierosolymitanum. Ibid pag. 448. Sub Annum 470. Talmud Babylonicum multa rerum cognition plenum ediderunt. Idem lib. 2. Chron. pag 252. Anno 505. absolutum est à Marinell filio & discipulis Rab. Ascanio Talmud Babylonicum. Idem ib. lib. 3. pag. 458. Misna; or of the second enlargement thereof made in the year 469. called Thalmud Hierosolymitanum; or the last alteration and enlargement of it, begun by diverse Rabbins, Anno 470. and at last ended by Rabbi Mayer and others, Anno 505. called Babylonicum) g Sed cum tam ipse R. Mayer, quàm maiores & posteri sui per singulos huius Talmud libros, non solùm contumelias & blasphemias multas, & execrabiles adversus Christum Deum nostrum collegissent, verumetiam sanctiones & praecepta plurima conscripsissent contra ip●am, quam profitemur, Mosis legem—: Visum est summis Pontificibus, & alijs Christianis Principibus, ut tam nefariae doctrinae lectio atque usus omnibus judaeis, qui sub ditione Christianotum viwnt, interdiceretur; & omnes illi libri Thalmudici toto Christianorum orb ignibus traderentur. Quod etiam saepè factum esse nonnulli fide digni scriptures testantur—: qui tradunt Gregorium eius nominis nonum, Pont. Anno Domini, 1230. omnia Thalmudica volumina flammis adiudicàsle: atque iterum Innocentium 4. Anno 1244. idem fecisse: Rursus lulius 3. Papa, Anno 1553. artis impressoriae auxilio instaurata volumina & propagata omnia inquiri jussit,— & per omnes Italiae urbes ex●ri: & Paulus 4. Anno 1559. rursus idem fieri jussit, & libros Thalmudicos inter damnata ab Ecclesia Catholica scripta connumerari volirit. Sixtus Senensis quo supra. It was commanded by the general consent both of diverse Popes and Christian Princes, that the jews themselves, who lived in the dominions of the Christians, should be for bidden the reading of those books, as being impious, and containing not only execrable contumelies against Christ, but very many decrees and precepts contrary to the very law of Moses. 3 Yea, and not this only, but that Gregory the ninth did condemn all those Thalmudicall books to the fire, Anno 1320. that Innocentius the fourth did the like, Anno 1244. that julius the third, Anno 1553. commanded that all those books, which had been printed by stealth, should be sought out and burned. And that lastly, Paulus the fourth renewed the same Decree, and noted their names amongst the condemned books: Insomuch that out of the jews library h Ex judaeorum Cremonen●ium Bibliotheca, Anno salutis nostiae 1559. mandante S. Romanae Inquisitionis Senatu, 1200. Thalmudicorum codicum exusta sunt. Sixtus Senensis quo suprà. in Cremona, by order from the Roman Inquisition, there were burned twelve thousand of these Thalmudicall books at one time. This may serve for the general confutation of their Rabbinish defence. We descend unto Their second degree of presumption, which appeareth by discovering the unworthiness of the particular Rabbins by them specified, who were before or since Christ: from the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 2. 4 Here entereth a company of their witnesses, whom for honour sake the a Apolog. Galatinus giveth example in the ancient jews. pag. 30. lit. v. Plainly affirmed by ancient jews before Christ. Pag. 31. lit g. The old jewish Rabbins. pag. 25 lit. g. Sundry old jewish Rabbins. pa. 23. lit x. Rabbi simeon who lived before Christ, (for prayer for the dead) in libro Soar. pa. 23. lit. u Rabbi simeon who lived before Christ, filius johai, in libro qui inscribitur Reu●latio arcanorum pag 25. lit. ●. etc. Apologists call old Rabbins, ancient jews, jews before Christ, viz. Rabbi joseph Bengorion, Rabbi simeon, and b Apolog in the margin. others; concerning whom we can say no less than their Senensis hath confessed, long since to have been avouched by Epiphanius, viz. that c Traditiones seniorum redarguit Christus— easdem Paulus (1. Tim. 1. & 2. 2. & 2. 4.) irride●,— judaicas fabulas, & anilea nugas, stultas quaestiones, & prophanas vanitates— appellans, etc. Aliquanto post: Epiphanius lib. 1. adversus haeres. Traditiones seniorum esse dicit, quatuor judaicas divinae legis expositiones excogitatas à nonnullis Hebraeorum magistris, hoc est, à Mo●e propheta, à Rabbi Achiba, Rabbi juda, & à filijs Asamonaei: qui ex praedictis expositionibus deduxerunt Constitutiones quasdam superstitione & vanitate plenas:— Christ condemned the Tradition of the Elders, Mat. 15. which S. Paul derided, 1. Tim. 1. 4. & 7. to wit, the jewish expositions of the Law, invented by the Hebrew Masters, such as were Rabbi Achiba, and Rabbi juda, from whom the Asamonaei did take their vain & superstitious Constitutions. 5 Whereof S. d Hieronymus in 3. comment. Esaiae, & in qu. ad Algasiam, 10. in T●t. 3. scribit, has esse Constitutiones quasdam judaeorum, à Graecis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictas●quas primi inter Hebraeos ante Christi adventum docuerunt Sammai, & Hillel, quorum scholam suscepit Akibas Aquilae proselyti praeceptor, & post eum Mayer; cui successit joan●an filius Zachai, & post eum Elieze●, & per ordinem Delphon, & rursum joseph, & demùm joshua, usque ad ultimum vibis secundae excidium. Jerome is acknowledged to be further witness, saying, that those Traditions condemned by Christ, were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or second Constitutions, which had been taught by Rabbi Sammai, and Rabbi Hillel, whose school Rabbi Akibas and Rabbi Mayer had, whom joannan the son of Zachai, and Eliezer, and joseph, and lastly joshua succeeded, until the last destruction of jerusalem. Whereunto their ᵉ Aquinas assenteth, saying, The jewish Thalmud (which by so many Edicts of Popes hath been condemned and burned, and whereby the jews at this day are most governed) is partly collected out of the old Masters of the jews, such as were Hillel, Akiba, joseph, and others. Which is verified also by their Cardinal f Respondeo Christum & Apostolos reprehendere— traditiones. quas à quibusdam recentior bus acceperant, quarum aliquae inartes, aliquae perniciosae erant, & contra Scripturas:— ut docet Irenaeus lib. 4. cap. 25. 26.— Epiphanius in haeres. Ptolomaei.— Por●ò ex his fontibus descenderunt fabulae, quae nunc sunt in Thalmud, & in omnibus libris ferè Rabbinorum. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 10. §. Argumentum tertium. Bellarmine, saying, that they were Traditions of younger Rabbins, which were condemned by Christ: from whence as from a fountain, were derived the Traditions now contained in their Thalmud. 6 Wherefore considering that these, whom the Apologists call ancient, and old Rabbins, were condemned by Christ, and accounted, in respect of the true and orthodoxal Rabbins among the jews of that time, but Young; we cannot be otherwise persuaded, but that the Apologists intended to deceive their Readers with their old Rabbins, as sometime the * josh. 9 Gibeonites did Israel with moulded bread, and old shoes. And for us to think, that the jews since Christ are stronger witnesses unto truth, than the former, is all one as to think, the * Blindness is come upon Israel. Rom. 11. 25. blinder men are, the better they can see. 7 Furthermore, of the other works of the jews, which are less defiled with superstition (such as is the Targum, or Chaldie Paraphrase made by Rabbi Aquila, by Rabbi jonathas Vzielis, and by joseph the blind) seeing that it is confessed ● Thomas Aquinas in comm utriusque epist. ad Tim. semel atque iterum asse●erat, nomine Traditionum significari ingens ac vastum illud opus judaicarum traditionum, à judaeis Thalmud, hoc est, Disciplinationem appellatum; in quo collecta sunt Decreta omnia praedictorum Magistrorum, Sammai, Hillel, Akiba, joseph, & filiorum Asamonaei, unà cum alijs innumeris Rabbinorum statutis, sententijs, & tam divinarum, quàm humanarum legum expositionibus, quibus nunc tota judaeorum natio regitur. Sixtus Senensis Biblioth. sanct. lib. 2. Tit. Traditiones seniorum. pag. 122. & 124. by Cardinal g Paraphrasin Chaldaeam ipsi Targum vocant. Pentateuchum transtulisse sertur R. Aquila, qui Chaldaicè Onkelus dicitur.— Prophetas R. jonathan Vzielis filius— Psalmos, etc. joseph caecus. Quae Translationes apud Hebraeos magnae sunt authoritatis, & iccirco nobis etia utiles, ut ex ijs convincamus Hebraeos: alioqui ab Ecclesia non u●que adeò magni fiunt, neque ex ijs argumentum firmum duci potest. Siquidem— judaicis fabulis & Thalmudistarum nugis conspe●sae sunt. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 3. initio. Bellarmine to be esteemed of the Church as profitable to confute the jews, but not of so great authority among Christians, as to make any sound argument, because of the Thalmudicall foulness wherewith they are defiled. Then thrice vainly hath Galatinus, and out of him their Coccius, and the Apologists from them both, endeavoured to draw out of these puddles a Demonstration, that is, an invincible argument for confirmation of the Romish faith against Protestants. Which vanity appeareth yet so much more vain, because, as their jesuite h Rabbini Hebraeorum, qui vel divinam Scripturam exposuerunt, vel paraphrases eidem adhibuerunt, vel in Thalmud plaeraque congesserunt, à Patribus vix unquam citantur. Possevinus Apparat. sacr. part. 2. Tit. Rabbini. Possevinus observeth, The jewish Rabbins who have either expounded Scriptures, or compiled the Thalmud, are scarce once cited by the ancient Fathers, not not so much as against the jews themselves: and must such bolts taken from the jews be thus fastened upon Christians? Now that we have broken this imposthume of their swelling Demonstration, we answer unto the Prayer then used for the dead. 8 simeon Ben johai bewrayeth himself by the title of the book, which is, i Revelatio secretorum. Apolog. pag. 25. lit. f. A Revelation of Secrets. For if the practice of praying for the dead had been always so general, then was it no secret; if it needed a new Revelation, than was it not before his time general or Catholic. And finally we appeal from Rabbi simeon, Rabbi Kimki, Rabbi Hascana, unto Moses in his Pentateuch, and the true Prophets of God; and knowing, that this Article of prayer for the dead is not revealed in such Scriptures, it may be judged no better than a doctrine Thalmudicall. 9 And lastly, why shall our Adversaries deny us that liberty of renouncing the jewish Doctors, (where they reject the truth of Scripture,) which they do assume unto themselves? as when Cardinal Bellarmine accounteth it a jewish fondness to think, that k Rabbi Solomon in cap. 9 Gen. vult esse reum homicidij, qui non dat operam liberis: & R. David Kimchi in cap. 58. Esa. ait, esse sententiam judaeorum, eos qui non relinquunt filium, esse tanquam excommunicatos à Deo. Bellar. lib. 2. de Monachis, cap. 6. he should be a murderer, who did not apply himself unto the procreation of children, although Rabbi Solomon taught thus much: or to contemn the doctrine which saith, that he is an excommunicate from God, who leaveth not a malechild to succeed him after his death; albeit this opinion be by Rabbi David Kimchi attributed unto the ancient jews. CHAP. four Of Limbus Patrum. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Secondly concerning Limbus Patrum, the book entitled Ecclesiasticus, though we should for the time suppose it not to be Canonical Scripture, yet was it collected or penned before Christ's time, and by such an Author as then before z In the Prologue of the book of Ecclesiasticus, ante med. had given himself to the reading of the law and Prophets and other books of their Fathers, and had gotten therein sufficient knowledge. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. NAy but they might not only suppose, but even depose, that the book is * See hereafter in this Chap. Sect. 3 not Canonical. Notwithstanding if they shall furthermore suppose, that every one who should bear witness unto himself, that he had given himself to the reading of the law and the Prophets, and of their Fathers, had gotten therein sufficient knowledge, could confirm any Article of doctrine: then might every Cabalistical and Thalmudicall Rabbin be equalled with Ecclesiasticus. But first to the matter, and then to the Author. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In this book is our saviours descending into that place specially foretold us, where it is said in his person: a Ecclesiasticus 24. 37. I will pierce through the lower parts of the earth, I will look upon all such as be asleep, and will lighten all them that trust in the Lord: a saying so direct * This piercing through the lower parts of the earth, to lighten those that were there asleep, and trusted in the Lord, argueth plainly that those faithful so asleep (or dead) were not then in heaven: for by the lower parts of the earth, cannot be meant heaven. and pertinent, that M. WHITAKER seeketh to evade by these two only ways, as first in answering, that b Whitaker contra Dureum, l. 8. pag. 567. post med. these words are wanting in the Greek copies: Secondly (this being notoriously false,) etc. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Noting in the Apologists two notable oversights. SECT. 2. 2 M. Whitaker hath said, The words objected, [as out of Ecles. 24. 37. I will pierce] are not in the Greek. His answer (say the Apologists is notoriously false. Which notwithstanding is so manifestly true, that not only the a See the Complutens. Bible, Vatablus, & the Septuagints, Basileae anno 1545. Greek copies bear witness hereunto, but their Cardinal Bellarmine also doth confess of these words, that they b Eccles. 24. Penetrabo etc.] Hic locus non convincit haereticos, tum quia ipsi non recipiunt hunc librum, tum etiam quia haec verba desunt in Graeco textu; tamen apud Catholicos suam habent authoritatem. Bellar. lib. 4. de Christo, cap. 12. § Secundus locus. are not in the Greek text. Which peradventure was the cause that their Coccius, when he laboured to prove this point from c Coccius Tom. 1. lib. 2. art. 7. Asserunt sacrae Scripturae, etc. Scriptures, pretermitted this Text, as in that respect impertinent. Therefore the falsification used by the Romish Apologists is more notorious, in that they themselves then falsify, even in their accusing their Adversary of notorious falsehood. 3 Notwithstanding in the marginal note they pretend a reason of their taxation, taken from the English translation of the Bible: but so, as that thereby their delusion becometh more gross, as the places d The English Bible alleged by the Apologists (which is commonly called the Geneva Bible) in the title of the first page, saith: The Bible, that is, The Scriptures contained in the old and new Testament, translated according unto the Hebrew and Greek, doth mean only the books Canonical, which Protestants call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Bible, and The Scriptures: but in translating the Apocrypha books, they have taken more liberty, as namely sometime to insert the verses taken out of the Latin, which are not in the Greek, but yet with a note of difference expressed in these characters, or list [] purposely thereby distinguishing that which was not taken out of the Greek, from the verses of the Greek text itself: which note of [] they have also for the same distinction sake used in this verse, as they do often in the same chap. ver. 1. 3. 4. 6. 9 21. 23. 25. 26. 28. which leaveth the Apologists inexcusable. objected do show. Finally, if that they had not intended rather to blindfold their Reader then enlighten their own judgement, why did they not specify any one Greek copy which had those words? Is not this a profound negligence to examine what are the words of the Greek text by the English, and not by the Greek? If they (which is not probable) were ignorant of Greek, yet might they have used the spectacles of other men's learning, and not so rashly have condemned so excellently learned a Doctor of notorious falsehood, in his so faithful and conspicuous an answer. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. c False, for the English Bible (to omit others) of Anno 1576. purporting by the title on the first page thereof, to be translated according to the Hebrew and Greek, hath these words; translated accordingly. He finally and only reposeth himself in answering, that d Whitaker contra Dureum, l. 8. pag. 567. post med. saith, Nec libri huius authoritatem Canonicam agnosco, his fundamentis limbum innixum revera est necesse. the book is not Canonical, and so acknowledging the plain meaning of the words, rejecteth their authority: So evidently doth this Author make with the doctrine of Limbus Patrum. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 4 As though either he therefore rejected it, or yet wholly rejected it; or in rejecting it as not Canonical, he followed not the confessed consent of primitive * See hereafter lib. vlt. in the question of the Antiquity of doctrines. Fathers, of Roman Doctors, and of the * See above ca 1 Sect. 2. jews themselves: all which are strong Arguments of his just repose. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In like manner Rabbenus Haccadoes, who lived before Christ, saith in the person of the Messiah: e Rabbenus Haccadoes, libro qui inscribitur, Revelator Arcanorum. I have decreed to descend into hell, to redeem the souls of the just which my father did thrust therein in the rod of indignation for Adam's sin: and the same doctrine is more plainly as yet affirmed by Rabbi f Rabbi simeon filius johai apud Rabbenum Heccadoes, foretelleth of the Messiah, saying: Tunc anima eius descendet ad inferos, apud quos triduo morabitur, ut inde omnes animas patrum iustorumque educat, etc. juxta illud Hoseae 6. Visitabit nos post duos dies, in die tertia suscitabit nos, & vivemus ante faciem eius. Simeon (who lived before Christ's coming) and by other * See these more at large alleged by Petrus Galatinus de arcanis Catholicae veritatis, l. 6. c. 9 & 10. See them also alleged by Peter Martyr in his Common places, part 3. cap. 16. sect. 13. pag. 377. a. fine, & b. jewish Rabbins. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: SECT. 4. 5 The book from whence both these testimonies are taken, is entitled a Apolog. in the margin. The Revealer of Secrets: whereby in a manner, is revealed the superstitious dotage of the Authors of those books, whosoever they were. For if that had been a general doctrine of faith among the jews, and also revealed, (as they pretend) in Scriptures, than was it not one of their secrets: but being noted for a secret, it may be judged still worthy of secrecy. 6 The Apologists for the truth of these Rabbins have referred us unto their Galatinus in his book of Catholic secrets: and we refer them unto their own judicious Senensis, who will stamp upon this Author Galatinus the mark of idle * See hereafter cap. 14. Sect. 2. vanity: whom our Adversaries will not prefer before their Genebrard, who b Psal. 23. ver. 8. Attollite po●tas, etc.] Sep●uaginta per Hypallagen secuti sensum, explicarunt prosopopoeiam, ut esset Apostrophe ●d Angelos coeli principes, custodes, & quasi atrienses, de Christi ascensu cum comitatu Patriarcharum, Prophetarum, & sanctorum aliorum. Rabbinis hoc non capientibus, praedicit aedificationem templi, hortans pios ut servant diligentiùs legem legisque cultus, & caeremonias. OH Principes attollite portas, etc. Genebrard. come. in cum locum. Herein (as I take it) he speaketh not only of the sense of the sentence of Scripture, but of the article itself. telleth us, that the jews of those times before Christ did not understand this mystery. 7 As for the other new jewish Rabbins, they are as new wine venting out their leeses: of which kind is that custom, when in their feasts of Sabboths they pour out their consecrated wine upon the dry ground, believing, that c Vinum effundunt (in the celebration of the Sabbath:) opinantur plerique effusionem illam vini ad refrigerationem Chorae istius, omnium ue sociorum rebellium fieri: Hos enim per tetram deglutitos sub eadem adhuc vivere, petue viam taliter benedictam refrigerium quoddam sentire nugantur. Buxdorsius Synag. I●d. c. 11. all the rebellious rout, who were swallowed up of the earth in the conspiracy of Corah, are refreshed thereby. So great is the infatuation & blindness of that School, What furthermore? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And it is furthermore so agreeable with the writings of the 2 It is said, that the law brought nothing to perfection, but was only an introduction of a better hope, Hebr. 7. 19 that therefore the way of Holiest was not open whiles the first Tabernacle was standing, Heb. 9 8 the same way being therefore called the new way which Christ dedicated, Heb. 10. 20. That the ●atherss of the old Testament are said to die according to faith, not receiving the promise, Hebr. 11. 13. God providing ● better thing for us, that they without us should not be made perfect. ibidem vers. vlt. That accordingly there souls of sundry persons dead before our saviours Ascension, as of Lazarus, loan 11 43, 44. the maid, Luc. 8. 55. and of those many bodies of the Saints that rose and appeared to many, Matth. 27. 52, 53. did not return from the eternal and unchangeable joys of heaven, but from that other place which is called Abraham's bosom, Luc. 16. 22. the which was not heaven, as is testified by Peter Martyr in his Common places, part 2. pag. 621. 2. & part 3. pag 378. b & 379. a. initio: that (lastly) our Saviour in regard of his delivery of the old patriarchs and just men from this place at the time of his ascension, is accordingly said to ascend on high, leading captivity captive. Ephes. 4. 8. new Testament, that the ancient 3 See heretofore sect. 3 subdivision 4. Fathers, and sound learned 4 See hereafter, tract. 3. sect. 7. in the margin under the letter, m. example 17. pag. 174. fine: and see Peter Martyr ubi supra. Protestants do therefore allow of it. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 5. 8 Here the Apologists do not only digress from their purpose (which was only to demonstrate their faith from the jewish religion,) when now they insert a proof out of the new Testament: but they also transgress, by abusing their reader through misconstruction of a place of Scripture mentioned in their marginal note. For the Apostles words, saying of the patriarchs of the old Testament, that they had not received the promises, that they (namely the jews,) without us, (viz. Christians) should not be made perfect, do not signify (as the Apologists pretend) that their souls expected an entrance into heaven at Christ's coming, jest that they might have been perfected before Christians: but they betoken the full perfection of both body and soul, which shall be accomplished in the day of resurrection, as Cardinal a Tertiò dico per repromissi onem intelligi perfectam beatitudinem corporis & animae, quam illi adhuc non habuerunt, ne sine nobis habeant. Quae quidem est come munis Patrum expositio in cum locum: & Augustini, tract. 49. in joh. Notanda sunt illa verba, [Ne sine nobis consummarentur;] non ait, Ne sine nobis remunerarentur; sed ne sine nobis consummatam mercedem non modò animae, sed etiam corporis acciperent. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Beat. Sanct. cap. 3. §. Tertiò dico. Bellarmine in his last resolution hath confessed, induced thereunto by (as he calleth it) the common exposition of ancient Fathers, and also from the strength of the text; wherein S. Augustine will have us to observe that it is said, Jest that they (patriarchs) without us (Christians) should not be consummated: He saith not (saith S. Augustine,) jest that without us they should not be rewarded. So then they may by this text as well prove a Limbus of Christian Apostles, as of jewish patriarchs. 9 Other places of Scriptures and authorities of Fathers have been * See above lib. 2. cap. 9 already sufficiently satisfied, where our conclusion was, that Protestants professing, that the patriarchs were by Christ his merits and death delivered (as were all the elect) from hell by prevention, that is, that they should never come thither, do hereby magnify the power of Christ's death more than do the defenders of their deliverance from hell by subvention, that is, by a removing them from thence: as may be plain by an example taken out of their Galatinus, where the Prophet David saith, b Psal 85. Liberâsti animam meam ab inferno inferiore.— Legitur Rabbi jodden sic dixisse, Via Adulterorum data est in profundum inferni.— Vbi Glossa Rabbi Solomonis:— Liberâsti me, cùm dixit mihi Nathan, Dominus quoque transtulit peccatum tuum. G●latinus Arc. Cathol. ver●●. lib. 6. cap. 9 Thou hast delivered my soul from the lowest hell. Whereby is meant, according to the exposition of jewish Rabbins, that David repenting of his adultery, was by the mercy of God delivered out of the hell of the damned, when Nathan said unto him: God hath translated thy punishment, even out of the hell of the damned; not by a deliverance privative, as though he had been once in that hell, but by a deliverance negative, that he should never come there. 10 Notwithstanding if any Protestants have condescended unto the former opinion, than we say; as the same doctrine thereby is not made more true, so neither are those Doctors less hopeful of life, because it is no such matter as may prejudice any essential point of faith: yet may not other loose their liberty of trying all things, nor neglect their duty in choosing the more apparent good. CHAP. V Of free-will. THE ROMISH APOLOGY: 3 Thirdly, as concerning free-will, it is said in the foresaid book of Ecclesiasticus not only of Adam, who was then dead, and his sin past, but by way of admonition to the men of that time, and against their sins then to come: 5 Ecclesiastic. 15. 12, 15, 16, 17. Say not thou, he hath caused me to err; if thou wilt, thou shalt observe the commandments: he hath set water and fire before thee, stretch out thy hand to which thou wilt. Before man is life and death, good and evil, what liketh him, shall be given him. A saying so plain, that M. Whitaker therefore saith thereof: d● loco Ecclesiastici parum laboro etc. 6 Whitaker in respons. ad rationes Campiani, rat. 1. pag. 15. ante med. I make small account of the place of Ecclesiasticus, neither will I believe the freedom of man's will, although he should affirm an hundredth times, that before man were life and death. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. IF Doctor Whitaker, in contending for an evidence of truth, and desiring speedily to find her in her proper abode, (which is the divine Scriptures,) and not being patiented of delay and hindrance by opposition of the book of Ecclesiasticus, (which upon due and acknowledged proof will be found to be insufficient for confirmation of a matter of faith,) did therefore not regard the authority of that book, he deserved therein the commendation of that dutiful and faithful servant, who in God's hasty business is commanded to a ●●a. 10. 4. salute no man by the way: not that he thought the place of such difficulty, as not able to be answered. 2 For if it be understood of the perfect state of man in the first creation, every * See above lib. 2. cap. 10. Sect. 3 Protestant confesseth a freewill in Adam; if of the state of corruption after his fall, than we say with the Apostle, that man captivated and enthralled himself in the bondage of sin: and all such sentences are not testimonies of strength of will in grace, but documents of his loss, and therein Schoolmasters to draw him out of nature unto grace by the power of God's Spirit, which worketh all in all. But let us hear the Rabbins speak. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And ancient Philo who lived in Christ's time, affirmeth in like manner, that 7 Philo in libio, quòd Deus sit immutabilis. man hath free-will, etc. to which purpose (saith he) is extant the Oracle in Deuteronomie, I have placed before thee life and death, good and evil; choose life: whereunto might be added no less plain sayings of the other old jewish g Rabbi Moils filius Maimon, in epistola adversus Astrologos, saith: Ac illud quidem intelligere debetis, praecituum ac principale ex fundamentis legis nostrae, omnesque item Philosophos apart confiteri, quaecunque ab ipsis hominibus fiunt, ea in ipsorum manu esse ac potestate, etc. Si velit home, seruit Domino, etc. sin placet adi●● consilia impiorum, & illud quoque facit. And see the other no less plain sayings of Rabbi Moses Hadarsan in cap. 4. Gen. And also of Rabbi Abba and Rabbi Selomo, alleged by Petrus Galatinus de arcanis Catholieae veritatis, printed Francosur. 1602. l. 6. c 6. colum. 339. f. & 340. b. e. Rabbins, and the answerable h M. Fulke in his defence of the English translations, etc. p. 320. initio, saith, The jewish Rabbins patrons of free-will, do err etc. And whereas Rabbi Akiba in capitulis Patrum, saith, Et potestas data est, & in bono mundus judicatur. Paulus F●gius in hunc locum, saith, Hebraei hanc sententiam sic explicant etc. ut cuivis hommi potestas tradita sit vel bene vel male agendi. And again: Apotheca aperta est. etc. Hoc referunt ad liberum arbitrium videlicet in nobis situm, ut vel male vel bene agamus, Deum nobis mortem aut vitam propo●ere. confession in that behalf of M. D. Fulke, and Paulus Fagius. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 3 And what if it be confessed, that some Rabbins maintained the liberty of man's will, as Rabbi Moses did? who (as * See lit. g. appeareth by his sentence alleged by the Apologists in the margin) doth make Philosophers the Patrons of that same freewill. And Philo is described by their Senensis, to have been a Hic vir fuit Puthagoricae, Platonicae, & Aristotelicae philosophiae peritiâ omnibus suae memoriae hominibus facilè superior,— unde etiam ab ipsis Graecis Plato judaeus dictas est, abijtue de eo apud illos in Proverbium: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Senensis Bibl. l. 4. Tit. Philo judaeus. Et Possevin. Ies. Apparat. part. 2. a man fraught with the learning of Pythagorical, Platonical, and Aristotelical Philosophy; of whom the Greeks for his Philosophical skill, raised this proverb, viz. Either doth Philo play Plato his part, or else Plato doth act the person of Philo. Now who knoweth not, that blindness in natural Philosophy is so great (especially in judging of the properties of the soul,) that Tertullian (as is observed by Cardinal b De origine animae.— Ex errore Stoicorum natus est error Manichaei & Priscilliani ●ex errore Platonis, error Origenis; ex errore Aristotells, vel certè ex Aristotelis sententia non benè perceptâ, error Apolli●aris ut ●ure Tertullianus in lib. adversus Hermogenem, philosophos Patriarchas haereticorum nominandos censuerit. Bellar. l. 4. de Amiss. Grat. c. 11. initio. Bellarmine,) did not doubt to call Philosophers the patriarchs of Heretics. 4 So dangerous a matter it is for Christians to suffer Philosophy to usher Divinity, whereas it aught to be an handmaid thereunto, and therefore as often as she shall wander into the wilderness of error, aught to be sent home unto divine learning, as was Agar the bondmaid * Gen. 16. commanded to return unto Sarah her mistress. Otherwise shall man be easily misled by Philo, who (as he is alleged) doth make c Non enim e●●se humana men● eligit bonum, sed secundum prospi●ientiam Dei donantio optima else, qui digni sunt. Philo judae●● l. 4. Allegor. as it is in Coccius, Tom. ●. Thesaur. Cath. lib. 1. art. 5. in fine. man's worthiness to go before God's providence in electing of that which is good, preferring nature before grace: which as hath been confessed by our Adversaries,) is the heresy of d See above lib. 2. cap. 10. Pelagians, if not somewhat worse. Howbeit, the sentence used by Philo may seem rather to overthrow the questioned freewill, and to c Philo judaeus lib 4. Allegoriarum. Elige vitam ut vivas. Beata res est, quod cùm utrumque Author posuerit, quod melius est anima potest suscipere: beatius verò est, quòd non ipsa ex se eligat, sed Auctor eam adducat, & meliorem s●ciat. Non enim ex se humana mens eligit bonum, sed secundùm prospicientiam Dei donantis optima eyes, qui digni sunt. Duo sunt enim apud Legislatorem capita: alterum est, Deum non more humano omnia moderari: alterum, more humano castigare & punire Quia hoc posterius probat, id est, more humano castigare: nunc quod nostrae libertatis est, sic introducit quasi sufficientes simus ad cognoscendum, & volendum & eligendum: cùm verò illud prius & posterus probat, omnia scilicet Deum regere non humano more, tum omnes vites & causas Deo assignat, ut cùm ait in Numeris: Novit Deus suos, & sanctos suos adduxit ad se. Si autem eligere bonum est, & non eligere malum propriè ab una causa proficiscitur, quid me legislator, quasi potestatis eligendi compotem, ut vitam & non mortem eligam hortaris? Respondebit, inquit, dicta esse haec eyes, qui nondum magna mysteri● de principatu & potestate Dei, & de nimia infirmitate creaturae didicerunt. Hactenus Philo, ut refert Coccius Tom. 2. Thesauri, lib. 1. de natura hominis, pag. 73. yield all power and strength of any good unto God. 5 In brief, Doctor Fulks sentence (if the Apologists had done him justice to have repeated it right) would have appeared justifiable in itself against the later Jews: The jewish Rabbins (saith he) patrons of freewill, as ignorant of the grace of God, err in this place, as they do in a thousand more. The Apologists (we confess) wanted no art, when they left out these words, [as ignorant of the grace of God:] whereby he meant not altogether to take exception unto freewill, but only unto such a kind of natural freedom in electing of good, which is voided & destitute of the help of effectual grace. The doctrine of Protestants in this point hath been confirmed both by testimonies of * See above lib. 2. cap. 10. Fathers, and the confessions of our learned * Ibid. Adversaries. CHAP. VI Of God's induration of man's heart. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 4 Fourthly, as concerning God's induration or hardening of Pharaohs heart, the jewish Rabbins are so plain in affirming with us, the same to be by God's permission, and not by his working (which exposition i Calvin Instit. l. 2. c. 4. sect. 3. initio. Calvin disliketh in the ancient Fathers,) that Peter Martyr k Peter Martyr in epist. ad Rom. c. 9 and Munster l Munster. annot. in Exod. c. 7 do accordingly acknowledge this their aforesaid exposition. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. HEre we cannot tell whether we are to complain of the Apologists for want of judgement, or of conscience: for neither doth M. Calvin deny permission, nor do the jesuits themselves admit only a permission in the act of induration of a wicked man's heart. First, a Tentationes quae adveniunt, non sunt fortuitae, nec Satanae voluntate permotae sine permissione Dei; milites à juda instructi, permissione Patris filium comprehenderunt; diabolus exercet tyrannidem in mundo permissione Dei: judaeos non potuisse Dominum morti tradere, nisi Deus permisisset. calvinus come. in Matth. cap. 4. 8. & 26. 27. all temptations (saith M. Calvin) are by permission of God, and by God's permission it is, that the devil exerciseth his tyranny amongst men. Again, b Laudo veterum modestiam, quòd caecitatem & obstinationem improborum ad solam permissionem divinam, non ad operationem retulerunt, ut nullam occasionem relinquerent de operibus Dei malè sentiendi. Idem Institut. cap. 4. §. 3. Non reijcimus vocem permissionis & concessionis, & nunquam nobis in mentem venit dicere, Deum operari (meaning sin) in impijs. Beza Aphoris. 29. I commend (saith he) the modesty of ancient Fathers, that they attributed the act of obduration of the wicked only unto God's permission, rather than to give an occasion unto men sinisterly to conceit, that God is the author of sin. Which though M. Calum c. Aug. lib. 5. con. Pelag. cap. 3. doth religiously abhor: yet notwithstanding he proceedeth further than a permission, but under the conduct of S. Augustine (or rather of the Spirit of God in Scripture,) saying, that sins are not only acts of God's patience, but also of his power, thereby punishing sin by a manner inexplicable, whereby he is ineffably just. 2 This doctrine seemeth to our Adversaries to be immodest and impious, when it passeth from Caluins' quill, which being delivered by their own jesuits would peradventure deserve their approbation. Thus than Pererius and Suarez, two learned jesuits: d Deus facit multa intra cum hominem, qui obduratur, quibus, vitio suo as fit deterior. Excitat in eo varios affectus, vel motus spei, fiduciae, cupiditatis, vel●tae, varias imaginationes & cogitationes, & somnia, quibus ille nimio plus credulus, incitatur ac praecipitatur in malum.— Et August. lib. 5. contra●ulian. disputat, Deum in Scriptura dici quondam indurare & excaecare, & tradere in reprobum sensum, non solum per patientiam & pe●mi ●onem, sed per quandam potentiam & quasi actionem.— Ex occulta Dei providentia iustissimâ plan● & sapientissim●. Percrius jesuita come. in Exod. ca 11. De indur. disp. 8. The same is the determination of Suarez. See at the letter f. following. God worketh many things in him that is hardened, whereby the wicked man is made worse by his own fault, not only (as saith S. Augustine) by permitting, but by a certain power, and (as it were) action, through his secret, but yet most just and wise providence. 3 The doctrine of Calvin and other Protestants, being so consonant to the due acknowledgement of their own jesuits, we wonder with what minds the Apologists do cast their Reader this bait of Induration, except it be to entitle Calvin and his brethren unto that heresy, which maketh God to be the author of sin, as many e Deum esse causam peccati docet calvinus. Bellarm. lib. 4. de eccles milit. cap. 9 §. Deinde. Feuardent. come. in jac. 1. pag. 108. Campian. Rat. 7. Vasquez jesan 1. 2. Thom. disp. 129. cap. 1. num. 2. Stapleton. lib. 11 de justif. cap. 4. Wright in his articles; and the Rheims Testament often. Romanists have done: but unconscionably, because the objection is easily assoiled by the distinction of their own School, wherein their jesuite Suarez hath determined, that f Operatur Deus actum peccati, non autem malriam eius. Suarez Ies. varijs opusc. Relect. de libert. volunt. divin. disp. 1. §. 2. num. 14. Moguntiae 1600. God, in obdurating men, worketh the act, but not the malice thereof. Moore plainly their Canus, g Deus est naturalis causa etiam peccatorum, non autem moralis, hoc est, non suadet, non approbat. Canus loc. Theol. lib. 2. cap. 4. God worketh only as a cause natural, not as a cause moral. Which their Vegas hath well illustrated by a similitude: h Quem●●modum vinum Scripturae exaratae ab optimo scriba in malum calamum reijcimus. Vega de exp. Conc. Trident. lib. 5. cap. 15. When an expert scribe (saith he) writing with an evil pen doth make a blot, this blot is not to be imputed unto the unskilfulness of the scribe, but to the naughtiness of the pen: and yet will the scribe be offended with the pen, and sometime in anger throw it into the fire. Now * Ezech 18. are your ways equal (saith God,) and are my ways unequal? 4 As for the Protestants, they stand acquitted from the objected blasphemy, even by the sentence of their own learned jesuite Suarez, who affirmeth of them, that they deny that God inclineth men unto the formal act of sin. Which point (if need had been) might have been justified by many * See this articulatly discussed in the Latin Apologia Catholica, part. 1. lib. 1. cap. 25. witnesses. i De his ergo actibus, quoad formale, non est controversia inter Catholicos. Sit ergo defi●e certum, Deum non praedeterminare voluntatem, neque u●lo modo illam inclinare ad formale peccati.— Quin potius neq●e haere●ic● hoc negant: benè enim nôrunt, nec Deum posse intendere formale peccati, nec inclinare voluntatem hominis, ●t illum intent it Suarez Ies. opusc. lib 2. de concursu Dei, etc. cap. 2. num. 5. pag. 111. CHAP. VII. Of the Invocation of Angels and Saints. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 5 Fiftly, as concerning Angels and Saints, the book of Toby written so many ages before Christ, is s● l Toby 5. 5. 12. 12. 12. 15. 18. plain with us concerning the patronage and intercession of Angels, that M. Whitaker doth therefore accordingly confess and say thereof: m Whittaker in respons. ad rationes Campiani, rat. 1. pag. 15. ante med. Illam verò Tobiae Raphaelem, etc. Little do we regard the example of Raphael the Angel mentioned in Toby; neither do we acknowledge those * Of the like number of seven Angels, which M. Whittaker so misliketh: see revel. 1. 4. & 5 ● seven Angels whereof he speaketh: all this is different from the Canonical Scriptures, and savoureth I know not of what superstition. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. Boldness hath said, that M. Whitaker did therefore not regard the example of Raphael, because the place was so plain for the patronage and intercession of Angels: whereas sincerity would have acknowledged, that D. Whitaker said plainly, a Patrocinium quoddam Angelis minimè denegamus.— Sed aliud tu patrocinium Augelorum defends, eosue à nobis colendos & invocandos esse statuis: quod quidem Scriptura disertissimè prohibet. Whittakerus' resp. ad Camp. rat. 1. pag. 17. We gainsay not all patronage of Angels, but that (speaking unto the jesuite Campian) which you defend, whereby you are drawn to invocate them. And then should they, in discretion, have distinguished between the patronage of tuition or ministration, & of intercession, whereby men are induced to perform unto them the worship of Invocation; whereof there is no syllable of proof in the whole book of Toby. So that the judgement of that learned Doctor was plainly this, to dislike the doctrine of the invocation of Angels, because (his own words) it is contrary unto Scripture; & also to reject the authority of this book, because (as some Romanists confess) * See above cap. 1. neither the jews, * See it plentifully proved hereafter in the last book. nor yet the primitive Christian Churches did hold it Canonical. 2 Also it would require an Answer to know how that part of the story can consist, wherein the Angel Gabriel doth report himself to have been b Tob. 5. 12. of the kindred of Azarias, & of the brethren of Tobias, which was a mortal generation; and yet in the end he doth affirm, that he was c Tob. 12. 15. Raphael one of the seven Angels, which are immortal, and without generation: which if their Cardinal d Bellar. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, ca 11. Bellarmine, or e Senens. Bibl. l. 8 de libro Tobiae. . Senensis had thought to have been reconciliable, they would doubtless have shown as much, especially in those Treatises, wherein they undertook the defence of this book of Toby, to justify it to be Canonical; and yet this is not the greatest exception which * S●e Lubbertus de principijs dogmatum, upon this book. some have taken unto the truth of that story. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In like manner doth the book of Macchabees make mention how judas Machabaeus n 2. Macchab. 15. 12, 13, 14. saw in a vision Onias the high Priest (who was then before slain) o See 2. Macchab. 3. 33. & 4. 34. holding up his hands towards heaven, and praying for the people, after which there appearrd to him another man who was aged etc. And Onias spoke and said, This is a lover of the brethren who prayeth much for the people, and for the whole City, (to wit) jeremias the Prophet of God: A place so direct for the intercession of Saints, that M. Whitaker lordship Whittaker in respons. ad rationes Campiani, pag. 16. circa medium, saith, Illud judae de Onia somnium, quod 2. Macchab. 15. legimus, ut somnium praetermitto, sed pa●um refert mortuorum sive intercessionem, sive sacrificium intelligas, utrumque tuum est, utrumque est falsum. doth therefore contemn it. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 3 It may not be called a contempt of this book, if it be contemned in respect of Canonical Scripture, no more than it may be thought a disgrace for a man to be abased, when as he standeth in comparison with God. But what is the evidence of the place, that any Protestant should therefore contemn it? The foundation of all is a vision of Macchabaus in a dream, wherein he seemed to see a 2. Macchab. 15. 12. ver. 15. & 16. jeremias the Prophet holding out his right hand, & giving unto judas a sword of gold, and as he gave it, he spoke thus: Take this sword a gift from God, wherewith thou shalt wound thy adversaries. 4 What will our Adversaries say? have the souls departed hands? did jeremy truly give unto judas a golden sword, which was but only made of fancy in a dream? This teacheth us that, visions are not always to be expounded literally, as things done, but as if they had been done. And this was the comfort of this vision which Macchabaeus was to conceive, namely, to think that God would bless his battle taken in defence of his worship, even as if those holy men Onias and jeremy had personally interceded in that behalf, or as if he had sent a golden sword unto the same judas Macchabaeus, as a pledge of his promised favour and protection. Neither can our Adversaries from intercession of Saints for us, make any good inference of * See this proved above, lib. 2. our invocation of them, which is the main point, and which they endeavour to prove by a pretty fancy following. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And it is to be observed further as very probable, that the jews present at our saviours death, could not have been so easily persuaded to think & say, that our Saviour saying, q Mat. 27. 46, 47, 49. & Marc. 15. 34, 35, 36. Eli Eli Lammasabacthani, called Helias, if the invocation of Saints had not been as then familiar and usual to them: which their opinion appeareth yet more evidently, aswell by further testimony of the ancient r See Flavius josephus de bello judaico, l. 3. c 14. where it is said, Purae animae quae exaudiunt invocantes, retinent locum in coelo adeptae sanctissimum And josephus Bengorion in Bello judaico, cap. 21. where it is said, Exurge nunc Moses sili Amram, & vide populum tuinc, exurge nunc Aaron, etc. And R. Abraham in Gen. 22. saith of the jews: Isaac interponere solent inter se & Deum in suis precibus quasi intercessorem. jews, as also those other Rabbins of later s Concerning the like practice of the later jews, see simbolum fidei judaeorum, impress. Paris. 1569. fol. 22. b. & 28. b. And in their office of the dead, (where it is said) Angeli pacis egredimini in occursum defuncti, port as Paradisi voluptatis reserate illi. Et in libro precationum judaicarum, it is said: Angeli misericordes ministri Dei altissimi, placate quaeso faciem Dei optima deprecatione, etc. times. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 5 That argument taken from that speech of the bystanders, saying, He calleth upon Elias, let us now see if Elias will help him; concluding thereupon that it had been an usual and familiar practice among the jews to call upon their Prophets and holy Saints departed, is observed by the Apologists as very probable: which collection their jesuite a Ex quo colligimus, motis fuisse ludzorun, ut in tubulatione positi non solùm ad Deum, sed etiam ad sanctos Prophetas accurrerent. Salmeron Ies. tom. 10. tract. 43. Salmeron also doth not a little approve: although indeed it be far out of joint. 6 Because (to yield unto the moderation of their other Doctors) they that said that Christ called upon Elias for help, were either Gentiles, who were Roman soldiers, or jews: If Gentiles, b Communiter traduntur fuisse Romani, ut putat Hieron.— Alij sentiunt illos potiús suisse Hebraeos, qui cruci assistebant: at que illi erant vel ex impetitis & idiotis; vel si erant ex peritis, & in lege doctis, verba Domini judibrij gra●● inverterunt & corrupetunt. Salmeron Ies. ibid. paulè aente. which S. Hierom held (saith their Salmeron) as the common opinion, and whereunto their jesuite c Quidam illic astantes,] etc. The ophylactus existimat fuisse ludaeos, non illos quidem Sacerdotes, Sctibas & Pharisaeos, qui Scripturaruni scientiam aut habebane autprofitebanturised imperitum vulgus, quod cum Scripturas & literas ignoraret, Eliam a Christo vocari existimavit— Hieron. Beda, Sttabus, Euthymius existimane eos fuisse Romanos ●●lites, sive ignoratione Hebraicae linguae, sive irridendi liccntiâ diverunt [●liam vocat] quo animo id secerint judicare non audeo: Affirmare fuisle Romanos milites audeo, quia Matthaeus & Marcus eos ipsos, qui dixerunt [Eliam vocat] aut aliquem ex illis, acetum statim obtulisle indicant. Lucas verò cap. 23. 36. & joh. 19 29. cos, qui acetum Christo porrexerunt, milites fuisse dicunt. Maldonat. Ies. come. in Matth. 27. 47. Maldonate, and Bishop d Hos Hieronymus arbitratur fuisse milites Romanos, qui quoniaem non intellexerunt Hebraici sermonis proprietatem.— Id eo magis probabile, quòd acetum ab uno corum, qui istud dicebant, porrectum, Lucas milites obtulisle dicit.— Si quis judaeos intelliget, Hieronymus existimat illos ●ccisle more sibisolito, ut Dominum in becillitatis infamarent, qui Elae auxilium deprecetur. Card. I ansen. concord evang. c. 142. in eumlocum. jansenius by good proofs do consent; then is the foresaid argument but heathenish: for the heathens (we know) did invocate many Gods. 7 But admit we that they were jews, who must have been either of the vulgar sort, or else of the literate and skilful in the law: if but of the vulgar rank, then may we think they erred, by reason (which Maldonate noteth) of their e See above at the letter, c. ignorance of Scriptures; and so their argument is unreasonable, which hath no better patronage than ignorance. 8 If they object the speech, as proceeding from the opinion of the learned jews: then (that we may suppose this which their own Doctors have denied) these must have spoken those words either in earnest, or in scorn: If we understand it to have been spoken in earnest, (whereof notwithstanding there is no proof,) yet doth it not necessarily concern the Invocation of Saints departed, but of the living; because some jews held an opinion (as their f Vivere enim credebatur Elias, & apparere aliquando nonnullis. Arias Montanus in eum locum. Arias Montanus observeth) that Elias yet living did sometimes appear unto men: and so the argument is insufficient, concluding an Invocation of the dead from an Invocation of a person living. 9 If lastly it may be thought to have been spoken in scorn and contempt of Christ (as by the confessions of our g See the testimonies already alleged. Adversaries, some Fathers have affirmed,) then is their argument, being taken from mockery, apparently frivolous. And thus is their probable argument become by four necessary suppositions either heathenish, or childish, or impertinent, or ridiculous. 10 The next confirmation which they use out of the Rabbins, is a mixture of two errors: the first is the h Flavius josephus de bello judaico lib. 3. cap. 14. after the Greek, cap. 25. And Russinus expoundeth the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passively, audiuntur; translating that place of josephus. translation of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrary unto the scope of the text: for josephus dissuading men from murdering themselves for fear of danger, saith, that this is all one as if a man should steal away his Lords pledge: but he that shall stay Gods call, is like him who payeth his rent at the time appointed. Of the former kind he saith, they are in the darkness of hell, but pronounceth of the other, that they are pure souls, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, attentive, or obedient unto God. Secondly they err together with their conductor Coccius by misconstruction: for i josephus Bengorion de bello judaico, cap. 21. as it is cited by Coccius, whom these Apologists follow, though it be misquoted, wherein only as a Rhetorical prosopopoeia: for therein he calleth up Phinees, Surge nunc Phinees.— Transsige in furore tuo seditiosos: Tu David Rex Domini, expergisecre cum strepitu Citherarum: and of Elias, Libera reliquias Israel, quemadmodum traxit castra syrorum. joseph Bengorion that saith, Arise Moses and behold thy people, rise up Aaron thou holy Priest of God, calleth also upon Phinees to arise, and to pierce through the seditious in his wrath: and upon David, to awake, and come with the noise of his harp. Which their learning could not but teach them to be rhetorical prosoperies: such as were the speeches of Scriptures in calling upon the * Often in the Psalms. creatures of heaven & earth, and contained in them a justice of hearing and praising the Lord But behold The Apologists argument for Invocation, taken from the doctrine of the ancient jews, confuted by the profession of the truly ancient Jews: from the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 4. 11 What is it that the Apologists prove from these jewish Rabbins? They have said, that it is a familiar and usual custom of praying unto Saints: as did likewise their jesuite Salmeron; not considering what their own Roman Rabbins and Doctors (Cardinal Bellarmine, their jesuite Suarez, and others) have already k Quòd aliquis directè oraverit sanctos defunctos, ut se adiwarent, vel pro se orarent, nusquam legimus. Suarez Ies. tom. 2 in 3. part. Thom. q. 52. art. 1. disp. 42. §. 1. Solùm orabant eius temporis homines Deum. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 19 §. Item Exod. Their reason, because the patriarchs than were not in heaven enjoying God's presence, but only in Limbo. confessed, viz. that it was not usual among the jews, to pray unto the souls of patriarchs, because they were not in the state of blessedness, or able to know the prayers of the living: neither was it their manner to pray directly unto them, as to say, Father Abraham pray for us; but to invocate in their names. Finally, that l See above lib. 2. cap. 12. this was not taught unto the people of the old Testament before Christ, for fear of Idolatry; nor at their first conversion unto the faith of Christ, because the jews would have thought it an hard thing to be instructed to pray unto souls departed. So learned have these Apologists been in painted Sophistry, whereof they shall give their Reader a further taste in the Article following. CHAP. VIII. Of the jewish Traditions. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 6 Sixtly, concerning the unwritten Traditions of the jews, t Origen homil. 5. in Num. & in cp. ad Rome c. 3. Origen and Hilary u Hilary in Psal. 2. saith: Erat ●am à Mose antea institutum, in omni Synagoga septuaginta esse Doctores: nam idem Moses quamuis veteris Testamenti verba in literis condidisset, tamen separatim quaedam ex occultis legis secr●tiora mysteria septuag●●ta semoribus, qui Doctores deinceps ma●●ent, intimaverat, etc. Doctrina ergo horum in posterum, quae ab ipso scriptore legis accepta, in hoc seniorum & numero, & ●fficio conseruata est. do affirm, that Moses left many things unwritten, the knowledge whereof was continuedly Tradition; which his unwritten Traditions, the fourth book of Esdras doth not obscurely signify, as where it is said in the person of God, touching Moses, x 4. Esdras 14. 4. 6. 26. I brought him to the mount Sinai, I did detain him with me many days etc. I commanded him, saying: These words thou shalt make known, and these keep secret. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL, Confuting the Romish pretence out of the book of Esdras: by the testimonies of our Adversaries. SECT. 1. THe objected testimonies of a Moses— cùm sciret diem festum agi debere in azymis synceritatis & veritatis, tamen de farinae azymis praecipiebat agi di●m festum. Orig. in Num. home. 5. Simul doctoribus Ecclesiae praebet exemplum (Paulus) ut ea quae loquuntur ad populum, non prop●ijs praesumpta sententijs, sed divinis munita testimonijs proferant Origen. in Rom. c. 3. ante medium. Origen, b Hilary his speech is of the tradition of the mystical understanding of some things, as of the Hebrew word Bresith: quòd tres habet significantias, In principio, in capite, in filio: sed Septuaginta Translatores in principio ediderunt. Hilar. in Psal. 2. Hilary, and of the c These are not properly belonging unto the controversy of Tradition. See above lib. 2. cap. 25. Egesippus mentioneth Traditions togetl. er with the heresies of the jews. In Anatolius there is much less. other Authors were not pertinent unto the * See the state of this question above. lib. 2. cap. 25. §. 1. point of doctrine of Tradition, which is controverted between the Protestants and Romanists. That which most favoureth the cause, is the place of Esdras. 4. which book the Apologists may seem by their silence to intent, that it shall pass for currant d Tertius & quartus Esdrae sunt' Apocrypha. Bellarm. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, ca 20. §. Postremò. Quemadmodum ex Concilio Trident. Florent. Carthag. & alijs manifestum est. ●●erus part. Theol. lib. 2 pag. 161. and Canonical, notwithstanding their own Doctors out of the Council of Trent, and other Counsels have reckoned it among the Apochryphas, even e Quem librum (speaking of the fourth book of ●sdrass) communis ferè Patrum omnium consensus inter Apocryphos habendum censuit; idue ut puto. propter quaedam suspecta dogmata in ipso tradita, quae regulis orthodoxae sidei apertè contradicere videntur; qualia haec sunt. In 4 cap. ait, Animas sanctorum detineri in promptuarijs inferni, donec impleatur numerus electorum omnium. — Sixtus Senens Bibl. l. 1. §. Esdrae lib. 3. & 4. pag. 28. according to the common consent of ancient Fathers; because (saith their Senensis) many things are contained in that book, which may be suspected to be contrary unto sound faith: even as this testimony here objected will presently bewray. But first let us hear THE ROMISH APOLOGISTS. And Egesippus mentioneth in like manner (as M. Hanmer translateth Eusebius y Egesippus apud Euseb. hist. l. 4 c. 21. fine. the unwritten Traditions of the jews. To which th●ir unwritten Traditions that most ancient author Anatolius z Anatolius apud Euseb. hist. l. 7. c. 26. giveth also further testimony. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 2 The Protestants will as readily confess, that the jews pretended unwritten Traditions, as could either Egesippus, or Anatolius; but whether they did make that boast unjustly or justly, is worthy our more diligent scan: whereunto we approach by degrees. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And the ancient jews do affirm of their unwritten law, that a In capitulis Patrum. Moses received it upon Mount Sinai, & delivered it to josua, and josua to the Elders, etc. which saying as Rabbi judas affirmeth b R. judas in hunc locum. concerneth the order of Tradition delivered by word of mouth: a thing not denied but confessed by c Paulus Fagius in hunc locum, saith: Tenet enim judaeorum opinio, M●sen duplic●m legem à Domino in monte Sinai accepisse, alteram quam legon in s●ripto siue s●ripto tra●●tam vocant, alteram quam legem quae in ore est, sive ore traditam nominant, at que hanc postremam 〈◊〉 quodam ordine per Mosen ad posteros derinatam affirmant. Paulus Fagius. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 3 Paulus Fagius doth indeed confess (as their own Coccius hath cited him,) that a Per Mosem: Apol. it followeth in Fagius. Sic ut came primus omnium josua à Mose acceperit, quam postea senioribus, illi deinceps Prophetis prioribus, Prophetae priores postremis,— high tradiderunt viris Synagogae magnae, qui scilicet fuerunt Esdras cum suo sodalitio,— ab illis acceperunt succedentes sapientes succedentibus generationibus, atque istam geminam legis expositionem, quam hodiè adhuc apud sapientes suos invenir● gloriantur judaei, & alio nomine Cabalam vocant. As he is cited by Coccius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 6. art. 6. pag. 780. It is the opinion of the jews, that Moses did receive two laws of God in Mount Sinai, the one written, & the other unwritten; and this later to have been commended by word of mouth without writing by Moses unto joshua; by him unto the Elders of Israel; by them unto the Prophets, and by them unto the Masters of the great Synagogue under Esdras; from whom the wise men following did successively receive it. And this double manner of exposition of the law, the jews at this day do glory to be among them, which they call Cabala. 4 What now hath our learned Fagius confessed? that the ancient jews do affirm the unwritten law? So the Romish Apologists pretend: but he only relateth the opinion of the jews at this day, who do think that their Cabala or Reception of unwritten Traditions was derived by continual succession from Moses unto their Chachamin and late wizards: which may be confirmed by the confession of their own Petrus Galatinus, their principal Doctor and conductor in this question: for thus he; b Neque ullam eius (viz Cabalae) particulam Scripturae mandari licebat. unde praeter ea quae à Rabbi simeon filio joai tradita asseruntur, alia à veteribus scripta vel pauca, vel nulla comperiuntur.— Cabalam, quod receptio Latin● interpretatur, vocitarunt; Recentiorum autem judaeorum Doctores, ne patemum illud dogma evanesceret, de huiusmodi facultate aliquid scripto in lucem ediderunt, sparsim tamen, ac nonnullis velaminibus obumbratum. Galatinus arcan. fid. lib. 1. cap. 6. Quocirca neque mirum est si nomen hoc Cabala, sive facultas eo nomine designata, rarò hucusque in Sanctorum, caeterorumue sapientum ore habita sit, & si de ipsa veteres non nostri meminerint, ex iunioribus tamen quidam linguam Hebraicam callentes— de ipsa multa scripserunt. nam johannes quidem Picus primus de ea quasi de longinquo, aliqua suspicari coepit. Galatinus lib. 1. cap. 6. versus finem. This Cabala, or receipt (which might not lawfully be committed to writing) the later jewish Doctors have published in writing. Now do we approach to our trial, first showing That the Church of the jews, in, or after the days of Moses received no unwritten Traditions from God: by the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 4. 5 a Non desunt aliqui Catholicorum, qui negant ullam fuisse Traditions non scriptam apud judaeos. Bellarm. lib. 4. de verbo non scripto, cap. 8. §. His add. Some Catholics (saith their Cardinal Bellarmine) have denied that the jews had any unwritten Traditions committed unto them: and that this may be affirmed catholicly, their Bishop jansenius will warrant us, who affirmeth, that b Quòd uni judaeorum populo per Mosem diligenter satis perscripta essent quaecunque ad religionem pertinerent, & justitiam inter homines seruandam. jansenius Concird. evang. cap. 120. in haec verba, Quaecunque dixerint, facite. Moses delivered unto the people of the jews all those things which concerned either religion towards God, or justice towards men. Which might be easily evinced by answering the objections which our Adversaries do usually make: but seeing truth by showing itself doth discover the untruth, therefore we proceed to make known, That the Traditions professed by the jews, now objected, were human figments, and condemned by Christ: proved by the confession of our Romish Adversaries. SECT. 5. 6 Our Saviour a Christus (Mat. 15.) Traditiones eas reprehendit, quas judaei acceperant á quibusdam recentioribus quarum aliquae inanes, aliquae perniciosae erant, & contra Scripturas. Bellar. lib. 4. de verbo Dei, cap. 10. §. Argument. 3. Christ (as Cardinal Bellarmine saith) reprehended those Traditions which the jews had then received from their younger Rabbins: yet those younger Masters are they whom the Apologists called b See above c. 3. §. 2. ancient jews, & old Rabbins before Christ. Whose Traditions (whether it were by way of corrupt expounding of Scripture, or by ordaining new doctrines) are those d josephus judaeorum vernaculus, indicat multas constitutiones à maioribus per manus successione acceptas Pharisaeos populo tradidisse, quae scriptae non essent inter leges Mosaicas.— Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 17.— Has, ut praediximus, Traditiones 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi secundas aut secundarias, earumque authores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi secundarios Doctores— cùm alij, tum Hieronymus passim vocat, & flagellat. Claudius' Espencaus come. in Tit. cap. 1. pag. 183. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, secondary Traditions, which were condemned by Christ, and c Damnabat Christus nonnullas expositiones excogitatas à Rabbinis. Senens. See above ibid. the Authors of them S. Jerome did often whip. And how then shall the Apologists and such like patrons escape this his lash? For their desert is apparent, in that they, for proof of many Romish Tradidions, do produce the testimonies not only of the declining jews before Christ, but also of the apostate jews since Christ: concerning whom we prove, That the unwritten Traditions, which the jews since Christ do profess and protend to have been delivered by Moses, and so successively from the Priests and Prophets of the old Testament unto them, are untruly avouched by them in maintenance both of their Thalmud, and Cabala: by the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 6. 7 We know that the Apologists will be willing to hear their own Galatinus speak, who is their chief director in this cause. a Ad illud postremò quod judaei Thalmudicas traditiones à Deo Mosi simul in monte Sinai traditas fuisse, deinde à Mose priscis patribus succedaneo ordine revelatas, & demum per antiquos eorum Doctores conscriptas in Thalmud asserunt, dico quòd id de omnibus quae sunt in Thalmud, credere est quàm praecipitatae mentis insania. Galatinus de arcanis verit. Cathol. lib. 1. cap. 7. pag. 25. I say (saith he) that it is a mere madness for any to approve all those unwritten Traditions, which the jews will have thought to have been delivered in Mount Sinai, & from thence orderly to have descended unto posterity. And of the Cabala he intimateth that the ancient Fathers did not acknowledge that Cabala, but the first whom he can found to have regarded it, was Picus Earl of Mirandula: which is the judgement of their b Rabbi Symeon Caballicorum Princeps, cuius Cabala legalium rerum arcana, spiritualem allegoricamue intelligentiam continens, Patrum tantùm temporibus per Mirandulanum Principem in lucem exijt. Genebrard Chron. lib. 2. anno Christi 69. pag. 224. Genebrard, saying, that Rabbi Simeon was the first among the jews, who committed it to writing, & Picus the first among Christians that published it, who (as their c Mortuus est anno 1494. Senens. Bibl. lib 4. Tit. johannes Picus. Senensis recordeth) died in the year of Christ 1494. and whose work called Heptaplus, which was fraught with Cabalistical expositions, d Quidam Doctores (speaking of his work of Heptaplus) contemnunt ut iwenilis audaciae ostentamentum, extrinsecus tumidum, intus prorsus inane. Senensis ibidem. Paulò antè. divers Doctors (meaning Romanists) did condemn as a vainglorious flourish of a young brain. 8 Carolus Sigonius bringeth in S. Jerome complaining of their Traditions, which they pretend to come from e Quas traditiones declarans Hieron. in epist. 151. sic inquit: Quantae Traditiones Pharisaeorum sint, quas hody vocant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & quàm aniles fabulae, evoluere nequeo, neque enim libri patitur magnitudo, & pleraque turpia sunt, ut erubescam dicere, dicam tamen unum in gentis inimicae ignominiam.— Solent respondere & dicere, Rabakiba & simeon, & Hillel magistri nostri tradiderunt nobis, ut bis mill pedes ambulemus in Sabbato, etc. Teste Carolo Sigoniode Repub. Heb. lib. 5. cap. 11. pag. 281. & 282. R. Akaba, & simeon, & Hillel, as being bothfilthy & fabulous. Sixtus Senensis noteth their Thalmudist Rabbins to be f Index errorum aliquot, quos ex innumeris stultitijs, blasphemijs, & impietatibus Thalmudici operis collegimus— horum execrabilium voluminum, in quibus infinite serè blasphemiae continentur, non solùm adversus Christum Deum nostrum, sed etiam adversus Mosaicam legem, adversus naturae legem, contra ipsam divinae celsitudinis maiestatem. Senensis Bibl. lib. 2. §. Index errorum. pag. 128. fraught with innumerable blasphemies against God and his Christ our Saviour, and impieties against the law of Moses, besides other infinite fooleries. Execration will not suffer us to mention their blasphemies, for (as the Philosopher said of dead carcases,) The stinch of them doth enforce us to bury them. Other their impieties and superstitious fancies we may more safely report, but sparingly, for much of this kind cannot but be loathsome unto regenerate hearts. Know then, That the Rabbins since Christ, exceed the pharisaical Rabbins in folly and wickedness of their pretended ancient Traditions: which appeareth in manifold particulars. SECT. 7. 9 When Christ conversed among the jews, it was thought lawful a Christus tempore suo sic ratiocinatus est: Quod si vobis permissum esse putatis die Sabbatino pecus aliquod è foslâ, ut istud in vita conseruetur, eximere, quanto magis homo quàm p●cus multo pluris aestimandus est. Matth. 11. to draw a beast out of a pit on the Sabbath day: but their new Masters hold it a transgression to remove either b judaei in Thalmud in Tract. de Sabb. cap. 5. Quodsi pecus aliquod in fossam prolabatur— non nisi decurso Sabbato extrahendum. Buxdorfius. beast or man upon that day. For we read of a c Munsterus in hist. Saxonica narrat de judaeo quodam, qui die Sabbati in locum secretum ceciderat— in quo per Sabbatum relictus, cibo sustentatus est:— Episcopus istius loci severè judaeis edixit, ne illum die Dominico Christianis solenniter sestivo indidem extraherent, quare ibi per biduum manner oportuit. Ibid. cap. 11. jew, who fell into a loathsome place, and in reverence unto their Sabbath, would not remove from thence as that day: which when a Bishop of Saxony understood, he commanded that he should be kept there also the next day following, for the honour sake of the Sabbath of the Christians. 10 If any desire to know their traditional law of malice, their Rabbins teach, d Rabbinum, qui non oderit hostem suum usque ad mortem, & vindictam adversus cum non quaesierit, indignum esse nomine Rabbini. Senensis quo suprà. that jew to be unworthy the name of a Rabbin, who shall not hate his enemy unto death; & likewise instruct their disciples always in eating of e Porrum Caldaicè Grate, derivatum est à Radice quadam abscindere significant; hinc ubi porrum manderunt, tum aiunt, abscindantur omnes inimici nostri. Buxdorf. Synag. judaic. cap. 19 Leeks, yea and f Statuimus ut quilibet judaeus ter in di● blasphemet omnem Christianorum gentem, & Deum precetur ut ipsam confundat.— Praecipitur ijs ut Christianos omnes loco brutorum habeant.— Si quis dum vult occidere Christianum fortè fortuna judaeum occiderit, absolutione dignus est. Senensis quo supra. every day thrice to curse the professors of Christianity, accounting it a matter of merit to kill a Christian. 11 Semblable hereunto is the fondness of their policy, as namely, g Si quem pars judicum maior ad mortem damnaverit, is mori debet; si verò omnes, nullo excepto in eius damnatione consenserint, absoluatur. Senens. quo suprà. to put to death a man condemned by the greater part of voices in judgement, and notwithstanding to save him who shall be condemned by the consent of all. 12 Notable is their superstition, viz. in habiting themselves; as in stringing their shoes, to prefer their h Quodsi quis calceamenta habeat, quae corrigijs, annulisque vel circulis careant ad excipiendas corrigias necessarijs, is sinistrum prius, dextrum posterius pedi adaptabit. Rabbi joeamin docuit ac praecipit. Buxdorfius cap. 4. left foot before the right; in diet, i Nihil comedi debet numero pari, sed impari. to eat things in an odd number; in prayer for k Si quis oraverit fancy ad meridiem conversa, sapientiam consequetur, ad septentrionem verò divitias. Senensis quo suprà. wisdom, to turn their faces towards the South, & for riches towards the North; in procreation of children, l Nocte Sabbatina plus quàm alijs noctibus uxorem (ut Rabbi docet) deosculetur, haec nimirum causa est cur porrum edant ante Sabbatum, ut tanto potentiores ad coitum fiant.— fieri putant ut infants hac nocte concepti, vulgo fortunati fiant. Buxdorf. c. 10. to observe especially the night of their Sabbath; in the feast of their Sabbath, m Pulicem hincinde in vestibus saltantem capere nonlicet, qui si quem pungat, à puncto per cum licitè quidem capi, sed licitè perimi non potest, sed viws aliquò duntaxat abijciendus: pediculum perimere fas est. judaei Tract. de Sabbato, ut refert Buxdorf. cap. 11. to spare a flea, and kill a louse: in their feast of Tabernacles, to prognosticate of the death of themselves, their wives, and friends, by the want of their n In festo tabernaculornm in nocte sub lunae splendorem prodeunt alij capite nudo, alij interulâ tantùm circumdati, vel nudi planè, stragulo interim lecti lineo tecti— quodsi horum cuiquam in umbra lunae desit caput, huic defectus capitis ille portendit, quòd anno eo caput sit amissurus vel moriturus; quod si digitus alicui alicuius defuerit, indicium est quòd amicus eius aliquis anno eo vitam cum morte est commutaturus— quodsi cui desit dextra manus, filij, se● sinistra, filiae, mortem denunciat. judaei Thal. in Orachaijm num. 664. ut refert Buxdorf. cap. 16. heads, or fingers of their shadows in the moonshine; but in their feast of the new moon, o Festo novilunij lunae benedicentes, ter subsiliunt coelum versus; quod quanto sublimius facere possunt, tanto melius est, lunamue, alloquentes, quemadmodum (inquiunt) nos te sursum versus subsilientes attingere non possumus, sicue hosts nostri no● ad malum attingere non possunt. Buxdorf. Synag. cap. 17. to bless the Moon with a threefold leap towards the sky. 3 But why do we trouble ourselves with the fancies of such lunatikes, who for want of due proof of their unwritten Traditions which they feign to have been given them by God in the p Rabbi Bechai Exod. 34. dicens quando Moses didicerit legem scriptam, tum dies erat, quando verò legem oralem à Deo acceperat, tum nox fuerit. Ibid. cap. 1. night, yet (which exceedeth the height of impious folly) they do pronounce, that q Si quis negaverit libros Thalmudicos, Deum ipsum negat. Sixtus Senens. Biblioth. lib. 2. §. Index. whosoever denieth the book of the Thalmud, denieth God: which book Aben Ezra will have called the r Aben Ezra Proem. in Pentateuch Mosis: Certissimum est quòd Moses super lege orali Thalmudo fundatus est; qui Thalmudus gaudium cordis, ossiumque refocillatio est: etenim inter has duas leges discrimen nullum est, quip quae per maiores nostros ambae nobis sunt datae. Buxdorfius quo suprà. Mulieres ad mandata prohibentia tantùm exequenda obstrinctas teneri. Buxdorf. quo suprà, cap. 1. joy of their hearts? And lastly (which we wish our Adversaries to observe,) ordaining, that s Gravius plectendos esse eos, qui contradicunt verbis Scribarum, quàm verbis Mosaicae legis; quibus qui contradixerit, absolui potest; qui verò verbis Rabbinorum contradizerit, morte moriatur. Senensis quo suprà. they shall be more grievously punished, who shall violate the precepts of their own Scribes, than they who shall transgress the laws of Moses? If the Romanists will say, they must symbolise with the jews in their opinions of Traditions, then may their doctrine be as easily refuted, as it can be recited: but if contrarywise they hold it unmeet to insist upon the opinion of the jews, then is this their dispute from jewish Tradition but hungry and lank. CHAP. IX. Of the the Merit of good works. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 7 Seventhly, concerning the force or merit of Alms, and other good works, proceeding from true faith in the Messiah, the doctrine of the ancient Jews is delivered in the book of Toby, where it is said: d Toby 12. 9 after the translation of the English Bible of 1576. and according to the Greek copy published by the divines of Basil 1550. the which I do more precisely note, for that M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament. fol. 109. a. circa med. denieth the latter part of this text to be in the Greek. Alms doth deliver from death, and doth purge all sin: and again, e Toby 4. 10. Alms doth deliver from death, and suffereth not (the soul) to go into darkness: and in the foresaid book of Ecclesiasticus, f Ecclesiasticus 3. 33. Water quencheth burning fire, and alms expiateth (or purgeth) sin. And this is but agreeable with the other Scriptures acknowledged for Canonical, as where it is said, g Daniel 4. 24. Whereas our adversaries do here in stead of redeem, translate, break off: Hemingius in his exposition of the 84. Psal. Englished, pag. 527. thinketh that the Hebrew word signifieth to redeem: so also most clearly in the Greek translation doth the Greek word, and so likewise doth the vulgar interpreter, and the ancient Fathers read accordingly, insomuch as the same reading is observed likewise by Luther in loc, commun. class. 1. pag. 72. ante medium: and by Peter Martyr in his Common places in English, part 3. cap. 4. pag. 114. b. circa med. by Mecancthon in loc. common. edit. 1536. cap. de bonis operibus, pag. 157. in fine▪ by the Apology of the confession of Augusta, fol 104. a. circa med. And by the Tigurine translation of 1544. whereunto may be added the like reading and judgement of Caluine, Aretius, Bullenger, and many other Protestants. Redeem thy sins with alms, and thy iniquities with mercy to the poor: h Proverb. 16. 6. By mercy and truth sin shall be forgiven: i Proverb. 15. 27. although this be omitted in the English Bible of 1576. yet is it so evidently parcel of the text, that (to omit the Fathers) the Divines of Basil in their edition hereof in the Greek and Latin, printed 1550. do read it accordingly. By alms and faith sins are purged: k Luc. 11. 41. Give alms, and behold all things are clean to you. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Satisfying for the sense of Scriptures. SECT. 1. THey have produced many Scriptures, but as though the place of Daniel were a promontory among the rest, here they pitch a marginal note upon the word [Redime, that is, Redeem,] taxing the Protestants translation, which is [Abrumpe, that is, Break off] thy sins, etc. Not but that the a Amandus' Polanus a Protestant upon the place of Daniel. See M. Calvin upon Dan. 4. and Peter Martyr in his Common places. original is, Break off, of the same root whence Exo. 32. ver. 2. the Israelites are willed to Break off their earings: but they only contend to show, that many protestāns do acknowledge also their vulgar reading of Redeem, and for confirmation hereof, have cited Luther and eight other witnesses to appear. Which only showeth that those Protestants would be (as we may so say) rather Reals than Nominals, not so much labouring upon the word, as upon the sense of Scripture, which in both translations is the same. For as the Scripture phrase of redeeming the time is a breaking off the line of former sins, and a beginning to spin a new thread of godliness unto the end of our life: so may it be understood here, where Nabuchadonozer an oppressor of his subjects by injust spoil of other men's goods, now in justice (for so the word in the original is b Pintus upon Dan. 4. confessed to signify) he is to make satisfaction unto man, before he can expect the favour of God. 2 Their Romish translators in their Annotations upon the text of Luc. 11. do muster all the objected Scriptures, with no small ostentation, saying, c Rhemists' annot. upon Luc. 11 41. citing these Scriptures, Eccl. 3. 33. Dan. 4. 24. Tob. 4. 12. 11. 9 Matth. 25. 35. 42. The great force of Alms in diverse places of holy Scripture is signified; in one place they extingish sin, in another they redeem sins, in another they deliver from death: and in this place they make clean and satisfy for the jews former offences. Now how will Protestant's (say they) like this doctrine so evidently set forth in Scripture, let the indifferent Reader judge, and how well it agreeth with their only faith? We will show how Protestants may like it, and so refer the case unto the judgement of the Reader. 3 First in these places which have been objected, there is only mention made of Alms: can the Romanists say, that Alms alone have this force of redeeming of sin? If they should, then might they be readily confuted by their own jesuite Maldonate, showing from S. Augustine, that d Quid enim? an si eleemosynam dedissent; in ipsum verò qui salutis unicus author est, non credidissent, mundi, id est, justi fuissent? quis hoc dicat? Tractavit hunc locum copiosè Augustin. lib. 1. de verbis Dom. secundum Lucan & serm. 30. & in Enchiridio dicit; qui sceleratissimè viwnt,— & eleemosynas frequentant, frustrà sibi in co blandiri, quoniam Christus dixit, Date eleemosynam.— Idem Augustinus, sicut Beda & Strabus eleemosynam pro omni specie misericordiae & charitatis exponunt, cuius prima pars est ut nostri misereamur, juxta illud Eccles. 30. 24. Miserere animae t●ae placen● Deo: quod facimus cùm credimus, cumue eaetera facimus, quae praecipiuntur nobis à Deo — Paulò post: no man will say, that giving of Alms can avail for purgation of sin without faith in him, (Christ) who is the only author of salvation: and this doctrine the Protestants (they know) do not dislike. 4 Secondly the question is, how then can Alms be said to purge sin? Whereunto their foresaid jesuite answereth, that e Sed adhuc qu●stio est, quomodo eleemosyna animam mundet, quod facere profectò non potest, nisi omnia peccata remittat: rectè Beda & Bonaventura hoc loco dicunt eleemosynam peccata remittere, quia ad remissionem peccatorum disponit. Maldon. Ies. come. in Luc 1●. 41. he addeth, that Protestants cannot abide this exposition, and then inferreth the texts above cited and objected. But this exposition is that which we may easily admit in his true sense: for God disposeth man unto faith and charity, and then is man disposed and qualified to receive remission. it is impossible for Alms to cleanse the soul from sin, but to dispose it. 5 Thirdly, their Bishop f Omninò hoc Domini consilium simile est illi Danielis, Redime, etc.— Non voluit Dominu● solam eleemosynam sufficere ex iniustis bonis partam,— praesupponit eam debere debité fieri & ●i reliqua necessaria esse coniungenda—: quemadmodum cum dicit, Si remiseritis peccata alijs dimittet & vobis Deus peccata vestra.— Basilius ait,— hoc inquam modo peccata purgantur, non ipso per seipsum sufficient ad purgation, verùm agente primordialiter miscricordia Dei, & sanguine Christi, in quo etiam aliorum omnium habemus redemptionem, si ob singula dignos fecerimus paenitentiae fructus. Haec Basilius quaest. 271. jansenius concord. cap. 84. in eum locum Luc● 11. jansenius and Cardinal g— Addit Basilius, peccata per avaritiam contracta mundari per largam eleemosynarum largitionem, non quidem principaliter, sed ut per fructus dignos poenitentiâ: causam enim principalem purgationis esse gratiam Dei, & sanguinem jesu Christi. Card. Bellar. lib. 3. de bonis operibus, cap. 3. §. Tertia expositio. Bellarmine examining the same text, report the excellent judgement of Basil, who taught that Alms cannot of themselves expiate sin; but the primordial cause is the mercy of God, whereby men have redemption in all other actions; the which virtue of Christ's merit is only apprehended by faith. And in this sense the Protestants will like better of phrases of Scripture then can their Adversaries: for if even the best actions of Christians have need of a redemption by the virtue of the blood of Christ, than not Alms but Christ's satisfaction only is of itself of a purgatory and meritorious virtue. Secondly we add A demonstration of the impotency of the Romish Apologists, who, contrary to their first pretence, do defend this article of Merit, without the testimony of any jewish Rabbin, and object Scripture voided of all mention of Merit. SECT. 2. 6 Their title of this part was, a Apolog. See above in●tio Sect. cap. 1. a Demonstration thereof (that is, of the Romish faith) from the testimonies of ancient jews, whom they divide into Rabbins before Christ, and Rabbins after Christ: yet now for proof of Merit only insist in Scriptures, not only of the old, but also of the new Testament, and do not produce one Rabbin to plead their cause: so unsuitable have their proofs been unto their preface. Which we note not as thinking that they were destitute of jewish patrons herein; for we know, that all the Rabbins of the sect of the Pharisees would have willingly subscribed unto this defence, who did not only b Pharisaei, neglectâ an●mi mundity, in lavandis mundandi●ue corporibus omnem religionem & sanctitatem ponebant. Maldonat. Ies. c●m. in Luc. 11. 48. place justice (as their jesuite Maldonate confesseth) in outward washing, but also in other works, as appeareth by the parable of the Pharisee and the Publican: the Pharisee in presumption of his merit gloried in his Alms and Fasts; the Publican appealed unto God's mercies seat, yet went home justified rather than the other. 7 Now who they be that have more affinity with Pharisaisme, let the Reader judge. As for the later jews, no Christian (we hope) can believe them; for they are so stupid as to think, that c In festo novi anni— post cibum, vi●, uxor, liberi, tam senes quàm iwenes ad aquam, sive pontem quendam consluunt, peccata ipsorum in aquam coniecturi, quemadmodum scriptum est [Et proijciet in profund● maris on nia peccata nostra, Mich. 7. 19] Pisces conspicari omen tam bonum esse opinantur, ut prae gaudio in altum salientes, vestes ipsorum quàm validè pos●unt excutiant, se peccata ipsorum super pisces hoc modo excussisse somniantes. Buxdorfius Synag. juda●●. cap. 19 with only shaking of their clothes over a river, they can shake their sins upon the fishes, and so return home perfect and clean. 8 Again, the article now in question is propounded by the Apologists to be concerning the force or merit of Alms, and we see many texts produced to prove a force of Alms, but not one wherein there is any mention of Merit: which we might think was done upon an exigence, but that their Rhemists' translating according unto the vulgar Latin, that place of Heb. 13. 16. will have it read thus: Beneficence and communication do not forget, for with such hosts God is promerited. Whereunto their Lindanus hath pointed with his marginal finger, saying, d Meriti vox in Scriptures tribuitur bonis operibus. Lindanus Panopl. lib. 3. cap. 20. in margin. Behold the word Merit in Scriptures: notwithstanding the greek word (which is the original) properly signifieth (as Bellarmine witnesseth) e Verbum Graecum significat propriè, Delectatur Deus: aut, ut Erasmus vertit, Placet Deo. Bellarm. lib. 2. de verbo Dei▪ cap. 14. §. Decimus. God is delighted; or as Erasmus doth tender it, God is well pleased: which S. f Talibùs enim hostijs placatur Deus. August. lib. 10. de civitate Dei, cap. 5. Augustine useth, and, as their vives acknowledgeth, is g In antiquis [Placetur Deo:] utrumque melius quàm quod modò vulgo habemus, Promeretur Deus. vives in hunc locum Augustini. better than the Latin vulgar word of promerited. Now God, we know, is pleased with his own works; he reviewed them, and * Gen. 1. behold all good: and our good works which are unproperly called merita, are always acknowledged (by S. Augustine) to be Dei munera. See furthermore Another demonstration of our adversaries defect in judgement: by discovering the blindness of their distinction of Merit de congruo, and de condigno, upon which their objections from Scriptures do depend: confuted by the judgement of our learned Adversaries. SECT 3. 9 Our question is concerning Merit, whereof our adversaries do thus distinguish: a Meritum est actio libera acceptata ad aliquod praemium.— quale duplex communiter ponitur à Theologis; alterum de Condigno— cui de justitia ex lege & condignitate opetis debetur aliquod praemium. Alterum de Congruo— appellatur opus quod ex gratia & congruitate quadam acceptatur ad aliquod praemium, quod neque ex condignitate operis sibi debeba▪ Vega jes. opus●. de fide & Operibus, quaest. 4. pag. 781. There is a Merit of condignity, whereunto a reward is due from God in justice, even for the worthiness of the work; the other is called a Merit of congruity, whereunto a reward is due though not in justice, yet by grace and acceptance. We have thoroughly discussed the former member of Merit de condigno: now are we to examine the second, which is de congruo. 10 This requireth an exact trial, that we may know wherein they will allow of this merit, whether in men as they are in their pure naturals, & destitute of all gifts of grace: hereof our b Vbicunque Augustinus dimicat cum Pelagianis dicentibus, gratiam Dei dari propter eorum merita, hanc potissimùm in eos, tanquam validissimum telum, vibrat Pauli sententiam, quòd homo iustificatur gratis, & non ex operibus. Pererius Ies. in Rom. cap. 3. disp. 16. nu. 79. Concil. Trident. meritum de Congruo reijcit, quod attinet ad opera, quae fiunt ex solis viribus naturae. Bellar. l. 1. de justif. c. 21. §. Huc addi. Adversaries confess (from the authority of S. Augustine, & the Council of Trent) that it is no less than Pelagtanisme to defend any such merit. D. c Vtcunque igitur vel olim Scholastici aliqui, vel circa initium hodierni schismatis, scriptores aliqui Catholici de hac preparatione hominis ante gratiam & consequenter de viribus humanae naturae nondum sanatae imprudentiùs scripserunt, non est illud hody ab aliquo scriptore Catholico ampliùs defensum, sed juxta Conc. Trid. etc. Stapl. lib. 2. de justif. & orig. peccat. cap. 4. §. Meritum auten. Stapleton noteth some Romanist, who at the beginning of Luther his opposition defended this doctrine, & their d Sanè etsi ego non eyes aut faveo, aut ullo modo assentior, qui— suadere nituntur posse hominem aliquid efficere, unde vocationem atque adeò gratiam primam mereatur, imò cum bonum morale proportionem nullam habeat ad gratiam, censeo bona moralia neque dispositiones dic● posse ad sidem, cum praesertim non operibus ad fidem,— sed fide ad opera veniatur. Benius de essic. Dei auxilio, cap. 17. pa. 294. §. Venio ad. Non potest homo (speaking de Infideli, ante quam divinâ gratiâ excitetur) se disponere ad gratiam, nedum mereti gratiam, idque quia gratia est ordinis supernaturalis & divini, ad quam non possunt vires naturales. Ibidem, pag. 300. §. Tota igitur. Benius observeth others among them, who at this day are of the same opinion, but he learnedly confuteth them, as being therein enemies unto grace. And the Apologists & Rhemists stand not altogether upright, who have objected for proof of merit, two examples of that kind, one of Nabuchodonosor a pagan fettered in his sin, whom therefore the Prophet admonisheth to break off his sin of oppression by contrary acts of justice: from whom they would prove, that he had power meritoriously to redeem his sins by alms. The second is from the Pharisees, who (as may appear by Christ's often denunciations of woe against them) were far wo-begon and destitute of grace: who notwithstanding (as the Apologists suppose) were able by alms meritoriously to make themselves clean. 11 But jest they may think that we deal too violently with them, especially in this first respect of that merit in the state of men wholly forlorn of grace: we enter upon the second consideration of their merit de congruo, as it is expressed by their jesuite Pererius: e Patres Conc. Trid. intelligendi sunt de Merito propriè dicto, quod est de condigno: Nam si loquamur de Merito amplè sumpto, & ut nunc appellatur Meritum de Congruo, non videtur esse negandum per fidem & alia opera praeparatoria promereri aliquo modo iustificationis gratiam, hoc enim frequenter repetire licet apud Patres, dicere solitos, peccatorem per lachrymas— eleemosynas, caeteraue opera misericordiae promereri veniam & remiss. peccatorum. Pererius Ies. in Rom. cap 3. disp. 17. num 85. If we speak (saith he) of the merit of congruity, it may seem to be a matter not to be denied, that a man by the act of faith, alms, and tears, and other such like works of preparation, doth merit and deserve the grace of remission of sin. Which (saith Cardinal f Si de secundogenere operum loquatur (Kemnitius)— vix enim est ullus inter veteres, qui non agnoscat meritum aliquod in operibus poenitentiae, quae per Dei gratiam fiunt. Bellar. lib. 1. de justif. cap. 21. §. Si loquitur. Bellarmine) scarce any of the Ancients (meaning Schoolmen) will deny; and he himself defendeth, being guarded (as he pretendeth) with the consent of the g Alij, ijue plurimi— meritum de Congruo iustificationis esse volunt eiusmodi actus,— ut Magister Sent. in 2 dist. 27. Albertus, Bonaventura, Scotus, Durandus, Gabriel, & Vega. Bellar lib. 2. de Poenit. cap 12. § Theologi. Nos intelligere ce●tè non possumus cur non hoc tempore utendum sit nomine Meriti, praesertim cum additione illa de Congruo, cum agitur de operibus quae fiunt ex gratia praeveniente. Bellar. lib. 1. de justif. cap. 21. § jam verò. most part of the Schoolmen, among whom he reckoneth Thomas, Albert, Bonaventure, Scotus, Vega; to whom others do also add h Ro●tensis in Art 1 contra Luther. non abhorret ab hac sententia, speaking de merito cong●ui. Vega de justif. lib. 8 cap. 8. pag. 188. col. 2. * See above. Roffensis, and other Schoolmen, together with their jesuit Suarez; and we may adjoin the Rhemists and Apologists, who have contended to prove merit of remission & purgation of sin by alms and other preparative works of conversion & repentance: albeit the opinion of this kind of merit of congruity be so untrue, that Cardinal i Theologi Scholastici nonnulli volunt actum poenitentiae: ut etiam actum fidei & dilectionis, esse dispositionem ad remissionem peccatorum, sed non meritum neque de condigno neque de congruo:— ut lohannes Capreolus in 2. sent. dist. 40. quaest. 1. & Dominicus à Soto, lib. 2. de natura & gratia, cap. 4. Bellar. lib. 2. de Poenit cap. 12. §. Theologi. Bellarmine noteth diverse Catholics to have acknowledged such actions to be dispositions unto grace, but denied them to be any m●ritorious causes thereof, although but by congruitte. Which foresaid doctrine of merit, k Quia tamen doctissimos quosdam & pientissimos viros adhuc video— eò propendere, ut Ecclesia hoc meritum, quod aiunt, Congrui repellat, ut recens inventum, etc. Vega Ies. lib. 8. de justif. cap. 8. § Quia. Haec propositio solet à plerisque doctis viris existimari esse contra authoritatem Doctorum sanctorum Vega Opusc. de Meritis, q. 7. pag. 816. §. Quarta propositio. many most godly & learned Catholics (saith their Vega) do think to be contrary unto the authority of godly Doctors, (meaning the ancient Fathers,) who l Patres agnoverunt rem (speaking of the distinction of Congrui & Condigni) licet non usi fuerint terminis. Vega de justif. lib. 8. c. 11. §. Quanquam. Idem author (speaking of Vega) secutus Scotum, etiam operibus bonis ante gratiam & omnem justificationem congruitatem tribuit, secundù ●● quam talia opera mereantur de congruo primam gratiam seu justificationem:— verè nullum est meritum de congruo, respectu primae gratiae. Stapleton. de justif. lib. 10. cap. 2. pag. 351. never used this distinction of merit de congruo, & de condigno. Which distinction their learned m Mihi haec sententia (speaking of the jesuite Suarez. lib. 3. de auxil. great. cap 2. num. 5.) qua dicit peccatorem ex priori auxilio mereri subsequens, & omninò per fidem mereti remiss. peccatorum, magnam facit dubitationem.— Simo (tale) aliquod meritum esset ex part nostrûm— non debuisset à Conc. Trid. reticeri. Quid plura? [Gratis justificari ideo dicimur (inquit Conc. Sess. 6 cap. 8.) quia nihil eorum, quae justificationem praecedunt, sive fides, sine opera, ipsam iustificationis gratiam promeretur:]— Non video quomodo meritum de congruo, dum meriti nomine planè astruitur, non evertatur— quodsi Augustinus alicubi dixit, fidem posse impetrare remiss. peccatorum:— ego sané possem ab Augustino ad eundem Augustinum sexcentis in locis provocare, lib. de spir & lit. cap. 30. epist. 105.— lib. 1. retract cap. 23. qui liber est ultimae eius voluntatis testificatio.— Nam admitten dum est fidem impetrare remiss. imitatiuè (ut ita dicam) per modum alicuius dispositionis Benius de effic. Dei auxil. cap. 18. pag. 307, 308. 312, 313, 314. Benius, against their jesuit Suarez & others, doth professedly confute, as being contrary not only unto Scriptures, but also unto the Canon of the Council of n Conc. Trid. cap. 8. Gratis justificari ideo dicimur, quia nihil eorum, quae justificationem praecedunt, sive fides, sive opera, ipsam iustificationis gratiam promeretur. Benius quo iam iam suprà. Trent, wherein it was determined, that no act which goeth before justification, whether it be faith or works, doth merit justification. And finally their jesuite Valentia diving into the bottom of this mystery, doth profoundly judge it o Nec probamus sententiam eorum, qu● tametsi— ex congruitate dicunt nos primam gratiam promereri per actus illos, quibus nos ultimò ad illam dispominus. Non est ita.— Cum igitur dispositiones ultimae sint in re ab ipsa gratia habituals,— neque propriè compensentur per illam, sed tantùm gratia tum detur cum simul eae actiones ab ipsa gratia & libero arbitrio effluunt, sequitur hominem neque ex justitia, neque ex congruitate gratiam propriè per illas promereri. Illud profecto long probabiliùs diceretur, pet opera bona moralia, quibus aliquis ante acceptam gratiam faceret quod moraliter posset, eatenus primam gratiam ex congruo illum met●ri (which a little before he calleth Pelagij errotem) quatenus conveniens & congruum est, ut cum talis facit, quantum in illo statu moraliter potest, Deus etiam praestet id quod suarum est partium, hoc est, ei homini auxilia actualia augeat, quibus adiutus possit faciliùs gratiam consequi, atque adeò consequatur si sibi non desit. Gregorius de Valent. Ies. lib. de great. divin. part 4. cap. vlt. paulò ante finem. far more probable that moral works done before grace shall merit grace de congruo, then that the last dispositions (as namely contrition, fear, love, or faith of the repentant) should have the same meritorious power for remission of sins. 12 Wherhfore we close up all the sentence of their judicious p Idcirco fides erit tantummodò quaedam dispositio— quae nihil prohibet meritum ad justificationem interuenite nullum, hoc est, nec de condigno, nec de congruo, ac proinde nos justificari penitús gratis.— Dispositiones interuenite profitemur, ut Dei timorem, informem spem, charitatem, & peceati detestationem, & novae vitae propositum.— Quae non impediunt quo minùs impius gratis omninò iustificetur. Benius quo suprà, pag. 315, & 316. Quia ante justificationem sumus filij irae. Ibid. cap. 18. pag. 322. Benius, professing that there go before justification the dispositions of fear and unformed hope, faith, and love, detestation of sin, and purpose of amendment of life; but yet so, that without any merit the convert is justified freely by grace. Nothing now remaineth but only a conclusion, by way of Appeal. SECT. 4. 13 Thus have we answered unto the objected Scriptures, which by the confession of our Adversaries argue, that a §. 1. alms, prayers, tears, hope, faith, love, done by a penitent soul, are necessary dispositions (but b §. 1. not merits) in any man for obtaining remission and purgation of sins: because they are so far from redeeming or purging men's sins by their own force, that by reason of their corruptions they themselves have need of purgation in Christ's blood. We have heard the Apologists promising to give a demonstration of the particulars of their faith from the testimonies of the jewish Rabbins, and yet herein do object c §. 2. none. 14 But that which demonstrateth the nullity of their demonstration, is the rottenness of the foundation of this their merit, viz. their d §. 3. distinction of merit de congruo, & de condigno, that is, of congruity, & condignity; as though it were possible for any to conceive of a merit or desert, without all respect of condignity and worthiness unto that reward which it shall deserve. Therefore have we called it a blind distinction, and the rather, because (contrary unto Cardinal Bellarmine, and their I●suite Pererius his peremptory conceit of merit of congruity) many Doctors (who were in the Romish School, in the judgement of our Adversaries, most godly & learned) have rejected this kind of merit, as being a new figment, contrary unto the meaning of ancient Fathers, and the truth of Scriptures, and in the judgement of their jesuite de Valentia (for aught that we can collect from his testimony,) a doctrine less probable than that which both Protestants and Romanists call Pelagianisme. 15 Ade but hereunto our general confutation of merit (taken from the testimonies of the greatest Romish adversaries, which Protestants had in their times:) the sum whereof is, that * See above lib. 2. cap. 11. Sect. 8. lit. d. That Divine doth more accord with the judgement of antiquity, and truth of Scriptures, who absolutely denieth all merit, and wholly acknowledgeth, in all good, the grace and favour of God. CHAP. X. Of vows of Monastical and single life. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 8 Eightly concerning Monastical life, that it was not altogether wanting, but in some sort professed among the ancient jews, josephus testifieth saying l josephus antiquitatum judaicarum, l. 18. cap. 2. The righteousness of the Essees is marvelous etc. they enjoy their riches in common etc. and in this course above 4. thousand men do live, having neither wives nor servants, etc. And else where it is affirmed of them, that m josephus de bello judaico l. 2. c. 7. they are jews by nation, and do observe continency, avoid Marriage, are contemners of riches (and) enjoy things in common, none being richer than other: And that before any be admitted amongst them, n Ibidem. trial is had of his continency, and his other manners are for two years proved, and then he is taken into the company. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THe same article of Monastical life, other a Coccius in his Thesaurus tom 2 lib. 4. and Card. Bellarm lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 5. Romanists seek to confirm by the same examples of the same Essaei: who approach to be examined, when, & what they were. If we require their age, the Apologists have answered, that they were ancient jews: but how ancient? Some, from Pliny, judged them to have been b Verum quod pertinet ad horum antiquitatem, dum dicunt eosper multa seculorum millia extitisse, most ancient, even of many thousand years before Christ: whom Cardinal c Certè non e●. qua sunt dicta, facilitate probantur; nam nec ij qui res judaicas sunt protecuti tam antiquam originem Essaeis tribuunt. Existimamus enim Plinium, quia novisset genus judae orum vetustissimum, existimâsse Essaenorum quoque judaeorum sectam illis fuisse congenitam. Potius autem standum esse Gentilibus scriptoribus de rebus judaicis, quàm proprijs, nemo dixerit:— Si enim tam nobile & propè divinum vivendi genus ahte tot secula vigebat, quae ratio est quòd nec in veteri instrumento, nec in novo ulla de eo habita est mentio? 〈◊〉 & josephus de horum instituto (namely before Christ) tacuit,— & Ethnici senptores qui ante Christum vixerunt, etc. Cardin. Baronius anno 64. num. 6. & 8. Baronius confuteth, proving both by divine and human stories, that they can hardly be proved to have been before the coming of Christ; and the greatest antiquity he yieldeth unto them, is the time of d Verùm nec in his contentiosum funem trahimus, ut negemus ante Christum fuisse Essaenos: demus nihilominùs josepho sive alijs, ut Essaenos dicamus fuisse judaeis, eosdemue etiam ante Christum Herodis maioris tempore claruisse (nulla enim antiquior apud josephum de eyes habetur memoria) ac ijsdem, quos ait, vitae institutionibus claruisse; quis prohibet dicere, eosdem praedicatione Apostolorum conver●os fuisse, & c? Baronius ibidem, num. 9 King Herod the great, under whose reign our Lord jesus was borne, the King of Kings. So that these Essaei were indeed but Novelists in respect of ancient jews: but because many erroneous sects were more ancient, we stand not so much upon their time, as upon their truth, if it can be shown. 2 Cardinal Bellarmine professeth, that e Multa tribuuntur Essaenis à josepho, quae manifestè erronea, & superstitiosa sunt, quorum nihil tribuit Philo suis Therapeutis. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 5. §. Respondeo duas. many things are attributed by josephus unto these Essaei, which are manifestly erroneous and superstitious. The Bishop f Stratonicus Cumarum Episcopus, in Collectaneis suis autumat hasce Traditiones fuisse (speaking of such as Christ condemned) Placita & Decreta judaicarum sectarum: quatuor enim, ut josephus & Epiphanius scribunt, apud judaeos fuerunt vivendi instituta, quorum unum profitebantur Pharisaei, alterum Galilaei, tertium Sadducaei, quartum Essaeni. Sixtus Senensis Biblioth. lib. 2. Tit. Traditiones, pag. 123. Stratonicus collecteth, that these Essaei were addicted unto some of those Traditions, which were condemned by Christ under the name of Traditions of men: for at the time of our saviours preaching, the jews (as he proveth out of josephus and Epiphanius) were divided into sour sects, viz. Pharisees, Galilaeans, Sadduces, and Essaeans. And as the g Pharisaei, (de quibus sic Epiphanius) virginitati studebant, etc.— sic dicebantur, eò quòd separati essent ab alijs propter spontaneam & superstuam religionem apud ipsos receptam: Phares enim Hebraicâ linguâ separationem significat. Carol. Sigonius lib. 5. de Repub. Heb. cap. 11. pag. 476. Pharisees, who affected virginity, were called Pharisaei of Phares, that is, separation, because they separated themselves from others, taking upon them a proper and superstitious profession: so of the Essaei their Carolus Sigonius giveth testimony out of Philo and josephus, that h Sed multo preclariús Philo in lib. qui in●cribitur, Omnes probos esse liberos: In Syria & Palestina, quae parts judae●rum sunt, non modicae, dicuntur quidem nomine Essaei,— quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, sa●cti vocan. quon. a●● Dei cul●o●es praec p●èsunt 〈…〉 quo suprà, pag. 478 those four thousand Essaei were so called from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Saints, or holy men, because they were principal worshippers: and were so conceited of their own sanctity, that i De his losephus lib. Antiq. 18. ita, Sacrificia cum populo non celebr●nt, quòd ●● potant 〈◊〉 â & ●anctitate illis praestare. Sigonius ibid. they would not offer sacrifice with the people, because they thought them not so hallowed as themselves: whom for the same cause Sigonius calleth k Oessem— judaei quidem genete, moribus hypocritae, mentis industrià versuti. Sig. nius ibid. pag. 277. hypocrites. 3 By this which hath been confessed, the sophistry and indiscretion of our Adversaries is become more than visible, seeing that for the defence of monastical life, which they pretend to be a state of rare holiness and perfection, they have chosen for their example hereof the Essaei, who were by manners hypocrites, by their Order, or rather disorder sectarists, in profession erroneus, and for their devised Traditions, condemned by Christ. These ar● they in whom, as in the grand patrons and patterns of Romish votarists the Apologists do yet more inconsiderately insist. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And Philo also who lived in the Apostles times, maketh mention of those who then o Philo de vita contempl●tina. forsaking their goods, did d●ell 〈…〉 the walls loving solitariness: he also maketh like mention of p Philo ibidem. their Monasteries, where being solitary, they studied the mysteries of holy life, and ●f * See Philo his words apud Eusebium hist. l. 2. c. 16. post med. where it is said of them, Quidam porrò, etc. vix semel toto tridao cibi re●ordantur. And again: Nonnulli illecebris sapentiae etc. sic oblectantur etc. ut duplo plus temporis inediam facilè sustineant, & vix tantùm sex diebus expletis alimentum necessarium degustent. their (wonderful great) fasting from meat: Which foresaid professors of monastical 〈…〉 mentioned by Philo, are by the century q Centur. 1. l. 2 c. 3. col. 18. line 33. writers, and D. Rainolds r D Rainolds in his Conference pag 488. prope finem. (for th●i● esser s To their lesser disadvantage, jest otherwise being taken for Christian professors (as they are by Eusebius hist. lib. 2. c. 16. and by Jerome de scriptor. Eccles. verbo Philo) it should argue monastical profession to be Apostolic. disadvantage) acknowledged to be jewish. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 4 Doctor Raynolds said, that a In his Conference, pag. 488. Philo writeth not of Christian Monks, but of jewish Essees: and we know that he would not speak without book; which we are induced rather to believe, because the Romanists are in controversy among themselves, whether josephus & Philo do both writ of the same Essaei: some say, that they both described b Alij docenttam Philonem quàm josephun de Christianis loqui: quibus favere videtur B. Hieronymus, quam sententiam tuetur Galenus. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 5. §. Alij docent. Christian Essaei; some c Quidam asserunt non loqui de ijsdem josephum, & Philonem, nam josephus, lib. 18. Antiq. cap. 2. asserit Essaenorum sectam antiquam apud judaeos fuisse. Bellarmin. ibidem, paulò antè. deny it, because josephus saith, that the first of these Essaei was ancient among the jews. So that they who think that Philo did describe the same Essaei, must necessarily hold them to have been jewish. 5 Secondly, Cardinal d Arbitror Philonem ipsum secundum Eusebij, Epiphanij, Hieronymi, & aliorum sententiam, non nisi de Christianis esse locutum, it a tamen ut licuit externo homini, rerum nostrarum secret● inexplorata habenti, & quae essent judaeorum Christianorum, judaeis prorsùs adscribere cupienti. Card. Baronius anno 64. num. 11. col. 817. Baronius cannot deny but that it was the intent of Philo in his description of the Essaei, to commend the orders which were then used among the jews: how then should not D. Reynolds and the Centurists, following only Philo, judge the objected Essaeans to have been fully jewish? Finally the Essaei spoken of by the Fathers, might possibly have been some of that order, who had been converted unto Christianity, and in the time of persecution continued their sequestration in the deserts, as well as others, whom their c Hoc tempore multi Eremum colebant metu persecutionum. Genebrard. anno 139. pag. 381. Genebrard noteth to have taken that course. In which sense the Apologists objection, taken from the faith of ancient jews (as they feign,) is no way jewish, but Christian, and consequently impertinent. CHAP. XI. Of Vows in general. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 9 Ninthly, concerning Vows, it is said in the writings of the old Testament: 2 Psal. 76. 11. Vow ye, and tender your vows unto God: (2) Whosoever voweth a vow unto the Lord, etc. he shall not break his promise, but shall do according to all which proceedeth (3) Num. 30. 3. from his mouth. 4 Deut. 23. 21. When thou shalt vow unto the Lord thy God, thou shalt not be slack to pay it, for the Lord thy God will surely require it of thee. 5 Ecclesiastes 5. 3. When thou hast vowed a vow unto God, defer not to pay it: etc. It is better that thou shouldest not vow, then that thou shouldest vow and not pay it. Whereunto might be added sundry other 6 Psal. 22. 25. & Psal. 50. 14. & Esay 19 21. like testimonies from the writings of the old Testament. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. AND can no Protestant answer this objection? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. We are not ignorant how that Peter Martyr, M. D. Fulke, and others seek to evade in answering thereto, that 7 Peter Martyr de caelibatu & votis, pag. 302 fine, & 303. and ibid. pag. 304. post med. He further saith: Votum ego caeremoniale antiquae legis praeceptum fuisse affirms. And M. Fulke answering to Psal. 76. 11. saith, That text pertaineth to the old Testament, in his Retentive against Bristowes Motives, etc. pag. 153. fine. And Bullinger in his Decades in English, pag. 380. ante med. saith, Vows belong to the jewish ceremonies. Vows were ceremonies of the old Testament, etc. abolished by Christ's coming. But is not the contrary many ways evident? as 1. First in that vows were made before Moses time, as is to be seen in the example of 8 Gen. 28. 20. Then jacob vowed a vow, saying, etc. jacob's vow. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THe tenor of the text is this: [If God shall be with me, and keep me in this journey, etc. then shall the Lord be my God, and this stone shall be God's house.] Gen. 28. 20. In the which case our question is not about the matter of this vow, which Cardinal Bellarmine and their jesuite Pererius say, was a Gen. 28. Votum vovit jacob; Si fuerit Dominus mecum, etc. tunc e●t mihi Dominus, etc.] Quòd sit votum de re non praeceptâ, patet, quia alioqui peccâsset jacob faciendo votum conditionatum de re praecepta. Bellar. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 16. §. Septimò votum, & §. Nonò probatur. Stolidun● fuisset sub ea conditione vovere Deo cultum generalem, ad quem simpliciter tenebatur. Pererius Ies. comm. in Gen. 28. a matter not commanded by God, but in itself indifferent; because it were folly and iniquity to condition with God about that which he hath commanded to be done: but their jesuite Azorius proveth from the same text, that man may bind himself to God, for performance of that which God hath bound him to discharge. As when in matrimony one promiseth chastity, which afterward he doth violate, b Nihil impedit quo minus quis se denuò voti religione obstringat, ad quod alioqui faciendum lege & praecepto compellitur.— Deus enim nos sibi suis legibus devinxit, & nos ipsos ei pariter voti nexu vinculoue obligamus; ut jacob Gen. 28. vovit Domino, se eum ut Deum veneraturum: unde qui castitatem Deo promissam adulterio violate, est & divinae legis violatae, & voti facti reus. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral. part 1. lib. 11. cap. 13. §. Caeterum. he thereby becometh guilty both of the breach of his own vow, and of the transgression of God's law. Of this kind is the vow of every man in baptism, to forsake the Devil; which vow no Christian will contemn. We come to the use. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 2 Secondly, by the heretofore 9 See heretosore tract. 1. sect. 3. initio. confessed doctrine of the most ancient Fathers, teaching Vows. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 2 To whose testimonies we have likewise * See above lib. 2 cap. 1. Sect. 3. etc. heretofore answered by confessed and most pertinent truths. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 3 Thirdly, (to omit the sundry other proofs that might be alleged from the new Testament) by the evident confession of sundry learned 10 M. Perkins in his Reform Catholic, pag 155. post med. saith: And now in the new Testament we have warrant in like manner to vow, etc. Of this kind are the vows to keep set times of fasting, etc. And see the like lawfulness of Christian vows further affirmed by Musculus in loc. common. de votis, p. 524. circa med. And by M. Willet in his Sinopsis, pa. 241. post med. And by Amandus Polanus in partitionibus Theolog. l. 2. pag. 394. and Danaeus in primae partis altera part contra Bellarminum, pag. 987. affirmeth it: ●as esse Christianis hominibus vovere q●● cum Dei voluntate consentiunt. Protestants, who acknowledge the lawfulness of Christian vows: in so much as M. Hooker acknowledgeth 11 M. Hooker in his Ecclesiastical Policy, l. ●. pag. 103. paulò post med. Ananias his solemn vow unto God, which strictly bound him to the giving of his possessions to the Church's use, (though yet M. Fulke and M. Willet will not 12 M. Willet in his Sinopsis, pag. 245. ante med. saith: We do not read that Ananias made any vow, etc. And M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament, in Act. 5. fol. 191. a. prope finem, affirmeth the like. in any case acknowledge Ananias to have vowed;) and Augustine Marloret acknowledgeth in like manner, how that 13 And so doth Peter Martyr de caeliba●● & votis, pag. 323. initio. Marloret in 1. Tim. c. 5. ver. 11. p. 375. a. fine. the widows (mentioned by S. Paul,) did give their faith to Christ the spouse, and to the Church, willingly barring themselves from marriage: with whom herein do agreed sundry other 14 The Protestant author of the book entitled Antichristus sive Prognostica finis mundi, pag. 148. fine, & 149. saith, Quòd Lutherus hanc primam fidem de fide iustificante intelligit & non de fide pudicitiae, id plane coactum est, etc. Loquitur Apostolus de fide seu voto officij etc. quia autem Paulus vitio vertit quòd nubere postea volverint, clarissimum est hanc conditionem in voto intercessisse, etc. And M. R. Alison in his confutation of Brownisme, pag. 71. affirmeth likewise of these widows, that before God and his Church they had vowed not to ma●y And thus (saith he) is this place expounded by Bullenger, Claudius, Guiviam, and others. Protestant writers, affirming the vowed chastity of the said widows. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. 3 Master Calvin defendeth, that a Votorum finis & usus est primò, ut impetrandi fiduciam cordibus suis obtineant filij Dei, deinde ut se magis ad gratiarum actionem inclinent●nam cert● vovendi libertas filijs Dei pro sublevanda eorum infirmitate conced●tur,— mod● in hunc, quem dicimus finem voveant. calvinus in Psal. 116. the liberty of vowing is not abolished by the Gospel, if vows be undertaken to a right end. M. Luther, and M. Calvin (as Cardinal Bellarmine witnesseth) b Lutheri & calvini sententia eadem esse videtur, uterque enim tria quaedam de votis docet, 1. ad colendum Deum non nisi de rebus praeceptis fieri:— ad vitanda peccata, & aliosbonos fines posse fieri de rebus non praeceptis. Bellar. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 15. consent both in one opinion, to think that vows which belong to God's worship, must be in things which are commanded by God: and vows which make for our better avoidance of sin, may be used in things which are not commanded. M. Fulke did indeed deny Ananias to have vowed, yet did he acknowledge the lawfulness of c Against Bristowes Motives, pag 153. vows as well as any Protestant, notwithstanding he censureth the arguments used by Romanists for proof of their monkery, to be but illfavouredly patched together; because they are superstitious for want of God's commandment, blasphemous for the opinion of merit, impossible for the frailty of man's nature. The only difference in the objected Authors is in the diverse exposition of some Scriptures. 4 The first place is from the example of Ananias and others, who in the * Act. 2 45. 4. 32. Acts sold their possessions, and laid them at the Apostles feet, with whom all things were made common. Albeit their jesuite Lorinus doubteth not to affirm, that all those Christians did profess also d Caelibem agebant vitam quotquot per votum s●●e omnium rerum possessione abdic●bant: etsi p●●u● iuncti mat●i●onio erant, ex consensu continebant. Lorinus Ies come. in Act. 4. ver. 32. continency, yet their cardinal e Act. 2. Vendebant possessiones, etc.] Aduerte quòd nulla fit mentio de voto paupe●tatis, sed tantummodo quòd erant illis omnia communia. Caret. come. in Act. 2.— [Nun venundatus in tua erat potestate? Act. 5.] Hinc clarè apparet, quòd non voti necessitate Christiani omnes omnia tunc habebant communia, sed libera perfectione charitatis. Idem come. in Act. cap. 5. Caietan doth give us to understand from the same Scripture (as being a matter apparent,) that then all Christians had all things common, not by necessity of vows, but by free perfection of charity, supplying unto every one according as every man had need. 5 But that we may grant those Christians by vow to have relinquished the property and dominion which they had in those possessions, and to have yielded them (as they did) unto the common use of the Saints; yet was the occasion hereof extraordinary, and proper for that time, whilst f Act. 2. 45.] Possessiones & substantias vendebant, & dividebant illa omnibus, prout cuique opus erat.] Singularis Dei providentia fuit, ut propter mox futuram persecutionem dispergendis suppeteret, utcunque ex distractis possessionibus & substantijs unde viverent, atque fa●il●ùs ipsarum personarum damnum ferrent iam abstracti ab externis bonis. Lorinus Ies. come. in Act. cap. 2. vers. 45. by the singular providence of God, (as faith their jesuite Lorinus) foreseeing the persecution of Christians now at hand, they thus prepared for the relief of the Saints. And we know that to conclude a perpetual doctrine from a practice extraordinary, can be no better than not only (as our learned Doctor hath called it it) a patched, but also a prejudicial consequence. For these forenamed Christians sold their possessions, & brought the price of them into the public communion: but the Monastical Orders, & the whole Ecclesiastical maintenance ariseth from a paying of some price of money, and purchase of possessions: insomuch that (as their jesuite confesseth) the difference of the after-Church from the apostolic of that time, is no less than between g Quòd futuram Ecclesiam in Gentibus praevidebant Apostoli, idcirco praedia in judaea minimè sunt adepti, sed pretia tantuminodò.— At verò cùm succresceret Ecclesia— praedia habere ipsi licuit. In Decreto ex Miltiade Papa. Lorinus ibid. pretia and praedia, that is, price and possession. 6 The next place of Scripture, wherein we acknowledge widows votarists, as it doth make for the confessed lawfulness of vows, so doth it absolve the bond of that absolute necessity, which our Adversaries have fastened upon their Romish vows, as hath been * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 33, 34, 35, 36, 37. and lib. 2. cap. 1. per totum. proved above; where the manifold defections of the Romish Church from the anciently free, discreet, and honest condition of vowing, have been discovered. The further discourse hereof we reserve unto the proper * See hereafter cap. 16. place, wherein this argument taken from the jews is justly retorted upon our Adversaries. CHAP. XII. Of the Article of Confession among the jews. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 10 Tenthly, as concerning our Confession of sins, t Galatinus de arcanis Catholicae veritatis, lib. 10. cap. 3. Petrus Galatinus giveth examples of several testimonies u In libro Sanhedrin Hierosolymitano in capite quod Nigmar Haddin, id est, definitum est judicium, it is said: Omnis consitens habet partem inseculo futuro. Sic enim in Achan reperimus quòd dixit ei lehosuas: Fili mi, da obse●r● honorem Domino Deo Israel, & da confessionem, & indica mihi quaeso quid feceru, necceles à me, etc. And in libro joma, id est dierum, in capite jom Hakippurim, id est dies propitiationum, it is said, dixit R. Hurma, Omnis qui transgressione transgressus est, necesse est ut singulatim exprimat peccatum, etc. in the ancient jews. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THe hinge of this question is not (as hath been * See above lib. 2. cap. 14. Sect. 1 confessed) concerning Confession of sins in general unto a Minister, but of particular sins: neither whether we may, but whether we aught necessarily purpose a manifestation of every known mortal sin, and the grievous circumstances thereof; or must otherwise stand hopeless of all remission of our sins. And now are we sent unto the jewish School to learn this point of Romish Confession, and that by the direction of their Galatinus. He will have us to observe the example of a josh. 7. Achan, who after he had privily stolen the Anathema and cursed gold, was found out (God so ordaining) by lot, and commanded by joshua (who was appointed by God the Captain over the camp of Israel) to confess his sin, and to give the glory unto God: whereupon the jewish Sanhedrin commenting, saith: He that confesseth shall have part in the life to come. 2 This is the Base: now mark their descant: they should prove a private and auricular Confession, but object a public, even before all Israel; they allege a civil Confession exacted of a Magistrate, that God may be glorified in the truth of the sentence of death, which had been passed upon the malefactor, when as they should prove a sacramental Confession to a Priest. So harsh is this strain which Galatinus, and after him b Coccius Thesaur. tom. 1. lib. 7. Art 3. in fine. Coccius, and now their Apologists do play in print. 3 So do they also err upon the next string, which is the sentence of Rabbi Huma, whom they misterm Hurma: He saith, that it is necessary for every one who transgresseth, that he do particularly confess his sin. True, but whether be meant that every man particularly must confess every known sin, or whether that single Rabbin meant a confession to be made unto man, or unto God, it doth not directly appear▪ But it is no incongruity that their author Galatinus (according to the censure of their own Senensis) * See hereafter cap. 14. §. 2. a vain author, should abuse the names of Rabbins for the colouring of a vain conclusion. It may be the Apologists will be more exact in their next argument. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And like further testimony or prefiguration thereof is not wanting in Leviticus; for whereas several sacrifices are there appointed for several sins, as for x levit. 4. 2, 3. etc. sin through ignorance, and other y Levit 5. 1. 4. 17. & 6. 1. 5. & Num. 5. 7. particular offences, for which z levit. 4. 3. the Priest was appointed to offer and make a levit. 4. 20. & 5, 6. 13. & 6. 7. atonement, how could the Priest here offer those sundry Sacrifices appointed severally according to the diversity of SINS, unless the party so offending confessed the same sins to him? Which to have been so, is yet furthermore probable, in that it was there also appointed and said, b levit. 5. 6. and Num. 5. 7. When he hath sinned in any of these things, than he shall confess that he hath sinned therein etc. and the Priest shall make atonement for him, concerning his sin. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 4 This strong and long argument of How could the Priest, etc. is answered easily in few words, viz. the Priest was contented to hear the party confess in general, that he had sinned through ignorance, albeit what particular point of ignorance it was he had not unfolded: according to the common confession in our English Liturgy of negligences and ignorances; amongst which kind of sins, the Apologists (we think) are bound to reckon this their argument for proof of their auricular confession; it is so ignorantly objected. For their own Lyranus, who had been sometime a jew, feared not to confess, that a See above lib. 2. cap. 24. the people of the old Testament did not make confession unto the Priest of their particular sins, when, (as their Cardinal Tolet noteth) b See ibid. the purpose of confessing was not necessary. Of the which Romish confession Erasmus is acknowledged to affirm, that c Erasmus Roterodamus in epistolam Hieronymi ad Oceanum: item ad Act. 19 Apost. & in Method. Theologiae docet, confessionem secretam singulorum peccatorum non modò non esse iure divino institutam & imperatam, sed neque in usu antiquae Ecclesiae fuisse. Vt citat Coccius Thesaur. lib. 7. art. 3. Tit. Improbant. pag. 809. Tom. 2. it was not ordained by God, nor yet practised in the ancient Church after Christ. Which we have already * See above lib. 2. cap. 24. proved by many confessed observations. CHAP. XIII. Of Sacrifice. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 11 eleventhly, as concerning Melchisedechs' offering of bread and wine in Sacrifice, (which our Adversaries * Master Fulk against the Rhemish Testament in Heb. 7. sect. 8. sol. 406. a. initio, saith: Melchisedechs' bread and wine pertained not to his priestly office, neither did he offer it to God. And M. Willet in his Sinopsis, pag. 478 ante med. & versus finem, affirmeth the like. And M. Whittaker in his answer to M. Rainolds, etc. pag. 67. saith, Melchisedech did not by any thing wherein he so sacrificed, prefigure the sacrifice and priesthood of Christ. deny,) and the prefiguration thereby, of our own Sacrifice of the new Testament: Rabbi Samuel saith: c Rabbi Samuel in Bereschit Rabath ad cap. 14. Gen. Melchisedech set forth the acts of Priesthood, for he sacrificed bread and wine to the holy and blessed God. Rabbi Phinees saith, d Rabbi Phinees ibidem in cap. 28. Numer. In the time of the Messiah all sacrifices shall cease etc. as it is said, Psal. 110. Thou art a Priest for ever according to the order of Melchisedech. Rabbi Moses Hadarsan saith of Melchisedech, e Rabbi Moses Hadarsan in Bereschith Rabath ad cap. 14. Gen. Bringing forth bread and wine, showeth that he taught the act of Priesthood, which was to sacrifice bread & wine, and this is that which is read in the Psalms, etc. Thou art a priest for ever according to the order of Melchisedech. This point is so evident in the old jewish Rabbins, that Theodorus f Theodorus Bibliander de Lancta Trinitate, lib. 2. pag. 89. saith, Erat apud veteres Haebraeos dogma receptissimum, in adventu Messia benedicti, cessatura ess● omnia legalia sacrificia, tantùmque celebrandum sacrificium Thoda, gratiarum actionis, etc. & illud peragendum pane & vim sicut Melchisedech Rex Salem & sacerdos, etc. panem & vinum protulit. Bibliander (a Protestant writer) doubteth not accordingly to confess the same. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the notable sleight used by the Apologists in their false allegations of the jewish Rabbins. SECT. 1. TWo things come to be disputed in this objection: the first is the truth of the sense of Scripture, [Melchizedech brought forth bread & wine, etc.] whether Melchisedech in the use of that Bread and Wine performed an office of his Priesthood, or no; the second is the consequence, which our Adversaries infer thereupon, as namely, a Sacrifice properly propitiatory. 2 Concerning the sense of the story, we are challenged to consult with the jewish Rabbins, for my discharge both in this of Sacrifice, and in the next question of Transubstantiation: unto which I could not find that due satisfaction from the confession of our Adversaries, which in other questions I had done. I therefore held it requisite to desire the help of our learned a D. Smith, D. Layfield, M. Bedwell. Doctors, who are most expert in the knowledge of the Hebrew: unto whom I laid open the Apologists allegation of Rabbi Samuel in Bereshith Rabath, of Rabbi Phinees ibid. of Rabbi Moses Hadarsan ibid. They (after they had perused the Bereshith Rabath) answered, that they found in the places alleged just nothing to the purpose, as may appear by their own b Rabbi Samuel in Bereshith Rabath upon the 14. of Genesis, hath these words: He did reveal unto him the ordinances of the great Priesthood: meaning Aaron's priesthood, as appeareth by his interpreting the bread to be the showbread, and the wine to be the drink offerings. Otherwise, that Melchisedech set forth the acts of priesthood; or that he sacrificed bread or wine, there is not one word: nothing that can be extended beyond Aaron's priesthood. Rabbi Phinees is not cited in that book on the 28. of Numbers, nor in the whole Parashah: neither is there any thing to that purpose. Rabbi Moses Hadarshan in that book on the 14 of Genesis, is not cited: neither any thing to that purpose. Miles Smith, john Layfield, William Bedwell. words, whereunto they have subscribed their names. 3 And to as little purpose is their confirmation taken from the testimony of our Bibliander: for (not to inquire further then into the words as they are cited by the Apologists in the margin) he saith, that c The Apologists in the marge●●, at the letter, f. it was a most common opinion among the Jews to think, that at the coming of the Messiah all the legal Sacrifices should cease, and that only the Sacrifice of Thoda, or of thanksgiving, was to be performed in bread & wine: this sentence doth establish the doctrine of Protestants, who acknowledge in the Eucharist (as Cardinal d See above lib. 2. cap. 7. Sect. 5. Bellarmine confesseth) a Sacrifice Eucharistical or of thanksgiving: rather than it can countenance the faith of the Romanists, who make Melchisedeks' Sacrifice, wherein there was really both bread and wine, to be a type of their Sacrifice of the Mass, wherein (as they believe) there is nothing but the shows and colours of bread or wine: and for this cause have been convinced of a e See above lib. 2 cap. 7. Sect. 2. double folly. But this is the fate of subtlety to entangle itself in it own birdlime. 4 Nevertheless we may corroborated the former judgement of Protestants by f Testatur Mercerus, neque enim obtulit, hic legitur, sed eduxit, produxit, protulit, velut ex penuarijs & apothecis exhibuit, deprompsit, sicut & Graeci non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verterunt. Et in Complutensi insuper addita 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ipsi scilicet Abrahae, non Domino, cuius nulla praecesser at mentio, protulit. Cited by our learned Lubbertus Replicat. ad Gretzerum, lib. 2. pag. 185. Mercerus, who was the Hebrew Professor in Paris, by g Pagninus & Vatablus: Lassum & famelicum exercitum regia liberalitate refecit. Neque, ●●im exponendum est, ut vulgò, ipsum protulisse panem & vinum, ut offerret Deo in gratiarum actionem. Cited by Lubbert●● in the same place. Pagninus and Vatablus, and for our better defence by h Testatur idem Andrada. lib. 4. defence. Conc. Trid. fol. 371. b. Ego cum illis sentio, qui lassos Abrahae milites, & diuturnà pugnâ fractos, Melchizedechum pane & vino refecisse aiunt. As he is cited by Lubbertus, ibid. Andradius, who was the professed defender of the Council of Trent: I am of their opinion (saith he) who affirm, that Melchisedech did refresh Abraham and his soldiers with bread and wine. But what else of Sacrifice? CHAP. XIIII. Of Transubstantiation. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 12 Twelfthly, as concerning their further opinion of the Church's Sacrifice upon the coming of the Messiah: our now sacrifice is therein so plainly signified and affirmed by the ancient jews, who lived before Christ's time, that (as Galatinus saith of one of them,) g Galatinus de Areanis Catholicae veritatis, l. 1. cap. 3. circa med. they may be thought not so much to have foretold things to come, as to have reported Euangelist-like things already done. To this end saith Rabbi Cahana, h Rabbi Cahana ad cap. 49. Gen. ver. 11. The Sacrifice which shall be offered of wine, shall not only be changed into the substance of the blood of the Messiah, but also into the substance of his body: the Sacrifice which shall be of bread notwithstanding that it be white as milk, it shallbe converted into the substance of the body of the Messiah. In like manner Rabbi judas saith, i R. judas in 25. Exod. The bread shall be changed when it shallbe sacrificed, from the substance of bread into the substance of the body of the Messiah, which shall descend from Heaven, and he himself shall be the sacrifice, etc. Rabbi Simeon saith, k R. simeon filius johai libro qui inscribitur revelatio Secretorum. The sacrifice which after the Messiah his coming priests shall make, etc. they shall make it of bread and wine, etc. and that sacrifice which shall be so celebrated upon every Altar, shall be turned into the body of the Messiah. Rabbi Barachias teacheth, that at the coming of the l R. Barachias in Ecclesiasten. Messiah, food shall come from heaven like a little cake. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THese testimonies of Rabbi Cahana, Rabbi juda, Rabbi simeon, are such (if yet they were such,) that they make so directly for the Romish article of Transubstantiation, as though they would condemn not only * See above lib. 2. cap. 2. Evangelists, and ancient * See above lib. 2. cap. 2. Fathers, but also the most * See above lib. 2. cap. 2. Romish Doctors for the space of almost a thousand years after Christ, of ignorance or infancy; because these did not in so express terms reveal or publish this mystery unto the world. 2 Whereby I was moved to think that some new Romish, rather than any old jewish Rabbin, had been not a fore-teller, but a forger of these sentences: and in this jealousy did I request a a The society of our most learned Hebricians, assembled for the translation of the Bible. College of very learned Hebricians to satisfy me concerning the truth of these testimonies; which, at the first narration thereof seemed unto them to deserve no more credit than Fables. 3 The three above mentioned Doctors after their painful and industrious search into the cited places, returned (with the subscription of their own names,) for b Rabbi Cahana in that book on the 49. of Genesis is not cited, nor hath he there any thing to that purpose. Rabbi judas in that book on the 25. of Exodus hath no such thing, nor in the whole Parashah Terumash. Rabbi Cahana, and for R. judas, a non est inventus, that is, there is not mentioned, in those alleged places, any thing to that purpose. To c See their margin in the next Section. Rabbi Simeon they answer, that he writ no book carrying the title of Revelatio Secreterum. Of the rest they judge as no better than figments: which we the rather suspect, because otherwise their greatest Rabbi (if we may so term their Cardinal Bellarmine) would not have lost so great an advantage, taken from the witness of so ancient jews, especially seeing that they are more plain and pregnant for Transubstantiation, then are the sayings of Transubstantiators themselves. But this delusion will better appear by the dotage of their wituesse Galatinus, who is that Author whom they profess to follow. As for example: THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Thus did these religious and ancient jews, who lived before CHRIST'S coming, foretell and writ (by special instinct) concerning our Church's blessed Sacrifice; whereunto might be added sundry of their other no less plain testimonies, m Rabbi jonathas in libro collectionum in Psal. 72. saith, Ille est Messiah de que lequitur totus Psalmus: cum ergo ait, Et erit placenta frumenti in terra in capite montium, vult dicere quòd placenta panis fiet sacrificium in capitibus sacerdotum qui sunt in Ecclesia. And Rabbi Moses Hadarsan, in Psal. 136. saith, Gustate & videte quoniam bonus est Deus, quia panis quem dat omnibus, ipse est caro eius, & dum gustatur panis, convertitur in carnem, etc. the which together with these are collected specially by Petrus n See these aforesaid testimonies, and sundry other like alleged from the Rabbins by Petrus Galatinus de Arcanis Catholicae veritatis, lib. 10. cap. 5, 6, & 7. Galatinus, and by M. Whitaker o For whereas Duraeus urgeth this collection made by Galatinus of the Hebrews foresaid so plain sayings concerning Real Presence and Sacrifice. M. Whittaker answering thereunto, lib. 9 contra Duraeum, pag 818. circa med. neither confesseth, nor yet denieth, but shufleth them off, saying only thereto: Tuum in hac causa Petrum Galatinum minimè profectò desideramus, nec Hebraeorum testimonijs illis indigemus. And is this a direct and sufficient answer to so many plain sayings of the old Hebrews that lived before Christ, so evidently foreshowing and affirming the Real Presence and Sacrifice of Christ's blessed body in the holy Sacrament? rather shuffled off then answered,) wherein they do no less plainly foreshow the truth of Christ's body really present, and offered in the blessed Sacrament, than did the heathen Sibyls in like manner foretell the truth of his incarnation. And for so much as * Esay 41. 23. God only knoweth things to come, the devil not being able to foretell things simply future, but only such other future effects as depend upon their secondary causes then already past or present; in which causes, he (of his great skill and experience) forseeth the coming of the said effects: to which kind, the foresaid doctrines of Real Presence and Sacrifice, cannot in any sort be reduced, by reason they cannot be said to have been then depending upon any natural or other cause, then past or in being, save only the immediate & sacred will of God. This therefore so plain foresaid prediction made by the ancient Rabbins before Christ's time, in behalf of Real presence & Sacrifice, demonstrating itself so evidently to have proceeded not from any secondary cause, but only from a divine instinct, yieldeth thereby a most strong argument in behalf of the said doctrines. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 4 Now cometh in Petrus Galatinus, a Friar Minorite, to play his part, who published his book (entitled a Opus de arcanis Catholicae veritatis. Galati●●ss. Basileae 1550 of the Secrets of Catholic truth) by the b Access●t praetereà sanctiss. L●onis Pont. Max. voluntas, quae me ad hoc vel maximè impu●●t. Galatinus Epist. dedic. ad Maximilianum Imper. command of Pope Leo the tenth: which book the Apologists have c See above in the Instances of Limbus, free-will, Confession, Sacrifice. often produced as their principal guide in this wilderness of Rabbinish conceits, especially in this article of their Transubstantiation: in whose testimonies their d Tom. 2 de Eucharistia. Coccius and e See the Apologists in the margin. Duraeus do rest. Unto which Galatinus, our Doctor Whitaker returned only this answer, Tuum Galatinum, etc. that is, we regard not what your Galatinus saith. This manner of answering, the Apologists call once and again a shuffling. 5 Indeed he might have well enlarged his answer from their own f Proinde non possum satis mirari studium Petri Galatini, ex ordine Minorum, qui in came vanitatem devenit, ut non solum affirmaverit Thalmudica opera in Latinum verti oportere, & publicè in scholis Christianorum explicari, sed hoc quo que conatus fuerit astruere authoritate Papae Clementis quinti, lepido argumento, & tali defensore digno: qui non animaduertit Clementis Canonem loqui de primis rudimentis, & institutionibus lingua●um Hebraicae & Chaldaicae, non de operibus ludaeorum Thalmudicis. Senens. Bibl. lib. 2. §. Traditiones. Senensis, who in his Bibliotheca, dedicated unto the Pope, challenged Galatinus of notable vanity, for affirming that the jewish Thalmudicall works aught to be translated into Latin, abusing the authority of Pope Clemens for his defence: wherein (saith their g Por●ò quod ex malè intellecto Clementis V de●reto, de praelegendis rudimentis Hebraicis, detorsit ad Thalmud perlegendum, id meritò improbavit Sixtus Senensis, praeterquàm quòd novissimè Clemens 8. in Indice Romano eius l●ctionem proh●buit. Possevinus Ies. apparat. sacro. part 2. pag. 54 Tit. Petrus Galatinus. Possevinus and h Gretzerus Ies. lib. 1. de iure prohib. libros, cap. 16. Gretzerus) he was worthily reproved by Senensis. OH he might have opposed unto the obiectors of Galatinus, the judgement of i Hoc loco tacere non possum quod à Chaldaeo versum est: Hos praeterquam quod audierant tantam jobi calamitatem, insuper etiam motos ut venirent ad invisendum job, quòd id●ssent hotrenda portenta, sui● in hortis atbores aruisse, panem suarum epularum in carnem c●udam conversum, & vinum suum in sanguinem; male à Galatino detorqueri ad probandam Transubstant. quam appellant, ut & alia Hebraeorum dicta, cap. 6. & 7. eiusdem libri ad probandum sacrificium pan●s & vini eò perperam contorqu●t. Malè enim ille in Chaldaeo Paraphraste hoc loco intelligit hos socios job merito horum portentorum, praecipuè conversionis panis in vinum, & vini in sanguinem, ereptos fuisse à Gehenna, quae illis praeparata erat.— At ex talibus nugis Hebraeorum capita fidei nostrae confi●manda non erant, sed ea ipsa potiùs Scriptura. Sane Chaldaeus hic Paraphrastes fuit R. joseph Caecus, qui multis annis post Christum ●uit, & hostis fuit Christiani nominis, & nihil minus unquam cogitavit, quàm quod putat Galatinus, etc. Thus johannes Mercerus Regius quondam in Academia Parisiensi Hebraicarum professor, comment. in lib. job, cap. 2. vers. 11. Mercerus, sometime the Hebrew Professor in Paris, who noteth him to have grossly perverted the Chaldey paraphrase, for proof of Transubstantiation; as k Galatinus autem Martini Raymundi cap to secundae partis scripta pro suis edidit, mutato rerum ordine, & argumento nonnihil variato, ut plagij possit accusari Galatinus. Beroaldus Chron. lib. 2. cap. 3. Beroaldus did brand him for a plagiarius, or a lurcher. But that learned Doctor thought it wisdom to pass over a ridiculous author with contempt, and their jewish testimonies as figments. Let them, if they can, show us any R. Simeons' Revelation, any R. Barachias, R. Cahana, or R. Hadarshan: which are judged by best Hebritians to be but cogged stuff, such as were Galatinus his other forged testimonies, already discovered in the last Section. CHAP. XU. Of the supreme visible judge of the old Testament. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 13 Thirteenthly and lastly (to omit other points,) as concerning the final ending of controversies, not only Scripture, but a certain visible and lively judge upon earth was appointed and acknowledged. To omit all other proof thereof, the law of Duteronomie was, that when there did b Deuter. 17. 8. 9 11. arise any matter too hard for the (people) in judgement: they were appointed to go up to the place which God had chosen, and to come to the levitical Priest, and to the judge in those days: and to ask of them the sentence of judgement, and to do according to the judgement which they did tell, not declining neither to the right hand, nor to the left; it being yet further said of him that did * Deuter. 17. 12. presumptuously refuse to obey the commandment of the Priest, that by the decree of the judge that man should die. Now that the sentence grounded upon this law, was not subject to new question, under colour of appealing to the Scriptures, but was definitive and final, and concerned aswell Ecclesiastical as Civil causes, is in itself plain, and for such p Doctor Rainolds in his Conference, pag. 251. ciremed. saith, The law of Deut cronomie was made to establish a highest Court of judgement, in which all harder causes Ecclesiastical and Civil should be determined without appeal further. And M. Whitaker de sacra Scriptura, p. 466. prope finem, saith: Responde● verba ista intelligenda esse etc. de authoritate tantum definiendi difficiles lights ac controversias, si●● Ecclesiasticas, illas quidem per ministrum, sive politicas & forenses per magistratum, ut esset semper in utrisque aliquis, à qu● provocare non liceat, alioquin enim nullus esset litigandi finis: & vide ibidem pag 470. paulò post med. And M. Bilson in his perpetual government of Christ's Church, pag 20. post med. saith hereof, that the same did concern such matters as were of greatest moment, both civil and sacred, and their sentence by God's law no man might refuse without punishment of death. And see the like assertion in M. Hooker in his preface before his books of Ecclesiastical Policy, pag. 26 fine, & 27. & 28. fine. confessed by M. D. Rainolds, M. D. Whitaker, M. D. Bilson, and M. Hooker. Whereupon it is evident, that not only Scripture (which they of the old Testament had as well as we now have) but besides that, a certain visible judge was then appointed to determine controversies. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. ANd that we may the better determine this controversy, it will be requisite to know first, what was the state of the jewish Church, in respect of continuance. Hereof we read, that first Christ in the days of his flesh approved the authority of a The Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses chair, that which they shall say unto you, that do. Matth. 23. 2. Moses chair. Secondly, in his own person before his death, he celebrated the b I have desired to eat the Passeover. Luc. 22. 15. Passeover, which was a principal sacrifice commanded in the levitical law. Thirdly, at his death the veil of the Temple rend in twain, joh. 19: betokening (as their own Cardinal jansenius noteth,) that c joh. 19 30. Velum templi scissum est.] Significans— quòd carnalis lex cum suis sacrificijs omnibus iam finem acciperet, iuxtà vaticinium, Dan. 9 In dimidio hebdomadis deficiet hostia & sacrificium, & erit in templo abhominatio desolationis. Card. jansenius concord. in eum locum. joh. 19 30. cap. 143. p. 1046. now all the jewish law and sacrifice was at an end, which had continued until that last consummatum est, which Christ uttered, when the whole levitical pedagogue first yielded up the ghost, and were not translated (as our d Post Domini passionem translatum est sacerdotium ad Christianos. Ribera Ies. in Hos. 4. num. 12. pag. 81. Col. 2. 14. Chirographum Decreti tulit— affigens illud cruci.] id est, obligationem legis veteris, quantum ad caeremonialia & iudicialia— Legalia ista mortificata su●● per passionem Christi Lyranus in eum locum. Lex usque ad mortem Christi servanda erat, & Christus eam seru bat, ne exlex & inimicus Mosi, & odio legis & amore sui agere videretur. Salmeron jesuita, tom. 4. part 3. tract. 32. §. Est ergo. Adversaries confess) until the accomplishment of Christ's passion. 2 We understand then, what was the time of the death of that jewish Synagogue, and end of their sacrifices, which notwithstanding was not buried until the full publishing of the Gospel, when the Apostles in a Council at jerusalem did, by their decree of liberty from the law of Moses (that we may so speak,) celebrated her funeral. 3 Now are we to try the sufficiency of the judgement of that Synagogue, whilst as she lived the only visible Church of God: the judgement thereof, we say, was not law, but so far as it was according unto the law, as S. Paul taught in his reprehension of Ananias thus: e Acts 23. 3. Thou sittest here to judge according unto the law, & sufferest thou me to be stricken contrary to the law? And the obedience which is due unto that judgement, must needs be proportionable, that is, it hath in it a limited, and not an absolute necessity of obedience, as appeareth by the objected place of Deut. 17. 11: Thou shalt do according to the law which they shall teach. 4 Which doctrine aught to be familiar unto our Adversaries, seeing that their ordinary f Nota, quòd non dicitur tibi ut obedias, nisi ●uxta legem docuennt: unde Matth. 23. Sedent super Cathedram Mosis. Glossa ordinaria in hunc locum. Gloss doth directly affirm as much. Otherwise the Israelites might have sacrificed upon the 1 And Aaron made a golden calf. Exod. 32. 4. And Aaron made an altar before it, and proclaimed saying, To morrow shall be an holiday to the Lord vers. 5. altar which Aaron made before the calf; and have carried idolatrous censers with the 2 Ez●ch. 8. 10. seventy ancients; and have worshipped the Sun with the 3 Ibid. vers. 16. five and twenty, who were near the altar; and have sacrificed upon an idolatrous altar with 4 2. Reg. 16. 16. He was high Priest in the Temple of jerusalem, as appeareth 2 Reg. 16. 2. and is acknowledged so to have been by Genebrard, Chron. anno mundi 3440. Urias' Pontifex inflectens se ad voluntatem apostatae Achaz. 2. Reg. 16. See Lyranus upon the same place. Urias; and have joined with 5 jerem 26. 8. & 11. Priests, Prophets, & people in sentemcing jeremy to die. And how should any have escaped the guilt of the blood of the innocent, yea of innocency itself, our Saviour Christ jesus, the Prophet of Prophets, by consenting unto the blasphemous voices of the high Priest and Council of the jews, in adjudging unto death him who was and is the Lord of life? 5 Therefore the forecited Protestants, as they could not but acknowledge the necessity of some supreme court & judgement, both Ecclesiastical and civil, in several Churches, Kingdoms, and provinces, even under the Gospel, for the final determiner of all contention: yet did they never think either that judgement of such tribunals to be so infallible that it could not err, or obedience of subjects so necessary, that sometime they might not descent in opinion. 6 Let M. Hooker speak for all: g M. Hooker in his Ecclesiastical Policy, Pref. pag. 29. Not that I judge it (saith he) allowable for men to observe those laws, which in their hearts they are steadfastly persuaded to be against the law of God: And a little after; An argument necessary and demonstrative is such as being proposed unto any man, and understood, the mind cannot choose but inwardly assent. Any such reason dischargeth (I grant) the conscience, and setteth it at full liberty. In such case, according to S. h August. Augustine his Council, aut faciendum, aut patiendum, either must a man persuade & practise a truth, or else willingly suffer for the truth by man's sentence; which (according unto the text of Deuteronomie) may inflict death, but hath not the infallible power of damnation. Thus much of the example of the jewish tribunal. Now they proceed unto an application. Of the application of the supreme judge in the law of Moses. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And for so much as the occasion to have controversies ended, is as great now as during the old Testament, the doubts of religion being as now many more, and the danger of error no less grievous: whether therefore may it be thought that our q Hebr. 8. 6. Testament which is established in better promises, is wanting of this privilege? and so thereby the Ecclesiastical policy of Moses time, to be preferred herein before that other which succeeded by Christ? With which only last reason the Puritans doubt not to r Penrie in his supplication to the high Court of Parliament, p. 21. fine, saith, That form of government which maketh our Saviour Christ inferior unto Moses, is an impious, ungodly, and unlawful government, contrary to the word, etc. See him further, pag. 22. & 23. and peruse the occasion and circumstance of this his reason, and it will appear to hold much more strong in this point, then in that other for which he urgeth it. press their other Protestant brethren in matters of much smaller importance. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the error of the Romanists in misapplying of the example of the jewish government, for proof of the Papal Monarchy. SECT. 2. 7 The objected argument can import no more than that which every Christian will easily grant, to wit, that it is a greater impiety to violate the frame of government which Christ would have to be perpetual in the Church, than it was to have transgressed the ordinance which was delivered by the mouth of Moses, and was established in the old Testament. Notwithstanding, as the Thesis and position of Penrie, saying, that the same form of government, instituted by Christ, cannot without impiety be abrogated, was true; so his Hypothesis or application, assuming that this form fancied by him, was ordained by Christ, is fully erroneous. 8 But as he failed in the proof of his manner of Presbytery, so do our Aduersa●eses in confirming their spiritual Monarchy. For whereas their a Ab orb condito usque ad annum praesentem semper fuisse unum Ecclesiae Praesidem & Monarcham. Adam, Seth, Enos,— Noah, Sem.— Inter Patriarchas, Levi.— Moses, Aaron.— ita usque ad Christum,— adveniente Christo, quarta Monarchia instituebatur, quae coepit à Petro principe Apostolorum, duravit in eius successoribus usque ad haec tempora, & durabit usque ad consummationem mundi. Catalogum Pontisicum multi referunt. Coccius Thesaur. Cathol. tom. 1. lib. 7. art. 3 initio, etc. Coccius laboureth to evince the necessity of Monarchical jurisdiction in the Church, by the example of God's people before the law from Adam unto jacob; and under the law from Moses and Aaron unto the last destruction of jerusalem: and lastly, after the law from Peter successively unto the now Pope; unto whom their Cardinal b Vltimum judicium summi est Pontisicis. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 1. §. Sed nec. Summus Pontifex absolute est super Ecclesiam universam, & super Concil. generale, ita ut nullum in terris super se judicem agnoscat. Idem lib. 2. de Concil. cap. 17. Bellarmine yieldeth the last and highest judgement in the Church, yea even above a general Council: we can show that this application which they use, by analogy of the old Testament with the new, is utterly infirm, because in the jewish kingdom there was as well one chief civil * In Deut. 17. which is the text objected. judge, as one spiritual high Priest. 9 So that, as they would think it a nonsequitur for us to reason thus: There was but one temporal judge in Israel, Ergo there aught to be but one universal Monarch in the civil state of all Christendom: so must they confess it to be a lame consequence in their own argument, whereby from one high Priest ordained in the particular kingdom of the jews, they contend to infer the supreme jurisdiction of one universal Bishop over all Christians in the world; contrary unto the ordinance of Christ, who (as hath been * See above lib. 2. cap. 17. confessed) did not choose one, but twelve Apostles, who were of equal jurisdiction among themselves. Thus much of the first point of their application, namely, of the singularity of that person whom they propound for the universal judge. We enter upon the next, showing The second point of their application, viz. that the infallibility of truth in this their one judge (the Pope) is vainly pretended from the example of the high Priest of the old Testament: proved by comparison of the jewish and Romish doctrine herein. SECT. 3. 10 The two properties, which the heathen did discern to be primitively in God, unum & verum, that is, a personal unity, and verity; the same our adversaries will have after a sort to be derivatively in the Pope, unto * See the former Section. whom they ascribe an universal Monarchy, viz. one judge, & in all necessary doctrines an infallibility of judgement: whose interpretation they accounted as the a Interpretatio Papae est sensus Spiritus sancti. Bellarm. lib. 3. de verbo Dei, cap. 4. & 5. sense of the holy Ghost. 11 This cometh now to be examined by the comparison of the old Testament. In the Gospel written by S. john, we read that * joh. 11. v. 51. the chief Priests and Pharisees gathered a Council, wherein Caiphas being high Priest that same year, prophesied that Christ should die for the Nation: whereupon their Rhemists have set this stamp and observation: b Rhemists' annot. upon that place. Marvel not that Christ preserveth his truth aswell by the unworthy as the worthy Prelates thereof, the gifts of the holy Ghost following their Order and Office, as we see here in Caiphas; and not their merits and persons. And if this man being many ways wicked, and in part an usurper, and the Priesthood being to decline, and to give place to the new ordinance of Christ, had yet some assistance of God for utterance of truth, which Caiphas himself meant not; how much more may we be assured that Christ will never leave Pete●s' seat, whose faith he promised should never fail, though the persons who occupy the same were as ill as the blasphemous meuthes of heretics do affirm? 12 Upon the which pl●ce also their Canus concludeth, that c joh 11. [Hoc Ca●phas non à seipso dixit, sed cùm esset Pontifex illius anni, etc.] Qua ex re fit, ut nostrorum Ponuficum vita quidem & opera, licet forte sint contraria Domino jesu, sed judicia eorum— vera erunt,— ut que ad populi salutem sint divinitùs instituta; imo ad●ò à Spiritu sancto erunt,— quia sc. qui ea proserunt, sint Ecclesiae Christi Pontifices. Canus loc. Theol. lib. 5. cap. vlt. §. Ad id. whatsoever judgements are delivered by the Popes of Rome for the behoof of the whole Church, do therefore proceed from the spirit of God, because the Popes do utter them. In so much that their Bishop Roffensis doth herein triumph and insult upon his Adversary, saying: d Mirum est (Luthere) cùm haec non ignores,— quòd tam parum tribuis Pontifici Romano, cùm vel apertissimum sit ex evangelio johanms, Caipham— verum iudici●m protulisse. Roffensis Episcopus contr● Assert. Luther. verit. 3. pag. 12. I marvel (oh Luther,) seeing thou art not ignorant of these things, why thou yieldest so little unto the judgement of the Pope, considering that it is most manifest, that Caiphas delivered a true judgement. 13 Thus confidently have our Adversaries patterned every Pope in the example of the jewish Caiphas: whereby Protestant's (whom they call * Rhemists. See above, let. b. heretics, and at whose ignorance they so much marvel) are provoked to wonder how these Romanists could not discern that open truth, which, in confutation of their comment, is confessed by their Cardinal Bellarmine, apparently witnessing, that e Alij dicunt Pontifi●en & Concilium erràsse▪ quantum ad errorem propriae mentis, non tamen errâsse in sententia quam protulit, vere enim jesus erat reus mortis, quia peccata nostra in seipso purganda susceperat. & verè expediebat eum mori pro populo, quare joh 11. dicit Ca●pham prophetasse. At lieet verba Caiphae bonum sensum recipiant, non tamen omnia; cum enim ait de Christo, Blospemavit, quid adhuc egenius testimonijs? certè tunc non prophetavit, led blasphemavit. Bellar. lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 8. §. Alij dicunt. although those words of Caiphas, [when he said, one must die for the people, etc.] had a good sense; yet, at the time that the Priests proceeded against Christ in judgement, the same Caiphas [saying, He, (speaking of Christ) hath blasphemed, what need we any other witnesses?] did himself than not prophecy, but blaspheme. Where we see (not to trouble ourselves with their shallow f Unto the common objection, why it is so precisely noted by the Evangelist in the text, He prophesied being high priest that same year, may be answered by that note, which their jesuite Maldonate doth in part acknowledge: Ita divinà Dei providentiâ factum fuisse. ut eius Pontificatus, qui in eam sententiam maximè propensus erat, in eum annum incideret, quo anno de Christo mo●n tradendo agendum erat, ut per eum divinum expleretur Decretum, quo constitutum à Patre erat, ut pro omnibus Christus moreretur. Maldonat. jesuita comment. in joh. 11. 51. We may think that this was the whole cause of the Evangelists note, which the jesuite will allow to be but partly a reason thereof. instance) how learned and witty our Adversaries have been to establish an opinion of an infallible judge by an example of a judge blasphemously erroneous in judgement, and thereupon to erect, as it were, a Roman Caiphas. 14 In the defence of the judgement of this See, their Cardinal Bellarmine proceedeth so far as to affirm, that g Pontificem solum, vel cum suo particulari Concilio aliquod in re dubia statuentem, sive errare possit, sive non, esse ab omnibus sidelibus obedienter audie ndun. Bellarm. lib. 4 de Rom. Pont. cap. 2. §. Deinde. whensoever the Pope, albeit of himself, shall determine any doubtful doctrine, he must be obeyed of all the faithful, although it was possible for him to err therein. Which we may judge to be an high step unto the great apostasy from the faith, especially seeing that Popes are * See hereafter. confessed to have taught and confidently defended heresy. And what acquaintance these and other kind of Romish positions may seem to have with the superstitious Rabbinish doctrines, their Hebrew Gloss will tell us. 15 In the text, which hath been objected for the point in question, the people of the jews are commanded to harken unto the sentence of the judge, not declining either unto the right hand, or to the left. Whereupon the jewish h Nec declinabis ad dexteram nec ad sinistran] Hic dicit Glossa Hebraica, Si dixerit tibi quod dextra sit sinistra, vel sinistrá dextra, talis sententia est tenenda. Gloss hath thus commented: If the judge shall tell thee, that the right hand is the left, and affirm the left to be the right, thou must believe him. Which therefore their Lyranus doth condemn of absurdity, i Quod patet manifestè falsum: quia sententia nullius hominis, cuiuscunque sit authoritatis, est tenenda, si contineat manifestè falsitatem vel ●●rorem: & hoc patet per hoc quod praemittitur in textu, [Et docuerint te juxta legem.] Lyranus in hu●● locum, Deut. 17. because (saith he) no judgement, if it be manifestly false, may be believed by any man, of whatsoever authority he be. And M. k M. Hart in his answer to D. Rainolds in the place objected by the Apologists, pag. 262. Hart noteth the same sentence of Rabbi Selomoth to be foolish; which is plain (saith he) from the text of the same Scripture, which saith, Thou shalt do all things which they teach thee according unto the law: wherefore to do all that the Priests taught, is not meant of things ungodly, but only true and consonant unto the law of God. By which we see, that the sentence of the judge is not absolutely infallible, as the Apologists pretend, but that the resolution of a mansconscience is always determined by the appearance of God's law, that so God and not man may be the supreme judge. 16 Our Adversaries will reply, that their rule of believing their judge holdeth only where the case is doubtful; but the jewish Doctors challenge belief of an error manifest. Is this the point? And what if their judge shall * See in the next Section following. call manifest truth into question and doubt? then how, alas, shall he that must believe, discern the right hand from the left? This the sentence of Caiphas doth teach us. Finally, that our readers may see what Proctors the Apologists have chosen to further their cause in this question of supreme judgement, we hold it meet to show how unmateriall they are in the defence of Rabbinish authority, by their own doctrines, as they are related by a Protestant author. 17 l Regula Catholica in scriptis Rabbinicis est, Hizzaher, etc. id est, memento potius sermonis Scribarum quàm sermonis legis Mosis. Buxdorfius Synag. jud. cap. 1. It is a general rule among the jewish Rabbins (saith he,) to teach men to be more mindful of the words of the Scribes, then of the law of Moses: among whom m Sic in tractatu eorum Thalmudico Rabbi jochanan: unicuique Sabbatum sic ut decet, iusue eius & ordinatio requirunt, obseruanti peceata condonantur, ita ut id sanctificando idololatriam simul exercere non vereretur. Ibid. cap. 11. Rabbi jochanan taught, that a man by observing the Sabbath as he aught, obtaineth remission of his sins, yea although in sanctisying thereof he shall commit Idolatry. This one is set but for an example of many confessed paradoxes, defended by Rabbins; who notwithstanding for authorizing their own Traditions, decreed, that n Regula Rabbinica est;— Quicunque transgreditur quodcunque Sapientes nostri locu●i suerunt, i● suppl●cio mortis obnoxius est, pe●inde ut scriptum est, Diss●pans sepem, momordebit cum serpens.— Et admonitio Rabb. Fil●mi, memineris quòd sermonum Scribarum cura multo maior habenda est quàm sermonum sive legis ipsius. Buxdorf. ibid. cap. 2. whosoever shall transgress against that which our wisemen (meaning the Rabbins themselves) have decreed, shall be guilty of death. And jest that our Adversaries might possibly regest, that yet their supreme judge is so prevented by Christ, whose vicar he is, that he cannot possibly departed from the sincere faith. Therefore do we exhibit A demonstration of the fallibility of the Papal judgement (we refer their haresies unto their proper places,) by examples of contradictions of the Popes: from the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 4. 18 Erasmus is a witness, whom our Adversaries have called for, and have appropriated him unto their Roman party, who discovering the mystery of this now Romish doctrine, doth annihilate the pretence thereof, saying, that a Porrò si verum est, quod quidam asseverant, Rom. Pontificem errore iudic●ali non posse unquam c●●a●e, quid opus generalibus Concilijs, quid opus in Concilium accersere iuriss o●sultos, ac Theologos eruditos, si pronuncians labi non possit? Curdatus est appellationi locus, vel ad Synodum, vel ad eundem rectiùs edoctum, posteaquam semel de causa pronunciavit Pontifex? Quorsùm attinet tot Academias in tractandis fidei quaestionibus distorqueri, cùm ex uno Pontifice, quod vetum est, audire liceat? if it be true which some affirm, that the Pope cannot err when he publisheth any thing from his judgement, what need hath the Church of general Counsels, or helps of Universities, & c? 19 But if this objection might (as it cannot) be possibly assoiled, yet how will our adversaries answer, when their b Imò qui fit, ut Pontificis huius Decreta cum illius pugnent Decretis?— Popes do contradict one another in judgement? whereof Erasmus hath afforded his Reader many examples, as namely, c Nun Papa johannes 22. & Nicolaus Dec●etis totis inter se pugnant, idue in his, quae videntur ad fidei negotium pe●tinere? quorum alter pronunciavit iudicialiter, ut illorum more loquar▪ Christum & Apostolos nihil habuisse in common, nec privatim▪ alter contrà pronunciat habuisse? Id ex ipsorum Extravag licebit cognoscere. Sed propius ad id quod hic agimus, facit, quod Innocentius 3 ac Celestinus de matrimonio dirimendo prorsus pugnantia definiverunt: quorum hic ius facit alteri coniugum iterare matrimonium, si alter fuerit in haeresin prolapsus: Innocentius negat, ut legimus Decret. 4. tit de divortijs, cap. Quanto. Nec illic dissimulat Innocentius, quendam Praedecessorem suum secus statu●sse, Celestinum indicans, ut aperit Glossema, declarans Celestin● super hâc re constitutionem olim ex 〈…〉 sse in Decret. l. 3. Tit. de convers. infidelium. Praetereà Pelagius, ut extat in Decret. dist. 31. cap. Ante triennium. constituerat, ut hypodiaconi Siciliae ab uxoribus abstinerent, quas ante constitutionem legitimè duxetant. Id Decretum velut iniquum, & cum evangelio pugnans praecepto, retractat & abrogat Greg. 1. qui Pelagio successit, statuens ut in posterum nemini ad eum ordinem pateret aditus, nisi vovisset castitatem. Caeterùm durum & iniquum esse, ut ad castitatem cogatur, qui non voverit castitatem, nec ullâ culpà commer●●t, ut eò debuerit compelli. At quod hic iniquum videtur Gregorio, non visum est Innocentio 3 loco citato, qui ita respondet ijs, qui ob praeter aequum videri, coniugem relictum suo iure privati sine c●lpa, praesertim cum contumeliosior sit in Christum, qui baptizatus recidit in haeresin, aut pagani ●inun●, quàm qui natus Ethnicus recusat ad Christi professionem converti. Ad haec, seculi● aliquot hanc sententiam complexa est Ecclesia Mutinensis, ut qui contrax●●sset cum Barbara verbis legitimis, & ex animo, ●ed non intercedente coitu posteà contraheret cum Cornelia & coitum adiungeret, cogeretur priore relicta, posteriori convivere. Id palam rescindit Innocentius, ex diametro, quod aiunt diversam pronuncians sententiam, viz. priorem esse legitimam uxorem, quod cum posteriore sit actum, adulterium esse, non matrimonium, ut proditum est lib. Decret. epist. 4. ●it. 4. Cap. Tuas dudum, & eiusdem Tit. Cap. Licet. Alexander 3 indicat suo rescripto fuisse statutum ac definitum aliquando à Praedecessoribus suis, quod in Mutinensi Ecclesia damnat Innocentius. Quanto id periculosius qu●m cau●a divortij? & tamen hic Decretum Pon●●ficuim mutavit Rom. Pontifex: ut non commemorem interim quòd in causa fidei schola Parisiensis aliquando publici●●is improbavit Rom. Pontificis sententiam. eumue ad Palinodiam compulerit, si qua fides historijs. Nisi torte fabulam vanam putamus, quod refert Gerlon in serm. quodam Palch. de johann Pontifice 22. qui decernebat ante diem judicij non esse puniendas animas impiorum. Nec dici potest hunc errorem privatum fuisse Pontificis, publicum fuisse oportet, scripto aut etiam Decreto vulgatum, quum res adeò commoverit Galliae regnum. Hac omnia & huiusmodi plura Erasmus annot an 1. Cor. 7. pag. 373, 374. Basilea, anno Domini 1522. Pope john 22. and Pope Nicholas, in the question, whether Christ had any thing either in proper, or in common, the one affirming it judicially, the other denying it; next in the question of divorce in the case of heresy, Pope Celestine defendeth it, Pope Innocentius the 3. gainsaieth it; besides Pelagius commanded that Subdeacons should put away their wives, whom they had lawfully married, which Decree seemed unjust unto Gregory the first, who was the next successor unto Pelagius; so also Pope Alexander 3. judged that marriage to have been held for lawful of some of his predecessors, which Pope Innocentius condemned as being adulterous. Lastly, john. 22. in a matter of ●aith, concerning the souls departed, was found so contradictory unto himself, that he was forced by the judgement of the University of Paris to recant his former opinion: and we know that the doctrine of infallibility of judgement, can have no foundation upon such judges, in whom there is found the spirit of manifold contradictions. We fear tediousness, and therefore draw unto A determination of this cause; concerning this question of a visible judge, taken from the example of the chair of Moses. SECT. 5. 20 What the judgement of Protestants is concerning the outward judge of the Church, hath been * See above. already manifested: we are only to discover the looseness of the Romish instance, which is taken from the pretended * Matth. 23. 2. privilege of the jewish Ecclesiastical regiment; which they labour further to evince from the sentence of our Saviour Christ, in authorizing the jurisdiction of the jewish Priesthood, saying, Math. 23: They sit in Moses chair, all things therefore that they shall say unto you, observe ye and do; is the common objection of our Adversaries for proof of their infallible a Bellarm. lib. 3. de verbo, cap 3. propoundeth the question, De judice control rsiarum: and in cap 5. seq. produceth this place out of the new Testament for proof thereof. So also Stapleton, C●sterus and others in their controversies. judge: whereupon also their Rhemists do thus collect; God preserveth the truth of Religion in the Apostolic See of Rome, which in the new law is answer able unto the chair of Moses, notwithstanding the Bishops therein be never so wicked of life. And other jesuits strike upon the same string, expounding this chair of Moses not to signify the doctrine of Moses, but the b Cathedra Mosis significat infallibilem authoritatem interpretandi— Scripturam, & definiendi omnes controversias vel in summo Sacerdote Cathedram Moysis— tenente, vel de Pontifice simul cum legitimè congregato Sacerdotum Concilio Gretzerus in defence. Bellar. as he is cited by our learned Lubbertus, Replicat. pag. 367 & 373. infallible authority of the Priesthood in the old law in expounding Scripture, and deciding of all controversies: which they apply as a type of the infallibility of the c Per Cathedram Moysis significatur authoritas docendi & praecipiendi: ●ic Petri Cathedra dicitur Romanae Ecclesiae authoritas. Sà jes. annot. in eum locum, pag. 414. judgement of the Church of Rome. 21 Wherein we choose rather to be directed by their own more moderate Doctors. Erasmus complaineth of them d Hune locum quidam eò torquent, quasi parendum sit omnibus, quae praecipiunt Episcopi, aut praepositi etiam impij, ob muneris authoritatem, cùm Christus de ijs loquatur, qui rectè docerentlegem Mosaicam, non qui suis constitutiunculis illaquearent homines— Quis ferat eos adversus Christi doctrinam fixis & resixis legibus, meram tyra●nidem exercentes, suo quaestu & maiestate omnia metientes?— Non sedent in Cathedra evangelica. said in Cathedra Simonis Magi, aut Caiphae. Erasmus annot. in hunc lecum. who detort this place of Scripture to prove, that we are to obey whatsoever the Bishops and governors of the Church, although they be wicked ones, shall prescribe, when as Christ speaketh of them who rightly teach Moses law, not ensnaring men with their own Constitutions, as some do, who seeking their own honour and profit, sit in the chair of Caiphas. 22 But this witness will seem to be too shrewd, & therefore shall hardly escape a buffeting, wherefore we are contented to admit of others, as first their preacher e Sedent super Cathedram Moysis.] Cùm bona docebant, hoc est, ea quae Moses praedixerat, & docuerat, audiendi erant.— Sed à falsa doctrina Pharisaeorum cavendum est. Stella in Luc. 12. tom. 2. pag. 72. Stella [They sit in the chair of Moses:] That is (saith he,) so far forth as they teach that Moses taught, they must be heard, otherwise we are to beware of them. f Non esse illis obediendum fi quid malè praecipiant aut doceant: nam si eyes obediendum est, quoniam in Cathedra sedent Moysis, non est ergo eye obediendum, quando aliquid contra eam Cathedram docent aut praecipiunt. I ansen. Concord. in Mat. 23. 2. cap. 120. pag. 819. For if we aught to obey them, because they sit in the chair of Moses, than it followeth (saith their Bishop jansenius,) that they may not be obeyed, when they command any thing contrary unto that chair; which Author reconcileth two Scriptures, the one where Christ willed men to beware of the leaven of the Pharisees, and this other where he commandeth them to [do as they say:] g Matth. 16. 6. Cavete de fermento Pharisaeorum.] Si huiusmodi Pharisaeorum doctrina hic per fermentum, cavenda significatur, quomodo post dicit Dominus, [Sedent super Cathedram moysis, quod dixerint facite.] Proinde ad literam Dominus non quamlibet Pharisaeorum doctrinam significare voluit, sed eam quâ docebant, quae verè ipsorum erant mandata hominum, aut inutilia planè, aut mandatis Dei adversa. jansen. Concord. in eum locum Matth. cap. 64. that is, (saith he) do not reject all their doctrines, but such as are contrarte unto the law of Moses. Moore plainly their jesuite Maldonate; h Dominus per [Cathedram Mosis] non de Pharisaeorum doctrina intelligit, sed de doctrina legis ac Mosis loquitur: perinde enim est, acfis dixerit, Omnia quae Lex ac Moses vobis dixerint. Maldonat. Ies. comment in hunc locum Matth. Christ (saith he) by the chair of Moses did not understand the doctrine of the Pharisees, but the doctrine of the law of Moses. 23 What chair then do those our Adversaries sit in, who to the advantaging of the Papal authority, do understand by Moses chair an infallibility of judgement in the Pharisees & Priests of the law? We may conjecture thereof by their jesuite Salmeron, who confessing that they of whom Christ speaketh, i Non erant audiendi, quando Christum negabant esse Messiam, vel Christum, quia haec non de Cathedra docebant. Salmeron Ies. tom. 4. part 3. tract. 32. §. Obijcies. pag. 609. were not to be obeyed when they denied Christ to be the Messiah, for than they speak not out of the chair: and yet we know that they denied Christ by the authority of their * see above c. 15. §. 3. Council; which showeth that the chair of Moses must signify the succession of true doctrine, without reference unto the authority of men's persons. 24 But let their Arias Montanus make up our conclusion from the same Chapter, vers. 13. [W●e unto you Scribes and Pharisees, for you shut the kingdom of God before men; for neither do you yourselves go in thither, neither do you suffer others to enter in:] k Multa erant in Scriptures mysteria ad regnum coelorum pertinentia,— sed Pharisaei neque his attendebant, neque altos ad haec instruebant, aut instrui patiebantur: sed toti in illis erant, ut nudarum caeremoniarùm obseruationem sine explicatione significationum ipsarum inculcarent:— neque permittebant ut quisquam de s●o●is Scriptures vol cogitarent, nedum diceret quicquam, nisi se consultis, & ex suarum interpretationum praescripto. Ita illi claudebant regnum Dei ante homin●s, neque enim hominibus, id est, caeteris à se licebat de Scriptures agere: sie enim dic●bant caeco illi restituto, [In peccatis natus es totus, & vis docere nos?] Et sequitur, [neque ipsi intrabant] ut patet ex hoc testimonio, quòd nollent ut quisquam de Christo vel quam verissima illis afferret. Arias Montanus in Matth. 23. pag. 80. in illa verba [Quia clauditis.] There were many mysteries in Scriptures (saith he) concerning the way unto God's kingdom, which the Pharisees neglected that either themselves or others should know, but were wholly bend to the authorizing of their own naked constitutions, which they delivered voided of expositions, not suffering any man to think, much less to speak any thing of Scripture, without their advice and prescript of their expositions, as appeareth by their saying to the blind man: Thou art borne in sin, and dost thou teach us? 25 Which affordeth us these due considerations: first, that those professors are most doubtfully, or rather desperately erroneous, who make their chair of authority to be an infallible argument of the truth of their doctrine, and not contrarywise the appearance of doctrine in Scripture to be the chair wherein men's consciences may take their last rest and resolution, because (as S. Augustine saith,) l Sedem Ecclesiasticam (inquit Augustinus) sana doctrina constituit. Staple●on. Antidote. in Matth. 23. pag. 194. It is a sound doctrine which constituteth a chair. 26 Secondly, in that Christ commanded men to obey those Pharisees, but quatenus, that is, so far only (in doctrines necessarily belonging unto the kingdom of God,) as they truly proceeded out of Moses chair, which signifieth the written law of Moses: we are justified in our profession to think that in such cases not the authority of man, but the law written is the supreme judge of men's consciences. 27 Thirdly, that those professors, who upon the Priestly authority of the jewish Synagogue (which idolatrously & blasphemously erred from truth) would rear up the opinion of an infallibility of judgement in their Popes, whom our Adversaries have confessed to have been possessed with contradictions, and (as will be * See hereafter. acknowledged) were plunged in heresies, causeth us to fear that the pretended chair of truth is translated into the form of the chair of apostasy. 28 Lastly, that authority of the external visible judge, (which is a Council) for the deciding of doubtful points of controversies, wherein the direct law of God only, and not man's peremptory will and fancy is made the chair, Protestants do more willingly * See above. acknowledge, then do our Adversaries, who indeed draw too near the now jewish presumption, (which our Buxdorfius hath related,) whereby they (viz. Jews) do profess, m Rabbi Isaac Abhuhabh, anno Christi 1493. scribit in libro Menoras' Hammaor, Omni quodcunque Rabbini nostri in concionibus & mysticis, aut allegoricis explicationibus docuerunt & locuti sunt, nos non minus firmiter atque bene quàm legi Mosis fidem adiungere tenemur. In quo si quid inveniatur quod nobis hyperbolicum, vel naturae prorsus contrarium videtur,— nos culpam illam intellectui nostro defectuoso, non autem verbis ipsorum ascribere debemus. Buxdorfius lib. Synag. judaic. cap. 1. pag. 62. that they are bound to give as great belief unto the mystical and allegorical expositions of the Rabbins, as unto the law of Moses: wherein if any thing (say they) be delivered which may seem to be repugnant unto nature, we must impute this unto the defect of our understanding, and not unto the words of our Doctors. I would but ask the Romanists, whether they think that there is any thing in all the profession of the jews, which is a greater bar to hinder their conversion unto the faith of Christ then this thraldom of their souls by believing, not what the light of Scripture may teach their own judgement, but what that their prejudice doth forestall, which they have in the judgement of their teachers; who by their cloudy allegories do darken and dim the light of Scriptures. This granted (which none can deny) by the application hereof their like presumption is confuted, and our religion better fortified and established. CHAP. XVI. Concerning the conclusion of the Apologists Demonstration of their Romish faith, from the faith of the jewish Rabbins. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. By which so many foresaid examples of our Catholic faith, thus affirmed by the ancient jews that lived before Christ's coming, it is made further probable, that our religion is not new or lately devised, but most ancient and undoubtedly apostolic: which point is made as yet much more clear by that which is hereafter s See hereafter, tract. 1. sect. 7. & 8. alleged concerning the Roman Church being converted in the Apostles time, and her not being sit hence changed in religion. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By irrefutable arguments convincing the gross sophistry of the Apologists Demonstration out of the ancient jews, by a Demonstration from the faith of more ancient and more religious jews: from the confessions of our learned Adversaries, in many principal points belonging, First unto moral duties concerning man. SECT. 1. THe argument which the Apologists have taken from the faith of ancient jews, for the confirmation of (as they say) their Catholic faith, they have entitled a Demonstration, whereby is signified a reason so evident and infallible, that every discreet Reader must thereunto forthwith yield his assent: and hereupon have they founded their conclusion, to believe that the Roman religion is most ancient and undoubtedly Apostolic: which argument hath been found to be rather such a demonstration of the want of judgement in their Galatinus, Coccius, and these Apologists, as though they had studied and professed to make themselves notoriously vain: because the foundation almost of all their proofs is the jewish Thalmud, and Cabala, which our Adversaries confess to be no better than two muddy lakes, and sinks of * See above cap. ● Sect. 6. fabulous and blasphemous Traditions. 2 But let them set upon this argument (if they can) an edge of steel; the sharper it is, and the more vehemently they st●ike Protestants therewith, the more deadly will it wound themselves, when by a just retorsion it shall be turned (as it were) into their own bowels; as will appear by comparing the opinions of the jews and of Romanists together. 3 True justifying faith is described by S. Paul, to be that which * Galat. 5. 6. worketh by love, which love S. john will have discerned by * joh. 15. 10. keeping Gods commandments; which commandments Christ, by often pressing the Scriptures, doth signify to be written in the old Testament: wherein we read * Luit. 18. Non revelabis turpitudinem.] levit. 18. of degrees of kindred wherein marriage is forbidden. These laws the a Est imprimis obseruandum inter nos & adversarios convenire, praecepta Levitici non obligare Christianos, quatenus propriè Levitica, id est, positiva & iudicialia sunt, sed tantùm quatenùs naturalia: Sed tota quaestio est, an omnia illa praecepta quae habent●● in ●evitico de grad●bus cognationis, sint naturalia, an aliqua vel omnia iudicialia. Et quidem adversarij volunt omnia esse naturalia, ac proinde indispensabilia per Ecclesiam. Protestants interpret to issue from the law of nature (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) and to be indispensible: b Nos autem docemus non esse omnia naturalia, & ideò in quibusdam posse per Ecclesiam dispensari, ut Conc Trid. affirmat ess. 24. can. 3. Bellar. lib. 1. de Matrim. cap. 27. post principium. but we (saith he) hold that some of those laws are not natural, but judicial, and therefore may be dispensed with, according unto the Decree of the Council of Trent: wherein he is held no better than Anathema that shall not believe it: which belief notwithstanding the jews did never conceive, who are known to have kept these laws inviolable. This question is of moment, because (as appeareth by the Apostle) it can be no pure virgin Church, which shall approve and justify an act of * 1. Cor. 5. Incest. 4 Now the Pope (who as our Adversaries believe, c Papa in rebus morum definiendis, vel declarandis errare non potest. Azorius Ies. part 2. lib. 5. cap. 3. §. Vltimo. cannot err in determining of moral points of doctrine) hath dispensed with diverse degrees of marriage forbidden in Leviticus, as namely (witnessing their own jesuit) d Rarius concesserit Rom. Pont. ut matrimonium contraheretur inter Amitam vel Materteram, & consobrinum, quàm inter patruum vel awnculum, & consobrinum,— inter Henricum octanum & uxorem fratris sui defuncti. Idem ibid. §. Tertiò quae●itur. & §. Quarta, etc. by allowing the Ant to marry with her Nephew, and a King to join in wedlock with his brother's wife. Which kind of matches are so fully incestuous, that e Ambrose in Epist. ad Paternum consulentem an liceret neptem ex filià filio suo coniungi— ita reseribit: Ego autem prohibitum iure divino assero, quia cum leviora interdicta sint de patruelibu● fratribus, multo magis hoc, quod est a●ctioris necessitudinis, interdictum arbit●or.— Haec & alia Ambrosiu● constanter affirmans per huiusmodi concubitus & diu●num, & naturae ius violari.— B. Gregorius pluribus in locis ista coniugia detestátur,— & ad Augustinum Angliae Episcopum: Cùm noverca, inquit, admisceri grave facinus est, qu● in lege scriptum est, Turpitudinem patris tui non revelabis. Paulò antè: Augustinus. Quis (inquit) dubitet honestiùs hoc tempore etiam consobrinarum prohibita esse coniugia, non solùm propter multiplicandas affinitates, sed nescio quia quomodo inest humanae ve●ecundiae naturale quiddam atque laudabile, ut cui debet causa propinquitatis honorem.— Hieronymus in Heluidium, & super Genesin, tam nefanda esse haec putat, ut dixerit Scripturam p●opter aurium sanctitatem maluisse haec intelligi, quàm ex●rimere. — Et aliquantò post: Quatuor igitur praecipu● Ecclesiae Doctores in hanc doctrinam profanam acertimè invecti sunt.— Ad haec multorum Pontificum Canon's, & sacra Concilia, ubi non solùm habentur illicita, q●ia prohibita sunt, sed prohibita, quia ex se nefaria & detestanda, & naturali & divino dure. Catharin. annot ad●. Ca●et. §. De copul●s inter coniunctos. pag. 211, 212, 213, 214. Ambrose, Gregory, Jerome, Augustine (as their Catharinus testifieth) did abhor the transgressions of these laws, as impious and unnatural. Insomuch that when many Fathers, and seven Universities are objected unto our Adversaries, in confutation of their defence of this kind of incest, their Author and champion in that cause, is enforced to seek into corners for the patronage of their doctrine, and in the end to prefer the f Vt facian●us septem illas Academias omninò consentientibus calculis nostrae causae adversari, tamen parum causae nostrae officere id debet, cum contra paucas istas Academias à nobis stet totus orbis quantus quantus est Tumultuaria Apologia pro dispens. matrim Henr. 8. cum Catharina, pag. 4. §. Et ut. insuper audeo dicere, recentiores multis in locis Patribus pressiores, excussiores, diligentiores, vigilantiores esse. Ibid. pag 38 b. §. Igitur. judgement of the younger Divines. 5 Secondly, the Romish profession of sovereignty over Kings, to depose them, is made not only visible unto us by their books and Bulls, but palpable also by their practice. Will they suffer the ancient jewish Rabbins to be our judges? or will they allow Moses the Prophet of God, and the first proclaimer of Gods written law, to be one of the ancient Rabbins? then let them hear their own jesuit Salmeron, witnessing in this case, and confessing, that g Missa potestate spirituali legis naturae, vel Moysi, quae minor erat regia potestate in veteri Testamento; & ideo etiam summi Sacerdotes regibus subdebantur, sicut etiamapud Gentiles: de potestate Ecclesiastica disserendum. Salmeron Ies. comment. Tom. 12. tract. 63. §. Sed nunc. pag 428. Et paulò ante: Longè tamen eminet potestas spir●tualis novi Testamenti. §. Quod autem. under Moses in the old Testament, the regal law had the pre-eminence, & the high Priests were subject unto the Kings. But because the Romanists refuse to be jewish in this point, which the Apostles have prescribed unto all Christians, their condemnation will be more just. 6 Thirdly, the Romanists admit none unto sacred Orders without a solemn vow of single life; and if it hap that any by entering into the state of matrimony shall break that vow, his marriage is commanded to be dissolved. In brief, the Protestant Ministers who are married, are by them therefore called carnal and unclean: albeit that this the Priest's marriage (as our Adversaries have * See above cap. 2. §. 33. confessed) was not forbidden either in the old or new Testament. And as for the Monastical vow, if that had been anciently jewish, then would not their h Coccius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 2. lib. 4. art. 2. in fine. Coccius for proof thereof, have been contented with the example of the Essaei, who were the * See above cap. 10. §. 2.. last sect among the jews. But if Christ have commanded us to honour the Physician, why should the Romanists so much 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as to contemn the physic which Christ prescribeth by his Apostle, which is, i 1. Cor. 7. 2. for avoiding of fornication to have a wife? Howsoever, the jewish Church was so far more pure than the now Romish, in as much as (which hath been * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 36. confessed) this alloweth stews, and that did not. A second confutation in points concerning God's worship. SECT. 2. 7 First, God will be known to be a * Exod. 20. 5. jealous God, which argueth the faith of that Church to be the sounder, which doth more sincerely affect the integrity of God's worship: whereof we now seek an indifferent trial. First Protestant's and Romanists are at a double odds about Images: the one is the representing, the other is the worshipping of him by an Image. Their jesuite Vasquez doth observe, that a Maior de imagine ipsius Dei secundùm se, non ut incarnati, controversia est●an scilicet liceat ●●m depingere? qua in re cum haereticis pugnandum est: eo tamen difficilior cum eyes erit congressus, quòd suae partis viros Catholicos propugnatores habeant. — Paulò post. Opinio quamuis non adeò certa est, ut tanquam fidei dogma sit amplectenda, multo tamen verior mihi videtur, & quae sine temeritate contra communem Ecclesiae usum negari non potest: Ea verò in universum asserit, Trinitatem depingere ex natura rei licitum esse. He reckoneth for the defenders of this opinion, Palud Caiet Wald. Catarrh. Didac. Payva, Saunder. Tu●●ian. Vasquez Ies. lib. 2. de Adorat. disp. 3. cap. 3. initio. & §. Tertia ergo. it is the common use of their Church to have the picture of God and of the Trinity; and yet confesseth, that the Church of God among the jews b Ego verò aliter existimo respondendum. Pri●ùm Exod. 20. & Deut. 4. non solùm puto prohiberi imaginem Dei primo illo modo, ne scilicet populus e●rore deceptus veilet ei effigiem aliquam exprimere, quâ putaret ad vi●um deitatem ipsam repraesentari; sed quamcunque imaginem ipsi●s Dei, i●●ò & cuiuscunque alterius, ob periculum, cui populus ille subiacebat, ut seq▪ disputatione patebit: ob id tamen non est dicendum, ex natura rei illicitum esse Deum depingere, sed justis de causis à Deo in veteri Testamento fuisse prohibitum. Vasquez quo suprà. cap. 4. §. Ego verò. was forbidden to make any picture of God at all: which he noteth to be the doctrine also of c See the testimony of Vasquez at the letters, ● and d. Protestants: with whom (as he also testifieth) diverse of the Romish School d Secunda sententia est Henrici. Quodlib. 10. qu. 6. Abulen. in cap. 4. Deut. q. 5. Durand in 3. dist. 9 cue 2. ad 4. Martini de Ayala de Tra. lit. 3. p. ●●. de Imag. cap. de earum antiq. quam secutus quoque fuerat johannes wickliff. ut testatur Waldens. Tom. 3. cap. 155 principio. Et tandem calvinus lib. 5. Instit cap. 11. Qui omnes affi●mant, non licere ullo modo Trinitati, sed solùm Deo, in humanitate, quam assumpsit, imaginem effingere. Vasquez quo supra, cap. 3. §. Secunda. do consent, & that from the judgement of ancient Fathers, who have so utterly condemned all figuring of God, that the same jesuite is glad for his last refuge to grant, that e Secundò obijciunt nobis Patres compl●res, qui dicunt nefass esse simulacl●rum & imaginem Deo collocare. Sic Lactant. lib 2. divin. Instit. cap 2. August. de fide & symb. c. 7. Origen l. 3. contra Celsu●, & lib 7. contra eundem in fine, Clem. Alex. l. 6. Strom. Dama●cen. l. 4. de fi●e, cap. 1●. & orat. 1. de Imag. Germanus Patriarcha in Epist. ad joh quae recit●tur in 7. Synod. Act. 4. & Theodorus in Epist synod. quae est Act. 13. Idem habetur in eadem septima Synod. Act. 5. ut cap. seq referemus. Imò & S. Thomas 3. p. qu 25. art. 3. ad 1. idem docuit. Respondetur eos locutos de imagine pr●mo illo modo, quo pacto Ca●etanus interpretatur S Thomam & Damascenum: quodsi absolutè ipsi loquantur, intelligendi sunt, illicitam existimasse Dei picturam & imaginem non ex se, sed ratione periculi imperitae multitudinis; quo cessant, ut admonuit Concil. Trident. diligenti solicitudine & doctrinâ pastorum, manifestum est eas imagines iure damnari non posse. Idem ibid. cap. 4. §. Secundo obijciunt. the Fathers did think such imagery to be unlawful, although (saith he) not in itself, yet because of the danger of idolatry in the rude multitude. 8 The difference in the second question concerning the worshipping of Christ in an Image, is no less than the former: whereof their jesuite Gretzerus avoweth, calling it their f Nunc explicandum, quo genere cultus colenda sit, non modò prima illa crux Christi, sed & omnes imagines, & signa crucis. Asserimus cum sententia communiori, & in scholis magis trita crucem colendam esse latri●, hoc est, cultu divino, non quidem per se, sed per aliud; non absolute, sed cum habitudine & respectu ad prototypum. Gretzerus Ies. lib. 1. de Cruse, cap. 49 in●tio. common judgement, that the cross of Christ is to be worshipped, although improperly, with Latria, which is an honour properly due unto God. But what was the profession of the ancient people of God among the jews? Their jesuite Vasquez doth tell us of g Permulti enim affirmant, nunquam nec in lege veteri imaginum picturam, aut sculpturam statuarum, imò nec ipsarum debitum cultum, sed solùm idololatriae adorationem fuisse pohibitam; ne scilicet eas populus cultu divino, sicut Gert les sua idola, prosequeretur: and citeth for the defenders of this opinion, Beda, jonas Aurelianensis, D. Thomas, Burgensis, Waldensis, Caietanus, Alanus Copus, Sanderus, Alphonsus de Castro, Fr. Turrian. Pammelius. Vasquez Ies quo suprà, lib. 2. disp. 4. cap. 1. diverse Romish Doctors, among whom he mentioneth Caietan, Sanders, Turrian, and Pammelius, who think (saith he) that God did not prohibit unto those his people all adoration of Images, but only that worship which is idolatrous: yet doth he reckon up other Romanists, h Non pauciores nec inferioris notae authores oppositam opinionem, quae mihi multo probabilior vi●a est, amplectuntur: judaeis, nimirùm, non sol●m adorationem illam Gentilium, quae naturali iure prohibita est, verumetiam q●emlibet usum imaginum & statuarum praecepto Dei positivo, Exod. 20. fuisse interdictum. Sententia est Richardi, Alexandri, Alberti, Bonaventura, Palud●ni, Henrici, Catharini, Martini de Ayala, Fr. Horantij, Alani Copi, Clictovaei. Vasquez ibid. cap. 2 initio. who (as he saith) were not either fewer in number, or inferior in estimation, who held the contrary; and which the jesuite himself doth judge to be the more probable opinion: which is indeed more than probable, as is evident out of josephus, from whom their jesuite Gretzerus proveth, that i josephus lib. 15. cap. 11. Nihil judaeis tam molestum fuit, quám Trophaea, qui cum putarent armis contectas imagines quarum usus interdictus est nostris legibus, indignissimè eas ferebant. Gretzer. de Cruse, l. 1. c. 44. pag. 121. the jews did hate the very Images of men in their heathenish Trophies, as being forbidden them by God. 9 Secondly, as the faithful worshipper must take heed in what he honoureth God, so must he beware unto whom he commendeth the prayers of his mouth and thoughts, jest he attribute unto any soul departed (by invocating) the power of understanding of all the cases of men in the world, if haply all should pray unto that one: which is a property whereby ancient Fathers discerned the deity of the holy Ghost. Now the Romanists teach this universal Invocation to be communicable unto every Saint departed, calling the Protestants k See above lib. 2 cap. 12. Sect. 1 impious for denying it: notwithstanding they themselves confessed the l See ibid. Sect. 3 Invocation of souls departed not to have been in use among the jews, in the state of the old Testament, for fear of Idolatry: nor yet taught unto them in the new Testament at their first conversion unto the faith of Christ. But why? Because (say our Adversaries) those jews would have thought it an hard matter to be commanded to pray unto Saints departed: so merely strangers were those true jews unto this Romish article of Invocation. 10 Thirdly, true prayer is the breath of true faith, which faith will always fear to offer unto God * Eccles. 5. 2. the sacrifice of fools: of which kind, in the opinion of Protestants, are all those prayers which men of capacity and understanding do offer in a tongue which they do not understand. Now the Romish Council of Trent hath m Ecclesia nostra prohibet ne divina officia, & praesertim Missae sacrificium vulgatâ linguâ celebretur: nam postremum Concil. Trid. Sess. 23. cap. 8, & 9 troth lit aliter, docentes Anathemate esse percellendos. Salmeron. Ies. Tom. 14 comm. in 1. Cor. 16. disp. 30 pag. 257. and Bellarm. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, ca 16. Ledesima Ies. lib. de divinis script. cap. 13. forbidden that the public prayers of the Church should be used in the vulgar and common language of Christian people, fixing an Anathema upon every one that shall dare to affirm the contrary; albeit the Rabbin n Aben Ezra dehortatur ne quis talibus utatur orationibus, in quibus non intelligitur quid oratur. As saith our Mercerus, come. in Ecclesiasten. 5. 2. pag 113. Aben Ezra doth dehort men from using prayers which they do not understand. And it cannot be denied but that the Church of the jews, by God's ordinance, under Moses, had their public service in Hebrew, their mother tongue. 11 Fourthly, faith is that instrument, which maketh the * Rom. 10. 10. heart to believe unto justification, and the mouth to confess unto salvation: and therefore desireth to enjoy the prerogative which it hath in Christ, which is by (although unto God only) unfeigned confession, and to expect the grace of remission of sins: contrarywise the Romanists teach such a o See above lib. 2 cap. 14. Sect. 3 necessity of auricular confession unto the Priest, that without this dependence either in act, or in vow and purpose, no man may hope for a pardon at God's hands. Will the Apologists suffer the state of the true judaisme to be our example? p See ibid. Among the jews (as their Lyra and Cardinal Tolet have witnessed) confession of particular sins unto the Priest was not necessary. 12 Fiftly, faith fasteneth upon the promise of God, made not only unto itself, but even unto the seed also, so far as the offspring shall not reject the covenant of God. Concerning this point the Romanists have taught, that q See above lib. 2 cap. 13. Sect. 1 no child born of Christian parents, dying without baptism, can inherit life: notwithstanding that in the old Testament, where (as hath been confessed) r See ibid., Sect. 6 Circumcision was a Sacrament of remission of original sin, the children dying uncircumcised were not excluded from grace. Our Adversaries will peradventure object, that the state of the new Testament is more perfect, & therefore the Sacraments thereof more necessary: but let them from this objection consider, whether that the grace of God be not hereby more commended, that it issueth immediately upon the seed of the faithful, & not by an absolute necessity unto Elements; and whether the grace be not greater, where the danger of the child's damnation is less. Now then (that we may stand unto the analogy, which is between the seals of both the covenants, Circumcision of the old, and Baptism of the new) s Infantulos aegrotantes die octavo non circumcidunt, sed circumcisionem differunt usque eò dum valetudinem recuperarint. Our Buxdorsius out of the Gloss of the Thalmud. Buxdorsius Synag. jud. cap. 2. the jews did not circumcise their children at the eight day as God had commanded, if they were sick at that time, but deferred it until the child had gathered strength. And shall; we do not say: the contemptuous, but religious delay of Baptism, with intent that the Sacrament may be more solemnly performed, be held damnable among Christians? Other articles and principles of the faith of the Church, even the holy Scriptures, held by Protestants, and confirmed by the exposition of the ancient jews: from the confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 3. 13 Divine Scriptures are the common principles and foundation of faith, which it eyeth especially in three points, integrity, community, and sufficiency. First, in the integrity Protestants require two things, the perfect Canon of Scriptures of the old Testament, and translation immediately derived from the Hebrew text. Of the Canon of the books of the old law, the Romish Council of Trent hath thus defined: a Bellarm. and others. See above in this cap. Sect. 2. and Co●cius Thesaur. The books of Toby, judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, Maccabees are Canonical: notwithstanding that the jews have (as hath been confessed) * See ibid. rejected all these books: unto which judgement of the jews all the most * See hereafter. ancient Christian Churches did wholly subscribe. And why should not we also? 14 Concerning the integrity of translation, that, without all doubt, must be held more pure, which agreeth with the first original. Now our Adversaries reprehend Protestants for ascribing b Nimium tribuunt (speaking of Protestants) Hebraeae Editioni.— quam non semel purissimum fontem appellant. Bellarm. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 2. initio. too much unto the Hebrew copies, and for calling them the purest fountains. But why, are they not most pure? This is a great and necessary controversy, wherein we contend about the conduits of pure water from the fountain of life. Many Romanists, seeking (as it may seem) to prejudice the judgement of Protestants, for translating from the Hebrew Bible, and not from their vulgar Latin, have accused the jewish Rabbins of sacrilegious malice in c Hebraici codices Rabbinorum & aliorum Ecclesiae hostium fraud saepè potuerunt deprausri. Gregor. Valent. Ies. Analys. lib. 8. cap. 5. §. Neque verò. and Pintus come. in Dan. 7. §. lit tradentur. pag. 179. & in Dan. 13. initio. Sacroboscus jesuita desens. decret. Concil. Trid. part 1. cap. 3. pag. 20. Non omninò dubito (saith he) quin Rabbini ex mala fide & odio ac muidia sensum Prophetarum in rebus maximis mutarint. Adding, Neque enim high fontes cum primis exemplanbus conveniunt. Ibid. cap. 4. pag. 35. Also jacobus Episcopus Christinopolitanus, as it is in Senensis Bibl. lib. 3. pag. 153. & deinceps, & lib. 8. pag 630. Dicitur hoc à recentiotibus. Lorinus Ies. come. in Act. 7. 51. Idem docet Canus loc. Theol. lib. 2. cap. 13. teste Bellarm. lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 2. §. Praetere●. corrupting those sacred sountains in envy against Christ: and the accusers, who appear out of the Romish School, are Pintus, Christinopolitanus, Canus, besides other younger Divines, and also Gregory Valentia, and Sacroboscus, both jesuits. 15 But the jews will not want advocates even out of the Roman School to plead for them, not only affirming, but proving also the integrity of the jews in this point. For first their d Cui sententiae ne assentiar, prohibet me D. Hieronymi translatio, quae in locis, de quibus inter nos & judaeos controversia est, semper ferè cum hac Hebraeo●um punctuaria expositione maximè consentit.— Huc accedit Augustini persuasio, quòd nullus unqua● sanae mentis credere poterit, judaeos quantum lib●t ●alos & perversos, in codicibus tam mu●ti●, & tam long latèque dispersis, in unum convenisse, & odio Christianorum in corruptionem suorum voluminum con●pir●sse. Senensis Bibliot. lib. 3. pag. 153. & deinc●pss, & lib. 8. pag 630. See also Pererius Ies. come in Gen. 8. 7. §. Astella ego. Senensis professeth plainly, that he cannot believe those accusations, being induced hereunto (as himself saith) by the authority of Jerome and S. Augustine, who held it to be a note of madness in any one, who should imagine that the jews did conspire together for the corruption of Scriptures. 16 What the reasons are (to omit other witnesses) Cardinal Bellarmine will satisfy for all: he produceth this argument out of Origen and Jerome; e Alij zelo quidem bono, sed nescio an secundù● scientiam, omnin● contendunt judaeos in odium Christianae fidei studiosè deprauâsse & corrupisse multa loca Scripturarum.— Pugnant autem adversus hanc sententiam gravissima argumenta: primúm Origen. in lib 8. in Es. ut Hieron. ref●rt in Esa. 6. qui in hunc modum ratiocinatur▪ si Scripturas Hebraei aliquando corruperunt, vel id fecerunt ante Christi adventum, vel posteà: si ante, quare Christus & Apostoli nunquam eos de tam insigni crimine reprehenderunt, praesertim cum leviora non tacuerint? Quare Dominus ait johan. 5. Scruta●●● Scripturas; & Matth. 23. Sedent super Cathedram, & c? cui credibile est, ad corruptas Scripturas legendas sine u●la praemonitione homines invitasse? Sin autem post Christi adventum id factum est. quo pacto testimonia quae à Christo & Apostols citantur, omnia ferè nunc inveniuntur in Mose & Prophetis? Hoc Hieronymi & Origenis argumentum est.— If the jews (say they) corrupted the Scriptures, they must have done it either before, or after the coming of Christ. If before, then would Christ or his Apostles have reproved them for so great a crime as this, seeing they reprehended them for lesser faults; would Christ have invited them to read the Scriptures without premonishing them to take heed of reading the Scriptures which were corrupted, if then there had been that offence? If any shall say, that they were corrupted since; how then cometh it to pass that almost all the Scriptures cited by Christ and his Apostles are yet found in the Bible of the jews? 17 Another argument is taken from S. Augustine, who saith, that the f Alterum argumentum est ex Augustino in lib. 15. de Civit. c. 13. ubi probat quòd non videtur ullo modo credibile, judaeos voluisse suis codicibus eripere veritatem, ut nostris detraherent authoritatem; & etiamsi voluissent, non sit verisimile potuisse.— jews neither could, nor would corrupt them. And jest any might suspect that since those times of Jerome and Augustine they have been violated, their foresaid Cardinal doth undertake their further defence, saying, that the g Dicet aliquis, generalem hanc depravationem Heb. codicum post Hieron & Augustini tempora acc●disse.— At Augustini rationes omni tempore locum habent.— arguments used by the Fathers, do as w●l plead for the time to come, as the time past. Which he confirmeth fr●m the h Tertium argumentum sumi potest ab incredibili religione judaeorum erga sacros libros: scribit Philo lib. de egress. ex Aegypto, ut citatur ab Fuseb. 8 2. Praep. evang— quemlibet judaeum centies potius moriturun, quàm ut pater●tur legem in aliquo immutari.— religious zeal of the elder jews, who (as Philo reporteth) would choose rather to die an hundred deaths, then to suffer the Scriptures to be altered in any thing: and also of the later jews, i De superstitione autem recentio●● judaeorum, qui legem ferè ut numen adorant, & si aliquando in terram ceciderit, jeiunium publicum indicunt. Hactenis. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, c. 2. §. His igitur omissis. & deinceps. who so much adore the book of the law, that if it happen to fall upon the earth, they denounce a public fast in the way of penance. 18 In brief, their jesuite Acosta addeth another argument, proving that although the jews had been bend to abuse the holy writ, yet could they not have effected such a mischief: k Hebraican esse authentican dubitare non possun us, & quamu● judaica perfidia atque invidia conata sit— fontem, ipsum sermonen Dei inficere, tamen nullo modo credendum est eyes licuisse quicquid lubuit; neque defuere in Ecclesia docti viri, quorum study conseruati sunt codices Hebraici, ex quibus tutò potest Catholicus Doctor sacros sensus elicere, divina dogmata confirmare, & judaeos ipsos convincere. Acosta Ies. l. 2. de Christo, c. 16. p. 104. Because there were never wanting in the Church learned men, by whose study and care the sacred Scriptures would have b●● preserved: and therefore doth the same Author not doubt to call the Hebrew edition authentical. 19 As for the quarrel which Driedo and some others took against it, because of the Points, which the Rabbins added for the better understanding of the text, it is answered by their Cardinal, that l Driedo dicit irrepsisse errores ignorantiâ Rabbinorum, qui addiderunt puncta.— Caeterùm non tanti momenti sunt eiusmodi errores, ut in eyes quae ad fidem & bonos mores pertinent, sacrae Scripturae integritas desideretur,— puncta enim illa extrinsecus addita sunt nec textum mutant. Itaque possumus, si volumus puncta detrahere. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 2. §. Caeterum fine. those errors are not so great that they may detract from the integrity of the Hebrew Scripture in all those things which concern either faith or godliness, yet do those points altar the text. 20 This being the confessed integrity of the Hebrew Bible, it can be no question whether the Protestants translations, professedly following that Hebrew original, are like to be more perfect than is the Romish vulgar Latin translation, which their m Sacrosancta Synodus— statuit ut haec ipsa vetus & vulgata Editio, quae longo tot seculorum us● in ipsa Ecclesia probata est— pro authentica habeatur. Conc. Trid. Sess. 4. Council of Trent hath decreed to be authentical, and none but it; especially seeing that it is confessed first by their own Senensis, that n Etiam Sanctes Pagninus, Praedicatorij Ordinis concionator Apostolicus, vir in divinis Scriptures apprimè eruditus,— sed Hebraeae potissimùm peritissimus, cum animaduertisset celebrem illam Hieronymi versionem temporum iniuriâ, & hominum incuriâ vel magna ex part intercidisse, vel magna ex part fuisse corruptam,— Leone decimo Pont. hortante, collatis inter se probatissimis Hebraeorum exemplaribus, quantâ valuit fide & industria omne vetus Testamentum ex Hebraica veritate latinitate donavit.— Quam Editionem peritissimi Rabbini omnibus, quae nunc extant, Translationibus praeferunt. Sixtus Senensis Bibl. lib. 4. Tit. Sanctes Pagninus. pag. 101. Sanctes Pagninus, a Preacher of the Order of the Predicants, and a man most skilful in the Hebrew tongue, when he had perceived the corruptions of the old vulgar translation, did by the Council of Pope Leo the tenth, consult with the best Hebrew copies, and then turned them into a Latin translation, which the jewish Rabbins prefer before any now extant. 21 Secondly, even Galatinus himself beareth witness, that o In quibus (speaking of the Scriptures in Hebrew) long planius longeue perfectius apud Hebraeos, quàm in nostrâ sive Latina, siue Graeca editione fulget Christiana veritas. Quocirca me à multis carptum iri haudquaquam dubito; & ab his praesertim qui quicquid ipsi non fecerint, arguere solent, & omnia vituperant, quae ignorant. Galatinus Praef ante opus de Arcanis fid. the Hebrew Scripture is much more perfect than is the Latin. This he made bold to affirm, albeit he knew that some (they be his own words) would carp at him and reprove him. Which may be proved (to pass over multitudes of particular examples in this kind,) by their Cardinal: p Argumentum quartum est: Si judaei falsare voluissent divinas Scripturas in odium Christianorum, sine dubio praecipua vaticinia sustulissent: id autem minimè fecerunt, siquidem ea, in quibus discrepant Hebraea à Graecis & Latinis, saepè nullius sunt momenti, quantum attinet ad fidem & religionem: & saepè codices Hebraei magis judaeos vexant, quim Graeci aut Latini. This may be an argument (saith he) that the jews would not deprave the Scriptures in hatred of Christians, for than would they have razed out the chiefest places and prophecies of Christ, but oftentimes we found that the Hebrew texts do more trouble the (unbelieving) Jews, then do either the Greek (Septuagints) or the vulgar Latin translations. As for example: q Certè in Psal. 2. Latini & Graeci habent [Apprehendite disciplinam, ne irascatur Dominus:] ex quo nihil apertè contra judaeos deduci potest. At in Hebraeo [Osculamini filium ne irascatur]— qui locus est invictissimus contra judaeos.— In the second Psalm where the Latin hath [Receive discipline, jest the Lord be angry] out of the Latin there ariseth no evident argument fit to confute the jews, but the Hebrew text is invincibly strong against them. The second place is r Item Esa. 53. Vbi nos habemus [Et nos putaùimus eum quasi— percussum à Deo,] in Hebraeo legi potest [Perc●ssum Deum.] Quod certè magnum judaeis facessit negotium, qui Christum futurum esse Deum non credunt. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 2. §. Argum quartum. Esa. 51. where the Latin hath it, [And we thought him to be beaten of God:] but in the Hebrew thus, [And we thought him to be beaten and humbled God.] Which place doth greatly trouble and afflict the obstinate jews. 22 Let now any conscience of man examine and judge first, which professors are more zealous of truth, in embracing the Oracles of God, whether Protestants, who do as precisely as they can follow the Hebrew, which hath been acknowledged to be a pure fountain, or the Romanists, who content themselves with the s Nemo illam quovis praetextu reijcere audeat. Conc. Trid. Sess. 4. Latin vulgar translation: which, as a bemudded stream S. t Hieronymus eam (speaking of the same vulgar translation) confutat, redarguit, damnat. And proving that S. Jerome was not the author of it, he calleth him caput pertinax & morosum cavillatorem, etc. that held the contrary, Fabe● Stapulens. Praef. ante Com. in Epist. Pauli. in Apologia. Jerome did condemn, u See above lit. n. Pagninus did forsake, and many Romish x Viri aliqui Catholici qui post Concil. Tridentini decretum scripserunt, viz. Vega, Senensis, Canus, Payna, Lindanus, high omnes fatentur aliquos esse in Latina vulgata edi●one errote●, non solùm vitio scripto●un, ●ed ●tiam ipsius interpreti● mcuria vel ignorantia. Azor. Ies Inst. Moral. ●art 1. lib. 8. cap. 3. from wh●m he himself lissea teth. Doctors, even since the Council of Trent, have noted to be faulty, not only by error of writing or of print, but even by ignorance of the Translator. 23 Thirdly, faith is a spiritual appetite of the soul, and that appetite is to be thought to be best affected, which doth most vehemently thirst after the waters of comforts by the free use of holy Scriptures in the vulgar tongues of Christian Churches. This is a Christian liberty which a Controversia est inter Catholicos & haereticos an oporteat vel expediat divinarum Scripturarum usum communem esse in lingua vulgari & propria uniuscuiusque regionis. Et quidem haeretici hu●us temporis omnes in eo conveniunt, ut oporteat Scripturas omnibus permittere, imò & tradere in sua lingua: & cum publicè leguntur, vel canuntur ut in sacris o●sicijs id q●o que sieri lingua proptia & materna.— Protestants contend for, in behalf of men's souls: which the Church of Rome in her late Council of Trent hath b At Ecclesia Catholica prohibet— ne passim omnibus sine discrimine concedatur eiusmo. di lectio, & ne in publico & communi usu Ecclesiae Scripturae legantur vel canantur vulgaribus lingu●s, ut in Conc. T●dert. Sess. 22. cap. 8. & can. 9 statuitur. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 15. forbidden, but is herein contrary unto the wisdom of the Church of God in the old Testament, wherein c josua legit omnia ve ba legis coram on ni multitudine puerorum, mulierum, advenarum, & vult Chrysostomus uxores cum viris de eo disputare. Agrippa de vanit. cap. 100 josua (as saith their Agrippa) read the words of the law before a multitude of men, women, and children. Wherein the noble Citizens of Thessalonica stand commended by the holy Ghost, Act. 17. for examining the truth of S. Paul his doctrine by Scripture; d Erant nobiliores eorum qui sunt Thessalonicae— mulieres & viri non pauci. Act. 17. 11.] Fecerunt— scrutando, volumen legendo Scripturarum quod Christus judaeos, ut facerent, provocabat, dicens johan. 5. [Scrutamini Scripturas, etc.] hoc est, ut annotant Chry●ost. & Euthymius, Nolite simpliciter legere, sed enucleate & excutite. Lorinus jesan Act. 17. ve. 11. which was no more (saith their jesuite Lo●inus) than Christ had commanded, saying, Search the Scriptures: that is, (as chrusostom and Futhymius expound it,) not only to read it, but also exactly and diligently to discuss it. Wherein e judaei filios suos quinquennes ad sacra Biblia adaptabant, & primum locum in informandis pueris, sacris literis, unde auspicabantur, tribuebant: quod ex prisca consuetudine, judaeos, Eusebius ad sua tempora scruâsse scribit. Pudeat igitur Christianos ab hac cura alicuos esse; neque enim haec mea, aut nova, sed est patrum antiquorum qu●rimonia Espencaeus Episcopus in 2. Tim 3. in haec verba, [Et quia ab ins●ntia literas nôsti.] pag. 116. the jews (as testifieth Bishop Espencaeus) did use to have their children instructed from five years old; a custom continued among the jews a long time, according to the testimony of Eusebius: so that many Christians may be ashamed of their negligence; which is not only my complaint (saith he) but also of the ancient Fathers. Neither is it denied but that the jews even yet f Vidi Salmanticae judaeum quendam satis ineruditum.— qui sive ex historia, sive ex prophetia— memoritèr referebat, & decantabat Hebraica. Quod cum alteri Christiano nartarem, Nihi● (inquit) mirum, omnia enim haec mandant memoriae. Ribera Ies. come. in Mich. 5. num. 11. do exercise themselves in the histories and prophecies of holy Scriptures. 24 Lastly, faith as it requireth a sincerity in the Principles of truth, so doth it also seek whether the sufficiency of them do consist in the written word, or in the unwritten Traditions. The * See above lib. 2. c. 25. Romanists have professed both to be alike divine Oracles, and of equal authority: the * See above, ib. Protestants have defended the sufficiency of the holy writ in both Testaments. We are now only to inquire into the state of the old Testament, concerning which, g Non desunt aliqui Catholici, etc. Bellar. See above, cap. 8. §. 4. some Catholics have denied (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) that the jews had any unwritten Tradition committed unto them. Among others we found their Cardinal jansenius directly affirming, that * See above ibid. whatsoever did belong unto religion towards God, and justice towards men, was delivered in writing unto God's people under the old Testament. And that this may be as truly affirmed of the state of Christians under the new Testament, we have had it both * See above lib. 2. c. 25. per totum. confirmed by Fathers, and * See above ib. §. 13. confessed by our learned Adversaries. We hasten unto Our conclusion, by way of Appeal. SECT. 4. 25 Herein our Reader is to be entreated, to exercise his faculty in supplying that by his diligence, which we, by reason of the copiousness of more material points, could not so easily intent; which is, to gather a Synopsis and brief of those manifold particular doctrines, wherein the jews (by our adversaries confession) are found to stand in a diameter opposition unto the Romanists: and then determine whether it could be judgement or prejudice, which moved the Apologists to promise' a demonstration of their Romish faith out of the jewish profession, in all articles which come directly into their mention. CHAP. XVII. Concerning the doctrine of the necessity of Miracles in the different ages of the world: and of the Romish weak pretences in this point. THE ROMISH APOLOGISTS. That true miracles make a strong argument: And that the aforesaid faith whereunto the English were converted, was confirmed with such Miracles. §. 5. AND like as in those firster times of the Church's infancy, our Saviour did make manifest the truth of his Apostles doctrine with undoubted Miracles, to serve as a 1. Cor 12. 12 signs of their Apostleship, to that end b Marc. 16. 20. Confirming the word with signs following: So likewise this virtue or power of Miracles not ceasing, but (as our Adversaries confess,) c Whereas our Saviour, joh 14. 12. saith, He that believeth in me, the works that I do, he shall do, and greater: in the marginal notes of the English Bible, printed 1576. it is thereupon said. This is referred to the whole body of the Church, in whom this virtue doth s●ine for ever. shining in the Church for ever, the necessity thereof being one and the same in all succeeding ages to the conversion of the heathen, who contemning the Scriptures, are nothing moved with the Miracles thereof mentioned, our Saviour did in like manner confirm our nox faith so then taught by Austen, with like manifestation of Miracles, not such only as Antichrist or the Devil can by the power of nature or secondary causes bring to pass, which may be (b) lying signs against which we are forewarned, but with Miracles exceeding the power of nature, and done immediately by God: which by the doctrine of learned Protestants e Vrsinus in comment Catech pag 21. fine, saith: Etsi Ethnicorum nonnulla mirac●la commemorantur, ac de Antichristo, & pseudoprophetu dictum est, editur●s esse signa, etc. tamen ea neque numero neque magnitudine paria sunt miraculis Ecclesiae, etc. primum enim ea muracula quae ●actantur ab host. bus Ecclesiae, sunt eiusmodi, quae (ordine naturae non mutato) hominum vel diabolorum fraudibus possunt effici etc. miracula vero quibus Deus Ecclesiam ornavit, opera sunt praeter aut contra naturae & causarum secundarum ordinen, ac pro●n le non nisi divina potentia facta. And the like is also affirmed by Zanchius in D. Pauli epistolas ad Philippenses, Colost. & Thessaly. pag 241, & 242. By Danaeus in ●●agogess Christianae, part 4 pag. 43. initio, 46. fine, & 47. initio. By Pi●cator in Anal. epistolarum Paul●, pag 470 paulo ante med and by many others. are evermore true & infali●ble, of which kind though some be sometimes done (as the Scriptures forewarn f Math. 7. 22. and Daneus g Danaeus in ●●agogess Christianae, part 4 pag 48. initio. saith: Ad eos qui donum duntaxat nuraculorum à Deo acceperunt absque dono regenerationis, pertinet, quod a●t Christus, Mult● dicent mihi in die illo, Domine, nun per nomen tuum prophet avimus, & daemonia eiecimus, etc. And see the same further affirmed by Sigroartus in 23. disput. Theolog. & p. 164. sect. 12, & 13. confesseth) by professors of wicked life (accordingly as our Saviour in like manner h Math. 10. 1. gave power over unclean spirits, and to cure all manner of disease●, to his twelve Disciples: Whereof even the wicked judas i Math. 10. 4. was then one:) yet are the Miracles so wrought, though by such, nevertheless certain and undoubted testimonies of God's truth, & for such in general are MIRACLES throughout the whole course (d) Thess. 2 9 of Scriptures most fully both acknowledged k Exod. 8. 19 & 3 Reg. 17. 24. & 3 Reg. 18. 39 & 4. Reg. 5. 15. & Matth. 27. 54. & Matth. 14. 25. 33. & joan. 2. 23. & 3. 2. & 4. 53. & 9 30. & 11. 45. & Act. 4. 14. 16. & 9 35. and urged, l Exod. 7. 17. & 16. 12. & Num. 16. 28. & josu. 3. 10. 16. & 3 Reg. 13. 3. 5. & 18. 24. 38. & 20. 23. 28. & 4. Reg. 20. 8, 9, 10. & Matth. 9 6. & Marc. 2. 10. & joan. 14. 11. & 15. 24. & 20. 30. 31. as being even to our Saviour himself m joan. 5. 36. a greater testimony than john. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. Protestant's are here unnecessarily produced to consent unto that which no Christian will or can deny, viz. that the miracles wrought by our Saviour Christ and his Apostles were the infallible seals of God's truth. For the Apologists being now in a controversy, should have applied their wits to the confirmation of the point controverted, and not so copiously have prosecuted a matter, which is without all question: because we are not to dispute of the miraculous gifts in the Church's infancy, which were for the establishing of the Gospel, so glorious, that they who attributed them unto a Matth. 12. 31. Beelzebub, did commmit irremissible sin against the holy Ghost. But our question is concerning the necessity and infallibility of the use of Miracles in all aftertimes, and especially in this decrepit age of the Church wherein we now live, & whereof our Adversaries in the point of Miracles make no small ostentation. We therefore, (as it is most requisite in all disquisition of truth) do first set down The state of the controversy between the Protestants and Romanists. SECT. 2. 2 In all the Romanists there is defended a perpetual use of Miracles, not only of all former times (say the Apologists) but also of this present age: professing furthermore, that a Nunc nostram Ecclesiam demonstremus esse veram Dei Ecclesiam ex miraculis, quae singulis aetatibus habuit plurima & testatissima.— Denique hoc nostro seculo. Bellar. lib. 4 de notis Eccles. cap. 14. §. Veniamus nunc. & §. Denique. Nullum seculum, nullaue aetas miraculis caruit. Costerus Ies. Apolog. part. 3. cap. 9 pag. 555. In Ecclesia Catholica semper fuerunt. Possevinus de notis verbi Dei, fol. 31. the power of working miracles hath been perpetually in the Church of Rome, and is now also an evident note of the truth thereof. Upon which presumption they proceed to exact of Protestants the testimony of miracles, which Calvin saith (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) may not be expected of them, inasmuch as they profess the same doctrine of the Apostles, which in the beginning was sufficiently confirmed by Apostolical miracles. Thus their Cardinal hath acknowledged the true state of this controversy. Now what is the truth in this contradiction, may be evinced both by the testimonies of antiquity, and clear confessions of our learned Adversaries. First from antiquity we show, b calvinus respondit— nos illis iniuriam facere, quod miracula ab illis exigimus, cum ipsi doctrinam antiquam & innumeris miraculis ab Apostolis & Martyribus confirmatam praedicent. Bellar. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 14. §. Respondet. Caluiniani nullis se miraculis à Deo Missos docent. Maldon. Ies. come. in joh. 2. 18. Catechumenus miraculum expectabit à Caluinista, quod vel ipse praestet, vel patratum à suis veraci historia confirmet: hoc unum postulatum illi os obstruet; cum enim omnia lustraverit, non possit ob oculos sistere vel unum canem, cuius fracta tibia Caluinistae alicuius precibus hucusque fuerit restituta. Westonus Anglus, Professor Duaci, lib. de triplici hominis officio, c. 25. That confidence in Miracles in this later age of the world, is prejudicial unto the Christian faith: proved by the testimonies of ancient Fathers. SECT. 3. 3 a Numquidnam fratres mei, quia ista signa non ●acitis, minimè creditis? ●ed haec necessaria in exordio Ecclesiae fuerunt. Vt enim ad fidem cresceret multitudo credentium, miraculis fuerat nutrienda: quia & nos, cum arbusta plantamus, tamdiù eyes aquam infundimus, quousque ea in terra ●am coalu●sse u●deamus; & si semel radicem fixerunt, irrigatio cessabit. Greg. Magnu●, home 29. in ●●ang. antè med. We use to water young plants (saith S. Gregory) when they be new set, which watering then ceaseth, after that they have taken root: so were miracles necessary for the first seed-plot of the Church, to the sound rooting of multitudes in the faith. Which made S. Jerome to take exceptions unto the heretics even of his time, who vaunted of their b Obseruandum est etiam quòd virtutes dicuntur operari in his, qui non tenent ●uangelij veritatem, sicut in illis, qui Dominum non sequentes, in nomine eius signa faciebant (Marc. 9) Hoc adversus haereticos, qui probationem sidei suae ex eo, si signum aliquod secerint, arbit●antur. Hieronym▪ in epist. ad Galat cap. 3. tom. 9 Miracles; Not considering (saith he) that this power may be permitted unto them, who profess not the truth of the Gospel. 4 Which was partly the reply of S. Augustine against the Donatists' and others; saying moreover of his own time, that d Quod dixi, nec miracula illa in nostra tempora durare permissa sunt, ne anima semper visibilia quaereret, & eorum consuetudine frigesceret genus humanum, quorum novitate flagravit, verum est quidem: non enim nunc usque cum manus imponitur baptizatis, sic accipiunt Spiritum sanctum, ut loquantur linguis omnium gentium; aut nunc usque ad umbram transcuntium praedicatorum Christi sanantur infirmi & si qua talia tunc facta sunt, quae post à cessâsse manifestum est. Sed non sic accipiendum est quod dixi▪ ut nunc in Christinomine miracula nulla credantur. August tom. 1. Retract. lib. 1. c. 13. some miracles are not suffered now to be wrought, jest that the soul of man should believe by the eye; these being the times wherein e Nemo itaque dicat, ista modò non facere (miracula) Dominum, & propter hoc praesentibus Ecclesiae temporibus priora praeponere. Quodam quip loco ipse Dominus videntibus & ideo credentibus (joh. 20.) praeponit eos qui non vident & credunt. August. tom. 10. de verb. Dom. Ser. 18. sub initium. those must be preferred, who (john. 20.) believe and see not: f Quisquis adhuc prodigia, ut credat, inquirit, magnum est ipse prodigium. Aug. lib. 22. de civit. Dei, c. 8. when whosoever shall desire wonders, he shall make himself a wonder and a monster. Noting, lastly, that therefore g Contra istos mirabiliarios cautum me fecit Deus meus dicens, (Marc. 13) In novissimis temporibus exurgent pseudoprophetae, qui signa facient,— Ecce praedixi vobis. Ergo cautos nos fecit sponsus, quia non debemus miraculis decipi. August. tom. 9 tract. 13. in joh. cap. 3. Christ gave us warning of these workers of marvels (when Mark. 13. he taught us that such false Prophets and workers of signs should come) to take heed that we be not deceived. 5 h Quasi nec hoc scriptum sit, venturos esse qui maximas virtutes ediderint ad fa●laciam muniendam corruptae praedicationis. tertul prescript. ad finem. As though it were not written against heretics, pretending the power of Miracles (saith Tertullian,) that such workers shall come for the corrupting of the truth? like as it is of self Prophets, i Iterum praemonet Christus & instruit, ne quis à pseudoprophetis & pseudochristis in nomine suo facilè fallatur: Multi, inquit, venient in nomine meo, dicentes, Ego sum Christus, & multos fallent: & postea addidit, dicens, Vos autem cavete, ecce praedixi vobis. unde apparet, non ea statim suscipienda & assumenda, quae iactantur in nomine Christi, sed quae geruntur in Christi veritate. Cyprian. ad jubaianum de Heret. rebaptiz. deceiving many (saith S. Cyprian:) wherefore Christ hath given us a caveat to take heed, and not to admit of all things done in the name of Christ, but such only as are done in the truth of Christ. And to use the remedy given by Christ, which is remembered by Theodoret, viz. k Instruimur non credere, quando, qui talia edit, contraria pretati docet. Theod in Deut. not to believe them, who work Miracles, and teach ungodliness. Wherefore we need not fear with S. chrusostom to conclude, that l Dicit Chrysostomus: Non ergo sides iam— satis fundata miraculis, novis indiget confirmari, quin potius utilius esse asserit signis nunc career, quoniam maioris meriti sit. Acosta Ies. lib. 2. de procur. salut. Indorum, cap. 9 pag. 223. it is more profitable for us now to want Miracles, it being a matter of more worthiness not to believe them. The reason is alleged in the Author of m Antea per signa cognoscebantur, qui erant veri, & qui falsi Christiani:— nunc verò tantummodo per Scripturas. Chrysost. opere imperf●n Matth. hom. 49. Et huic assentitur Salmeron jes. come. in epist. B. Pauli in genere, part. 3 disp. 3. Quid dicis? non es justus, quia non facis miracula? possis & auri dicere, quia non vides, non es de corpor●? dices, fac tu quod Petrus fecit: Sed Petrus & mihi fecit, quia in eo sum corpore, in quo Petrus fecit. August. tom. 8. in Psal. 130. the unperfect work, which passeth c Non dicat quis ideò verum est,— quia illa & illa mirabilia fac●t Donatus. August. de unit. Eccles. cap. 16. Tom 7. Removeantur ista vel figmenta mendacium hominum, vel portenta fallacium spirituum; aut enim non sunt vera quae dicuntur, aut si h●reticorum mira aliqua facta sunt, magis cavere debemus. August. ibid. under his name: for in former times (saith he) true Christians were discerned by Miracles, but now are they known only by Scriptures. 6 This difference of times, by these Fathers thus rightly observed, yieldeth (if in their days, much more in these, inclining to the last period of times) this prerogative to Christians, to be directed in the truth by the eye of faith, and not by the eye of sense: so much the more, because in the latter times the profession of Miracles shall be (as it is prophesied of them) matter of delusion, and therefore not to be expected of Christians, but suspected. This is the common doctrine of Protestants, whereof our Adversaries shall have less cause to doubt, when they shall further understand, That the same doctrine, against the perpetual necessity of Miracles of latter times, is confirmed by the direct confession of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 4. 7 The general doctrine of the now Romish Church is, as we found it in Cardinal Bellarmine and others, to profess the a Bellarm. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 14. initio, & cap. 2. Costerus Enchirid. Campian. Rat. Greg. de Valentia Analys. power of Miracles, to be a perpetual visible note of the true Church: thereupon b Bellar. quo suprà. reproving Protestants for holding that in the last times the security of our faith must consist in the knowledge of Scriptures, which have forewarned us concerning the latter ages, that the opinion of Miracles shall be but an occasion of seduction. 8 Which we (notwithstanding the c The Apologists have pried into a marginal note of the English Bible, printed Anno 1576. (in which year was the first impression of that newer edition) although the older English Bible printed both before, and about the same year hath no such annotation: which hath been thus expounded in the after editions, and namely in that of Anno 1601. viz. The approving of the virtue of Christ is not included within his own person, but is spread through the body of his whole Church. This point of the perpetuity of the use of miracles for confirmation of the faith, being the main point of difference, aught to have been confirmed by the Apologists with better proof than one only obscure note, which they knew was afterward by an explanation corrected. Apologists objection) do know to be the general and secure defence of d Signa fallere possunt, verbum Dei non possit, ergo adversus Antichristi miracula Christus nos cautos reddidit: praecepit autem nobis Deus hunc, i Christum audire. Luther. enarrat. in Matth. 7. pag. 92. & calvinus in cap. 13. Deut. Si Propheta verum praedixerit, & ad falsum cultum persuaserit, audiendus non est. Ergo doctrinae professio est certissima nota Ecclesiae. calvinus & Tremelius in Deut. cap. 13. And is confessed in part by Bellarm. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 14. Protestants, & now shall corroborated and establish the truth thereof by the plain suffrages and consent of diverse learned Adversaries: of whom if we make enquiry whether Miracles be necesrie among Christians, their Bishop Espencaeus answereth, e jam cum nullus sit, infidelis, faciendorum miraculorum nulla est nunc necessitas. Espencaeus Com. in 2. Tim. 3. pag. 94 E. They are not necessary at all, where there are no Infidels. If we ask a reason hereof, their jesuite Del'rio doth well satisfy, saying: f Quod dicit I C. pauciorum miraculorum hodiè causam esse inconstantiam fidei, & teporem, ea quidem una est, sed melior alia, quia stabilita iam semel fide, minor vel nulla est necessitas eorum. Del' Rio Ies. disquis. Magic. tom. 2. lib. 4 cap. 4. q. 5. Sect. 2. pag. 254. E. Besides the now-inconstancie and weakness of men's faith, which is the cause that Miracles are now so scarce, the principal reason is, that the faith being once established, there is either little or no necessity of them at all. And jest any may think, that therefore the hand of God is now shortened, their learned Bishop confesseth, that in this cause we must be directed by the will of God, g Cum plurimi sunt qui fidem eandem cum priscis fidelibus habeant, qui miracula non faciunt, non tamen inanis est promissio, quam noluit effectum habere perpetuum, sed pro tempore nascentis & adolescentis Ecclesiae. Roffensis Episcopus Captiu. Babyl. contra Luther. cap. 10. part. 4. §. Caeterùm ut. who would not that Miracles should have their perpetual effect, which was proper only unto the nonage of the Church. Whereunto the judgement of their jesuite Acosta doth accord, where he diligently observeth that h Religio Christiana, ubi humana praesidia prorsus aberant, divinis est fundata miraculis: At nostrorum temporum long alia est ratio.— Quid magnorum signorum confirmatione est opus?— unum illud potentissimun & ad fidem efficacissimum, ac penè singular miraculum, mores cum fide coniungere. Acosta Ies. lib. 2 de Indorum salute, cap. 9 pag. 222, 223. there is a diverse respect herein to be had between the primitive Church, when our faith was founded by Miracles, and these our times, wherein there is no such necessity of them. 9 But we have furthermore affirmed, that the opinion of the use of Miracles is also dangerous: which is no more than their own learned Preacher hath taught when speaking of the use of Miracles among Christians, whether they be Catholics or heretics, he saith: i Dices, nun rationi consentaneum esset & conveniens, ut nunc aliq●● fierent miracula,— ut magis fides confirmaretur? Non utique, nam miracula nobis nunc damnum potiús afferrent quám commodum.— etiamsi in tempore nascentis Ecclesiae fuerint necessaria. Puer enim, quando ambulare incipit, adiwatur vehiculo,— quod homini adulto est impedimento. Stella in Luc. 11. pag. 64. Tom. 2. Now Miracles would not be convenient for confirmation of the faith: for as a child in his weakness, is by a wheelestoole enabled to walk, the use whereof would be an hindrance unto him, when be cometh to be of a more perfect age; so in the infancy of the Church Miracles were necessary for the strengthening of the faith, which in these days would be but inconvenient. This danger will be more sensible unto us, when we shall have proved our next Assertion, viz. That the Protestants doctrine of not believing the Miracles of the latter times, is a requisite doctrine of belief: and is proved by the public confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 5. 10 No man exercised in the word of truth, can be ignorant how it is prophesied of the latter times, that the profession of Miracles shall be the principal means of apostasy from the truth: our Saviour plainly prefining, that * Matth. 24. 24. in the latter times false Prophets shall arise, working great signs and wonders, able to deceive, if it were possible, even the very elect: when as Antichrist * 2. Thess. 2. 9 the man of sin shall come, whose coming shall be by the effectual working of Satan with all power and signs, and lying wonders: with deceiveableness of unrighteousness among them that perish, because they received not the love of the truth, that they might be saved: therefore God shall sand them strong delusions to believe lies. In the which so terrible a storm, our safest manner of belief will be (as we have learned by Christ's words) * Matth. 24. not to believe them: which is the constant profession of M. a Non est miraculis fidendum quae fieri aut mentiuntur, aut verè praedicant, sed soli doctrinae Christi & Apostolorum. Apostoli enim signa ediderunt tantùm ad evangelii praedicationem; postquam verò latè propagatum est evangelium, & in universo mundo promulgatum, non est opus porrò miracula facere. Luther Dom. 2. Aduent. ex ep. ad Rom. 15. in haec verba, [Vnanimes. etc. Luther. 11 Contrary hereunto is the general doctrine of the Romish Church, defending (as we have heard) * See above Sect. 2. the use of Miracles to be a perpetual note and character of the Church: notwithstanding it be certain (even in the acknowledgement of learned jesuits) first, that the Miracles in the days of Antichrist shall be so great, that thefalse shall hardly be discerned from true: then, that c Hu●usmodi Magorum signa facientium, exemplo, voluit Deus fideles suos admonitos esse & cautos, ne turbarentur aut scandalizentur signis & prodigijs impiorum hominum, quasi illa essent miracula & divinae virtutis testimonia. Hinc enim apertè cognoscitur, multa videri miracula, quae non sunt, & proprium esse Diaboli transfigurare se in Angelum lucis, & ad circumueniendos mortales simulare prophetiam, & miracula, & alia, quae sunt dona Dei supernaturalia. Pereri●● Ies. come in Exod. 7. disp. 11. pag. 404. we are admonished not to be scandalised by them, because such is the subtlety and power of Satan, that he can transfigure himself as it were into an Angel of light. Nay their b Difficile erit (speaking of the days of Antichrist) discerenere vera signa á falsis, ubi multa & magna erunt veris ipsis omninò simillima. Acosta Ies. lib. 2. de temp. noviss. cap. 19 fine. jesuite Salmeron saith more, viz. that d Etsi vera sunt miracula (Antichrists) dicuntur tamen mendacia, quia falsum erit id, ad quod persu●dendum inducuntur: sicut falsum conficitur argumentum in Dialectica, quod interdum constat ex veris propositionibus. Salmeron Ies. come. in 2. Thessal. 2. disp. 3. §. Addit Paulus. though the Miracles of Antichrist be supposed most true for their action, yet (he aiming at a confirmation of errors) they are most false in the intention, even as it is in Sophistry, which from true premises doth infer a false conclusion. 12 Lastly, in these so great creeks of error, when we inquire where is most safest harbour, their jesuite Acosta confesseth, that e Monet Christus, Ecce praedixi vobis (Matth. 24.) Et, Dabunt pseudochristi signa, quibus in errotem introducantur, si fieri possit, Electi.] Huic ergo tam horribili procellae opponitur rupes fortissma verbi Dei. Quocirca videte diligenter quanta sint Scripturae divinae praesidia, quae omnem miraculorum vim superant; nihil est enim verbi divini authoritate robustius, etc. Acosta Ies. Conc. 1. Donun. 24. post Pentecost. pag. 6. our strongest hold will be the holy Scriptures, which are of more strength than any Miracles: and that f Omnino nulla alia res adversus omnes Antichristi praestigias, & truculentissimam tyrannidem athletas Christi perinde armabit, atque coelestis doctrinae invictissima authoritas. Meritò autem ubi suprema omnium est futura tentaio, uberiora & praeclariora divinarum Scripturarum remedia opposita sunt. Acosta Ies. lib. 1. de temp. nou●ss. cap. 10. ad finem. Et rursus: Paulus quidem ita censuit, Gal. 1. Si Angelus de coelo aluid etc.] Quid Petius? 2. Pet. 1. Habemus sirmiotem propheticum sermonem.] Primaeva Ecclesia miraculis abundavit, cùm essent infideles vocandi ad fidem: at ultima Ecclesia, cum fideles iam vocati sint, plus Scriptura quàm miraculis nit●tur. Idem quo suprà, Con. 1. D●m. 24. post Pentecost. verbi● seqq. the soldiers of Christ cannot hold a stronger fort for the resistance of the power of Antichrist. Which is the known and resolved conclusion of all Protestants, and is confirmed by the above-cited sentence, wherein it is said, that g Author operis impers in Matth. after the primitive Church true Christians must be discerned from false, not by Miracles, but only by Scriptures: and which our h Quibus (Authoribus) probatum redditur, sapè à sanctis viris altercationes insuperabiles cum haereticis miraculorum virtute esse extinctas, & titubantem populum confirmatum, idque actum privato divini Spiritus instinctu: cum tamen ad veritatem confirmandam firmiotem esse Propheticum serinonem, ipsam nimi●um divinam Scripturam, S. Petri Apostoh (2. Pet. 1.) testificatione habeatur expressum. Baronius Card. Anno 451. num. 123. Tom. 6. Adversary judgeth by the doctrine of S. Peter to be the surest hold, and we shall * See hereafter. prove to be the sanctuary of our security, after that we have discussed the other instances CHAP. XVIII. Concerning the examples of Romish Miracles of later times objected by the Apologists: and first of the jesuite Xaverius among the Indians. THE ROMISH APOLOGISTS. And hence it is that the credible histories as well of all former times, as also of this * In the book entitled A report of the kingdom of Congo a region of Africa, printed 1597. published by M. Abraham Hartwel, servant to the Lord Archbishop of Cante●bury, and by him dedicated to his Lo. mention is made l. 1. c. 1. initio, of the discovery of that kingdom Anno 1587. by ●d●ardo Lopes: and of the conversion thereof to the Christian faith, l. 2. c 2. and of the great and undoubted miracles showed by God in the presence of a whole arntie, l. 2. c. 3. insomuch that M. Abraham Hartwell in his Epistle there to the Reader, post medium, confesseth, that this conversion of Congo was accomplished by Massing Priests, and after the Romish manner. And this acti●● (saith he) which tendeth to the glory of God, shall it be concealed, and not committed to memory, because it was performed by Popish Priests, and Popish means? God forbidden. In like manner M. joho Porie, lately of Gonevill and Calus College in Cambridge, in the Geographical history of Africa, by him published Anno 1600 pag. 410, versus finem, acknowledgeth and mentioneth the said miracles: and page 413. initio, he commendeth M. Hartwell for publishing his foresaid treatise. Al●o whereas it appeareth in the book entitled, Retum in oriente gestarum Commentarius, fol. 2 that Francis Xaveriu● set forward in his journey from Lisbon to the East India, Anno 1541 to the conversion of those nations: and page 36. that the King of Portugal hearing of the great miracles as then there wrought, sent forth his commission to his Viceroy there, dated in April, 1556. to take examination thereof upon oath: upon execution whereof, and certificate thereupon being accordingly made, it did appear (fol. 8. b) that Xaverius in testimony and proof of the Christian faith by him then preached and taught, cured miraculcusly the dumb, the lame, the deaf, and with his word healed the sick: (and fol. 9 a.) raised sundry dead persons to life: & after his death, which happened (fol 14. 2.) Anno 1552. the grave being opened, wherein his dead body for a time had lyen buried, to the end his naked bones might be carried from thence to Goa (fol. 14. b.) they found his body not only vnconsumed, but also yielding forth fragrantsmels: from whence they carried it to Goa, and placed it there in the Church of S. Paul, where yet to this day (saith the conmentary) it remaineth free from corruption: Witness whereof, saith that treatise, are all the inhabitants of that city, and travelers that repair thither, and the truth hereof for matter of fact is so probable, that M. Whitaker lib. de Ecclesia contra Bellarminum, page 353. dare not in his answer thereto altogether rest in denial of the fact, but saith: Ne putet (Bellarminus) me omnino hec miracula contemnere: respondeo sieri posse, ut in regno Pontificio fuerint huiusmodi miracula, & nunc sint. And page 354. post medium, he saith, Petuit Diabolus Xaverij corpus ad tempus servare incorruptum & suaviter olens: and he not so much denieth those miracles, as overboldly referreth them to the devils work: whereas yet to the contrary M. Richard Hackluit Preacher, in his book of the principal navigations &c printed 1599 in the 2. part of the 2. volume, page 88 initio, doubteth not to afford commendable mention of that holy man Xaverus, his particular virtues and wonderful works in that region. present age, are plentiful in like examples of true and undoubted Miracles showed by God, at the conversion of heathen Nations. Among which our Country's foresaid conversion by Austen holdeth not the lest place, as being in like manner greatly then confirmed with undoubted Miracles, not lately feigned, but so credibly testified by the lawful writers of those times, that now sithence they are acknowledged for certain and true by learned Protestants themselves. To this end doth S. Bede and our own Chronicles witness, how that Austen n Beda hist. l. 2 c. 2. ante medium, saith: Allatus est quidam de genere Anglorum, oculorum luce privatus, etc. tandem Augustinus justa necessitate compulsus, stectit genua sua etc. deprecans ut visum caeco quem amiserat restitueret, & per illuminationem uniushominis corporalem, in plurimorum cordibus fidelium spiritualis gratiae lucem accenderet, nec mora, illuminatur caecus, ac verus summae lucis praeco ab omnibus praedicatur Augustinus: tum britons confitentur intellexisse se veram esse viam justitiae quam praedicaret Augustinus. And see Hollinsheads Chronicle after the last edition, volum. 1. l. 5. c. 21. pag. 102 b. line 51. to prove his opinion good, wrought a Miracle in restoring sight unto one that was blind. Which kind of Miracle, as Hemnigius o Hemnigius in his exposition of the 84. Psal. englished, part 1. c. 6. acknowledgeth for a true Miracle, so likewise the Christian Britons present thereat, were specially p Beda ubi sup. & Holinsh. ubi sup. moved therewith. In like manner it is testified by S. Bede and Protestant writers, that Austen persuaded the King to his religion q Beda hist l. 1. c. 26. circa med. saith of the King: Miraculorun multorum ostensione credens, baptizatus est: and Hollinshead ubi suprà, p. 100 b. line 60. and M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, printed 1576. p. 117. a. prope finem. by diverse MIRACLES showed. Which were at those times so certainly known, that (as S. Bede reporteth) it was * Beda hist, l 2. c. 3. fine. written in the Epitaph upon his tomb, that he was Suffultus à Deo Miraculorum operatione. r Beda hist. l. 2 c. 1. versus finem, saith: Quibus verbis B. Gregorius declarat quod sanctus August. & socij eius coelestium ostensione signorum gentem Anglorun ad cognitionem veritatis perducebant. And S. Gregory himself l. 7. ep. 30. indict, 1. reporteth hereof to Eulogius Atchb. of Alexandria, saying: Know then that whereas the English nation etc. remained hitherto in infidelity, I did by the help of your prayers etc. sand unto that nation (Austin) a Monk of my monastery to preach to them etc. and now letters are come to us both of his health and of his work that he hath in hand: and surely either he or they which were sent over with him, work so many miracles in that nation, as they may seem therein to imitate the power and miracles of the Apostles themselves. And Gregory himself, not only affirmeth those Miracles, but also by his s Hollinshead ubi supra, page 192. a. line 25. Letters dated Anno. 602. did specially t This letter of Gregory is extant in Bede hist. lib. 1. c. 31. and mentioned by Hollinshead ubi supra, page 102. a. l. 10, 11, etc. writ to Austen touching the Miracles showed by him, advising him not to glory therein, but rather to consider that God gave him the gift for the weal of those to whom he was sent, etc. In so much that M. Fox and M. Godwine (both of them learned Protestants) do accordingly mention and acknowledge u M Fox in his Acts and Monuments printed 1576. page 117. a. prope finem, and M. Godwine in his Catalogue of the Bishops of England, page 4. fine. the Miracles (then) wrought by Austen through God's hand. As also S. Bede, M. Fox, and Hollenshead do in like manner specially mention x Beda hist. lib 2 ca 12. post medium, and M. Fox his Acts and Monuments printed 1576 page 121. b. post medium, 122. a. and Hollinshead in his great Chronicle, the last edition, volume 1. page 108. b. initio, and 109. a. line 29, 30, etc. the miraculous conversion of Edwine King of Northumber's, which happened some 26. years after Augustine's foresaid coming into England, M. Fox not doubting to place the same in his Catalogue of y M. Fox in the Alphabetical table of his Acts and Monuments printed 1576. at the word Miracle. true Miracles. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. FOR their better evidence of the power of Miracles in their Church, they are glad to travel as far as India, enlarging their margin with the testimonies of two Protestant writers, who have published and acknowledged (as they say) the manifold wonders wrought among the infidels in India by the jesuite Xaverius: whom their Cardinal Bellarmine magnified a Hoc nostro seculo— constat à Francisco Xaverio paralyticos, surdos, mutos, coecos esse curatos, mortuum quoque ad vitam revocatum. Bellar. l. 4. do notis Eccles. cap. 14. § Denique. for healing the deaf, dumb, lame, blind, yea and raising one dead. 2 But our authors, when as only by translation of a Romish b An history drawn out of the writings and discourses of Odoardo Lopoz a Portugal, by Philippo Papigetta a Portugal. M. Hartwell in the preface to the book. history of the kingdom of Congo, they relate such things, by approving that they hear or read, do not avouch so much judgement as credulity; for c The Emperor Adrian used to say, Testibu● magis quàm testimonijs credo. Auritus audita loquitur: therefore when the Apologists do cite our relations of their stories, they do but, in effect, call only their own Authors to witness. 3 Notwithstanding if we shall consult with their own men, we shall not found so firm ground of crediting such reports: first, because their own learned Professor Franciscus de Victoria, discussing that question of Miracles among the Indians in the days of Xaverius, could not be so persuaded of their d Miracula & signa nulla audio, nec exempla vitae adeò religio a— ut teneantur (Ind●) Religioni Christianae acquiescere. ●ran●is●us de 〈◊〉 Professor Regius in Academic. a Salmanticensi Hispaniae, Relect. 5. Sect. 2. pag. 241. sufficiency, as to think that the Indians were thereby convicted or bound to yield assent to the Christian faith. Secondly, Xaverius himself writ many books of epistles out of India, concerning his proceed in the cause of religion, whereof he directed some to Ignatius Loyola the Father of the society of jesuits, and others to other of his familiars, not sparing upon occasion to report a wonder of e In hac insula Amboino rem vidi incredibilem, & ante hoc tempus inauditam— caprum lact suo haedos alentem paruos.— Ego ipse rem perspexi his oculis, neque enim aliter. ut crederem, adduci potuissem. Xaverius Ies. lib. 2. de rebus Indicis, epist. 3. pag. 97. nature, and yet doth not make any mention of healing the deaf, dumb, lame, dead, or of any work of his, which could truly deserve the name of a miraculous power of grace. Thirdly, albeit we are very inclinable to believe that for the conversion of infidels unto the faith, God might & did vouchsafe to make visible unto them those * Act. 2. 11. magnalia Dei; notwithstanding (besides that we learned already, that the common date of Miracles is long since expired,) their own learned jesuite Acosta (who lately in the West Indies laboured as abundantly as any other for the conversion of Pagans unto Christ,) doth confess saying, f Quae est praedicatio nostra? quae siducia? signa certè non edimus. Acosta Ies. lib. 4. de Indorum salute, cap. 4. pag. 365. Prodigia nulla producimus, neque verò est opus. Ibid cap. 12. pag. 397. & alibi passim. We work no wonders, we effect no miraculous work, neither (saith he) is this necessary. 4 Which is not therefore produced by us to the prejudice of the power of God's grace (far be that height of blasphemy from us!) but that we may understand the truth of God's proceed, who hath neither need of Miracles for the conversion of infidels, nor of lies for confirmation of his faithful. 5 We may be furthermore informed herein by the same jesuite Acosta, who discussing g Multos inter haec quaerere illud & admi●ari non temerè solete animaduerti, quid sit quòd nostra aetate in praedicatione evangelii apud novas gentes, miraculorum illa vis non cernatur, quam Christus suis promisit, quaeque ad confirmanda super-humana dogmata singulariter efficax est.— Argumento est mirabilis illa & inaudita peregrinatio in terra Florida, ubi— quatuor illi homines militares atque profani, divinitús gratiâ sanationum donati, opera Apostolica perpetrantes,— propter sanitatum operationes, vitaeue innocentiam tantum gloriae & admirationis inter barbaros consecuti sunt, ut propemodum pro dijs adorarentur.— Curio ergo putamus excelsi dertram se continere, neque, quod potest, gratiâ miraculorum tot populos ad sidem trahere?— Legimus in historijs Anglorum quot & quàm magna per Augustinum, & justum, & Mellitum miracula Christus ediderit:— cur ergo nostra tempora deserta sunt, quibus tanta orbis portio innotuit, ut cum ea Anglia universa, si conseratur, vix domus exigua ad ingentem u●bem sutura sit? Multos, ut dixi, ad hunc modum secum cogitantes, pia haec neque indocta quaestio tenet. the question which many make, why in this age in the conversion of the Indians there appeareth not the power of Miracles, as well as it did in Terra florida, where four men, and by profession soldiers, having the miraculous gift of healing, and leading a sanctified life, were so admired of the Barbarians, that they were almost honoured for Gods; and why shall God now withdraw his omnipotent hand, which he extended upon the English in their conversion, seeing that all England is scarce to be accounted one house to a great city, if it be compared with that part of the world, which hath been lately discovered? 6 He answereth first out of S. Augustine, that h Mihi verò illud Augustini opportunè occurrit, qui cùm commemorâsset paulò antè divinam vocationem interdum externis signis, aliquando interno pulsu fieri; mox adiungit: Haec autem vocatio quae sive in singulis hominibus, sive in populis, atque in ipso genere humano per temporum oportunitates operatur, altae & prosundae operationis est.— Cui rei non dissimile mihi videtur, quòd Ecclesiam suam olim in ipsis evangelii cunabulis, multorum signorum & variorum charismatum copia congregaverit, eandem modò de Gentibus non minus mirab●liter mirabilium parcitate colligit; diversa tempora secundùm diversas suas leges sapientiae diversis rationibus administrans.— God converteth men sometimes by outward signs, and sometimes by inward inspirations; but when, and whom he will convert by either of these means, standeth in the unsearchable wisdom of God's ordinance: who, when the Church was but in the cradle, did call men by mighty Miracles to the faith of the Gospel, & now doth no less marvelously convert men without multitudes of Miracles, governing diverse times by the diverse laws of his wisdom. 7 Secondly, he giveth a reason of this difference: i Mihi quidem aliquoties ista animo repetenti, tam perspicuae diversitatis in potestate signorum, illa occurrere causa solet, quòd priscis temporibus omninò necessaria fuerint, nostris non item. Etenim sides mysteriorum sublimium omnem humanam rationem superantium, astruenda tunc erat apud homines maximè ratione sua cuncta metientes, & ad solitos calculos revocantes, Graecoes, inquam, atque Romanos, caeterosue illa aetate sapientiâ huius seculi florentes. His quomodo per homines paucos, ignobiles & illiteratos persuaderi possit,— nisi divina quaedam atque incluctabilis evicisset autoritas, contestante Deo signis & prod●gijs, & varijs charismatibus? quod etiam Paulus Apostolus saepè commendat 1. Cor. 2. Sermo meus, inquit, non erat in persuasibilibus humanae sapientiae verbis, sed in ostentatione spiritus & virtutis, ut fides vest●a non sit in sapientia hominum, sed in virtute Dei.— Ita Christiana religio, ubi humana praesidia prorsus aberant, divinis est fundata miraculis. At nostrorum temporum alia est ratio, nam & ij, quibus fides annunciatur, omnibus rebus inferiores sunt, ratione, cultu, authoritate; & ij qui annunciant, antiquitate religionis suae, multitudine suorum, ingenio, elegantia, caeterisque; copijs ad persuadendum superiores sunt & abundant.— When Grecians and Romans (saith he,) men learned in all human wisdom, and who stood upon the terms of natural reason, were to be brought unto Christ, it seemed unto almighty God a thing convenient, that the converters, being but simple and unlearned men, should be furnished with divine power of working Miracles, which exceeded all natural means, as S. Paul signifieth in himself. But there is not the like reason of such wondrous works now among these people, who are every way inferior unto their converters, in wit, judgement, and all natural endowments, and whatsoever other outward faculty, which may avatle for persuasion. And therefore in conclusion, he wisheth in Christian converters but k Denique quid magnorum signorum confirmatione opus est, ubi potius desideratur acutior intelligentia, quae altitudinem nost●ae doctrinae aliqua curiositate disquireret? unum illud de gentibus huic novo orbi potentissimum, & ad ●idem efficacissimum, & penè singular miraculum necessarium est, mores cum side congruentes: hoc & abundè sufficit, & omnibus concessum est, modò velint. Hactenus josephus Acosta Ies. lib. 2. de salute judorum. cap 9 conformity of a godly life with their Christian faith; which (saith he) would be of itself, indeed, a most singular Miracle, most powerful and successful for the converting of infidels unto the faith. 8 If this be so in those parts of India, wherein this their Acosta hath been so long conversant, we see no reason there should be so great difference of the other parts of India before mentioned. For as it is forbidden in Scripture to say, that * 3. Reg 20. 28. God is the God of the valleys, and not of the mountains: so may it seem inconsonant for men, to attribute so much power of miraculous grace unto the East, and so little to the West. And although the experience of Gods working must confounded all reasoning of man, yet seeing the credit which man hath thereunto, doth depend upon the fidelity of man the reporter, it is requisite that every such report contain itself within the compass of due intelligence. 9 Howsoever, this argument of Miracles wrought among infidels doth not infer an undoubted difference of Christian professors amongst themselves, both because l Chrysostomus, Hieronymus, Euthymius & Theophylactus probant multis exemplis, etiam per homines insideles vera miracula facta esse.— Et ex hoc loco (Matth. 7. 22) facilè colligitur, falsos istos prophetas, de quibus Christus loquitur, vera miracula facturos, verè prophetâsse, verè Daemonia eiecisse: nec enim respondit Christus mentiri eos; sed, quamuis ita fecerint, se eos non nôsse. Maldonat. Ies. c●m. in Matth. 7. 22. the gift of working Miracles (as both Fathers, and their own jesuite Maldonate do resolve) is no necessary argument of the true Church, except it be ordinary: and also because God doth grant this gift of Miracles (as is observed by their jesuite m Si obijcias à malis quoque & perperam de fide sentientibus nonnunquam miracula edita fuisse, & ideo miracula non debere censeri efficacem fidei probationem: Occurram solere Deum aliquando h●nc gratiam gratuitò etiam talibus largiri, sed id in verae fidei probationem, ut quando dedit prophetiam Balaamo & Ca●phae: in falsae fidei confirmationem nec dedisse unquam nec dare posse. Non magis enim mendacij confirmationem potest Deus miraculis comprobare, quàm potest ipsa veritas mentiri. Del'rio jesuita Disquit. Magic lib. 2. qu. 7. tom. 1. Del'rio, and their Cardinal n Ad miraculum Novatiani respondeo, Miraculum factum esse non in confirmationem fidei Novatiani, sed Catholici baptismi: id enim pro miraculo scribit Socrates, quòd cum ad Paulum Episcopum Nou●tianum venis●et quidam ludaeus impostor, ut ab eo baptizaretur, & apud se baptismum irrideret, continuò tota sacri fontis aqua evanuit. Bellar. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 14. ad finem. Bellarmine) unto the false professors, but yet for the confirmation of that part of the true faith which they profess, as appeareth in the examples of Balaam, Caiphas, and a Novatian Bishop; or as he in the name of Christ, who notwithstanding was no true disciple or follower of Christ. 10 We shall need no more for this present point in question, for understanding, that among them who profess the same faith of Christ (albeit not with equal truth and sincerity) the less sincere parties may work Miracles, whereunto God concurreth by his omnipotent power; but not for proof of the errors, which are proper unto themselves, but for the confirmation of the truth, which with them is common to the Church. 11 Therefore in Miracles, which the Apologists have objected, we disstinguish between the Apostolical truth, which they with us do profess, and their intermixed adherent corruptions: and may grant, that God doth cooperate by them to the conversion of infidels, so far as the Gospel of Christ, which is the * Rom. 1. 16. power of God to salvation, is preached by them: and not for the approbation of the leaven of their other superstitions. Hitherto then there can be no advantage gained by their pretence of Miracles, wherein THE ROMISH APOLOGISTS do further instance, in the times of S. Bernard. Hereunto we could likewise add the undoubted, many and great Miracles 2 As concerning the miracles of Malachias: to omit particular mention of them, no meaner a witness then S. Bernard, who lived in the same time with him, and was to him so familiarly known, saith of them in general, in vita Malachiae: In what kind of old miracles did not Malachias excel? He wanted not prophecy, nor revelation, nor the gift of healing, and to conclude, not raising of the dead. And no less undoubted miracles are written of S. Bernard by his own scholar God●ridus, and others of that time, who writ his life. Godfridus (de vita Sancti Bernardi▪ lib. 3. cap. 5.) mentioning an undoubted known miracle, wrought by him in Tholouse, in confirming of h●s' doctrine against the heretics called Apostolici, who (as appeareth hereafter tract. 2. cap. 2. sect. 3. in the margin under the letter●n) denied the Real Presence, Mass, Purgatory, etc. Of which said miracle S. Bernard himself in his 241 epistle (which was written to the same persons) giveth a modest signification in like words, as doth S. Paul, 1. Thessal. 1. 5. The many miracles of S. Bernard are so credibly and certainly reported, that Osiander in Centur. 12. page 310. post med dare not ●est in denial of them, but saith of them: Partim permissione Dei, praestigijs Satanicis effecta existimo, non quod S. Bernardum magn●● fuisse putem, sed quod verisimile sit Satanam talia miracula effecisse, etc. ad confirmationem idololatriae & falsorum cult●●●▪ so good a Protestant he maketh S. Bernard. wrought of later times, (to omit sundry others) by holy Malachias, and S. Bernard, both of them confessed, and known 3 As concerning Malachias his religion: Osiander Centur. 12. pag. 315. post med. ●aith: Malachias Archiepiscopus in Hibernia, ab ineunte aetate literis & religioni addictus, tandem invitus & diu admodum coactus Archiepiscopatum Hiberniae assumpsit. S. Bernardo admodum familiaris fuit, eius monachatum admiratu● & i●itatus est, superstitiones Pontificias amplexus, Romanum Pontificem pro Deo coluit, tribuuntur illi admodum plurima miraculae etc. (& vide ibidem page 256 post medium.) And S. Bernard in vita Malachiae, affirmeth that Malachias was Legate to the Pope. As concerning S. Bernard's religion, of whom M. Whitaker (in praelect. de Ecclesia contra Bellarminum, page 369. paulò post medium) saith: Bernardum vere sanctum fuisse existim●. He was Abbot of Clairevaux (as testifieth Simeon de Voyol upon the Catalogue. &c page 126.) and he acknowledged so plainly the Pope's primacy (whereof see S. Bernard l. 2 de consider. ad Eugenium, and l. 3. c 8. and epist. 125. & 131. & 190. add Innocentium) that he is therefore reproved by D. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament, in Luc. 22. sect. 11. fol. 133 b. post initium, and by M. Whitaker, lib. 2. contra Duraeum▪ page 154. ante medium: and was so evidently a professed Catholic, that Gomarus in speculo Ecclesia, page 23. versus finem, allegeth him to us, saying: Bernardus sanctus vester: and M. Whitaker (in respons. ad ratio. Camp. rat. 7. p. 105. ante med.) saith, Bernardus quem Ecclesia vestra multis annis unum tulit pium virum, etc. Lastly, this point is yet made further evident in Malachias and Bernard, in that it is manifest that they both lived anno Domini 1140. when the profession of our now Catholic faith was most flourishing: which thing M. jewel in his defence of the Apology, printed 1571. pag. 557. paulò ante med. confesseth saying, S. Bernard lived in the midst of the Pope's rout and tyranny. Whereupon it followeth, that for so much as neither of them is found to have been troubled for any one point of doctrine disagreeing from those times, but were to the contrary, both of thhem in high favour as then with the Roman Sea, the one of them being the Pope's Legate, the other an Abbot, that therefore they were agreeable in religion to the professed doctrine of those times: so improbably do our adversaries pretend S. Bernard to have been a member of their Church, for his only then zealous reproving the corruption of life and manners in the Clergy of that age. members of our now professed Catholic faith. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 12 The Apologists say in their text, that they could add many great Miracles wrought of latter times, to omit sundry others wrought by Malachias, and S. Bernard. And their notes of 2. and 3. directing us unto their intent in the margin, show that all those great Miracles of latter times are no other than those which they pretend to omit, even the Miracles attributed unto Malachias and S. Bernard: which they have so omitted, as that they have occupied a whole page with their mention; wherein Protestants are brought in to commend their persons, & Miracles are noted for justification of their whole religion. And this is the scope of their whole dispute. 13 But if we (instancing in S. Bernard) should but demand of the Apologizers, whether that by the grace of the gift of Miracle ascribed by them unto S. Bernard, they could authorize S. Bernard's means of interpreting the sacred Scriptures, which their jesuite Acosta noteth to have been a Beatissimus Bernardus inter fagos se Scripturas didicisse narrat, nullumque alium magistrum agnoscit, qui profectò facundissimus est Tractator mysteriorum Dei. Acosta Ies. lib. 2. de Christo Revelat. cap. 5. by himself, without any other teacher; or his sentence concerning the state of the souls of blessed Saints, which * See the next book following, cap. 4. Alphonsus de Castro did note and condemn as an * heresy, or his restraining of their Church's power of dispensing with a kind of punishment, as though she b Nec Ecclesia potuit poenam illam tollere, mulieris intra tempus luctus nubentis. Glossa in Decret. juris Canon. Tit. 21. de secundis nuptijs, cap. 5. Hereunto the editio Gregoriana, in margin, saith: Imò potuit, quicquid hîc dicat Bernardus: but the Index Expurg. verba deleantur, as witnesseth our Pappus in Indice expurg. pag. 350. in Collat. Censurae in Glossas juris Canon. could not take it away; and is therefore controlled by their Pope's marginal correction with some disgrace, saying: Say Bernard what he list, the punishment notwithstanding may be taken away: or his opinion concerning the blessed Virgin, supposed by their jesuit Salmeron to be his, and yet condemned not without disdain, saying: * See above lib. 2. cap. 29. Sect. 2. g. All devotion is not seated in S. Bernard: we might add his judgement concerning the Romish acception of * See above lib. 2. cap. 10. Freewill, * Ibidem, Cap. 11. & alibi. Merit, and other articles. Whether (we say) our Apologists would allow in S. Bernard, by the virtue of his Miracles, these and such like his opinions, they aught to answer; but haply will not, because whether they grant this, or deny it, they must fall into their own snare. For if the gift of Miracles doth warrant the worker in all his doctrines, then how shall our Adversaries justify their dissent from him? But if that miraculous power do not patronise all the religion of the professor, then cannot this be any demonstration of the truth of all their religion. 14 Howbeit, if, as little dead flies do infect the whole box of the Apothecary's ointment, one few vainereports of a Miracle might prejudice the rest; there are extant in the supposed reports of S. Bernard, mention of such kind of Miracles by c Sanctus Malchus praeceptor Malachiae surdo auditum restituit, in quo mi●abile quiddam confessus est, quòd cum sanctus utrique auriculae hinc inde digitos immisisset, duos quasi porcellos ex ipsis exire senserit. Another: Malchus and d Malachias facta oration, tangens digito linguam mutae foeminae, sputum misit in os eius, & loquentem dimisit. Another: Vir honorabilis venit ad S. Malachiam, questus de sterilitate animae suae, supplicans ut sibi obtineret ab omnipotent Deo gratiam lachrymarum: subridens Malachias, quòd gratum haberet in homine seculari desiderium spirituale, suam maxillam maxillae illius quasi blandiendo coniungens, fiat, inquit tibi sicut petijsti. Another: In urbe Eboracensi accessit ad eum Prior in Kirkeham Regularium fratrum,— & advertens Malachiam Episcopum ministros multos habere, equos paucos,— obtulit ei suum, quo ipse vehebatur, Hoc solum dolere se▪ inquiens, quòd esset runcinus (that is a resty jade) durè portans: Lubentius, inquit, dedissem si melior fuisset.— Cui Episcopus, Non potest esse vile quod tam preciosa voluntas obtulerit. Accipit Episcopus equum, & sibi sterni jussit;— ascendit, & primò quidem durum sens●t, paulò post mira mutatione valdè commodum & sua●iter ambulantem invenit:— factus optimus & pretiosus Palefridus. And▪ much of this sort. Bernard. de vita Malachiae Malachias, of a lazy palfrey, as may draw any judicious Reader to doubt whether either Malachias could have been the worker, or S. Bernard the reporter: not unlike unto another tale of a better mettled horse, registered in those e Gothorum tempore cum johannes vir beatissimus huius Rom. Ecclesiae Pontifex, ad justinianum seniorem Principem pergeret, in Corinthi partibus advenit, cui necesse fuit ut in itinere ad sedendum equus requiri debuisset. Quod illic vir quidam nobilis audience, equum, quem pro magna mansuetudine eius coniux sedere consueverat, ita ei obtulit, ut eo ad loca alia perveniente, cum alius equus potuisset inveniri, deberet ille, quem dede●at, propter suam coniugen retransmitti. Factumue est & usque ad certum locum praedictus vir, equo eodem subuchente, perductus est. Qui mox, ut alium reperit, illum quem acceperat, retransmisit: Cumque cum praedicti nobilis viri uxor sedere ex more voluisset, ultrà non valuit, quia post sessionem tanti Pontificis mulierem far recusavit. Coepit namque immenso flatu & fremitu, atque incessanti totius corporis motu quasi despiciendo prodere, quia post membra Pontificis mulierem far non posset. Quod vir eius prudenter intuitus, hunc ad eundem venerabilem virum protinus remisit, magnis precibus petens, ut equum ipse possideret, quem iuri suo sedendo dedicasset. Gregorius Dial. lib. 3 cap. 2. And yet is the same published in the last edition of the Counsels by Binius, Tom. 2. fol. 376. Dialogues, which pass under the name of S. Gregory. Which kind of fancies their learned Canus hath worthily censured to be too popularly idle. Not to mention his f Cumque novi ibidem Oratorij dedicatio pararetur, ita illud occupaverat muscarum incredibilis multitudo, ut earum sonitus impobusue discursu● gravem nimis introeuntibus molestiam generaret. Nullo igitur occurrente remedio, dixit Sanctus, Excommunico eas▪ & manè omnes pariter mortuas invenerunt. De vita S. Bernardi, Tom. 2. pag. 780. kill of flies by, I know not what kind of excommunication, or the revelation of the g Name & confessus est aliquando sibi m●ditanti vel oranti, sacram omnem velut sub se positam & expositam apparuisse Scripturam. Ibid. pag. 824. exposition of all Scripture. But what judgement may be given upon these and such like, the sequel will demonstrate, whereunto we hasten by certain steps. * See above lib. 1. cap. 1. Sect 3 c. CHAP. XIX. What little credence is due unto the now pretended Miracles of Romanists; proved by sufficient arguments: the first is taken from the confessed rarity, yea and nullity of Miracles in these times. SECT. 1. WE entreat not now of the wonderful manner of protection, which God often useth for the preservation of his servants, which often exceedeth all expectation or reason of man: but of the Charisma and gift of working Miracles, which exceedeth all possibility of nature: and hereof argue diversly. 2 First, if S. a Sicut eo tempore, quo nos errores deseruimus, multa miracula edita sunt, postea verò cessârunt vera religione iam plantatâ. Quod si etiam post haec facta sunt, pauca illa & rara sunt. Chrysost. tom. 2. hom. 4. in 1. cap. Matth. sub initium. Nunc fignorum operatio omninò levata est, magis apud eos invenitur qui falsi sunt Christiani, fieri ficta, etc. Hom. 49. operis imperf. in Matth. unde ego credere illi (Gentiles) poterint? fortassè ex signis? at ista modò non fiunt. Chrysost. tom. 4. homil. 10. in 1. Tim. ante finem. chrusostom and S. b Manus imponere baptizatis ut accipiant Spirituum sanctum, & loquantur linguis omnium Gentium, aut ad umbram transeuntium praedicantium Christi sanantur infirmi, & si quae talia sunt facta, quae nunc cessàsse manifestum est. A●gust. Retract. lib. 1. cap. 13. Augustine, who had so near affinity with the primitive and Apostolical age, said, that some principal Miracles were then altogether ceased: can we think that now after the continual withering of a thousand years, the Church like Sarah's barren womb, should revive and bring forth in this twelfth and thirteenth generation most c Bellarm. lib. 4. de not is Eccles. cap. 14. wonderful Miracles, as they pretend? 3 Secondly, if their jesuite Del'rio could yield some reasons why there are d Delrius. See above cap. 17. §. 4. at the letter, f. fewer Miracles wrought in this age then in former times, to wit, the greater inconstancy, and the less necessity: may we admit their mart of Miracles wrought e Loci religionem non vetera (meaning when it was at Nazareth) quàm nova quotidiè illustrant miracula▪— Perpetua aedis Lauretanae miracula ita evidentia sunt, ut— cuivis facerent divinae praesentiae fidem. Tursellinus Praef. in Historian Lauret. & deinceps. continually (as they say) at Lauretto, with no less glory than in the days of old? 4 If their jesuite Acosta doubted not so lately to writ concerning the pagan and Infidel countries in West India, that f Signa nulla facimus, etc. Acosta Ies. See above c. 18. Sect. 1. lit. f. there are no Miracles wrought amongst them; is it credible that so many, and so admirable works should be done among Christians, as our adversaries boast of, knowing that g jam cùm nullus sit infidelis, faciendorum miraculorum nulla nunc est necessitas. Espencaeus Episc. come. in 2. Tim. 3. pag. 94. signs are for infidels, and not for them that believe? signifying, as their Bishop Espencaeus witnesseth, that Miracles are not necessary, but only among Infidels? 5 Fourthly, if their Bishop Roffensis, who lived not above fourscore years ago, even in the days of superstition, in his vehement opposition against Luther, held it no paradox to affirm, saying, h Docent evangelia Christum eiecisse Daemons, illumin●sse caecos, aegrotos sanâsse. Ecce factum: Apostolis insuper mand●sse quatenùs ipsi facerent eadem opera, Luc. 9— Aduerte simul promissionem, viz. factam effectus secuturi, cunctis qui essent credituri in Christum:— quam certè his diebus effectum nullum sortiri dilucidè cernimus: nemo enim est qui iam corporaliter Daemons eijcit, aut sanat morbos, nec tamen ambigimus qum plurimi sint qui fidem habeant.— Nec tamen inanis promissio, quam Christus noluit efficaciam habere perpetuam, sed pro tempore nascentis & adol●scentis Ecclesiae. Roffensis Episcop. contra Captiu. Babyl. cap. 11. part. 4. the promise which Christ gave unto his Disciples concerning healing the sick, giving sight unto the blind, dispossessing of devils, & such like, is not in such effect in these days, wherein we see no man cast out devils out of men's bodies, or heal diseases: and shall their new authors deserve any credit, who make it but an ordinary cure of Images to give strength unto the lame, and sight unto the blind: and do also talk of i Nobilis mulier è Gallia à septem Daemonibus obsessa liberatur per Stephanum Francigenam Canonicum Auximagnum ante B. Mariae effigiem, Anno Domini 1589. Tursellin. Ies. hist. ●auret. lib. 2. cap. 7. Alexander Garliadinus campo fuit non ignobilis, is clarissimam habebat filiam à quatuor teterrimis Diabolis vexatam miseris modis; hanc magnâ fiduciâ Lauretanae Virgins tutelae commendat. Paulò post excussis infestis illis vexatoribus, liberam & incolumem filiam recepit. Ibid lib. 4. cap. 9 Caecis duobus facultas redditur, cap. 10. Caecis duobus lumen oculorum restituitur, lib. 3. cap. 25. So Lipsius in his Virgo halensis, Aspricollis and others. Non desunt qui Daemonia de corporibus expellant, ad quod & Exorcistarum Ordo insitus est. Salmeron Ies. comment. in 1. Cor. 11. disp. 20. §. Octavo dubio. dispossessing one of four, another of seven, ugly and terrible devils? 6 Fiftly, if the Patriarch Tharasius in the latter Council of Nice (which defended the worshipping of Images, and was therefore condemned by a Council at k Videtur mihi in Francofurdiensi Concilio verè reprobatam fuisse Nicaenam secundam. Bellar. lib. 2. de Concil. cap. 8. §. Videtur. Frankford) could justly confess in the presence of all the Bishops of that Council, that l Tharasius sanctissimus Patriarcha dixit; Sed quispiam dixerit, cur miracula à nostris imaginibus non eduntur? Cui sanè ita sit ab Apostolo responsum, Miracula non credentibus data sunt, sed ijs qui in incredulitate versantur, high igitur qui imaginem ita tractabant, infideles erant, 1. Cor. 14. qua de causa signum illis datum est à Deo per imaginem, ut ea ratione ad fidem nostram Christianam traherentur: & Matth 12. Generatio adultera quae●it signum, & signum non dabitur ei. Conc. Nicen. 2. Apud Surium Tom 3 Conc. Act. 4. pag. 100 In the margin, Cur hodiè imagines non edant miracula. Miracles are not wrought by Images amongst them who profess the Christian faith: can it stand with the modesty of our Adversaries, for want of Miracles wrought personally by men, to betake themselves wholly unto Miracles wrought by Images: as their m Tursellin. hist. de ●de Lauret. Tursellinus, n Lipsius' de Virg. Hallens. Aspricoll. Lipsius, and o Costerus Apolog. cap. 9 pag. 561. Costerus have done? 7 Sixtly, if their jesuite Maldonate have well determined, that p Necessariò sequitur came, in qua ●requentia & quasi ordinaria miracula fiant, veram esse Ecclesiam,— nulli hominum societati, nisi Ecclesiae suae ordinariam potestatem faciendi miracula concessit. Maldonat. Ies. comm. in Matth. 7. 22. in haec verba, Virtutes multas. the working of Miracles cannot be a necessary argument of a true Church, but where it is ordinary: how shall their common challenge prevail, whereby they seek to demonstrate the Roman Church by the gift of Miracles and Prophecy, as the true notes of a Church professing the saving faith? especially seeing that their jesuite Salmeron granteth, that q Non desunt— qui gratiâ polleant sanationum, etsi non it's frequenter, unde & Reges Galliae & Angliae peculiari charismate ad sanandum morbum, qui collum hominis invadit, nempe strumas, praediti sunt: & ex omnibus locis ad co● concurritur ad huius doni effectum obtinendum. Salmero● Ies. come. in 1. Cor. 11. disp. 20. §. Octavo dubio. the grace of healing is not frequent, or ordinary amongst them; and therefore to uphold the now miraculous power, doth allege only the graces given unto the Kings of France and England, in healing of a swelling in the neck; which * For these Kings in such healings do not absolutely intent a miraculous work, the ordinary effect whereof is to cure perfectly and in an instant only by power of speech and touching: but they do after prayer commend the diseased parties unto the ordinary means of God's ordinance, even the cure of Physicians. cannot be called a work properly miraculous. 8 Finally, how shall they demonstrate their Church by prophecy, which they make to be a perpetual r Duodecima nota Ecclesiae est lumen propheticum,— donum certè maximum. Bellar. lib. 4. de Eccles. milit. cap. 15. note of the true profession, from a text of s Beatus Petrus affirmat joelis prophetiam in Ecclesia impletam, [Prophetabunt, inqui●, joel. 2. & Act. 2. filij vestri & siliae vestrae, & seniores vestri somnia somniabunt.] Hoc prophetiae donum nullo seculo de●●●● Ecclesiae. Coster. Ies. Apol. part. 3. cap. 10. pag. 590. Scripture (but as their jesuite t Hieron. Theod. caeteriue ferè expositores, tum etiam justinus Maetyr in Dial. cum Tryphone, Hilar. lib. 8. Trin. Chrysost. hom. 4. Act. & homil. 1. in Ephes. Oecumen, in 2. Act. & alij omni●● de hoc (viz of the Apostles) tempore interpretantur, nec unquam alterius temporis meminere.— Sed quid ego sanctos Patres commemoto, cum judaei nonnulli haec ad tempora Messiae referant?— Intelligimus plené impletam esse hanc prophetiam (ex Act. 21.) post Domini ascensionem, & varia in varijs Spiritus sancti dona extitisle: quidam enim prophetaban● ut Agabus, & filiae Philippi, & nonnulli ex Corinthijs, 1. Cor. 14. Et Act. 13. Erant Antiochiae Prophetae atque Doctores: quidam visiones videbant, ut joh. in Apoc. & Paulus Act. 9 & Petrus Act. 10. Ribera Ies. come. in joel. cap. 2. pag. 205. 206 Cardin. Bellar. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. ca 14. to prove the gift of Miracles, descendeth from age to age, and cometh unto Seculum decimum tertium, wherein lived S. Francis (saith he). Then a step lower, Decimo quarto: and yet a degree lower, Decimo quinto seculo: and at last, Denique hoc nostro seculo: but in proving the gift of prophesying, proceedeth not beyond S. Francis, who lived in the thirteenth age, as hath been shown, & after him doth not mention any particular Prophet: neither all that have prophesied, be called Prophets. Ribera proveth out of the Fathers, falsely applied;) seeing that (when they contend to prove this note to agreed unto their Church) they do not of their innumerable professors mention any one particular in the space of two hundred years, who could rightly deserve the name of a Prophet? These confessions and pretences being duly compared, give us cause to think nothing so marvelous in them, as are these their often and great ostentations of marvels. Next are we to reveal A second argument, taken from the apparent proneness which the Romanists have, both in suggesting and believing strong delusions, especially in two kinds, of Apparitions, and of feigned Miracles. First, Of Apparitions. SECT. 2. 9 The first kind of infatuation, proceedeth from ghostly Apparitions, which Protestants dare not believe, and whereunto our Adversaries yield so great a confidence, as to make them special grounds for the defence of their doctrines of a Quarta ratio (qua Purgatorium probamus) sumitur ab apparitionibus animarum quae se in Purgatorio es●e renunciaverunt, & opem à vivis implorârunt. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purg. c. 7. §. 4. Greg. Valent. de Purg. cap. 6. Purgatory, power of b Tertia ratio, quoniam animae etc. Bellar. lib. 1. de indulge. cap. 14. pag. 28. Indulgences, and some prayer for the dead; notwithstanding it be acknowledged by their own jesuits, that ancient Fathers were of a contrary judgement, their jesuite Maldonate witnessing of Tertullian, Athanasius, chrusostom, Isidore, Theophylact, that they did all c Chrysost. tertul. Athanas. Isidorus, Theoph. prorsus negant (viz. animas mortuorum unquam apparere) & cur fieri non conveniat, multas afferunt rationes. Quòd ea res multorum errorum causa esse pos●et.— Vult (Christu●) vivos Scripturarum testimonijs contentos esse, nec à mortuis quid in altera a geratur vita audire velle. Maldon. jesuita come. in. Luc. 16. 27. deny, that the souls of the dead do appear unto the living, yielding many reasons thereof, especially this, that such apparitions are causes of seducing in errors, and that therefore Christ would have his professors, for their direction, to be contented with the holy Scriptures: their jesuits Salmeron and Pererius, confessing of S. Augustine, that d Augustinus lib. 10. Confess. misericorditer se liberatum su●s●e asserit à curiositate visionum & signorum. Salmeron Ies. comm in 1. job. 3. d. sp. 25. §. Cavendum. he rejoiced that he was marvelously delivered from that curiosity of visions, e Chrysost. Augustinus: Simulant daemons, inquiunt animas defunctorum, quo faciliùs animis hominum errores Gentilium inserant, ad eos decipiendos. Namque homines animabus defunctorum vel parentum, vel cognatorum, vel amicorum suorum, quos diligunt, & à quibus se diligi non dubitant, libentiùs & promptiùs credunt, quàm Daemoni, quem naturaliter horrent. Pererius Ies. de Magia, lib. 1. cap. 11. further affirming, that it is the most easy way for the devil our ghostly enemy to deceive us, by this taking upon him the resemblance of our dearest friends. 10 Howbeit such is the mist of superstition, that the most Romanists cannot hit this high way of ancient wisdom; for their jesuite Salmeron doth press upon his reader an history of a marvelous apparition, confirmed (as he f Traiani animam liberatam fuisse precibus Gregorij ab Inferno constat—] per testimonium Damasceni, & johannis Diaconi, anno 870. qui libris de vita Greg. conscriptis ad job. 4. Pontisicem, lib. 2. cap. 44. Apud Ecclesiam Anglorum hoc miraculum de Traiani ab inferni cruciatibus liberatione orationibus Gregorij recenset fuisse celebratum, atque illud, ut gestum fuerat, lato sermon persequitur.— Hugo Aetherianus conscripsit ad Pisanum cle●um, qui eum de quaestione de Christianorum defunctorum suffragijs consulerat, ubi cap. 15. Num ignoratis etc. (Habetur in Bibliotheca S. S. Patrum, 18. circa medium: these words are th● note in the margin) Quartus testis est Vincentius Bellovacensis,— quintus Sigebertus Monachus Gemblacensis in Chron,— ●extus testis est B. Brigitta,— & B. Thomas, & Bonaventura, & reliqui omnes ad unum scriptores Scholastici, qui de eiusmodi miraculo dis●eruerunt. Salmeron Ies. come. in 1. Cor. 15. disp. 27. And after (§. De●nde) Cuius etiam rei extat ensign Romae monumentum lapidi antiquissimo inscriptum, in aede sacra ipsius Gregorij Romam Ibid. saith) by the authority of Damscene, celebrated long since in the Church of England, registered in the Bibliotheke of holy Fathers, witnessed by Sigebertus and S. Bridget, believed and justified of all Schoolmen, honoured by an ancient and excellent monument in a Church of Rome, dedicated unto S. Gregory, viz. How S. Gregory praying for the soul of Trajane the Emperor, who died an infidel, and prevailed with God for his redemption out of the hell of the damned: g Gregorius pro Pagano precatus atque exauditus est, optione data ut aut eius anima in Purgatorio per biduum puniretur, aut perpetua corpo●is aegritudine dum viveret affligeretur: atque hoc secundum Gregorium acceptasle, unde acuto stomachi dolore, atque podagra perpetuò laborabat. Ibid. § Quiuto. upon condition that saint Gregory himself would be contented to endure either the torment of Purgatory for two days space, or else some bodily affliction all the days of his life. S. Gregory chose the latter, and so was vexed with the gout all his life long. 11 Here we perceive suggested a story of (for so he calleth it) a miraculous deliverance; & yet notwithstanding all these authorities for the proof, or public monument for memory thereof, or the credulity which the English Churches and the Romish schools gave unto it, their Bishop h Episcopus Abulensis q. 57 in 4. Reg dicit, magnum non esse inconueniens, hanc totam Traiani suscitati historiam negare. Salmeron ibid. §. Deinde. Abulensis, their jesuite i Verius tamen est, non esse illam historiam probatae fidei,— quia incredibile est Gregorium orasse pro Traiano Imperatore, cum ipse lib. 34. Moral cap. 13. doceat, non esse orandum pro damnatis Suarez jes. tom. 2. q. 52. Sect. 3 §. Ad alia. Suarez, and their Cardinal Bellarmine forbear not to doubt of it, yea and some of them judge it to be but a k Magis propendeo in sententiam Melchioris Cani, qui lib. 11. de loc. c. 2. simpliciter improbat hanc historiam ut confictam, & Dominici à Soto. Bellar. lib. 2. de Purg. cap. 8. §. Respondeo. forged story and incredible. 12 We omit their other l Narrat Beda visionem vald● probab●lem, & cui ipse fidem adhibere non dubitavit, in qua ostensum fuit cuidam animae— praeter infernum & Purgatorium, & regnum coelorum quoddam quasi pratum florentissimum, jucidissimum, amoenum, in quo degebant animae, quae nihil patiebantur.— Quod ●●hi non improbabile videtur. Bell●r. lib. 2. de Purg. cap. 7. Revelations of a new intacke of hell, which they call a fair meadow, Furset, believed in the literal sense, and m Non possum dare fidem illi visioni (apud Bedam) ut sonat: nec tamen dicam fuisse confictam, vel mendacem; sed vel non esse ad literam intelligendam, vel sub aliqua metaphora. Suarez Ies. tom. 4. in Thom. disp. 46. Sect. 1. num. 12, 13. Deinde ipsamet descriptio illius loci amoeni prae se far videtur absurditatem: nam, etc. Ibid. disliked among themselves; and of S. Bridget and S. Catharine, by them also hath been n Plura similia legi possunt in apparitionibus Brigittae, etc.— Respondent Magdeburgi, fabulas esse. Bellar. lib. 1. de Purg. cap. 7. Brigittae & Gettrudis, aliarum ue revelationes haeretici pro somnijs reijciunt. Costerus Ies Enchirid. Tit. De Ecclesia. pag. 104. objected, and o Henricus de Hassia, & Syb●llanus, ambo Catholici, sed (ut verum dicam) nonnihil audaces, volunt Reuclationes D. Brigittae,— non debere haberi pro indubitanter veris,— certitudine morali. Del rio disq. Magic. lib. 4. cap. 1. q. 3. Sect. 4. rejected as containing in themselves some p johannes Franciscus Picus dicit harum sanctarum (scil. Brigittae & Catharinae Senensis) revelationes contradictorias esse, quare alteram earum falsitatis necessariò convinci; quia Catharina sibi revelatum prodijt, Deiperam virginem cum originali peccato conceptam fuisse: Brigitta contrà, eam ab huius maculae aspersione ab initio liberam extitisse.— Sunt qui respondent Catharinam deceptam fuisse.— Alij volunt hanc Catharinae revelationem posteà à defensoribus illius sententiae confictam fuisse.— S. Antoninus scribit, si quis obijciat hanc Revelationem Brigittae, sciendum est alias sanctas miraculis claras contrariam revelationem habuisse. Del'rio Ies. quo suprà. contradiction. With the which kind of fancies (as is confessed) both diverse * See above. heretics, and some q Ex Revelatione Priscillae delusus Tertullianus, probare volebat animam esse corpoream, Salmeron Ies. come in 1. joh. 3. disp. 25. §. Videndum. Secundello Diacono nocte apparuit tentator in specic Domini, dicens, Ego sum Christus, etc. Del'rio quo suprà lib. 4. c. 1. q. 3. Sect. 5. Catholics have been deceived; insomuch that one among them hath not doubted to judge the r Hieronymus Magius— scribit nunquam quae circa mortuorum sepulchra conspiciantur simulachra, esse animas mortuorum, sed daemons, aut malos genios hominum & deceptores— Idem censuit Tiraquella. Del'rio ibid. lib. 2. q. 26. §. 1. wandering ghosts about the sepulchres of the dead, to be nothing else but transfigured Devils: and another admonisheth men to use all diligence, to expel visions by prayer and fasting. * Bonaventura scribit toto conatu repellandam esse visionem vel revelationem orationibus & corporis macerationibus. Salmeron Ies. come. in. 1. joh. 3. disp. 25. §. Si igitur. A second argument is taken from our adversaries proneness in believing feigned Miracles: which is partly proved, and partly confessed. SECT. 3. 13 The house of our Lady at Lauretta, which they a Eadem illa domus, in qua annnnciatio Angelica facta est [ave Maria etc.] ministerio Angelorum primùm in Ill ricum, posteà in Italiam translata est, & usque in praesentem diem perseverat, & Lauretana Ecclesi● appellatur, & in summa religione habetur. Suarez jesuita in Thom. part. 3. q. 30. Art 1. Sect. 5. suppose to be that wherein the blessed Virgin received that angelical salutation [Hail Mary full of grace, etc.] is magnified of the Romanists this day with this inscription; b Minimè fabulosa historia, cuius est haec inscriptio, Hic tabernaculum Dei cum hominibus. Costerus Ies. Apolog. part. 1. cap. 14. & Tursellin. Ies. in initio hist. Here hath God a Tabernacle with men: whereunto, as their justus Baronius reporteth, c Est hîc non stato die (quod Plinius de fano suo gloriatur) sed toto anno maximus universo ex orb hominum confluxus, maxima ex Gallijs, Germania, Hispanijs, Indijs, ac remotiss. ●tiam populis, Principibus, ac Regibu● anathemata, quotidiana sanationum miracula: plurimae res aguntur, plurima vota suscipiuntur, plurima redduntur, quae no● emnia oculis nostris vidimus, & pic mirati veneratique sumus. Et paulò post: Facio haec maximi, & faciunt mecum tot religiosi millenorum peregrinorum animi, qui quotannis magno ardore, magno numero ad hanc sacram aedem tanquam ad verissima salvatoris incunabula convolant, justus Baronius epist. lib. 3. ep. 14. & Suarez jesuita in Thom. part. 3. q. 30. art. 1. Tursellinus Ies. throughout hi● whole book upon this subject. there is a daily concourse of all sort of people from all parts of the world, by reason of the continual Miracles wrought thereat. Which house of the Lady of Lauretta they extol as d Verùm inter omnes B. Virgins aedes in omni genere, una eminet Lauretana, quae fama orbis terrarum omnium terram implevit. Tursellinus epist. dedic. ad hist Lauret. excelling all other houses of our Lady throughout the whole world: e Est autem hoc praecipuum ac proprium templi Lauretani, ut eius religio & sanctitas quotidiè magis efflorescat. Id adeò vel ex celeberrimarum aedium B. Virgins aliorumque Divorum facilè apparet. Tursellinus Praefat. in hist. Lauret. having this peculiar gift above all other houses of our Lady or other Saints, that the devotion which is given unto it, doth daily more and more increase. 14 We shall not need to inquire into other Miracles wrought by it, seeing that it is the greatest Miracle in itself, if we believe their f Baronius anno Christi 9 num. 1. Cardinal Baronius, and g Lib. 3. epist. 14. justus Baronius, together with their jesuits h Suarez in Thom. 3. q. 30. art. 1. Suarez, i Costerus Ap●l. part. 1. cap. 14. Costerus, and k Tursellin. hist. de domo Lauret. Tursellinus. This last may speak for the rest, especially seeing he hath been commended by them to have set forth the history thereof l Haec omnia elegantissimè sunt à Tursellino libris quinque explicata. justus Baronius quo suprà. most elegantly: and is therein privileged by their late Pope Clemens octaws, with the title of his m Clemens Papa octaws ad futuram rei memoriam. Cùm, sicut accepimus, dilectus filius Horatius Tursellinus, etc. In frontispicio hist. de domo Lauret. beloved child. 15 Of this house of Lauretto therefore their jesuite Tursellinus writeth, that n Anno Virgins partu 1291. natalem Deiparae domum, in Galilaea sitam, interualla locorum & denia itinera telis Barbarorum infesta, haudquaquam advenarum religioni opportunam faciebant: quae causa admirandi & post hominum memoriam ad eum diem inauditi miraculi fuit. Tursellinus Ies. hist Lauret. lib. 1. c. 1. Amisso cultu in Galilaea, divinitùs asportatur in Dalmatiam.— ut Illyrici annal perhibent. Ann Flum. apud Hieron. Angel. Ibid. cap. 2. Haec fundamentis ai●ulsa atque haud d●bio Angelorum ministerio, inde usque à Gallilaea, mirum dictu audituque, per ingentes terrarum & maris tractus Dalmatiam translata: quip id spacium patet amplius vicies centena passuum millia. tursel. ibid. (ex eodem Hieron. Ang). the house wherein the virgin Marie was borne, seated in Galily, being (about the year of Christ 1291.) possessed of Barbarians, & deprived of the ancient worship which was given unto it, was translated by the hands of Angels from Galily into Dalmatia, which contained the distance of more than two thousand miles. o Caeterùm q●adriennio non toto, decrant quip menses quinque interiecto, sancta aedes ex Dalmatarum finibus cessit; Causa in incer●o est. — Ibid. cap. 5. (ex Ann. Hieron. Ang.) Et coeleste hoc donum mira oportunitate transmissum Italiae est anno 1294. qua tempestate funestis Guelforum Gibillinorumue factionibus divisa odijs bellisue civilibus tota slagrabat. (Ex authore Hieron Ang.) Virgo Deipara pacem salutemue Italiae ferens, in Piseno suae domi sedem optavit:— consedit in Recinetensis agri sylua, mill circiter passus à mari.— Cui syluae à Matrona eius Domina Lauretae nomen fuit.— Ind Lauretana aedes appellata. Ibidem, cap. 6. From hence within the space of full four years it departed and slitted over the sea into Itali●, in the time when all Italy was divided into the hot factions of the Guelphs and Gibillines, and was seated in the region of Picenum, in the wood of Lauretto (from whence it had the name to be called the Lady's house of Lauretto:) p Tenet fama (nec vana fides) venienti Deiparae Domicilio a●bores obuias velut venerabundas inclin isle se: ac deinde pronas perstitisle, quoad aevo, ventis, ferro procumberent. Ibid. cap. 6. Erat B. Mariae sacellum in loco devio & frequenti sylua, procerisue arbaribus septa— eò plerique inermes ibant. satis sibi praesidij in virgine loci praeside reponentes.— Brevi totus ille saltus latrocinijs caedibusque infestus atque infamis, absterritis advenis, in solitudinem est redactus: jamque indies obsolescente c●ltu sacrosancta aedes evanescebat— sublimis aufertur ab Angelis, & in collis sistitur vertice, mill ferè passus à priore loco:— possidebant cum collem communiter frat●es germani duo Recinetenses (ex Hieron. Angel.) concordibus animis. Ibid ca 7. where, at the approaching of the house of the Mother of our Lord, the trees of the forest did bow unto it, and continued so bend until they were either blown down with winds, or cut down with axes, or fell down by their own corruption. But this wood a while after proved an harbour for a multitude of thieves, who rob and slew many devout pilgrims, of such as came to do honour unto this holy house; which caused the house to remove from thence (being taken up by the hands of Angels) and to be placed (about the distance of a mile off) upon a little hill, which belonged unto two brethren, who were then in great concord between themselves. q Ex sratrum colle, ob corum avaritiam (qui sacro auro inhiabant) discordiamque demigrat.— Constat enim (ex H●●ron. Ang.) nondum vertente anno, post eius in Italiam adventum, in co colle, ubi nunc visitur, consedisse. Tursellin. ibid. lib. 1. cap. 8. Postrema haec migratio contigit anno 1295. Ibid cap. 10. But yet ere that a year came to an end, by reason of a dissension which covetousness, in sharing the sacred offerings, did kindle between them, it was caused to forsake that hill, and to choose another hard by, where ever since it hath continued. Here, indeed, is a Miracle, if it were true, worthy the pen of a fift Evangelist; but if false, unworthy the monuments of very pagan. r Res quamuis admirabilis & antea inaudita usque eò, tamen certa iam explorataue habetur, ut de ea ambigere & dubitare sit nefas, quip summa fide à maioribus velut per manus accepta, deinceps traditur posteris, nec Illyricis Recinetensibusue monumentis solùm, sed Historicorum Pontisicum authoritate nixa est. Tursellin. I●ss. praes●t. in hist. Although this be a matter wonderful and unheard of (saith Turselline,) yet is it so certain and tried, that it were impiety in any to doubt thereof; because it was received by faithful Tradition of our forefathers, delivered unto posterity, and recorded in the histories of the Illyrians and Italians: s Placuit Praetori Dalmatiae certos homives in Galilaeam mittere, totam rem intentius inspecturos.— Nazarethum Galilaeae urbem pergunt— cernunt a●eam, ubi S. S. domus steterat. Dimensi longitudinem, ac latitudinem areae, fundamentorum crassitiem, reperiunt omnia prorsus convenire. Idem lib. 1. cap. 4. wherein we found that at the first remove thereof into Dalmatia, the people of Illyria sent messengers into Galilee to try the place and foundation it had, and the just proportion, and found it to be agreeable. After that t Beatae Mariae monitu per somnum Eremita, (cuius nomen non proditur) qui obtestabatur B. Virginem, ut quid tandem facelli esset, & unde esset certo aliquo indicio declararet) Picentes (ex eodem authore Hieron. Ang.) ad rem explorandam impellit, etc. Tursellin. lib. 1. cap. 12. a devout Eremite, (whose name was not revealed) came to worship at Lauretto, and prayed unto the blessed Virgin concerning that house, beseeching her to manifest by some evidence, from whence it was: she being overcome by his praters, admonished him in a dream to move the people of Picenum to sand messengers into Dalmatia, and into Galilee to inquire of the truth of the matter: and fifteen messengers were sent, who avouched all to be true. 17 This is the sum of the story concerning the diverse and miraculous stations, which this house made & the progresses it had from Galily unto the little hill in Italy, where now it stands: and all (we see) is proved by eye-witnesses. But we demand who are witnesses of these witnesses? we mean, what ancient histories have recorded the truth of so admirable a Miracle? Tursellinus promised to make this infallible by the records of Illyricum & Recinetum, and other evidences: yet maketh Hieronymus Angelita his author, u Nec dubia res: author est Hieronymus Angelita in Virgins Lauretanae Historia, quam Clementi y. Pontifici Max. dicavit, eo ipso tempore, cum hoc visentibus miraculo erat. Tursellinus lib. 1. hist. ●auret. cap. 9 and that this is the only author, see every testimony. who (saith Tursellinus) dedicated his history unto Pope Clement the seventh. Which proveth by due x Postrema, anno 1295. tursel lib. 1. cap. 10. Clemens 7. vixit anno 1523. Costerus ante Enchirid. Catalogo. Hieronymus niger refert cum renunciatum, anno 1523. Massonus in vita Clementis 7. computation, that the author Angelita lived 228. years after the time of these supposed events: and Tursellinus coming 90. years after Angelita dares assure us of the truth of all; and yet complaineth that the y Dcinde maiorum nostrorum in talibus rebus memoriae prodendis incuria bonam partem subtrahebat materiae. Idem Tursellinus Praef. in hist. s●anss, paulò post initium. negligence of our ancestors in preserving the memory of such things, hath deprived us (saith he) of a good part of matter concerning this story. 18 Wherefore although they judge it to be an impiety for any to doubt of the truth, much more to dispute against it: yet have they by their report given us cause to do both. For how shall we be persuaded the house would make choice of the country of Italy, when the whole nation was rend into two most extreme factions, seeing it could not endure to stay upon a little hill, because of the dissension of but two brethren? or think that it would forsake a wood, because it was an harbour of thieves, & yet still remain in Italy, which was and is a patroness of stews? or that after the trial of eye-witnesses, they should not be able to discern whether it was a whole a Sunt qui non tam domum quim cubiculum putent à caetera seiunctum domo. Me quidem haud poenitet eotum sententiae esse. quibus simul cubiculum Virgins, & domum fuisle placet, etc. Tursellinus lib. 1. cap. 2. house or but a chamber? (notwithstanding a devil, called b For their other proof (mentioned by Tursellinus lib. 1. cap. 7.) where Antonia a French woman is said to have sought by all means to be dispossessed of seven terrible devils (among others, Heroth, Horribilis and Arcto were the names of three) by the exorcisines of Stephanus the Priest at Lauretto, after that many Priests both in France and Rome had attempted to help her, and could not: but after that this Stephanu, had cast them all out, he was desirous to extort out of the last, called Arcto, the truth of that house of our Lady, and adjured the devil to tell the truth; he confessed that it was the very chamber of our Lady, showing them besides where Mary stood when the Angel saluted her, and where the Angel stood beside the window, etc. I say, we omit this as being unsavoury in itself, and prejudicial unto their own Churches in France and Rome itself: for whensoever miracles are undertaken, and have not been effected, it was for want of faith either in the workers, or in the beholders. And will our adversaries think the Priests and people of Rome defective in their faith? Arcto, confessed that it was her chamber:) or that if it were lawful for an Eremite (albeit their first trial) to doubt of the truth, and to pray to be satisfied therein? 19 Even now when I came to this pause, I light upon a c Virgerius de Idolo Laurctano, quod julius 3 Pp. approbabat, Italicè scripto, and translated into latin by his nephew Lodovic. an. 1562. book, professedly written of this subject, entitled, de Idolo Laurctano: wherein these advertisements (among many others) are very considerable. 20 First, that d Cum attentè perquaesierim quo anno contigerint ista miranda quae narrant, animaduerti ea anno 1296. (ut dicunt) contigisse. Petrarcha vixit anno 1304 qui scripsit librum de rebus memorandis, & prodigia prodididit quae eo tempore contingebant.— Boccacius anno 1314 libr●m scripsit Decameronem, vel principem Galeotum, in quo centum partim fabulas, partim historias narrat.— Antomus anno 1459. Archiepi●copus Florentiae, & ex secta Dominicana, scriptor superstitios●ssimus & itidem diligentissimus. C●onicon scripsit, describens ea quae ducentis ann. ante se contingerant: centum folijs describit ea quae Dominico acciderunt, dcindè aggreditur Thomam Aquinatem, Vincentium jordanum Monachos, & eorum miracula; & Francisci stigmata.— Eodem tempore Vincentius Monachus Hispanus, quem sanctum appellant: qui aliquot sermons de sanctis, qui in Hispania, Gallia & Italia sunt impressi, & magno in honore & precio habentur à suis, in co sermon, qui est de assumptione Virgins, ita scribit: Homines & mulieres peregrinando frangunt sibi collum, & efficiuntur peiores, quia aliquando vadunt castae, & redeunt meretrices: ideò spiritualiter fiat peregrinatio (sicut dicit Paulus) spiritu vivamus, spiritu ambulemus: hody & quolibet die potestis ire in Nazareth ad Cameram ubi silius Dei fuit incarnatus, & sic de alijs locis. Hactenus exVergerio de Idolo Lauretano, pag. 64. Impress. Anno 1554. seeing this translation is said to have happened about the year of our Lord 1296, it is not credible that Petrarke, Boccace, Antonius, (and others) who lived within the compass of an hundred years after, and were famous in their times, writing purposely of the miracles & wonders done in that age, should have omitted this. 21 Secondly, that Vincentius a Spaniard (who lived about the year 1459, and whom the Romanists call a Saint,) entreating of Pilgrimage, saith, that men and women in going on pilgrimage break their necks, and become worse; for sometime going out chaste, they return defiled: let us therefore (saith he) undertake a spiritual pilgrimage, which is (as the Apostle teacheth) to live in the spirit, and walk in the spirit: to day, and every day you may go unto Nazareth, unto the place where the son of God was incarnate, as also unto other holy places. Where we may observe that he would never have used this tenor of speech, to say, that men might daily go (meaning in spirit) unto Nazareth, unto the house where our Lord was incarnate, if at that time when he writ, the house and Nazareth had been a thousand miles distant. 22 How then shall we give credit unto such stories as do pretend sufficient evidence of ancient records, and can show none, but do leave the report very proportionable and semblable unto the house, which they feign to have stood without it own foundation? 23 Finally, this devised Miracle smelleth too much of an heathenish forge, reported by ᶜ Pliny, of the Temple of Diana, which was (saith he) removed out of the Isle Zazyn thus unto Saguntum in Spain. We pass from this unto others. 24 In their public volumes of Counsels compiled by Surius, and dedicated unto the patronage of Philip the last King of Spain, there is suggested an history, ascribed unto Athanasius, concerning a f Sermo B. patris nostri Athanasijs Alexandrini Episcopi, de imagine D. nostri jesu Christi, de miraculo in civitate Beryto prodito.— Ex qua cùm judaei came contumeliosè tractâssent, expuendo in illam,— & eam lanceis pungendo,— exivit sanguis & aqua;— quo spectaculo gensilla ludaea conversa erat, & multa ex eo sanguine effecta miracula.— Cùm is, qui eam seruâsset, interrogatus erat undeillam habuerit, respondit, Nicodemus came proprijs manibus composuerat, Gamalieli tradidit, Gamaliel Pauli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ jacobo reliquerat, jacobus Simoni & jacobo, etc. Apud Surium, Tom. 3. Conc. pag. 96, 97, 98. Crucisixe, which after it was spit upon by the jews, and wounded by spears, and had received other such indignities, it did power out water and blood: by the sight whereof many jews were converted unto Christ, and many thereby were healed of their bodily diseases. Albeit this g Haec actio in editione vulgata non uno in loco mendosa esse reperitur. Et in historia imaginis Crucifixi Beryti quaedam Apocrypha de imagino Christi admixta sunt. Binius annot. in 2. Nicen. Synod. pag. 398. history concerning that Crucifix, (by the testimony of their own Binius the last compiler of Counsels,) is in diverse things reprovable. 25 We pass over the image at Hales, for defence whereof a Romanist, in answer to an h Atqui nondum legimus quenquam Româ vel Laureto relictis, ad statuam Lipsianam adcurrisse— credo quod non ad ipsam Virginem seize proficisci credere possent, qui e scirent eam à tergo reliquisse. Author libr● dissertationude Idolo Hallensi. objection, is brought unto that extremity, as to yield a grace of i Quid ad cavillum & iocum hunc Atheismo amicum respondebimus?— Quid verò si etiam Sanctos ubique esse statuero, monstravero? Ego? Sed Christus ipse: Vbi ego sum, illic erit minister me●s, joh. 12. & 17. & Regius Propheta, Psal. 138. Quò ibo à spiritu tuo? & Apoc. 14. Hi sequuntur Agnum quocunque ierit. Nam cùm immutabili, constanti, ac perpetuâ comunictione Christo adhaereant, eius infin●tâ potentiâ fit, ut ibi sint ubi Deus: sic ut quod naturâ Deo competit, sanctu per gratiam & miraculum. Quocircà, quemadmodum qui relictis Româ & Laureto, Hallas adorationis causâ venit. Deum ètergo non relinquit; sic nec Virginem, qui Româ ac Laureto relictis, Hall●s ad eam venit. Hanc Theologiam ignor●sh, di●ce, si potes. Franc●scus' Cochelet Carmelita Rhemensis, Theologus Parisiensis▪ lib. Palaestrita hon●ris halensis pro justo I●psi●, cap. 28. pag. 345. Antuerpiae Anno 1607. The places of Scripture are notably abused: the first signifying an ubi, common in coelo, and not proper; otherwise they should possess the proper place of Christ. The second place betokeneth a negative proposition, None can fly from the presence of God: to conclude upon this affirmatively, Ergo every one is wheresoever God is, might rather bewray luna●ie i● the disputer, then argue logic. The third is as much tentered as the first. ubiquity unto Saints, saying, that by the omnipotency of God, Saints are wheresoever God is. Which ubiquity their own k Ad cognoscendas preces nostras, quae ●odem tempore fiunt in diversissimis locis, non sufficit celeritas, sed requiritur● cra ubiquitas, quam nec Angelorum, nec hominum spiritibus convenire credimus. Bellar. lib. 1. de Beat. Sanct cap. 20. §. De modo. Cardinal hath truly acknowledged to be the property of God himself, and not agreeing unto either Angels, or men. And yet hath this their Carmelite, in insultation, upbraided his Adversary, saying, Knowest not thou this point of Divinity? learn it then, if thou canst. Often have we heard them tell of the bleeding of the host, and that it was sometimes turned into flesh, but we cannot tell by what power or art: this we know, that Epiphanius reporteth of an l Epiphan. haeres. 43. referebat Marcum Haeresiarcham, Apostolorum temporibus proximum, chalice vitreo, quo in suis sacris peragendis utebatur, populum dementâsse sic. ut colorem albi vini, qui foris apparebat in vitro, populus, arte magica & praestigijs illusus, rubrum iudicaret; atque ita vinum in sanguinem conu●rsum esse credere●. Biniu● tom. 1. Conc. Annot. in Decret. Zepherini Papae. ancient heretic, who having the Sacrament in a glass, did by his juggling or magic, make white wine change into read, thereby besotting silly people, who believed that the wine was turned into blood. Now will we exhibit only A brief of other imposturous and fabulous Miracles, published by Romish Authors, and applauded by the vulgar people, as elsewhere, so (of late) in England. SECT. 4. 26 a Similiter fit in Ecclesia aliquando deceptio populi in miraculis factis à Sacerdotibus, vel eyes adhaerentibus, propter lucrum temporale. Lyranus in Dan. 14. objected unto Costerus, and not denied. Costerus Ies. Apol. part. 3. cap. 10. pag. 596. The people in our Church (saith Lyranus of his time) are sometime notably deceived by false Miracles, forged by Priests and their complices, for gain. We found their Canus and vives complaining of some Historians, for b Nostri autem plerique vel affectibus inseruiunt, vel de industria quoque ita multa confingunt, ut eorum me non solùm pudeat, verumetiam taedeat. Hos enim intelligo Ecclesiae Christi cùm nihil utilitatis attulisse, tum incommodationis plurimum.— justissima est Ludovici querela de historijs quibusdam in Ecclesia confictis. Prudenter ille sanè ac graviter eos arguit, qui pietatis loco duxerint mendacia pro religione fingere. Id quod & maximè periculosum est, & minimé necessarium. Mendaci quip homini ne verum quidem credere solemus. Quamobrem qui falsis atque mendacibus scriptis mentes Mortalium concitare ad divorum cultum voluëre, high nihil mihi aliud videntur egisse, quàm ut veris propter falsa adimatur fides, & quae severè ab authoribus planè veracibus edita sunt● ea etiam revocentur in dubium. Canus loc. Theol lib 11. cap. 6. pag. 333. forging and devising many things, even of purpose, thereby pampering the people's humours, holding it a point of godliness to suggest false Miracles, whereby they thought to gain credit unto Religion, and to the worship of Saints: taxing also c Negare non possumus viros aliquando gravissimos, in divorum praesertim prodigijs describendis, spar●os tumores & excepisse, & scriptis etiam ad posteros retulisse. Qua in re, ut mihi quidem videtur, aut nimium illi sibi, aut fidelium certè vulgo indulserunt, quod vulgus sentiebant non tantùm illa miracula sacilè credere, sed impensè etiam flagitate. Melchior Canus ibid. pag. 336. 337. grave Authors for their proneness in satisfying the people's appetite with such follies. Erasmus chargeth some for d Quid eos commen●orem, qui fabulis vanis & miraculis fictis memoriam eorum, quibus favent, student vulgo comm●ndare, nonnunquam laudantes, quae laudatus nec fecit unquam, nec proba●it? Et arbitror fu●sse, qui pium existi●àrunt animum hu●usmodi fucis ad Religionis studium accendere. Ego semper execr●tus sum hoc rabularum genus, qui non norunt veram pietatis i●ag●nem depi●gere. Erasmus in li●▪ Confess. August. suggesting false Miracles, for the commendation of their memory, whom they honoured and favoured. Agrippa noteth the like kind of e Caete●i divorum construunt historias, piè nonnihil admentientes, supponunt reliquias, fabricant mi●acula, confingunt ter●ibiles f●bulas. Cornel. Agrippa de vanit. s●●ent. cap 97. godly forgers, as he calleth them. 27 And what marvel though false Miracles are countenanced in their Church, seeing the doctrine of Indulgences, which is a most precious article of the Romish Religion, hath been accounted by some of their own professors to be only a f una opinio erat quorundam, qui dixerunt indulgentiam Ecclesiasticam esse piam quandam fraudem, quâ Ecclesia per rem●ssion●s pollicitationem all●ciat homines ad exequendum ea pia opera, quae in Indulgentiae forma exigunt●r. Gr●gor. de Valent. jesale indulge cap. 2. §. Sunt praeterea. godly deceit? 28 Among which collusions we may reckon the g In eodem (Fulberto) praeter scientiam & vitae in●eg●●●atem maximè commendatur, quòd erga sanctiss. Dei Genitricem Mariam addictissimus servus & promptissimus cius amator fu●rit, in cuius laudem librum conscripserit, basilicam construxerit▪ laudes●ue cecinerit: ab ea autem singulari remuneratum dono, dum ipsiae g●●tanti per visum apparens, sugenda apeiverit sacra ubera. Quod testat●r Guillerinus, ex quo Vincentius. Card. Baronius, Anno Christ▪ 1028. apparition of the Virgin Marie (albeit Cardinal Baronius doth approve it) unto S. Fulbert, offering him her paps to suck: and S. Dominicus his h Illud item quàm ridiculum? Diabolum Dominico Patri nostro semel obstrepentem, à Divo esse coactum, ut lucernam haberet in manibus, quoad illa absumpta non molestiam solùm, sed incredibilem dolorem afferret Non possunt huiusmodi exempla numero comprehendi, sed in his paucis pleraque alia intelligentur, quae Divorum clarissimorum historias ob●cur●runt▪ Canus loc. Theol. lib 11. cap. 6. pag. 333. burning of the devil by the fingers: and S. Dunston his i Lasc●uâ formâ & motu eundem (Daemonem) cognovit Sanctus Dunstanus, & ignito forcipe arrepto eius n●so. lepidè irrisit. Teste O●berto Cantuariensi. Del'rio Ies disq. Magic. tom. 2. lib 4. cap. 1. q. 2 Sect. 5. pulling the devil by the nose with a pair of pincers, notwithstanding it pleaseth the jesuite Del'rio to embrace it: and the known juggling of the k Nec abludit factum Dominicanorum Bernae, & Aurelijs Franciscanotum, itemque Autonijs cuiusdam Prcentis Eremitae, qui universis persuaserat se diebus totis 40. ab omnibus penitus cibo potuue abstinere, cum interim cere● ac cingulum fid: condipromi essent occultae annonae & cibariorum. The Protestant Anonymus or Dissertatio, citing Panormit. de dictis factisue Alphonsi: whereunto their Cochelet answereth, not by denying that th●ss were truly objected, but that they were impertinent to the purpose. Pal●st. pro ●ipsio de Virg Hallensi, cap. 25. Dominican Friars at Berne, and of the Franciscans at Orleans: and the Italian eremite his professed fast of forty days and forty nights, without either meat or drink, not tasting any thing, but that which he had reserved under a close conveyance. 29 How much less can we l These authors ensuing unto the letter, t, have been cited by some Protestants out of Romish books, which I now had not at hand, and therefore could not examine the places which are alleged. believe, that a m Bozale Signis, lib. 14 cap. 3. Lib. Conformit. lib. 2. cade Lamb went ordinarily to Mass, and usually kneeled at the Elevation of the host? or that S. Francis preached unto n Legenda Aurea. birds? or wrought wonders with (as he calleth the beast) his o Lib. Conformitat. brother wolf? or that S. Dennis had his head stricken off, and after p Breu. Rom. Pij quinti, fest. Octob Lect. 6. carried it two miles in his hands? or that S. Nicholas in his infancy lying in his cradle, of himself q Engl. Fist de S. Nicol. fol. 61. col 3 fasted wednesdays and fridays, and would not take suck? or that S. Patrick made a stolen sheep to r Nou. Legend. Angl. fol. 261. col. 4. bleat in the belly of him that had eaten it? or that S. Bede preached among stones, & that the stones answered unto his prayer, saying, s Capgrave Leg. fol. 35. col. 4. Amen venerable Bede. But why do we spend time in ●aking up their Legends, which contain in them legions of lies? It may be, if we look homeward, we shall found more perfect and precious stuff, and worthy our wonderment. 30 England beginneth to be as fertile a soil as Africa in bringing forth monsters, even in our time: as first in a t In an care of wheat, upon the outward part of an h●●l or skin, which encloseth the grain, a full image of the face of a man: which straw was taken from under the scaffold at Master Garnets' execution, whose face it was supposed to represent. An. Dom. 1606. Which was sought after by men of all degrees, and was shipped over the sea as a precious Relic. straw, which (contrary unto all Apostolical Miracles) was u A young man taketh one of the bloody straws, conveyeth it unto a Tailor and his wise: they keep it in a crystal glass, and not till nine weeks after did found the shadow of a face. The examination of H. Griffith the Tailor, before my Lord of Canterbury and the high Commissioners, confessing thus much of john Wilkinson the young man. obscurely conveyed, as become a work of darkness: and the magnified image therein (as was confessed) x The image was no more like M Garnet, than any other man that hath a beard. Exam. of H. Griffith aforesaid. The beard of Master Garnet was whitish, this image seemed to be reddish▪ Exam. of Master Robert Earns gent. had no proper likeness of M. Garnet, whom it should have represented. Which manifesteth the delusion, except that he who will maintain it for a Miracle, shall become so blasphemous, as to say, that God, who made man after his own image, was not able to make an express image of a man: or to attribute that to the work of omnipotency, which may, and hath been done as effectually by * By G. Hollis ser●ant unto my L. of Cant. man's art. We may therefore justly number the opinion of this straw, among these kind of doctrines, which the Apostle calleth a 1. Cor. 3. wood, hay, and straw, which are reserved to be consumed with fire. 31 The like ostentation hath been made of a b john Blundstone son unto M. Bl. Counsellor. child of three years of age, by (as they pretend) a c The seventh male child lawfully borne, without any interruption of a female coming between, is ●●●raculous, able to cure disease● only by touching. This is the Theorems in Lupton● book of a thousand notable things: and is found almost the same in Del●rio Ies. disq. Mag. to. 1. lib. 1. cap. 3 q. 4. p. 21. book Principle. But we consulting with the Oracles of God, may observe indeed, that Miracles have been wrought upon children, but never by children, not not by Christ himself in his infancy, as ancient Fathers are d joh. 2. [Hoc initium signorum jesus fecit in Cana Galilaeae, & manifestavit gloriam suam.] Ex quo loco Patres colligunt, Christum toto hoc aetatis suae tempore miracula non edidisse. Quidam eorum primum exponunt quod in Cana erat perpetratum. Quae expositio revera non est verisimilis, 1. quia non di●it hoc primum fuisse signum, sed simpliciter hoc fuis●e initium signorum: 2. subdit, & manfestavit gloriam] indicans non ante● manifestásse gloriam per signa. unde Tertul. cap 9 Prima rudimenta potestatis suae, vocatus ad nuptias, aquâ auspicatur. Idem latè probat Epiphan. haeres. 51. Ambros. serm 51. Aquinas▪ qu. 43. art. 3. part. 3.▪ Theoph. & Euthym. in hunc locum, in quam sententiam inclinat Chrysost. affirmans tanquam certius Christum ante baptismum miracula nulla edidisse: latius hoc confirmand hom. 16. in joh, 1. quia nondum doceret, neque discipulos doceret, ideoque miraculis non indigeret, quae sunt ad doctrinam consi mandam. 2. quia si ante aetatem maturam edidisset, putarentur phantasmata esse. 3. quia manifestandus prius erat per ba●tilmum johannis. Suarez Ies. tom. 1. qu. art. 1. ad 4. disp. 31. §. 3. edit. postrema. Quicquid de miraculis Christi ●criptum est de infanti● salvatoris, ut Apocryphum Gelasius Papa reijcit, cap. Sancta Romana, 15. dist. Chrysost. hom. 16. in joh. Theoph. & Euthym. in joh. absolute reijciunt ut fallam sententiam; asserere Christum in infantia mirabilia opera patrâsse Quae de Stella apparent obijciunt, Chrysost. intelligit de Christo ut Deo, non ut homine. Suarez quo supra. confessed to teach; who also in himself showed, that both e Secundò obseruandum est, voluisse. Christum (ut Ambros notat lib. 2. in Luc.) duodecimo aetatis anno sumere disputationis exordium, su● ue sapient●ae indicium dare, & quasi radium quendam suisplendoris emittere ab ea aetate, in qua perfectum rationis judicium incipere solet, ut seize paratum ostenderet ad jussa patris implenda. Suarez in part. 3. tom. 2. q. 37. art. 4. disp. 17. §. 3. A Leper said unto Christ, Lord, if thou wilt thou canst make me clean; and Christ answered, I will, be thou clean. Math. 8. 3. will and wisdom aught to concur in him that hath this kind of gift: whereas this little one being (as the Apostle spoke of himself) but a child, f 1. Cor. 13. 11. wrought and thought like a child, in promising and offering to heal his rend sheath, and a dead chickens leg. 32 It were dispense of time to seek to confute the Principle, by showing that in Scripture the g L●cè● nemo ibit inficias numerum septenarium pluribus in rebus nobilitatum esse in sacris literis; non tamen minus verum est, eundem numerum in rebus pessimis & execrandis usurpari, ut immundi spiritus septem, Luc. 11. eiecta daemonia septem, Mare vlt. Draconis capita septem, Plagae terrae septem. Apoc. Denique sicut David P●al. 118. dixit, Septies in die laudem tuam decantabo, Domine: ita filius eius Solomon dixit, Eccles. 7. Septies in die cadit justus. Perfrict Ies. Comm. in Gen. 6. vers. 18. number of seven is used aswell in evil things, viz. dragons, plagues, devils, as in Angels, Churches, and holy spirits: secondly, that in regard of sex, * Gal. 5. Heb. 13. God respecteth not the person of man, whether male or female, etc. I pass over other the h Tale curationis donum, sed à febribus tantùm sanandi, habere putantur in ●andria, etc. Delrius Ies. disq. Magic lib. 1. cap. 3. q. 4. Lupton, the author of Bl. principle, saith it healeth only the King's evil. Delrius ibid. saying, Febrim inde sanari. Lupton and the same Delrius say, it cureth only by touching. contradictions, wherein the defenders of this paradox do involve themselves. 33 The practice is that, which the curiosity of the vulgar do inquire into: unto whom we may truly return this answer concerning john Bl. which was once delivered concerning john Baptist, viz. i joh. 10. 41. john verily wrought Miracles. For nothing hath been done (not to suspect any other art by an invisible worker) but that which might proceed from the strength of an k Picus Mirandulanus lib de imaginat. Marsil. Ficinus lib 13 de Theol. Platon Mirandulanus. l. 29. de singulari certamine. Tostat. in Gen ca 30. Medina. l 2. de rectâ in Deum fide, Pererius in c. 30. Gen. & Doctores alij in eo conveniunt omnes, imaginationis u●m esse maximam, &,— quoad corpus imaginautis, plurimum posse. Docetur id ratione & experientia: ratione, quia imaginatio dum retractat rerum obiectarum sensu perceptarum simulachra, excitat potentiam appetitivam, vel ad timorem, vel ad pudorem, vel ad iram, vel ad tristitiam; hae verò affectiones hominem sic afficiunt, ut calore vel frigore alteretur ut pall●scat, vel rubescat, & quasi exiliat, seu efferatur, vel torpescat, seu deijciatur. Delrio Ies. disq. lib. 1. cap. 3. q. 3. initio. imaginative virtue, which Mirandulanus, Tostatus, Medina, and their jesuit Delrio, with others, confess to be most effectual in like cases. Lastly, because our Adversaries will have us to observe, and that truly, that it is not a Miracle where the disease is l Sciendum est quodsi habitum ex toto homini ade●erit, eam nullâ sibi naturali potestate quant●cun ●ue s●t, posse restituere: secus est si ex part tantùm laeserit, aut vitiarit, nam tunc sanitatem reddere poterit; neque tamen perfectè Sunt enim sanationes diaboli impersectae, quemadmodum fatentur omnes, qui à Magis, Sagis aut Sortilegis sanati sunt. Anastasius Cochhelet Palest. honoris cap 31. pag. 405. Quod parsmagna hominum curata relabitur in pristinum mo●hi (speaking of that disease, which is ●ealed by the Kings of England) statum, potius est indicio, non esse hoc char●●ma à Deo, c●ius perfect● sunt opera & sanationes etc. Del'rio Ies. disq. Magi●. lib. 1 c. 3. q. 4. pag. 22. tom. 1. not perfectly cured: (which was the m The mother of this child. who made the first experiment. confessed that she could not tell whether her tetter were healed by the medicines which she applied, or by her child. And Suzan G●shen, who at that time gave the greatest testimony, ●et falling into her disease with greater extremity, she repent that she had meddled with the child, as appeareth by her last confession. case of the parties, who sought remedy from this silly Mirabiliary) therefore cannot they (by their own conclusion) think him to have been miraculous. And now craving pardon for this serious confutation of so strawish and childish intoxications, whereunto I was, by the incredulity of some, in a manner, enforced, I draw to the conclusion. That the greatest security of a Christian standeth in not affecting or believing Miracles, which are suggested in these latter times for confirmation of any truth. SECT. 5. 34 Albeit our Saviour, (who is the right hand of the Father) had manifested himself to be the son of God by so evident wonders, that it was a sin against the holy Ghost to deny them; and that from his fullness of power his Apostles and other holy men in the Church's infancy and growth had received the gift of Miracles, the scales of faith: yet considering, first from Scriptures, that Christ hath prophesied of the latter times of a general apostasy from the faith by a Matth 24. 24. great wonders, able to deceive, if it were possible, the very elect: especially those, who b 2. Thess. 29. 10. 11. would not receive the love of the truth, and through an effectall working of Satan in lying wonders, and strong delusions shall be brought to believe lies. 35 In which consideration our Lord Christ hath prescribed unto all true believers a caution or antidote of * See above cap. 17. §. 3. not believing them, as the only pr●seruative against all such intoxications, as above from * See ibid. Fathers and our Adversaries themselves hath been plentifully proved. May we not then justly demand, which professors are like best to bear the brunt of antichrist's tyranny, and to avoid the general apostasy, which shall be wrought by the seducement of lying, but strange wonders? whether the Protestants who being contented with the truth revealed in the word of God, do c Luther and Caluine. See above. condemn all trial by Miracles in these latter times, or the Romanists, who still maintain the visible power and gift of Miracles to be the perpetual badge of true Religion. 36 Secondly, not only * See above. true Miracles have been wrought by false professors (although for confirmation of a Christian truth,) but that also false wonders may be so called, because they are either a falso, or ad falsum, that is, either wrought by false causes, or unto false purposes, so that they can be d Difficile erit (viz. tempore Antichristi) discernere vera signa à falsis, ubi multa & magna erunt, & veris simillima. Acosta Ies. de temp. noviss. lib. 2 cap. 19 fine. hardly discerned (saith their jesuite Acosta) being most like unto true. Insomuch as their e Mendacia erunt ratione materiae, quia erunt phantastica & praestigiae,— & per illusiones. Proptereà dicitur Apoc. 13. Antichristus facturus miracula in conspectu hominum, i. deludentia conspectum hominum, ut Arethas notavit.— Deinde licet vera sunt ratione formae, quia interdum res veras operabit●r▪ sed quae non superabunt vires totius naturae, & ideo non vera miracula erunt formaliter, quae à solo Deo fiunt,— & vera sunt non solùm in conspectu hominum, sed etiam Angelorum. Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. ca 15. §. Deinde. material causes are false (as saith their Cardinal) when fantastical shadows are presented in stead of bodies, yet such men's eyes are deceived; sometime the formal cause is false, when by natural, but secret causes, he worketh strange effects. Which men mistake as proceeding from divine power, when as indeed they are rather wonders of man's ignorance, then works of God's omnipotency. So likewise may men be deluded by false & feigned pretences, wherewith the Devil persuadeth some to fast and to use godly exercises, with a secret & hidden purpose to draw them into a spiritual presumption; so that both in the manner, and in the end of his spiritual working, in a transfigured Angel there may be hidden an undiscernible Satan. 37 He therefore that will distinguish of true professors, must warily and religiously observe what side is more prove to deceive and be deceived by false Miracles, and judge accordingly: and then recognise that the profession of Protestants is an abandoning of the necessity of Miracles for confirmation of their apostolic faith, which was sufficiently confirmed by the Miracles of Christ and his Apostles, and now needeth no new seals to be added unto it. 38 Contrariwise we have observed in our Adversaries a palpable proneness to be deluded by new apparitions (which is the roadway of all errors, as the Fathers have said) and also by forged or misconceived Miracles full of impostureship. And how should it be otherwise? For where the spirit of aequiuocating is predominant, teaching people to deceive men in their oaths for the securing of their persons, and from freeing their cause from scandal, how shall they not hold it expedient to use the same art in their Miracles, for gaining (as they think) souls unto God? And then may we judge, whether profession is less obnoxious unto the Antichristian apostasy, which shall be wrought by pretence of Miracles, either through the rarity of the marvels, or else by the stupidity of the marueller. 39 For this we all know, that after the faith once received, it is the more * Matth. 12. adulterous Nation which seeketh a sign, and that they are rather * joh. 21. blessed, who see not, and yet believe. Wherefore let us be exhorted by S. Augustine, to be like such as f Quid tale is●i (that we may apply that unto false miracles, which he writeth of false Prophets) patiuntur, quale fecerunt, nisi quòd hominum multitudo non in cord cor habet, sed in oculis? Aug. lib. 1. contra epist. Parmen. cap. 7. tem. 7. have their heart in their heart, and not in their eyes: and if we desire to be miraculous, then to study, to be truly virtuous; g Si talis vita nostra esset, qualem Scripturae instituunt, multo magis de nobis qu●m de signa facientibus Gentiles admirarentur. Signa enim non verè sed phantasticè nonnunquam apparuisse suspicati sunt, & à daemonibus fieri credita, quamuis nostra semper verissima fuerint: vita verò integra nullam unquam patitur suspicionem, sed omnium hominum, qui detrahunt, ora facilè obstruit virtutis possessio.— Extermina abs te omne delictum— (magnus enim daemon ●eccatum est) & maior tu eris, mihi crede, quàm qui daemonia eijciunt.— Si ex inhumanitate in misericordiam transieris, sicca● & ●ancam manum recuperâsti, si theatralibus ludis relictis Ecclesiam petieris, claudicantis pedem incolumitati restituisti; si ocu●os à meretricio aspectu revocaveris' coecum illumin●sti; si despectis cantibus Diabolicis, spirituales psalmos didiceris, iam loqueris, cùm anteà mutus fueris. Haec maxima miracula sunt. Paulò post:— His alios à vitijs revocabimus, & nos ipsi aeternam vitam consequemur. Chrysost. in Matth. home 33. ad finem. Much to the like purpose hath S. August. tom. 10. de verbis Dom▪ in Matth. Serm. 18. Amplius est resuscitare semper victurum, quàm resuscitare iterum moriturum. August. Serm. 44. de verbis Dom. And unto the same purpose Greg. lib. 3. Dial. cap. 17. for thus (saith S. chrusostom) shall we be more admirable even in the sight of the heathen, then by working any other wonders; because the abhorring of sin is of more power than the casting out of many Devils. 40 Finally, seeing we may justly suspect those times, which are fallen upon us, to be plainly Antichristian, be we contented to be directed by that lamp which burneth day and night in the Temple of God, even the sacred Scripture, h Omninò nulla alia res adversus tyrannidem Antichristi perinde armabit ath●etas Christi, quàm coelestis doctrinae invictissima authoritas: ubi enim suprema tentatio, ibi praeclariora Scripturarum remedia oppo. sita sunt. Acosta Ies. lib. 1. de temp. noviss. cap. 10. ad finem. than which (as Fathers have taught, and their own jesuite Acosta now confesseth) nothing can better shield the soldier of Christ from the tyranny of Antichrist. The end of the third Book. THE FOURTH BOOK: OF THE FAITH OF THE ROMAN CHURCH, IN REspect of the Antiquity, and Novelty thereof. Chap. I THE ROMISH APOLOGY Concerning the faith of a most renowned Princess, Marry Queen of Scotland. That his majesties ancestors lived and died in that faith. AND in this faith thus dedicated and continued▪ have your majesties most noble Ancestors (KINGS and QVEENS of this Realm) for so many ages together lived and died, with peace towards God, and honour to the world: In this faith died your HIGHNESS dearest MOTHER (of blessed Memory) admired at her death for her most Christian resolution, the which (at the the time of her funeral) was accordingly and for such celebrated, even by the then Preacher Protestant, whom the Puritans publicly, and reproachfully traduced, for that (to use their own words therefore had of him) z Martin Marprelate in his Epistle printed over sea, etc. pag. 50. Preaching at Peterburrow August. 2. Anno. 1587. at the funeral of one who died a professed Papist (viz. the Scottish Queen) he prayed that his soul and the souls of all there present might be with the soul of the dead Papist. For this faith thus taught us, have our learned adversaries honoured a M. Cowpet late Bishop of Lincoln in his aforesaid Chronicle, fol. 156. a. M. Bilson now Bishop of W●nchester in his true difference between Christian subjection and unchristian rebellion, part. 1. pag. 57 and M. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, printed 1576. pag. 217. a. M. D. Fulke in his book against Heskins, Sanders, etc. pag. 561. fine, & 562. initio. Gregory and Austen with due and answerable comen lation, calling therefore th'one of them b M. Godwine in his Catalogue of Bishops, pag. 7. ante med. S. Austen c M. Godwine ubi suprá, pag. 7. initio. our Apostle and th'other d M. Godwine ubi suprá, pag. 3. ante med. that blessed and holy Father S. Gregory, etc. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. ALL that hitherto hath been discussed by these obiectors, concerning the faith of Britons, Grecians, Armenians, orthodoxal Fathers, or jews, hath aimed at this one scope, viz. the justifying of the now Roman faith: and now after the visitation of the faith of other nations and persons, they retire themselves unto their home, being willing that we should examine the now Romish faith in the Romish Church itself, and in those whom they accounted to have been the late professed members thereof, and begin (as we see) with his majesties most noble progenitresse; not considering that S. Paul exhorting the Corinthians unto sanctity, thus, a 1. Cor. 11. ver. 1 Be you (saith he) followers of me, as I am of Christ, did thereby teach us that Christ is the only archetypon and absolute mirror or pattern of holiness: and that whatsoever other persons in the world, are but a quatenus, & can challenge no more than a limited right of imitation, even so far as they be true followers of Christ jesus. Which accordeth with the profession of our now dread Sovereign, as his Majesty himself in his late b Praemonit. unto the States of Christendom, anno 1609. answer unto this objection hath most religiously protested. 2 The Reverend Bishop now mentioned, understanding how that great and honourable parsonage in the last act of her life, renounced all presumption of her own inherent righteousness, and wholly affianced her soul unto Christ, in belief to be justified only by his satisfactory justice, did therefore conceive hope of her salvation by the virtue of that cordial, prescribed by the holy Apostle, viz. that * where sin aboundeth, the grace of God doth superabound: which the Apostle hath ministered for the comfort of every Christian, who erring by ignorance, shall (in sincere repentance, especially for all known sins) departed this mortal life, having the heel or end of his life shod with this preparation of the Gospel of peace, not of the new Romish, but of the old Catholic faith, which is the faith of all Protestants. 3 And this consideration of that our Ecclesiastes or Preacher, cannot but worthily condemn the Apologists of a partial prejudice, who choose rather to be informed concerning that Sermon by (as they confess) a reproachful traducer and libeler, than (which they might easily have done) by the testimonies of a thousand temperate and indifferent hearers▪ than present. From this particular instance they proceed to a general. CHAP. II Of the Romish Church; how far the members thereof may be thought capable of salvation, without any prejudice unto the religion of Protestants. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And this is acknowled by Protestants as sufficient to salvation. To this faith likewise have all the learned Protestants of sober judgement afforded the promises of hopeful salvation, as appeareth most plainly. 1. By their own most evident testimonies. 2. By their like confessed examples thereof given. 3. And by their undoubted answerable practice. To give proof of every of these parts. And 1. First concerning their testimonies in this kind: M. D. Baro saith, e M. D Baro in his four sermons and two questions disputed ad clerum, etc. serm. 3. pag. 448. fine. I dare not deny the name of Christians to the Romanists, sith the learneder writers do acknowledge the Church of Rome to be the Church of God. And M. Hooker also saith: (e) The Church of Rome is to be reputed a part of the house of God, a limb of the visible Church of Christ: and g M. Hooker ubi supra, page 130. ante med. we gladly acknowledge them to be of the family of jesus Christ: M. Bunnie likewise saith of Catholics and Protestants: h M. Bunnie in his treatise tending to Pacification, sect. 18. p. 109. circa med. Neither (f) M. Hooker in his third book of Ecclesiastical Policy, pag. 188. initio. And johannes Regius in his liber Apologeticus, &c p. 95. fine, saith, In Papatu autem cum suerit Ecclesia vera, etc. of us may justly accounted the other to be none of the Church of God, i M. Bunnie ubi suprà, pag. 213. post med. we are no several Church from them, nor they from us: In like sort doth M. D. Some in defence thereof (against Penrie the Puritan) say: k M. D. Some in his defence against M. Penry, & refutation of many absurdities, etc. in M. Penries' treatise, pag 164. ante med. that the Papists are not altogether aliens from God's covenant, I have showed before: for l M. D. Some ubi suprà, pag. 182. initio. in the judgement of all learned men, and all reformed Churches, there is in Popery a Church, a ministery, a true Christ etc. m M. D. Some ubi supra, pag. 176. propè siné. If you think that all the popish sort which died in the popish Church are damned, you think absurdly, and diss●nr from the judgement of the learned Protestants. Lastly to omit many others * Peter Martyr, as appeareth by his Epistles annexed to his Common places in English, pag. 153. a. sine, desired at the conference had at Poysie between the Catholics and Protestants, that they should not for diversity of opinion break brotherly chaeritie, nor call one another Heretics. And see the same opinion yet further affirmed by the Protestant writer against Nicholas Machivel, printed at London 1602. page 80 post medium, & 83. paulò post medium, & 85. prope finem. for we are unwilling to become tedious to your MAJESTY) M. D. Covell in his late treatise published by authority, and dedicated to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, defendeth this opinion at large, and concludeth n M. D. Conel in his defence of M. Hookers five books of Ecclesiastical Policy, published by authority, page 77. ante med. saying: We affirm them (of the Church of Rome) to be parts of the Church of Christ, and that those that live and die in that Church, may notwithstanding be saved: In so much as he doubteth not to charge the Puritans with o M. D. Covel ubi suprà, page 68 paulo post med. ignorance, for their contrary opinion. 4 Hitherto concerning their testimonies before undertaken. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THis question, as it is propounded, doth concern only the state and condition of particular Churches: and because all the hammering used in this Apology hath no other intent then to fasten in the mind of the Reader a presumption of security in the Romish profession, and so much the rather because it (even by the voices of the Adversaries thereof) may be thought to to be a member of the Church of God, and therefore not utterly fo●lo●ne of saving grace: hereby evincing (as they think) not small prejudice unto the Churches of Protestants, which they will seem to judge contrarywise, to be members cut off from the mystical body of Christ: therefore it belongeth unto us to rejoine upon them, and to show how inconsiderate, unlearned, unjust, and (if I may so speak) unlucky they themselves may found this their pretence to be, by the sequel of this dispute, whereunto we proceed by just paces, first showing That a particular visible Church may be called a true Church, although it err in some weighty points of doctrine. SECT. 2. 2 This position cannot seem strange unto any, who is not himself a stranger to the understanding of the state of the Church, both under the old and new Testament. In the old, jerusalem, being in some respect a virgin Church, is called, in some other respect, an a Esa. 1. 21. How is the faithful city become a whore. whore: and judaea God's peculiar, is denied the title of a b Hos. 2. 2. She is not my wife.] Loquitur de duabus trib●bus. Ribera Ies. in cum locum, num. 32. wife. The Synagogue of the jews by john Baptist is termed c Matth. 12. 39 An evil and adulterous generation requireth a sign. evil and adulterous, whilst as yet (by our d Christi Ecclesia non nisi Christo iam assumpto & glorificato coepit. Stapleton. lib. 2 doct. princip. cap. 11. pag 60. Adversaries confession) it remained the true Church of God. Some such like examples we find in the visible Churches of the new Testament, in the times of the Apostles, such as were the Churches of e Gal. 1. 6. I marvel that you are so soon removed away unto another Gospel. Galatia, f 2. Cor. 11. 3. But I fear jest— your minds should be corrupt from the simplicity which is in Christ. Corinth, g Apocalyp. 2. 14. 15. Because th●u hast them who maintain the doctrine of Balaam— etc. even so hast thou them who maintain the doctrine of the Nicolaitanes, which thing I hate. Ephesus, h Apoc. 2. 20. I have a few things against thee, that thou sufferest the woman jezabel, who calleth herself a Prophetess, to teach and deceive my servants, to make them commit fornication. Thyatyra, i Apocal●●. 3. 1. Thou hast a name that thou livest, but art dead, etc. vers. 4. notwithstanding thou hast a few names yet in Sardis, which have not defiled their garments. Sardis; notwithstanding some of the Pastors among these professors were called Angels, and their seats Churches. 3 And since those Apostolical times, S. Augustine hath thus determined: k De Scriptura Canonica dubitari non potest, utrum verum vel utrum rect●m sit, qui●qu●d in ea scriptum esse constiterit: Episcoporum autem literas— & per aliorum Episcoporum graviorem authoritatem,— & per Concilia, licere reprehendi, si quid in eyes fortè à veritate deviatum est, ipsa quoque Concilia, quae per provincias siunt, plenariorum Conciliorum authoritati— cedere; denique ipsa plenaria saepè priora posterioribus emendari. August. lib. 2. de Baptismo, contra Donat. cap. 3. writing against the Donatists', who urged the Council o● Carthage under Cyprian, wherein the question of Rebaptization was handled. There is no doubt (saith he) of the truth of any thing, which is contained in Scripture; but as for the letters of Bishops, or decrees of provincial Counsels, they are subject unto reprehension, yea former general Counsels may be corrected (speaking concerning matters of doctrine) by general Counsels following: as accordingly was performed by diverse l The Council of Arimin defining that Filius Dei non consubstant●alis, sed similis Patri dicebatur. See above l. b. 1. cap. 1. Sect. 2. lit. d. Which was afterward corrected by the Council of Constantin●ple▪ so the Council of Eph. 2 oppugning the distinct natures of Christ: corrected by the Council of Chalcedon, act. 1. and the Council of Carthage, in the question of Rebaptisation: corrected by the First Councel● of Nice, Can. 19 Finally the second Council of Ni●e standing for the worship of Images, controlled by the Council of Frankford. Bellar. lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 8. Counsels, correcting other precedent ones in these great points of consubstantiality, of the two distinct natures in Christ, of rebaptisation, of worshipping of Images. Our next position is, That it is possible for some to be saved, who are members of an unsound Church. SECT. 3. 4 The belief of some articles are so absolutely necessary for the constitution of a true Church, as a reasonable soul is for the essential being of a man: such as concern the knowledge of the unity of the Godhead, and the Trinity of persons, together with the true and faithful apprehension of the natures of Christ the Messiah, God and man; the power of his death and resurrection, by which we have remission of sins, and after death life everlasting. For when the Apostle writ against idolatrous worshippers of Angels, he maketh their case desperate, but why? Non tenentes caput, because they hold not the * Coloss. 2. 19 head Christ. 5 Wherefore we presume, that in a Church, although corrupted with error and superstition, yet if it do not ruinated the foundation, the erroneous & superstitious professors may be saved: even by the virtue of that tenor which is in capite, viz. Christ jesus, the Lord and author of life. Which notwithstanding we must so understand, as that the error & superstition do proceed not from knowledge, but from ignorance; which ignorance is not affected, but simple, by that simplicity of heart, that is both desirous to know & profess the truth of God, & voided of confidence of his own perfection, craving pardon for sins both of ignorance and of presumption, and flying unto the justice of faith, which is the righteousness of Christ for justification by him. Unto such ignorants we may make bold to apply the sentence of S. Cyprian (spoken in another case:) m Ideo frater si qu●s de antecess●ribus nostris vel ignoranter vel simpliciter hoc non obseruavit, quod nos facere Dominus exemplo & magisterio suo doc●●t, potest simplicitati eius de indulgentia Domini venia concedi: nobis verò non poterit ignosci, qui nunc à Domino admoniti & instructi samus. Cyprian. lib. ●. 〈◊〉. 3. a● Cae●il. If any of our ancestors (saith he) upon simple ignorance, have not observed that which God hath commanded, the Lord may, in regard of his simplicity, pardon his sin: but if we should transgress, who are instructed in his will, we might not presume of any favour. 6 This leaveth all them (who have seen the light of the Gospel, and shall backslide) voided of all excuse by pretence of simplicity. Hereunto S. Augustine doth accord, when writing unto the Donatists', he saith: n Qui sententiam suam, quamuis falsam at que perversam, nulla animositate aut pertinacia deafen lunt, praesertim quam non audacia suae praesumptionis pepererunt▪ sed à seductis & in errorem lapsis parentibus acceperunt▪ quaerunt autem cauta solicit●dine veritatem, corrigi parati cùm invenerint, nequa quam sunt inter heretics deputandi.— quanquam ipsum haereticum quamlibet odiosa superbia tumidum & pervicacia malae contentionis insanum, sicut vitandum monemus, ne fallat paruulos, ita non abnuimus quibu●cunque modis postumus corrigendum, unde factum est ut ad nonnullos Donatistarum primarios scriberemus, non communicatorias literas, etc. August. initio epist. 162. Gloris & Elusio, and to other Donatists' intituling these Fratres. They that defend their false doctrine without obstinate boldness, especially if they be not such as have been authors of those errors, but either received it from their Parents, ●r were seduced by others, and do carefully seek the truth, being ready to be refermed as soon as they shall see their wanderings, such men I say (saith he) are not to be esteemed as heretics. 7 Yet far be it from us so to presume of the simple, or rather sottishignorance, as their jesuite Tolet hath done, who in his book of instructions for Priests, teacheth, that o Rursus, si rusticus circa articulos eredat suo Fpiscopo proponenti aliquod dogma haereticum, meretur in credendo, licet sit error, quia tenetur credere, donec ei constet esse contra Ecclesiam. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 4. cap. 3. §. In summa. if a rural man, and ignorant of the articles of saith, shall believe an heretical doctrine, which his Bishop shall teach him, he (saith Tolet) doth merit by thus believing, because he is bound to believe it, until he perceive it to be contrary unto the Church. Never was this doctrine of rural simplicity taught by ancient Fathers, or (as we think) by any of their followers, before this present time. For what? Is any one bound to believe any man preaching an heretical doctrine? ●y what law? The Apostle saith, * Galat. 1. 8. although we, or an Angel from heaven, shall preach unto you otherwise then that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed: and showeth that man's conscience is bound not to whom, but to what, that is, to believe only a truth, although it were taught by the Devil; and not any person preaching heresy, although he should be an Angel from heaven. But that also such a believer of heresy should merit of God by his erroneous faith, this seemeth to exceed all bounds of Christian instruction: for so simplicity in e●ring should be excused, not only à tanto, but à toto; and not this only, but even justified also, and approved for (as they call it) a meritorious good. Which being granted, than that * See above Sect. 2. lit. d. & alil● sae●●●. crucisige, that is, crucify him, (which voice the people uttered in belief of their Priests against our Saviour Christ) should not have deserved (as it did) a bloody vengeance upon themselves, and upon their posterity; especially if we shall suppose that Synagogue to have been then the true Church, as some * Romanists have already affirmed. 8 Notwithstanding, in this error of the jesuite there is involved a piece of truth, viz. that some man entangled in heresy, by reason of his simplicity in erring (if otherwise he have faith in the Son of God) may be capable of grace. To conclude, the observable points of this position, (to wit,) that any living in an unsound Church may be capable of life, are these. 1. If he destroy not any main foundation of faith. 2. If the erroneous have not had a former illumination of truth, from the which (by want of love to practise it) he is become an apostate. Of such an one the Apostle hath pronounced, that he is given up to * 2. Thess. 2. 11. believe lies, and his case is in a sort desperate. 3. If the ignorant be prepared to know and acknowledge the saving truth. 4. If he have no confidence of meriting and deserving grace by his simple and unaffected ignorance, but in humility of his soul pray for forgiveness. Upon this followeth a third position That although not all unsound Churches, yet some are safely to be forsaken. SECT. 4. 9 Unsoundness of a Church happeneth either in manners, or in doctrine. The licence which some use, to rend the coat of Christ by taking offence at the wicked lives of the Pastors and professors in the Church, is repressed by our saviours speech; * Matth. 23. 3. All whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do, but after their works do not, for they say, but do not. The corrupt life of the worshipper cannot defile the worship which God himself hath ordained and sanctified. 10 Secondly, every corrupt custom used in the public worship of God, doth not immediately enforce a separation from that Church, except the custom be in itself idolatrous: for we read how * Deut. 12. high places, and groves were expressly forbidden by God, yet (as a Excelsa era●t alti colles in quibus contra legem Dei, sed tamen patient Deo, sub frondosis arboribus sacrificârunt: ac primùm Deut. 12. Deus ea prohibuit: Subuertite omnia loca, luco● comburite.— Deinde judicum tempore ad ea sacrificari permisit: primò Gedeon judg. 6.— & Saul 1 Reg. 9 & Solomon 1 Paral. 2. 3. Reg. 3. Dilexit autem Solomon Dominum, excepto quòd in excelsis immolabat.— Sigonius observeth) were they used by holy men until the building of the Temple, as by Gedeon and Solomon; concerning which use S. Augustine saith, that b De hoc instituto sic Augustinus in librum judicum: Deus consuetudinem populi sui, in qua praeter eius tabernaculum tamen non dijs alienis offerebant, sed Domino suo, sustinebat potiù● quàm vetabat, etiam sic audience offerentes. Vt refert Carolus Sigonius de repub. Heb. lib. 2. cap. 4. God beholding this custom of his people in offering sacrifice without the Tabernacle (yet not to other gods, but to himself) did suffer rather than forbidden it, and graciously heard those that offered it. 11 Thirdly, if the corruption be doctrinal, this may be considered either as it is universally held, or but either by a less or more common exposition. In this second respect there can be no just cause of division, as the abovenamed examples of the * See above Sect. 2. Churches of the jews, Corinth, Galatia, Ephesus, Thiatyra, and Sardis do warrant us. God may not be forsaken, because the devil standeth at his left hand; the Lords barn must not be set on fire, because of the chaff; the fold of Christ his sheep must not be forsaken for the company of goats, nor his net of sound fishes broken, for the mixture of the putrefied and corrupt. Abel may offer his sacrifices with Cain, the penitent Publican say his prayers with the Pharisee, Christ's disciples communicate with judas, even then when they have a sign that this is he, viz. who was guilty of the highest treason that ever could be imagined. But when we shall found that the error of doctrine either concerning God's worship or points of faith, is general, and not only in the profession (that man may retain a liberty of not allowing it) but also in prescription & exaction; then is the door opened for c Apoc. 13. 4. going out, then is the time of d levit. 13 46. Secede, 1. 5. separation from leprosy, then are we forbidden to e Hos. 10. 15. & 5. & 8. ascend unto Bethaven, the house of vanity, although it shall carry the name of Bethel, which is, the house of God: and many such like warrants we have from the blessed f 2. Cor. 11. 3. & 1 Pet. 1. 2. & 1 Tim. 6. 4. & 2. Tim. 2. 17. Apostles. This point hath begot a fift, viz. That the objected testimonies of Protestants, for the avouching the truth of the Romish Church, do no more advantage our Adversaries, than it may do any heretics, who have not directly destroyed the fundamental points of faith. SECT. 5. 12 If any shall but peruse the same Treatises, from whence the forenamed testimonies have been borrowed, for proof, that some dying in the unity of that Church, may be saved, he shall found them all protest against the doctrine and the worship which is commonly professed & practised therein, as being in their judgement idolatrous and Antichristian, and holding it a damnation to themselves to consent thereunto: but yet they (not daring to close the arms of Christ, which were stretched out upon the Cross to embrace all that without obstinate blindness of error in points of faith, or purpose of continuance in any known sin, shall with Thomas touch by faith the print of his sides, and have their consciences died in his precious blood) have conceived (as they aught) a salvation for such, not only in the Romish, but in other erroneous Churches; being taught not utterly to despair of that soul which doth not despair of the mercy of God in Christ, but shall by faith (as the woman with the bloody issue did) * Matth. 9 touch but the hem of his vestment▪ for who knoweth how great that virtue is which may issue from him who hath * Coloss. 2. 9 all fullness of the godhead dwelling in him bodily? 13 And so much less may we despair of some of the members of the Roman Church, by how much more evident it is, that notwithstanding they writ in their books of a perfect justification by inherent justice, yet is not this radical in their hearts: for by their practice at the hour of death, even then when they presume that they are to perform the act of Martyrdom, they, renouncing all confidence of their perfectness, do cast anchor, with us, upon the mercy of God in his Christ, and our jesus, for the full remission of sins. 14 Howsoever, the testimonies themselves, and the reasons which are annexed, do plainly show, that the above-cited Protestants yield no more security unto the Romish Church, than they do unto any other, wherein there is a true Baptism, and the profession of the chiefest Principles of faith. Hereunto we annex a sixt position, viz. That the Church of Rome is not properly the Catholic, but a particular Church: and is therefore as other Churches, subject unto error. SECT. 6. 15 We hear their Cardinal defend this custom used of the Romanists, which is (without the Creed) to call the a Solemus extra Symbolum cum veram fidem aut Ecclesiam describibimus, came Catholicam, Aposto●icam, Romanam appella●e. Bellar. Appendice ad lib. de Summo Tent. cap. 5. annexed to his Tractate De Indulgentijs true Church, the Catholic, apostolic, Roman Church: which if it were equivalently to make the Catholic, that is, the universal and the Roman synonymies, & of an equal extent and signification (which they do by reason of the universal jurisdiction which they attribute unto the Pope) this will be no less a solecism, then to confounded these two terms universal and particular: because, as our b ●rra●e posse unamquamque particularem Ecclesiatr. Waldensis doctr. fid. tom. 1. lib. 2. cap▪ 19 Turrecremata, Sum. de Eccles. l. 2. c. 91. Verratus Opuse. de universali Eccles. cap. 5. & 18. Alphonsus Castrius adverse haere●. l 4. tit. De Concilio: & lib. 6. tit. de Ecclesi●, haeres. 2. Petrus Sotus assert. Cathol. fid circa artic. confess. Wirtemb. Cap. de Concilijs, alijue ipso●um signife●i agnoseunt: Ecchius Enchirid. locorum common. Tit. 2. Hosius confess. Cathol. ●id. cap. 24. At Romanam Ecclesiam particularem esse, fateantur ijdem omnes necesse est; affirmant partim corum: Turiec●emata po●●o ex Papa Canone demonstrate, & Waldensis, asterens errare posse particularem, exempli loco Africanam & Romanam non●nat. Quis per Romanam Ecclesiam unquam intellexit aut universalem Ecclesiam aut generale Concilium? inquit 〈◊〉 hierarch, Eccles. li● 6. ca 3. The Protestant author reciting these testimonies, I cannot presently call to mind, but the matter (no 〈◊〉) w●ll ●e evident ●ut of the particular quotations themselves. Doctor hath proved from the confessions of many Romanists (such as were Waldensis, Cardinal Turrecremata, Veratus, Alfonsus de Castro, S●tus, Ecchius, Hosius, and Pigghius) the Church of Rome is a particular Church, and therefore, as other particular Church's subject unto error, as containing but one particular diocese distinct from all others. 16 And although they teach that the c Ecclesia particula●is Romana non potest errare in side. Bellar. lib. ● d● R●m. Pont. cap. 4. initio. Church of Rome cannot err in * See the Sect. following. faith, as a probable ground of that privilege which their lesuite Valentia allegeth, that d Quaestio est utrum Petri successor in universali Ecclesiae cu●â is sit, qui Rom. Pontifex, & ex quo iure?— Verum ex divino iure Christus volverit ut hic successor esset Petro Rom. Episcopus:— an sold ●● humano,— re●ert non parum hocscire. Nam si tantùm iure Ecclesiastico, possit fieri, ut universalis Pastor Ecclesiae sit— non Romanus, sed Antiochenus, vel nullius, particularis determinatè.— Atque etiam ex hac quaest●one pendet, ut postea patebit, quomodo illud Ecclesiae Romanae privilegium intelligendum sit, cum ab ea dici sole● recta atque Apostolica sides non possit desicere: sicut ●am exempli causa in Ecclesia Constantinopolitana. — Supposing Christ's institution. Quâ quidem ex re sequitur, n●nqurn oh nuinò ●uturum, ut ij à recta fide desciscant, qui fidem sequentur eius qui legitimus erit atque permanebit Episcopus dioecesis Romanae, sive is in illius dioecesis loco maneat, sive alibi, etc. Greg. Valent. Ies. Analys. lib. 7. cap. 12. per totum. Adding for proof that his seat at Rome is ex institutione Christi, opinionem Cam, Driedoms, & Turrecrem. the successor of S. Peter, and universal Bishop of the Church, was by the ordinance of Christ appointed to be the Bishop of Rome, and not by any human authority: yielding in effect this consequence, viz. if it were possible that the Papal authority might be translated unto some other diocese, as unto Antioch, or elsewhere, then could not the Church of Rome pretend any privilege of never erring from the true faith. e Quòd Episcopus Romanus, quia Romanus est, sit Petri successor, ex facto Petri o●tum habuit, non ex prima institutione Christi: nam potuisset Petrus nullam sedem particularem sibi unquam eligere. Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 12. §. At verò. Senten tia est Dominici de Soto, rationem Dominicae successionis iure Ecclesiastico tantùm and ●xam esse Episcopatui Romano. Valenti. in. Ies. quo suprà. But the Bishop of Rome (saith Cardinal Bellarmine,) was not appointed by Christ to be the successor of S. Peter, as he was Bishop of Rome: whence by due inference it will follow, that therefore the Roman Church, as it is the Roman Church, hath no special prerogative that it shall never apostate from the faith. From this doth issue a seventh position, viz. That to be separated from the communion of the Romish Church, is not in itself damnable: proved by the confessed examples of glorious and ancient Churches and Fathers. SECT. 7. 17 The supreme challenge, which our Adversaries make, and which with an universal consent they have erected as the arch-pillar of all the Roman faith, is to profess, that a unio membrorum cum capite (Pontifice Roma●●) est nota Ecclesiae Catholicae. Bellar. lib. 4. de Eccles. milit. cap. 10. the unity and subjection unto the Pope of Rome is an infallible note of the true Church, b Summo Pont●●ici ea debetur ab omnibus obedi●ntia. ut nulli liceat e● communicare, cu● pro a●●●bus suis inimicus ipse extiterit, nec in Ecclesia esse poterit, qui eius Cathedram deserit. Decret. part. 1. dist. 93. C. Obedientiam. Respondeo, neminem posse, etiamsi velit, subesse Christo, & communicate cum Ecclesia coelesti, qui non subest Pontifici, & none communicate cum Eccl●sia militant. Bellar. lib. 3. de Eccles milit. c. 5. §. Re●p. neminem. without which there can be no hope of salvation: calling every separation from this head a spiritual c Schisma est rebellis separatio ab Ecclesiae capite, & Vicario Christi. Tolet. I●ss. Instruct. Sac●rd. l. 1. c. 19 pag. 63. rebellion, catechising their new proselytes to believe, that d The●ph. Higgons in his late Treatise entitled, Try before you trust. the tru●st formality and essence of a Pap●st is his union and conjunction which he hath with the Pope. But alas the distorted and crooked thoughts of factious spirits, who care not to publish so dismal a doctrine, whereby it must necessarily follow, that they pronounce the souls of all those famous Churches of Asia, and many also of the West parts of the world, damned; who had after the days of the Apostles opposed thems●lu●ss against Victor the then Pope of Rome and (as hath been e A Victore Pontifice omnes Ecclesiae Asiae excommunicatae erant. Bellar. lib. 3. de verbo Dei, cap. 6. §. Secundo. See these proved above, lib. 2. cap. 22. Sect. 1●. Victor excom●unicationis sententiam contra pertinaces executus est. 〈◊〉 tom. 1. Conc. fol. 133. col 1 confessed) enduring and contemning his excommunication, the most of them giving up thei● lives for the testimony of the holy faith, end have ever since been honoured with the memory of holy Martyrs throughout the Christian world, and not heard of to have ever sought or desired the Pope's absolution. 18 So likewise from the same doctrine we must r●ckon S. Cyprian and all the fourscore Bishops of Carthage (and their people,) who have been * See 〈…〉 lib. 2. cap. 21. Sect 4 & Sect. 5. confessed to have opposed themselves in a Council against Pope Stephen and his Council, and the same Pope to have denied them his communion. The chief of which Church, S. Cyprian, is likewise acknowledged to have died a noble Martyr of jesus Christ, and (for aught that can be found in any story) without recantation of his opinion, or the Pope's reconciliation unto him. 19 What shall we say of S. Augustine and the whole Church of A●rick●, ●uen two hundred Bishops assembled in a f See hereafter cap. 8. Council, * See lit. 1. and the troops of Martyrs in that Church, who jointly impugned the jurisdiction which the Pope then challenged concerning appeals unto Rome? Whereunto our Adversaries vouchsafe this answer, saying, We are not bound to allow their decrees. This point is worth the handling, therefore will we lay open the matter at large. 20 Some hundredth years after this opposition unto the Papal claim of Appeal, Eulalius Bishop of Carthage submitted himself unto Pope Boniface the second; whereupon the Pope doth not a little insult, calling the former African Bishops, g Postquam Asri per centum annos in schismate per ever âssent, tandem excit●uit Deus Fulalium, qui came Ecclesiam don●um red●xit. 〈…〉 secundi. schismatics, who for the space of an hundred years, (as his Epistle reporteth) had withstood his pretended jurisdiction. Gladly would we understand what our Adversaries will say unto the severe sentence of Pope Boniface. 21 Cardinal Bellarmine answereth, that he h R●spondeo, valde mihi suspectas eas esse, (Bonifacij & ●ulalijs) Epistolas. Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25. ad sin●m. suspecteth this Epistle of Boniface to be sergeant. Cardinal Baronius is more peremptory: i Quid improbè improbus finxit impostor (vehementiùs enim com●●ueor in eos, qui mendacijs labefactant, quam se puta●●t sus●●lisse, Dei Ecclesiam) quid, inquam, ille qui sibi persuasit hoc t●mpore scissam peni●us fu●sse Ecclesiam Africa●am ● Re●●na.— Quae Epistola nisi 〈◊〉 convinci posset, ●la●è ex Eccles●a 〈◊〉 h●ae albo expungenda suissent Sanct●rum 〈…〉 Ma●●●rum agmina, q●i in persecutione Vandalica pro s●de Catholica magna gloria certantes, 〈…〉 palmam: del ●ndi●ue▪ ariter forent ex Ecclesias●icis tabulis ●ra cla●●ss. C●n●esso●es, qui p●r illud spacium anno●●● 〈◊〉 in Africana Ecclesia claru●re, doctrina & vitae conspicui. Barontus Tom. 5. Anno 419. num. 92. 93. What an impostor was he who forged this Epistle? For I am greatly offended (saith he) with them who overthrow (meaning the Romish) the Church, which by lying they meant to establish, by affirming that the Church of Africa was divided from the Church of Rome: whereupon it must sollow that we must raze out of the Catalogue of Saints those worthy not Confessors only, but also Martyrs among the Africans, who died for the profession of Christ in the persecution of those times, and were famous both for learning and godliness. So he. 22 But contrariwise M. k M. Harling against E. swell, Art 4. SATURN'S 28. Harding maintaineth the foresaid reconciliation of the Church of Africa (after the schism thereof for the space of an hundred years) by the submission of Eulaluts Bishop of Carthage, from this foresaid Epistle of Boniface, wherein the Pope gave thanks unto God for restoring of those African Churches unto the Catholic Church. Whereupon he inferreth an ancient acknowledgement of the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome. So likewise their jesuit Turrian to the same purpose, saith, that l Quod 〈◊〉 Patres Carthagenenles tunc peccarunt, posteà successores cotum 〈◊〉. Turrianus Ies. as he ●●cited by Sadad. part. after a 〈◊〉. ad Repetit. Turrum. pag. 430. the successors in that Church of Africa did correct the offence which those predecessors had made. And their jesuite Costerus urgeth the same Epistle of Boniface for proof of the same m Rectè & pro officio secetunt Rom. Pontifice●: malè autem Africani, qui etiam tunc (ut testatur Bonifacius 11. epist. ad Eulalaum) meditari vide bantur detectionem à Romana: de, suo magno malo: ut qui pausò post in Vandalorum & Arianorum potestatem vene●nt: non subscripsie autem accrbis illis literis B. Augustimus, qui summasemper vene●atione Apostoheam sedem Romanam coluit, Costerus jesuita E●●hirid. de Summ. Pontif. Ob 10. pag. 159. Here Costeru● would gladly exempt Augustine from the act of subscribing unto the decree of that Council, but 〈◊〉, and without any witness. defection or schism of those Africanes from the subjection of the Pope. And of all others their Lindanus doth herein most busily bestir himself: n Caeterùm hanc Bonitacij 11, epistolam esse genuinam & minim: supposititiam, satis super ue arguit, quod ante annos 500 tal●s indubitatò credebatur. Ex ca enim Gratianus capitulum recitat non exiguum. Antoninus quoque Florentinus veterum rerum studiosus pervestigator, nobis attestator rem hanc longé verissimam: Sub hoc Pont (inquit) Bomfacio 11. venit Romam relatio ab Africanis Episcopis, qui de unanimi voluntate atque Concilio deliberavetunt atque constituerunt, ut Carthag mensis Episcopas omnia constitueret, at que faceret de Concilio Romanae & Apostolieae sedis. Cuius ex Africanae constitutionis vi Eula●ium Carthaginensem videre est compulsum, ut Rom. Ecclesiae seu capiti reconciliaretur, à quo per annos circiter centum sacrilega illa sub Aurelio Carthaginensi detectione ●e●e subdux●rant.— Quare qui hanc Africanae Feelesiae reconciliationem hac Bonifacij Epistol●, & ●ulalijs Carthagmensis supplication, Antonimue historia contestatam, seu sictitiam rident, quid, quaeso. nobis, imò sibi, relinquent saluum ex omni Ecclesiasti●ae antiquitatis historia, quo res pridem in Ecclesiae negotijs gest as nostri secul● Academics probent, atque corroborent? I 〈◊〉 Panopl. evang. lib. 4. cap. 89. sine. Certè cùm paulò posteà omnes Afrorun Ecclesiae ab Artianis, qui totam Alatico duce occupârant African postiderentur, quae aut in Donati desciverant schisma ad 400. iam ipso Augustino adhuc superstite, aut profectò á recto declinarant, non mirum est totam Africam per ominem illam Vandalorum captivitatem fuisse sclusmancam, atque à toto Christi corpore Ecclesia d●●●lsam. Quare cum Deus oped. Africanae tandem post annos circiter 100 benignus misereri, deletis dudum per Belisarium Wandalis, constituislet, ei bulalium donavit Archiepiseopum, qui membr●istius adeò nobilis universo reliquo Christi comungeret corpori. I●danus thid. If this story (saith he) confirmed by the Epistle of Pope Boniface & other ancient Records, be to be called into question, then what have we in all Ecclesiastical antiquity certain and unquestionable for the confirmation of any matter which cencerneth the state of the Church? 23 From this spirit of contradiction, which hath thus possessed the principal Doctors of the Romish Church, our reader will presently observe, that if the Epistle be false, than all such like Papal Ecclesiastical stories which are brought in for proof of the Primacy of other Popes, may be as justly suspected (as Lindanesheweth) to be merely forged and foisted stuff. And if we shall admit it as true, then (as their Baronius argueth) all those Africanes, whose names the Church hath recorded among the holy Confessors & Martyrs, must no more be called Martyrs, but schismatics, and be judged to be o Cùm praesertim certum exploratumue sit, nullam esse posse schismaticorum coronam & praemium, quae non— nisi dentur in Ecclesia Catholica— Cum si eius Bonifacij stare posset Epistola, corruere necesse esset ex ca part Dei illam structuram quae tot Martyrum & Confessorum vivis esset aucta lapidibus. Baronius quo suprà, num. 93. not crowned with bliss, but damned in hell; and all for the maintenance of the Papal prerogative. 24 Do we not now see into what a miserable perplexity our Adversaries have driven themselves? The one side defend the truth of that story, and had rather that multitudes of Martyrs should be accounted reprobates, then so evident a testimony for the Pope's Primacy should perish: the other side, jest that the example of those orthodoxal Churches and worthy Martyrs who neglected the Pope's communion, might prejudice his Primacy, do reject the Pope's Epistle as fabulous. The issue of all which will be this, that if the story be false, than the principal evidences which our Adversaries usually suggest, for proof of the Papal Primacy, incur the suspicion of falsehood: and if the story be true, then must we either pronounce damnation upon the souls of faithful Martyrs, or else in some cases contemn the Pope's excommunication, and Roman communion. 25 But be this Epistle of Pope Boniface either true of false, this we know, that the unquestionable * See hereafter. story which they have recorded in the body of their Counsels, showeth plainly, that the Bishops of Africa, among whom S. Augustine was principal actor, did resolutely conclude and decree against the Pope's claim of appeals unto Rome. So that if after this the Pope did not excommunicate them, it was because he then thought, that he had no such authority: and this is no small wound unto the Primacy. But if they were therefore excommunicated, & notwithstanding still continued in that opposition, than the examples of so grave, learned, and holy Bishops, and their sucsessors, faithful confessors and Martyrs (who for the hope of salvation yielded up their deares●liveses, and are now acknowledged for Saints in glory) do all preach against the foresaid principal article of the now Romish faith, which holdeth the subjection and union with the Pope of Rome, to be necessary unto salvation. 26 Furthermore, if this article shall stand for credible, then no less fearful a doom must also seize upon millions of souls, which have for many ages died in the Greek Church, which both anciently, and at this present are divided from the Roman jurisdiction, and are by our Adversaries called schismatics even at this day: but yet (as some of them affirm) p Alij verò opinantur Graecoes solùm esse schismaticos, non haereticos: Schismaticos quidem quia à Rom. Pontificis jurisdictione & potestate se subtrahunt; haereticos non item, quontam in praedictis fidei articulis potiùs nomine quim re à Rom. Ecclesiae sensu dissentiunt: (the main point) Dicunt Spir. S. à Patre per ●iluim procedere ab omni aeternitate. Afterwards the jesu●te himself, when he hath reckoned all that seemed to him erroneous in the Greek Church, passeth no deeper censure upon them then peradventure heretics. Quicquid fit de hince fidei articulis, in quibus multi Graeci & alij, Orientales fortâsse, malè fide errant, & proinde haeretici sunt. Azor. Ies. ●ist. Moral. part. 1. lib. 8 c. 20. §. Decimò quaeritur. only schismatics, not heretics. But why schismatics only? Because (saith our Adversary) they do not acknowledge the Pope's jurisdiction over them. 27 The like might be said of other the remote Churches of Assyria, and elsewhere: wherein are innumberable professors, which believe in Christ the Son of God, and do (as * D. Field in his 3. book of the Church. one hath shown) keep the true foundation of Christian faith: and must every one of these likewise perish for want of a dependence upon the Roman Sea? Do not rather all these examples of Churches, in number so many, some in time so ancient, so large in extent, and most of them in their memory so famous and graceful, plainly tell us, that this credo, etc. (that is, q Sanctam, Catholicam, & Apostolicam, Romanam Ecclesiam, omnium Ecclesiarum matrem & magistram agnosco; Romanoue Pontifici, beati Petri, Apostolorum Principis successoris, ac jesus Christi Vicario veram obedientiam spondeo, ac iuro, Et pa●lo post: Hanc veram Catholicam fidem, extra quam nemo saluus esse potest. Bulla super forma juramenti, annexa Conc. Trid. I believe the Church of Rome to be the Catholic Church, the Bishop thereof ordained by Christ, the chief Pastor over my soul, unto whom upon pain of damnation I own subjection) never entered into their Creed? 28 And we may doubt how France may be censured, whose King did accounted no better of the Council of Trent then of a r Rex Christianissimus negabat se habere hunc consessum (viz. Conc. Trident.) pro Oecumenica & legitimè congregau Synodo, sed magis pro conventu privato. Thuanus Tom. 1. hist. lib. 6. Anno 1551. pag. 601. private convent, the authority whereof hath not been fully acknowledged of the Romanists in France until this day. 29 By this any may perceive what is the merciless ambition of our adversaries defence, who for the establishing of the safety of one only Roman Church, do peremptorily, not only exclude all the Churches of Protestants in France, Germany, England, Scotland, Polonia, Denmark, Helvetia, Hungary, Suevia, and other places, from all hope of life, but also, by the same consequence, all the Asian Churches, when they were watered with the blood of glorious Martyrs; besides many orthodoxal souls in other Churches (which have been at all times innumerable,) who have not subjecteth themselves unto the Roman Papacy. 30 And now we refer this case unto the wisdom of our Christian Reader, to judge which professors stand in more absolute and Catholic union with Christians; whether Protestants, who discerning between men's erroes and their persons, do so far communicate in their hope with all Christians, who living a godly life, do fundamentally profess the faith of Christ: or the Romanists, who for the advancement of one Church, do deliver up unto Satan, and unto desperation, all other Christian Churches and Professors in the world. This consideration hath begotten an eight position, viz. That the foresaid pretence of necessary Union with the Roman head and Church, will prove either the same Roman head or else the Roman Church to be schismatical. SECT. 8. 31 Now cometh in a conflict, wherein we found the Roman body and head, that is, a Council and the Pope, like unto jacob and Esau, striving for the birthright and preeminency: a Nos defendimus summum Pontificem simpliciter & absolutè esse supra Ecclesiam universam, & supra Conc●lium generale: ita ut nullum supra se judicem agnoscat. Bellar lib. 2. de Conc. author. cap. 17. in principio. We defend (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) that the Pope is absolutely above the universal Church and general Council, not acknowledging any judge over him. And that b Haec, quamuis nullo Decreto publico definita est, tacito tamen Doctorum consensu (ut aliae quaestiones in Ecclesia olim ortae non paucae) plané definita est, vix uno ampliùs doctiore Theologo aliam de hac re sententiam tenente,— quàm Papam Concilio, veluti caput corpori, praeesse. Stapl. doctr. princip. lib. 13. cap. 15. §. Dixeram tertiò. the Pope is above a Council (saith D. Stapleton) it is now defined by the secret consent of all Divines, scarce any one holding the contrary. But if any should prefer the authority of a Council before the jurisdiction of the Pope, c Qui Concilium universal Pontifice superius faciunt, pugnant illi revera (licet non advertentes) cum certissima fide de D. Petri ac Rom. Pontificis in Ecclesia primatu. Gregorius de Valent. Analys. lib. 8. cap. 7. §. Atque hinc. pag. 87. col. 2. they (saith their jesuite Valentia) do thereby oppugn the undoubted faith of the Primacy of the Pope. 31 We doubt that this their doctrine, which is now so universal in that Church, will prove the Pope and his defendants to be schismatical: for in the Council of Basil the case was thus collected out of S. Jerome & Augustine, & the two ancient Popes: viz. that it is necessary d Probatur authoritatibus Papam subesse Concilio, Si authoritas quaetitur (inquit Hieron.) orbis maior est urbe.— Ex hinc si matter omnium fidelium est Ecclesia, Romanum etiam Pontificem in silium habet. Aliâs verò (sicut beatist. Augustinus praedicat) nunquam habebit Deum Patrem, qui Ecclesiam noluerit recognoscere in Matrem. Quod Anacletus intelligens, universalem Ecclesiam (Canonistae sciunt) Matrem suam appellac, & Cali●tus sicut silius ait se venire implere voluntatem Matris nostrae, quae est Ecclesia. unde apparet tanto superiorem esse Ecclesiam Pontifice Romano, quanto est matre inferior filius. — Paulò post: Maximè Rome▪ Pontificem subiectum esse Ecclesiae, Christi verba ostendunt, cum Petrum futurum Papam ad Ecclesiam ●emittit,— quam si Pontifex non audiat— tanquam Ethnicus & Publicanus haberi debeat, Brugensis Episcopus in Conc. Basil. Aenae as Silvius de gest. Conc. Basil. lib. 1. §. Multis. sol. 5. that the Pope should be subject unto a Council, for if the Church be a Mother, then must the Pope acknowledge himself to be her son: otherwise, how shall he have God for his Father? This our Saviour showed when he said unto Peter [Tell the Church:] which authority if the Pope shall contemn, he aught to be accounted as an Ethnic and Publican. Which argument Cardinal Cusanus doth further prosecute from another sentence of S. Augustine, wherein he requireth the e Potestas Concilij est supra Papam.— und● Augustinus in epist▪ ad Glorium & El●sium in causa Caeciliam, de Miltiade Papa dicit;— Si judices tuos m●●os fuisse putemus qui Romae iudicarunt, restat Conc pleparium, ubi cum ipsis judicibus causa ●git●ti poilit. Card. Cusanus Concord. Cathol. lib. 2. cap. 17. pag. 737. judgement of a Council in determining of a case, after that the Pope had delivered his sentence. 33 But why should not they assent unto the conclusion of the Council of basil, defining as g Veritas est Catholicae fidei, sacrum generale Conc. supra Papam, & aliam quemuis potestatem habere. 〈…〉 ut est apud Aeneam Sylvan in come. ●▪ l. 2. Qui pertinaciter his veritatibus se opponit, haereticus est censendus. Ibid. Conclus. 3. a Catholic truth, that a general Council is above a Pope: pronouncing him an heretic that shall contradict this conclusion? Whereunto our adversaries answer, that h Concilium Basiliense licet à du●bus Pont▪ ficibus Martino 5 & Eugenio 4. indictum, initio multa legitimè & piè sanxerit, tamen quia postea ab Eugenio Ferrarian primum, dei●d● Florentiam translatum obtemperate noluit, nec ●raecorum dissidijs componendis cum caeteris Latinis ●piscopis unan●miter incumhere— ex hac sane posteriori part non Conc. legitimum, sed Conciliabulum iniquum censendum est. Stapleton▪ doctrine. princip. lib. 13. cap. 15. §. Dixeram 4. although this Synod was appointed by two Popes, so that at the beginning thereof it may be held for a lawful Council, yet in the latter part it is to be accounted no better than a wicked conventicle, because they refused to obey the Pope in translating the Synod from Basil unto Ferrara, and after that unto Florence. But this answer is too calumnious: for in the same Council (recited by their Surius) Pope Eugenius is recorded to have i Responsio Synod●lis ad fundamenta & rationes 1. & 2▪ Sessionum Conuenticuli Fe●rariensis, ostendens quòd Papa erigendo ipsum Conuenticulum introduxerit schisma in Ecclesiam Dei. Council. Basil▪ Epist. Synodal. apud Surium Tom. 4. Conc. pag. 177. Paulò post in epist.— Octauâ Sess. declaratum est, si Rom. Pontifex aliud Concilium erigeret durant isto, non fore Concilium, sed schismaticorum conventiculum— Insuper praecepit sancta Synodus per praefatum Decret. 12. S●ssionis, ut dissolutionem (Synodi Basiliensis) per eum attentatam revocaret, & hoc sacrum Basiliense Co●● legitimè inchoatum declararet, à tempore huiusmodi inchoationis continuatum fuisse, & esse, prosecutionem semper habuisse, ac habere debere: quod ni faceret infra terminum 60. dictum, extunc esset ab omni administratione Papali suspensus; tandem monitioni paruit.— Hoc declaramus per suas literas more Rom. curiae bullatas, de consilio & assensu Cardinalium, etc.— Sed heu dolour, rursum universam pertu●bat Ecclesiam, etc. Ibid▪ pag. 179. promised unto that Synod by his public Bull, that he would not dissolve or translate that Council of Basil unto any other place. Which Council also was embraced by the k Concilium Basiliense ita per doctiss▪ atque optimos Academiae Parisiensis Doctores laudatur, ita extollitur, ita omnibus Christi sidelibus imitandum proponitur, ita demùm (& id quidem vero verius) apertò approbatur▪ ac confirmatur, ●t nihil fermè suprà, etc.— Qui legit appellationem eminentiss. Vniversitatis Paris. contra Leonem 10. inveniet sanctiss. Concilium Basiliense. Orthuinu● Gratius Prae●. ad Lectorem, ante app●llat. in Fascic. rerum expetend. sol. 34. University of Paris as right worthy and sacred: and in the foresaid decree did accord unto the Canon of the Council of Constance, wherein it was defined, that l ●t primò quòd ipsa ●ynodus in Spiritu sancto congregata legitimè, generale Concilium faciens, Ecclesiam Catholicam militantem repraesentans, potestatem à Christo immediatè habet, ●ui quilibet cuiuscunque status vel dignitatis, et●amsi Papalis existat, Obedi●e tenetur in his quae pertinent ad fidem & extirpationem dicti schismatis, & reformationem generalem Ecclesiae Dei in capite & in membris. Conc. Constant. Sess. 4. apud Surium. every one of whatsoever rank or degree, yea although he ●e a Pope, is bound to obey the decrees of the Council in all things which concern either doctrines of faith, or reformation of manners. Which m Causa dubitandi (speaking of the Council of Constance) fuit▪ quia non divino, sed humano iure, & positivis Ecclesiae decretis Primatum Rom. Pontisicis niti sensetunt. Stapleton▪ d●ct princip. lib. 13. ca●. 15. pag. 547. they said (saith D. Stapleton) because they thought that the Primacy of the Pope was not ordained by God, but by man. Hereby (as their jesuite * See above. Valentia hath taught) impugning the Primacy of the Pope. But who were actors in this Synod? n Concilium Constantiense— cùm in ●o essent multi non solùm Episcopi & Ar●chiepiscopi, sed ●tiam Cardinals. Bellar. lib. 1. de indulge. cap. 11. §. De legatis. There were in it Bishops, Archbishops, and Cardinals, who did with full consent conclude against the now assumed Primacy of the Pope. 34 Now then, if the whole torrent of learned men of the Church of Rome, in the time of the Council of Constance, did hold it necessary for the Pope to submit himself unto a Council (which the Council of Basil from the testimonies of Fathers did likewise conclude, judging every Pope a schismatic who shall resist it:) how is not that union a schism, which is contrariwise professed among them at this day? We pass over the diverse schisms which were in that Church by antipopes, when it was ha●d for any to discern, who was their head, one of these o Respondeo, schismata fuisse plurima, numero 24. aut 25. ad summum: sed ex illis plurimis unicum tantùm fuisse, quod annis 40. perduraverit. Stapleton. d●ctr. princ. lib. 13. cap. 15. §. Dixeran quintò. Schisms continuing (as D. Stapleton saith) forty years. Will now our Adversaries be so rigid as to condemn to the pit of hell all those souls, who in these great distractions, by reason of ignorance, did not yield their subjection unto the true Pope? Hitherto have we omitted the * See above l●l. 1. cap. 9 ancient Britain's, who are acknowledged to have held the truth of religion; notwithstanding their no subjection to the See of Rome. The case standing thus with the Romanists, some peradventure may require of us a ninth position. That the Protestants, notwithstanding their does union from Rome, may be, and are in the state of salvation. SECT. 9 35 Cassander was a learned author, and defended the state of the Romish Church; as for example, a Nihil t●m di●è in Pontisices nostros dici potest, quod non in sacerdotes judaici populi conveniat: quorum tamen improbitas non effe●●t cuo min●s ●●rè Dei populus esset, qui eorum gubernationi subijci●batur. Cassander Consult. a●t. 7. ●a. 48. No wickedness (saith he) can be objected against our Popes, which might not aswell have been imputed unto the Priests of the jewish Synagogue, to whom, (notwithstanding their impieties,) the people of God did acknowledge subjection. This is most true, for it is singular and pharisaical wickedness indeed, to seek a bill of divorce against any Church only for the wicked manners of the Pastors therein, as hath been * See above. shown. But what if any shall not go out, but be put out of that Church by the Pope unjustly? b Dicent aliqui s● non exisse, s●d ini●st● repulsos fuisse: quod ut co●cedatur, non tamen ●in●ulum pacis ●um universa Christi ecclesia erat ab●umpendum, sed a●mo & voluntate unitatis studium retinendun; quenadmodum Cyprian. cùm se suosque à Stephano urbis Romae Pont▪ iniustè damnari putaret, non tamen à consortio & societate illius Ecclesiae recedendum s●bi putabat; & habebat ille quidem non leaves discessionis causas▪ cum Ste●h. Episc▪ u●bis Romae ●un à sua communione, quod in ●p ● erat, repelleret, & Episcopos ad ipsum ex Africa legatos nec ad sermonen communis colloquij admitteret; & praeceperit universae fraternitati▪ nequis ●os in do●●um suam reciperet,— sed & tectum & hospitium negar●tur. Insuper Cyprianum pseudochristum & dolosum opera●ium diceret. Haec scribit Firmianus Episcopus è Cappadocia ad Cyprianum, cuius Firmiani meminit, Euseb. hist. lib. 1. cap. 3. & 4. ad quem▪ & caeteros eius regionis Episcopos Stephan●s scripsit, non esse communicandum ijs, qui ad haereticos transeuntes rebaptizant. Cyprianus tamen in illo sententiarum dissidio pacis & unitatis vincu●●m constantissim● retinebat, causamue svam summa cum animi moderatione defend●bat.— Et Paulinus quoque Nolanus episcopus vir religiosiss. cum de Clericorum Rom. Ecclesiae in se invidia & odio, & urbici Papae superbia quereretur, qui eum à suo consor●io segregare dicebantur.— Quoniam (inquit) oderunt me gratis, quod ad me pertinet, ●um ijs ●tiam qui oderunt pacem meam, ment pacisicus sum.— Horum modestiam & mansuetud●nem si qui hody quoque i●●tarentur, etiamsi ab Ecclesiae societate seclusi viderentur, & in aliquo errore per ignorantiam versar●ntur, non putarem ●amen ab interna illa Ecclesiae societate, quam animo & voluntate colerent, alienos esse habendos. Cassander quo supra, pag. 49. 50. 5●. Yet (saith he) must not he dissolve the bond of unity with the universal Church, but in his will and desire affect the union thereof, as S. Cyprian did, whom Pope Stephen (as much as lay in him) removed from his communion: and also as the bishop Paulinus behaved himself, when he heard that Pope Vrbicus and his Clergy had, in pride and hatred, denied him Christian fellowship; notwithstanding both these did▪ for their parts, affect peace and union. So now (saith Cassander) speaking of Protestants) if they should imitate the modesty of these ancient Fathers, albeit they be entangled in some errors, and excommunicated by the Church, yet I could not think them to be does▪ united from that inward fellowship which in mind and heart they do embrace▪ So he. 36 Here we have it confessed, that there may be a conjunction internal, where notwithstanding there is an external excommunication, yea even whilst that the excommunicate persons do continued in the defence of their errors, though with an opinion that they maintain only a revealed truth. How much more, we say not excusable, but even justifiable is the cause of Protestants, who are able to avouch the necessity of their opposition to have been a defence of truth against novelty of errors? Yea although we shall suppose it to have been only that one doctrine of Indulgences upon an opinion of a treasury of satisfactions of the Saints, mixed with Christ's merits for theredemption of man's soul from punishment after this life: which hath been * See above lib. 1 cit. 2. Sect. 20. 22. confessed to be but a new doctrine and deceitful; aught the children of truth to suffer themselves to be enthralled in any known errors? Not, for (as S. Basil is acknowledged to confess) c Quo sanè factum est (quemadmodum scribit Basilius, hist. eccles lib. 4. cap. 17) ut qui sunt in sacris literis educati, ne unam q●idem syllaban diumotum dogmatum prodi sinant, sed pro illo●um defension, si opus sit, nullum non mottis genus amplecti parati sint. Stapleton. orat. de haeres. in genere, annex. lib. de Princip. pag. 630. Those who are instructed in holy writ may not betray any one syllable of divine doctrine, but must be ready rather to undergo any death for the defence of truth. And what is this different from our saviours instruction, when he gave his caveat of avoiding the * Matth. 16. leaven of the Pharisees, that is, their corrupt doctrine, as it is expounded by the text? 37 When such doctrines shall be enforced upon men's consciences, as are not doubtfully, but directly against the word of God, schism in such a case is passive, not active; and rather a separation from errors, than a schism from the body, whereunto they are united both in spirit and love, so far as it is united unto the truth of Christ. 38 And how well the Romanists deserved in that opposition, the foresaid Cassander will witness: d Non negarem tamen multos initio, pio study ad acriorem reprehensionem quorundam manifestorum abusuum imp●lsos fuisse, & praecipuam causam hunis calamitatis & distractionis Ecclesiae illis assignandum, qui inani qnodam fastu Ecclesiasticae potestatis instati, r●ctè & modestè admonentes, superbè & fastidiosè contempserunt, & repulerunt. Quare nullam Ecclesiae firmam pacem sperandam puto, nisi ab ijs initium fiat, qui distractionis causam dederunt, hoc est, it ij qui Ecclesiasticae gubernationi praesunt de nimio illo rigore aliquid remittant, & Ecclesiae paci aliquid concedant; ac multorum piotum votis ac monitis obsequentes manifestos abusus ad regulam divinarum literarum, & veteris Ecclesiae, à qua deflexerunt, corrigant. Cassander Consult. art. 7. §. De Ecclesia. pag 52. I cannot deny (saith he) but that at the first many in godly zeal were moved vehemently to reprehend certain manifest abuses, and that the chief cause of this distraction may be imputed unto the governors of the Church, who proudly and disdainfully contemned those who did both modestly and truly admonish them. Neither can we hope for a true and solid union, until they, who have given the c●use of dissension, begin to remit their rigorousness, & be contented that manifest abuses of the Church be reform according to the direction of Scripture, and the custom of antiquity, from whence they are departed. We wish no more, if by abuses we shall understand as well their new doctrines, as their corrupt constitutions. There remaineth the tenth position, viz. That the Protestants are more safe in this division, than the Romanists. SECT. 10. 39 Nothing hath been thought unto some who have a M. Tob. M. unto the Bishop of Chichester: It is an argument borrowed from Bellar. lib. 4. de not is Eccles. cap. 16. and is here intended by the Apologists. lately revolted from the Churches of Protestants, a stronger or more sensible motive, then to think that some Protestants have judged the Roman Church to be a Church, wherein some souls may be saved, especially seeing that the Romanists do contrarily adjudge all men of different religion, unto eternal damnation. 40 Butt first, these wandering Planets never consider that our Adversaries have no whit the more truth, because they have less charity, especially seeing that hereby they aswell damn the most graceful Christians of most ancient times, who (as hath been * See above. proved) have sealed the orthodox faith with their blood: as they do the different professors at this day. 41 Secondly, they discern not the impiety of this argument; as for example (for this one is pregnant,) S. Augustine, though he held the sect of the Donatists' damnable, yet deemed he some of them to be * capable of salvation, when notwithstanding the Donatists' themselves held (as S. Augustine noteth) b Donatistae Ecclesiam ex solis justis constare volebant, & inde deducebant Ecclesiam visibilem perijsse de orb terrarum, & in sola Africa remansisse, ut Aug docet de unit. eccles. cap. 12. Bellar. de notis Eccles. cap. 9 Where he inserreth that Protesiants are of the same opinion. Which is proved to be false and the difference to be no less than Church visible and invisible, even by his own confession. See hereafter where the heresies are objected. Their presumption was taken from this Scripture, Cant 1. 7. Dic ubi pascis, ubi cubas in meridie. Vulgar Dona●istarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. justus Baroniu● de u●●. Rom. Eccles epist. 48. out of S. Augustine. See ibid. that the souls of all the men of the world were in the state of perdition, who were not incorporate in their Church of Africa. Aught therefore the Catholics have hereupon thus resolved, Ergo to departed from the Catholic profession, and become Donatists'? 42 Thirdly, the Anabaptists exclude Protestant's and all different professors f●om the hope of spiritual life, who are not of their fantastical anarchy and confusion: yet do not Protestants judge the state of every Anabaptist to be so utterly desperate. What then? must therefore all Protestants turn Anabaptists? Not: but every child of truth will follow her, not where peradventure she may be, but rather where he seethe her certain & inviolable residence & abode; always remembering how that our authors, knowing the fountain of God's grace to be bottomless, durst not cover with a stone of despair the graves of those, who being free from obstinacy in errors, and from affectation of a stupid ignorance in the necessary mysteries of salvation, with repentant hearts did die in the faith of Christ; and yet notwithstanding judged much of that religion in itself damnable, and accounted it a matter of damnation in themselves, against their conscience to embrace it: like as we think the plague (when it is in the rage) to be mortal: and although (by the mercy of God) all die not, who are infected therewith, yet all who will not tempt God, or do love their own safety, will not willingly admit of such company, jest they may be infected, and die. 43 Again, Protestants have a more strong fort for their security, whilst as, besides the evidence of truth in their profession, they hold an inward unity with all the orthodoxal Churches of ancient times, whom Roman Bishops secluded from their communion: and with all other Christian professors, who at this day not prostituting themselves in the filthiness of spiritual adultery, do not ruinated the principal foundation of faith. Neither can our Adversaries justly object unto Protestants, obstinacy in their opposition unto the Roman Church, especially if they shall but call to mind what their own c Caesar Imperator cum urg●●et ut (Protestants) Concilio Tridentino, quod ipsorum ●ogatu & causa congregandum curaverit, se subijcerent, Lantgravius contrà illud tanquam illegitimum repudiabat, quip in q●o libertas disceptandi non detur, ne que in Pontific●m, citra p●riculun, dicere licebat. Ad hoc johannis Hussi exemplum in medium proponebatur, & recens johannis Diazij Hispani parricidium, quoth religion's praetextu excusabatur, eóque fieri dicebat, ut boni quidquam autsani a Pontifice & Pontificis Ministris sperare non possint. Aug. Thua●. hist. s●● temporis, Tom. 1. l. 2. Anno 1546. pag. 107. Nam quod ad Concilium (speaking of Protestant's) attinet, quo controversi●● de religione decidi opottuit, id ipsum non abnuere, quicquid in contra●●um iactetur, modò liberum sit, & ut 〈…〉, in Germania habeatur. Id semper praese tulisse, testesque eius rei literas esse & scripta ab ipsis cuulgata, sed hactenù●nt co 〈◊〉 desidera●am fuisse, ut ex verbo Dei citra metum, & asseritationem causa disceptaretur. Scire omnes quid 〈◊〉 Constantiensi decretum sit, dfide publica, johannis Hussi, & Hier. Pragensis exemp●o multos meritò 〈◊〉, sed p●●cip●è rec●●ti johannis Diazij parricidio: de quo cum apud Caesarem expostulatum esset in Comitijs, nihil obtinetis potuerit▪ impunito u●●anto scelere effic●. ut omnia tuta Protestants timeant. Thuanus ibid. pag. 122. Legati (of the Protestants at Wit●enberge) Cardinalem Tridentinum adeunt, quòd Montfortius abesset, & pro communis patriae cha●itate & ami●itia, quae ipsi cum principe suo in●ercedebat, ut publice ●udiantur postulant: ille re cum. Legato Pontificio communicatâ, literis eti●m mandati, ut maioreni fidem faceret, exhibitis renunciat, indignari ipsum, quòd qui doctrinae regulam & modum accipere humiliter, at que obtemperare deberent, scriptum ullum offer, & maiotibus se quasi praescibere quidquam auderem: It● Lega●os ad Franciseum Toletanum remittit, à quo varijs ludificatiombus extracto tempore, dum intern c●iam Argentinenses à Guilford ●ictavio pari arte clud●ntur, nihil co anno ab ijs impetrari potuit. Thuanus Tom. 1. lib. 6. Anno 1551. pag. 610. Mandatorum haec summa erat, Theologis, qui ad Concilium venturi erant, non satis idoneè cautum esse, atque iccireo Mauritium adhuc ● eminem misisie; caeterùm decrevisse viros bonos mittere, & pacis ac concordiae imprimis studiosoes, qui iam in itinere sint: interim petere, ut ad Basiliensis Synodi formulam ijs caveatur, qui venturi sint, sicut olim Boenits cautum fuit; & dum illi veniant, omnis actio intermittatur; utque cum venerint, anteacta omnia retractentur, diesue consc ssui destinatus prorogetur: ita verò Concilium celebretur, ut omnes nationes ac populi ad illud conveniant, nec praesidis authoritatem Pontifex Rom. sibi arroget, sed Concilio se subijciat, quò libera sint omnium suffragia, & minimè praeiudicatae sententiae, cum illi adventu ipsorum laetari, & ut ad Patres relaturos se dicerent. Thuanus ibid. Anno 1552. pag. 719. Paulus Pontifex— Cardinals in cubiculum accersi jubet, &— postremò ut sanctissimum, sic illud vocabat, Inquisitionis officium, quo uno S.S. authoritatem niti affirmabat, commendatum haberent. Thuanus hist. Tom. 2. lib. 16. Anno 1559. pag. 753. Thuanus and ᵈ others have written concerning Protestants in the time of the d Our Molinaeus, and Gentillettus. Council of Trent, how prompt, how equal, how instant, and urgent they were, to have all controversies freely and unpartially decided; and yet, how unworthily and unjustly they were delayed, disdained, and deluded. But we return unto the Apologists. CHAP. III Of the faith of King Henry the eight. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 2 Secondly, as concerning now their like confessed examples, we will out of very many allege only some few. It will not (we think) be denied but that our late SOURAIGN● KING Henry the eight, did after his breach with Rome, believe and maintain the whole frame and substance of ●ur now professed Catholic faith, the article of the Pope's Primacy only excepted. To which end their own author Sleidane saith of him: 2 Sleydan in English, lib. 13. fol. 174. a. initio. He exiled the name of the Bishop of Rome, but kept still his doctrine. And M. Fox saith accordingly: 3 Fox Acts Monum. pag. 1472. b. fine. He set forth, and by full consent of Parliament established the book of six articles containing the sum of Popish religion. And it is evident that he himself in person, not only as then disputed, 4 Act. Monu. pag. 530. a. & b. initio. but also commanded 5 Act. Monu. page 533. a. circa med. sentence to be pronounced against Lambert. As also the L. Cromwell read and 6 Act. Monu. pag. 533. a. pronounced that sentence, and at his own death protested himself 7 Act. Mon. page 598. b. circa med. and see Hollinsheads Chronicle, page 591. to die in the Catholic faith, not doubting in any article of faith or Sacrament of the Church, though (saith he) many have slandered me to the contrary. And yet is he commended by M. Fox to die as 8 Act. Monu. Pag. 598. b. post med. a valiant soldier and captain of Christ: and the Church under the reign of King Henry the eight, is by M. Foxe affirmed to be a true 9 M. Fulke against Heskins, Sanders, etc. pag. 564. sect. 80. & 82. Church: and the King himself acknowledged in like manner for 10 Fulke ubi supra, sect. 82. and see D. Humphrey in jesuitismi, part. 2. rat. 3. pag. 304. circa med. a member of the Catholic Church of Christ. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. TWO things are herein very considerable, to wit, what the Apologists do grant, and what they deny. They grant that King Henry the eight did disclaim the article of the Pope's Primacy, but deny that he entertained any other form of substantial doctrine, until the last surrender of his spirit unto God, except this only article of Papal Primacy. And as though he had repent him of this opposition, they allege testimonies concerning his protestation at his death, which neither are to be a Their allegation at the number (7) out of M. Fox and M. Holli●shed, printed Anno 1586. (for they here name no edition, nor mention him in their catalogue of authors) hath not these testimonies. found, nor yet (if by Catholic be meant a Romanist) can they agreed with other such histories, which either Protestants or Romanists will approve. 2 Let us allow what the Apologists have said, King Henry excepted against the Pope's Primacy, which he did both in matters temporal (as the acts show) and also in causes Ecclesiastical, as is plain by the question of divorce. Seeing then that the name Papist is a denomination of Papa, the Pope, whose supreme authority over Kings, and infallibility of judgement, in prescribing decrees unto the Church, are professed at this day by our Adversaries as the two essential parts of that article of his Primacy, without which they pronounce all men to be b See above. without hope of salvation: the case is plain, that the King denying Papam, was nothing less than a Papist. 3 Neither was he alone in this, but the whole state of the land, as well Ecclesiastical as temporal, consented unto the same renunciation of the Pope's supremacy: and therefore could not but be liable unto the same sentence of excommunication, which Pope Paulus the third published and denounced against c Praeterea sub excommunicationis poena mandamus, ne ullus Princeps Christianus dicto Henrico Regi Anghae, eius nominis octavo, aut eius fautoribus etc. Bulla Pauli 3. lib. c●nstitut. Papal. de Pauli 3 Bulla, cap. 2. King Henry the eight, and all his favourers. 4 But if this had been the only article which the King defended (as the Apologists avouch) then did the Pope's Bull run wild, when in tenor of excommunication it d Insupet Principibus praedictis, alijsue quibuscunque personis in virtute sanctae obedientiae mandantes, ut adversus Regem ciusue fautores, dum in erroribus praedictis permanserint, armis insurgant. Bulla Pauli 3 quo suprà. commanded the forenamed Princes, and all other persons to take arms against the King and his favourers, as long as they continued in the foresaid errors. Belike than this error was not only. Otherwise how could Alphonsus de Castro, in his preface dedicated unto Philip late king of Spain, have commended his highness, because e Tu curâstiut regnum illud (speaking of England) quoth plum quàm vigints annos à fide Catholica defecerat, ad eandem reduceretur. Alphonsus à Castro epist. ded●● ad Phili● is Regem H●sp. before his w●rkeses, Paris. Anno 1578. after the defection of the kingdom of England, for the space of twenty years and more, from the Catholic faith, he had again reduced it unto the same faith, except they shall say that the Pope's Primacy is the only article of their different faith? 5 Again, one of the witnesses, whom they have produced, testifieth that K. H. in his latter times f M. Fox Act. Monuman the death of K. Henry 8. commanded that the people should be instructed concerning the point of justification, concerning Images, to avoid Idolatry, and all such like supersitions: and that at the hour of his death he sent for no other Confessor then M. Cranmer, to receive spiritual comfort from him. Matthew Parker writeth, that by his means g Henricus Rex profligato iam Papâ, eiectâ Monachorum & fratrum impurâ turbâ, tum promulgato per regnum evangelio, moritur etc. Matth. Parkerus antiq. Britan. pag. 338. the Papal power was banished, the Monastical srie of impurity abolished, the Gospel published: and before his death, he appointed the Earl of Hereford, whom he had created Duke of Summersault (no Romanist) Tutor to Prince Edward, and Lord Protector. Finally, Queen Mary after his death would h Neque pro patre Henrico, qui defectionis à Pontifice Rom. auctor fuerat, preces publicè sieri pasta est Maria. Thuanus hist. lib. 9 Anno 1553. pag. 971. not suffer public prayers to be said for his soul, because he died an excommunicate from the Church. Doubtless if he had had contrition for his breach with Rome, he would have sought an absolution from some Roman Priest. They proceed yet further in their personal argument. CHAP. four Of the faith of S. Bernard. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In like sort 11 Osiander cent. 12. pag. 309 post med. S. Bernard lived (some 400. years since, as M. jewel confesseth) even 12 jewel in his defence of the Apology, printed 1571. page 557. paulò ante med. and see Whitaker contra Duraeum, lib. 2. page 154 ante med. in the midst of the Pope's rout and tyranny: And as we do not found that he was then troubled or gainsaid so much as in any one article different from the doctrine of the Roman Church of that time, so we found confessed to the contrary, that he acknowledged even 13 Bernard lib 2. de consid. ad Eugenium. & vide epist. 125 & 131. & ep 190 add Innocentium: and see this confessed by M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament in Luc. 22. sect. 11. fol, 133. b. post initium: and M. Whitaker l. 2, contra Duraum, page 154. ante med. the Pope's supremacy, and was so comformable to the doctrine of the Roman Church, that he was made 14 Osiander in epitome. etc. cent. 12. page 309. and Simon de Voyon in his catalogue. etc. page 206. Abbot of Clairevaux, being also 15 Osiander ubi supra, page 309 fine, says: Centum & quadraginta Monasteriorum author fuisse creditur: and Danaeus in primae partis altera part contra Bellarminum, page 940. saith, Hieronymus & Bernardus fuerunt Monachi, & istius erroris authores & fautores. author of many Monasteries: Insomuch as our adversaries alleging him to us, do call him sanctus vester, 16 Goma●us in speculo ecclesiae, page 23. fine. our S. and 17 Whitaker in respons. ad rat. Campiani, rat. 7. page 105 ante med. saith, Bernardis Ecclesia vestra, mu●tis annis unum tulit pium virum. a man brought forth by our Church: who in regard of Christian communion wa● dearly 18 Osiander Centur. 12. page 305. post med. familiar to Malachias, whom our adversaries reject for a confessed 19 Osiander ibid. See his words heretofore secnt. 5. in the margin at the figure 3, initio. Catholic, or Papist. And yet this his known religion notwithstanding, our adversaries do acknowledge him for 20 Whitaker de ecclesia, page 369. pa●lò post med saith, Ego quidem Bernardum verè fuisse Sanctum existimo: and see the like in Whitaker against M. William Rainolds, page 125, & 126. a true Saint, 21 Osiander cent. 12. page 309. post med. a very good man, 22 See this in Pasquil's return into England, page 8. & 13. a good Father, and one of the lamps of the Church of God. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. AND why may not Protestants acknowledge S. Bernard for his life a Saint, and for his doctrine a Lamp? but yet not simply, as unspotted with errors, but comparatively, or (as the Scripture speaketh) in his generation, that is in respect of the age wherein he lived: when a deluge of iniquity and mist of superstition had overspread the outward face of the Church. 2 What the height of impiety of his time was, his own confessions and complaints do sufficiently declare, seeing that by the sight of it (as it may seem) his friend a Verùm de Antichristo cùm inquirerem quid sentiret, durant adhuc eâ quae nunc est, generatione revelandum illum esse certissime se scire protestatus est:— at sci citanti mihi unde certitudinem haberet, expone●e vellet, audito illo quod respondit, non me illud pro certo credere putavi. Ad summam tamen hoc asseruit, non visurum se mortem nisi prius viderit generalem in Ecclesia persecutionem. Bernard. epist 56. the Norberto, whom he calleth fistulam coelestem. Norbertus did prognosticate, that Antichrist was then to appear. He himself is in nothing more frequent th●n in deploring the malady of the Clergy of his time, comparing it unto the time wherein b Heu sicut Herodes & Pilatus reconciliati sunt, & Christus crucifixus est: sic nihilominus ist● reconciliantur, & pauperes Christi spoliati sunt.— Olim praedictum t●mpus nunc impletum est, Esa. 38. Ecce in pace amaritudo mea amarissima; ama●a prius in niece Martyrum, amarior in conflictu haereticorum, amarissima in moribus domesticorum— intestina & insanabilis est plaga Ecclesiae— perimentes par●●er & pereuntes. Serm. ad Clerum in Conc. Rhemensi congr. Tom. 2. Serpit hody putida rabbiss p●r omne corpus Ecclesiae, & quo latius ●o desperatius— Omnes amici, omnes inimici,— Ministri Christi, & serviunt Antichristo. Bernard. ibid. Iniquè agunt, & cateri contra Christum, multiue sunt nostris temporibus Ant●christi.— Haec videt Christus & sil●r, haec S●luator patitur & dissimulat— propterc● dissimulemus nos quoque necesse est, & sileamus interim, maximèque de Praelatis nostris magist●s Ecclesiarum. Bernard. Tom. 1. de convers. Pauli, Serm. 1 Herode and Pilate were made friends, and Christ was crucified; and from the most bitter bitterness of his soul crying out of the inward and incurable plague of the Church, and the corruption thereof in manners; the rage whereof he found to be so violent, that he said (speaking of the Prelates of the Church) they were Ministers of Christ, but yet served Antichrist. It is a gracious blessing to be godly, but to be a Lot in Sodom, and a lily among thorns, that is, a godly man in a general invasion of all vices, such an one is glorious, and may well challenge the title of Saint. 3 But the main question concerneth his doctrine, and how S. Bernard * See above. may be styled a Lamp, or, if they will, a Moon to give light in the darkness of infatuation of his times; but no Sun, for he wanted not his blemish and shadow, which occasioned the proverb, Bernardus non videt omnia; and provoked their Apologizer to tax him for distorting the * See above lib. 2 cap. 29. Scripture: and moved their Alphonsus de Castro, albeit he called Bernard c Haeresis sexta docet nullam animam ante diem judicij esse beatam. Huius erroris Patroni lienaeus,— & beatus Bernardus: nec mira●i quisquam deb●● quod tanti viri in tam pestiferum errorem sunt lapsi, quoniam, ut B. jacobus dicit, qui non o●fendit in uno vir perfectus est Alphonsus de Castro adversus Haeres. lib. 3. Tit. Beatitudo, fol. 76. blessed, yet to charge him with an heresy, & that also pestiferous. Again if S. Bernard shall but a little impeach the power of their Church, than they stick not to contemn him, saying, * See above. Say Bernard what he list. 4 And indeed, our Adversaries cannot claim a full interest in S. Bernard's faith; for he thought it the part of a Doctor of the Church, liberally to rebuke the worldly d Inter hae● tu Pastor procedis deauratus, tam multa circumdatus varietate. Oues quid capiunt? si auderem dicere, ●aemonun magis quàm ovium palcua haec: scil. sic factitabat Petrus, sic ludebat Paulus? Et paulò pust: Pastorem te populo huic aut nega, aut exhibe: non negabis, ne cuius sedem tenes, te neges haeredem. Petrus hic est, qui nescitur processisse aliquando vel gemmis ornatus vel sericis, non tectus auro, non vectus equo albo, nec stipatus milite, nec circumst●epentibus vectus ministris: absque his tamen credidit fatis posse impleri salutare mandatum: Si amas me, pasce oves meas. In his successisti non Petro, sed Constantino. S. Bernardus lib. 4. de considerate ad Eugen. cap. 2. & 3 pompousness of the Pope, accounting it a mere mockery, and the practice thereof a pasture fit for Devils, then for sheep: and committed such his reproofs unto writing for the direction of posterity. But now they advise us * See above l. 2. c. 29. §. 2. not publicly and freely to reprove the Pope, although he shall commit some error which is intolerable, as (for example) in granting of Indulgences. 5 He held the doctrine of the pure conception of the blessed Virgin in the womb of her mother, and the festivity of that day, to be e Quo (Christo) excepto, de caetero universos respexit ex Adam natos, quod unus humiliter de semetipso ac veraciter consiteretur: In iniquitatibus (inquiens) conceptus sum, & in peccatis concepit me matter mea. Cum haec ita se habeant, quaenam iam erit festivae ratio conceptionis? Quo pacto, inquam, aut sanctus asseretur conceptus, qui de Spiritu sancto non est, ne dicam, de peccato est, aut fessus habebitur, qui minime sanctus est? Libenter gloriosa hoc honore carebit, quo vel peccatum honorari, vel falsa induci videtur sanctitas. Alioquin nulla ei ratione placebit contra Ecclesiae ●itum praesumpta novitas, matter temeritatis, soror supe●stitionis, filia levitatis. Bernardus epist. 174. false, new, vain and superstitious: which is now * imposed upon some to be received under an oath, and is generally professed of our Adversaries, among whom one of the most ancient Jesuits doth for this cause thus answer, f Salmeron Ies. in Rom. 5. disp. 51. See above lib. 2. cap. 29. Sect. 2. num. 10. 11. We say (saith he) that all devotion which is due unto the blessed Virgin, did not rely upon S. Bernard, etc. 6 Our Adversaries now teach a prerogative and freedom of Bishops and the Pope from the necessary subjection unto the temporal and worldly governors, by the law of God: but S. Bernard writing unto a Bishop concerning this case, told him (which is confessed to be likewise the doctrine of other Fathers) that the order which God hath set, is, g Omnis anima subiecta sit etc.] Id est, sive Propheta, sive Apostolus, sive Episcopus, subditus sit. Sequitur Chrysostomum Euthymius— & Bernardus ad Episcopum Senonensem idem colligit [Omnis anima] tum vestra (inquit) quis vos excipit? si quis tentat excipere, tentat decipere. Epis●. Espenceus comm. in Tit. 3. 1. digress. 10. pag. 513. Paris. 1568. that every soul, even of the Apostles, doth own subjection; adding that he that should endeavour to except him, did indeed but tempt him. And when he considered the Popedom to swell by reason of the commixture of Popedom and Princedom, he said freely unto the Pope, that the h Apostolis interdicitur dominatus: ergo tu & tibi usurpare aude aut dominans Apostolatum, aut Apostolicus Dominatum. Bernardus lib. 2. the considerate. ad Eugenium, cap. 6. apostolic function, and worldly Domination cannot consist together. * See above. 7 What multitudes of novelties are daily maintained in their Church, is displayed in every part of this Appeal: but S. Bernard writing unto a Convent of Abbots, requireth such a Council and i Reverendis Abbatibus apud Suessionem in nomine Domini congregatis, etc. Non me, inquam, Sanctorum potest earere conventus, nec loci ●●rporisuè distantia private prorsus à Concilio justorum & congregatione. Illo praesertim Consilio, in quo non hominum traditiones obstmatius desensantur, aut superstitiosius obseruantur: sed diligenter humiliterue inquiritur, quae sit voluntas Dei bona & beneplacens & perfecta. Bernardus epist. 91. congregation, wherein the traditions of men are not obstinately defended, or superstitiously observed, but which doth diligently and humbly inquire what is the good and perfect will of God. Which sentence how it may cross many Romish Traditions, may be collected from our other particular treatises. 8 That which doth most give life unto the soul of every erroneous professor (we always except, that his error be not fundamental, or else sinisterly affected) is the matter of our justification before God: whereunto this lamp (S. Bernard) did give a great light in the three principal points. First against the now Romish doctrine of free-will, he ascribeth the whole original power of good in the consent of the will, unto k Non quod vel ipse consensus ab ipso sit— facit volentem, hoc est, volunt●ti suae consentientem.— Non partim g●atia, partim liberum arbitrium, sed torum quidem hoc, & totum illa; sed ut totum in illo, sic totum ex illa. Bernard. de great. & lib. arb. and in other sentences of that book. grace: secondly, when he preached the necessity of good works, as being the King's high way unto life everlasting, yet did he disclaim all confidence of his own l Fateor non sum dignus, nec proprijs meritis possum regnum obtinere coelorum: caeterùm duplici iure illud obtinens Dominus meus, haereditate scil. Patris, & merito passionis, altero ipse contentus, alterum mihi donat, ex cuius dono iure illud mihi vendicans non consundar. Author vitae Bern. cap. 13. & ipse Bern. s●pè in lib. de great. & lib. arb. merit, and judged good works to be no proper m Si propriè appellentur ea merita, quae dicimus nostra, spei quidem seminaria sunt,— via regni, non cau●a regnandi. Bernard. de great. & lib. arb. See more above lib. 2. cap. 11. §. 5. cause of salvation, not not even now when he was in the state of regeneration, but reposed his soul in the imputative justice, (which is without man) even the merit of Christ, as in the all-sufficient satisfaction: Lastly, he accounteth no better of men's best actions, as they proceed from man, then of a n Nos non sumus meliores Patribus nostris, qui non minus veraciter, quàm humiliter dicebant; Omnes justitiae nostrae velut pannus menstruatae mulieris. Bernard. Serm. 5. de verbis Esaiae, post medium. menstruous cloth. Which three points seem to have been anathematized in their last Council of o See above (for free-will and Merit) lib. 2. for the last. See Conc. Trident. Sess. 6. and Bellar. lib. 4. de justif. cap. 20. Trent. 9 We may not omit the confidence which he teacheth every penitent to have, that p Si credis peccata tua non posse deleri, nisi ab eo, etc.— sed add adhue ut credas, quia per ipsum tibi peccata donantur. Hoc est testimonium quod perhibet in cord nostro Spiritus sanctus dicen●, Dimis●a sunt tibi peccata tua. Bern. Serm. 1. de Annunciatione B. Mariae. his sins are remitted unto him. So that for these abovementioned respects (although there were no more) the Protestants might hold S. Bernard worthy of the foresaid denominations, without any great prejudice unto their cause. By this provocation we are constrained to deliver another position, viz. That Protestants in their lives, have deserved the name of sanctity; which is tried by the censures of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 2. 10 Cardinal Bellarmine is wonderful censorious: a In Ecclesia Catholica sunt plurimi mali, ex haereticis (speaking of Protestants) nullus est bonus. Bellar. lib. 4. de Eccles. milit. cap. 13. §. Quod verò. There are many wicked among us Catholics (saith he,) but among Protestants there is not one good. How shall this appear? For first their jesuite Maldonate confesseth an outward practice of b Caluinistae ovinâ pelle induti, nihil enim in eorum ore nisi Pater noster coelestis, nisi Christus, nisi fides, juramentum inauditum, nihil in eorum factis apparebat nisi eleemosynae, nisi temperantia, nisi modestia. He addeth, Ex fructibus homines cognoverunt non nativam hanc, sed apposititiam▪ fuisse pellem (but showeth not how.) Maldonat▪ jes. in Matth. 7. 15. praying, alms, temperance, modesty, abstaining from oaths, among Protestants; which he (not able to prove it) calleth the sheep's skin, and wolves covering. 11 Secondly, their jesuite Coster testifieth of them, that c Edunt illi quidem nonnunquam bona mo●alia, largiuntur eleemosynas, xenodochia erigunt, moderanter quidam eorum viwnt, á convivijs, & ●uram●ntiss seize abslinent:— haec sunt externa officia. Costerus Ies. Enchirid. cap. 2. De Ecclesia, pag. 101. they give alms, build hospitals, live moderately etc. which (saith he) are outward offices. And are they not also Christian duties? 12 Thirdly, their jesuite Salmeron objecting to himself this doubt, d Habent (speaking of Protestants, when they began to renoiece the Romish superstitions) multos sequaces, qui eorum disciplinam amplectuntur in tam exiguo temporis interuallo: Dei ergo opus esse videtur, qui non permitteret tam multos haeresi deceptos interire. Respondemus,— Neque mirum est, multos in eorum casses incide●e, quia peccata nostra, & daemonis potestas, & adulationes omnibus omnium hominum, etiam peccatorum, generibus adhibitae magnâ vi eloquentiae, & praetextu Scripturae, in causa sunt, ut quibusdam persuadeant; quia induti vestes onium, & malam nostram vitam cernentes, & eoram alijs urgentes, & successionem primitivae Ecclesiae sibi affingentes, multum possunt ad persuasionem apud eos, qui Scripturas, sanctos patres non legunt, aut non diligenter inspiciunt. Salmeron Ies. comm in Epist. B. Paul●, lib. 1. part 3. disp. 10. pag 235. How shall the religion of the Protestants not be thought to be from God, seeing it had so many professors in so short a time? doth answer, that it is no marvel, alleging, among other reasons, because (saith he) they cover themselves with sheep's clothing, and do behold the wickedness of our lives. Which cannot but argue, at lest, an outward holiness. We therefore demand of their Cardinal, How he will have man judged? If by the sight into men's inward souls? then shall they never be able to prove any man without a Miracle to be a Saint. But if the examination of their outward behaviours be sufficient arguments, why did he pronounce, that among Protestants there is not one good, and yet did acknowledge so many outward works of godliness? Among whom Luther is observed by Erasmus, to have been of so great e Luther● vita omnium horum consensu probatur, id non leave praeiudicium est, tantam esse morum integritatem, ut nec hosts reperiant quod calumnientur. Erasmus in Epist. ad Thomam Episc. Eborac. integrity of life, that his enemies could not take any exceptions against him: and Jerome of Prague, who was burnt at the time of the Council of Constance, is commended (by their Orator Poggius) for learning and godliness, and in that respect exorned with this Encomium, f Hieronymus Pragensis (in Conc. Constantiensi) incredibile dictu est, quibus se tueretur argumentis; nihil unquam protulit indignum viro bono &c— vitam luam & studia exposuit, officiorum plena & virtutum.— O virum dignum hominum memoriâ sempiternâ. Poggius Florentinus Orator in epist. ad Leonardum Aretinum, ut habetur in fascic. rerum expetendarum, fol 42, 43. OH man, worthy of the everlasting memory of men. 13 By which our Christian reader may take an argument of discerning of spirits, whether side do deal more ingenuously and sincerely, the Protestants, who acknowledge virtue in their Adversaries; or the Romanists, who, jest any might acknowledge as much in Protestants, command their memories to be abolished; as namely, where they found these words, the godly Doctor Luther, allow the book, but command those words to be g In johann Funccio haec verba [post pij Doctoris Lutheri mortem] deleantur. Index Expurg. apud junium, pag. 181. blotted out: where Caluine delivereth a godly sentence, the sentence shall stand, but h Supprimatur nomen calvini, & ponatur studiosus quidam. Ibid. pag. 124. the name of Caluine must be suppressed, & in stead thereof shall be written, a certain godly man said so. Let these plagiaries learn what that saying of Christ meaneth, * Matth. 11. 19 Wisdom (wheresoever) is justified of her children; and than it will, doubtless, appear, that Protestants are the true children of this Mother, because they are willing to call good good, in whomsoever they found it. CHAP. V Of the faith of some others, formerly alleged. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In like manner S. Bede (who lived about 900. years since) was so evidently of ●ur ●●●●gion, that our adversary Osiander therefore saith of him: 23 Osiander in epitome etc. cent. 8. l. 2. c. 3. pag. 58. initio. Beda was wrapped 〈…〉 the Popish errors, wherein we at this day descent from the Pope; for he admired ●●d embraced the worship of Images, the popish Mass, invocation of Saints, etc. 〈◊〉 thing appeareth also yet more undoubtedly (to omit his evident writings) by his 24 See M. Fox Act. Monu. printed 1576. p. 128, & 129. confessed credit and estimation had with the Popes of that age; and yet is he (all this notwithstanding) acknowledged by our adversaries to have been 25 Osiander cent. 8. p. 58. ante med. a good man 26 M. Couper in his Chronicle at the year of our Lord 734. fol. 171. b. renowned in all the world, for his learning and godly life: for which he was also privileged with the surname of (17) Reverend, and by D. Humphrey specially registered among 28 Humfredus in jesuitismi part 2 rat. 3. pa. 326. initio. the godly men raised up by the holy Ghost. Hitherto also appertaineth the like examples of Gregory and Augustine, both of them heretofore acknowledged for 29 Hereof see heretofore tract. 1. sect. 1. d 2, 3. c. confessed popish ●athelikess; and yet th' one of them called by our adversaries, 30 Hereof see before in this section at d. That blessed and holy Father S. Gregory, and the other 31 Before in this section at b, c. S. Austen our Apostle: whereunto (to omit others) might be added the forementioned example of your HIGHNESS dearest Mother, whose undoubted salvation (her known religion notwithstanding) was (even in that opposition of time) (27) Of this title see Hollinsheds' Chronicle at the year 735. and M. Couper in his Chronicle at the year 724 fol. 168. b. and M. Fox Act. Mon. printed 1576. page 128. b. & vide 129. a. & Oecolampadius in libro epistolarum Zuinglij & Oecolampadij pawn 654. post med. by the learned adversary, as before, 32 Before in this section at z. publicly acknowledged. What now can our adversaries answer into these confessed examples? Is there 33 james 1. 17. with God variablensse? or 34 Ephes. 6. 9 & Deuter. 10. 17. & Roman. 2. 11. & 1 Peter 1. 17. any acception of persons? or is he 35 Numb. 23. 19 as the son of man, that he should change so as one and the same religion, which was before in them holy, should now be in us damnable? And thus much brieflly concerning certain undoubted examples of this kind. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. WE may answer, that neither can this Treatise be truly called brief, which is enfarced with so many and needless repetitions; neither yet are the examples certainly undoubted, seeing that (as hath been shown) there was not an absolute accordance with our Adversaries in his majesties a See above ca 1. Mother, less in b See above lib. 1 cap. 7. Bede, and lest of all in S. c See above lib. 1 Gregory, as hath been unfolded in diverse particulars, which (to avoid tediousness) may not be repeated. 2 There is, we confess, * Rom. 2. 11. no acception of persons with God, which is to prefer one before another, or for some outward respect, to justify a sinner: nor is there any * jam. 1. shadow of change in the almighty, not to be the same God of justice and mercy that ever he hath been: but because even the godly men are not of equal perfection, nor their doctrines of the same metal, but differ (as the * 1. Cor. 3. 12. Apostle saith) as gold, silver, precious stones, timber, hay, stubble; there is constant justice in God to condemn their errors, and unchangeable mercy to pardon their persons; as our Adversaries themselves stand compellable to confess in S. Bernard, in whom their own Castro noted and confuted (as he calleth it,) a * See before in the last chapter, Sect. 1. lit. c. pernicious heresy. CHHP. VI Of the argument which is urged for proof of the saving religion of the Romish professors, taken from the state of their Infants. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 3 Thirdly, to make this point more evident as yet by the like answerable practice of almost all Protestant reform Churches. Whereas they hold that p In the propositions and principles disputed in the University of Geneva, page 166. sect. 25. the Sacraments are only to be administered to those that are taken for known members of the Church: which no man can be without faith, because that q Heb. 11. 6. without faith it is impossible to please God. For which cause they teach concerning Infants, who in their opinion have not r That children have not faith, is affirmed by M Cartwright in M Whitgifts' defence, pa. 611. And in the propositions and principles disputed in the University of Geneva, page 178. sect. 4. and by jacob. Kimedoncius in his Redemption of mankind, lib. 2. cap. 15. page 164 fine, and by M. Whitaker contra Duraeum, lib. 8. page 682. faith, which as the Scriptures witness s Rom. 10. 17. cometh by hearing (which Infants cannot accomplish,) that t So say the Divines of Geneva in the foresaid propositions and principles disputed page 178. sect 4. al●o Oecolampadius in libro epistolarum Oecolampadij & Zuinglij. lib. 2. pag. 301. circa med. saith hereof, Parentum & compatrum fides pueros sanctificat. And Praetorius lib. de Sacramentis, page 108. saith, Respectu fidelium parentum, infants fideles habentur, etc. Credunt igitur infants, said in paerentibus. they are comprehended within the covenant of eternal life, by means of the faith of their Parents, and * In the propositions and page 178. are for that cause to be baptized, and that therefore the children of jews, Turks and such like professed Infidels, are (e) not to be baptized, as not being comprehended within the covenant, by reason that their Parents do not believe. All this yet notwithstanding, they profess x Taught by M. Whitgift in his defence, &c page 623 ante med. By M. Hooker in his Ecclesiastical policy, lib. 3. sect. 1. page 131. By D. Some ubi supra, page 149, & 150. and in the foresaid propositions and principles, etc. page 179. sect. 9 It is said by the Divines of Geneva, We are of mind that the children of Papists may be received unto Baptism. to teach and practise their baptizing of Infants borne of Catholic (or as they term) popish Parents: Not (saith M. Hooker) in regard of y M. Hooker ubi supra. God's promise which reacheth unto a thousand generatious: for by this reason the children of Turks, and (as M. Hooker saith) z M. Hooker ibidem. all the world may be baptised, in so much as no man is a thousand descents removed from Adam. But their said baptizing of them is (according to the other promises of their doctrine) by themselves practised and holden good, though (as M. D. Some affirmeth a M. Some in his foresaid defence, etc. cap. 22. page 165. & 167. to Penrie) they were the children of popish West-Indians, whose other former ancestors never knew the Christian faith, & though (saith he) those West-Indians b M. Some ibidem, p. 167. were baptized by popish shavelings, yet they received true baptism, and were engraffed into Christ, and for this reason, because there is a Church in popery: for (saith he) c M. Some ibid. p. 149. post med. saith: And Amandus Polanus in part. theology. page 305. post med saith: Hodierna Ecclesia Romana est ad huc Ecclesia Christi, sed omnium impurissima etc. alioquin ij qui in Papatu sunt baptizati, extra Ecclesiam Christi: ac proinde nec baptismo Christi crescent baptizati, etc. If there were no Church at all in popery (then) the Infants of papists were not to be baptized in any reformed Church. By which premises of their confessed practice it appeareth, 1 that the children of Catholic (or popisb) Parents are to be baptized, 2 as being comprehended within the covenant of eternal life: 3 and that by reason of their parent's faith: so evidently in their doctrine and practice, is the faith of the Catholic (or popish) parents, holden for available to his child. And shall it then be thought damnable to himself? or holden worthy to be yet further persecuted by our so implacable and unrelenting adversaries? (u) In the propositions and principles, etc. ubi suprà, sect. 8. page 179. and M Whitaker contra Duraeum, lib. 8 page 679. fine saith, Infidelium liberos (ut Turcarum, judaeorum, Ethnicorum, calvinus meritò & verè negat esse baptizand●s: and the like is taught by Kimedoncius in his Redemption of mankind, lib. 2. cap. 15. page 167. fine: and see M. D. Some in his defence against Pen●y, and refuration etc. page 150. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THis reason is wrought with excellent subtlety, and is indeed the most specious objection that can be found in their whole book: the connexion whereof may be thus comprised. If Romish children be within the covenant of grace, by reason of the faith of their parents, than the parents themselves are within that covenant, and in the state of salvation; and consequently the Romish doctrine is confessed by Protestants to be the Catholic and saving faith. Which conclusion is thus made contrary unto the intention of the alleged authors, contrary unto the instance which may be taken from our Adversaries their own doctrine, and contrary to the light of common experience. First, 2 All the Protestant author's above-cited, distinguish the state of the children of the pagan and infidel parents from the children of all sects of Christians, whether they be Papists or Anabaptiss, or whatsoever other heretics, if that the parents themselves have been once by baptism, in the faith of the holy Trinity, dedicated unto Christ: by virtue of the which covenant and stipulation with God (wherein the children of all Christians are comprised) it cometh to pass, that the child is only interested in that part of the covenant, which is sound and Catholic; whilst as the parents themselves stand guilty of heresies, which by their own proper and actual consent, they have added unto the truth. 3 Now then the Apologists by their inference from their alleged confessions of Protestants, have gained no more advantage than the Anabaptiss, or (if they be not fundamentally heretical) then other heretics may obtain. Thus is this thread broken, which they have so curiously and artificially spun. But yet, because of their great confidence which they six upon this speculation, we own them a second satisfaction from their own Principles. 4 For, Cardinal Tolet thinketh it a matter probable, that in some case b Baptismi minister necessitatis— potest esse homo cuiuscunque vitae, sive judaeus, sive Paganus, sive alius quivis infidelis, etc.— tamen omnibus est necessaria intentio debita faciendi id, quod facit Ecclesia, uti diximus, unde, licet infidelis non crederet se quicquam boni facere, & cum irrisione faceret, si tamen ad petitionem baptizandi baptizaret, intendens facere id quod facit Ecclesia Christiana— verè baptizaret. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 2. cap. 20. pag 377, 378. an a An praecisus, qualis est haereticus aut schismaticus, possit absoluere in articulo mortis? Si casus accideret, quòd non esset periculum desperationis, aut seductionis, non est improbabile quod affirmant,— posse, nempe, absolui ab haeretico aut schismatico, quando scandalum non esset. Communis tamen opinio est in contrarium. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. lib. 1. ca 15. §. Sextò non. heretic or a schismatic may give absolution: but they will not say, that any pagan or infidel can absolve any sinner. Here than we see that the pa●tie absolved receiveth grace and remission of sin, and yet the absoluer, being an heretic, doth still persist in the state of damnation. We demand, whence is it, that the absolution becometh so effectual to the absolved? is it only by the power of his own faith, or the outward form of words? So the absolution made by a pagan should have been as effectual, as that which was performed by an heretic. They must therefore confess some ability in an heretic, (not as he is an heretic, but as he is a Christian,) by virtue whereof the absolution is made sovereign unto him that receiveth it: & consequently grant, that a man may be cause of saving health unto another by that his faith, which by reason of his admixture of heresy, is damnable unto himself. 5 What shall we say of another Principle, which is general in their Church? viz. In the case of necessity, if a pagan shall baptise one, it is a perfect baptism, although it be done in scorn; always provided, that in baptizing, he have an intention to do that which the Christian Church doth. Mark, here is a case of necessity, which is in the behalf of the soul of a child, where a Pagan is held to be a sufficient Minister of this sacrament; yet so, that he have a Christian intent: which doth fully contradict the Apologists consequence. For here, by their own doctrine, the intent of a Pagan is available for the working of saving grace unto the baptised, which intent of the Pagan is damnable to himself. 6 Common experience, especially in other nations, doth tell us, that if a man, who is an enfranchised or naturalised subject, shall run headlong into any actual rebellion, and in this transgression shall beget a son, this child, by the virtue of the father's first naturalisation, shall enjoy the benefit of a subject, and inherit his father's lands. Wherein we may observe that the father's first enfranchisement is available for the good of the child, which (by reason of his own act of rebellion) becometh unprofitable, nay deadly unto himself. So the character of the true Baptism of Christ, wherein an heretical father was dedicated unto God, may establish his seed in the state of perfect Christianity, even by virtue of that root, which was the faith of the blessed Trinity, and abrenuntiation of all error and wickedness; whereby there doth accrue a greater measure of judgement unto the father himself, because of his actual apostasy from simplicity of the holy faith. Notwithstanding all this our discourse, we wish our reader to inquire into the testimonies objected from protestants, and try when they said, that children borne of Christian parents are in the state of grace: whether some meant, or else aught to have understood, according to the judgement of some ancients, that such children were Candidati Baptismi, that is, had a ius and right unto Baptism; which is common also unto the children of Turks, but as they are adopted or brought up by Christians in their families, as it was in the family of Abraham, where strangers bought with money, and their children, by reason of the covenant of circumcision, were called his Seed. CHAP. VII. Of the Romish change in the points of Religion, which is the principal question of this dispute following. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. That Protestants cannot prove, that the Roman Church did change her Religion, since the first conversion thereto in the Apostles time. §. 7. And for so much as it is your HIGHNESS In the sum of the conference before the king's Majesty, pag. 75 circa med. constant and resolute opinion, that no Church aught further to separate itself from the Church of Rome, than she hath departed from herself, when she was in her flourishing and best estate. In further prohabilitie therefore of the premises, we do presume hereby most humbly to submit to your MAIESTIHS most learned judgement this brief discourse had thereof in the two sections next ensuing. It is generally confessed that the Roman Church was once the true Church, and professed the true faith, whereto the p I thank my God for you, etc. because your saith is renowned throughout the whole world. Rom. 1. 8. To all that be at Rome, the beloved of God, called to be Saints, grace to you. Rom. 1. 7. That which is common to us both, your faith and mine. Rom. 1. 12. Your obedience is published in every place. Rom. 16. 19 Apostle himself giveth full and assured testimony: whereupon it evidently followeth, that if the Roman Church have not since changed her religion, than she still retaineth and persisteth in the right faith. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. WE willingly join issue, and if we cannot prove that the Roman Church hath in many weighty points of religion degenerated from herself, then shall we no more decline from her as from a malignant stepdame, but devoutly yield unto her all due acknowledgement, as unto a mother Church. We must desire our reader then to expect a full evidence and plain proof hereof, after that we have first removed those rubs which the Apologists have cast in our way, by manifold objections, as first questioning, Whether Pope Victor made any change by his claim of authority over other Churches. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Now as touching her supposed change; we will briefly examine what our learned adversaries (who have purposely and seriously laboured in discovery or proof of this pretended change) do most materially object in that behalf. 1 First then q M. Whitaker contra Du●aeum, lib. 7. page 480. initio: and M. Fulke in his answer to a counterfeit Catholic page 36. post med. the first (saith M. Whitaker, and M. Fulke) that exercised jurisdiction upon fort●aine Churches was Victor: whereto we answer (as doth the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury concerning woman's Baptism) saying to M. Cartwright: r M. Whitgift in his defence, page 510 prope sinem. You say in the margin that Victor Anno. 198. did first appoint that women might baptizm, by this you do add more credit to the cause, than you are ware of; for Victor was a godly Bishop and Martyr, and the Church at that time was in great purity, as not being long after the Apostles. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 2 This first point is indeed very material; for the act of Victor being rightly pondered, will prove (that we may so speak) fatal and prejudicial to the now Romish claim of Primacy: which disadvantage this their preoccupation (taken from the speech of the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury) can no way prevent; for in the same objected place he further professed, saying, a Page 509. I go not about to confirm the baptism of women: plainly signifying that his intendment was not by that answer to make the authority of Victor any rule of Christian resolution. But what else? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Whereto we further add, that whereas Victor in the example now urged, did upon occasion s The occasion hereof, was that the Churches of Asia minor had received of S. john the Evangelist to observe our Lords Pasch or Easter day not always upon Sunday, but with the jews (in regard of their known weakness) upon the 14 of the Moon, as in like sort upon the same ground was for the time tolerated, Circumcision, Acts 16. 3. and abstinence from blood, and that which is strangled, Acts 15. 20. The Bishops of Rome (who had received of S. Peter and Paul the other manner, did accordingly tolerate the Churches of Asia, till such ti●e as that certain of them in Asia made this their observation necessary, in so much that the other manner was condemned by the l●daizing heretic Blastui. Tertullian de prescript. circa finem: and Centur. 2. c. 5. col. 107. l. 12. Hereupon Victor thought good to tolerate them no longer, and therefore prescribed the Bishops of Asia to be excommunicated, unless they conformed themselves to the Latin Church in the observation of ●aster day. then seeming very sl●nder t The Churches of Asia not denying the feast of Easter, but differing only from the Roman Church in the day on which it should be kept, wherein also they had (as they presumed) the forementioned example and tradition of S. john for their warrant, thought this no ●ust cause of excommunication. excommunicate the Bishops of Asia, wherein (saith M. Fulke) u M. Fulke in his answer to a counterfeit Catholic, page 36. post med. he passed the bounds of his authority, howsoever the Bishops' ●f Asia (in respect of the said occasion seeming to them so slender) censured Victor as over severe; x ●useb hist. lib. ●. cap. 23, & 24. yet (which is most to be observed) no one of them (though thus in their own opinion provoked,) chargeth him (as in all reason if they might they would) with any undue claim or exercise of usurped authority: y Euseb. hist. lib. 5. cap. 24. initio, reporteth how Irenaeus who thought Victor over sharp herein, ●dmonisheth Victor by letters that he would not for the observation of a tradition so long used, quite cut off so many Church's fr●● the body of the universal Church: In which words he doth not so much impugn as plainly acknowledge his authority: for h●● could Victor so cut them off, unless he had authority therein? even Irenaeus himself (who stood most herein) acknowledgeth so plainly elsewhere the Primacy of the Roman See, that he is therefore specially reprehended * Centur. 2. c. 4. col. 64. l. 10. it is said, Novitatem 〈◊〉 quandam & illud recipere quibusdam videri posset, quoth in exemplaribus Irenaei, qualia nunc habemus, extat libro 〈◊〉, ca●●●tio. Ad hanc Ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem convenire Ecclesiam, etc. And in the Alphabetical table of that Century, at the word Irenaeus, special reference being there made to this saying of Irenaeus, it is withal 〈◊〉 thereof, Irenaei correpta sententia de Primatu Ecclesiae Romanae: 64. 12. by the century writers of Magdeburge. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 3 True it is, that the Asian Bishops did observe the time of Easter according unto the custom of the jews, but yet not according unto the jewish intention, that is, as necessarily bound to that time by the law of Moses, as the a De eo (Blasto) scribens Tertullianus, sic ait: Blastus accedens latenter judaismum vult introducere: Pascha enim dicit non aliter custodiendum esse, nisi ex lege Mosi, quartâ decimâ Mensis. Tertull. Prescript. 53. heretic Blastus taught; but by virtue (as they thought) of an * Nicholaus 1. Episc. Rom. epist. ad Mich. Graecum Imperatorem: Cum Asiani, inquit, omnes, inter caeteros evangelista johann authore, quartadecima Lunâ cum judaeis putarent Pascha celebrandum, hoc Victor à collegis separavit. Massonius lib. 1. de Episc. Rom. Tit. Victor, pag. 15. Apostolical Tradition from S. john, as here is confessed: nor yet did they schismatically, with b Cum igitur Blastus eius rei causa iam schisma conflásset, etc. Baronius Cardin. Tom. 2. Anno 198. num. 16. Blastus, condemn all other Churches, which did not celebrated the feast of Easter at the same 14. day of the month; but, notwithstanding this difference of rites concerning the observation of Easter, did persist in the unity of faithful fellowship and love with all orthodoxal Christians. But Pope Victor began to thunder against Christians, and adventure to excommunicate those holy Bishops of Asia, when he become himself an author of that schism, and (as our Doctor hath said) passed the bounds of his authority. 4 The argument which they oppose hereunto is very pithless: for * See above lib. 2. cap. 22. largely discussed. among those Asian Bishops, (as hath been confessed) the famous Polycrates would not be dissuaded, but said that he was not dismayed with the terror of the excommunication of Pope Victor: and other Bishops commanded Victor to seek concord and peace: and notwithstanding his excommunication, kept their ancient custom, according as they had decreed in a Council. And not this only, but c At illi (Asiani) omnes cum nonnullis alijs Praesulibus, non solum huic manus minimè praebuerunt, verumetiam pertinaciae redarguerunt. Massonius ibid. verbis. seqq. the same Asians, and other Bishops reproved the Pope of obstinacy. Can any require a better argument of their condemning of the Pope's usurped authority, then is their contemning his excommunication as a puff of pride? or any greater derogation from the transcendency of his judgement, then to contradict his constitution by a contrary decree in a Council? This showeth that all those Asians, who in those purest times of the Church neglected that excommunication, which is the greatest thunderbolt that the Pope can sand forth, were nothing less than Popish. 5 In the objection out of Irenaeus, we have * See before, lib. 2. cap. 23. Sect. 1 & 2. already observed, both that the witnesses whom they produce, have been wronged by their allegation, and that the Father Irenaeus himself hath much disabled their pretence. CHAP. VIII. Whether these three Popes, Boniface, Sozomen, and Celestine, did not make the first challenge of necessary Appeals unto the See of Rome from Africa, (and consequently from other remote Churches) upon a false and forged pretence. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 2 Secondly, M. Whitaker z Whitaker contra Duraeum. l. 7. p. 480. giveth example in Zozimus, Bonifacius, and Celestinus, Bishops of Rome, a M. Fulke in his answer to a counter●●t Catholic, pag. 37. circa medium. challenging (saith M. Fulke) Prerogative over the Bishops in Africa by forging a false Canon of the Nicene Council. Whereto we answer: that the former example of Victor who lived about some 200. years before these, fully avoideth this objection: for if Victor so long before them challenged primacy, than did they but continued it, and not first bring it in; As for the suspicion b The suspicion which Protestants enforce was this: Zozimus, Bonifa●e and Celestinus, to prove unto the Bishops of Africa appeals unto Rome, alleged in behalf thereo● t●e Nicene Council: whereupon saith M. jewel in the fourth article of his Reply, The said African Bishops wrote unto the 〈◊〉 of the East to set their copies of the Nicene Council: upon return of which copies from Cyril Bishop of Alexandria a●d A●ticus of Constantinople, there appeared therein no such Canon: As also (say they) neither in the 22 Canons set down by Ruffinus (hist. l. 10. c. 6.) doth any such Canon appear, whereupon Protestants urge this to have been a forgery and ●n● ovation in Zozimus, Boniface and Celestinus. of pretended forgery of the Canons of the Nicene Council by Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestinus, it is both untrue c Untrue, for between the time of the Nicene Council and of the foresaid Bishops, Cyril of Alexandria, and Atticus of Constantinople, the Arrians had occupied those sees, whereof see Socrates l. 2. Zozom. l. 4. Theodoret. l. 2. and Niceph. l. 9 & 10.) and corrupted the true originals of the Nicene Council, so as the Canons which Ruffinus setteth down and which Cyril and Atticus sent (howsoever those Father's thought of then● were fal●e and corrupted, which to be true, appeareth many ways: 1. First, in that sundry ancient Fathers have alleged sundry Canons of the Nicene Council, which are not to be found in these: As for example An brose ep. 82. saith, It was decr●●● in the Nicene Council, Ne big amus in clerum asciscatur. S. Austin ep. 110. saith, It was there decreed, Ne Episc●pus sibi succes●rem sufficiat. Hieron. in praefat. judith, saith concerning the book of judith: Hunc librum Synodu● Nicena in nun 〈◊〉 sanctarum Scripturarum legitur computasse. And the Fathers of the second general Council of Constantinople (which was 30 years before Zozimus) in their synodical letters written to the Bishops of Italy, Damasus and others, extant in Theodoret hist. l. 5. c. 9 post medium, affirm that there was sanctorum Patrum in Concilio-Niceno decisio, ut videlicet singularum Pro●inciarum antistites unà cum finitimis (modo ipsis ita visum suerit Episcopis) minisiros ad Ecclesiarum commodum in suu ipscrum provinci●s ordinent. julius who was Bishop of Rome presently after the Nicene Council (in rescript. contra Orientales pro Athanasio, etc. which is in I sidors collection, and a great part thereof specially recited and alleged verbatim by Sozomen hist. l. 3. c. 7. and whereof see Socrates hist l. 2. c. 11.) saith, Canonibus in Nicena Synodo iubentibus, non debere praeter sentent●● Romani Pontificis concilia celebrari. And Socrates affirmeth accordingly that such a Canon was, hist. l▪ 2. c. 5 and that it was alleged by julius hist. l. 2▪ c. 13. and so likewise doth Zozomen hist. l. 3. c. 9 also it is notorious and most certain, as appeareth by Athanasius in epistola de synodis Armini & Seleuci, and by Eusebius de vita Constantini. l. 3. c. 5. 17. & 18. and by ●piplianli er. 69. that one principal occasion of the Nicen Council was to determine the controversy about the observation of Easter day, and that accordingly those Fathers made a Canon thereof. To omit sundry other like examples in that kind, whereof read Concil. Aphricanum Can 14. and Leo ep. 25. ad Theodosium Augustum. And the Lord Archbishop of Canterbuty in his defence etc. page 334. post medium. And to omit likewise that the Canons alleged by Ruffinus, do vary from the Canons sent by Cyrillus, both in number, order and matter; divers learned Protestants, as Oecolampadius, in libro Epistolarum Oecolampadij & Zuinglij, page 664. & 667. Calum. lib. 4. Institut c. 17. sect 36. M. jewel in his Apology of the Church of England: and M. Bilson now Bishop of Winchester, in his true difference between etc. part 4. page 555. ante med do acknowledge and mention a Canon of the Nicene Council concerning the Sacrament. Allured▪ which said Canons are wanting as well in the 22. Canons set down by Ruffinus, as also in the 20. Canons sent by cyril, insomuch as Oecolampadius ubi supra. pag. 664. ante med. expressly chargeth our Latin copies as defective in this behalf. 2. Secondly, in that the Artians had burned the originals of the Nicene Council, which to be true appeareth by Athanasius in epist. ad omnes orthodoxos. And julius in rescript. ad Orientales, allegeth in particular very many of the other Canons of the Nicene Council, which Protestants now reject for forged, and among them one Canon concerning appeals to Rome. 3. ●astly, the Aphricans (whom this matter most concerned) were so far from charging the said Popes with innovation or forgery▪ that S. Austin one of them calleth Zozimus the most blessed Pope Zozimus, Aug. de gra. Crystal. 2. c▪ 2. & 6. 7. & 8. & 17. & epist. 157. & Council Aphric. in Epist. ad Bonifacium. And like titles of reverence and honour are given by the Aphrican Bishops to Boniface and Celestinus. Vide epistolam Aphricani Concilij ad Bonifacium, & vide epist. Afric. Concil. ad Celestinum. and d Imtertinent, because that the Council of Sardica, not that heretical Conventicle against Athanasius, mentioned by Zozomen hist. l. 3. c 10. and which M. Whitaker mistaketh contra Duraeum l. 7. p. 499: but that other Catholic Council mentioned by Dresserus in Millenar. 5. page 104. & 246. and by Carrion in Chronic. p. 283. initio, and by Zozomen lib. 3 ca 11. (whereat as witnesseth Theodoret hist. l. 2 c. 7. and carrion in Chronic. page 282. post med. Athanasius, and many other of the Fathers of the Nicene Council were present) affirmeth can. 7. before the times of Zozimus, Boniface and Celestinus, this very matter of appealing to Rome, insomuch as Calvin lib. 4. Institut. c. 7. sect. 9▪ mentioneth this decree, and thought that the Pope did not forge, but by mistaking allege this decree of Sardica, as the decree of the Council of Nice▪ so clear hereby it is, that Zozimus, Boniface and Celestinus were no Innovators. impertinent. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. Showing the matter of this accusation, from the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 1. HOW shall the example of Victor support the causes of other Popes, which hath been found to be unable to stand of itself? We come unto the accusation of the Pope's false pretence of a Canon for the authorizing of their power of Appeals, which imputation their Apologists did promise' to * See above l. 2. cap. 22. avoid, and now is it put unto the trial. The brief of this business (as it is set down in the book of the Council by their own Surius) is this: Aparius a Priest was excommunicated for his a Apud Suri●m, Tom. 1. Conc. de Conc. Africano, pag. 588. Scandalum non leave. ●ag. 588. col. 1. scandalous, b Immania flagitia pag. 590. col. 2. monstrous, and c Tu●pitudines nefandas.— horrible wickedness, which at the length he d Repentè in confessionem cuncto●um flagi●●rum dololus negator e●upit,— & in gemitus se convertit. pag 590. col. 2. Nefandis nequitijs. pag. 591. col 1 confessed, not without tears; and despairing of all favour from the Church of Africa, for the recovery of his place, traveleth to Boniface the Pope of Rome, by whose authority he sought to be e Petens ab omnibus erratis suis veniam, communioni est restitutus▪ Pag. 588. col. 1. restored again, through (as was alleged) f Quasi Romanae Ecclesiae asse●ens privilegia. Pag. 590. col. 2. the Prerogative of the See of Rome, grounded upon the pretence g Conc. Nicaen. Page 589 col. 1. of a Canon in the ancient Council of Nice. But the Bishops of the Council of Carthage, not yielding too hasty credit unto their allegation, * See Apolog. confess th●● in their margin. sent their Legates unto the Greek Patriarches of Antioch, Alexandria, and Constantinople, by whose help they might consult with the ancient copies and records, for trial whether there had been any such Canon enacted in the Nicene Council, or not. After due examination performed herein, they are informed by express letters from h Rescripta Cyrill●'s. Pag. 589. col. 2. Cyril Patriarch of Alexandria, and from i I pistola Attici. Ibid. Atticus Patriarch of Constantinople, of the ancient copies, wherein the alleged Canon could not be found. 2 This being understood, the Fathers of the foresaid Council (amongst whom S. k Subscri● serunt Alip●us,— & Augustinus, etc. P●g▪ 58● col. 2. Augustine was a principal one) did entreat the Bishop of Rome l N●c. à nebis excommunicatos, etc. Pag. 590 col. 2. not to admit again of any excommunicate persons into his communion, because as your Reverence (say they) may perceive, it is so decreed by the Council of Nice, arguing the equity thereof from this common rule of experience; m Prudentissimè enim, etc. Pag. 591. c●l. 1. because (say they) all such matters may be most discreetly and indifferently ordered in the provinces where they are begun. And jest any might object the supremacy of the Pope, they thus preoccupate in their epistle unto the Pope: n Nisi to●tè quisquam est, qui credat vincui●ibet posse Deum examinis inspirare justitiam, & innumerabilibus Sacerdotibus in Concilium congregatis denegare. Page 591. col. 1. Except any shall peradventure think (say they) that God will inspire some one with the spirit of wisdom and justice, and deny that grace unto many assembled together in one Synod for determination of such causes. And in conclusion, they judge o Aut quomodo ipsu ●n t●ansmarinum judicium rat●m erit? &c Ibid. Appeals beyond the sea (as namely from Carthage unto Rome) not to be safe, for defect of due prosecution by witnesses, calling the contrary practice (if the Pope should challenge it) a p Executores Clenco u●stros nolite mittere, nolite concedere, ne fumosum typhum seculi in Ecclesiam Christi— videamur inducere. Ibid. smoky arrogancy. 3 This is the true process of that Council: hence it is that Protestants have imputed unto those Pope's both matter of forgery, & of innovation. This is an old sore, and hath been often rubbed: we now must try the virtue of the salve which they have plastered upon it: it is compounded of two observations, first they would show that this accusation is false, and secondly that it is impertinent; both which in their marginal notes are more largely prosecuted. Therefore we must try first Whether the accusation made against the forenamed Popes for forgery be false, or no? SECT. 2. 4 The general exception, which the Apologists do take against the truth of this accusation, is by imagining (as they have been instructed by two a Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. c. 25. & Baron. Tom 5. Anno 419. num. 80. Cardinals) that because histories report, that the Arian Heretics occupied those Seas in Grecia, therefore those copies * Apologists at the letter (c.) were by them corrupted, howsoever (say the Apologists) those Father's thought of them. The Fathers, who are confessed to have thought otherwise, were such, whose names have been always honourable in God's Church, for their orthodoxal profession and glorious victories against the Arian faction, to wit, Cyril Patriarch of Alexandria, who called the foresaid copies b Necesse habui— fidelissima exemplatia ex authentica Synodo in Nicaea Bithyniae habità, vestrae charitati dirigere. Surius Tom. 1. Rescript Cyrilli Alexand. pag. 589. most faithful examples taken out of the authentic Synod of Nice; and Atticus Patriarch of Constantinople, who names them the c Sicut statuta sunt in Nicaea civitate à Patribus Canon's in integro (sicut iussistis) direxi. Epist. Attici Episc. Constant. ibid. pag. 590. perfect number of Canons of Nice; and two hundred and s●uenteene Bishops of the Council of Africa (whereunto S. Augustine did * See the last Se●●. let. k. subscribe) who judged that the d Ex orientalibus Ecclesijs, ubi perhibentur eadem Decreta, posse etiam authentica reperi●i. Conc. Afric. epist. ad Bonifac. apud Surium quo suprà, pag. 589. col. 1. Authentical examples were extant (if anywhere) in those Churches of Greece, and therefore sent to be satisfied in the truth from thence: and after that they had received them, they held it a matter e Quis enim dubitet exemplaria esse verissima Concilij in Graecia Nicaenae Synodi congregatae, quae tam diversis locis & de nobilibus Graecis Ecclesijs adlata & comparata concordant. Ib. verbis seqq. without all doubt, that they were the authentic and perfect copies; because those Greek Bishops were taken from the most noble Churches in Grecia: and the rather for that they being severed one from another by so great a distance, did notwithstanding join & accord in their evidence. Furthermore certifying the Pope, that all other examples, whether f Quanquam plurimos codices legeremus, sed nunquam in Nicaeno Concilio in Latinis codicibus legimus. Ibid. pag 589. col. 1.— Quia hic in nullo Graeco, etc. Ibid. Greek or Latin, which they could get, (except only that which the Popes themselves did suggest,) did want the surmised Canon: whereunto Ruffinus and Isidore do * See hereafter. consent. 5 And shall we now dare, for the defence of one Romish example, to set so light by, and to nullify so many copies of so different Provinces, received from so noble Authors, acknowledged with so universal a consent? This sufficiently bewrayeth the irreverence which our Adversaries have unto true antiquity. It is necessary that this be done upon some good, and more than probable reason. We come to this trial, and deliver A confutation of the reasons, which have been used by the Apologists in impugning of the former accusation: even from the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 3. 6 They have polished their margin with a multitude of objections, to prove that the Arrians had corrupted the Originals: and their chief argument is, because that sundry ancient Fathers have alleged diverse Canons of the Council of Nice, which are not found in the forenamed copies of that Council. Whereunto we answer by a distinction, acknowledged and published by their own jesuite Pisanus, who observeth out of a Greek Author, that a Idem Graecus author noster duo Decretorun genera in Synodo Nicaena constituta fuisse refert, praeter fidei declarationem, & Arij excommunicationem: Primum Decretorun genus ipse Diatyposes vocat, nos constitutiones dicere possumus, sed maluimus Graecum nomen retinere, & diatyposes apple lare. In eisofficia Ecclesiastica ad ordinem debitum redacta suisle, idem author tradit. Illae verò, quas ipse author profert, indicant in eyes doctrinam potius contineri quàm praecepta. Alterum genus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ille nuncupavit, nos Canon's passim nominamus, ad Ecclesiasticam disciplinam pertinentes. Diatypose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 numerum ignoram us; author enim ille novem proposuit, sed a lijciens, illas fuisse paucas ex multis. Alphons. Pisan. Ies. initio 3. libri de Nicaeno Conc. tom. 1. Conc. apud Sever. Bimun, p. 344. There were two kind of Decrees used in the Nicene Council, the one called Diatyposes, Constitutions, the other named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we call Canons, which concerned Ecclesiastical discipline: we know not (saith he) the number of their Constitutions, which that Authors saith were few; and the book of the greek Author, viz. G●lasius Cysicenus, hath been lately b Haec Alphon●us Pisanus, ex Graeco authore qui postea Gelasijs Cysieaeni nomine, Graecè ac Latinc Parisijs à Frederico Morello edit●s fuit, Roberto Balforeo Scoto, viro Catholico, interpret. Possevinus Apparat. Sacr. Tom. 2. Tit. Nicaenum Concilium. translated by Balforeus (in the judgement of the jesuite Possevine) a Catholic. 7 This distinction between Constitutions and Canons thus standing, the objections, which are here made, are presently refuted, because the contention between the Africanes and the Popes of Rome was concerning Canons, and our adversaries instances are about Constitutions and Acts, which are to be discerned from the Canons properly so called, and were but twenty. 8 This collection agreeth with the judgement of their own jesuite Turrian (taken from Balsamon,) where speaking of the time of the celebration of Easter, (both which are here objected by the Apologists, as recorded in the true Canons of the Council of Nice,) he granteth that they are d Ad eadem acta referendi sunt Nicaeni Canon's de generibus non ordinandorum, de poenitentibus in Epist. 6. Innocentij ad Agapetum Macedonium, & de alijs in Epist. ad Synod. Toletanam, & de Bigamis in Epist. Ambrosijs 82. & siqui alij sunt, de quibus authores meminerunt. Turrianus ibid. verb. seqq. not found in the Canons of that Council, but in the Acts: and unto the same Acts (saith he) are to be referred those (so calling them unproperly and vulgarly, as he himself signifieth) Canons, which concern the ordination of Ministers, or other such like, which are mentioned by other Authors, viz. in the name of the proper Canons of the Council of Nice. 9 Now, if we shall apply this rule unto our Apologists frame of e 1. Ob. As for example, etc. of Bigamns, and Succession.— 2. Ob. And the Fathers etc. of ordaining Pastors. 4. Ob. julius etc. of the Pope's power of celebrating a Council. 5. Ob. Also it is not orious etc. of the feast of Easter. 6. Ob. To omit &c of the 14 Canon of the African Council. 7. Ob. And the Lord of etc. of the number of Canons. 8. Ob. And to omit etc. of the difference of Ruffinus Canons from others. 9 Ob. divers learned etc. of the testimonies of Protestants. objections, we shall perceive their third, fist, sixt, seventh, and ninth objections to be crooked and indirect, wherein Constitutions, or improper Canons, are alleged in stead of them, which were publicly registered in ancient Monuments for the proper & undoubted Canons of the Nicene Synod. The second objection is, to prove that the whole book of judith was held for Canonical in that Council by the judgement of S. Jerome, as is affirmed by these Apologists, by Cardinal f Ob. judith, objected by Bellar. lib 1. de verbo De●, cap. 10. Bellarmine, and g Feuardentius Praef. in Com. in jac. §. Quatuor. & Stapleton. lib. 2. de authorit. Script. §. 1. others: but seemed so false, unto their other h Si Nicaena Synodus olim hunc judith librum in Canonem redegerat. cur annis 80. post non accenset eum Synodus Laodicaena? cur Nazianzenus eius non meminit?— cur Hieron. ipse praef. in lib. Salomonis scribit Ecclesiam librum judith. Tobiae, etc. legere quidem, sed non inter Canonicas Scripturas recipere. Lindanus Panopl. lib. 3. cap. 3. Hieronymus hoc de Synodo Nicaenatant●m ex fama refer videtur: Synodus (inquit) legitur computâsse. Erasmus Praefa. in Censur. Hieronymus librum judith— è Canone eximit. Acosta Ies. lib. 2. de Christo Revelat. cap. 13. pag. 96. Quem— Hieronymus asseruit esse Apocryphum. Salmeron Ies. in Heb. disp. 2. §. Secundò etc. authors, such as are Lindanus and Erasmus, as also Acosta c Hoc ipsum etiam testatur Theod. Balsamon, Canonum Synodorum Graecarum interpres.— Is ergo explanans primum Canonem Synodi Antioch. in eos, qui Canonem Conc. Nicaeni de celebratione Paschae non servant; Hoc, inq●●t, in Canonibus Nicaeni Conc. non est inventum, sed in acts primae Synodi invenitur. Turrian Ies. Pr●●m. in Can. Nice●●. apud B●nium part 1. pag. 369. col. 2. fine. applying the same answer unto the same julius his prerogative. They who say that t●● Canons were burnt, allege Athanasius epist. ad Marcum: but this seemeth unto Bellarmine no found reason, and indeed it is 〈◊〉, for Athanas. epist ad orthodox, writeth, that the burning of books spoken of, happened in the time of the Emperor Constantius, before whose time Marcus was dead. and Salmeron (both jesuits) do plainly and fully confute it, confessing, that S. Jerome himself exempted the book of judith out of the Canon of Scriptures, accounting it indeed Apocryphal. 10 In the fourth objection i julius, who was etc. In Socrat lib. 2. cap. 11 no word of any Canon of Nice alleged by julius: and in Sozomen. lib. 3. cap. 7. no one syllable of the Pope's authority in celebrandis Concilij●. And that Isidore is no better than a counterfeit. Sozomene and Socrates are produced, but as dumb witnesses: besides the seventh and eight, which appear to be altogether extravagant. Let us now proceed unto The confutation of their second exception, concerning the impertinency of the foresaid accusation of forgery: from the confessions of our learned Adversaries. SECT. 4. 11 For the proof of this impertinency, the Apologists in their marginal notes, tell us of two Counsels of Sardis, one Heretical, and another Catholical: by which latter the foresaid Canon of Appeals to Rome was decreed. For confirmation whereof they produce Caluine, as one thinking that the Popes did not forge, but only mistake it, by alleging this decree of Sardis, as a decree of the Council of Nice. Hence issueth their conclusion; So clear (say they) hereby it is, that Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestine (three Popes) were no innovators. 12 We crave their patience to give us leave in the examination hereof, to consult not only with the relaters of (as will appear) doubtful and confused stories, but with the most subtle discussers thereof. Now then, unto whom doth this last refuge, concerning the Canon of a Catholic Council of Sardis, seem to be so clear? Doth M. Caluine so esteem of it? He is so far from lessening the suspicion of this dealing, by calling it only a mistaking, that he nameth it a Qua in re flagitiosa ipsius Romani Pontificis impudentia apparuit nam cum fraud Sardicensem Synodum pro Nicaena supposuisset, turpitèr in manifesta falsitate deprehensus fuit. Caluine in the place alleged by the Apologists, signifying not any Catholic, but the heretical Sardis: for if he had understood any Catholic Sardis, then indeed he might have called it a mistaking, and not a forgery. a detestable impudency, and the Pope (as Cardinal Bellarmine confesseth of him) b Alterum argumentum Magdeburgenslum, & calvini eiusmodi est:— Romani Pontifices— discussâ causâ, falsatores & corruptores Nicaenorum Canonum deprehensi sunt. Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25. §. Alterum igitur. a falsifier and corrupter of the Canons of Nice. 13 But hath this been evident unto all later Romanists? Their Cardinal Cusanus would be heard speak: c Sardicense Conc. fuit per legatos Apostolicae se dis in Africa. Synodo falsè allegatum.— Verùm Patres Africani Conc.— constitutionem illam (quam Gratianus Sardicensi Concil. ascribit) scribunt nullâ Patrum Synodo se invenisse constitutam. Quare satis poss●t dubita●i, an Sardicensis Conc. constitutio existat. Card. Cusanus lib. 2. Concord. cap. 25. It may be well doubted (saith he) whether there be any such Canon of Sardis extant. Or will this prove clear by their now Doctors and jesuits? d Verius est quod idem reverendiss. Cardinalis in lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 21. 25. & post eum illustrissimus Cardinalis, anno 347. tradunt, Sardicensium Conciliorum duo fuisse, unum legitimum, ex orthodoxis duntaxat Episc. 376. congregatum; alterum spurium ab Arianis Philippoli celebratum, ementito nomine Sardicense appellatùm. Binius Annot. in Conc. Sardic. pag. 439. col. 2. There were two Counsels named Sardis, the one celebrated by Catholic Bishops, the other by Arian heretics. Thus saith their Cardinal Baronius, Cardinal Bellarmine, and their Binius: yet notwithstanding hath Bellarmine himself (as Binius noteth) confounded these two, making them but e Reverendiss. Card. Bella●minus cap. 7. lib. 1. Conc. scribit hoc Conc. partim confirmatum, partim reprobatum esse, quia ex 376. Episcopis, Sardicae congregatis, pars maior fidem Catholicam Nicaeni Conc. confirmaverat:— ex ijsdem verò septuaginta sex reliqui Orientales Episcopi Arianam fidem scripserint. Binius ibid. one Council divided into two parts and factions; a greater, which consisted of 376. Catholic Bishops, and the lesser, wherein there was to the number of 76. And for these two respects, this Council (saith he) is partly allowed, and partly rejected. 14 Let us ascend higher, and seek our evidence from the African Bishops, and the Popes of Rome in the days of S. Augustine, and then indeed the case will be found clear. f Augustious non agnoscit aliud Conc. Sardicense, quàm quoddam haereticum Orientalium,— Catholicum non vidit. Bellar. lib. 2 de Rom. Tont. cap. 25. §. Add quòd. S. Augustine (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) did not acknowledge that there was any Council of Sardis, except that, which is judged of all men to have been heretical; and the godly Bishops in the Council of Africa are confessed to have been g See hereafter lit. n. ignorant of any orthodoxal Council of Sardis. Finally, it is so well known, that the Popes of Rome (when in that Council they had pleaded by their Legates for the right of Appeals) * See hereafter lit. i. did not so much as name the Council of Sardis for proof of their title in that behalf. 15 If the matter be not yet cleared, it will become more sensible by (as it were) an Antiperistasis, even the sight of the mist and cloud of our adversaries answer, whereby they seek to darken the truth, whilst they call the Synod of Sardis an h Sardicense erat Conc. Oecumenicum,— quod matores plenarium Concilium appellaverunt: Ita August. epist. 162. Ecce putemus etc.— Missi sunt Legati Sardicam ad Concilium à julio. Baronius Anno 347. num. 7. & 10. Ecumenical or general Council, authorised by Pope julius, and moderated by his Legates: and yet their Cardinal Baronius confesseth (even i At quod nos in ma●orem admirationem ac planè stuporem adducit, illud est, quomodo acciderit ut Sozimus & Bonifacius Rom. Pontifices per Legatos in Africam missos in causa Appiarij Presbyteri Canon's Oecumenici Conc Sardicensis citaverint nomine Nicaenae Synodi. Card. Baronius ibid. num. 99 not without wonder and astonishment) that the Popes for the defence of their claim, did not allege any Canon of the Sardican Council, but only the Canon of the Council of Nice: and then to free them from k Nulla in his de dolo malo potest esse suspic●o, cum utriusque Conc. Canon's aequi ponderis essent— alterum de duobus contigisse oportuit, vel aliquos Nicaeni Conc. Canon's in Sardicensi repetitos Nicaevo Concilio excidisse, in Romano codice integros conseruatos fuisse; vel ab aliquo Canonum collectore, quod nomen Sardicense esset ab Arianis infamatum, in nomine Nicaeni Conc. citâsse. Baronius ibid. verbis seqq. suspicion of forgery, answereth (only by an imagination) that either some Canons of the Nicene Council, which were repeated in the Council of Sardis, were lost in the Greek copies, and preserved entire in the Roman Registers; or else that the fault of some Scribe, who in stead of Sardis (because the name thereof was then infamous) did put in the name of the Council of Nice: or else (this is Cardinal Bellarmine's conceit) that l Mihi admodum probabile videtur in Nicaeno Conc. non fuisse expressè hos tres Canon's, de quibus agimus, sed à Sozimo & Bonifacio voca●i Canon's Nicaenos, quia Conc. Nicaenum & Sardicense pro uno habebantur, & utriusque Conc. Canon's simul in Bibliotheca Rom. coniuncti habebantur, cuius rei ignoratio Patres Africanos perturbabat. Bellarm lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25. §. Dico tertio. although this Canon was not in the Council of Nice, but in Sardis, yet the Popes named it the Nicene Canon, because the Council of Nice and of Sardis were held both as one. 16 And finally, (to shut and lock up the door after them) they will have us believe, that when the Catholics celebrated their Council of Sardis, the Arrian heretics gathered a conventicle at m See above lit. d. So Bellarmine: the same is in Binius. Philippolis, calling it (for confusion sake) the Council of Sardis, n Ariani conciliabulum nomine Sardicensis Conc. condecoratum Constantij Imperatoris patrocinio, velut unicum atque legitimum Sardicense Conc. omnibus in locis promulgari curaverint, unde hoc callidè & per imposturam haereticorum e●●ectuni est ut S. Augustinus, Alipius, alijque Catholici, ignorantes haec duo, unum legitimum, alterum illegitimum habitum fuisse, utrumque veluti impium d●testati fuerit. Binius Anno●. in Concil. Sardic. pag. 440. col. 1. & Baronius Anno 347. number. 74. and under the patronage of the Emperor Constantius (say our Adversaries) proclaimed it sore the orthodoxal Sardice; by which impostureship it came to pass, that afterwards S. Augustine and other Catholics (say they) ignorantly conceived both the Sardicans to be one, and therefore did detest both as impious and heretical. 17 These answers are fettered with four notable improbabilities: for first, to imagine that only Rome did preserve the true copies of the Nicene Council, is so to dignify the integrity of one Chair, as thereby to impute an irreligious and unpardonable negligence unto all other Churches (as well Greek as Latin) throughout the Christian world, for neglect of a Canon, which, in their opinion, doth necessarily concern the universal Church of Christ. 18 Secondly, to think, that because the name of Sardican Council was made common unto the orthodoxal and the heretical parties, there followed a confusion of the Counsels themselves, is but a negligent conceit: for, as the Spirit of God distinguisheth the community of names by the diversity of Adjuncts, as (for example) the name Simon, which was common to the disciple of Christ with a master of Magic, is discerned by additions, thus, Simon Peter, and Simon Magus; by which surnames the persons themselves are distinguished. So also the name of judas common unto an elect Saint with a child of perdition, is notified by distinct attributes thus, judas james brother, and judas Iscariot. So had it been easy for the Catholics and true professors in the days of Constantius, to have avoided the supposed confusion of the names of Sardice, either by the adjunct of time, in calling the one the first, the other the second; or in respect of quantity, by naming one the greater, & the other the less: or from the difference of quality, mentioning the one by the name of orthodoxal and Catholic, and the other arrianical & heretical: and by any note of distinction, although it had been by calling the one A, and the other B, rather than to have suffered (which they now pretend) that an * See above in this Chapter. Ecumenical Council of Sardice, and of equal authority with the ancient Council of Nice, to vanish for a long time, and so, in a manner to betray, by negligence, a doctrine of truth. 19 The third improbability resulteth from the consideration of S. Augustine and the Church of Africa, who notwithstanding that they lived not long after the time of the imagined Sardican Council, yet did they not acknowledge any orthodoxal Council of Sardice, and are for this cause by our adversaries termed Ignorants: and yet do all the learned know and acknowledged these African Churches to have been noble members of the Catholic body of Christ, for sincerity as faithful, for all industry as painful, for conveniency more fit and able to discuss, discern, and discover this truth, than any new conjectural discourse can be. 20 The last improbability is that which marvelously preiudiceth their Roman See; for in their answers their Popes are brought in also as deceived by the Scribe, who in steed of Sardice put in the Council of Nice: and when this is disproved by the words of the Pope's Legate, (who in the foresaid Council of Africa made express mention of the Council of Sardice) they then answer, that o In isto Conc. Carthag. 6. c. 6. citatur nominatim Sardicense.— Respondeo, illa verba non esse Africanorum, sed Legatorum Pontificis. Et praetereà existimo eum locum corruptum, & vel positum à librarijs, aut quod magis suspicor, ex margin irrepsisse in textum. Bellar lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 25. §. Sed dices. these words of the Legates may be suspected (by the fault of some scribes) to have crept out of the margin into the text. The proverb saith, Ex ungue leonem, & may not we perceive how licentiate-like the Romish Scribes in those times were for the advantaging of the Pope's prerogatives? But yet again, the Popes (say they) named it the Council of Nice, because the Council of Nice and Sardice were held as both one. How could this be, seeing that the difference of their times is noted by themselves, to have been no less than the space of 18 p Nicaenum Conc. anno 325. Sardicense, 347. Baronius. years; the distance of place is confessed to have been as much, as between q Nicaenum in Asia, in urbe Bithymae. Suriu●. Bythinia and r Sardica in Thracia, confinis ●llyriae. Baronius. Sardice, which is in the confines of Illyria: and the s See Surius Tom. 1. Canons themselves to be, in many articles, as diverse as was either the time or the place? 21 Yet howsoever, seeing that in the whole canvas which was now between the Church of Rome and Africa, and that their three Popes contended to manifest the right of their claim of Appeals by good and necessary evidence, it may seem a thing not only improbable, but impossible also, that those their Popes, after so long inquisition, should not have made the like answers, which our Adversaries have newly conjectured, if they had thought such answers to have been justifiable in those times; and not by their silence have sustained that great blot of suggestion of a wrong Canon, and the perpetual prejudice against their claim of Appeals to Rome, to stick so fast upon the Papal succession. For the conclusion of that Synod was a flat prohibition of all the Clergy in Africa, not to appeal unto Rome upon pain of t Ad transmarina auten qui putaverit appellandum, à nullo inter Africam in communionem suscipiatur. Conc. Afric. can. 92. apud Surium, pag. 586. col. 2. excommunication, which (by their own consequence) must hold aswell against u Nam etsi de inferioribus clericis vellaicis videtur ibi (that is, in the Council of Nice, c. 5.) praecaveri, quanto magis de Episcopis voluit observari? etc. Concil. African Epist. ad Celestinum, apud Suri●m, pag. 590. col. 2. Bishops (if they should haply have so transgressed) as upon any Ministers of inferior degrees. From these premises we may boldly derive A Conclusion of this point, by way of Appeal. SECT. 5. 22 The question is, whether the Popes have been justly challenged of an innovation of a Canon of Nice: we have seen our adversaries working by all their wit and art to deliver their head (the Pope) out of this loop: but the more th●y struggle and seek to dissolve the knot, the more they seem to strangle the party, whilst for our satisfaction they can bring no better answers then such which redound unto the imputation either of drowsy negligence, or else of dull ignorance unto the grave and godly Patriarches, cyril, and Atticus, S. Augustine, and unto 217. orthodoxal Bishops in the Council of Africa, as though they wanted either will to seek or skill to discern the true Canons of Counsels, not long before their times: hereby likewise staining their then Popes, as if they could not distinguish between Nice and Sardice. 23 But their defence is made more uniustifiable by their manifold contradictions: some affirming that there were a See above Sect. 3 more than twenty Canons in the Council of Nice, others b See above ibid. disproving this; one side they object that the c See above §. 3. num. 9 book of judith was authorised for Canonical in that Council of Nice; another side d See above ibid. refuteth it. Cardinal Bellarmine to make up two diverse Counsels of Sardice, doth fancy two e See above Sect. 4. factions in one city: Cardinal Baronius to the same end doth place them in two diverse cities, Sardice, and Pentapolis. And much doubting there is in confessing whether the Popes did know the difference of the f See ibid. Counsels of Nice & Sardice, or no: together with many other perplexities and incongruities: all which fictitious presumptions of the defenders do but confirm unto us the former suspicion, that the Pope's reason for challenge of Appeals was a mere ●igment, & the claim it self an innovation; so that we need not doubt with their Cardinal Cusanus to adhere unto the judgement of S. Augustine and the other famous Bishops of Africa, who concluded against the Pope's allegation of a Canon of a Council generally thus: g In nulla Patrum definitione huic Ecclesiae derogatum est Affricanae. Apud Surium Conc. Africa. epist. ad Celestina. Never any Council did derogate so much from the Church of Africa, as to allow Appeals from them unto Rome: and against the claim itself, to denounce excommunication against those that should use any such Appeal. 24 Let us but add hereunto the Canons of the Council of Sardice, as they now stand, and are usually alleged by our Adversaries, and they may seem to impair the now Romish challenge of Appeals, both because they do not define any privilege of Appeals de iure unto the Pope, but do only de facto allow it him with an arbitrary, h Osius Episcopus dixit: Illud quoque necessariò adijeiendum est, ut Episcopi de sua provincia ad aliam provinciam, in qua non sunt Episcopi, non transeant, nisi fortè à f●atribus suis invitati, ne videamur ianuam claudere charitatis. Illud quoque providendum es● si in aliqua provincia aliquis Episcopus contra fratrem suum Episcopum litem habuerit, ne unus è duobus ex alia provincia advocet Episcopum cognitorem. Quodsi aliquis Episcopus iudicatus fuerit in aliqua causa, & putat se bonam causam habere, ut iterum Concilium renovetur, si vobis placet, S. Petri Apostoli memoriam honoremus, ut scribatur ab his qui causam examinarunt, julio Rom. Episcopo: & si iudicaverit renovandum esse iudici●m, renovetur, & debt judices. Si autem probaverit talem causam esse, ut non refricentur ea, quae acta sunt: quae decreverit, confirmata erunt, si hoc omnibus placet? Synodus respondet, placet. Conc Sardicens'. cap. 3. apud Surium, Tom. 1. Osius Episcopus dixit: Placuit autem, ut si Episcopus accu●a●●● fuerit, & iudicaverint congregati Episcopi regionis ipsius, & de gradu suo cum deiecerint, si appellaverit qui deiectus est, & confugerit ad ●piscopum Rome▪ Ecclesiae, & volverit se ●●diri, si justum putaverit ut renovetur judicium, vel disc●ssionis examen, scribere his Episcopis dignetur, qui in finitima & propinqua provincia sunt, ut ipsi diligenter omninò requirant, & juxta fidem veritatis definiant. Quod si is, qui ●ogat causam suam iterum audiri, deprecatione sua moverit Episcopum Rom. ut è later suo Presbyterum mittat, erit in potestate Episcopi quod velit, & quod aestimet. ●tsi decreverit mittendos esse q●i praesentes cum Episcopis iudicent, habentes cius authoritatem, à quo destinati sunt, erit in suo arbitrio. Si verò crediderit Episcopos sufficere ut negotio terminum imponant, faciet quod sapientissimo cons●lio suo iudicave●it. Idem Conc. Sardic. ca 7. si vobis omnibus placet: and do also prescribe unto him a manner of proceeding, which is not peremptorily to overrule such matters by himself alone, but to use the consent of other Bishops. 25 By this canvas of so important a case, viz. Appeals unto Rome, which at this day is made an essential prerogative of the Popedom, we cannot but observe, that in those ancient times it was not acknowledged as due unto the Pope, either by divine law, or by ordinance Ecclesiastical: for if it had appertained unto him by that law of Christ, would either the then Popes have conceited, or those African Bishops denied the right of appealing unto (as they now pretend) the successor of S. Peter, the Vicar of Christ, and supreme judge of the whole Church? And if any universal constitution Ecclesiastical had established it, would so reverend, ancient, & famous a Council, which was so inquisitive into the acts of the Council of Nice, have conspired with general consent to decree so solemnly, so severely, and resolutely against it? Doubtless, if those Popes could then have pleaded Gospel for it, they would have mentioned, at lest, one text of Scripture for proof of that privilege: and if any general Council had acknowledged it, S. Augustine and the African Bishops would not have refused it. * Card. Bellarm. his answer, saying that the question was not an liceret, sed an expediret, is confuted by the proceeding ●f the Synod, who show, that it was not lawful because it was not expedient. Will our adversaries say, that it is not expedient to us● the ordinance of Christ: or that particular Churches, as Africa was, may prescribe unto the Pope laws of expediency? CHHP. IX. Of the Romish change in imposing an absolute law of Continency upon the Clergy, by Pope Syricius. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 3 Thirdly, M. Whitaker giveth example in Pope Syritius, saying, e Whitaker contra Duraeum lib. 7. page 480. ante medium. Syritius was the first that annexed perpetual chastity to the Ministers of the word. Whereto we answer, First, that M. Whitaker allegeth no proof that Syritius was the first, neither doth he or can he name any Catholic writer of that time so reporting. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. Master Whitaker directly over the place objected, did note the Pope's a Qui verbi Ministris perpetuum coelibatum primus iniecit, is Syricius Pontifex fuit. Loco citato: alleging in the margin Dist. 82. C. Proposuisti. Decree in Gratian dist. 82. where their Romish Gloss in their ancient edition produceth b Hic dicit Hug. quod Apostoli non, instituerunt de non utendo iam contracto, quia si Apostoli hoc instituissent, Orientales hoc admisissent. Alij verò intelligunt ea de contracto: & quod dicit 1. etiam ab uxoribus, dicunt ante legitimè sibi copulatis: aut de facto. Nam dicunt quod ista cap. facta fuerunt ante tempus Gregorij, qui introduxit continentiam Ministris. 31. Dist. ante triennium. i. Subdiaconis, Presbyteris verò & Diaconis Syricius introduxit. Imò dicunt quod olim Sacerdotes poterant contrahere ante Syricium: unde & Moses contraxit. Exponunt ergo, Apostoli docuerunt exemplo, opere & admonitione, secundum H. non institutione, vel constitutione, secundum alios. Paulò post: Antiquitas. A tempore Syricij, hoc vocat antiquitatem 82. distinct. Plurimos. Glossa in Decret. Gratian. part. 1. dist. 84. C. Come in praeterito. Hugo, saying, that the Apostles did not ordain, that they (speaking of Priests and Deacons) should not have the use of wedlock, which they had contracted before their ordination. Where also their Romish Gloss saith, that some affirm Syricius to have brought in the law of continency of Priests and Deacons: and whereas the text of the Decree nameth antiquity for proof of the law of continency, that is (saith the Gloss) from the time of Syricius. Which seemed also unto their Polydore a sufficient proof, for hereupon c At Occidentalibus paulatim est connubium abrogatum: Syricius enim primus Sacerdotibus & Diaconis, ut ait Gratian. Dist. 82. coniugio interdixit: qui circiter annum salutis humanae 387. sedere coepit. Polydor. Virgil. de Invent. lib. 5. cap. 4. pag. 319. Syricius was the first (saith he) who, as Gratian saith, in the year 387. did forbidden the marriage of Priests. Which Gloss hath been allowed by their last corrected edition of Pope d Editio Greg. 13. Gregory the thirteenth. And could it be modesty in the Apologists contrarily to affirm, that M. Whitaker alleged no proof? We must in the next place see how they can free Syricius from the guilt of innovation. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Secondly, we allege most plainly to the contrary, how that S. Jerome who lived in the time of Damasus predecessor to Syritius, saith hereof: f Hierom. in apolog ad Pamach c. 3. and the same doctrine doth he affirm in c. 1. ad Titum. If married men like not this, let them not be angry with me but with the holy Scriptures, with all Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, who know they cannot offer Sacrifice, if they use the act of marriage. And this opinion was then not first begun, but (to the contrary) so universal, that Jerome affirmeth it to be the general Doctrine and practice of g Hierom. contra Vigilant. c. 1. saith: Quid faciunt Orient is Ecclesiae, quid Egypti & sedis Apostolicae? quae aut virgins clericos accipiunt, aut continentes, aut si uxores habuerint, mariti esse d●sinunt. the Church of the East, of Egypt and the See Apostolic. And in like manner was the marriage of Priests long before these times so plainly impugned even in the Greek Church by h Epiphanius haer. 59 after other plain words had hereof, saith, At dices mihi in quibusdam locis adhuc liberos gignere Presbyteros, Diaconos, & Hipodiaconos: at hoc non est juxta Canonem, etc. So plainly doth he acknowledge hereby a former Canon. Epiphanius, i Origen. in Numer. hom. 23. saith, Certum est quia impeditur sacrificium indesinens ijs qui coniugalibus necessitatibus serviunt, unde videtur mihi quod illius est solius offer sacrificium indesinens, qui indesin●nti & perpetuae se devouerit castitati. Et vide Origen. in levit. hom. 4. & l. 8. contra Celsum. Origen. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing a great oversight of the Apologists in urging these testimonies of the Fathers. SECT. 2. 2 We have but two answers unto the Apologists, to wit, that they like unskilful markmen, have shot both short, and also over the mark. Short, by ignorance (as we think) of a difference which there is between the condition de matrimonio contrahendo, & de matrimonio contracto, that is, before contracting of matrimony, and after the matrimony is contracted. The institution of perpetual continency, which was imputed unto Syricius, was (as the Romish Gloss, which is noted by Doctor Whitaker, plainly * See above Sect. 1. b. expresseth,) that although a Priest had been contracted in matrimony, yet did Syricius enjoin a separation, by this means to preserve a perpetual continency in the Clergy. But the instances which they object out of the Fathers, do not entreat at all of matrimony contracted. And thus our Apologists have been occupied only in beating the air; for as yet Syricius may go for an innovator in his absolute decree of perpetual continency, unto persons Ecclesiastical. 3 Their next fault is overshooting: which we will show orderly in their several testimonies. First the former sentence of S. Jerome is much depraved: for it should have been expressed thus: If married men like not this, let them not be angry with me, but with Scriptures, with Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, (than followeth that, which the Apologists have learnedly omitted) yea and with all the order levitical, who knew (the Apologists have changed into know) that they could not offer Sacrifice, when they used the marriagebed. In the which place S. Jerome proveth only the excellency of virginity in respect of marriage: a Opera legis nuptiae sunt, unde & maledicuntur eae, quae non habent filios. Quae si conceduntur etiam in evangelio, aliud tamen est indulgentiam infirmitati tribuere, aliud est virtutibus praemia polliceri. Ecce perspicuè diximus nuptias concedi in evangelio, sed tamen cosdem in suo officio permanentes praemia castitatis capere non posse. Quod si indignè accipiunt mariti, non mihi irascantur, sed Scriptures sacris, imò Episcopis, Presbyteris, & Diaconis, & universo cho●o Sacerdota●i & Levitico, qui se noverunt hostias offer non posse, si operi seruiant coniugali. Hieron. loco citato, Tom. 2. pag. 104. Behold (saith he) we have plainly confessed that the Gospel doth allow marriage, but so, that the married parties do not desire the reward of virgins; but doth not touch the necessity of perpetual continency in Priests, which the place itself doth prove by two sufficient arguments. 4 First, let them not be angry with me, (saith he) but with Scriptures, reproving only that which is reprovable by Scriptures: but the * See above. Jesuits themselves have confessed, even from the sentence of the Council of Trent, that the marriage of Priests' is not forbidden by Scriptures. Secondly, he useth the example of the levitical Priests, who although they were commanded to contain, during the course of their sacrificing (which proveth the excellency of virginity,) yet were they married. Which clause, jest it might appear, the Apologists did artificially discard, and as though it had been directly spoken of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons of the new Testament, did change the tense of the verb [knew] into [know.] Again, elsewhere his consequences are as strong to prove that the laity may not be married, because the Apostle saith: b Supra in eadem Apologia. Sed qui semel duxit uxorem, nisi ex consensu se non valet abstinere— reddat coniugi debitum, quia sponte se alligavit, ut regete cogeretur. Pag. 102. Similiter viri cohabitantes juxta scientiam— ut 〈◊〉 cohibeantur orationes. Ib. p. 21. Et paulò post. Vt vacetis orationi, & iterum revertimini ad idipsum— quod dixit secundùm indulgentiam, non secundùm imperium. Pag. 22. Separate yourselves for prayer, for a time. 5 The next testimonies of c S. hierom's 2. Testimony, Aut si uxores habuerint mariti esse desinunt, doth not exact it by necessity of law, but by liberty of consent, a● in some cases he did in the laity. See above. Jerome and of d Epiphanius his Canon concerneth not them who are married, which is Syricius his case. Epiphanius, are not within the compass of this question, which only concerneth Syricius. 6 The words of Origen seem at the first view to give the upshot, but it aimeth also at a wrong mark: for he mentioning e Orig. home 23. speaking of every Christian: Agnoscat quisquis vult esse persectus & sanctus— quod semper & indesinenter justus debet facere diem festum.— Sacrificium indesinens est si sine intermissione oremus— certum est qui peccat, & diem peccati agit, agere non potest diem festum: & ideo in diebus, quibus pecat, non potest offer indesinens sacrificium. Then followeth: Nolite fraudare vox invicem nisi ex consensu ad tempus, ut vacetis orationi, & iterum in idipsum sitis (than the place objected) certum est quia impeditur indesinens sacrificium ijs, qui etc. perpetual sacrifice of prayer, doth directly apply his speech unto every one that can pray unto God, and doth as well prove that no Christian man may be married, as it doth evince the unlawfulness of marriage in Priests. 7 Yet jest that our answers may seem to our Adversaries less persuasive, we refer them unto their own Bishop Espencaeus, who expoundeth the sentence of f Unto the place of Origen which was objected: Vides de perpetuo omnium festo, non de proprio Sacerdotum sacrificio sermonem esse; although be addeth, quem tamen statim post, sed cunctanter & timidè— ad continentiam a●raxit, but not only of Priests. And a little before: Is (Origenes) nunquam non audivit ut nimis tum castus, tum allegoricus, etc. ●spencaeus lib. 1. de Continent. cap. 13. pag. 123. So that by the authority of Origen, they are as well warranted literally to castrate themselves, as to admit the necessary law of continency. Origen and other like g Sed maioris est negotij simile Ambrosijs. Hieronymi, & aliorum collectionem examinare, cùm aiunt in veteri lege Sac●rdoteses, quo tempore offerebant, ab uxoribus secubarent, & in nova fideles etiam laici nisi ad invicem ex m●tuo consensu seize fraud intes, orare nequcant, Ecclesiasticis, quibus semper est orandum & offerendum, semper item erit continendum.— Sed side oration loquuntur quotidiana,— quae laicis & clericis, & sine intermissione praecipitur, ita ●ibo, potu, alijsque actionibus, ac ne somno quidem impeditur, cum Hieronymo testante, Sanctis etiam somnus sit oratio, proinde nec legitimo usu coniugij interrumpitur, quem vocat Apostolus Immaculatum, Heb. 13. Sic enim, ut rectè colligit Anselmus, cum semper orandum sit, nunquam esse coniugio sermendum.— Sin de oration graviore quae sit cum ie●unio, ferè in Scriptures coniun● solita intelligunt.— Sic cibo potuque delicatiore, alijsue negotijs cestare— non Sacerdotibus solùm, sed & laicis (Exod 19 ●oel. 2.) traditum est:— verùm preces solennes & huiusmodi feriae perpetuae non sunt; nec, Ambrosio teste, omni offer die Sacerdotes necesse est, nihil olim omnes etiam Latino's prohibebat, Graecoes hody nihil prohibet, statis, quibus vacant i sacrificio, temporibus consuetudinem cum voxribus habere. Q●isquis olim dijudicaret Ministros coldem ue maritos quasi nu●tiarum occasione offer non deberent & talium oblatione abstinerent, cum an●them a●e percussum in Concilio Gangrensi prius audivimus.— Multi nunc sunt qui non ter in anno sacrificant.— Quod autem Pauli locum [Ne se defraudent— nisi ex consensione propter orationem.] Ambrose existimat Paulum de Eucharistia sumenda sentire— idque optare magis quàm exigere. Espencaeus ibidem pag. 123, & 124. Paulò post: Ambrose negat suo tempore quotidiè offerri solitum. Pag. 125. testimonies of S. Ambrose, and S. Jerome, and learnedly confuteth the fancy of some, who think that marriage and ministery cannot consort together: whereof he produceth the example of S. Hilary: and to them that use to say, that Bishops & Priests were primitively married, but yet had not the conjugal use of their wives, he h Meminit autem Canon Episcoporum coniugij. ut quod eyes tunc leg●timum esset. Vides hunc de coniugum usu (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, inquit) non tantùm de victu intellexisise. Et Zonarà anterior Chrysostomus Paulum ad Titum enarrans hom. 2. cum ait intendere, haereticis ora prorsus obstruere, nuptias damnantibus, ostendentem rem esse culp à carentem, imò pretiosam, & cum qua quis possit ad Episcopatus solium subvehi. Atqui cum haeretici nuptias sine usu, hoc est, ut sic loquar, non nuptias non improbassent, nihil contra eos facerent, Paulum Graeci orthodoxi enarrantes, si sentirent, Christi, quod isti contendunt, & Apostolorum, scripta ordinatione, connubij usum cum ministerij usu prorsus pugnare. Espencaeus de Continent. lib. 1. cap. 4. pag. 30. concludeth: Nec enim Synodus sexta, quae se addere Apostolico Canoni fatetur, voluit uxores ab Episcopis inhumaniter cijci, ut eyes, liberis & familiae non providerent, sed carnali eos commercio privauit. Proinde D. Clictovaeus in propug. de continent. Sacerd. cap. 6.— cundem accepit non de domestica tantùm c●tâ, sed de coniugali debito, quod illius constitutionis tempore, Sacerdos uxori, ante consecrationem ductae, exposcenti debuit exhibere. Idem 〈…〉. pag. 31. Et noster quidem Clictovaeus cap. 7. non obscurè deprehendit Gangrensem de Ministris ante susceptos o●dmes coniugatis, & coniugio post utentibus, hoc est, de matrimonij officio, nedum vinculo, intelligendum. & val dum inde argumentum sumit, tum sacerdotibus licuisse matrimonijs antea contractis uti; tum quia haeretici à patribus ibi damnati, nuptijs ob actum praesertim coniugalem, quem semper esse peceatum contendebant, insensi erant. Idem ibidem, pag. 32. opposeth an Apostolical Canon, Zonaras, chrusostom, a Council, and their own Clitovaeus, besides a reason taken from the Synod Gangrensis, which is impregnable: not (as yet,) to insist upon the story concerning Paphnutius, where the question is, whether married Priests might lawfully sleep with their wives: unto which example we and the Apologists do in the next place appeal. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And also even by that misapplied k misapplied, for that many learned Protestants do urge it in proof of Priest's marriage, whereas it proveth the contrary. example of Paphnutius, l It doth appear by Socrates hist. l. 1. c. 8. ante med. and Zozomen hist pomell 1. c. 22. and by the Century writers, Cent. 4. c. 9 col. 656. sine 44. and by M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament in Mat. 8. sect 3 fol, 14. a. post med. that Paphnutius, though he thought that Priesthood did not dissolve marriage contracted before Orders given, yet he affirmed to the Nicene Council, that those who were made Priests before they were married, should not after wards marry. alleging for this (veterem Ecclesiae traditionem) the ancient Tradition of the Church: so plainly doth Paphnutius hereby acknowledge that this doctrine was then holden for the Churches ancient doctrine. that our learned Adversaries doubt not therefore to m So K●muitius in his Examen, Concil. Trident. part. 3. reprehendeth Hierom, Ambrose, and Origin, page 50. a. ante med and Epiphanius p. 62. a. initio. And Frigevilleus Gawius in his Palma Christiana, page 103. reprehendeth Socrates and Zozomen for their report of Paphnutius. reprehend the said Fathers, and as Epiphanius and Paphnutius in their cited testimonies hereof, do in plain terms rest upon the Church's Doctrine before their times: THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Concerning the story of Paphnutius in the Council of Nice: whether it doth more favour the Protestants or Romanists. SECT. 3. 8 Ecclesiastical Historians must be required to speak: Socrates (with whom Sozomen concurreth) saith, that a Visum erat Episcopis legem novam in Ecclesiam introducere, ut qui essent sacris initiati, sieut Episcopi, Presbyteri, & Diaconi, cum uxoribus, quas cùm erant laici in matrimonium duxissent, minimè dormirent.— Surrexit Paphnutius, vehementer vocife●a●us est, non grave ●agum ceruicibus illorum imponendum esse, qui erant sacris initiati: honorabile esse coniugium inter omnes, & torom im● aculatum.— I●lud satis esse, ut qui in Clerum antè ascripti erant, quàm duxissent uxores, ●i secundùm veterem ●cclesiae traditionem dcinceps à nuptijs se abstinerent: non tamen quenquam ab illa, quam iampridem, cùm laicus erat, uxorem duxisset, s●●ungi debere. Istam in Episcoporum conventu orationem habuit Paphnutius, cùm ipse non modò nuptras non expertus esset.— Itaque cùm totus Episcoporum, Presbyterorum, & Diaconorum conventus verbis Paphnutij assensisset, etc. Socrates hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 1. cap. 8. when in the Council of Nice it had been intended to forbidden those Bishops, Priests, and Deacons the use of their wives, who had married before their ordination (which Socrates calleth a bringing in of a new law) then arose up Paphnutius, who himself had never been married, and vehemently resisted them, calling this kind of Constitution an heavy yoke, and reasoned from that Scripture, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. [Marriage is honourable among all men:] that they, who were unmarried before their ordination. should so continued according unto the old tradition: and in the end, the whole Synod consented unto the judgement of Paphnutius. This is the story. 9 We are now to inquire whether the Romanists or Protestants have more cause to allow or dislike the decree of this Council; for each side is both crossed, and advantaged hereby. The Council alloweth men married before they were ordained, to continued in the same state of wedlock: this part of the decree the Protestants do apprehended. The same Council restraineth them from marriage, who were unmarried when they entered into Orders: which part the Romanists do no less vehemently urge and inculcate. The odds herein will be very observable. 10 Understand we therefore that the absolute forbidding of the marriage of Priests, is called in that Council a new law, and the restraint of their marriage after ordination, is termed an old tradition: and may not now both parts seem to be even? Not: for the new law, which Syricius did defend contrary unto the wisdom of that Council, Paphnutius did there prove to be repugnant unto Scripture: but that which was called an old tradition, and whereunto Protestants do take exception, is not (our Adversaries witnessing thus much) commanded in Scripture, but ordained only by Ecclesiastical constitutions: so that Syricius and his defenders stand guilty of the breach of divine law, but Protestants only do transgress the ordinance of man. 11 Secondly (to compare Tradition with Tradition▪) the licence of marriage of Priests is as ancient as the b Audi quid Clemens ad●ersus hos scrupulosoes sanctos, qui nuptias spernunt, scribit [Antonio & Apostolos improbant? Petrus enim & Philippus uxores habuerunt.] Hunc Apostolicum ritum diu seruatum constat: at postea adstricta est, ut Sacer dotibus & Diaconis liceret virg. habere uxorem. Polydor. Virgil. lib. 5. Invent. cap 4. pag. 317, 318. Apostles; but the original of the non-marriage was of latter invention, and therefore, in comparison, but newly old. 12 So that we need not marvel why Cardinal Bellarmine did partly reject this c Argumentum quintum & vitimum calvini sumitur ex historia Socratis l. r. c 8. & Sozom. l. 1. c. 22. ubi dicunt, quòd cùm Nicaenum Conc. legem far vellet, ne liceret Clericis cum uxoribus luis dormite, surrexit Paphnutius confessor & contradixit, & Synodus tota in eius sententiam ivit, & continentiam ab uxote in arbitrio cuiusque reliquit. Et paulò post: At neque pro Grae corum errore magnum est praesidium in hoc testimonio Socratis & Sozomeni; nam vel totum est falsum. quod isti de Paphnutio tradunt, vel certè (quod magis credo) tale aliqui pomell tunc accidit, sed non benè ab istis narratum est. Fortasse volverunt Patres Concilij graviores poenas constituere in Cleticos inconti ●●utes, etc. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Clericu, cap. 20. §. Argumentum quintum. story of Paphnutius, thus repeated by Socrates & Sozomen, where it is objected against them by Caluine. But we own more credit unto those Ecclesiastical historiographers, which we confirm by the testimony of their own forenamed and learned d Sic (repeating the former storiè concerning Pap●n●tius, saith) Ecclesiasticae historiae, Cassiodori, & Epiphanij Tripartit. l. 2. c. 14. Socr. l▪ 1. c. 11. Sozom. l. 1. c. 22. 〈…〉 c 19 unde D. Clitovaeus aptè colligit, necdum ulla lege lata, & utentium antea moribus approbata, coniugij usum omninò Sa●erdotibus ademptum. Quid enim legem vel Patres perferre molirentur, vel novam vocarent historici, quae iampudem robur & vigorem obtinuisset? Eadem hoc anno 1564. scripsit D. Cronierus brevi atque docta, de hoc ad Orichoveum, ex presbytero male coniugem, commentatione. De Presbyteris (ait) ac Diaconis non eadem est omnium sententia. Diversi sunt ac olim suerunt populorum temporumue mores. Liberum ijs esse apud Graecoes & Russos coniugij usum, prout olup suit apud nonnullas alias quoque gentes. Nec ante Nicaenam Synodum usque, in oriente duntaxat, id ulla lege vetitum fu●sse, constat é Socrate, Sozom. Niceph. Espencaus de Continent. lib. 1. cap. 4. pag. 33. Sozomenum certè Tritemius facit secularium literarum cultorem egregium, & in divinis Scriptures satis eruditum. Socratem quoque virum doctum & claquentem, historiographum insignem, & magná rerum experientiâ praeclarum. Bishop Espencaeus, who avoucheth the truth thereof from the Tripartite story, from Epiphanius, Nicephorus, & from other their own Doctors Clitovaeus and Cromerus, adding a singular commendation of the former historians Sozomen & Socrates from the testimony of their Trithemius. But much more doth he fortify the equity of the cause against constrained single life, by many e At idem ●ilentio praetermiserunt Scriptores alij maioris tum fidei tum diligentiae: siluerint sane, sed tam multi alij hoc de Paphnutio fragmentum suum fecerunt, ut praeter anteà citatos, Suidas paulò post magni Constantini tempora scriptor, D Lipomano ad sinem tom. 4. vitarum S. Patrum, boni apud omnes nominis, gravis, pius, & sobrius. Sed & Paphnutio long prior Dionysitis Corinthius Episc. Pinytum Gnosium ante quoque idem monuerat, ne grave seruandae, imò compulsae castitatis onus ac necessitatem fratrum ac discipulorum ceruicibus imponeret aut indiceret, in quo multorum periclitaretur infirmitas, eius magis rationem haberet, & suorum imbecillitati se attemperaret. Quod Concilium ut melius & laudavit & amplexus est Pinytus, ut est apud Euseb. hist. l 4. c. 23. & Niceph l, 4. c. 8. Espencaeus quo suprà, pag. 34. & 35. Et hanc libertatem à sanctis illis Patribus relictam, in Orientis praesertim Ecclesijs, fuisse seruatam praeter dicta dicendaue, ijdem Socrat. l. 5. c. 22. Tripart l. 9 c. 38. Niceph. l. 12. c. 34. de variantibus apud veteres Ecclesiarum, cum una tamen side, ritibus, ita testantur. In Thessalia siquis Clericus cum uxore legitimè ducta dormierit, ac mixtus fuerit, abdicatur & ordine movetur, cum omnes in Oriente praeclari etiam Episcopi contineant sponte ac pro a●bitrio, nec ulla legis necessitate coacti uxorum congressum declinent, sed si volverint hoc faciant. Multi enim Episcopali munere fungentes in Episcopalibus aedibus, Episcopatus etiam tempore, liberos ex coniugibus legiumo ante sibi matrimonio coniunctis susceperunt. Es●encaeus ibidem, pag. 36. proofs of greater antiquity. What then can our Apologists further say? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. So likewise the Fathers of the n Concil. 2. Carth. can. 2. saith, Omnibus placet ut Episcopi, Presbyteri, & Diaconi, etc. ab uxoribus se abstineant (and for this reason there set down) ut quod Apostoli docuerunt, & ipsa seruavit antiquitas, nos custodiamus. Carthage Council doubt not in like manner to ground this point upon antiquity and the Apostles doctrine. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 4. 13 Here we see the Apologists seek not their own satisfaction, but their answerers' vexation; otherwise they might have contented themselves with the answer which was given them by D. Whitaker, whom they now personally oppugn: wherein he wished his Adversaries to a Carthaginense 2. Concilium Syricij huius ●empore habitum est, huius Synodi interpretationem pete ex sexta Synodo. D. Whitaker in his book objected, pag. 514. consider the time of this second Council of Carthage, and the sense thereof. 14 Concerning the time, to know, that it was not more ancient than Syricius himself: which convinceth the sophistry of our Adversaries, who contend to prove, that Syricius was not the first author of this constrained perpetual continency, because (forsooth) the Council of Carthage did the like, which Council was not before, but (if we believe their own b Notae in Concil. Carthag nomine secundum, ordine temporis inter ea, quae post Nicaenum collecta extant, verius postremum sub Celeshno Pont. celebratum.— Hoc Conc. verè post omnia Carthaginensia celebratum fuisse, non modo ex Canonibus, verumetiam Episcoporum praesentium nominibus evidentissimè probatur.— Haec ex Baronij Appendice ad Tom. 5. Anno 391. Binius part. 1. pag. 542. col. 2. see him upon thu Canon. Now Syricius lived Anno 363. The last Council of Carthage was in the time of Boniface the first (Surius in Conc. Tom. 1. pag. 570.) which was Anno 420. Costerus Catalogue▪ ante Enchirid. Binius) 58 years after the days of Syricius. 15 The next question is about the sense of that Canon: for knowledge whereof D. Whitaker referred them to be informed by the * See above lit. a. sixt Council at Trullo, which is expounded by c Sed hoc constitutum est à Patribus sextae, quae dicitur, Synodi, dicentibus in 12. Canone, Non repugnantes ijs, quae ab Apostolis constituta sunt, hoc d●cimus, sed salutis, & ad meliora progressionis populorum curam gerentes, & ne detur occasio reprehendendi Synoda●em constitutionem. Eadem a●●tem Synodus in 13. Can. praesertim, Canonem interpretatur, dicens, A Presbyteris & Diaco●is, vel Subdiacon●s, ut à proprijs uxoribus abstineant, exigi tempore contrectationis sanctorum mysteriorum; & subiunge●● Quod si quis ausus faerit Pre●byteros, vel Diaconos, vel Subdiaconos legitim â uxoris coniunctione & societate primare, deponatur. Canon quoque 70. praesentis Synodi convincit Latino's de hac re malè sentire. Dicit enim, Placuit ut Presbyten & Diaconi, & Episcopi proprijs terminis etiam à suis uxoribus abstineant: ut ex hoc ostendatur, & Presbyteros, & Diaconos, & Episcopos cum mulieribus vixis●e: nec prohibuit eyes Synodus cum ipsis consuetudine, msi in proprijs tern. inis, id est, in pr●stitutis uniuscususque vicis diebus. Balsamon Antioch. Patriarcha in Synod. Carthag. can. 4. dist. 31. ex interpret. Gentiam H●●uet. Simus autem, sicut & qui Carthagine convenerunt, & ministrorum gravitatis honestatisue curam gerentes dixerunt●●● Subdiaconi, qui sacra mysteria contrectant, & Diaconi, & Presbyteri proprijs terminis à consortibus abstineant. Vt & quod per Apostolos traditum est, & ab ip●a usque antiquitate seruatum, nos quoque similiter seruemus, tempus in omni re scientes, & maximè in jeiunio & oration. Synod. 6. in Trullo, can. 13. dist. 31. Balsamon, a Greek author, and the difference compounded, showing that the continency of Priests now questioned of, was not perpetual, but only in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, In the proper turns of their public ministery; whereof they may see more in their own Bishop d Espencaeus Episc. lib. 1. de continent, cap. 7. Espencaeus. Which point also their Polydore would have obsertied from a Canon (as he nameth it) of e Post haec conventus sextus (he meaneth Trullo, wherein this ●ss) qui novissimus & celebratissimus fuit, orientali populo, authore eodem Gratiano, vivendi regulam praescripsit, a● demùm permisit Sacerdotes, Diaconos, & Subdiaconos uxores h●bere, quas priusquam initiarentur ordinibus duxislent.— Verùm in ●adem Synodo decretum suit u● Sacerdotes cum Diac. & Subd●ac▪ rem divinam vicissim facerent, aut in templis administrarent, & uniusquisque ●uae vicis tempore religionis caus● secubaret. Quod ab Hebraeis sum, tum constat, etc. Polyd. Virgil. lib. 5. Iwent. cap. 4. pag. 318. 319. the last most general Council, which was held in the East Church, by the testimony of Gratian. 16 Concerning the true antiquity and equity of marriage in Ecclesiastical persons, we have * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 31. and 36. & lib. 2. cap. 1. heretofore discussed at large, & decided the whole cause, and yet have reserved something unto our conclusion of this question touching Syricius, whereunto we approach. THE ROMISH APOLOGY: By way of Conclusion. So evident hereby it is, that Siritius in his foresaid doctrine hereof, brought in no innovation or change. THE PROTESTANTS CONCLUSION, by way of Appeal. SECT. 5. 17 Nay rather, so evident it is that Syricius was the Innovator, that nothing hath been yet objected to the contrary, but an unlearned mistaking of the state of the controversy, by not discerning between marriage before, and marriage after ordination; or between a partly, and an absolutely forbidding of the marriage of Ministers: the first whereof, some more ancient than Syricius had taught, but the second Syricius did first decree, as hath been * See above Sect. 1 confefsed by good evidence from their own Gloss, and other authors. 18 In the second place they a Sect 2. have dis●imbed and dismembered a material and pertinent clause of a sentence of one Father, and distorted the testimonies of diverse, as hath been proved by their own Bishop: who hath likewise confessed the lawfulness of conjugal society of Priests with their wives, even in the b Sect. 2. marriagebed, from the express evidence of antiquity. 19 Thirdly, they have insisted upon the decree of the Council of Nice, by the direction of Paphnutius, to the utter overthrow of their present cause, as hath been proved by the evidence of many c Sect. 3 confessed authorities. 20 Lastly, they have laboured to prove a decree against marriage of Priests before Syricius by the Canon of a Council of Carthage, which Council was either at the same time when Syricius lived, or rather many years after; and not so only, but also misconstruing the sense of that Council, as hath been showed by the evidence of our Adversaries own d Sect. 4. confession. judge now (good Reader) by all these evidences, whether the Apologists have not been not only in a sort imposturous in their pretence, saying, so evident, etc. but also successless in their purpose of freeing Syricius from the imputation of innovation and change in the absolute and perpetual restraint of the marriage of Priests. 21 To conclude, the decree of Syricius was so originally new by his imposition, and in it own nature so irreligious and intolerable, that again their own B●shop is bold to say: e Romanos autem P●●tisices Sy●●cium imprimis & Innocent●● quibu●cum 〈◊〉 ●xec●or (viz the 〈◊〉▪ for necessity of continency, jovinian for necessity of marriage) In hoc argumento Pont aces quanto m●●ores adeoque maximos tanto magis reverenter inter●ogo leges▪ ●anctiones divinas. quib●s 〈…〉 consortes antea ductas tangere vetentur. Nam Mosaicae, quas citant, divinae quidem sunt, sed in Christo ●●rtua (m●a●ing, for th● necessity.)— Pau●●a quae allegant vel 〈…〉 es●e ●●undum, 〈◊〉 [qui 〈…〉. D●o ●la●●●e non po●●u●●] none minus ad ●a●cos quam ad Clericos pertinent. ●spen●●us lib. 1. de Continen. cap. 13. pag. 125, 126. jabhorre (his own words) Pope Syricius, together with jovinian. Both which (as in the same book he showeth) were in two extremities; jovinian thought it unlawful for any to be a Priest, who was not married, but Syricius thought that no married man might be a Priest: both which he proveth to be contrary both unto Scriptures and prime antiquity; instifying the lawfulness of the marriage of Ecclesiastical persons by the judgement of Aenaeas Silvius, who was also Pope Pius; him he produceth as he was Aenaeas, confessing, that f Aenaeam Syluium etiam Papam Pium 2▪ ferunt considerantem coelibatus jugum cum Sacerdotij statu annexum, nec naturâ es●e, nec biblicá seu Canonicà Scripturâ, sed vel cu●sque voto, vel Ecclesiae statuto, nec u●●uersalis sed Latinae, ignem autem ubique adurere non minus apud Latino's quim Graecoes; dicere solitum, Sacerdotibus magna ratione sublatas nuptias, maiore videri restituendas. Quam cùm alij tum Platina inter proverbiales eius sententias scriptam reliquit. Espencaeus de Continent. lib. 1. cap. 13. pag. 129. neither Nature, nor Scripture, nor any Canon of the universal Church imposed upon Priests the snare of single life: adding that as there was good cause sometimes to restrain the Clergy from marriage, so now there is better reason to permit it unto them. Which Silvius, being afterward Pope, although he justified the now custom, g Sed ferunt aliter sensisse ac scripsisse Syluium, aliter Pium. Et proinde qualecunque privati hominis, & nullius authoritatis publicae consilium. Idem ibid. Conformis ad superiora de primitivae atque praesentis Graecae item & Latinae Ecclesiae differentia, idem Pius epist. 130. contra Tabo●itas. Secundun tempora (inquit) leges variantur humanae, nec enim quod semel utile fuit, semper tale perseverat: non er●avit Ecclesia primitiva quae Sacerdotibus permisit uxores; nec errat moderna, quae subtrahit. ●●t aliquanto post: Nec nos ad omnia tenemur, quae in Ecclesia primitiva Patres egerunt, illis uxores fuerunt, nobis de●unt, & magis meremur. ●sp●ncaeus ibid. forbidding the Clergy to marry, yet did he confess, that the primitive Church did not err in their contrary custom. Here we see antiquity, than he addeth: We are not bound to follow the Fathers of the primitive Church in all things; they had wives, we have none, and therein are we of more worthy desert. And is not this a note of an apparent and arrogant novelty? 22 As Pope Syricius was the first innovator in the absolute forbidding of Priest's marriage, so Pope Pelagius (the second of that name) is found the first who h P●lagius ● statuit ut Subdraconi vel uxores à se separarent, vel illis contenti, Sacerdotiorum possessione cederent: & cum neut●um admisissent, jussit ut omninò uxores, exemplo post hommes natos importunissimo, ab se ablegarent. Verùm id decretum Gregorius, qui Pelagio successit, iniq●um censuit, ut Euangel●o contrarium, quod jubet uxorem stupri causà tantùm di● itti, & idcirco sanxit, ut nullus amplius sieret Subdiaconus, nisi se caste victurum p●ius promisisset, quo sic cunctis legem contincou● imponeret. Polyd. Virgil. lib. 5. Inu ●nt. cap. 4. pag. 319. 320. decreed, that subdeacons who were married, should either put away their wives, or relinquish their benefices: a thing (saith their own Author) never done before, and by a succeeding Pope disannulled as unjust. Why then should it seem strange unto any, that Popes have innovated and changed customs, and that sometimes a just one into an impious and unjust? Thus much of the third instance. CHAP. X. Of the novelty of Transubstantiation. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 4 Fourthly, M. Whitaker giveth example in Innocent the third, saying, o Whitaker l. 7. contra Duraeum, page 480 circa med. He that first muented Transubstantiation was Innocent the third, in the Laterane Council. Whereto we answer, first, that M. Whitaker barely affirmeth, but proveth not this his assertion, neither doth he allege so much as any one author of those times, charging this Pope Innocent or that Council with any Innovation or change of doctrine in this matter. And we further say, that M. Whitaker urgeth this example howsoever against his knowledge and learning, yet most clearly against all evidence of truth. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. SCotus a Romish Doctor (commended by their jesuite Possevine, for one a johannes, cognomento Duns (namely Scotus) ordinis Minorun, floruit Anno Domini 1300.— in divinis Scriptures, ac in Aristot Philosophia adeò praestitit, ut in disputationibus palmam caeteris: rae●iperet, atque ob id Doctor subtilis appellatus fuerit. Possevi●us Apparat. Tit. johannes. excelling all other Schoolmen in disputations) living Anno 1300 b See confessed by Card. Bellar▪ in the 3. Sect. following. taught as much: therein seconded by c Gabriel Biel anno 1574. ordinis Praedicatorum in Gymnasio Tubin●ensi publice Theologiam professus. Possevinus Apparat. Tit. Gabriel. He is confessed by th●● jesuite Suarez to have thought so. See hereafter Sect. 2. cap. 21. Gabriel Biel another ancienr schoolman, and public Reader of Divinity. Therefore may we judge it an unadvised importunity to exact of our Doctor a proof hereof, which by their own Doctors was so publicly confessed: especially seeing that he had a purpose summarily to point at innovations, and not to discuss them. But because herein we see so deep a taxation of untruth, we further proceed to hear their pretended evidence. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. For this Council of Laterane was holden Anno. 1215. And as appeareth by the said Council an● further testimony of * Crispinus in his book of the estate of the Church, page 345. sine. Protestants, there were present thereat the patriarchs of Jerusalem, and Constantinople; 70. metropolitans; 400. Bishop's: and 800. Conuentuall Priors. Now that so many learned men of so many several remote Nations of the CHRISTIAN world, as were here assembled, should all of them agreed to decree Transubstantiation, and yet the same to be an innovation (as M. Whitaker saith,) th●n first invented, is more than improbable. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Proving that Transubstantiation was the decree of Pope Innocentius, and not of the Council of Laterane. SECT. 2. 2 A great congregation there was in this Council of Laterane, not only of a At Pontifex ubi videret Saracenorum potentiam in Asia concrescere, apud Lateranum maximum Conc. cel●b●avit, cui interfuere Hierosolymitanus, & Constantinopolitanus Patriarcha, Metropolitanis, etc.— & Graeci ac Romani Imperij Legati, Regum etiam Francia, Angliae & Hi●paniae oratores. Venere multatum quidem in c●nsultationem, nec decemi tamen quicquid ape●tè potuit: quod & Pisani & Genuenses maritimo, & Cisalpini terrestri bello inter se certabant. Eò itaque prosiciscens tollendae discordiae causà Pontifex, Perusij moritur, Pontisicatus sui Anno 18.— Et Decreta pleraque retulit, quibus tam Laicorum, quàm Clericorum mores componerentur, etc. Platina de vita Innocent● ●. fol 206. So P. Crabb, Referuntur nihil apertè definiti. Nauclerus, Referuntur. See Su●●●m. C●ron. ad Burg●mens. Patriarches, metropolitans, Bishops, Priors, but (as Platina noteth) Ambassadors of the Greek & Roman Emperors, and of the Kings of France, England and Spain. One special reason of such a multitude was, because when the Pope perceived the power of the Saracens to increase in Asia, he gathered a most ample Council in Laterane, to advise how they might repress the fury of the Turk. 3 As for the number of Patriarches, our Authors have showed, that it is no news for Popes easily to make new titulary and (as it were) painted b The Pope made Latin Prelates Patriarches of Constantinople against the Greek once. Conc Horent. Sess. vlt. D. Ra●nolds Conference, pag. 581. in the margin. Patriarches, who being Italians shall carry the name of Grecians, (such an one was c Nihil enim novi est si Pontifex inanes variorum Episcopatuum titulos pro arbit●o donet: quibus deinde ad pompam abutatur: quemadmodum misellum Olao magno Epi copatus Up alensis titulum, sine re ipsa, Paulus tertius concessit, ut regni Pontificis splendorem augeret. Qualis etiam ●uit in Conc. Tridentino Antomus Haelius Patriarcha Hiero●olymitanus, & similes in Papatu non pauci; quos propterea titulares Episcopos appellant. Gomarus Spec. verae Eccles. pag. 172. Antonius Helius in the Council of Trent) as to created an European Prince King of Jerusalem. 4 Nevertheless, although Innocentius was now busied in composing jars, which then waxed hot amongst the Kings of Europe, and chief in repressing of the fury of the d See above lit. ●. Saracens; yet did he also conceive and project some conclusions, which he intended to have had confirmed by that Synod, but which our Adversaries cannot prove to have been determined and defined in that Council: which we speak not without reason. For 5 First all Counsels, which were, in the common account of our Adversaries, general, were sealed with e Conc. Nicaenum 1 Conc. Constantinop. 1. Conc. Chalcedon. Conc. Constant. 2. & Constantinop. 3. And of their own, Nicaenum 2. Florentinum, Tridentinum. All subscribed. See the Counsels. subscriptions: which being not found in this Council, do not a little disable their evidence, for want (as it were) of a seal. 6 Secondly, in other acknowledged Synods the definitive Canons are particularly set down: but f See above lit. a. at the Council of Laterane (saith Platina) many things were consulted upon, but nothing plainly defined, by reason of some wars in some places; whither Pope Innocentius went, with purpose to compose those contentions, and died at Perusium, as others do likewise confess. And can our Adversaries make something of nothing? 7 Thirdly, in a case against heretical Kings, Pope Innocentius the fourth ( g Innocentius 4. the next but one after Gregory 9 and the fourth after Innocentius the 3. persuading the Inquisitors of Italy to execute an act against heretical Kings: which act is now set down in the devised form of the Council of Lateran: Siverò Dominus temporalis, etc. cap. 3. but he doth not urge it as by virtue of any Canon of that Council, but only from the decree of the Emperor. Literae Apostolicae Rom. Pontificis in directorio Inquisitorum, per Nicolaium Fymericum. Venetijs, Anno 1607. intra literas Apostolicas in fine. He would not have so much prejudiced his Papal authority, if any such constitutions of Po●e Innocentius had been public. who, not long after, was successor unto this Innocentius the third) did not urge the Canon now professed and practised by the Romanists, which is the bellows of all rebellion, viz. the power of deposing of Kings: but that Innocentius insisted only upon the Imperial law, for the effecting of his execution. Shall we suspect any Pope of later times so abject in his own estimation, as to prefer the decree of an Emperor before the constitution or Canon of a Pope? 8 Fourthly, if the Canons had been then concluded (as they have pretended) how cometh it to pass, that till after h jacobus Merlin Doctor in his book of Counsels printed Paris. Anno. 1535. Merline (who lived about the year 1530.) no such form or Canon of a Council could be shown? Shall we expect revelations from the dead? 9 Fiftly, even now in the later times their i joanni Rinco Patritio Coloniensi I V professori. Petrus Quintes insignis ill● Typographus scripsit mihi seize denuò editurum generalium Conciliorum acta atque decreta, sed long auctiora, correctioraue quàm ediderit ante●.— V●●ùm desiderari decreta 2. insignium Conciliorum, Lateranensis atque Viennens●s. Petijt igitur à me— ut si quid haberem quod huie suo instituto conducere possit, protinus mitterem. Mitto itaque decreta Conc. Lateranensis olim ex antiquo descripta codice, quae pro sua & celebritate & utilitate sunt 5 libris Decretal. juris Canon▪ maxima ex part sparsim inserta.— Fuerunt quidem haec Decreta in eo Concilio constituta, quemadmodum in Decretalibus ubique allegando annotatur. Veruntamen ab ipso Papa Innocentio in hanc redacta sunt formam aliquanto post celebratum Concilium; id quod cordatus Lector facilè deprehendet ex cap. qu●busdam, praesertim 29. 33. & 61. johannes Cochlaeus in Epistola ante Conc. Lateran. in. 3. Tom. Conc. Petri Crab. And where it is said by Innocentius, Hoc in Conc▪ Lateranensi prohibitum:— hoc definitum est, it bewrayeth a cunning shuffling, because they cannot bring forth any form of Council it self, which doth prohibit, and are contented with a form attributed by Innocentius, which hath only reference unto the Council of ●ateran, saying, In Conc. Lateranensi prohibitum est. See Surius in this Council, cap. 29. 33. 61. Petrus Quintes (when he purposed to set forth the perfect body of the Counsels, and thinking it was lame of two limbs, viz. the Canons of the Council of Lateran, and of Vienna) sought for a supply from their Cochlaeus, who sent him (as he saith) the decrees of Laterane taken out of an old book. Which we may judge to be a new and suspicious trick, the rather because that which they suggest from the fame of that Council, is termed by their own Massonius k Cuius Decreta quamplurima à Greg. nono citantur, habitaue est (Synodu●) in frequentissimo conventu Episcoporum.— Extantue eius (viz. Innocenti●) ad illam Synodum duae Conciones praeclarae, & recens facta ex iure Canonico collectio Canonum eius, multaue tum sancita sunt etc. Massonius in vita Innocent. 3. fol. 214. a late collection of those Canons out of the Canon law. But how many? * See above lit. i. The most part, said their Cochlaeus. And why not all? For both these Canons by them newly l The seventy Canons of Binius compared with the decrees of Innocent. broached, and the Papal decrees, are all the same. 10 As yet then nothing appeareth to prove the Council of Laterane, but Pope Innocentius only to have been the author of those Canons, and consequently in this point an innovator: therefore cannot these Apologists be judged fit men to plead the evidence of truth, who stand only upon an improbable, if not an impossible improbability, for their discharge. And yet they continued their plea. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The truth hereof therefore was most plainly to the contrary, that in the age before that Council, the doctrine of Transubstantiation was public and general: only Berengarius as then impugned the same, and was therein publicly contradicted, and specially written against by diverse Fathers p There did in that age writ purposely in proof of the Real presence Anselmus, Lanfrancus, Guitmundus, Adelmanus, Algerus, Hugo Lingonensis, and others: insomuch that Papir. Masson. Annal. Francorum, l. 3. in Henrico Rege, testifieth saying, Berrengario, omnes illius temporis Theologi bellum indixere. And Oecolampadius in libro epist. Oecolampadij & Suinglij, l. 3. page 712. fine, saith, Vivo Berengario, multi contra ipsum scripserunt. of several Nations in that age: In so much as the foresaid Council of Laterane was at length then afterwards assembled against that his then new seeming opinion. A thing so evident that M. Fox confesseth and saith thereof; q Fox Act. Monumen▪ printed 1576. page 1121. b. circa medium. About the year of our Lord 1060. the denying of Transubstantiation, began to be accounted heresy, and in that number was first one Berengarius who lived about Anno. 1060. So far was Transubstantiation from being (as M. Whitaker pretendeth) first affirmed or invented afterwards in the Council of Laterane Anno. 1215. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Further proving the Pope Innocentius, an innovator herein. SECT. 3. 11 The question is not about the corporal presence of Christ in the Eucharist, which D. a D. Whitaker in the place objected. Whitaker confesseth to have been held by Pope Nicholas (who lived before this Innocentius, in the year 1060, as the Apologists themselves acknowledge,) but the controversy is concerning the manner of his * See hereafter their 8. instance. presence, whether it were by changing the substance of the bread into the substance of the body of Christ, which our Adversaries call Transubstantiation, holding it for an article of faith; and this article our Doctor hath ascribed unto Pope Innocentius the third, as unto the prime and principal patron thereof: and therefore is he here noted as one gainsaying an evident truth: yet hath he said no more than their own great Schoolmen have affirmed, saying of Transubstantiation, that b unum addit Scotus, quod minimè probandum est, ante Lateranense Concilium non fuisse dogma fidei Transubstantiationem: id enim ille dixit, quia non legerat Conc. Romanum sub Gregorio 7. neque consensum illum Patrum quem nos suprà adduximus. Bellar. l. 3. de Euch. c. 23. §. unum. But see this confuted in this Section▪ and of Gabriel see hereafter cap. 21. Sect. 2. before the Council of Laterane it was no doctrine of Faith. 12 Secondly, we aught to discern among the Romanists a double Tenet concerning Transubstantiation, the one is only in the probability of opinion, the other in belief of necessity thereof, as it is now held in the Church of Rome. Doctor Whitaker doth not affirm that Innocentius was the first inventor of the opinion, but the first author to authorize it for a doctrine of faith. These two distinctions premised, we put the matter unto trial. 13 Cardinal c Non so●ùm praesentiam realem, ut anteà coactus erat in Conc. Romano sub Nicholas 2. sed etiam in Conc. Romano sub Gregorio 7. (cuius Conc. meminit Waldensi●)— Transmutationem panis in corpus Domini. Bellar. lib. 1. de Euch. cap. 1. §. Quartus. Bellarmine examining the time of Berengarius (under Pope Nicholas the second) showeth, that he was not then condemned for Transubstantiation about that time, but in a Roman Council under Gregory the seventh: which was some nineteen years after. But how is this proved? Because, forsooth, Waldensis (one of their own Schoolmen) hath made mention of this Synod. How shall we believe this, seeing they are d See Surius in his third Tome of the Council sub Greg. 7. not able to show us any such acts of any Council under Gregory the seventh? For except they will condemn their Church of impiety in neglecting the preservation of the Pope's acts, which they hold (especially in a matter of this moment) as an Oracle of God, they can deserve no credit in this pretence. 14 The conclusion from our first distinction is, that seeing Berengarius is not found to have been condemned for the article of Transubstantiation either about the year 1060, or (for aught that hath been proved) under Gregory the seventh, their instance taken from Berengarius can make but a●aw collection. 15 We come to examine the necessity thereof, and what decree of credit they stamp upon it, whether of common opinion, or (as our Doctor meant) of a general & necessary doctrine of faith. What can be more evident for our discharge then the evident & confessed assertion of Scotus their great Schoolman? for the which cause he is reprehended by Cardinal * See above. lit. b. Bellarmine, as though this saying were utterly untrue, notwithstanding that their Bishop of Eureux, at his late conference doth seem rather to justify Scotus: f Addit pro eodem proposito à Card. Bellarmino reprehendi Scotum, quod putaverit Transubstant, non fuisse articulum fidei ante Concilium Lateranense; id verum est, non erat articulus fidei formaliter, id est, non erat articulus fidei quoad formalitatem publicae professionis, & quoad prohibitionem, ne quis hoc ignorans excu●aretur: non plus quam procession●m Spiritus sancti esse etiam ex Filio, aliaue similia ante idem Conc. Lateranense pro articulis fidei publicè profitendis habebantur. Colloq. inter Episc. E●roicens'. & D de Pless. Caluinianae sects Antesignanum, pag. 16. Interpret jacobo Couth●no Burgunds. It is true (saith he) that Transubstantiation was not before the Council of Laterane formally any article of faith, which is by public prohibition to make every one that is ignorant hereof, inexcusable. Why then did their Cardinal Bellarmine pretend a former g See above at the letter, b. in the margin. Roman Council decreing it? Thus are our Adversaries catched in their own snares; for if the assertion of their Doctor Scotus be reprehensible, how can their Bishop of Eureux defend him? and if he may be defended, why hath the same assertion of our Doctor Whitaker been reprehended? But the Apologists are not contented with their former alledgement, for they purpose to show evidence out of more ancient records for proof of their supposed doctrine of faith. * D. Whitaker. As for M. Fox his speech, it may be attributed unto 〈◊〉 too great credulity unto some Romanists. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Secondly. we say, that also the many sayings (over tedious here to recite) of the other much more ancient Fathers who lived long before the Laterane Council, are so plain and pregnant for Transubstantiation, that the learned Protestants themselves do in plain terms accordingly acknowledge the same, and therefore reprehend the said Fathers. To omit the plain testimony * Osiander in Epitome. hist. Eccles. Cent 9, 10, 11. & pag. 95. fine, saith, Anno 950. Exorta est in Clero Cantuariensi acris contentio de Pane Eucharistico, alij enim asseverabant priorem panis substantiam remanere & nihilominu● simul ibi verum Christi corpus porrigi: alij vero pugnabant recitatis verbis Domini priorem substantiam elementorum prorsus evanes●ere atque transire in corpus Domini, etc. And Crispinus in his book of the Estate of the Church, pag. 286. circa med & pag. 289. initio. & 323. post n edium, confesseth that Paschasius (who lived Anno Domini 880.) taught Transubstantiation. herein of Osiander and some others: in this sort it is confessed and affirmed, that r Affirmed by M. Ca●●ile in his book that Christ descended not into hell, fol. 58. and by Oecolampadius in libro Epistolarum Oecolampadij & Zuing●ij. lib. 3. pag 661. and see M. Fulke against Heskins, pag. 217. post med. & 204 aunt med. & 296. fine. and by Carrion in Chronic. pag 451. initio. Damascene taught Transubstantiation, that both f See the treatise entitled Commonfact. ●uiu●dam Theologi de sacra Domini Coena, & eiusdem Commonefact consideratio, pag. 211. post med. where it is said, Theothylactu● & Damascenus plane inclinant ad Transubstantiationem; & u●de Kemnitium Examen. part 2. p. 83. a. paulò post med. & lordship 290. b. circa medium. Damascene and Theophilact do evidently incline to Transubstantiation: that t Humfredus in jesuitismi part 2. rat 5. pag. 626. saith, In Ecclesiam vero quid invexerunt Gregorius & A●g●stinus. in●●lerunt etc. Transubstantiationem etc. Gregory the gre●t and Austen brought into England Transubstantiation: that u The Century writes, Cent. 4. c. 10. col. 985. line 30. say of Eusebius Emissenus that, Pari●m commode de Transubstantiatione dixit, etc. Eusebius Emissenus did speak unprofitably of Transubstantiation, that x The Century writers undertaking in their fifth Century, ca 4. col. 496. line 4. to set down, errores Doctorum huius seculi, do therein (col. 517. line 23) say, Chrys●stomus Transubstantiationem videtur confirmare, nam it a scribit insermone de E●charistia, num vides Panem? num Vinum? num sicut reliqui cibi in secessum vadunt? absit ne sic cogites, quemadmodum enim si ●era ●g●i adhibita illi assimilatur, nihil substantiae re●●an●t, nihil superflu●t, sic & hic puta mysteria consumi corporis substantia. chrusostom doth seem to 〈◊〉 Transubstantiation: whereto sun●rte other like examples might be added: A t●ing so evident that Adamus Francisci (a learned Protestant writer) doth therefore acknowledge, how that y Adamus Francisci in Margarita theologica, page 256. post med. saith, Commentum Papistarum de Transubstantiatione mature in Ecclesiam ●rrep●it. transubstantiation entered early into the Church: so improperly (if not wilfully untruly) is the foresaid example of the Laterane Council, and Innocent the third urged by M. Whitaker, and so many other of his brethren. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 4. 16 Thus indeed the Apologists have said, informing their Reader first, that Protestants reprehended the Fathers, and that in plain terms, for affirming Transubstantiation: whereas their exception (as hath been showed) was not against the Father's doctrine, but for their hyperbolical phrases, which our * See above l. 2. cap. 2. Adversaries themselves have likewise disliked. 17 Besides this, we may remember (for why may not we repeat things in answering of repetitions?) that they have produced for proof of their Transubstantiation, a feigned a See above l. 2. cap 2. Sect. 2. Gregory, b Sect. 4. Emissene, and c Sect. 54 Ambrose, a perverted d Sect. 3 chrusostom, e Sect. 6. cyril, f Sect. 7. Cyprian, and g Sect. 8. Theodoret; that they have rejected the testimonies of Fathers, which crossed the conceit of Transubstantiation, viz. h Sect. 10. Theodoret, Pope i Sect 11. Gelasius, k Sect. 12. Tertullian, the l Sect. 13. Author operis imperfecti, m Sect 13. Bertram. 18 Where also the matter hath been decided by the plain demonstration of the language of Fathers, by comparison of n Sect. 15. Baptism, from o Sect 16 & 17. analogy of their other speeches in Tertullian, Ambrose, cyril Alex. chrusostom, Ire●aeus, Hilary, Gregory Nyssen, cyril, Origen, Theophylact, Ambrose, Gregory the great, Leo, p Sect. 27. Augustine, Bede: ratified by other arguments taken from the true q Sect. 19 presence of a body, of the r Sect. 20. manner of eating, of our adversaries s Sect. 21, & 22. contradiction, of practice of t Sect. 23. Idolatry, of the acknowledged u Sect. 24. Tropes of the words of institution, of x Sect 25. analogy of other Scripture phiases, of y Sect 27. Sacraments of the old Testament, of z Sect. 29. As f●r Damascene, ●e is 〈◊〉 headed Father, as our Adversary's will confess, because of his 〈◊〉 of Cranij loqu●ntis, n●ted and taxe● by Cardin. Bellarm. lib. 2. ca●. 18 de Purg. it. § Ad quaitum, showeth: yet have the Apologists placed him as foreman of the grand inquest: of him hereafter. consequences of our learned Adversaries: which we only point at, because we desire to avoid tediousness. 19 Notwithstanding (because we are called unto the consideration of afterages,) it may not be thought superfluous further to observe (which hath been hitherto omitted) concerning Bertram, who (living in the year of grace 886) believed not the corporal reality of Christ's a Fuit Bertramus tempore Caroli Crassis: circa annum Domini 886. cuius liber adhuc extat. Is rursum in controversiam vocare coepit, an esset ve è in Eucharistia illud ipsum corpus Domini.— Consutavit hunc errorem Paschatius, etc. Bellar. lib. 1. de Euchar. cap. 1. §. Te●tius. presence in the Sacrament: whom, for the same cause, their Spanish Centurists have commanded to be b Totus liber Bertram● Presbyteri de corpore & sanguine Domini penitus auferatur. Index Expurg. Hisp. sol. 149. Tit. Ex Orthodoxographis seu Theologiae SS. & syncerioris sidei Doctoribus. wholly removed, and yet reckon him among the Doctors, (although this be spoken in comparison of Protestants) of more sincere faith, and he maketh S. c Cernimus quòd Augustinius mysteria corpo●is & sanguinis Christi sub figura dicit ● sidelibus celebrari, nam carnem illius, ●anguinemque eius sumere carnaliter, non religionis esse dicit, sed facinoris. Bertram. Augustine a special patron of their doctrine. 20 In the year 800, was their Scotus a Monk, whom the jesuit Possevinus testifieth to have been the d johannes Scotus Monachus— vixit anno Domini 877. jussu Caroli Calui etc. Di cipulus olim Bedae, & collega Alcuini, unus ex 4. fundatoribus Gymnasij Parisiensis.— revocatus in Ang●i●● in Schola Oxoniensi praelegit— ● discipulis suis in Monasterio Malmesb●riensi transsixus gra●hijs. Maityr Christi aestimatus est. Possevinus jesuita Apparat. Tit. johannes cognomento, etc. Scholar of venerable B●de, fellow with Alcuinus, one of the five sounders of the School in Paris, and dying in the manner of a Martyr: him doth Cardinal Bellarmine note to have written e Scorus▪ qui tempore Caroli Magni, cuca annum Domini 800. scripsit, is enim primus in Ecclesia Latina de hac re dubi● scribere coepit, cuius librum Conc. Vercellensi damnatum ●●i●le testatur ●anfrancus (but this is only report) Bellar. lib. 1. de Eucha●. cap. 1. §. Secundus. doubtfully of the same article. 21 After him succeedeth another Scotus, Anno 1300, whom we have already insisted upon, confessing the novelty of this doctrine of saith, even after that he had read (as their B. of Eureux witnesseth) f Scotus enim ut Scholasticus viderat quidem ea Patrum testimonia, quae pro hoc articulo allegaverat Decr●tum, aut Magister Sent. aut D. Thomas, aut huiu●modi alij Scholarum commentarij: sed ea quaein Graecarum Bibliothecarum the auris recondita erant, aut in antiquis Authoribus, sen Latinis, seu è G●aeco conversis, quàm per subsellia Scholastica non vagabantur, nunquam viderat quae tamen caeteris & nume●o multo plura, & expressiora erant: ut exempli gratia Episcopus Ebroicens'. colloq. pag. 22. Legerat ille quidem hoc D. Ambros●j testimonium ex i●bro de ijs qui mysterijs 〈◊〉. Fortè dicas aliud video, etc. Ibid. Et e●u●dem è quarto lib▪ de Sacram. cap. 4. Panis iste panis est ante verba Sacramentorum, &c pag 23. ●t hoc S. Gregor. Nysseni testimonium ex lib de Baptis● oh— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. pa 24. ●t Hoc D. Chrusost. testimonium ex una ipsius homilia de Passione— Non enim homo est, etc. p. 25. Et D. Cy●lli Alex. testimo●i●m ex Epistola ad Calosy●ium: Nae horremus etc. Ibid. Et Hoc Eusebij ●mist. homil. 5. de Pascha. Ibid. ●t Hoc D. johannis Damasceni, oculi o●ientis testimonium, de fide Orthodox. cap. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. pag. 26.— Quia hic S. Pater, ut primus author Theologiae Methodicae, ex praecipuis Scholae patronis erat unus. Ib. pag. 27. Interprete●. C●uthono. whatsoever either the decrees of Gratian, or the sentences of the Master of the School, or else Thomas Aquinas, or any other Schoolman hath writ upon this article: wherein are inserted diverse testimonies of Fathers, which our Adversaries usually object, as namely, of Ambrose, Gregory, chrusostom, cyril Alex. Damascene. Why then should not this Author (who for the excellency of his wit and judgement had purchased to himself the singular title of subtle Doctor) see as far into this mystery as any Schoolman before him? And yet behold Scotus still maintaineth his conclusion, viz. Before the Council of Laterane, Transubstantiation was no doctrine of faith. 22 He followed Gabriel one of the most singular Doctors of his time, viz. Anno 1574, who was of the same judgement: which acknowledgements do sufficiently evince, in respect of time, an innovation in this point, which by good proof hath been justly ascribed unto the decree of Pope Innocentius the third. CHAP. XI. Of the Pope's title of Head, from Boniface the third. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 5 Fiftly, M. Whitaker giveth example in Boniface the third, saying z Whitaker contra Duraeum lib. 7. page 480. post medium. He that first entitled the Roman Church to be caput omnium ecclesiarum, the head of all Churches, was Boniface the third: Whereto we answer, that although this point be for the matter thereof, already answered by that which hath been heretofore said to the former examples of Victor, Zozimus, Boniface (the first) and Celestinus: THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. AND we have rejoined already by way of reply, showing how unluckily (on their part) the Apologists have instanced in the examples either of Victor, whose excommunication was contemned by the famous Churches of Asia in the question of a See above lib. 2 cap. 22. Easter; and of Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestine, whose challenge of Appeals unto Rome, was disclaimed and renounced by the grave, learned, and orthodoxal African b See above ca 2. Sect. 7. & alibi. Bishops, among whom S. Augustine was present, and a principal agent. So that this assumption used by the Apologists, is but a mere presumption. What yet? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Yet to refill M. Whitaker even in terminis: whereas Boniface the third was Pope Anno 607, that very title of being Head, is acknowledged, & given to the Roman Church by many Father's a Theodoret (though a Graecian) in epist. ad Renatum Presbyterum, saith of the Roman Church, Tenet enim sancta ista se●es gubernacula regendarum cuncti orbis Ecclesiarum. And in the Council of Chalcedon, Act. 1. it is said, and not contradicted, Papae urbis Romae, quae est caput omnium Ecclesiarum, pr●cepta habemus. Greek and b Prospero de ingratis c. 2. saith, Sedes Roma Petri▪ quae Pastoralis honoris facta caput mundo▪ etc. And Victor Vticensis de persecurione Vandalica, l. 2. saith, Praecipuè Ecclesia Romana quae caput est omnium Ecclesiarum. And Fuodius Diaconus in libro de Synodis sub Spiniacho habitis▪ saith, Sanctorum u●ce patet Pontificum, dignitatem sedis Apostolicae factam toto orb venerabil●m, dum illi quicquid fid●lium est submittitur, dum totius corporis caput esse designatur. Vigilius Bishop of Rome in epist. ad Euterum, c. 7. saith, Sancta Roman● Ecclesia▪ etc. Primatum tenet omnium Ecclesiarum, ad quam tam summa Episcoporum negotia, & judicia atque querelae, quàm & ma●ore● Ecclesiarum quastiones, quasi ad caput semper referenda sunt. Latin, who lived before those times: And Gregory the great, predecessor to this Boniface, affirmeth in sundry places, that c Greg. l. 11. ep. 54. & in quartum Psalmum poe●itcutial●m. Romana Ecclesia est omnium Ecclesiarum caput: For and with which very title, the d Centur. 6. c. 7. col. 425. line 38. & l. 41. & Centur. 5. c. 7. col. 774. linc▪ 53. Centurists do reprehend and expressly charge both him and sundry others that lived before Bonifacius tertius. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 2 Seeing they have failed in the material sense, can they think to prevail in terminis? Not: for the title of Head may signify either a primacy and chiefdome of order and superiority, or else of sovereignty and jurisdiction. Ancient c See above in the questions concerning the Pope and Rome. Fathers, we confess, have yielded unto Rome the primacy of order above other Churches, but that of jurisdiction they did anciently not only not acknowledge, but also withstand. Whose testimonies, which concern only the former, are here incongruously produced for proof of the latter, excepting the testimonies which are taken from the Popes themselves, whom the Centurists do reprehend and reject as therefore partial witnesses in their own cause. 3 The only express testimony, which they would charge their text with, is this: Romana Ecclesia est omnium Ecclesiarun caput, that is, the Church of Rome is the head of all Churches. This they allege in terminis from the authority of the ancient & general Council of Chalcedon, which is very true, but in terminis only, and not in sense. For thereby was not understood the headship of jurisdiction over other Churches, as evidently appeareth by the practice of the Roman Bishops, who repealed some acts of that Council of Chalcedon, even because it derogated from the d See confessed above, lib. 2. c. 18. Sect. 2. pre-eminence of the Roman See. 4 Hitherto have we insisted in the matter and in terms severally, now both of them are jointly to be considered from the same example of Boniface. Their own Authors Massonius, Blondus, and Polydore do affirm, that e Obtinuit tamen à Phoca, ut Rom. sedes omninò & absolutè prima diceretur Idue Pauli Diaconi syncero testimonio firmare licet, qui illa ferè tempora attigit. Hoc enim ab illo narratur lib. 4. de orig. & reb. gestis Longobard. Phocas, (inquit) rogante Papa Bonifacio, statuit sedem Romanae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae primam esse, cùm pr●●s Constantinopolitana se primam omnium Ecclesiarum diceret. Massonius in vita Bonifac. 3 the Emperor Phocas (a f Baronius anno 602. etc. See other Histories. murderer) at the request of Boniface did ordain that the See of Rome should be held to be absolutely the chief Seat: what, in order only? no, but that also g Phocas ipsius Pontificis suasione, publica & ad universum orbem dimissa sanctione constituit, ut Romanae Ecclesiae, Romanoue Pontifici omnes orbis Ecclesiae obedirent, etc. Blondus Decad. 1 ut est apud Osiandrum (Papa non Papa) pag. 255. all other Churches should be obedient unto the See of Rome. And not this only, but (if their Polydore err not) h Verùm cùm posteà Bonifacius tertius ab Imperatore Phoca impetrâsset, ut in omnes Episcopos praerogativam haberet, omniumue Caput perpetuò foret, uti infrà subtilius dicetur, etc. Polyd. Virgil. lib 4. Invent. rerum, cap. 9 pag. 271. that the same Boniface himself should be the head of all other Bishops, and have prerogative above them. 5 Neither will it be a point extravagant to demand the cause, why Phocas was so gracious unto Boniface? This is expressed at large by their Cardinal Baronius, ●he brief whereof is this: i Qui (Bonifacius) usque ad Gregorij obitum Constantinopoli degens, eundem sibi Phocam demeruit, & in eius se insinuans amicitiam.— Cuius rei causa Phocas— in odium Cyriaci Constantinop. Patriarchae, professus sit solum Rome, Pontificem esse dicendum Occumenicum, nen pe, universalem Episcopum. Et id quidem Bonifacium ab eo obtinuisse testatur Anastasius [Obtinuit apud Phocam Principem, ut sedes Apostolica B. Petri Aposto● Caput esset omnium Ecclesiarum, id est, Romana Ecclesia.]— Quòd autem intercessissent inimicitiae quaedam & odiorum fomenta inter Phocam ipsum & Cyriacum Patriarcham, in eius odium favisse videtur ipse Imperator, Rom. Pontifici praeter morem suorum praedecessorum— quae verò simultatis occas●o hoc anno exorta fuerit— ex Graecorum Annalibus expressum habes: [Anno Imperij Phocae 4. Constantina Domina Augusta coniux Mauritij Imperatoris cum tribus filijs ad magnam Ecclesiam confugit.— At verò Tyrannus (Phocas) ad mulieres abstrahendum ab Ecclesia destinabat— Cyriacus Tyranno restitit.] Quod igitur Cyriaci opera expetita praeda è manibus esset elapsa, ex quo fomenta subministra●i videret novi creandi Imperatoris, in Cyriacum, ut dictum est, Phocas exacerbatus, in ipsum quod valuit tunc explevit. Bar●niu● Anno Christi 606. num. 1, 2, 3, 4. Pope Boniface in the days of Gregory, had by his merits insinuated into the favour of Phocas, at what time Cyriacus Patriarch of Constantinople become hateful unto him, upon which hatred Phocas professed, that the Bishop of Rome should be accounted the head of all Churches: which Phocas so ordained, as it may seem, in hatred of the Patriarch Cyriacus. Now the cause of his hate was this, when Constantina the wife of Mauritius the Emperor, fled for refuge unto a great Church with her three sons, the tyrant Phocas sent men to apprehended them, but by the means of Cyriacus the distressed ones were delivered: wherefore the tyrant grieved for the loss of so great a prey, whereby he saw an occasion ministered of creating a new Emperor, therefore was he enraged against Cyriacus, and did whatsoever he could against him. 6 The observable points of this confession our Reader will easily discern, viz. Phocas a traitorous usurper, a bloody tyrant, is the Emperor, into whose friendship Pope Boniface insinuateth himself: who is now become a petitioner for the universal primacy, and his adversary Cyriacus Patriarch of Constantinople, grown into hatred and disgrace, because he abhorred the tyranny of the same Phocas: who therefore contrary to the custom of his predecessors, established Boniface in his new chair of universality: in which term of head, Boniface apprehended more than peradventure was granted unto him, viz. a pre-eminence not of degree only, but also of dominion over all Christian Churches. Which we see first issued from the person of a wretched tyrant, in hatred of a Patriarch abhorring his tyranny; and was forthwith conferred upon a Pope both loving him, and favoured of him, and that (which argueth the novelty of the grant) contrary to the custom of his predecessors. By which we see, that our Doctor hath been indeed partly refelled in the terms, but in terms only, yet fully justified in the truth of his assertion, notwithstanding their other * Concerning Gregory, we have answered before. As for the epistles of Vigilius, the● are not of force: for the epistles attributed unto the Popes of old times, are weakened much by the suspicion of our Adversaries themselves. objections. CHAP. XII. Of Prayer for the dead. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 6 Sixtly, M. Whitaker giveth example in Gregory the great, saying: e Whitaker contra Duraeum l. 7. p. 480. He that first delivered Purgatory for a certain doctrine was Gregory the great. Whereto in Gregory's full discharge from all innovation in this point we answer, that S. Austen long before Gregory delivereth the doctrine thereof for most certain, saying: f Aug. de verbis Apost. serm. 34. saith, Orati●nibus vero sanctae Ecclesiae & sacrificio salutari & eleemosynis quae pro corum spiritibus erogantur, non est dubitandum mortuos adiwari, ut cum iis misericordius agatur à Domino, quàm eorum pe●cata meruerunt, hoc enim à patribus tra●itum universa observat Ecclesia. And in his book de cura pro mortuis, c. 1. he saith of prayer for the dead, Non parva est universae ●cclesiae quae in hac consuetudine claret authoritas. It is not to be doubted but that the dead are helped by the prayers of the holy Church, and the healthful sacrifice, and alms which are employed for their souls, that God will deal with them more mercifully than their sins deserved, for this doth the universal Church observe as delivered from our forefathers: and elsewhere he saith no less certainly: g Augu. in enchirid. c. 110. saith, Neque negandum est defunctorum animas pictate suorum viventium relevari, cum pro illis sacrificium mediatoris offertur. It may not be denied but that the souls of the deceased are relieved by the piety of their living friends, when for them is offered the sacrifice of the mediator etc. In so much as he for the Latin Church doubted not to h August▪ haer. 35. saith of Aërius▪ Fertur quoque propria dogmata addidisse nonnulla, dicens orare vel offer pro mortuis oblationem, non oportere. censure Aerius for an heretic, for his denial of this doctrine: as also Epiphanius for the Greek Church, condemneth Aerius in like sort, saying against him in defence of prayer and oblation for the dead, i Epiphan. haer. 75. and ibidem versus finem, he further saith, Ecclesia necessariò hoc perficit traditione à patribus accepta. The Church hath received (this) through the wide world, it was agreed upon before Aerius w●●▪ Hence it i● that M. Fulke confesseth and saith: k M. Fulke in his answer to a counterfeit Catholic, pag. 44. finem. Aerius taught that pra●er for the dead was unprofitable, as witness both Epiphanius and Augustine, which they count for an error. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Enquiring what point of Prayer for the dead is most truly Catholic. SECT. 1. Prayer for the dead, according to divers respects, is more & less ancient: for, as their own Cassander observeth, a Quamuis de statu illo animarum, quibus haec prodessent, non satis constaret, nec inter omnes conveniret, omnes tamen hoc officium ut testimonium charitatis erga defunctos, & ut professionem fidei de immortalitate animarum, & futura resurrectione Deo g●atum & Ecclesiae utile iudicârunt. Cassander Consult. art. 24. pag. 225. all did not agreed about the state of man's soul, which might have benefit by the prayers of the living. Which diversity we will methodically handle. 2 They considered the case of men's souls departed, either in the state of damnation, or else in the state of salvation: and this latter in a double respect, first as it is a misery subject unto a temporal grief, which some Father's thought to be eased and relieved by prayers: or secondly as it enjoyeth rest; and this rest hath been conceived by some Fathers to be in loco refrigerij, in the place of ease and refreshing, which they call a common receptacle of the souls of the elect without the court of heaven, there to continued until the general resurrection. By others it is believed to be the high palace of heaven, and fruition of the presence of God, and the Lamb Christ jesus. In all these different considerations we read in some Father's diverse manners of praying for their souls, and are therefore now to inquire punctually what is amongst these the true Apostolic and Catholic doctrine. 3 First, the kind of prayers which are applied by some Fathers in behalf of the b Verè lachrymis digm lunt,— frustni vixerunt imò non frustrà sed in ●alum: & de illis is tempestruè d●ce●ctur, utile 〈◊〉 illis si non f●●sssent nati.— ●t hic quantum vitae frustrà insumplit, neque vaum diem vixit sibi, sed voluptati, luxuriae, a●aritiae, peccato, d●abolo. Hoc igitur non plorabimus, dic oro? non tentabimus nos ab his periculis eriper●? Est enim, si volucrimus, illi leave facere supplicium. Itaque si preces pro illo faciati us continuas, si elecmosynam denius, etsi ille ind●gnus sit, nob●s Deus placati●r er●t. Chrys●●t him 21. in 〈◊〉 10. Tom. 3. and Damas●ene in ●rat. pro defanctis, where he speaketh of Tra●anes' soul: and others. See above. little case of the souls of the damned, the Romanists jointly with Protestants, do freely and justly reject. The second form of prayers ariseth only from the opinion, that some souls are in a paradise, without the choir of heaven: which opinion of their estate because our Adversaries likewise * See above. condemn, therefore aught they not to approve the prayers, which issued from them in that only respect. 4 Two forms of prayers only remain, wherein we are further to insist. The first is that which is applied unto souls that are conceived to be tormented in the boiling fire of Purgatory. This is that which our Adversaries do contend for. 5 The other, which, according unto ancient Liturgies, hath been used for the Saints in blessedness, in this form: * See above lib 2. cap. 8. Sect. 2. in the margin, at the letter, d. Vouchsafe to remember those, who from generations have pleased thee in this life, such as were the holy Fathers, Patriarches, Prophets, Apostles, and the blessed virgin Mary, together with all the Saints. Which kind of prayers our Adversaries have interpreted to signify * See above in the same place. a thankful congratulation for the present joy of such Saints, or desires of their future resurrection and consummation of bliss both in body and in soul: This all Protestants do acknowledge to be a Catholic truth, and practise it in the commemoration of the faithful departed, in testimony of their hope of communion in blessedness, and faith of immortality: according to the petition taught us in our Lord's prayer, Let thy kingdom come, desiring that God's power may be acknowledged in us both in the kingdom of his grace in this world, and in the kingdom of perfect glory in the resurrection of the just: under which hope, even our bodies, do * Rom. 8. 22. travel and groan until * Act. 3. 19 the time of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord If then we shall tie ourselves unto the scope of the question, as Ulysses unto his mast, we shall not so easily be seduced with the terms of universal faith. Now we enter upon A particular examination of the doctrine of Aërius, and the reprehension of Epiphanius. SECT. 2. 6 Concerning Aërius it hath been answered, that we are to put a difference between the public actions of the Church, and the private interpretations c B. Bilson in his government of the Church, cap. 13. of the two forenamed Fathers: the public actions were the commemoration and thanksgiving in the testimony of our hope, even for Martyrs: and although Epiphanius and some others did doubtfully think that the same men's damnation might be mitigated by prayer, howsoever their state could not be altered; yet these speculations were not comprised in the public prayers of the Church, nor confirmed by them, and for that cause was he justly impugned for condemning the universal and religious actions of the Catholic Church. 7 Again, Aërius was offended with the vulgar opinion of those times, which thought, that d Si vero ommnò preces corum, qui hic sunt, prosunt illis qui isthic sunt igitur nemo fit pius, qui boni quicquam faciat, sed acquirat amicos quosdam per quem vult modum, aut per pecumas persuadens, aut amicis id in obitu demandans, & orent pro ipso, ut ne quid illic patiatur, neque immedicabilia peccata ab ipso perpetrata requirantur. Epiphan. haeres. 75 ante medium. although a man lived never so wickedly, yet if he could procure some men either by money, or by friendship, or howsoever, to pray for him after his death, he might be freed from punishment due unto him for his sins after his death. And this opinion he falsely & calumniously imputed unto the Church, and thereupon questioned, Whether the prayers of the living do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, altogether profit the dead. Unto this question Epiphanius returneth an answer, signifying that by mentioning the names of the dead this profit is gained, viz. e Posteà verò quae proferantur nomina vita defunctorum, quid hoc magis fuerit utile? quid hoc commodius, & magi, admiratione dignum? quod credunt praesentes quod high qui praecesserunt, viwnt, & non sunt nulh, sed sunt & umunt apud Dominum: & ut pientiss. praedicationem recenseam, quod spes est orantibu● pro frat●ibus, velut qui in peregrinatione sunt. Prosunt autem & preces pro ipsis factae, etiamsi totam culpam non abscu●dant. Epiphanius ibid. ante fi●m, And as 〈◊〉 noteth: Epiphanius docet orationes quae fiunt pro delunctis, prodesse, sed non dicit prodesse defunctis— quia per eas id quod est perfectius significatur, etc. Thereby we believe that the souls departed live with the Lord The second profit, is in respect of those souls of the unjust, by entreating pardon for them: but how? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, altogether? (for that was the question,) not: Epiphanius saith, they profit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, although they do not cut off the whole sin. This, we see, is but half an answer, leaving the other in suspense, and yet this is all that Epiphanius answereth. 8 If this Father had believed Purgatory, here the question of Aërius challenged him to have expressed himself, in yielding a full answer according unto the now Romish f The question was 〈…〉 the remission 〈…〉, as for the punishment: the Romanists speak only of remission of punishment: the question was of mortal sins n●t remitted in this life th● Romanists only defend a profit after remission ●f guilt ●f the mortal. faith, & to have said (if he had so believed,) that Prayer for the dead is profitable for the deliverance of souls out of the scorching fire of Purgatory: but there is not one syllable, which hath any sent of so much as the smoke of that sire. Furthermore if Aërius had been an heretic for denying of this article, their Alphonsus de g Alphonsus' 〈…〉. Castro, who noted the heresies of Aërius, would not, in all probability, have spared him in this. An answer unto the testimony of S. Augustine. SECT. 3. 9 Our Authors have observed S. Augustine to have been the first who opened the window unto the doctrine of Purgatory: by whose own direction we have a good warrant to descent from him, or any other a Ita alios (Script●ras) (praeter Canonicos) lego, ut non verum putem, quia ipsi ita senserint, quantalibet etiam sanctitate doctrinâuè praepolleant; sed quia mihi vel per illos autores Canonicos, vel probabili ratione, quod à vero non abhorreat, persuadere potuerint. August. bepissed 19 ad Hieron. Nullorum hominum quatnuis Catholicorum & laudatorum velut Scripturas Canonicas habere debemus, ut non liceat nobis aliquid in corum scriptis improbate aut respuete: fortè invenerimus quòd aliter senserit, quàm veritas habet. ●pist. Catholic Fathers, although most learned and godly, wheresoever they shall labour to persuade any thing either without Canonical Authors, or without probable reason. Which exception both we and our Adversaries have justly taken against the doctrine of S. Augustine, concerning the necessity of * See above. ministering the Eucharist unto infants, albeit he held it to be both as general, and as necessary as he did this point now in question. 10 But much more are we moved hereunto by his practice, when we found him praying for remission for his mother's soul, that God would not enter into judgement with her, even then when he confesseth, saying: b Nunc pro peccatis matris meae deprecortc, exaudi me per medicinam vulnerum tuorum quae pependit in cruse, & sedens ad dextram tuam, te interpellat pro nobis, Dimittc, Domine, dimit, obsecro, ne intres cum ea in judicium. Sed credo quòd iam feceris quod te rogo: sed voluntaria oris mei approba Domine, Aug. lib. 9 Confess. cap. 13. I bele●ue, OH Lord, that thou hast already done that I desired: notwithstanding accept, OH Lord, the willing sacrifice of my mouth. Which argueth that it was rather a wish then a prayer, and therefore may peradventure be thought (as he himself noted some Catholics in an other opinion) to have been an error proceeding from natural affection. And why not, seeing he himself hath been doubtful whether there be d See above lib. 1. cap. 7. any Purgatory fire, or no? and in other material points so questionable, that our Adversaries cannot allow of his doubts, as e Sed quibus (speaking of the state of the damned) placet istam sententum usque ad illa impiorum tormenta protendere, saltem sic intelligant, ut manente in eyes ira Dei, quae in aeterno est praenunciata supplicio, non contine at Deus in hac ira sua miserationes suas, & faciat eos non tantâ quantà digni sunt poenarum atrocitate cruciari, non ut eas poenas vel nunquam subeant, vel ut aliquando finiant, sed ut eas mitiores quàm merita sunt corum, levioresue patiantur— quod quidem non ideò confirmo, quia non resisto. August. de Civit. Dei, lib. 21. c. 24. which is condemned by S. Greg. Dial. lib. 4. c. 44. Non enim omnibus prosunt, Et quare non omnibus prosunt, nisi propter disterentia● vitae quam quisque gessit in corpore? Cum ergo sacrificia sive altaris, sive quarumcunque eleemosynarum pro baptizat●s defunctis omnibus offeruntur, pro valdè bonis gratiarum actiones sunt: pro non valdè malis, propitiationes sunt pro vald malis, etsi nulla sunt adiumenta mortuorum, qualescunque vivorum consolationes sunt. Quibus autem prosunt, aut ad hoc prosunt, ut sit plena rem●●lio, aut certè tolerabiliot fiat ipsa damnatio. August. ●nchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 110. whether the damned receive mitigation of pain by prayer: or f See 〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 8. Sect. 6. at the letter, a. to think it a most hard and dangerous matter to desine what sins are pardonable after death: or concerning the fiery punishment, g See 〈◊〉 lib. 2. cap. 8. Sect. 6. at the letter, a. peradventure it is so. 11 That which Protestants acknowledge to be indeed the Catholic understanding of ancient prayers for the souls departed, hath been * See above lib. 2. cap. 26. Sect. 3 showed by c Sed qui hoc credunt (speaking of the opinion of them, who thought that Christians dying impenitent might be saved) & tamen Catholici sunt, humana benevolentia mihi falli videntur. Aug. Enchirid. ad ●●●rent. c. 67. the testimony of Dionysius Areopagita, and the Romish example in praying for the soul of Pope Leo, which our Adversaries will not disallow. And yet for further evidence hereof we proceed. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Also he acknowledgeth that l M. Fulke in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 320. ante med. & pa. 194. ante med. & pag. 326. initio. & 349. circa & post med. Ambrose, chrusostom, and Augustine allowed prayer for the dead, that m M. Fulke ubi supra, p. 320. ante med. & pa. 326. initio. & 349. post med. & pag. 78. fine. it was the common error of their time, that n M. Fulke ubi supra, pag. 161 ante med. the error of Purgatory was somewhat ri●ely budded in Augustine's time, that o M. Fulke ubi supra, pag. 392. ante med. & vide ibidem p. 303. circa med. & 393. post med. Tertullian, Augustine, Cyprian, Jerome, and a great many more do witness that sacrifice for the dead is the tradition of the Apostles. In like manner M. Giff●rd affirmeth, that even p M. George Gifford in his Plain demonstration that our Br●wnistss be full Donatistis, etc. pag. 38. initio. in the (Churches) public worship, to pray for the souls of the dead, and to offer oblation for the dead was general in the Church long before the days of Augustine, as appeareth in Cyprian and Tertullian, which was before him and nearer to the time of the Apostles. Whereunto might be added like testimony from Caluine. q Calvin Institut. lib. 3. cap. 5. sect. 10. acknowledgeth that, Ante mill & tre●ent. annos, us●receptum fuit ut precationes fierent pro defunctis: and a little after, Sed fateor in errorem abrepti suerunt, etc. So clear ●s Gregory (who lived so many ages after these Fathers) discharged from all innovation in this point. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 4. 12 justly might M. Gifford affirm, that praying and offering oblations for the dead, was general in the Church long before the days of S. Augustine. What ergo? Ergo they believed a Purgatory torment of souls departed: for this is the confused mixture of the Apologists, as though there were no other use of prayers and oblations for the dead, but only thereby to mitigate or to quench the flame of Purgatory: but this is an unlearned collection, and dissonant from the practice of the Greek Church, which (as their Durantus confesseth from Epiphanius, cyril, and the Greek Canon) a Sanè apud Epiphanium haerel. ●5. & Cu●ill. Catcch. ●. Mystag. & in Canone Graecorun legitur offerri lacrificium Deo pro Patriarchis, Apostolis, Prophetis, huangelistis & Martyribus, praecipuè autem pro sanctis●. De●para, quo idem significat, quod in nostro Canone, Communicantes, & memoriam venerantes. Dum enim Graeci dicunt, Ofte●imus pro Martyribus non intelligitur, quòd eos Deo commendemus, verúm in oblatio●e commem●remus Martyrs, in corum gloriam, & gratiarum actionem.— Proptereà, ut Cabasila ait, nihil pro ijs orat Sacerdos, sed potius eos or●t, ut ab●j● in orationibus adiwetur, quia non ad supplicationem, sed gratiarum actionem, ut dictum est, facit pro ipsis donorum oblationem, in corum gloriam. Offer●itaque pro Martyribus interpretamur, pro ●orum gloria. Durantu● de ritibus, lib. 2. cap. 35. pag 406. did use prayers and sacrifice for Apostles, holy Martyrs, yea and for the blessed virgin Mary. Which our Adversaries interpret to signify no supplications, but thanksgiving for the glory which they enjoy. Even as the Latin Church (as appeareth not only by the aforesaid testimony of S. Augustine, but also by Pope Innocentius the third) commanded b Quia in sanctae matris Ecclesiae side, & Christi nominis confession perfever avit (speaking the Presbyte●o non baptizato)— coelestis Patria gaudium esse adeptum asserimus incunctanter.— Et in ●cclcsia tua judges preces ho●●●asue Deo offerri iubeas pro Presbytero memorato. Innocent. 3. d●cret. Tit. 43. De Presbytero non baptizato. SATURN'S Apost●●icam sedem: from which place Card. Bellarm. proveth Animas Sanctorum iam frui Dei visione. Bellar. l. 1. de 〈◊〉 San 〈◊〉. 2. Prin ipio, against them who held that this was only in spe, c. 1. jest that any may 〈◊〉 unto u● that he was 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 in spe. daily prayers and oblations to be offered for the soul of a Priest; whom he notwithstanding affirmeth even them to have obtained the toycs of heaven. So that from the act of prayer to conclude a fire of Purgatory, doth jump no better than heaven and hell. 13 Unto the objected Fathers we answer, that c See above the other examples in Valentinian and Theodosius, lib. 1. Ambrose is forced to say more than he meaneth: S. chrusostom saith more than they themselves will allow, which is, by prayers to yield d Die mihi quae spes esse po●uerit illis qui cum peccatis suis eò hinc abscedunt, ubi peccata exuere non licet?— digressi in infernum, ubi nihil prodesle qu● at 〈◊〉 [Psal. 6. In inserno quis confitebitur tibi?] quomodo digni non sunt quideplorentur? defleamus eos qui hoc pacto hinc abeunt, non prohibco.— Defleto eos, qui nihil ab infidelibus differunt— digni sunt lamentationibus, qui 〈…〉 condemnatis sunt.— Deplorato eos, qui in divitijs mortui sunt,— cum potestatem ablucndorum poe catorum habuis●ent noluerunt.— Hos defleamus non unum aut alterum diem, sed omnem vitam nostram: non sunt absurdi affectus hae lachtyn ae, sed magni amoris— quando ex timore Dei nascuntur.— Iwemus eos pro viribus, procuren us illis all u●d aux. lij ●odici quidem, attamen iwemus eos.— adhortemur alios ut pro illis orent, pauperibusue indesine●●ter pro illis 〈…〉 denius. Habet res ista non nihil consolationis. Chrysost. in Philip. cap. 1. Serm. 3 Tom. 4. ease unto the damned in hell. As for Purgatory fire, it is quite quenched by the form of Service in their funerals, where we read of nothing but hymns and songs, and crowns, and rest for the souls of the departed. Upon which consideration S. chrusostom expostulateth with his people for using excessive lamentation at the burials, and saith: e Dic mihi (speaking of Christians, who wept immoderately for their dead) quid sibi volunt istae lampades tam splendidae? Nun sicut ath●e●as mo●tuos comitamur? quid etiam hymni? nonnè ut Deum glorificcmus, & ei gratias agamus, quòd ●am coronavit discedentem, quòd à laboribus liberavit, quòd à timore liberatum apud se habet?— Sed ploto, inquis, & tunc, & consuetudmem ●equiro; verum illud quidem verè consuetudinem quaerent 'em est: hoc autem de resurrectione delperantium. Cogita quid p●allas in illo tempore: Revert●●e, inquis, anima mea in requiem t●an, quia Dominus benefecit tibi.— Dic mihi, dicis Dominum benefccisse tibi, & lachrymari●? nun scena sunt ista? nun hypocrisis? Si enim verè credis ve●bis, quae dicis, superuacu● luges: si autem ludis & fingis, & fabulas esse putas, quare psallis, ad te venientes? quare non repellis psallentes Chrys●si. h●m. 4. in epist. ad Heb. Tom. 4. A sol●m. 69. & 70. add ●op. Antioch. Bethink thyself what it is that thou singest: Return my soul into thy rest, wherewith the Lord hath blessed thee. Tell me, canst thou say that the Lord hath done bountifully with thee, and dost thou weep? what is this better than dissimulation, & an hypocritical stage-play? etc. So earnest they are to urge him, who would not have allowed their doctrine. Which the f Religiosorum omnium corpora, qui divina vocatione ab hac vita recedunt, cum Psalmistantummodo & psallentium vocibus debere ad sepulchra deferri. Nam funebre carmen, quod vulgò defunctis cantari solct, vel●n pectoribus se, aut proximos, aut familias caedere, omninò prohibemus, Sufficiat autem quòd in spe resurrectionis, Christianorum corporibus famulatus divinorum impendrur Canticorum. Prohibet enim nos Apostolus 1. Thess 4. nostros lugere desunctos.— Et Dominus joh. 11. non flevit ●●azarum mortuum, sed ad vitae huius aerumnas resuscitandum. Conc. Tolet. 3. c. 1 22. Council of Toletum may seem, in effect, to have condemned. 14 Neither were the oblations, mentioned by Tertullian, done in the behalf of any souls in torment, but may be numbered among those h Tertullus sidelissimus frater— significet mihi dies, quibas in carcere beati fratres (●● whom h● had said, Neque enim virtus eorum aut honour minor est, quo minus ipsi quoque inter beatos Martyrs aggregentur) nostri ad immortalitatem gloriosae mortis exitu transeunt, & celebrentur hîc à nobis oblationes & sacrificia, ob commemorationes eorum. Cyprian. lib. 3. epist. 6. These oblations were Sportularum contributiones. Lib 1 ep 9 oblations of alms for the poor, which S. Cyprian noteth to have been used in remembrance of blessed Saints, i Ad refrigerium justi vocantur ad supplicium rapiuntur iniusti. And before: simeon laetus itaque de morte iam proxima, de vicina accersione securus, accepit in manibus puerum, & benedicens Deum, exclamavit; Nunc dimittis servum tuum, Domine, secundùm verbum tuum in pace, quoniam viderunt oculi mei salutare tuum: Probans scilicet & contestans tunc esse servis Dei pacem, tunc liberam & tranquillam quietem, quando de istis mundi turbinibus extracti, sedis & securitatis aeternae portum petimus, quando expuncta hac morte ad immortalitatem venimus.— Si me dilexissetis gauderctis quoniam ad Patrem vado (joh. 14.) docens & ostendens, cùm chari, quos diligimus, de seculo exeunt, gaudendum potius quàm dolendum. Cuius rei memor B Apostolus Paulus in epist. sua ponit, & dicit; Mihi vivere Christus est, & mori lucrum. Lucrum maximum computans iam seculi laqueis non teneri, iam nullis peccatis & vitijs carnis obnoxium fieri: exemplum pressuris augentibus, & venenatis Diaboli faucibus liberatum, ad laetitiam salutis aeternae, Christo vocante. proficilci. Cyprtanus Serm. 4. the Immortal. in commemoration of them (as he also showeth in his own testimony,) and not for purgation of sin: for his conclusion is, that the just are called to refreshing, but the wicked to punishment: fancying no third state, but giveth general instruction unto every Christian, to believe with Simeon, that they are to departed in peace. But how? in the peace of conscience only to think that after the torment of Purgatory sustained, they shall enjoy eternal felicity? Not, but the peace of S. Paul: To die it is an advantage, because they are delivered out of temptations of sins, and vexations of this life, and out of the snare of the Devil, passing unto eternal felicity. But Bomish Purgatory hath (in the opinion of our Adversaries) only a bonum tormenti so great as exceedeth all the torments of this world. He therefore that said, that the error of Purgatory was but rifely budded in the days of S. Augustine, who lived in the fourth hundred year after Christ, doth grant that (in respect of true antiquity) it was but a new plant. 15 Now then, seeing the question is not who first conceited of Purgatory, for then a man may fetch it from Plato among the Philosophers, from Virgil among the Poets, and from Origen (for deliverance of souls of the damned) among the Fathers, and for souls in rest from other Fathers: but that which is taught by the Romanists is a fiery Purgatory torment of souls, whose guilt of mortal sins hath been pardoned. This doctrine (as * See above l. 1. c. 2. §. 14. hath been confessed) neither Greek Fathers, nor yet generally the Latin Church in the primitive age thereof, did receive. S. Augustine spoke with a peradventure, but S. k Greg. Dial. lib. 4. c. 40. & 55. from apparitions of ghosts, which ground in Scripture is held abominable, Deut. 18. 12. Gregory kindled the fire with a credo, from a presumption taken from ghostly apparitions, condemned by antiquity: and now of late the Romanists have blown the flame with an Anathema (upon the contradictor) making it a necessary article of faith. 16 To all which we answer, embracing S. Augustine's general resolution in like cases: Legat hoc nobis ex Lege, ex evangelio, ex literis Apostolicis, & credemus. For we found not in Canonical Scripture, either any express precept to pray for souls departed, or example of any that hath prayed for them; or yet any promise of blessing upon any prayers made in that behalf: and therefore are we persuaded that many of our Adversaries do no less doubtfully believe this article of Purgatory, than they can tell what souls are in Purgatory, and how long they continued in that place of torment: which they confess to have been l Fuit opinio Dominici à Soto in 4. sent. dist. 19 q. 3 art. 2. Neminem in Purgatorio man●re ad decem annos,— sed repugnat visionibus ex Beda,— quae clarè indicant, aliquos iam defunct●s (although they be eased with prayers, as he saith) usque ad diem judicij mansuros in Purgatorio,— & Ecclesia anniversaria sacra offered, & orat p●o eyes, quos constat ducentos iam annos esse mortuos.— Res igitur incertissima est, & non nisi temerè definiri potest. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Purgat. cap. 9 a thing most uncertain. CHAP. XIII. Of the novelty of Romish doctrine, concerning the absolute necessity of auricular confession. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 7 Seventhly, M. Whitaker giveth example in Innocentius the third, affirming, that r Whitaker contra Duraeum lib. 7. page 480. post medium. He was the first that instituted auricular confession for necessary: whereto we answer that an innovation so strange & compulsory, as for men (against all natural shamefastness) to be constrained to confess their secret sins, could never have been brought in by man's only authority, without some open and great contradiction: If therefore Innocentius first brought in this usage before that time strange and untaught, what Father or other writer of that age than resisted it? or who is witresse to the change? Herein M. Wbitaker is silent. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. AGainst the assertion of our Doctor they contend by three arguments: the first is from natural shamefastness, the second from light of the history, and the third from the authority of ancient Fathers. 2 At the first we are constrained to marvel why this confession of secret sins should seem to be so singularly strange and compulsory unto any that hath true sense of his own sin, as though that were altogether repugnant unto a natural man, which is found to be in practice among the infidels themselves: for a Illud meritò mi ari quisqua possit, confessionem peccatorum etiam occu●torum & gravium celebri usu apud hosce Barbaros long ante Christi evangelium auditum frequentatam. Erant Sacerdotes non pauci huic ipsi muneri assignati, qui plebis audiendi● confessionibus vacarent.— At illud non admirationem, sed stuporem mihi propemodum affert, valuisse tantum, diaboli hominumue mendacium apud homines, ut non solùm occulta crimina proderent, sed saeus etiam poenas sibi pro eyes iniungi aequo animo paterentur. jubebantur saepè expiandi adulterij, aut alicuius sceleris causa durissimo saxon ad scapulas tundi, fortiter interdum à iwenibus diu virgis caedi: non ra●ò, si sceleris magnitudo aliquid postulare videretur acerbius, in excelsam, atque omni genere solatij destituram rupem secedre, & longum aewm ibi ferarum more traducere— quod viti side digni ostenderunt, etc. Acosta Ies. lib 6. de Indorum salute, cap. 12. among the Indian Pagans (saith the jesuite Acosta, not without wondering) auricular confession was in use, wherein the heathen laid open to their Priests their secret and heinous crimes; and not this only, but did also inflict punishment upon themselves for the expiation of their sins, suffering themselves to be whipped of young men with rods. And if the ugliness of the fault required so much, to betake themselves into desert places, where, after the manner of beasts, they spent their whole life within the holes of rocks. 3 Neither yet is this to be wondered at: for it is natural unto a man oppressed with sin, to be apprehensive of any thing that shall be thought to assuage the grief of conscience. For we marvel not why * 1. King. 18. 28. Baal's priests did launce their own flesh in prayer with knives, or why other Idolaters, against nature, did offer up their children to be sacrificed unto * levit. 20. 2. Moloch, giving up the first-fruits of their bodies for the sins of their souls. For if the diseases of the body compel some to put off common shamefastness, & to yield their less honourable parts unto the view of the Physician: how much less shall the afflicted soul strain courtesy with natural shamefastness, as soon as the afflicted conscience shall but conceive any hope of ease. It is the property of a sore and sorrow to call any thing necessary, wherein there is any means of comfort and health. 4 But then will this confession become more natural, when as the confessor shall look only unto the opus operatum, and be persuaded, that, as it was said unto Naaman the Leper, * 2. Kings 5. 10. Wash and be clean, so it is no more but confess and be safe. Which peradventure was the conceit of those converts of India, who presumed so much of the power of absolution by the act of confession, that thereby they took unto themselves a licence of wallowing in sin. Which occasioned a Divine among them to wish that the * See above lib. 2. cap. 14. Sect. 7. auricular confession were utterly abolished. So that, whether we respect the penitency, or else the presumptuousness of a sinner, we see no cause why the natural man should so utterly abhor this kind of confession. We return unto Innocentius. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. But to clear Innocentius who was Pope about Anno 1200: it is evident that the jacobites were condemned Anno 600, for affirming that s Witness hereof Guido de lacobitis, c. 2. and Michael Buchingerus in Ecclesiastica historia: And Matheus Parisius in Henrico tertio; and jacobus Vitriacus historiae orientalis, c. 76. and Nicephorus pomell 18 c. 45. we are to confess our sins to God only, and that confession of sins to a Priest is not needful. And Haymo t Hairr● in Psal 31. saith, Licet Deus dimittat peccata, etc. tamen confitendum est Ministris Ecclesiae, quia nisi confiterentur, ex suain●bedientia damnarentur: and no less plain is he (ad evangelium Dominicae, 15. post Pentecosten●te ostendite vos sacerdotibus. who lived about Anno 790, expresseth the like agreeable doctrine of the Church in his time: as also S. Bernard u Bernard in meditationibus, c. 9 saith, Sed dicis sufficit mihi soli Deo confiteri, quia Sacerdos sine eo à peccata me absoluere non potesis: ad quod non ego sed beatus jacobus respondet, dicens, confitemini alterutrum peccata restra, etc. And vide eum de interiori domo, c. 37. , Petrus Damianus, and others y Concil.▪ Cabi●onense (which was Anno 813.) can. 32. saith, Sed & hoc emendatione egere perspeximus, quod quidam dum confitentur peccata sua Sacerdotibus, non plen● id saciunt, etc. And Alcuinus who lived anno 730. I de divinis officis, c. 13. in c. jeiunij, saith, Conf●tea●●● omnia peccata sua quae recordari potest etc. quo facto fixis genibus in terram, & super ipsa innixus stans supplicibus tensis manibus, blando ac flexibili vultu respiciens sacerdotem, dicat etc. And see Aug. de visitatione infirmorum pomell 2 c 4. and l. 50. homiliarum, hom. 49. c. 3. and Hospinianus in historia sacramentaria l. 4. pag. 366. circa med. reproveth the same doctrine of auricular confession in Peter Lombard, who (saith he) lived anno 1150. and also in Hugo de Sancto Victore, who lived (saith he) about the year 1130. both of them before Innocent the third. who all lived before Innocent the third, do the like for their times. x Petrus Damianus epist. 1. allegeth a notable example in proof hereof: (& vide eum in serm. 2. de S. Andrea Apostolo) and concludeth, advising men not to deserre their confession. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 5 Necessarily must we distinguish of necessity, which is either in part, or else absolute, as it is in Physic, that which may recover my health is partly necessary, but that is absolutely necessary, without which I cannot be healed. The former, Protestants have in some cases acknowledged to be requisite: and for the second, which teacheth, that without the act or purpose of this manner of confession a man cannot be be saved: they have charged Pope Innocentius the third of novelty, & that truly, as may appear by his own decree, which is this: a Atque Innocentius tertius constituit, ut qui iam doli capaces esse coepissent, si non saepius, at semel quotannis confiterentur peccata illis Sacerdotibus, qui eorum ammatum curam haberent. Polyd. Virgil. Invent. re●um, lib. 6. cap. 1. Omnis ut●iusque sexus sidelis, postquam ad annos discretionis petuenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur sideliter, saltem semel in anno, proptio Sacerdoti, & iniunctan sibi poenitentiam s●udeat pro viribus adimplere, suscipiens reverenter ad minus in Pascha Eucharistiae Sacramentum, niti fortè de consilio proprij Sacerdotis ob aliquam rationabilem causam ad tempus ab eius perceptione duxerit abstinendum: alioqu●● & vivens ab ingr●ssu Ecclesiae arceatur, & moriens christian â careat sepulturâ. Innocent. 3. in Conc. Lateran cap. 21. hibetur etiam Extra. de poenit. & remiss. cap. Omnis. Quo loco Panormitanus quoque fatetur, Confessionem auricularem non d●uinum, sed humanum inventum esse. Hospinian. Hist. Sacrament. l. 4. pag. 367. Surius Tom. 3. in Conc. Lateran. sub Innocent. 3. citeth the same 21. Canon. Every one of both sex, after he be come unto the years of discretion, shall at lest once in a year confess alone unto the Priest: or otherwise to be excommunicate, whilst he liveth, & being dead, be denied Christian burtall. This was his doctrine of necessity. 6 Now let us see how the Apologists have freed Innocentius from the note of innovation. Can the instance of the jacobits satisfy herein? Not: for (if there had been any such opinion in them) Cardinal Bellarmine would have thought it worthy the noting, especially where he doth brand Protestant's with ancient heresies. 7 As for the other testimonies from Authors, who lived about the same century, they are not sufficient to prove the generality of doctrine; because it cannot be denied that not long before the days of Innocentius this matter was disputable, as appeareth by their Gratian, (he living about the year 1198, which is about 50 years before the forenamed Innocentius,) who relating the contrary opinion, leaveth the case as indifferent: c Quibus authoritatibus vel rationibus utraque sententia confessionis & satifactionis innitatur, in medium brevit●r expo●uimus. Cui enim horum potius adhaerendum sit, Lectoris judicio reseruatur. utraque enim fautores habet sapientes & 〈…〉 viros Haec Gratian. in fine dist. 1. de Poenit. Teste Hospinian. quo supra, pag. 366. Whether side (saith he) we are rather to yield unto, I refer unto the reader's judgement, because there be wise religious men on both sides. The Council of Cabilon holdeth it profitable, not necessary, which was made so general by Innocentius the third: except our Adversaries can show some better antiquity. b The Authors cited for the heresy of the jacobites (excepting the late Papists, who w●re n● less partial herein then are the Apologists) misapply it as doth Apolog. some of them relate it, but so, as signifying that the jacobites did speak generally against confession made unto the Church, and so, by the judgement of Protestants, were worthily condemned. If the case had been otherwise, the Apologists would not have silenced their express testimony, and sand us to the whole 〈◊〉 to found it, we know not where, as in Matthaeus Paris. de Hen. 3. and not tell us what confession it was the jacobites did 〈◊〉, whether the general or particular, whether the public or the private, whether in the partly or in the absolute necessity. d Quidam solummodo Deo 〈…〉 debere peccata, quidam verò Sacerdotibus confitenda esse percensent, quod utrumque non sine magno 〈…〉 l●in●tam sit Ecclesiam, ita duntaxat ut & Deo, qui remissor est peccatorum, confiteamur peccata nostra, & cum 〈…〉, Delictum meum tibi cognitum seci.— Et secundùm institutionem Apostoli, Confiteamur alter utrùm 〈◊〉 nostra, & oremus pro muicem ut saluemur. Confessio itaque quae Deo sit purgat peccata; ea veiò quae Sacerdoti fit, doc●t qualiter ipsa purgentur peccata. Synodus Cabilon. 2. cap. 33. apud Sur●um, Tom. 3. pag. 281. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. To omit that Basil affirmeth plainly, that confession is z See Basils' words hereafter tract. 3. sect. 3. in the margin, under the letter, a. necessary: and that S. Leo affirmeth it to be Christ's a See the words of Leo hereafter, tract. 3. sect. 1. in the margin, under the letter, a. institution, teaching withal even b Vide ibidem. secret confession. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Answering unto the testimonies of Basil and Leo. SECT. 3. 8 Pope Leo in his testimony showeth only the lawfulness of a Leo describes the usage of the Latin Church, C●st 91. ad Theodorum foroiulij Episcopum, saying, Christus hanc Ecclesiae praepositis tradidit potestatem ut & confiten●hus actionem poenitentiae darent, & cosdem salubri satisfactione purgatos, ad communionem Sacramentorum per ianuam teconciliationis admitterent. And Epist. 80. ad Episcopos Campaniae, he further saith, Cum reatus conscientiarum sufficiat solis Sacerdotibus indicari confession secretâ. secret confession, but not the absolute necessity. 9 The other testimony out of S. Basil seemeth to be more opposite, but yet may be satisfied from itself, because he speaketh of such a confession of sins, as the b Necessarium est, ut ijs fiat con●essio peccatorum, quibus dispen●atio mysteriorum Dei concredita est. Na● & hoc pacto & qui olim inter Sanctos poenitentiam egerunt, secisse repe●iuntur: sc●iptum enim est in ●uangelio, quod joha●●● Baptistae pec●ata confessi sunt: in Acts verò, Apostolis à quibus baptizabantur, peccata sua confessi sunt omnes. Basil. Reg. contract. 288. jews made unto john Baptist, Marc. 1. 5. and the Ephesians and magicians unto the Apostles. Act. 19 18. which we take to have been either a confession of sins in general, and not in particular; or of particular sins, but in public, and not in private, as their own great Cardinal Caietane is acknowledged to have taught: which point is grown to be among our Adversaries a matter of great dispute. 10 For (as their jesuite c Act. 19 18. Multiue credentium venicbant consitentes & annunciantes actus suos.] Caietanus credit ista consessionem non fuisse Sacramentum, ed tantùm in genere, vel publicá, qualis erat eorum qui accedebant ad johannem, Marc. 1. 5.— Cal●inus & Centuriatores aiunt, agi hoc in loco d● generali confession, qua Ephesijs agnoscebant actiones suas ad normam verbi Dei non congruere, vel illos in specie nonnu la peccata per modum exempli confesses, non omnia. Im● deb●t de omnibus intelligi. So then the question is whether omnia peccata in specie are to be confessed the prec●●deth. Hoc idem Camsius (de corrup verbi Dei. c. 8.) hoc idem ●phesiorum exemplum argun entatur, confess●onem non Catechumenorum, cuiusn. odi fuit accedentium ad johannem (Marc. 1. 5.) sed relapsorum post baptismum, co●firmatue Basilij (1. Reg 228. ex breu.) authoritate: Hic docet peccata non cuivis confitenda, sed quibus credita est dispensatio mysteriorum Dei (1. Cor 4. 1.) sicut olim confi●●bantur quidam johanni, & in Act. Apostolis ips●s, à quibus etiam baptizabantur cuncti. ●andem sententiam sequitur Greg de Valentia, lib de confess. necess. c. ●. & 3. part. di●p. 7. q. 9 punct. 2. & Henriques 1. de Poen. c. 2. & Lindanus 4. Panopl. c. 66 & Castro Con haeres. verb. confess. & Hosius de Sacram. 〈◊〉. c 47. & T●pet in Explic. art. artic. 5. & ●cchiuses de confess. l. 2. c. 1. & Petrus Soto Instruct. Sac. Lect. 1. de necess confess. & Baronius Tom. 1. Annal. & Salmeron Tom. 4. Tract. 4. & Tom. 12. Tract. 49. Et plures alij in Tractatibus de Confess. ut non immeritò Catharinus (lib. 5. cont. Caiet) Ca●etam fiduciam nimiam repr●her dat. cum is in commento huius loci, it iam recitavi, t●nens contrariam sententiam, eam proculdubio asseverat. Equidem ter●eor tam n●ultorum de hoc loco pro pri●ata & sacramentali confession judicio, ne definitè aliquid judicem. Non ausim tamen etiam in hoc ipso judicio illud Ca●e●ani pr●culd●b●o usurpare, ut nec s●ntientis contrarium Baronij certum est: nam excipere quispiam posset, se●monem non este de iam baptizatis, sed de Catechumenis iam vel animo & voluntate pro▪ ensis ad doctrinam Pauli, & Christianan religionem, ut non ra●ò in superiore hac historia tota (c. 4. 4. c. 5. 14 c. 8. 12. 13. c. 11. 21. c. 16. 31. 34) in qua ante Baptismum quidam credidisse dicuntur, vel credentes conversi esse ad Dominum: quamuis non ignorem absolutum nomen Credentium sicut & ●id●lium, de consummatè Christianis, hoc est, baptizatis intelligi. Po●●ren●ò Basilius, cuius me penitus authoritas dep●imeret, sallor, nisi contrarium indicat, ait enim In Acts ●aberi, Apostolis peccata confessos, à quibus & baptizabantur cuncti. Id●n▪ verbis ipsiss. docet Anastasius Nica nus quaest. 6 in Script. Non urgeo multitudinem Aposto●orum, potest esse namque Enallage summers, Baptismus non conferebatur ordinane à Paulo 1 Cor. 1. 17. nec forsan ab alijs Apostolis, nisi dicamus ab ijs, quia eorum jussu per illos, quibus mysteriorum dispensationem tradidissent: & constat Samaritanoes baptizatos á Philippo Diacono Act. 8. 12. Illud quod scribit Basilius: A quibus etiam baptizabantur cuncti, non minus accipi potest post confessionem quim ante; in●ò ut respondeat alteri exemplo corum, qui lohanni con●itebantur, melius antè baptizabat siquidem johannes iam confessos. Accedit quod nullus ex antiquioribus Theologis probat hoc ex loco sacramentalem Confessionem, neque vel Concilium, vel Catechisnius Conc. Tridentini: neque ex recentioribus nonnulli, qui hoc tamen accuratè argumentum sunt prosecuti, ut Suarez in 3. part. Marianus Victor, hist de sacram. confessed. imò, ut posteà dicam, aliqui negant hic agi de illa● Gratianns ca Voluissent. de poenit. dist. 1. utitur tantum illo ad probandam necessitatem poenitentiae; sicut & alijs, qui de Sacramentali nullo pacto concludunt. Michael de Platio 4. dist. 17. disp. 5. apertè docet, Confessionem Auricularem nec hinc colligi, nec ex citato Basilij testimonio: atque hoc nomine Catharinum arguit, quod Caietanum id negantem reprehenderet. Andieas Vega, l. 13. de ●ustif. c. 28. Verba (inquit) ex actibus refe●ri possunt ad confessionem quandam in genere, quae sicut tempore johannis ante baptismum ipsius, ita tempore quoque Apostolorum à suscipientibus Christi fidem fiebat, antequam daretur eyes Baptismus Christi. Eusebius l. 3. Demonst. c. 8. planè supponit & hos & illos, qui libros magnos combusserunt, immediatè prius fuisse Gentiles, & non Christianos: quia ve●ò confessi sunt, hoc ideò fecisse, quod erationis vi Apostolus intimam auditorum conscientiam attingeret, adeò ut nemo amplius occultare posset, sed se quodammodo prodere cogeretur. Augustinus in Psal 61. idem significat. Arator autem disertè ita sentit, aitue hoc miraculo venisse ad Baptismum, & illos, qui combusserant libros, id fecisse. ut impetrarent Baptismum: Astella alij magicis ponunt incendia libris, ut mercantur aquas, & vitent ignibus ignes, etc. Hactenús Lorinus Ies. come. in Act. 19 vers. 18. pag. 784. Lorinus doth observe) many Romish Doctors and jesuits of principal name among them, to wit, Canisius, Gregory de Valentia, Henriques, Lindane, Castro, Hosius, Taper, Ecchius, Soto, Catharine, Baronius, Salmeron, besides many others, do all out of the place of Act. 19 centend to prove auricular confession. Lorinus being by the judgement of such a multitude of authors (as himself speaketh) terrified, dares neither condescend unto Baronius his certum est, for the avouching of auricular confession out of this place, nor yet will yield unto Caietane his proculdubiò, for the contiarie exposition. 11 Nevertheless the objected place of Basil (whereby Canisius laboured to evince, that the parties who confessed unto the Apostles in the Acts, were baptised before they had confessed, & consequently that this was a sacramental confession) was so far off from Basils' intention, that their said learned jesuite Lorinus feared not otherwise to inform us: I am deceived (saith he) if that basil do not teach the contrary, which he showeth to be the more probable, by the connexion which Basil maketh with the jewish confession unto john Baptist (which was not sacramental,) adding that no ancient Divines did prove the sacramental confession out of that Scripture of the Acts: yea and diverse have denied that it can be proved thereby, or (as one further teacheth) out of the testimony of S. Basil, who defendeth only a necessity of repentance, and not of confession. We found nothing in this their dispute but their usual even and odd, yea and nay, and all about that which cannot be found. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Our adversaries the century writers c The Century writers, Cent. 3. c. 6 col. 127. l. 28. say, Absolutionem deinde à peccatis ita conferebant. si qui paenitentiam agebant, peccati prius confessi essent: sic enim confessionem magnoper● Tertullianus urget in libro de Paenitentia; & usitat am fuisse privatam confessionem qua delicta & cogitata quoque prava confessi sunt, ex aliquot Cypriani locis apparet, ut ex sermon quinto de lapsis: & l. 3. epistolarum, epistola 14 & 16. ubi disertè ait, In minoribus peccatis quae qu●dem non in Deum committuntur, necesse est ad exomologesin venire, idque frequenter fieri jubet, l. 1. epist. 3. etc. speaking of the ancient Church's usage even in those former times of Cyprian and Tertullian, do out of their writings most plainly collect and set down private confession even of thoughts and lesser sins: and that it was as then commanded and thought necessary. So greatly is M. Whitaker mistaken in this example. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 4. 12 Or rather greatly are the Apologists mistaken, first in proving, that Auricular confession is so necessary and ancient, which is * See above lib. 2 cap. 14. confessed not to have been used in the old law, nor derived from divine precept, nor practised by the primitive Church, nor held as necessary in the Greek Church; nor defended by Tertullian, or Cyprian. Seeing then the doctrine hereof is a novelty of aftertimes, whether D. Whitaker had reason to ascribe it unto some few Doctors, who not long before Innocentius taught it (being yet in those times questioned of,) rather than unto Pope Innocentius, who authorised it for a doctrine of public and general profession in the Church, let the prudent reader judge. CHAP. XIIII. Of the Romish manner of eating Christ his flesh. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 8 Eightly, M. Whitaker giveth example in Pope Nicholas the second, saying of him: (d) Qui primus docuit corpus Christi sensualiter tractari, frangi & dentibus atteri, razors Whitaker contra Duraeum lib. 7. page 480. is Nicholaus secundus fuit: Whereto we answer. 1. First that the matter hereof is already sufficiently answered by that which hath been heretofore said concerning the fourth former example of Transubstantiation, and the confessed antiquity thereof in many Fathers, who lived long before Pope Nicholas the second: 2. Secondly, concerning the phrase (which is but a verbal objection) S. chrusostom (many ages before Pope Nicholas) said in like manner, e Chrysostom in Math. hom. 83. post med. Ipsum vides, Ipsum tangis, Ipsum comedis. And elsewhere, f Chrysostom. in john hom. 45 post med. Non se tantùm videri permittet desiderantibus, sed & tangi & manducari, & dentes carni suae infigi. And in what true and sober sense, these words may (in regard g As S. Paul in like regard saith, This is my body which is broken for you, 1. Cor. 11. 24. And Calvin de Coena Dom. inter opuscula, saith in like manner: john Paptist saith, he saw the holy Ghost descending; if we look narrowly, we shall found he saw nothing but a Dove, etc. Yet because he knew that 〈◊〉 to be etc. a most certain sign of the presence of the holy Ghost, he boldly affirmeth that he saw him, etc. As the holy Ghost is in regard of this foresaid presence said to be seen and to descend: so may Christ's body in regard of it like presence in the Sacrament, be likewise said to be handled, broken, etc. of Christ's body really present in the Sacrament) be used, is at large affirmed by our adversaries the Lutherans, who doubt not specially to h jacobus Andreas in confut. disput. johan. jacobi Grinaei, pag. 214. ante med. saith, Quomodo autem corpus Christi in hoc Sacramento dentibus teri, videri, tangi, dicatur, quae non a 〈◊〉 recens inventae & in Ecclesiam introductae, sed eruditae, prae, & orthodoxae vetustatis phrases sunt &c luculenter expli●atum est. And pag. 215. post medium, he saith, Haec Berengario à Papa Nicholas & synodo praescripta palinod●a nihil continet, q●●d in scriptes orthodoxorum Patrum, Chrysostomi inprimis non continetur: & vide pag 306. And of Luther's like allowance and defence of Pope Nicholas herein, vide ibidem pag. 307. initio, & fine. And see the book entitled Apologia mod●sta ad 〈◊〉 conventus quindecim Theol. Torgae nuper habit. pag. 36. post medium. defend against their other brethren our adversaries, this very objection concerning Pope Nicholas. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. IN the question of Transubstantiation our Reply hath met with your answer, but how sufficiently, we refer it unto our Readers censure. We now come to examine the phrase of speech. 2 The form of recantation, prescribed unto Berengarius, was in these words: a Ego Berengarius etc.— Consentio autem sanctae Rom. Ecclesiae, & Apostolicae sedi, & orc & cord consiteor de Sacramentis Dominicae men sae endem sidem me tencre, quam Dominus & venerabilis Papa Nicolaus, & haec sancta Synodus authoritate evangelica & Apostolica tenendam tradidit, mihiue firmavit, scilicet panem & vinum, quae in altari ponuntur, post consecrationem non solùm Sacramentum, sed etiam verum corpus & sanguinem Domini nostri jesu Christi esse; & sensualiter non solum Sacramentum, sed in veritate manibus Sacerdotum tractari, frangi, & sidelium dentibus atteri. Surius Conc. Tom. 3. pag. 600. I Berengarius do profess, that I hold the same faith which the venerable Pope Nicholas and his holy Synod doth prescribe to be believed, to wit, that the bread and wine which are set on the altar, are after consecration not only a Sacrament, but also the very body and blood of Christ, and are sensibly handled and broken by the hands of the Priests, & torn with the teeth of the faithful communicants. This his tenor of reconciliation our Adversaries have showed to have been approved by b Hanc confessionem suae fidei de corpore & sanguine Domini nostri jesu Christi à Berengario Romae coram 114. Episcopis factam, misit Papa Nicolaus per vibes Italiae, Germaniae, Galliae, & ad quaecunque loca fama pravitatis eius pervenire ante potuit, ut Ecclesiae, quae prius doluerant de ave●so & perverso, postea gaudeant de reverso atque converso. Decret. 3. part. de Consecrat. dist. 2. Ego Berengarius: and Binius Tom. 3. pag. 1286. Pope Nicholas, by whom it was sent throughout all the coasts of Italy, Germany, and France, for the manifestation of Berengarius his conversion. Albeit the form hereof be such, that their own Romish Gloss feared not to censure it thus: If thou do not cautelously understand these words, thou shalt fall into a greater heresy than was that for which Berengarius was condemned. Gladly therefore would we understand the true exposition hereof. 3 The Apologists, for our satisfaction, bring in Chrysostom speaking of our receiving of Christ in the Eucharist, & saying: Ipsum vides, etc. Thou seest Christ herein, thou feelest him, & eatest him, who suffereth thy teeth to be fixed in his flesh. They might have added from the same Father, * See above lib. 2. cap. 2. Sect. 17. lit. o. that our tongs are made read with c Dentibus. Nisi sanc intelligas verba Berengarij (meaning of his form of recantation) in ma●orem incides haeresin, quàm ipse fuerit: imò omnia referes ad species ipsas, nam de Christi corpore parts non facimus. Glossa in Decret. 3. part. de Consecrat. dist. 2. Ego Berengarius. his blood. We demand, are these speeches to be understood literally & properly, or improperly and figuratively? If properly, why do they call this but a verbal objection? if improperly, why then have our Adversaries objected these literal speeches of chrusostom for proof of * Ibid. Transubslantiation? and why did their Gloss censure the form of speech approved by Pope Nicholas, according to the literal sense thereof, to be no better then heretical? 4 But in as much as the Apologists have thus favourably qualified these terms, they must suffer themselves to be instructed, that those testimonies which have been produced out of the Fathers, and pressed in the rigour of the phrase, have not been much better than verbal objections. 5 What then shall be said in behalf of our Doctors, concerning Pope Nicholas his idiom of speech, who, for proof of Transubstantiation, authorised the phrase of tearing the flesh of Christ with our teeth? Shall this be thought as excusable as the sayings of chrusostom, & be deemed nothing but verbal objections? Not, not, the difference is great: for our Adversaries themselves will have us to mark & d Animaduertere debemus diligenter & distinguere, in lectione Patrum, quae ab illis contentiosè, id est, occasione praesentis certaminis, in quo eorum disputatio vertatur, & ad aliam long diversam materiam per tinentia proferuntur; quae autem dogmatics, id est, cum study & proposito docendi ab illis asleruntur:— name in priore genere liberum est lectori cordato & perito judicium, non autem in isto posteriori. Stapleton. Doctrine. princip. contriver. 3. lib● ●. cap. 16. pag 267. observe diligently when the Fathers speak things in the way of contention, and when they deliver a doctrine definitive with a determination; in the former manner of their speech, the Reader (say they) oweth no belief unto them, but in the second. And there is no such novice which hath perused the Father's writings, but knoweth that in their sermons unto the people, they take a liberty in their speeches by excess and by allusions, to make their exhortations & persuasions more emphatical, which in their determinations of matters of faith they did religiously avoid; even as it is in the common acts of men, who when they writ a letter of commendations, can speak freely; but in an Indenture or Obligation, it behoveth them to be more caurelous for fear of a writ of error. So here, if Pope Nicholas had been exercised in a Sermon, such phrases might pass for figurative; but now that an express form of reconciliation, & a determination of an article of their Church was to be enjoined as a definitive direction for all others, in this point of faith the Pope's sentence cannot admit this Apology, but standeth still guilty of an innovation. CHAP. XU. Of the four times of Fast. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. 9 Ninthly and lastly (for we will not in this our discourse which toucheth only Rome, be tedious in rehearsing M. Whitakers other untrue and impertinent examples concerning other Churches or Bishops,) M. Whitaker (for want of greater matter) chargeth P●pe Calixtus, that i Whitaker contra Duraeum lib. 7. pag 480. he was the first that ordained jeiunium quatuor temporum. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. AS though this his charge had proceeded from exigence for want of greater matter? But M. Whitaker, in the same place, did furthermore note the a Qui communionem in alte●o duntaxat symbolo primi administrabant, ij erant Manichaei, quemadinodun ex Leone intelligimus, Serm 4 de Quadrag. Whitakerus contra Duraeum, lib. 7 fol. 480. administration of the Eucharist but in one kind, now used in the Romish Church, to have had the original from the Manichees; the b Qui statuas Sanctorum coli atque adorari p●imi sanxerunt, ij erant Patres Synod. Nicaen. secundae sub Adriano Pont. Whitakerus ibidem. worshipping of Images from the late superstitious Council of Nice; the doctrine of c Qui concomitantiam primus invenit, is Thomas Aquinas fuit. Ibid. concomitancy from Aquinas; the licence or privilege of Popes to be without control, d Qui Papam innumeras animas secum ad Tarrara d●tr●dentem, à nullo ●o●tal● judicandum esse decrevit, is Bonifacius fuit, Dist. 40 Simo Papa. Whitaker ibid. although he should carry innumerable souls to hell, unto Pope Boniface; the e Papam esse Concilio ma●orem in Horenti●o Concilio primùm decretum fuit. Ibid. authority of the Pope above a Council, unto the Council of Florence, against the contrary decrees of two other former * See above c. 19 Counsels, Constance, and Basil. Where now then was his want? shall it not be imputed rather unto the Apologists, who have not answered unto these points, which they have so willingly concealed, than unto our Doctor, who hath objected so many, & willingly omitted (as he saith) f Quid plura? possunt hu●usmodi sexceuta à u●●is historijs exempla sumi, quae vestrorum dogmatum novitatem arguunt. Whitaker. ibid. six hundred the like, which might have been objected? But we return unto Calixtus. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Whereunto, for so much as this ancient Pope was the immediate successor (next but one) to Victor, we answer as heretofore did the Lord Archbishop of Canterbur●e concerning Victor, saying: k See heretofore tract. 1. ●ect 7. let. r. By this you add more credit to the cause then you are ware of: etc. And seeing that M. Whitaker can allege no ancient writer charging Calixtus with inn●ua●ion herein, the example therefore and authority of so ancient a Father, doth not so much impugn as give credit to this appointed fast, so as a further answer hereunto is needless. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 2 Cardinal Bellarmine would have us believe, that this a Traditiones Apostolicae,— ut ●eiunium quadi agesimae, & quatuor temporum. Bellar. l. 4. de verbo Dei, c. 2. §. Apostolicae. fourfold fast in the year, was a tradition Apostolical: which their own Polydore relateth to have been b Calixtus verò primus omnium instituit, ut frumenti. vini, & olei gratiâ, ter in anno jeiunium ageretur, die praesertim Sabbati,— inde mutato consilio, in quatuor partitus est anni tempota id jeiunium, in ver, ●statem, autumnum, & hyemem Polyd. Virgil Invent. rerum, lib. 6. cap. 3. pag. 384. first instituted by Pope Calixtus, and for this cause his tongue is c Index Fxpurg. Delevit. pulled out. But what else said he, then that which before him their own authorised d Calixtus autem Pontifex constituit, ut ter in anno iei●natent. die Sabbati praesertim, frumenti, vini, & olei gratiâ.— Verùm posteà mutata sententia in quatuor annitem● ora transtulit, in vernal scil. aestivale, autumnale, & hyemale. Platina in vita Calixti, fol. 27. b. Platina did not as expressly record, and Calixtus his decretal Epistle plainly showeth? viz. that Calixtus added the fourth fast unto the first three, as both Binius and Surius do witness. 3 And although it would be needless to answer concerning the first institutor of any thing which is in it own nature indifferent, & in the use and end holy and good, as this is: yet when not only the equity, but the antiquity also of a thing is so far enforced, as though it had descended from the Apostles, it was not impertinent to bring it by the true line of pedigree, unto Pope Calixtus the Author thereof. e jeiunium 4. supra addi●um est à Calixto. Binius. And this is plain by the decree of Calixtus: jeiunium, qùod ter in anno apud nos celebrare didi●isti, convenientius nunc per quatuor tempora fieri decernimus. Epist. Decret. apud Surium, Tom. 1. Conc. in Decret. Cali●●●, pag. 198. THE ROMISH APOLOGISTS CONCLUSION. Master Whitaker having thus failed in every one of those examples whereof he made bold to give instance, and the Roman Church being found therein free from all supposed change or innovation: THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 4 If the Apologists had but intended what could have been replied against their proofs, they might have foreseen (which now they may perceive) that notwithstanding their former instances, the first excommunicating of all foreign Churches, for descent in ceremonies, lieth upon Pope Victor: and the claim of Appeals from transmarine countries, already questioned of, upon Pope Sozimus: the first absolute decree against the marriage of all Ecclesiastical persons, upon Pope Syricius: the first authorizing of Transubstantiation for a general doctrine of faith, upon Pope Innocentius the third: the first usurpation of the title of universal head for jurisdiction over all Christian Churches, upon Pope Boniface the third: the first delivering of Purgatorie-fire for a doctrine of faith, upon Pope Gregory the first: the first proclaiming auricular confession to be a doctrine generally and absolutely necessary for man's salvation, upon Innocentius the third: the first doctrine of a sensual manner of receiving of the body of Christ in the Eucharist, so as to tear it with our teeth, upon Pope Nicholas the second: and the adding the fourth fast unto the three, upon Pope Calixtus. Yet are not these the tenth part of Innovations, whereof the Church of Rome hath been guilty: which the Apologists, by their next pursuit, will enforce us to reveal. CHAP. XVI. Of the Novelties in the Romish profession. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. How much the rather now are we to esteem it no less cleared from change in those other so many and great doctrines, whereof he is not able to afford so much as a colour of instance to the contrary? his apparent want in that behalf being such as enforced him for show of variety, to give (as before) several examples concerning one and the same question, as namely concerning the blessed Sacrament, and the Pope's foresaid Primacy. In all which nevertheless he had so little trust, and did so well foreknow the discoverable weakness thereof, that he elsewhere protesteth plainly, that he and his brethren l M. Whitaker l. 3. contra Dutaeum, pag. 277. ante med. And Bucanus in loc. commun. p. 466. saith: Non est nostrum designare quo temporis momento coeperit Ecclesia deficere, etc. are not bound to answer in what age superstition crept into the Church: and that m Whitaker lib. 7. contra Dutaeum, pag. 477. post med. it is not needful for them to search out in histories the beginning of this change. And for that in deed he right well knew that he could not show the same, therefore quite against his own former examples, and in proof that it cannot be showed, he allegeth similitudes of n Whitaker cont. Camp. rat. 7. p. 101, & 102. the hairs of a man's head, which wax not white suddenly, but by degree not to be discerned: and of o Whitaker cont. Camp. ibid. slifters entering into a building, at first not to be perceived, etc. and so with deceitful p Deceitful and misapplied in many respects: As 1. in that the hairs, nor so much as any one hair of a man head are instantly at the first become white, or changed. Neither doth every first beginning of decay in buildings at the first become an outward and markable ruin, whereas in doctri●e every opinion is at the first either true or false: 2. Secondly, the first whiteness of some few hairs and the first decay in buildings cannot be at the first discerned, though they were precisely regarded, which is otherwise in change of doctrine: 3. Thirdly, none is specially charged so precisely to mark these, whereas on the contrary, it is the special charge, not of a few, but of all the Church's Pastors, not only to mark, but also publicly to withstand the other. misapplied resemblances, laboureth to perplex & sophisticate his reader's judgement, wherein to bear with his boldness, and to admit (for the time) his said similitudes for pertinent, yet is all this unable to relieve our adversaries: for though we should be sparing hereupon to charge them with showing the first beginning of so great a change as is by them imagined (which is all that by these foresaid misapplied resemblances, our adversaries do wrongfully urge) nevertheless at the lest yet, we are in all reason to expect, that (according to the nature of these their own examples) q For though the first white hair or slifter be not discerned, yet the further degrees and increase thereof are markable and discerned. they should discover and describe to us some proceed & increase of this supposed change. If therefore they say that this change was not made all at ●nce, but by little and little, sometimes in one point of faith, sometimes in another, then are they accordingly to show forth those several little changes or some degrees of the increase and proceed thereof. As what be those several points of faith so by degrees at several times changed, which be the Popes that were agents therein, and who be the Fathers that impugned the same etc. In this sort (to omit the like in * Saravia in defension Tractationis de diversis Ministrorum gradibus, ca 23 p. 361 initio, saith upon like occasion, Respondeo, id dici non sat esse sed ex historijs demonstrandum esse quae illa fuerint schismata, & ubi & quando nata, & qu●modo inde tam universa●is consuetudo fuerit profecta: ●nd see him further, ibidem pag. 429. initio. D. Saravia) doth the L. Archbishop of Canterbury defending 1 M Whitgist in his defence, etc. pag. 747 initio. Cathedral Churches against M. Cartwright, (2) demand accordingly of him: from what Pope they came, or in what time they were first invented: affirming withal (elsewhere) against the Puritans, that 3 See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 l m. num. 13. for so much as the original and beginning of these names, metropolitans, Archbishops etc. cannot be found, it is (therefore) to be supposed, that they had their original from the Apostles: for (saith he) S. Augustine hath this rule etc. In defence whereof he further allegeth 4 See heretofore, Tract. 1. Sect. 3. l. n. num. 14. sundry Protestant writers. And hence likewise it is, that S. Jerome doubteth not to teach, that 5 Hieronym. ad Clitesiphontem. to reduce an heresy to it beginning, is a confuting thereof: the truth of which his assertion M. Whitaker 6 Whitaker contra Duraeum, l. 7. pag. 479. paulò post med. saith, Multum autem ad haereses refutandas confer, earum originem nosse, nemo negat. acknowleageth. M. Whitgist ibidem. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Concerning the state of this question. SECT. 1. WE are now brought unto the challenge of all challenges in this question of antiquity, which is, to notify the change of the Romish Religion. The demonstration hereof may be of two sorts, either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, either negatively, to show when any doctrine was not, or positively, to point out the very time when the change first began. Our adversaries are not contented with the first, but exact of Protestants a positive demonstration, which Cardinal Bellarmine describeth by several adjuncts, saying: a in omni insigni mutatione Religionis, semper ista sex demonstrari possunt, 1. author, 2. dogma aliquod nonum, 3. tempus, 4. locus, 5. quis, 6. eriguus caetus unde coeperit; nam illa omnia invenimus in ipsa Christi Ecclesia, quae tamen non fuit nova Ecclesia, sed solùm mutatio quaedam status Ecclesiae secundum Prophetarum praedictiones.— Quod verò nihil horum de nobis ostendere possint, perspicuum est. Bellar. l. 4. de Eccles. milit. c. 5. §. In omni. In every notable change of Religion, six points were always observable. viz. the Author who, the doctrine what, the time when, place where, person by whom the risisting was made, and the small number of professors thereof at the first, even as they are discernible in the beginning (as he saith) of Christian Religion: and then he assumeth, that no one of all these circumstances of innovation can be showed in the Church of Rome. Which argument is held of other b Quid absurdius quàm Romanam Ecclesiam innumeris penè haeresibus refertam vociferari, quarum ne una quo Pontifice, quâ viâ qua vi, quibus incrementis urbem & orbem invaserit, queas demonstrate. Duraeus Ies. in defence. Campian against Whitaker, fol. 180. & 181. Romanists as the principal, palmarie, and indeed the alone sufficient for their defence, which is now again recocted by these. Apologists, whilst that they urge us to show the several little changes, or some a●gree of the increase and proceed thereof. Which argument they further seek to fortify by our Author's confession, but altogether c Rem sine verbo Dei, sine ullo exemplo, praesumptionibus & coniecturis incertissimis adfirmari — viz Vicissitudinariam praesidentiam fuisse mutatam— per universum orbem, & justis de causis: sed à quibus & quando hoc fieri coeptum est, fateri pudet, ne praevaricari videatur. Saravia, loco citato. The point is the annual change of the Elders, which being no doctrinal point, but a ritual and circumstantial, the matter is impertinent unto our purpose. So likewise the testimony borrowed from Archbishop Whitgist concerneth matters of the like nature, and are of as little moment, as hath been proved at large above, lib. 2. Nevertheless it is good reason that whosoever shall note any thing for an innovation, and attribute is peculiarly unto a Pope, should be urged to assign what Pope it was. Which is a case different from that whereabout we now contend. impertinently. We contrarily oppose two things, the fist is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to wit; That it is not necessary, for the confutation of errors, to demonstrate the time, or other such circumstances of the beginning of them, as may be illustrated by similitudes. SECT. 2. 2 The similitude taken from the hair of man's head, which by little and little waxeth white, is by the Apologists much distasted, albeit etiam capillus habet suam umbram; that is, his simile did shadow forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is the matter principally intended: for the hair, of black waxeth white, and yet is not discernible in the moments of change. But no simile will content them, except it may gallop on four feet: when as indeed Logic (although it be the art of arts) cannot give any similitude, which shall not halt of one leg. 3 That which doth most nearly sample this point, may be first the * Matth. 13. 24. tars, which are said to have been sown whilst the householders were asleep, and did not appear until they were sprung up in the blade. For if likewise Christians be asked concerning the first seeding of some errors, they may answer, that they know not precisely the time; only this they know, that the husbandmen not regarding the seed (because it seemed little & of no danger) neglected it as men asleep, neither could it be discerned until it did appear in a blade. Secondly the Apostle likewise hath resembled corrupt and erroneous speeches unto a * 2. Tim. 2. 17. creeping-canker, which is a disease in man's body, gathering upon a man by little and little from joint to joint, until it have corrupted the vital parts. These are but lights of comparisons, to show the beginning and progress of an alteration. Now shall we animate this Idea by Pregnant examples of changes in doctrines, the certain originals whereof cannot be directly showed. SECT. 3. 4 Jest that our Adversaries may complain, that we give them similitudes without examples as it were souls without bodies, we exhibit unto them examples from Scriptures, from Fathers, and from their own Church. 5 When the Pharisees tempted Christ in the question of divorce, ask, * Matth. 19 3. The questions were two: 1. whether it is lawful? the second to confirm it lawful: else Why did Moses suffer it? Christ answereth both: Moses suffered it for the hardness of your hearts: but to the other, It was not so, that is, not thought 〈◊〉 f●ll from the beginning. Whether is it lawful for a man to put away his wife upon every occasion? Our Saviour answered, saying, (vers. 8.) From the beginning it was not so: reproving the common error of the Jews by testimony of antiquity, from the word of God, Gen. 2. 24. For this cause shall a man leave father and mother, and cleave unto his wife, and they two shall be one flesh. 6 Here our Romanists would have taught the Pharisees to reply upon Christ, thus: If you convince us of error, you must show us, when this arose in the Church of God, who first taught it, and what person resisted it; or else this contrary custom must be maintained as divine, and from the beginning. But the wisdom of Christ seemeth to condemn this reason of folly, when passing over the original of this custom (although haply issuing from time before a thousand generations of mankind) he is contented with the revealed will of God in the beginning of truth, In the beginning it was not so: plainly teaching us, that we are not bound, for the confutation of error, to a positive demonstration of the beginning thereof, but that it is sufficient to deliver a negative, showing a time when it was not. We are not destitute of examples in this kind taken from former Churches, such as is the * See above lib. 2. cap. 13. Sect 3. held then as necessary unto salvation in Europe, Asia, and Africa: as appeareth by S. Cyprian, Parents fortè fugientes, etc. Serm. 5. de Lapsis: and Hieron. contra ●uciferi. August. de d●gm. Eccles. 52. & ep. 107. & lib. 5. Hypog●●ro the exposit. of joh. 6. Nisi manducaveritis. confessed error of the administration of the Eucharist unto infants in the days of S. Augustine, which continued in the Church for 600 years, the first Author, or visible resister whereof, our Adversaries cannot name in continuance of so many hundred years. 7 The like might be said of the error of the * See above. Millenarij, which our Adversaries have acknowledged to have been both ancient and general, and defended by primitive Fathers, and that without either notorious beginning, or public resistance. Not to stand upon many heresies, which are as undemonstrable in respect of time, as they are uniustifiable in respect of truth. 8 But our Readers appetite (we guess) desireth to have some taste of a like manner of change in the Roman Church. The administration of the communion in both kinds, viz. bread and wine, is according unto the institution of Christ, and was used (as their Lyra saith) a Fit hic (1. Cor. 11.) mentio de d●plici specie: nam in Primitiva Ecclesia sic dabatur fidelibus. Lyranus in 1. Cor. 11. in the primitive Church, successively continuing in the universal Church of Christ (as their Cassander testifieth, from the testimonies, as he saith, b Satis constat occidentalem seu Romanam mill à Christo annis in solenni & ordinaria huius Sacramenti dispensatione ut●amque panis & vini speciem omnibus Ecclesiae membris exhibuisse▪ id quod ex innumeris veteribus tam Graecorum quàm Latinorum testimonijs manifestum est, atque ita facere inductos fuisse instituto exemplo Christi.— Qui mos hucusque per Graeciam & Armeniam obtinet.— Quare non temerè est quòd optimi quique Catholici, & in Ecclesiasticorum scriptorum lectione versati— summo desiderio potiundi Dominici calicis incenduntur, ut Sacramentum juxta consuetudinem veterem & multis seculis perpetuatam universalis Ecclesiae reducatur. Cassander Consult. art. 22. pag. 168. of innumerable ancients, as well Greek as Latin,) for the space of a thousand years after Christ. But when, and by whom came this to be altered? c Estue hoc diligenter notandum, alterius speciei communionem non tam Episcoporum mandato, quàm popule usu & facto (conniventibus tamen praesulibus) irrepsisse: populus enim ob varia incommoda paulatim à chalice abstin●bant. Episcopi propter varia effusionis sanguinis, aliaue pericula, tacendo, hanc abstinentiam comprobabant, quae abstinentia à chalice cum tempore Constantiensis Conc. ferè per Europam universalis esset, non erat damnanda, sed contra haereticos insu●gentes defendenda. Coster Ies. Enchirid. Tract. De commun. sub utraque specie. pag. 359. It is diligently to be observed (saith their jesuite Costerus) that the using of but one kind (to wit the bread only) in the Eucharist, was taken up not by commandment of the Bishops, but it crept in (the Bishop's winking thereat) by the practice of the people, who by little and little abstained from the use of the Cup: which abstinence become almost universal in all Europe at the Council of Constance: d In quo (Concilio) pro lege ab omnibus habendam esse consu●tudinem, dec●etum erat. Greg. de ●alent. Ies. de legit. usu Sacram. c. 10. §. Coepit a●tem. in the which Council it was decreed to be continued. 9 In this one sacrilegious depravation may be exemplified the nature of errors offspring. First they yield unto us that the communion of both bread & wine is by antiquity from Christ his institution. Secondly by continuance, it endured the space of a thousand years. Thirdly, by consent universal in all Church's Christian, yet in the Roman profession hath been altered by a contrary and general practice of the people, they know not either when, where, or by whom. Fourthly, they discern it to have crept in (not unlike a cold taken at the feet) by the people's devotion, and not by violence. Fiftly, the opportunity, whilst as Pastors winked at it, and therefore it found no public resistance, but prevailed by a decretive accordance. Which one example we have propounded as sufficient for a taste and trial of that our adversaries incomparable boldness in this their challenge, exacting of us the particular instances of time, place, and persons, both as authors and resisters unto every notorious change: which challenge will hereafter be confuted by many examples of confessed novelties throughout the most points of doctrines, which are now controverted between the Protestants and Romanists. But first let us see The state of the question, concerning Antiquity. SECT. 4. 10 Our Saviour Christ by his * Matth. 1●. parable of the diverse seeds, first wheat in the day, and then tars in the night, doth teach us, that truth may challenge priority of error, a Princip●litatem veritati, pos●●●●tatem mendacitati deputandam,— primò bonum semen seminatum (Matth. 13.) postea à Diabolo lolium. Tert. prescript. yielding principality unto truth, saith Tertullian, and posterity unto lying. And so it must needs be, because as there must be first iron, before there can be rust which cankereth the iron; so must there be a virgin truth, before error, which is nothing else but an adulteration thereof. So that primum and verum, that is, primary antiquity and truth are both inseparable twins, begot and bred in the same instant. Yet as the first seduction of mankind did shortly follow the integrity of his first creation, so sometime the difference between error and truth, in respect of time, hath been no more than as wheat in the day, and tars in the same night: which made S. Cyprian say, that there is vetustas erroris, and Tertullian noteth some heresies to have been * Tertul. prescript. coaetaneas Apostolorum, that is, broached in the Apostles times: yet still so, that truth might always challenge the birthright. 11 Our Saviour Christ by reforming the corrupt doctrine of divorce, (which was ancienter than Moses) by a more ancient constitution, even of that which was * Matth. 19 ab initio, that is, from the beginning, did teach us wisely to distinguish of Antiquity, that one is primitive and hereditary, the other adoptive, of an after invention. Concerning these two, the ancient (and herein generally approved) Fathers have given us their prescriptions. 12 For they consider the b Si haec ita sunt, constat proinde omnem doctrinam, quae cum illis Ecclesijs Apostolicis matricibus & originalibus fidei conspiret, veritati deputandan: & sine dubio tenentes quod Ecclesiae ab Apostolis, Apostoli à Christo, Christus à Deo suscepit, reliquam verò omnem doctrinam de mendacio praeiudicandam, quae sapiat contra veritatem Ecclesiarum, & Apostolorum, & Christi, & Dei. Tertullian de prescript. paulò ante medium. primitive Antiquity as it proceeded ab Apostolis, that is, from the holy Apostles, & was preserved à viris Apostolicis, that is, by the next successors of the Apostles: and they hold all other doctrines to be prejudicial unto the faith. But what if after the Apostles any one Pastor in the Church shall assume to himself a power to prescribe any new doctrine unto the Church? Such an one (which choketh the Romish presumption concerning the infallibility of judgement in one Pope over the whole Church,) is to be esteemed, by the sentence of Lirinensis, for c Et ne quis forsitan praetermissis caeteris, se solùm audiri, sibi soli credi arrogaret, paulò post ait, (1. Cor. 14.) An á vobis, inquit, verbum Dei processit? aut in vos solos devenit? Et ne hoc quasi perfunctoriè acciperetur, Adiecit; siquis, inquit, videtur Propheta esse aut spiritualis, id est, spiritualium rerum Magister, summo study aequalitatis & unitatis cultor existat, ut scil. neque opiniones suas caeteris praeferat, & ab universorum sensibus non recedat. Vincentius Lirinens. contra haeres. cap. 40. an arrogant Noveller. Yea but tell us what is novelty? When the Apostle exhorted his Timothy to * 1. Tim 6. 20. keep that which was committed unto him, and to take heed of profane novelties, he did, in effect, instruct him to d Depositum, i●quit, custodi. Quid est depositum? id est, quod tibi creditum est, non quod à te inventum; quod accepisti, non quod excogitâsti; rem ad te perductam non à te prolatam; in qua non author debes esse, sed custos; non institutor, sed sectator; non ducens, sed sequens. Depositum, inquit, custodi. Lirinensis ibid. cap. 27. preserve the doctrine received, not to suggest any doctrines newly conceived, as saith Lirinensis: who accounteth it (according unto Salmeron his description) a whorish thick to call any out of the ancient and beaten way, and to say, * Devita prophanas vocum novitates.]— Si vitanda est novitas, tenenda est antiquitas. And a little after: Nun haec verba sunt illius meretricis, quae apud Salomonis Proverbia vocat ad se praetercuntes viam; qui est (inquit, Prou. 9) vestrùm insipientiss. divertat ad me. Idem ibid. cap. 26. Come unto me. But if any new doctrine shall seem to infect the whole Church, what then shall be our direction? In such a case we are not taught to respect the present universality, but to e Quid si novella aliqua contagio non iam portiunculam tantùm, sed totam pariter Ecclesiam commaculare conetur? tunc providebit, ut antiquitati adhaereat, quae prorsus iam non potest ab ulla novitatis sraude seduci. Ibid. cap. 4. adhere unto the former Apostolical antiquity. 13 Yet may it further be demanded, if some particular Church cannot peradventure derive the doctrine which it defendeth, from the lineal descent of Pastors, and shall notwithstanding profess altogether the Apostles doctrine, whether this shall be called a new Church? Not, but every such Church f Ad hanc formam provocabuntur ab illis Ecclesijs, quae licet nullum ex Apostolis vel Apostolicis authorem suum proferant, ut multò posteriores, quae denique quotidiè instituuntur; tamen in eadem fide conspirantes, non minùs Apostolicae deputantur, pro consanguinitate doctrinae. Tert prescript. is to be called primitive and Apostolical even (saith Tertullian) for the consanguinitie-sake which it hath with the doctrine of the g Necesse est itaque tot ac tantae Ecclesiae, unam esse illam ab Apostolicis primam, ex quâ omnes. Sic omnes primae, & omnes Apostolicae, dum unam omnes probant unitatem. Tertul. prescript. Apostles. Whereupon it followeth that those Churches must be esteemed h unde autem extranei & inimici Apostolis haeretici, nisi ex diversitate doctrinae, quam unusquisque de suo arbitrio, adversus Apostolos, aut protulit aut recepit? Idem ibid. strangers from the true faith, which teach i His definitionibus provocatae à nobis & revictae haereses omnes, sive quâ posterae, sive quâ coaetaneae Apostolorum, dummodo diversae. Et paulò post: Quod ab Apostolis non damnatur, imò defenditur, hoc erit judicium proprietatis: quam enim damnant, quasi extraneam, quamque non damnaverunt, suam ostendunt, ideoque & defendunt. Ibidem. contrary unto the Apostles traditions. 14 Notwithstanding, the Protestants in the disquisition of truth, do not absolutely bound the name of antiquity within the compass of the first century of years, but are content to allow it a longer extent, and therefore in all doctrines which are truly called Catholic (that is, 1. in respect of their original, Apostolical, 2. for their extent universally received in all the first Churches, and 3. in their use necessary, either in faith or in manners,) they refuse not to be tried by the testimonies of ancient Fathers in the first k Dicunt (Protestants) post quingentos annos coepisse valdè invalescere hanc sectam, (viz. of the new Romish Religion.) Bellarm. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 5. §. Tertio etc. Sexcentis annis. Sacroboscus Ies. defence. Bellar. part. 3. c. 2. §. Sed fortè. five hundred years after Christ. But of the times following we are to understand, that the doctrines which cannot fetch their pedigree further than from than, although they may seem, in respect of our last times, ancient and gray-headed, yet are they but green and new in respect of the first five hundred years. In which consideration the Churches of Protestants are to be called primitive and Apostolical, only because of consanguinity with the Apostolical doctrine, which by the blessing of God they do happily enjoy and profess. For proof whereof we now proceed unto a discovery of CHAP. XVII. The manifold, notorious, and confessed Innovations of the Romish Church in doctrines and customs: the first (which is the worst) is a new Doctrine, transgressing the only law of discerning the true antiquity of doctrines. SECT. 1. IN the main question of discerning the true books of holy writ, the Protestants do appeal from the Romish * Concil. Trid. Sess. 4. Anathema unto the judgement of the primitive Church, attributing unto it the right and authority of assigning and determining what is the perfect Canon of Scriptures. But this doctrine is impugned by their D. Stapleton, saying, that a Quod ad judicium, determinationem, & approbationem Scripturarum canonicarum attinet, eius authoritatem penes praesentem Ecclesiam esse, non secùs quàm penes Apostolos fuit. Stapleton. doctrine. princip. lib. 9 cap. 12. there is no less authority in the present Church (meaning, of Rome) for determining and approving the true books of the Bible, than there was in the Apostles themselves. 2 This position once granted, a gap is presently opened for a legion of profane novelties to invade and surprise the Church of God. For if that in this and the like determinations of any truth, it shall be sufficient to say, This is defined by the now Church, which is of equal authority with the primitive Church: when will it be but a matter preposterous, and indeed ridiculous for Protestant's (according to the former prescriptions set down by Tertullian and Vincentius Lirinensis) to appeal unto the judgement of Antiquity, and to plead for any truth from the evidence of the primitive Church? 3 But we shall let our Reader perceive the dissimulated vant of antiquity unmasked, by discovering of the novelty and profaneness of this one new position, whereby the law of antiquity is so notably obscured and buried. For we are not destitute of the testimonies of more ancient Doctors, even in the Romish School, such as were b Ecclesia primiti●a propter coll●gium Apestolorum ad tradendam sidei doctrinam matoris erat grati●, matoris authoritatis, quàm Ecclesia quae nunc est. Driedo de varijs dogmas. lib. 4 cap. 4. Driedo, c Apostolorum Ecclesia, & haec nostra una & eadem individua Ecclesia est, sicut idem & individuus homo est puer & senex; quare quod olim fecerunt Apostoli, fecit Ecclesia, ovae nunc est, in illis. Sed altos pro sacris aut Canonicis approbare non potest, qu in quos illa approbavit. Exempli gratiâ; Thomae evangelium recipere, ne sanè videretur licere Papae & Concilio superaddere Scripture as sine fine Waldensis doctr. side. Tom. 1. lib. 2. art. 2. cap 20. & 21. Waldensis, d Credimus Scripturam esse à Deo inspiratam, quia Ecclesia, quae regitu● à Spiritu sancto, hoc approbat.— unde Aug. cont. fundamentum Manichaei, sic; Non crederem evangelio nisi crederem Ecclesiae approbanti.— Hoc autem quod dictum est de approbatione Scripturae per Ecclesiam, intelligitur solùm de Ecclesia quae fuit tempore Apostolorum, qui fuerunt repleti Spiritu sancto. Durand. in lib. 3. Sent. dist. 24 qu. 1. num. 8. 9 Lugduni 1563. Unto these testimonies, showing us that the Church hath not now power to approve any Scriptures for Canonical, which were not so acknowledged in the Apostles times, Doctor Stapleton doth oppose his answer: Catholicorum quorundam sententijs secùs opinantium, corumue argumentis enumeratis respondetur. Doctr. princip. lib. 9 c. 13. &. 14. Durandus (whom M. Stapleton laboureth to confute,) who all held, that although the primitive and succeeding Church is all one, even as one individual man, whether old or young, is the same man: yet was the primitive of more authority for delivering unto us the doctrine of faith. Which consideration (say they) moved S. Augustine to, say, that I had not believed the Scriptures, except the Church of God had moved me; understanding by Church that ancient Catholic Church, which first preached the Gospel. Which thing their learned Chancellor e Maior erat primitivae Ecclesiae authoritas, quoad praedicta, quàm nunc est: non ●nim in potestate Papae aut Concilij, aut Ecclesiae est, immutare traditiones datas ab Euangelistis & à Paulo, sicut quidam delirant. Nec habent quoad hoc▪ quod est facere aliquid esse purè de fide, parem authoritatis firmitatem.— Et hinc aperitur modus intelligendi illud Augustini, evangelio non crederem, nisi me authoritas Ecclesiae compulisset: ibi enim Ecclesia sumitur pro primitiva congregatione fidelium, qui Christum viderunt, & audiverunt, & sui testes extiterunt. Gerson. de vita spirit. animae, lect. 2. Coral. 7. Gerson doth also expressly observe, and must be unto us a pole-star for our direction in this turbulent contention about Antiquity. CHAP. XVIII. A second confessed Romish Innovation is in assuming of a new Canon of Scripture of the old Testament, thereby profaning the chief principles of Christian saith. SECT. 1. WE further enter upon their greatest fort of pretended antiquity, and for our more expedient demolishing of it, we shall follow the heads of controversies, according to the method which Cardinal Bellarmine hath used: and first begin with that point of doctrine which aught to be the ω and α, that is, the beginning and ending of all Christian resolution, even the Canon of holy Scriptures; for of the new Testament, we (whom he termeth a Bellar. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, ca 17 & 18, & 19 where he treateth of the questioned books of the new Testament, viz. Epist. ad Hebraeos, Epist. ●acobi, jud●●, secunda Petri, secunda & tertia johannis, Apocalypsis. Caluinists) make no question, but of the old. 2 Hereof we have already learned of the * As the book of Wisdom, Toby, judith, Ecclesiasticus▪ and both the Maccabees. six books which Protestants call Apocrypha, (which have been canonised by the Council of Trent for authentical, under the denunciation of Anathema upon every one who shall dare to judge them not Canonical) that the ancient jews did not acknowledge them for the Oracles of sacred writ. And we are now further to avouch the truth of our profession from just antiquity: as first, from the b In orientem reversus,— cum accuratè à quibusdam de veteris testamenti lib●is didicistem, illorum nomina hic subscripta ad te misi, Quae sunt haec: Genesis, etc. Melito epist. Onesimo, apud Euseb lust. l. 4. c 26. where although after the Proverbs of Solomon, followeth Sapientia, yet is it not to be understood as a distinct book from the Proverbs: for first it used not to be re●●oned in that order next unto the Proverbs: secondly the author of it was not Solomon, but (as their Galatinus confesseth) Philo; for he saith lib. 1. cap. 4. de arcan. verit. Cath. Philo edidit divinum illud volumen, quod Sapientiam Solomon Is librum vocavit: thirdly Eusebius in the same book, c. 21. saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Egesippus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which may give us to think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, vel, or, siue, was turned into the article prep●siti●e ●● (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in the former cited place of Eusebiu: fourthly, Bellarmine saith that Melito did plainly follow the Hebrew catalogue, (see beneath lit. k.) and then could he not possibly judge Sapientia to be Canonical. Lastly, it may be that this moved their Canu●, in answer unto the testimony of Melito, to be silent, loc. theol. l. 2. c. 10. and their Coccius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 1. in citing the Patrons of this book, to omit Melito. East Church by the testimony of Melito: secondly, from the ancient Church of jerusalem, by the witness of c Veteris Testamenti libros meditate duos & viginti — (reckoning only our catalogue, and addeth a little before) Tu itaque cum s●s filius Ecclesiae non transgrediens illius terminos. Cyril. Catech. 4. De sacra Scriptura. cyril: thirdly, from the ancient Church of Alexandria, by the doctrine of d Omnis nostra, qui Christiani sumus, Scriptu●a divinitus inspirata est. Libros habet non infinitos, sed finitos, & certo Canone comprehensos: ac vetcris quidem instrumenti sunt isti, Genesis, etc. (no word of any other, but addeth, Sunt itaque Canonici veteris Testamenti libri viginti duo, literis Hebr●icis numero pares. And of the questioned, saith, Praeter istos autem sunt adhuc alij eiusdem veteris instrumenti libri non Canonici, qui Catechumenis tantùm leguntur: Sapientia Salomonis etc. Ath●●as. in Synops. and Origen, apud Euseb. lib. 6. Hist. c. 19 Sunt viginti duo libri apud Haebraeos isti, Genesis etc. Athanasius and Origen: fourthly, from the ancient Church of France by the pen of e In viginti duos libros lex veteris Testamenti deputatur, ut cum literarum numero convenirent: qui ita secundum Tradinonem veterum deputantu●, ut Moysi libri quinque. The six are excluded for he addeth, Quibusdam visum est, additis Tob●ae ac judith, viginti quatuor libros secundùm numerum Graecarum literarum connumerare. (which cause any one may discern to be frivolous.) H●lariu● Praef●n Psal. Hilary: fiftly, from the ancient Church of Italy and Rome, by the voice of Ruffinus & Jerome: sixthly, from the ancient Churches of Asia, by the Canon of the g Quae opor●eat legi, & in authoritatem recipi, haec sunt, Genesis, etc. (not one of the six named) Council a●d. can. 59 Council of Laodicaea: seventhly from the ancient Church of Constantinople, by the writings of h Susc poe sanctorum numetum, nomenque librorum, etc. (without mention of any of the controverted.) ●●zianzen ex ●●ersi●ne Sixti Senensis, Bi●l. Sanct l. 1. pag. 5. & Damascen. l 4 cap 18. de orthodoxa fide: Scire operae pretium,— quod duo & viginti sunt libri veteris Testamenti: and then coming to speak of the now questioned: Studiosi li● quidem libri ptilchriue, sed non numerantur in Propheticis, neque ponebantur in arca Vt ●efert Ederus quo infra, lit. k. Nazianzene and Damascene. In all which ancient Churches these six questioned books were not acknowledged as Canonical; and all these Fathers now mentioned, did herein follow the Hebrew Canon of the jews, which Protestants do i Libri simul omnes (speaking of the six questioned) reijciuntur ab Hebraeis, ut testatur Hieron. in Prologo Galeato. Deinde Hebraeorum sententiam seq●u●● sunt haeretici huius temporis ferè omnes. Bellar. l. 1. de verbo Dei, c. 10 princip. accordingly profess 3 Neither is this only our collection, but the plain and open confession of our k Quod verò Ruffinus asserit eos libros esse à Canone re●●●tendoss (pace Lectoris dictum sit) Patrum traditiones ignoravit. Canus 〈◊〉 Theol. lib. 2. cap 11 §. Nam. fol. 44. Melito, Epiphanius Hilarius, Hieronym. & Ruffinus in Scripturarum Canone exponendo apertè secuti sunt Hebraeos. Hellar. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap. 20. §. Ad aiteram. Idem testatur Canus lib 2. cap. 11. Obiect●●: Melito, qui quidem ad O●●entem, h●●us rei sciscitandi causâ pertexit)— tandem diligenti investigatione comperit hos esse à veteris instruments Canone ●eijc●endoss:— idem Origenes, ut refert ●usebius lib. 6 cap 18. Sed & idem ipse Eusebius pomell 6. c. 11— nec ab hac sententia all nus fuit Damascenus, & Athanasius, quos Theologi multi secuti sunt. Mel●●ior Canu● l●c. Theol lib 2. cap 10 § Confirmatut. And in cap. 10. §. Quid, answereth thereunto: Eos libros Ruffinus non Patru● traditione, sed suo sensu refuravit. at ●o tempore quo res nondum erat definita. Quà etiam ratione & reliquos excusamus. For Damascen, see also 〈◊〉. Oecon. Bibl. lib. 1. pag. 22. tab. 24. & lib. 1. pag. 36. Adversaries, concerning the testimonies of Epiphanius, Hilarius, Ruffinus, Melito, Eusebius, Origen, Damascen, and the Council of Laodicaea: yea and l Admitto Hieronymum in eadem opinion ●uisse,— excepto libro judith. Bellar. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap 10. §. Postrema ob. of Jerome also by Cardinal Bellarmine; only Bellarmine excepteth the book of judith, as though S. Jerome had allowed it for Canonical, because it was allowed by the Council of Nicaea for so their Cardinal m Quem Nicaena Synodus, rest Hieron. in Ca●onem recepit. Ibid. § Altero modo. pretendeth, but inconsiderately (if not unconscionably) as their n Nicaena Synodus (inquit Hieron.) libram judith inter sanctas legitur computasie Sc●ipturas,— quod mihi dubitantis suspicionem subindicare videtur: nam si Nicaena Synodus olim hunc li●rum in Canonem redegerat, cu● annis 80. post non accenset eum Synodus Laodicaena? cur Nazianzenus eius non me●init?— quid sibi vu●t quod idem in praef lib Salom. seribit Ecclesiam libros judith, Tobiae, Macchabaeorum legere quidem, ●ed inter Canonicas Scriptura, non recipere? ●indanus Panop. lib. 3. cap. 3. Quem (speaking of this book of judith) ut librum Sapientiae. & ●esu filij ●urach, Tobiae, in Galeat. P●olog. asseruit esse Apocryphum. Salmeron Ies. comm in Heb disp. 2. § Secundò. Hieronymus librum judith è Canone exemit. Acosta Ies. lib. 2. de Christo Revelat. cap. 13 pag. 96. own Lindanus & their jesuits Salmeron and Acosta do prove out of the Council of Laodicaea, Nazianzene, and S. Jerome himself. 4 Nothing now can prejudice this our defence, but the third Council of Carthage, from whence the o In Concil. Carthag 3.— l●i omnes libri nominati sunt Costerus jes Enchirid. Tract. le sacra Script. §. De numero librorum. Quod Concilium illos Canonicos vocat. Bellarm. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap 10. §. Primum igitur. Romanists with great confidence do take their first hold and strength, for the antiquity of their Canon of the old Testament: but may be satisfied either by the doubtfulness of the Canon itself, which (as may be collected from the testimony of Cardinal p Rursum verò de recensitis sub eodem Concilio (viz. Carthag. 3.) quinquaginta Canonibus, haud omnes in hac Synodo sanciti probantur, sed diversis alijs Concilij● Carthaginensibus, ut, inter alios▪ ille, quo sacrorum librorum certus numerus definitur, nam ex eiusdem Canonis verbis satis exploratum redditur, decretum esse illud in Conc. Carthag. tempore Bonifacij Papae habito. Baronius anno Christi 3●7. num. 26. but could not shewin what Canon of what Council the same decree was ever extant: which is also proved out of Binius: Canon's quinquaginta, quorum tituli hic assignantur, non omnes in hac Synod●, sed diversis alijs Conc. Carthaginensibus sanciti probantur. Inter alios 19 30. & 47. (which last is the Canon now in question) alijs Synodis editos fuissle, in●tà dicemus, Binius Annot. in Conc. Carthag. 3. pag. 548. col. 2. Baronius ● Veteris Testamenti p●imo ominun Moysi etc. not reciting any of the controverted; of which, and other of the new Testament, he addeth: Haec sunt quae Patros intra Canonen concluserunt, ex quibus fidei nostrae assertiones constate volu●runt. But immediately after: Sciendum est quòd alij libri sunt non Canoni●i sed Ecclesiastici à maroribus appellati, ut Sapientia, etc. Ruffinan Symbols apud Cypr. And Jerome: Quomodo viginti duo elementa, etc. not the controverted, yet of the former: Quicquid extra h●s est, intra Apocrypha esse ponendum.— Igitur Sapientia, judith, etc. non sunt in Canone. Hieron praef. in libros Regum, in Prologo Gal●ato. Tom. 3. and Binius) was not certainly decreed in that Council, or else by the exposition of their Cardinal Caietane, who instructeth his Reader to distinguish of the word Canonical, viz. as serving either for a q Ne turberes, Novitie, siquando invenies hos libros inter Canonicos supputari, vel in sacris Conc. vel in Doctoribus: non enim Canonici sunt, id est, Regulares, ad firmanda ea quae sunt fidei, sed quoad Canonem morum leguntur. Card. Caietan in fine Com. veteris Testamenti. Idem quod Gratianus dist. 16. ca 1. Gloss. rule of faith, or of manners. Of the first kind are such Scriptures, which are properly called Canonical, and are the undoubted Oracles of God: the second degree doth comprise them, which are not of sufficient authority for the establishing of any point of faith, but yet help for edification of man's life in godliness: of which kind only he showeth these six books to be, which we more properly have called Apocrypha. 5 And this is hereby made more than probable, because, if they had been defined to be properly Canonical in that their Council of Carthage, wherein S. Augustine was present, why would S. * See above. Augustine himself distinguish the books of Macchabees from the divinely Canonical? Or how could it be lawful for S. Gregory Pope of Rome, two hundred years after this Council of Carthage (as our Adversaries confess,) not only to r Macchabaeorun libros ab Ecclesia recipi, D. Gregorio, Fusebio, atque reliquis licuit aliquando dubitare. Canus loc. Theol. lib. 2. cap. 11. fol 45. §. Ad quartum. doubt, but also to s Gregorius in job. lib. 19 cap. 12. & 13. docuit librum Macch●baeorum, licet non Canonicum, tamen ad aedification●m Ecclesiae editum. Coccius Thesaur. Tom. 1. lib. 6. art. 18. pag. 687. deny them to be Canonical? We are yet within the compass of 600 years after Christ. 6 But we descend 8 or 9 hundred paces lower, even until we come unto the last Council of Trent, which was about the year 1534. and before that time we have in the Romish School (as is confessed by their t Nicolaus Lyranus super Esdram cap. 1. & super Tobiam, Albulensis super Matth. cap. 1. D. Antoninus' part. 3. tit. 18. Caietanus cùm alijs locis, tum maximè in fine comment uper lib. hist. vet. Testam, alios sex sacros esse inficiantur: which are objected. Canus loc. Theol. lib. 2. cap. 10. §. Tertium. He answereth: Ne hos audaciae & temeritatis condemnemus, illos potius ignorantia laborâsse concedamus. Ibid cap. 11. §. Ad tertium. Canus, u Lyranus, & Dionysius Carthusianus historiam Suzannae non negaverunt esse veram, sed negaverunt ad Canonicam Scripturam, sicut Tobiae, judith, Macchabaeorun pertinere: verùm hoc fortasse illis condonari poss●t, quorum tempo●a non adeò erat veritas ipsa (ut nune est) discussâ omni dubitatione, Tridentini Conc. sententia, declarata, sancita, & confirmata. Pererius Ies. Com. in Dan. lib. 16. pag. 742. §. Verum urgent. Pererius, and x Non defuerunt, qui— septem postrema cap●ta Hester, quòd in Hebraicis textibus non liabeantur (an argument equal, to prove the six controverted, Apocrypha)— a reliquo corpore resecanda putaverunt. In qua sententia B. Hieronymum fuisse, ex eius Praef, colligitur; & secuti Hi●ronymum ante Conc. Trident. Nicolaus Lyranns, Dionys Carthus. Hugo, Caietanus. Bellarm. lib. 1. de verbo Dei, cap. 7. in principio. Bellarmine) many, as namely, Lyranus Albulensis, Caictanus, Dionys. Carthusianus, Hugo, who lived before the Council of Trent, and were esteemed the most eminent Doctors of that Church in their times: who all have excluded some of these foresaid books, and some have branded them all with the note of Apocrypha: according rather (as Protestants teach) unto the ancient Church of the jews, & the primitive profession of the Church's Christian, then unto the novel conceits of aftertimes. 7 What can our adversaries answer unto this opposition of their own Doctors? M●lchior Canus saith, that he will y See above at the letters, t. not condemn them of rashness, but of ignorance. Wherein Canus himself may seem to incur the just reprehension not of ignorance, but of rashness: for who can be induced to think that the principal Doctors of the Romish Church could be ignorant of the judgement thereof (especially concerning the Canon of holy Scriptures, which are the chief principles and foundation of Catholic faith) if in their time this now Romish doctrine had been them held for a Catholic doctrine? Their jesuit Pererius is more remiss, holding than to be possibly excusable, z See above lit. u because (saith he) this matter was not thoroughly discussed and decided until the Council of Trent: before which time the forenamed Doctors (as Cardinal Bellarmine saith) followed the judgement of S. Jerome therein, according unto the Hebrew Canon of the Bible. 8 So that the now Romish Church, imposing an Anathema upon every one, who shall not acknowledge the six Apocryphal books for Canonical, doth display herself to be degenerated from her own, and from the Catholic truth; as by the catalogues of Scriptures recorded in the Apostolical mother Churches for 400 years hath appeared, and also for the space of many hundred years more, as by the confessed examples of S. Gregory, & other their choice and approved Doctors, hath been sensibly confirmed. Whereby the greenness of this first and great Innovation doth bewray itself. A confessed Romish change of their vulgar Translation of Scripture. SECT. 2. 9 What is more common in our Adversaries then to grace their vulgar Latin translation with the name of no vulgar Author, whilst that they ordinarily call it S. Hieromes Bible, & that (as a Vulgatam versionem Hieronymi esse, contendit Eugubinus, & alij nonnul●i: and are therefore reproved by Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 9 initio. some of their Doctors are affirmed to say) in every part? but so unlearnedly, that b Dicumus Psalterium nostrum non esse illud, quod B Hieron. 〈◊〉 ex Hebr●o● 〈◊〉 Et probabile est, libros ●ap. Ecclesiastici, Macchab 〈◊〉 non habere ex version 〈◊〉, quos a bitrabatur esse Apocryphos. Bellar i●id. S. Dicimus. & § Tertia prop. Cardinal Bellarmine will not think S. Jerome to have been the author of the translation either of the Psalms, or of the Macchabees, and such other books, which he judged to be Apochrypha. Albeit he doth entitle S. Jerome the translator of c Reliqua omnia ex Hieronymi version ex Hebraeo habemus: nam vetus Testam ex Hebraeo in Latinum transtulit, & nonum ex veteri Latina emendavit. Idem ibid. sparsim cap. 8. §. Nowm autem. all other parts of the old Testament, and a corrector of the old translation in the new Testament, as accordingly their jesuite d Hieronymus nostram emendans versionem moniut, etc. quae res argumento est, nowm Testamentum ab eo conversum non esse, sed veteren tantùm eius versionem multis in locis emendatam. Maldonat Ies. Com. in Luc. 16. 1. So also Sacrob●s. Ies. defence. decret. part 1. cap. 3. pag. 29. &. Azor. Ies. Instit. moral. part 1. lib. 8. cap. 3. Maldonate hath done: but are contradicted by the judgement of their own Lindanus very exactly, thus; e Interpretis Latini sive Psalmorum. siue nom Testamenti nomen nobis quidem compertum est minimè. Non sum nescius quosdam varijs ductos coniecturis, varios divinare interprete.— Saepè multumue de nostrae Latinae Editionis interpret cogitans, plurima videre videor, quae ad ●●picandum me invitant, ut non Latium hominem, sed Graeculum ●uisse existimem, siquidem illa prisca aetas ante annos 1500. hac version usa, haud ita potuit à Romanae linguae puritate tantillum degenerate. Lindanus lib. 3. de oped. genere interp. c. 6. We have no certain knowledge who was the translator of our vulgar Latin either in the Psalms, or in the new Testament: but I see many reasons (saith he) to make me suspect, that some smatterer in the Greek tongue was the author hereof; for if it had been so ancient, then (an argument which * They confess it is full of grammatical faults. Teste Azor. jes. Instit. moral. part 1. lib. 8 cap. 3. will as sufficiently prove that no part of that translation is so very ancient, as is pretended) it could not have so much degenerated from the purity of the Latin tongue. Which reason, with some others, (as namely, because S. Jerome himself doth reprove the author of the same translation, and condemneth him of ignorance) made their Stapulensis to judge every one f Omnes, inquies tenent hanc Editionem esse opus Hieronymi; imò omnes, qui incolumi pollent judicio negant: nam Hieron. eam redarguit, & 〈◊〉, & authorem eius saepè vellicat, & inscitiae accusat; ita opus nominat, ut alienum; ita interpretem ●●us redarguit, ut alium, & suggillat: est igitur caput pertinax, quisquis aliter statuerit. Stapulens. praes. ante Coman Episi. Pauli, in Apolog. defective in judgement, and obstinately erroneous, who shall contend to father that translation upon S. Jerome. 10 It will delight our Reader, to understand how cunningly their Cardinal Bellarmine seeketh to expedite and free himself out of these straits: he feigneth that S. Jerome made a translation, which afterwards he corrected: and when it is demanded, Why then doth the Church of Rome rather embrace the former translation of Jerome, than his correction? he answereth, that g Ob. Multa inveniuntur in nostra Editione vulgata, quae B. Hieronym. in quaest. & lib. de oped. gen. interp. & alibi, docet aliter fuisse vertenda: igitur fieri non potest ut Editio nostra sit ipsa Translatio, quam Hieron. fecerat ex Hebraeo. Respondeo,— quarta causa est, quia etsi B Hieron. interdum senserit quaedam mutanda in sua version, & ea notaverit in suis commentarijs: tamen Ecclesia postea magis iudicavit veram primam versionem, & eam retinere maluit in Editione vulgata. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Debt, cap. 9 Tertium argum. & §. Quarta causa. the Church thought the first translation to be the better. Which was in effect, the answer of their Dorpius, whom Sir Thomas Moor therefore confuted, saying, h Hieronyn. ianam Translationem primam corrigentem non admittimus, M. Dorpius epist. apud Thomam Morum. Quod Hieronyn. us iudicavit potissimum, ab eo tu potissimùm deters. Thom. Morus epist. ad eundem, ibid. Thou takest that for the worse, which S. Jerome judged to be the better. And so must any judge, who will not impute unto S. Jerome dotage in his corrections, which (as an Oedipus Colonaeus) are sufficient arguments in themselves by their excellent learning to free him from that imputation. We choofe rather to believe their more sincere Authors, * See above lit. e, f. who have denied it to be hierom's translation, but rather of some silly Graectan, or, of they know not whom. Which must enforce the Apologists, who challenge of us an express mention of the first persons, time, and place of Innovations, to assign when, where, and by whom their common translation was first framed and altered; or else confess, that such like circumstantial changes of former times may not now be exacted. The Innovation by the Council of Trent, in prescribing the vulgar Latin to be Authentical. SECT. 3. 11 As that figure is more properly called ancient, which receiveth the impression immediately from life, then that which is drawn but by imitation of a former example; so a translation of Scripture, which is directly taken (this is the profession of Protestants) from the Hebrew or Greek originals, is to be judged truly ancient, rather than that which is but translated out of a Latin translation, such as are all their new Bibles (as for example the Rhemish) which are permitted by the Church, and do not immediately follow the Greek edition, (for of the Hebrew we * See above lib. 3 cap. 1. §. 2. & cap. 16. §. 3. and in this Chap. Sect. 1. etc. have already disputed) but that which the Romanists call * See above Sect. 2. untruly hierom's translation; and is fraught with many old corruptions. 12 Our Adversaries the Rhemists are privileged to justify their act, by telling us, that the vulgar translation (which they follow in their English Testament) a Rhemists in their preface unto their Translation of the new Testament. §. It is. is not only better than all other Latin, but even then the Greek text itself, in those places where they disagree: the proof hereof (say they) is evident, because most of the ancient heretics were Grecians; and therefore the Scriptures were corrupted by them, as ancient Fathers often complain. And so they would also avouch of their translations of the old Testament (if they had any) in respect of the Hebrew text. 13 But we have a principal witness at hand out of their own School, who will give them to understand, that the exception now used, is an b Ad illud verò quod Anabapt●stae de corruption tam Graecorum quàm ●atmorum codicum obijciunt, dicimus non licere ex particulari aliquorum cod▪ depravatione in●erre universalem, ac generalem codicum omnium corruptionem. Senensis Bibl. lib. 7. pag. 579. §. Ad illud.— Quoniam (ut Augustinus inquit) licet omnes Patres in hoc conspirassent, ut scipsos atque alius Scriptu●ar●m verit●te 〈◊〉 (quod imaginati non potest) non tan en potuissent omnes undique cod ces fals●re, qui iam toto terra●um ●rb● Christiano●um manibus tererentur; quia mox ut id agere coepissent re●la●antibus pass●m omnibus Christianis, tanquam f●liarij ●uis●ent de vetusto●un●odicum veritate convi. ●. Ibid. anabaptistical siction, confuted by S. Augustine, showing that it was impossible for heretics to corrupt all the Greek copies, although they had conspired to work such a mischief because there were always godly Christians ready to preserve the Scriptures from such depravation. Then preventing an objection, which is commonly made from the testimonies of some Fathers, in their censures of the Greek copies, he concludeth from the express sentence of S. Jerome, thus: Wheresoever (saith Jerome) there is any variety in the Latin translations of the new Testament, we must consult with the Greek text, wherein the Scripture was first written. And jest any might except (as the Rhemists have done) that the Greek text, which is now in use, hath been, since those ancient times of Jerome, greatly corrupted, and infected with heretical additions, or subtractions, the same their learned Senensis further averieth, that d Dicimus cum Graecum codicem, qui nunc ●u Ecclesia legitur, eundem illum esse, quo Ecclesia Gra ca temporibus Hieronymi, & long antea ● que ad tempo●a Apostolorum usa est, verum. syn●erun, fidelem, & nullo falsitatis vitio contammatum, sicut continuata omnium Grac●rum Patium lectio lucidissimè ostendit uno semper atque eodem Scripturae tenore legentibus Dionysio, susti●o, 〈◊〉, M●litone, Origene. Africano, A●ollinario, Athanasio, Fusebio, Basilio, Chrylostomo, Theo. hylacto, atque alt●s, ante tempora & post tempora Hieronymi, Patribus. Sevensis Bibl. lib. 7. pag. 580. the Greek text which is now read in the Scripture, is the same which was used in the days of S. Jerome, and long before him in the Apostles times; and is free from heretical corruptions, as by the continual writings (saith he) of the Greek Fathers (as namely, Dionysius, justinus, Irenaeus, Melito, Origen, Africanus, Apollinarius, Athanasius, Eusebius, Basil, chrusostom, Theophylact, and others) doth most plainly appear. Neither can our * As is proved in the ●at●n Apologi●, part. 2 lib. 1 cap. 6. etc. in the answering their objections out of the Fathers, and Beza, and other instances. Adversaries bring any instance of moment unto the contrary. Hitherto we have a general notion of this point. 14 If we may have leave to descend unto particulars, in examination of the Romish Latin translation, (whereof the Rhemists have avouched saying, that the Greek text itself is to be corrected by the vulgar Latin in those places where they disagree: we shall readily prove, not by Protestants, but by Romanists, not of common, but of singular note, that their vulgar Latin (not that which was commanded by the Council of Trent to be purged, but that which since hath been lately reviewed, corrected, & published for the perfect Latin copy, by Pope e Biblia sacra vulgatae Editionis, Sixti Quinti Pontificis Maximi jussu recognita, & Clementis 8. authoritate edita. Coloniae, Anno 1609. Clement the eight) standeth yet infected not only with light and trivial, but even with gross and unpardonable corruptions, which may & aught to be corrected, not by any Latin, but by the Hebrew and Greek text now allowed and used by Protestants. 15 Among less notorious we may reckon, 3. Kings. 16. where these words [ f 3. Reg. 16. [Hoc est, jehu, filium Canani, Prophetam.] Hebra●ca lectio non liabet, uni fallor, sed est annotatiuncula quaeda● margini primùm adiccta ab incerto expositore, qui hunc locum non intellectum illustrate voluit; deinde, ut saepè accidit, Scriptorum audacia in contextum translata, Sixtus Senensis Bibl. lib. 2. Tit lehu. pag. 69. That is jehu the son of Cananie a Prophet,] are confessed to have leapt out of the margin into the text. In Matth. 6. 5. there is g Matth 6. 5. [Qui amant.] Hoc loco nostram potius corrigendam esse judico, quàm Graecam versionem. viz. Quia. Maldonat. jesan eum locum. who, for wherefore; c Ne obest quòd Ambros. & Hieronym. dicunt Graecoes codices Latinis fuisse deo●avatiores: neque enim Ambrose universaliter loquitur, omnes Latino's codices esse emendatiores quàm Graeco●un● sed particulariter quosdam, quos temporum simplicitas seruavit incoriuptos— unde Hieron in epist. ad Sunniam & ●ret●la●● add Graecoes cod. tanquam emend itiores fugiendum esse affirmavit his verbis: In novo Testamento siquando apud L●tinos' quae●tio exorit ●r, & est inter exemplaria va●ietas, recurramus ad fontem Graecilermonis, quo nowm scripture est Testamentum. Quod certè Hieron. seruavit, cum nowm Testam. Graecae restituit veritati. Restat igitur semper apud Gra cos fuisse codices quosdam integros, ac fideles, ex quibus Latini codices emenda● potuerunt.— which is to be corrected (saith the jesuite Maldonate) by the Grecke text. In Luc. 22. 20. there is h Luc. 22. 20. [Qui fundetur.] Illa verba legenda sunt in praesenti tempore juxta omnes Euangelistas in Graeco textu [Funditur.] Stapleton. prompt. fer. 3. liebd. Sanct. pag. 273. the future tense for the present tense, contrary (saith Doctor Stapleton) unto all the Evangelists in the Grecke text. In Heb. 4. 2. there is i Heb. 4. 2. [In ijs quae (Gr●cè, Qui) audivetunt.] Sine dubio legendum est in nostra translatione [Qui;] neque enim aliter Graeca intelligi polsunt. Riber. Ies. in eum locum, p. 184. which for who, wherein the reading (saith the jesuit Ribera) aught to be according to the Greek. In jac. 5. 16 there is the word k jae 5. 16. Confitemini Frgo (in Graec● deest vox Ergo) alterutrum▪ etc. Melius sine tali adverbio legeretur hic locus, non enim rectè infertur ex supetius dictis, ubi nullam de confession mentionem fecerat Apostolus. Salmeron Ies. in eum locum, disp. 6. §. Octa●o etc. therefore (which is not in the Greek,) which without doubt (saith the jesuite Salmeron) were better left out. In Apocal. 14. 3. there is say, for, learn; and l Apoc. 14. 3. [Nemo potest dicere (Graecè, discere) canticum.] Ideo non in Graecis hoc locu error est, sed in I atinis. Ribera Ies. in eum locum. pag 361. the error (saith their jesuite Ribera) is not in the Greek, but in the Latin. Should not such confessed escapes have been corrected in that last translation, which they have promulged for the most absolute? or being there found, shall we not hold them for novelties? 16 Those corruptions which we either judge to have been causes, or at lest, occasions of erring, are found in these examples: Gen. 3. 15. For the Hebrew [ m Gen. 3. 15. Ipsum conteret caput Serpentis.] he shall bruise the head of the Serpent,] their Latin turneth us [she;] although their own n In omnibus penè vulgatis Latinis codicibus legitur [Ipsa] Hieron. ait, melius habet in Hebraeo [Ipse.] Franciscus Luca notat, in eum locum. Luca can tell us, that S. Jerome thought the Hebrew to be better: and their jesuite Pererius cannot deny, but that by the text o Cuius inulietis (Mariae) semen Christus fuit, & recte, solus enim hominum ex foemina sine virth semine generatus est: & hic contrivit c●put Serpentis, nam Hebraicè nomen, Ipse, non ad mulierem, sed ad semen re●ertur: caput autem Diaboli fuit n●ortis & peccati potestas, quam ille in omnes habebat, & hanc ille destruxit. Pererius jesuita come. in eum locum. Gen. 3. Inimicitias ponam inter te & mulierem, & lemen tuum & semen ill●us, ipse conteret caput tuum.] Vbi ipse respicit nomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod H●b●aeis masculinum est. Idem fecerunt 70. qui verterunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, ipse, quomodo legit Hieron. in traditionibus Heb. & correctiora exemplaria Latina, & Chaldaeus. Ribera Ies. c●m in Habac. 1. num. 32. only Christ, and not the woman is signified; because Christ alone doth destroy the power of death and sin, which is the head of the hellish Serpent. In Gen. 14. 18. they would not have retained the particle, enim, that is, for, except that they had intended by the force thereof (as their Cardinal p Gen. 14. 18. Melchizedech protulit panem & vinum, erat [Enim] Sacerdos altissimi] Quae ratio ab ipso Spiritu sancto reddita— cogit ut intellgamus panem & vinum prolata fuisse ad sacrificium. Bellar. lib. 1. de Missa. cap. 6. §. Sequitur. Bellarmine noteth) to prove the sacrifice of their Mass: which observation their Cardinal q Quod in vulgata subditur particula [Enim] ut causa oblationis, in Hebraeo non habetur, nil enim hîc de Sacrificio aut oblatione. Caietanus, & alij. See above lib. 2. cap. 7. Grecè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Chald ea & erat, Hieron. ad evag. Erat autem: Arias Montanus, Ipse erat. Wherein we do not blame our Adversaries so much for collecting a Sacrifice in the Eucharist itself, as for enforcing that the Eucharist is a sacrifice propitious: and that they take their Ergo, from this Enim, which is a non ens. Caietane showeth, from the Hebrew text, to be superfluous. 17 In Exod. 34. 29. 30. we read according to the Hebrew, that [ r Exod, 34 29. Videbant filij Aaron faciem Mosis radiantem. Heb. Videntes faciem Mosis cornutam] vulg. they saw the face of Moses shining:] in their vulgar Latin it is said [they saw his face horned:] which vulgar translation their Senensis wisheth to be corrected by the Hebrew, s Ex Hebraea potest emendari prava vulgi consuetudo, qui duobus cornibus pingunt Mosen:— Rident igitur nos & execrantur judaei, quoties Mosen in templis nostris cornuta fancy depictum aspiciunt, quasi nos eum Diabolum quendam, ut illi stultè interpretantur, esse putemus. Senensis Bibl. lib. 5. annot. 116. pag. 371. because the jews (saith he) do scoff and hate us Christians, when soever they happen to see the picture of Moses painted with horns, as though (so they foolishly imagine) we thought him to have been a Devil. 18 In the Psal. 2. 12. the Hebrew hath, [kiss the son, jest he be angrte,] & the vulgar Latin otherwise, Apprehended you discipline: herein t Saepecodices Hebraei magis judaeos vexant quàm Graeci aut Latini, ut in Psal. 2. vulg. [Apprehendite disciplinam] ex quo contra judaeos nihil apertè deduci potest. At Heb. [Osculamini filium nè pereatis.] qui locus est invictissimus adversus judaeos Bellarm. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 2. §. Argumentum quartum. the Hebrew (as Cardinal Bellarmine confesseth) doth more perplex the jews, and invincibly prove Christ the Messiah to be God. In the u Psal. 18. 6. In sole posuit Tabernaculum suum. Vulg. Psal. 18. 6. their vulgar saith, [he (that is, God) put a tabernacle in the Sun.] x Manichaei ex imperiti● linguae, cum non intelligerent literalem sensum huius dicti, convetterunt le ad praesidia allegorieae expositionis, dicentes, Christum post re●uriectionem suam ca●ne ad Patrem ascendisse, relicto corpore suo inter ambitum globi solaris, ut a nobis caro eius in sole, tanquam in tabernaculo Dominici corporis adorarctur: cùm tamen genuinus ac proprius sentus sit, Deum posuisse soli tabernaculum in coelo. Sixtus Senensis Bibl. lib. 3. pag. 141. Whence the Manichees did allegorically collect (saith their Senensis) that Christ in his ascension into heaven, did leave his body in the globe of the Sun: wherein they erred through ignorance of the Hebrew text, which saith, God put in heaven a tabernacle for the Sun. 19 In Luc. 2. 14. out of the Latin they translate [ y Luc. 2. 14. Pax hominibus bonae voluntatis. Peace unto men of good will:] we translate otherwise from the Greek; [ z Graecè, [Hominibus bona voluntas.] Vulg. Bonae voluntatis. and unto men good will.] Hereof we have their own jesuite Maldonate confessing, that a Omnes nunc Graeci codices hab●nt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bona voluntas, atque ita omnes non antiquissimi Graecorum Interpretes legunt. And a little after: Putant enim illi (speaking of others) bova voluntatis homines appellari, qui bonam habeant voluntatem, & ad recipiendam divinam misericordiam, & pacem illam, quae annunciabatur, propensam.— jam docuimus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non hominum, sed Dei erga homines bonam voluntatem significare. Maldon. Ies come. in Luc. cap. 2. vers. 14. all the Greek copies now extant have it, good will (viz. of God) unto men: and Cardinal Bellarmine will have us to hold this as the * Ex Graeco colligitur melius.— Nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut plurimùm, non est bona voluntas hominis, sed bona voluntas Dei erga homines. Bellarm. lib. 2 de verbo Dei, cap. 11. §. Sic etiam. better, by the light of the Greek text. 20 In joh. 4. 10. the Greek saith, [ b I●h. 4. 10. Tu forsitan petijsses ab eo.] Graec●●r, id est, Tu utique petijsles ab eo.— At Interpres noster in uno loco u●rtit, & per mod●m dubitantis, forsitan, ut liberum arb●trium hominis significaret, quod ita petit, ut possit non pe●ere 〈◊〉. Ies. come. in I●h 4. pag 342. thou verily wouldst have asked him:] but of the Latin their jesuit Tolet affirmeth, saying, Our Interpreter doth translate it [thou perhaps wouldst have asked,] that thereby he might signify man's freewill, as having power to ask, or not to ask. Which is the same change of verily, into peradventure, noted (by their jesuite Maldonate) to be contrary unto the most ancient Greek authors. 21 In Ephes. 1. 14. in stead of the Greek word c Ephes 1. 14. Dedit nobis Spiritum suum Pignus (Graecè Arrham, seu Arrhabonem) haereditatis] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which (being the spirit of God) is the earnest of our inheritance, the Latin useth Pignus, saying, [which is the pledge of our inheritance.] Hereupon d Augustinus annotaint, melius habere codices, qui habent Arrham, quim qui Pignus: nam— red tâ pecun ● mutu ● acceptâ restituitu● pignus; Arrha autem soluto integro precio non redditur, quia est pars pretij ipsius: unde Gracae literae & Grae● is Interpretibus, & rei etiam ipsi magis convenit nomen Arrhabonis, quia Spiritus sanctus coelestis haereditatis Arrha non redditur, quemadmodum Arrha reddi non solet. Salmeron Ies. come. in hunc locum, disp. 4. §. Ad quartum. S. Augustine noteth [as saith their jesuite Salmeron) that the Greek translation is the better; because when a man repaieth money, which was borrowed, the pledge is restored unto him: but an earnest is a part of a man's payment, & is not taken from him; and doth better express the nature of God's holy spirit, which, as the earnest of the heavenly inheritance, doth continued for ever with us. In e Ephes. 2. 10. Creati sumus in Christo jesu (Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) ad bona opera. Vulg. in bonis operibus. Ephes. 2. 10. the Greek text is, [we are created in Christ jesus unto good works:] in the Latin, We are created in good works. f Non satis commodè vertit vulg Interpres;— commodius erat non sic vertere, nè ind● quis ansam sumeret operibus imputandi suam creationem in Christo: nihil enim magis à Paulo alienum, qui ubique eam gratiam operibus nosti is abrogat, & uni Christo ex ass ascribit. Vega Opuse. de Merit. & justific. qu. 6. § Neque satis. pag. 802. Which is no sit interpretation (saith their Vega,) because we are to beware jest that some take occasion from the Latin; to attribute the cause of their creation in Christ, unto his (meaning, foreseen) good works; then the which nothing can bemore contrary unto S. Paul's judgement. In * Ephes. 5. 32. Hoc est magnum Sacramentum. Ephes. 5. 32. where there is mention of matrimony, the vulgar readeth, This is a great Sacrament: and of the g Salmeron Ies in hunc locum. Romanists, the word Sacrament is here understood properly; h Hoc est magnum Sacramentum, pro Mysterium. Non habes ex hoc loco, prudens Lector, à Paulo, coniugium esse Sacramentum; non enim dicit Sacramentum, sed mysterium hoc magnum est. Card. Cairt. come. in hunc locum. But cannot be evinced from this place (saith Cardinal Caietane) wherein the Greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mystery: as accordingly i An sit Sacramentum, olim de bitatum erat ab orthodoxis Scholasticis.— Ex his Apostoliverbis non videtur admodum efficaciter colligi, siquidem particula adversativa, Ego auten, ●atis indicat hoc magnum mysterium ad Christum & Ecclesiam pertine●e, non ad ma●itum & uxorem. Erasmus annot in hunc locum. Erasmus observeth. 22 In k Heb. 11 21. Et jacob adoravit fastigium virgae. Heb. 11. 21. in the Greek it is, jacob worshipped at, or, upon; signifying (as saith their jesuite l Graecè, super fastigium, scil. nixus baculo erus. Sà jes. notat. in eum locum. Sà) his leaning upon his staff: but the vulgat Latin thus, jacob adored the top of his rod; whereupon the m Rhemists' annot. in Heb. 11. 21. Rhemists make this collection: Observe in those words (say they) that adoration (as the Scripture useth this word) may be done to creatures, or to God, at and before a creature.— All this was done (by adoring the rod) in type and figure of Christ's sceptre, whom he adored, etc. Thus do they descant, and all to prove an adoration of creatures, although n In illo tempore in tantum abhorrebant ab adorandis ullis rebus creatis, soli Deo hoc honoris servants; cum hodiè repertum sit— igneam statuam eadem adoratione adorari, qu● adoratur aeterna Trias. Erasmus in eundemlocum, pag. 583. in those times (as is confessed) they altogether abhorred adoration of creatures. If this be not clear enough yet, let us further consult with their own o Meminerit Epistolam hanc non Graecè primùm, sed Hebraicè, hoc est, Syriace conscriptam, atque ad fontes recu●rat.— Demùm qui Hebraicè nescie●it. seize hic divinaturum non speret. Arias Montanus Elucidat. in Heb. 11. 21. Arias and p Graeci addunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, ad fastigium, & ita quidam locum ex Hebraeo Graeci verterunt.— Graecorum auten sensus est, quod adoravit jacob Dominum ad summitatem Virgae eius, idem virgae joseph, quia imbecillis & senior, innixus. johannes Gagnaeius Scholar in eum locum. Gagnaeius, the former holding it necessary to have recourse unto the Syriac or Hebrew for our exposition, the other directly approving the Greek. In q Heb. 13. 16. Talibus hostijs promeretur Deus.] Vulg. Graeca vox revera significat, delectatur. Bellar. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 14. §. Decimus. Heb. 13. 16. In stead of the Greek word delighted, or, pleased, their Latin hath, promeretur, & their Rhemists stick unto it, saying, God is promerited: albeit their own vives telleth them, that r Augustinus ●egit, Placatur Deus: in antiquis, Placetur Deo. Vtrumque melius quàm quomodo vulgo habemus, Promeretur Deus. vives in Aug. de Civit. Dei, lib. 10. cap. 5. the Greek is better, which (saith he) S. Augustine solloweth, saying, God is pleased. 23 These so manv and so notorious faults of the vulgar translation after so long searching, sifting, and winnowing it from all former chaff, being still remaining in (as they call it) their most perfect translation, by turning he into she, contrary unto the sense of the holy Ghost: seeking to establish their own errors of freewill, of merit, & superstitious adoration; by changing verily into peradventure; Gods good will unto man, into man's good will towards God, and in good works, into unto good works; & upon the staff, into The staff: besides the occasioned scandal of the jews at Moses horns, & of the seducement of the Manichees by the tabernacle of the sun; & the hindrance of confuting Jews by understanding of the kissing of the son of God, Christ jesus; and of the comfort of God's assurance through his spirit, which of an earnest they have made but a pledge, etc. not to recount the formerlesse material, albeit inexcusable faults, & all so fully confessed by the best learned of their church: what do they else pronounce, but first that the doctrine of the Council of Trent is a very innovation, whilst it prescribed the s Nemo illam reijcere quovis praetextu audeat, vel praesumat. Conc. Trid. Sess. 4. vulgar Latin translation (used in the Romish Church) to be authentical, which none upon whatsoever pretence may presume to reject? 24 Secondly, that the Protestants are so much more zealous professors of antiquities, as they do more carefully seek to fetch their waters of life from the spring of the purest originals of God's word, rather than from such rivers, which are known to be mudded with corruptand unsavoury iniectments: and this the rather, because (as their Aquinas hath truly observed) t Irridendi occasionem sunt Athei nacti, cum divina non divino modo tractantur. Aquinas part. 3. quaest. 2. Atheists are prove to take occasion of scorning the truth of God, when as divine things are not divinely handled and performed. See next A confessed Romish Innovation, in the inhibition of the public use of the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue. SECT. 4. 25 We may permit their jesuite Azorius to act all the parts in this scene: First, showing that the doctrine of Protestants (which he calleth heresy) is a Lutherani & Caluinistae in ea haeresi sunt, ut asserant Scripturas sacras transserri debere in vulgares omnium gentium linguas. to teach, that the holy Scriptures aught to be translated into the vulgar languages of all Christians: against whom b Contra quos in Indice librorum prohibitorum edito à Conc Tridentino 4. regula constituta sic h●bet.— Cum experientiâ manifestum est, sacra Biblia vulgari lingua passim sine discrimine permittantur, plus indè, ob hominum temeritatem detrimenti, quàm utilitatis o●iri; hac in reiudicio Episcopi, aut Inquisitoris,— ut Bibliorum à Catholicis authoribus versotum lectionem in vulgari lingua eyes concedere possint, quos intellexerint inde fidei atque pietatis capere posse— qui autem absque huiusmodi facultate legere praesumpserit etc.— Regulares verò non, nisi facultate à Praelatis suis habita, ea legere aut em●re possint. the Council of Trent published a rule, forbidding every one of the common people, yea and of Regulars, to read or retain any vulgar translation, without the licence of their Bishops, or Inquisitor: which is so commanded, upon pretence, that the common use of Scriptures is by experience found to be rather hurtful then profitable. And jest that by the first rule of licence, their Officials in this kind might make the Bible too common, c Et in Indice recens edito jussu Clementis 8. circa praedictam 4 Reg.— nullam per hanc impressionem & editionem de novo tribui facultatem Epi●copis vel Inquisitoribus, aut regularium superioribus concedendi licentiam legendi Biblia in vulgari lingua edita, cum hactenus mandato & usu S. R. E. & univer●alis Inquisitionis, sublata eyes fuerit facultas concedendi huiusmodi licentias. Azor. Ies. Instit moral. part. 1. lib. 8. cap. 26. §. Tertio quaeritur. & §. Quaeres. Pope Clement the eight would give no new faculties either unto Bishops, or Inquisitors, or any superiors over the Regulars, to grant any licence of reading the Bible in a known tongue. And as though there were a greater mist in Spain then in Rome, he telleth us, that d In Hispania tamen in Indice librorum prohibitorum ibi edito, a●thoritate generalis, in illis provincijs, Inquisitotis, Reg. 6. sic habet: Prohibentur Biblia vulgari lingua, cum omnibus su●s p●rt bus; acsi d●●at, Biblia & corum parts: & in indice recenti edito jussu S. D. N. Clement. S. in obs●ruat. circa 4. praedictam reg. Indicis editi jussu Pij 4. sic habetur. Sublata eyes suerit (viz. Episcopis, Inquisitoribus, & Regularium superioribus) facultas concedendi licentiam legendi▪ vel retinendi Biblia vulgaria, aut alias ●acrae Scripturae, tam novi quàm veteris Testam. paytes, quam●is vulgari lingua editas. Azorius jesuita Insi●tut. moral. quo supra. pag. 714. no Bibles, or any parts of them, printed in the vulgar language, are permitted to be had in Spain: so far are they from giving allowance unto such translations of Bibles, as e Quaeres insuper, an permittantur scripti vulgari lingua precationum horariarum libelli, in quibus continentur Psalmi & Cantica ex Biblijs excepta? In Indice Hisp. Reg. 6. & 7. omnes huiusmodi lingua vernacula conse: ipti libelli prohibentur; & in In●ice noviss● edito jussu S. D. N. Cementis 8. in oblern circa 4. Reg. prohibentur sacrae Scripturae parts, tam novi quàm veteris Testamenti quamuis vulgari linguâ editae; ac insuper summaria & compendia etiam historica eorundem Bibliorum, seu librorum sacrae Scripturae, quocunque vulgari idiomate conscripta, quae quidem inviolatè praecipitur seruandum. Idem Azorius, ibidem. not to permit them to read those translated parts of Psalms and songs, which are contained in their prayers. 26 But we object, that f Objicies sacras literas olim vernaculis fuisse linguis conscriptas: nam Moses, & alij veteris Testam. scriptores sacri, Hebraicâ linguâ, quâ tunc temporis ●udaei scripsere,— caeteri verò novi Testam. libri Graecè sunt conscripti, quia Ortentalium Gentium, quae in Rom. Imperio & ditione vivebant, erat propria lingua: & in Ecclesia Latina sacri & divim libri Latinè sunt redditi, proptereà quod omnes tunc temporis Latinè loquebantur, & intelligebant. anciently, in the dates of Moses, the Scriptures were written in the common language of the people: that the books of the new Testament were written in Greek, which was the vulgar language of the East parts of the world: that they were translated into Latin at what time Latin was vulgarly spoken in Italy. And now we expect his answer, g Respondeo, tunc hisce tribus linguis Scriptores sacros usos fuisse, quia Scripturae sacrae id temporis apud Gentes promulgari coeperunt, & proinde in his linguis editae ac traditae fuêre, quae tunc in usu erant apud Gentium nationes. Azorius Ies. ibid. I answer (saith he) that Scriptures in those times were to be published through all nations, and therefore were they made common by those three languages. 27 This antiquity is as good as can be required: but yet we seek for more evidence than this, the rather because our adversaries use to scoff at Protestants, accounting it a matter of h Rhemists' Preface unto their translation: and, Haec profanatio efficiet sutores & sartores, imò (quòd ●idiculum est) sutrices & sartrices, mirabili metamorphosi, in prophetrices & doctrices converti. Salmeron Ies. come. in 1. Cor. 16. disp. 30. & Ledesima Ies. de divinis Script. cap 31. profanation to allow men, women, children, bakers, labourers, and tinkers, the use of vulgar translations, and to become Prophets and Prophetesses. We wonder what spirit these men are of; surely neither of Moses in the old Testament, nor of Peter's in the new: for Moses wished that * Numb. 11. 29. all the people of God could prophesy; and Peter being instructed by a * A●tss 10. 11. 12. vision of birds, beasts, creeping things etc. and a voice saying, What God had hallowed, man must not call either common or profane, thereupon learned a lesson, that there is no respect of persons with God, but whosoever (whether man or woman, wife, maid, tinker, or cobbler) feareth God, and works righteousness, is accepted of God: and shall the reading and knowledge of God be now called profaneness? 28 Nevertheless we covet to have this decided by some more large and confessed antiquity. Our Adversaries cannot deny, that Obijcies Chrysostomum terque quaterue asserentem,— assiduam Scripturarum lectionem esse singulis necessari●m.— Et ●●eronymum ad Paulam & Eustochium, hortantem eas ad assiduam Scripturarum lectione●,— & Wulphilam Gotho●um Episcopum, qui d●citur sacros Bibhorum libros in Gothorum sermonem transtulisse.— Nos tamen libenter fatemur, tunc temporis la cos in Scriptura●●m lectione fuisse versatos, q●a 〈◊〉 eloq●●●u erunt Graeco vel ●atino sermon conscripta, quem sermonem vul gus quoque callebat: nunc verò ple●s ferè rudis est, & imperita Latini sermonis; at Laici qui Graecè u●l Latinè nove●unt, Scripturas ●ure optimo lectitant. Azor. Ies. Instit. Mor. part 1. lib. 8 cap. 26. S. chrusostom held it a thing necessary for all men daily to read the Scriptures: whereunto S. Jerome did exhort diverse women. To the which end there are recorded ancient translations of k Hebraici libri conversi erant in omnes lingua● quibus in hanc diem nationes utuntur. Theod. serm. 5. de Graecorum affect. Hieronymus sacram Scripturam in linguam Dalmaticam. Al●honsus de Castro, lib. 1. cap. 13. Chrysostomus in A●menicam. Senensis Wulphilas in Gothicam. Azorius iam suprà. Methodius in S●lavonicam. aventinus. Bibles into the language of the Goths & other nations: which we willingly confess (saith their jesuite) to have been in use among the people of those times, because the Scriptures were then in the Greek and Latin tongue, which was understood of the vulgar people. But (what now?) now the common people are rude & ignorant of Latin. Here we see a flat change, even in the Church of Rome, but not by the people's ignorance, as our adversaries pretend, but rather (as we may think) by the negligence o● wilfulness of their Pastors, who would not suffer them to feed in the pastures of comfort, the sacred Scriptures, as did the Apostles & their successors. Doubtless seeing that Latin l Confessed above. Bible was itself a vulgar translation, it may teach them to translate the Bible into other vulgars', as Italian & Spanish, etc. that the people, though rude of language, may notwithstanding cease to be rude in the knowledge of God's law. 29 But we must not plead equity, where our only question is antiquity, whereof we have had the direct confession of their learned Bishop, affirming, that m jud ●i filios, etc. Claudius' ●spencaeu● See above lib 3. cap. 16 Sect. 3 the jews brought up their children in the reading of holy writ: (witness S. Paul in his commendation of * 2 Tim. 3. 15. Timothy) & accounteth it a s●ame for Christians to be wanting in the like exercise, confirming his assertion, viz. the public use of, at lest, some Scriptures, from the common complaint (as he calleth it) of ancient Fathers, the exhortation of the n Quid clarius quim quod Paulus sic hortatur ad Coloss 3 Ve●bum Christi habitet in vobis (quibus autem vobis? ijs qui sunt Colossis, sanctis, & fidel●bus fratribus in Christo, Col. 1.) Verbum ergo Christi abundantèr habitet in vobis in omni sapientia, docentes & commonentes vos invicem. Vbi Scholia Hieronymo & Primasio inscripta, Et hic ostenditur Laicos verbum Domini non solùm sufficientèr, sed etiam abundantèr habe●e debere, & se mutuo docere ac monere, etc. Equidem in Patribus orthodoxis non omninò nec indiligentèr per Dei gratiam versatus sum, quàm non potui non eos semper mirari, quibus hodi● tam pestilens & tam capitale videtur, quod veteres contrà ut adeo salutare toties commondant, tam nunquam in ea sui sententia, ut idiotae aut mulierculae, addo Clerici etian & Monachi omnes omnia Biblia indifferenter legerent. Episc. Espencaeus come. in Tit. cap. 2. pag. 256. 257. Apostle, and practise of the primitive Church: concluding with marveling, that that custom should be judged now dangerous and pestiferous, which unto the ancient and orthodoxal Fathers seemed so wholesome and commodious. 30 This displaieth the now Romish inhibition to be but, indeed, a pernicious Innovation, whereby Rome, of a mother, is become a stepdame, dehorting her people from the reading of Scripture, because, forsooth, of the marvelous o Bellarm. lib. 3. de verbo Dei, cap. 1. The Rhemists Praef. in novo Testam. and all other Romanists. obscurities thereof. Which argument doth fight against the conscience, first of their own jesuite Acosta, who saith, that p Ita providit dul●is Pater, ut multa sint in sacris literis aperta, historica, facilia, suau●a, nobisue mi●●ficè congruentia, sive legem, sive Prophetas volua mus,— sive etiam Euangeha, gesta Aposto lica, Epistolasque relegamus Atque hoc est in divina Scriptura omninò ●irabile, Neminem esse tam ●ud●m & impe●itum, quin si humiliter legate, multa illic utilia, ver●que intelligat; neminem tam doctum qui non illic multò plura ignoret, quàm sciat. Acosta jesuita lib. 2. de Christo Revel. cap. 2. pag. 65. our gracious God hath marvelously provided in holy writ, that the most rude reading in humility, may profit thereby: secondly, against experience; q Vidi viros prorsus illiteratos & vix Latinè scientes, ex Scriptures tanta depromere, sensusue eos afferre, ut penitus miratus sim; neque dubitaverim, longo gymnasij Biblici terendi tempore nil tale homines discere; Spiritualis enim o●nia d●judicat. 1 Cor. 2. Acosta quo suprà, cap. 5. I have seen (saith he) some men utterly unlearned, & scarce knowing Latin, who have gathered out of the Scripture such prosound knowledge, that I marveled at them; but the spiritual man judgeth all things: thirdly, against the formerly confessed custom of antiquity, which is corroborated by the testimony of r Solent medici praebere interdum cibum aliquem, interdum etiam & po●um dare, verbi gratia ad discutiendam caliginem visus: nec tame● in edendo ipso cibo, vel in potando senti●us quia u●●le est, & prodest oculis: sed cum transierit visum cibi illius aut poculi virtus, paulatim p●rgat aspectum, & tunc demum senure incipimus, quia cibus ille vel potu● pro●uit oculis.— Hoc ergo modo credendum est etiam de Scriptura sacra, quia u●●l●s est, & animae prodest, eti●msi sensus noster ad praesens intelligentiam non capit, quoniam (ut diximus) & bonae virtutes, quae nobis ad●unt, resiciuntur his sermonibus, & pascuntur, & contrariae torpescunt his med●tationibus, & estugantur.— Non ista de causa haec diximus, nec excusantes nos ista protulimus, sed ut ostenderemus in Scriptures sacris esse vim quandam, quae legenti etiam sine explanatione sufficiat. Orig. home 20. in jesus Nave, cap. 25. Origen, wishing the people to read, even when they do not sometime understand; for although (saith he) they found not any present profit, yet shall they found afterwards that they have profited by reading: of S. s Ibit populus ad montes Scripturarum, ibiue inveniet montes Moysen, & jesum filium Nave, montes Prophetas mont●s novi Testamerti, Apostolos & Eu●ngelistas & cum ad tales montes confuger●t, in huiusmodi montium fuerit lectione versatus, si non invenerit qui eum doceat, Messis en in multa, operarij pauci: tunc & illius studium comprobabitur, quia confug●rit ad montes, etc. Hieronym. come in cap. 3. Na●um. ad finem. Jerome, exhorting the people to read; For although (saith he) there be no man to teach him, yet his endeavour shall be accepted of God: and of S. t Etiamsi multa non intelligis, tamen ex ipsa lectione multa nasc●tur sanctimonia. Chrysost home 3 de Lazaro, Tom. 2. Fi●ri non potest, non potest (inquam) fieri ut quis sine f●uctu discedat, qui assidu â attentâque Scripturarum lectione fruatur. Chrysostomus. Espencaeus coman Tit. 2. pag. 253. which he prosecuteth more copiously in the same place. chrusostom persuading the most unlearned tradesmen to read: for although (saith he) he understand not, yet he gaineth a sanctity even by the reading thereof. Let S. u Media est sententia Augustini, qui docet Scripturas non usque adeò difficiles, qum ex ijs study & diligentia tantum quisque assequi possit, quantum ad salutem utile sit. Ederus Oeconom. Bibl. lib 1. pag. 52. Augustine determine the question, who saith (as he is alleged by their own Ederus) that Scriptures are not so hard, but that every one may by his study and diligence attain to so much knowledge in them, as shall further him in his salvation. Of the confessed Innovation of public prayer in an unknown tongue, and the iniquity thereof. SECT. 5. 31 The affinity which there is between known Scriptures & known prayers (those wherein God speaketh unto us, these wherein we speak unto God,) hath occasioned us to yield unto prayer the next place of examination. The state of the question is thus truly explained by our adversaries: a Ecclesia nostra prohibet, ne divina offic●a & prae●ertim Missae sacrifi●ium, in vulgari lingua celeb●etur: & Conc. Triden. Sess 22. c. 8. & 9 tradit, aliter sentientes Anathemate esse percellendos. Salmeron Ies in 1. Cor. 16. disp. 30. §. Prohibet. Azor. Ies. Instit. moral. part. 1. l. 8. c. 26. Bellar. lib 2. de verbo Dei, c. 16. Our Church (say they) forbiddeth public prayers, and especially the Mass, to be used in any vulgar tongue: but b At Lutherani & Calu●nistae contendunt, officia divina, & precationes publicas in ●ulgari lingua tradi opo●tere, ut singuli intelligant quid orent, petant, recip●ant. Azor. Ies. ibid. §. Sexto quaeritur. Protestants contrarily contend, that divine Service aught to be said in the native and country language of the people: whom therefore the Council of Trent hath c Above at the letter, a, out of Salmeron. anathematized. Notwithstanding we persist in our doctrine, and wish that antiquity may be the touchstone of truth herein. 32 Our Adversaries themselves have saved us much labour in the search of the allegation of Fathers, by confessing, 1. That d Hoc ipsum veteri Testamento, Moyse mandata Dei ena●rante, fieri consuevisse, apparet Deut. 27. & 1 Paral. 16. ibi: Et dicat omnis populus, Amen. Vbi Glossa ordinaria, Sacerdotibus orantibus, omnis populus dixit, Amen, ut concordet in precibus p●a Sacerdotum intentio, & populi sana devotio. Darantus do ritib. lib. 2. cap. 17. pag. 307. in the Church of God under the old Testament, the intention of the Priest and the devotion of the people did join in a concord of saying, Amen. 2. That e Siquidem obijci potest (confuting an explication of their other Doctor) t●mpore Apostolorum totum populum respondere solitum in divinis officijs, nec fuisse ullum pro laicis constitutum. Nam lustinus sub sinem 2. Apolog. pro Christianis, di●ertis verbis dicit, totum populum in Ecclesia re●pondere consuevis●e, Amen, cùm Sacerdos terminabat orationem, vel gratiarum actionem. Bellarm. lib. 2. de verbo Dei. cap. 16. §. Sed neque. in the times of the Apostles the people were accustomed in their public prayers of the Priest to answer, Amen: which custom, by the f In primitiva Ecclesia benedictiones & caetera Communia fichant in vulga●i lingua. ●yranus in 1. Cor. 14. in illa verba, Qui supplet locum ●diotae. In the primitive Church the people did use their Service in a common tongue. Harding art. 3. diuis. 28. acknowledgement of their Lyranus, and M. Harding, was practised in the primitive Church. 3. That g Idem etiam po●●ea longo tempore seruatum esse tam in Orien e●qu●m in Occidente, patet ex Liturgia Chrysost. ubi apertiss●ne dissinguuntur, quae Sacerdos, & quae populus in diu nis officijs cancbant. Item ex Cypriano, & ex Hieronymi prae●. lib 2. in epist ad Galat, qui scribit in Ecclesijs vibis Romae, quafis coelestis tonitru, audiri populum reboantem, Amen. Bellarm. lib. 2. de verbo Dei, cap. 16. §. Idem etiam. a long time after (this is Cardinal Bellarmine his confession) this custom continued both in the East and West Churches, which he proveth out of chrusostom and Cyprian. 4. That even in Rome also, according unto the testimony of S. Jerome, the faith of the people is greatly commended for slocking together unto public Service, where their voices, with (as it were) an heavenly thundering, resounded Amen, as both their h Hieronym. Praef. ad lib 2 come. in Epist ad Galat. Romanae, inquit, plebis laudatur sides: ubi alibi tanto study, & frequentia ad Ecclesias & ad Martyrum sepulchi a concurritur? ubi sic ad similitudinem coelestis tonitrui, Amen r●boat, & vacua Idolorum templa quatiuntur? Durantus de ritib. lib. 2 cap. 17. pag. 307. Durantus, and Cardinal i Bellarm. above at the letter. g. Bellarmine do ingenuously acknowledge. But when and why was the change? k Tunc, quia Christiani pauci erant, omnes simul p●allebant, & intelligebant, & respondebant, Amen. At posteà crescente populo, divisa sunt magis officia, & solis Clericis relictum, ut communes preces peragerent. Bellar. lib. 2 de verbo Dei cap. 16. §. At obijcies. Then (saith the same Cardinal,) the Christians did all sing Psalms together, and answer Amen, because they were yet but few; but afterward when the number of Christians was multiplied, the office of saying public Service was divided, and it was left only unto the Clerk to celebrated the Commonpraiers. Here he granteth an alteration, but how? l Hac in re mirum est, quàm mutata sit Ecclesiae consuetudo. Erasmus in 1. Cor. 14. We marvel (saith Erasmus) how it came in. 33 Our Reader need not to be moved to consider these points. First, a confessed antiquity of the people's praying understandingly both in the old Testament before Christ, and after his coming, in the new: both in the days of the Apostles, and after until the days of S. Hi●rome and S. chrusostom, which was 380 years: both in the East and in the West parts of Christendom, and that also in Rome itself. Here is antiquity primitive, and Apostolical. 34 Secondly, that after these times this custom was altered: here is a change, but why? Their Cardinal rendereth no better reason than because (saith he) the people began to increase; which reason is found to be both m False: for in the days of S. Jerome and S. chrusostom (in whose time this custom is said to have been continued) the congregations of Christian people in public Service were as frequent as ever since: for S. Jerome hath been brought in by Durantus (lit. h.) commending the congregatitus in Rome for studium & frequentia: and Chrysost. doth joy much in the great concourse of people unto the Churches. See his 〈◊〉 ad populum Antiochenum. And if in Rome the congregation had not been most frequent, their Amen should not have been compared unto a thunder by S. Jerome. false and n Foolish: for his reason of alteration is, because whilst as Christians were few, they understood their prayers, and said Amen; but upon the increase of people, the office of Amen was allotted unto a Clerk: as though it were not as easy a m●tter for many, as for a few to learn to say, Amen. foolish. Thirdly, that when we would know the time and actors of this change, we are answered with a mirum est, that is, It is a marvel how this change came in. This maketh the former challenge of the Apologists appear to be ridiculous, wherein they (contrary to experience both in this, and infinite other alterations) have exacted of us a demonstration of persons, time, & place, for the proof of our objected changes: especially seeing that here Rome herself is now confessed to have altered her profession in a principal and necessary point of religion; and yet cannot show us either by whom, or when she made this Innovation. 35 Have we said, that it is a principal and necessary point of, Christian Religion? Yes verily; and this will be worthy our due consideration, the rather because in the state of the controversy, the difference between the Protestants and Romanists is thus laid: the Romanists teach only a licere, scil. that it is lawful for the Church to use the public Service in the native and known language of Christian people: Protestants furthermore contend for a debere, scil. that it thus aught to be; and are for this position anathematized in their last Council. And yet how easily, to our adversaries blush, might the necessity hereof be evineed? But we confine ourselves within the bounds of a confessed equity. Now then to the point itself. 36 Although this confessed Apostolical, and primitive antiquity doth, even in that name, carry with it a sufficient proof of the equity of our profession, teaching a necessary use of a language commonly understood of the people, in the public worship of God; yet will this be much more persuasive by the confessed properties of known prayer: for our Adversaries have condescended to grant, that, if we respect the good of them that pray, the known prayer is more behoveful for the people's o Hac Pauli doctrinâ habetur quod melius est ad aedificationem Ecclesiae, orationes publicas, quae audiente populo dicuntur, dici linguâ communi Clericis & pepulo, quàm Latinè. Card. Ca●et. Com. in 1. Cor. 14. edification, p Olim praecipuus finis illorum Canticorum (confessing the reason of the known prayer in those times) erat instructio & consolatio populi.— At nunc, etc. Bellar. lib. 2. de Verbo Dei, ca 16 §. At obijcies. spiritual consolation, and q Duplex est fructus devotionis: Alius est spiritualis consolatio, & devotio concepta ex oration. Et quan tum ad fructum spiritualis devotionis, privatur qui non attendit ad ea quae orat, sen non intelligit. Aquinas c●man 1. Cor. 14. fol. 100 devotion. Thus much is severally confessed by Cardinal Caietan, Cardinal Bellarmine, and by Aquinas, the chief Doctor of their Romish School. And did ever any antiquity think that these three were not necessarily to be cherished and fostered in God's people, as he vital parts of holy worship? r Quod si populus intelligit orationem, seu bene dictionem sacerdotis, melius reducitur in Deum, & devotius respondet, Amen. ●yra in 1. Cor. 14. If the people (saith their Lyra) understand the prayer of the Priest, they are better reduced unto God, in praying unto him, and saying, Amen. 37 If we regard the Apostles doctrine concerning the Common prayer in the Church, it is certain that he will have the congregation to say, Amen, which is to yield their open & express consent unto the public prayer: but of the ignorant of the language of prayer, he saith, * 1. Cor. 14. How shall he say Amen, at thy giving of thanks? that is (as their Aquinas doth paraphrase,) s Quomodo enim dicet, Amen, cum quid orat ne●cit?] quià non potest intelligere quid boni dicas, nisi quod benedicas tantùm. Aquinas come in cum locum, 1. Cor. 14. How shall he say Amen, when he prayeth he knoweth not what? because he understandeth not, quid boni dicas, but only quòd benedicas, and therefore t Optandum videtur, ut iuxtà Apostolicum mandatum, & priscum Ecclesiae morem in publicis Ecclesiae precibus, cantionibus, & lectionibus, quae populi causâ suscipiuntur, populi ratio habeatur, neque in totum ac perpetuò ab omni communione precum arceatur. Manifesta sunt verba Apostoli, cum qui ob imperitiam, quod dicitur, non intelligit, fieri non posse ut ad alterius gratiarum actionem Amen respondeat. Cassander Defence. office pij viri, contra Caluinum. pag. 141. be cannot possibly (saith Cassander) say Amen unto the giving of thanks: which made him wish that according unto the Apostles command, and custom of the primitive Church, the faithful people of God may be better respected. This seemeth to be more than reasonable unto their Faber, who complaining, saith, that u Maxima pars hominum, cùm nunc orat, nescio si spiritu, tamen in ment non orat; nam in lingua orat, quam non intelligit: at Paulus maximè probat, ut fideles paritèr spiritu orent & ment. Faber in 1. Cor. 14. fol. 13. b. the greatest number of people at this day pray not with their understanding; but S. Paul (saith he) will have all men to pray with their understanding also. 38 If lastly we consider the glory of God, either as it is in their own story recorded by Aenaeas Silvius, (wherein it is said, that x Et Oraculum illud, cuius monitu Ponti●ex Romanus (ut est apud Aeneam Syluium, hist. Bohem. lib. 1. cap. 13) cum senatu Cardinalium Sclavorum genti concessisse dicitur. ut patri● lingu● in sacris operandis uteretur●a ●omnes gentes pertinere videtur: Omnis spi●itus laudet Deum. Cassander quo supra, verbisseq. when the Pope and his Cardinals were in deliberation, whether they should yield unto the request of the slavonians, who desired to have their prayers in their country language, he was moved to consent, by hearing an Oracle answering, Let every spirit praise the Lord: which voice (as Cassander hath well noted) doth as well command a liberty for all people:) or by the acknowledged poperties of known prayers, to wit, the more edification, more consolation, more devotion in the worshippers of God; which consequently do avail unto the better worshipping of God both in spirit and truth: how then shall not the Roman Church be judged an Innovator, which hath so strangely departed from so Apostolical, primitive, equal and necessary a point of Christian religion? CHAP. XIX. That Popedom itself is a confessed Innovation in diverse particulars, in respect of the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction: and in the first place of their change in form, in titles, in name. SECT. 1. IT is held a timorous dastardy for a man in battelling to forbidden the striking at the head; and no less diffidence it might seem to be, if our Adversaries in this question, concerning degeneration from antiquity, should except the Pope, whom they adore for the monarchical head of the Church, the Vicar of Christ, the universal Bishop, and supreme judge, by whose doom a Porrò subesse Rom. Pontifici omm humanae creaturae declaramus, dicimus, d●simmus, & pronunciamus omninò esse de necessitate salutis. Extravag. de Mator. & Obed. unam Sanctam. The Author of it was Bonifacius 8. as the Gloss thereupon showeth. See more above, Cap. 2. §. 4. num. 17. every one is pronounced to be necessarily out of the state of salvation, who is not subject unto the Pope himsel●e. We therefore shall prove even from our adversaries confessions, the Pope (as he is now magnified in the Romish profession) to be not only an Innovator, but even an Innovation itself, both in regard of the spiritual and temporal state, by many novel and notorious abuses. 2 The first is in assuming to be unicus: for as their Cardinal Bellarmine cannot deny but that b Ecclesia est una & eadem omni tempore: non debet igitur mutari forma regiminis. Bell. lib. 2. de Pont. ca 12. §. Secundò ex. the Church, which is but one, should at all times keep one and the same form of government: so doth he confess, that c Fuit enim in illis Ecclesiae primordijs necessarium ad fidem toto orb terrarum celeritèr disseminandam, ut primis praedicatoribus, & Ecclesiarum fundatoribus summa potest as & libertas concederetur. Mortuis autem Apostolis, Apostolica authoritas in solo Petrisuccessore permansit. Bellar. lib. 1. de Pontif. cap. 9 §. Fuit enim. whereas in the first founding of Christian Churches, a supreme power was communicated unto all the chief builders; yet (saith he) as soon as the Apostles were dead, the Apostolical authority did abide only in the successor of S. Peter, meaning the Pope. And can many and one, a common and a proper, that and another be without alteration? 3 Secondly, as the Pope will be unicus, that is, alone, so will he be also called universalis, even d See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 29. the universal Bishop of the Church: e See in the same place. which title none of my Predecessors (saith S. Gregory, who lived about the 600 year) ever consented unto; but his successor f See above lib. 4 cap. 11. Boniface 3 is found to have been first guilty of this usurpation. And why may not the Popes be thought to have innovated in assuming the title of universal Bishop, who are confessed to have appropriated unto themselves the very name of Papa, that is, Pope, g Gregorius 7. Papa conventu Romae habito, inter alia constituit, ut solus Rom. Pont. Papa diceretur: olim enim, ut constat ex Cypriano, & Russino, Episcopi alij altquando Papae vocabantur. Azor. Ies. Institut. Moral. part. 2. lib. 5. cap. vlt. §. Gregorius. Sed Papae vox olim communis omnibus Episcopis, facta est propria Romanis. Mass●nius Praef. in lib. 6. de vitis Pont. pa. 271. which formerly (saith their jesuite) was common unto other Bishops? the which alteration was made (about the year 1073.) by Gregory the 7. even as also the epithe● of Beatissimus (Anno 532.) was attributed unto h Postremò ipsum Pontisicem comp●llando, beatissimum Patrem hody appellare consuevimus. Quâ locu●ione prius m●hi quidem videtur usus Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus epist. ad johannem 2. Massonius ibid. pag. 271. john the second. 4 Thirdly, how can it seem strange that he should affect the foresaid i So. S. Gregorycen ured the title of universal Bishop. See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 29. Antichristian title, who hath put away his own Christian name, whilst (which is confessed) every Pope at his entrance into the Popedom, k Primus honos Rome▪ Pontisici habetur, ut si minus pulchro honestetur nomine, liceat illi mutare: verbi gratiâ, si homo malesicus fortè fuerit, ut Bonifacius appelletur.— Eius autem rei author fuisse dicitur Sergius 2. qui cum Os Porci diceretur, ad obscoenam nominis vocem delendam, datum est ut ali●m sibi nomen aptaret. Polydor. Virgil. lib. 4. Invent. ca 10. Massonius tribuit ho● Sergio 4. Huic Sergio, ante Pontisicatum, indecorum nomen f●it. In eius vita. doth change his name: which custom began Anno 687, when he, whose Christian name was Os porci, forsook it to be called Sergius. Of the confessed Innovations in the Romish Cardinals, the sole Electors of the Popes. SECT. 2. 5 From his appellation we come to try his election. l Ratio eligendi Pontificem, qui nunc est in Ecclesia, non est de iure divino— ratio est, quia ordo Cardinalium, qui nunc sunt electores, non est ex iure divino. Franciscus de Victoria Relect. 2. prop. 11. The manner hereof (saith their Victoria) which is now in use, is not from divine authority, because the order of Cardinals, by whom he is chosen, is not ordained by God. Then have some Romish Doctors been deceived, who have m Quaeritur an ordo Cardinalium (not as they are Priests and Deacons, but as in the degree of Cardinals) sit juris divini? he allegeth many authors both pro and contra. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral. part. 2. lib. 4. cap. 1. pag. 399. thought it to have been from divine ordinance: as though it had been intimated by that place of n Ibid. Scripture, where it is said, 1. Reg. 2. Domini sunt cardines terrae: and indeed, they have greatly deluded themselves, as their chief Jesuits do confess. As for the Scripture which they allege, it is (as their own jesuite Azorius showeth) childishly o Locus 1. Reg. 2. Domini sunt Cardines terrae:] Non probat, ut etiam Panormitanus probat, Cardinals esse iure divino institutor. Sensus eius loci est, Terram universam esse creatam & fundatam à Deo. Azor. Ios. quo supra, lib. 4. cap. 1. §. Tertiò quaeritur. missensed. We might say (with their Polydore) that they have herein imitated Shoemakers, who stretch out their leather beyond compass with their sordid teeth. 6 When then, and how had this creature (whom they call a Cardinal) his birth and growth? p Alij Ca●dinalium originem existimant à Greg. 1. alij à Syluestri t●mpore repetendam esse, alij demum refe●unt ad Marcelli, nonnulli demum ad Pontiani seculum. Idem ibidem, §. seqq. Some say (saith their jesuit) from Pope Gregory the first, some from Sylvester, some from Marcellus. Such a kind of doubtful brood is called terraefilius. Will they permit their Polydore to blazon them? q Sanè high Marcellum aiunt quinque & viginti dioeceses constituisse, ad usum baptismi, & sepulturae: illi verò scribunt eundem Pont. quindecim fecisse Cardinals, qui baptizandi infants, atque humandi mortuos curam sustinerent. Atque haec verae Cardinalium ordinis origo est, now suitue ab initio aliud Cardinalium nomen, nisi excellentioris epitheti notatio.— Non fuit item aliqu●ndiu deinde aliud, esse Cardinalem, nisi ante alios habe●e curam animarum. That which followeth, is put out 〈◊〉 their Index Ex●urgat●rius— viz. Verùm cum posted Boni●acius tertius ab Imperatore Phoca impetrâsset, ut in omnes Episcopos prae●ogativam habe●et, omniumue caput perpetuò foret, ●am tum Rom. Pont. multò quàm antea cum ●uo vibano Sacerdotum Senatu cunctis sine controversia praesta●e authoritate coepit; ac simul illi Presb●teri, quibus olim tituli dati, quibus Christ● anorum animas curandi munus d●latum ●uerat, eo Cardina●●un nomine u●l●t supremae illius dignitatis proprio, cum primis honestari coepere. Then 〈…〉, 〈◊〉 pror●us oneri ●uit, summo tandé honori esse coepit, nec immerito, quando illi in administranda Rep. Christiana ●o 〈◊〉 sc●per praest● aderant: Sic vel ijs paulatim decus accessit, paulatimque. inter contentiones Imperato●un ac populi Ro● de P●nt●●ice creando saep●us ort●s, praerogatiu● i● que ipsius Pontificis eligendi partum est Polyd Virgil. Inu●●t. re●i●, pomell 4. c. 9 〈…〉 Pope Marcellus (Anno 304.) of the 25 Parishes which were then in Rome, appointed fifteen of them to be cardinal and principal, in respect of the rest; the Ministers of thesewere hereupon called Cardinals, having the chief care of baptizing Infants, and of burying the dead: this (saith he) was their first original. But afterwards when Pope Boniface the third, Anno 605. had obtained of the Emperor Phocas, the prerogative of headship over all other Bishops, than began he to advance his senate of those Cardinal Priests, whom he drew nearer unto himself for the public government of the Church; and thus by little and little they ascended unto their present dignity. To what dignity? r Sed qu●nquam haec ita se hab●nt, fateor tamen olim Episcop●● quoscunque praelatos tuisse Cardinalibus non 〈◊〉, imò etiam Cardinal●tum gradum fuisse ad Episcopatum, ut Onupht●us rectè docet, & aper●iss. colligitur ex lib. 1 c. p. 〈…〉 S. Greg. Postea tamen mutatus est ordo, & coepti sunt Cardinals Episcopis anteponi, & ●piscopatus gradus esse a● Cardnalatum. Cuius mutationis duplex ratio assignati potest, una, quod ad solos Cardin devoluta sit elec●io 〈…〉 quo tempore Pontisices elig●bant Imperatores, vel cle●us & populus, non est mi●um si non tanti ●i●●ent Cardinals. At ●●●quam coeperunt soli ipsi elige●e, & etiam ipsi, ut plurimùm, eligi, non sine caus● c●●pit dignitas C●rdinal●tia 〈◊〉 quàm anteà. Bellarm. lib. 1 de Clericis, ca●. 16. §. Neque etiam. I confess (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) that in former times about the days of S. Gregory, Bishops had the precedency of Cardinals, but afterwards (that is, after the year 600) when as these Cardinals had got the power to be the sole electors of the Pope, they began to be advanced above Bishops: s Meo quidem judicio, ex quo ius & potesta● 〈◊〉 Rome Pont. ad sola Cardinalium sustragia redacta est, coeperunt Cardinals paulatim hono●is dignitate caeteris etiam A●●●●piscopis & Patriarchis ante●om. Az●r. Instit M●ral. part. 2. lib. 4. cap. 1. pag. 4●4. yea and, by little and little, above Archbishops and patriarchs. 7 Insomuch that t Itaque usu docente, & n●c 〈…〉 cogente, his postremis annis sexc●ntis, vel septingentis coeperunt paulatim omitti Concilia Episcopalia, & ●es 〈…〉 senatum Cardinalium. Bellar. quo supra. § Quoci●ca. At Cardinals ferè quotidiè praest● sunt Pontifici, neque 〈…〉 maio●is momenti sinc corum Concilio perag●ut. Ibid. §. At si. in these last six or seven hundred years (saith their Cardinal) necessity by little and little, forced the Pope to leave off the Episcopa●● Counsels, & to rule all things by the Council of Cardinals: so fa●●e forth as (Anno 779) to u Hoc, ut nulius ad Pontificatum eligatur, nisi ex Cardinalium numero, iam i●de ab anno 779. constitutum est. Lorinus Ies. come. in Act. 6. 3. determine (saith their jesuite Lorinus) that none should be elected Pope, who was not of the order of Cardinals. And at length, x Galerum verò quo Cardinals hodiè utuntur, huic uni (In●ocentio 4) acceptum debent: neque enim ante id tempus tam illust●es fuerant. 〈…〉 vita Innocent. 4. p. 220. they were graced with a read hat, (saith their Massonius) as an ensign of honour, by Pope Innocentius the fourth, (which fell out about the year 1243.) And no marvel, s●●ing that this order is noted by their Thuanus, to be most observant unto the Pope, being even y Cardinals ad id delecti, ad Pontificis nutum pronunc●a●e soliti, & alioqui amplificandae P●ntificae potentiae supra modum studiosi. Thu●n●● hist. lib. 15. Anno 155●. Tom. 2. pag. 577. at his beck, immeasurably zealous in amplisying of the Papal dignity. So that n●ne need to wonder, when princely States are abjected to the ●issing of the Pope's * See abou● lib. 2. ca●. ●. and in the next Sect●●● following, at the letter n. foot, why those Cardinals are admitted to z Cardinals admittuntur ad osculum manus & otis Pontifice. I●rinu● Ies. come. in Act. 6. 3. kiss his mouth amongst whom one was but a a ju●●us tertius ab Innocentio 〈◊〉 susceptis insignibus ●●auguratur: is soluti ad omne● licentiam animi homo, statim adepta dignitate, q●alis esset, omnibus manifestum fecit. Nam cum antiquae con●uet● 〈◊〉 ut nows Pontifex galerum, cui velit suum largiatur, eum iwem cuidam, cui Innocentio nomen quoque, quod in 〈◊〉 ●●miaes curam gereret, simiae etiam post adeptam dignitatem, nomen retinuit, cognom●n▪ etiam suo atque insignibus att●●b●tis, donau●t. Quaerentibus verò Cardinalibus, quod indignum hominem ad tantum fastigium ●uexisset, non inu●ba●e respondit: Et vos, quid tandem in me meritorum comperistis, quem Christianae re●pub. princ. pem constitueretis? Thua●●● 〈…〉 Anno 1550. pag. 443. boy, and fit to keep an Ape. Howsoever, their own Bishop thought them not so worthy, but that b Paulus 4 Pont. Max. cum de me in consacerdotum suo●un collegium cooptando, se cogitare 〈◊〉 dixerat (nihil hic singo)— immortali Deo gratias immortales egi, quod nuhi tantum, non dicam boni sed mali non perm●● Christus. Quid faceré Romae● mention nescio. ●p. sc. ●spenc. ep. ante 6. Tr●●l. ad Card. Castil. pag. 11. & 12. & come in 〈…〉 ●e thanked God, that being told by the Pope, that he thought to give him a Cardinalship, he was preserved from that evil. 8 Here we do perceive a new order, and in it diverse disorderly Innovations: as namely, that Cardinals, albeit but Priests or Deacons, are preferred before Bishops, although patriarchs; and Provincial and Episcopal Counsels changed into conclaves and consistories: those overtopping (in their judgement) an ordinance of God, by the new invention of man in the Cardinals, who grew up by little and little to be an order, which only both electeth the Pope, and from which only the Pope elected must be selected: c ●ccundum P●nt. Romanun (ut● eos recensemus, qui●m Ecclesiastica Hi●rarch●a continentur) existut Cardinals,— plerique in hunc ordinem assumpti sunt viri nobilitatis pro●ap●a illustres, Regum illustrium affines; p●o●ndè mul●um ●a●it horum purpu●a ad ●plendorem eccle. Rome,— Hos soquuntur (in hac Hierarchia) Episcopi Patriarchales, nempè, qui illis sedibus praeficiuntur, quas ● Petrus, aut aliquis Apostolorum aliquand● obtinuit. Westonus de trip. home offi●. lib. 3. cap. 15. consisting, for the most part, of personages nobly descended: and are accounted the very d Hi sunt bases & columuae Ecclesiae SS. utpotè qui suorum vi●tutibus mer●torum, Vicarij ●esu Christi let●ra tenent, & illius amplissimi ostij sunt fir●●ssimi ca●dines, quibus totus voluitur orbis.— Hi certè à cardine nomen ducunt, qui u●luti in materiali ostio templi duplex est cardinum genus, superius viz. & interius: sic in vivis cardinibus duplex consistit mysterium, superius & inferius, spiritualium viz. & temporalium sedula administratio. Rodericus Samorensis Episc. spec. hum. vita, lib. 2. cap. 7. Basis or foundation of their Ecclesiastical hierarchy: who, as it were the hinges of God's Temple, do moderate the Church (say they) both in the upper and lower, that is, in spiritual and temporal affairs. So that the now Romish manner of government is in effect nothing but an human Innovation. Other sour confessed Innovations of Popes, in respect of Counsels, and matter of Appeals. SECT. 3. 9 Some haply will think, that although the Papal election be not of God, yet his office and authority may be from God. This would be examined in both the e Extravag. de Ma●orit et Obed. C. V●am sauctam. swords, which he challengeth, spiritual & temporal, from the confession of their own Doctors. Concerning the first, we found their f See above lib. 2 cap. 10. doctrine of attributing unto the Pope alone ●a power of determining any matter of faith, upon presumption of the infallibility of his own judgement, to be but so new, and scandalous, as that it maketh the g See above lib. 2 cap. 20. Sect. 5. first general Counsels to have been superfluous. 10 Secondly, their doctrine which advanceth a Pope h See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 30. absolutely above a Council, to be also i See in t●e same plac●, an● in l. 2. new, even after the Council of Constance, and Basil: and before that time not acknowledged in the k Mani●●s●um est ex his, universal Co●cilium simplicit ●● esse supr Pap●, nec amplius de hoc opus est exempla proffer. Which he proveth out of the Counsels of Basil and Constance, Augustine, Gregory, and other Fathers. Card. Cusanus lib. 2. Concord. cap. 17. ad finem. & cap. 18. & 19 days of S. Augustine, Pope Gregory, and other Fathers and Counsels, who lived before the first 600. year. 11 Thirdly, in the Synod their doctrine of ascribing only unto Bishops the property of l Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 15. definitive voices, to be both new and nought, and so esteemed of by their own m Si soh Episcopi vocem (decisivam) habeant, id demuin fi●t, quod Nationi placebit Italicae, quae sola Nationes alias in nun ●ro Episcoporum aut superat aut aequat. Lo●●uicus Card. Arelatens. in Conc. Basil. apud Ae●aeam Sylu. lib. 1. fol. 13. Nihil prohibet Apostolos imitari.— In Concilio Nicaeno Athanasius, tum Presbyter, solus argumentationes Arianas' disturbavit: & Concilio Calcedonensi, etc. Idem Cardinalis, ibid. fol. 12. Cardinal in the Council of Basil, whereby, through the multitude of Italian Bishops, the Church of God is much prejudiced. Which disparity of the number of these Italian Bishops, was (as their own n Haec est illa Helena, quae nuper Tridenti obtinuit. Espencaeus Epise. come. in Tit. 1. pag. 42. Bishop observeth) embraced, as it were, that fair Lady Helena in their last Council of Trent. 12 Fourthly, the now assumed prerogative of the Pope, to dissolve the Acts of Counsels, and therein to challenge obedience, to be new, and so proved from their own Authors, both by the practice & profession of m In Epist. Ambrosijs mentio muenitur cuiusdam Epistolae, quam ipse Damasus scripsisse f●rtur judicibus in Capuana Synodo deputatis, ubi ostendit, sui o licij non esse in causis manum apponcre, in quibus Sy●odus praevenisset. Apad Aevaeam Syluium de gest. Conc. ●asil. f●l. 6. Tempore Conciliorum antiquorum erant Pontifices similes Patribus Conciliorum:— im● si benè revoluuntur iura & historiae apud antiquos Patres, non praesumebant Pont sices decreta Conciliorum ita faciliter & passim di●pensare, sed tanquam oracula divina obseruabant. Paulatim— ad hunc statum deventum est, ubi nec mala nostra, nec remedia pati possumus. ●r. Victoria Relect. 4. §. Si quis. pag. 182. Sozimus Papa (Anno 407.) dicit, Contra statuta Patrum aliquid condere, aut mutare, nec huiusmodi Sedis potest authoritas.— Leo Papa (Anno 440.) in Conc. 8. de Canonibus Nicaenis loquens, Necesse est me perseverantem exhibere famulatum. etc. Card. Cusan. lib. 2. Concord. Cath. cap. 20. ancient Popes, to wit, Damasus, Anno 373. Sozimus, Anno 471. Leo, Anno 440. whereunto hath been added S. n See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 30. Gregory Anno 600: as also concerning the soul of Popedom, which is, o See above lib. 2. cap. 20. Sect. 6. to will and command upon presumption of a fullness Apostolical, breathing nothing but a Nos autem (as their own Ferus doth witness) which bringeth into their Bulls two words, viz. p Quarta Dominica post festum Pentecost. eodem anno 63. Petrus quidam Marcutius Theologus extitit, qui festivam adversus Cu●iae Romanae abusus Concionem habuit: Aiebat enim abusus in Ecclesia Rom. facilè tolli posse, si duae voculae è medio tollerentur, & in bullis Pontificijs expungerentur, putà, Non obstantibus: sed Romanum Pont. hac in part ad nostras infirmitates tam proxim▪ accedere, ut passim, & quotidiè antiquos Canon's infringat adiectione clausula●um derogatoriarum, quas Non obstantias vocitant, teste Gentillet. Exam. Conc. Trid. lib. 4. Sess. 22. num. 29. §. Quarta. non obstante: whereby (althought it was once used * Alterum (he speaketh of the order of the Rhodes) erat vitium Sodomiticum. Quaestio erat, quomodo, propped. quorundam peccata, totus ordo damnaretur. Ideò Papa Clemens in bulla sua condemnatoria ordinis adiecit hanc clausulam: quanquam de iure non pos●umus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus. Binius Tom. 3. pag. 1507. peremptorily to a good end) an intolerable hindrance of reforming abuses is wrought, and is, in itself, q Audivi saepè à doctissimis vin●,— omnium malorum seminarium esse, summum viz. Pontificem Concilio universali obedire nolle. Orthunius Gratius epist. ad Lect. in fine fascic. rerum expetend. § Add huc. the very seminary of all evil. 13 Fiftly, what hath been of late years more stood upon than the managing of peculiar cases of conscience, in the Consistory of the Pope? Notwithstanding, r Hoc enim loco Cyprianus peculiares Episcopos invicem comparat, qui parem potestatem habebant circa sua ovilia. Nec enim tunc erant casus peculiares conscientiae ipsi Pontifici reseruati, proinde quisque poterat, quae alij in sua dioecesi, & ob eam causam partem sui Episcopatus in solidum tenebat. Salmeron Ies. in 1. Pet. 5. disp. 8. §. Et dicendo. in the days of S. Cyprian (who lived Anno 240.) peculiar cases of conscience were not reserved unto the judgement of the Pope of Rome, as their jesuite Salmeron confesseth, and proveth from the testimony of S. Cyprian. And we have heard, that their Pope's claim of Appeals unto Rome, in the days of S. Augustine, was (in the Council of Africa, wherein S. Augustine had his voice) s See above, lib. 2. cap. 21. rejected, as both false, new, and unreasonable. So many, and so main are the Innovations in this one: whose titles both of Pope▪ & of universal Bishop; whose election by Cardinals only, & only out of Cardinals: whose pretended office of Infallibility of judgement, and peremptory opposition unto the Counsels, in abrogating of their decrees, by a presumption of a commandatory fullness of authority, which they extend unto Appeals, and cases reserved: have been all acknowledged to be new aberrations from the profession of the ancient Church of Rome, and all (excepting one) to have been hatched after the time of S. Gregory, who governed that See about the year 600 after Christ. Other confessed Romish Innovations of Popedom against the temporal state of Emperors and Kings. SECT. 4. 14 Hitherto we have spoken of the Pope's spiritual sword; now the temporal sword, which he also challengeth, is brought unto the test, and must be tried, by the judgement of our Adversaries, what metal it is made of, and what time, and how it was hammered and framed. 15 We have seen throughout this Treatise, the now Romish claim to challenge over all temporal powers, as a superiority in place, so also a sovereignty of dominion in temporal cases, at the lest, indirectly: albeit they are not ignorant, that that might be proved by many examples of the best antiquity, which their own Bishop hath summarily confessed from that Scripture, where it is written: * Rom. 13. 1. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers &c: viz. that a Omnis anima.] Chrysostomus enarr at; etiam si sive Apostolus sis, sive evangelista, sive Propheta, sive Sacerdos, siue Monachus: quem illie sequuntur Theodoretus, Theophylactus, Oecumenius, & qui non Graeci? ●t Gregorius 1 idem & magnus ingenuè agnoscebat Imperatori à Deo concessum, non militibus solùm, sed Sacerdotibus quoque dominati, lib. 2. epist. 64 & utroque tanto posserior Betnardus ad Henricum Senonensem A●chiepiscopun epist. 42. s●c colligit. Si omnis anima, & vestra &c Espen●aeus Episc. in epist. ad Titim cap. 3. pag. 513. chrusostom, Theodoret, Theoplylact, & all the Greek Doctors; and in the Latin Church, S. Gregory and S. Bernard, do from hence teach, that every Apostle, and Prophet, and Priest was commanded to acknowledge a subjection unto Emperors. 16 But manifold have been the Papal prevarications and transgressions in this claim. 1. Now the Pope doth impeach the emperors authority in calling a general Council, by b Proprium est man. Pontificis. Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. See here f above, lib. 2. cap. 20. appropriating it unto himself, although it is, and must be confessed, that c Octo prima Concilia universalia per Imperatores congregata leguntur: & Romanus Pontifex ad instar al●orum Pat●iarcharum divales sacras iussiones, pro veniendo aut inittendo ad Concilium, recepisse. Card. Cusanus Concord. Cathol. lib. 2. cap. 25. the first general Counsels were called by the Christian emperors command. 17 Secondly, d Verumtamen quacunque ratione ad Pantificatum pateret ingressus, nemo Apostolicae cymbae gubernacula capescebat, ni prius autho●itas Imperatoris intercessi●let, ut cap. Hadrianus, Can Synodo 63. dist. mos enim apud veteres invaluerat, longo annorum decu●su obseruatus, ut clerus populusue Rom. Pontificem eligeret▪ quo designato, in Imperatoris manu erat, electionem istam raram i●ritamuè habere Cap. Agatho dist. 63. & ut collubitum fuit, aut illum admittere comprobareue, aut illo reiecto atque exploso, alterum surrogare, perduravitue is mos usque ad Hadrianum, (anno salutis ●15) qui tanti animi ●uit, ut initio Pontificatus sui ad senatum populumue Rome, retulerit, ne in creando Pontifice Imperatoris potestas expectaretur, utque libera essent cleri populique Rome suffragia. Sed huic edicto minimè fuit obtemperatum, permansitue vetus illa consuetudo Pontificis ab Imperatore consirmandi (verba Platinae sunt) in vita Greg. 9 anno 1227. quando Gregor. 9 in gratiam cum Henrico Imperatore redijt, qui cum in Pont. Rom. confirmavit, ut tunc temporis mos erat. Hieron. Balbus Episc. de Coronat. pag. 29. 30. in former times (saith their Bishop Balbus) the election of the Pope was confirmed by Christian Emperors, until the year 815. at what time Pope Adrian interrupted that custom: albeit afterward it did recover the former strength, as appeareth in the election of Pope Gregory the ninth, Anno 1227, who after his election was confirmed by the favour of Henry the Emperor. But what now? e unde tam nova rerum facies eruperit tantaue labentis Imperij facta sit immutatio? That is (as the question of that Section showeth) unde evenerit ut mutato vetere instituto, Imperator confirmetur à Pontifice? Balbus ibid. pag. 30. Now (saith he) there is a new face and fashion of things; whilst as the Emperor hath nothing to do with the approbation of the Pope's election, but contrariwise the Pope doth confirm the election of the Emperor. Where although among our f Civilium legum interprete non desinunt, & causantur astu potius doloue, quàm ex aequo & bono tam ce●ta diuturnáque priu●legia Cae●ares amisisse, & (ut inquiunt Bal. & Albe) ex longa Imperij vacation atque interregno, nec non potentiâ atque prudentiá summorum Pontificum, atque aliorum Rom. Ecclesiae Praesidum esse ademptum. Sed high, mea quidem sententiâ, a recta semita declinarunt. — (Then he pretendeth three causes) Imperatores primlegia illa à se abdicàsse, vel ex abusu perdidisse, vel cessant causa privilegiorum, privilegium evanuisse. Balbus quo supra, pag. 30 & 31. Adversaries some impute the cause of this change unto the ind●lgenceses of Emperors, or policy of Popes; others unto the abuse of that privilege in the Emperors, and other conjectures: yet do all of them liberally confess (which answereth our question,) that there is herein an immutation and change. 18 Thirdly, in the right of tribute, they do accordingly grant, that g Hoc confecto, demendus est scrupulus ex animo quorundam, q●i anxiè percunctantur, cùm primaevo ritu Christian á que institutione, omnes ●erè vectigales essent Ecclesiae, penderentque annuum Imperatori tributum, ut Eccles. Rom. C. Tributum, C. Magnum 9 q. 1. qua ratione factae sint immunes, quis eas tali iugo eximere potuerit? Balbus i●id. pag. 31. in the primitive constitution of the Church, the Churches about Rome were contributary unto the Emperor. And they dispute how, and why they should be now free? And not so only, but afterwards (as their Thuanus noteth) they h Nota Ludovici Pij de r●ligione decreta. Cum verò temporis successu Pontifices potestate legitimâ abutentes, ava●è in Ecclesia grassarentur, Ludom●us 9 is qui ob pi●tatem & vitae sanctimoniam eximiam, int●r Divos referri meruit, generose restit●t, & a●no salutis 1267. legem t●lit, quae & 〈◊〉 Pr●gma●●●ae non ●●e circum●●rtur, q●â mos priscus in el●gend 5 Epi●copis, & caeteris Praesulibus intermissus revocatur, & ullum eo nomine Rom. Pontisici t●ibutum per di prohibetur: sed tur●us 〈…〉 seu potentia, eadem q●ae 〈◊〉, mala mualuerunt, quae postmod● Basiliensis Synodi decreto omnino sublata ●unt. & 〈◊〉 vectigalia ex b●nesicijs, quae vocant exigi vetita. Q●am ●ynodum, quòd Pontificum nin i●m poten●●am 〈…〉 ab ipsis pro●al●a h●bitum, Carolus 7. posse à in regni Comitijs Augusto●●ti Pictonum c●nfirma●●t, 〈◊〉, quod 〈…〉 sanctionem nuncupant. 〈…〉. T●m. 1. lib. 6. Anno 1551. pag. 6●2. exacted tribute, and so far abused the Church thereby, that Anno 1267. by the sanction made by Lewis the ninth, the annual tithes and tributes which were 〈◊〉 unto the Pope, were prohibited: but when yet again through craft and power the● were exacted, by the Council of Basil they were disannulled, which decree afterwards Charles the seventh did ratify in a Parliament. 19 Fourthly, i Sed & ● Christo passo 〈◊〉 ad Diocietianum per inter● illum prope 300. annorum, etsi innumera crudeliaque tormen●● Christiani passi few 〈◊〉 & clades atro●iss●semel 〈…〉 nec●tis, al●as integris oppidis Christianis subversis, tamen nu●quam ●●nò legitur Christian●s, licet pares vitibus & 〈◊〉 ero 〈◊〉, ut & armis adversus leges, rempub. & magistratum, Imp●ratorem, securitatem 〈…〉 vel tantillum mol●tos fuisse vel rebellâsse. Quin hoc ius ferè a●gumento se, suamqe 〈…〉 nom omnibus an●ef●rn 〈◊〉, colendam & amplect●ndam quodamodo ducti aemul●ti●ne, nulla dominandi cupiditate, nullo study n●uarum partium, in ea tam pertina●●tèr & obnixè perdurarent, & unico am●re Dei, & divini cultus Christianos se ab eo discerent appe●●ari, 〈…〉 sit hoc pijssimum dogma, ut magistratui pareant Tolessanus de Repub lib. 26. cap. 7. num. 10. from the passion of Christ (saith their Tolossanus) for the space of almost 300 years, (in the five persecutions made by Emperors) Christians, when they were of equal force to resist, did never rebel against the Emperors, nor attempted any faction, but did herein magnify their Christian profession ab●●e all other religions through a patiented endurance of all extremities, giving the world to understand, that they did not ambitiously emulate and affect honour's and governments in this world, but gloried and contented themselves with the interest, which, through hope, they had in Christ. Nay, k Nemo sanctorum P●trum, vel sceptre alioqui orthodoxus, per totos mill annos & amplius, licet Ecclesia omnibus s●o●eret copijs, & tyran●●rum magnus esset numerus, tale quid unquam vel verbo vel scripto docuisse legitur. Bar●lavis lib. 6. cont. Mona●● 〈…〉. no orthodoxal Father (saith their Barkley, confuting the rebellion against Kings) did by word or writing teach any such resistance for the space of a thousand years, although they lived under many tyrants, and sometime had sufficient force. Among others, Pope Leo is observed by their Cardinal Cusanus to have submitted himself unto the penal statutes of the Emperor Martianus. When then, and where shall we found an alteration? m Primus Hildebrandus exemplo suo novo, & omnibus Biblioth●●ae veteris expo●toribus evolutis non muento, novello s●hismate regnum & sacerdotium scindens, primus Sacerdotalem lancem contra imper●j diadema ele●ans, se, suoque, exemplo Pontifices 〈◊〉 contra Principes & excommunicatos gladio accinxit. belloq. qua● haereditario, insure exit, ut ●uxt● Prophetam dentibus mordentes pacem praedicarent, utinam Petrum in feriendo, P●t●um ●● recondendo gladio imitarentur. 〈…〉 Tim. li●. 2. Digress. pag. 2●5. See also Tolossanus in the place alleged 〈…〉. 26. cap. 5. The first man we read of in all ancient story (saith their Bishop Espencaeus) was Hildebrand, (that is, Pope Gregory the seventh) who making a schism between the Ecclesiastical and temporal state, listed up his lance against the Imperial diadem, excommunicating the Emperor: by whose example the after Popes were animated to excommunicate Emperors, and raise up their sub●eelss against them. 20 fiftly, (that we may see how pride hath exalted itself) th●ir I●suite can glory in their Pope, for that n Carolus Magnus Ad●iam Pontificis P●des osculatus est, & alij. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral●● art. 2. lib. 5. 〈…〉. pag. 456. Emperors have kissed his feet. But ●●rre was it (as their Polydore noteth) from the disposition of o Volui● Cornelius Centu●o pedes Aposto●i Petri osculari, sed Pater man uctudinis plenus id sien non ed passus, qui elevans eum ad ped●●●ace●tem, dixit, Surge, & ego ipse homo sum, Act. 10. OH u●cem memorabilem atque sa●●tarem● si benè hodi●●ese quoque homines tantum esse perpenderent, qui quòd sacerdotio praediti sunt, planè ●● reliquorum mortalium long post hominum memoriam imperiosissimos dominos praebent, non communes Patres, uti fieri deberet. Polydor. Virgil lib 4. Invent. cap. 13. pag. 29●. S. Peter, who would l See above lib. 2. cap 18. sect. 31. not 〈◊〉 the centurion Cornelius to fall down before him: OH that our imperious Lords (saith he, speaking of the Popes) would remember themselves to be men, who have ordained that men should kiss their feet! p Masculus Se 〈…〉 suorum osculationem quenquam ad nisit: Absit, inquit, ut pedibus meis quisquam oscula figat. Vbi 〈…〉 non modo ingenuos 〈…〉 etiam summos Monarchas ad oscula, non dico pedum sed calceorum non admit 〈…〉, ●ed qu●dam modo cogant. 〈…〉. Which honour Masculus (saith Erasmu●) abhorred, but now others (meaning the Popes) compel great Monarch's unto it. This their Faber q Caeterùm quia locum quendam Fabri jacobi prodentissimi 〈…〉 est Benedicti sub illo enim Faber vivebat, in●tio huius elogij citavimus; placet eiusde 〈…〉 illa notare: Papa in verbis se dicit servum servorum, se nominando, de facto tamen se adorari 〈◊〉 quod Angelus in Apocalypsi refug●t. Videtur autem id dicere, quasi damnans consuetudinem moremue eorum, qu●d 〈…〉 procu 〈…〉 bunt ad pedes Pontificios, ut signum crucis in superficie serici calcei intentum deosculentur: qui 〈…〉 p●●ssimus, nescio, nondum evim omnia legi, sed hoc scio consuetudinem illam Cisalpinis populis minus probat. 〈…〉 huius generis ob●equia & demissiones natae. Massonius lib. 6. in vita Benedict. 12. fol. 286. a most learned Lawyer (saith their Massonius) did condemn: and Massonius himself addeth, that the people beyond the A●p●ss do more mislike this, then doth the people of Italy, which is a nation borne u●to this kind of compliment. Finally, of latter times their r Ipse sp 〈…〉 'em primum B 〈…〉, deinde Romae julium Pontificem Rom. eius nominis secundum, splendidissimos agentem 〈…〉 hoc, ac lordship 〈…〉, ut cùm Pomperanis aut Caesareanis conferri possent. Verum quid illi ad hanc Petri maiestatem etc. Erasmus. Ann●●. ●● A●t. 5. §. Magis autem. Pope julius the second was s●●ne showing himself in a triumphal solemnity, comparable in majesty unto those of Pompey or Caesar. Other confessed Innovations in their Popes, in relinquishing the principal function of Pastors, which is preaching. SECT. 5. 21 So much have they been addicted unto worldly and temporal pomp, and so long a time, that they have forgotten the proper and principal office of a Pastor, which is, the preaching of the word: for s Fuerunt tamé ante haec tempora sanctiss. Patres, qui singulis Dommicis ad populum homilias decla 〈…〉 irunt: extant enim ad hunc diem conciones praesertim Leonis, & Gregorij. ●●ffens. Episcop●●, art. 33. §. Quid. before these times (saith th●ir Bishop Roffen●●s) there were of the Popes, who did by Sermons instruct th● p●●●●e. So they were, but now, t Non tenentur Pontifices per se concionati, & Sacramenta ministrare, si iustâ aliquà de causâ impediantur, sed satis est, si curent per alios ista omnia praestari. Bellar. lib. 3. de Pont. cap. 24 §. Add. although the Popes (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) do not now preach, yet it is sufficient if they provide that preaching be performed by others. 22 This custom of not preaching is but a babe in Christianity, and the defence thereof a new point of learning in Christ's school: which their Bishop E●peneae●s hath largely and religiously discussed by example of antiquity. u Quanquam quid in Rom●●cclesia superiores Historie● obseruarunt, non video, qui cum tot Leonis 1. Gregorij 1. & Innocent. 2. & siqui tal●s Romae alij 〈…〉 unt Episcopi ijdem & Ecclesiastae, tot ad urbis Clerum & populum Homilijs conveniat. Leo sanè adeo huius se 〈◊〉 〈…〉 bitorem agnovit, deue eo neque diffisus est neque erubuit, ut sibi liberum neget tacere, aut fidelibus populis sermon●● 〈◊〉 subtrahere: de Pass. Dom. serm. 7. & 11. epist. verò 93. cap. 17. Episcopos tanto pleniori examine disquirendos mandat, quòd fidei praedicandae officium susceperint. ●spe●eu● Episc. in 1. Tim. Digress. lib. 2. cap. 2. pag. 255. I do not perceive (saith he) how this not-preaching can agreed with the examples of Pope Leo the first, Gregory the first, and of Innocentius the second, (who lived about the year 1130.) besides others, whom historians have observed to have been preaching Bishops: amongst whom Leo professed that is was not free for him to forbear this exercise. The same Espencaeus proceedeth: x Adeò portenti insta● habitum fuisset, si quis se pro Episcopo habuisset, qui non etiam & reipsa verum & proprium hoc Ep●●copi munus exhibuisset▪ quod hody plus quam monstri loco haberetur, si quis exhiberet. Ibid. pag. 254. Quotusquisque Pra●latorum ma 〈…〉 'em, mino 〈…〉 populum suum docere videtur? an illi ipsi decreti huius authores unquam docuerunt? quorum exemplo alij ad docendum, aliaue munera sua facienda excitarentur? Certè ex nostratibus Episcopis, qui Tridenti ac Bononiae pars aliquota fuerunt, nemo per se (quod quidem audiverim) docet. Ludimus ne in re adeò seria? an potius hâc decretorum specie reformationem poscentibus illudimus? Quid emendationis sperari potest á nobis, nostra tam recens edita non obseruantibus? Novi Episcopos etiam Graecé peritos, qui se ut ad istam docendi servitutem demittant, ad istas sordes descendant (generosi scil. & excelsi viri) teneri praefractè negant: quòd cum Episcopatus ass cuti sunt, mos is non esset, quasi contra perpetuam Dei legem, ulla hominum praevaluit desuetudo magis quám consuetudo: quos cum omnis omnium temporum natura, Scriptura, Ecclesia, Concilia, Pontifices Caesares, superi, inferi accusent, damnentue, quis est qui absoluat? Ibid. pag. 257. It was no less a wonder (saith he, speaking of ancient times) for to be called a Bishop, and not to discharge this duty, than he is now as rare as a monster, who is scene to perform it. He is yet more bold. And whereas by the Bishops of the Council of Trent, ses●. 4. preaching was defined to be the chief office of Bishops: yet what one Bishop do we know (saith he) either greater or less of all them who were at that Council, who is seen to preach? What do we sporting in a matter of earnest? or, under colour of making Decrees, do we mock them who call for reformation? I know some learned Bishops, who standing upon their gentility, for sooth, and greatness, hold it a matter of servitude and baseness to be exercised in preaching, because their predecessors were not accustomed thereunto: and thus pretend only disuse. But who shall absolve them, whom nature, Church, Counsels, Popes, Caesars, and all sorts of men do condemn? 23 The confession of this one particular doth confront the Apologists, who require an exactnotice of the persons & time of every notorious ch●nge; as though it were not sufficient to show, by the confession of our Adversaries, when a contrary custom was not, except we can as precisely express their prime originals, as we can tell them that y Gregorius Magnus instituit Rogationes publicas— mense Maio. Massomus in vita Pelag. 2. fol. 105. Gregory was the first who instituted the public Rogations; and that z julius 2.— ut se formidabiliorem redderet, barbam sa●é prolixam aluit, contra morem maiorum: nullus enim anteà Pontifex barbatus extit erat. Massomus in vita julij 2 fol. 278. julius secundus was the first, who let his beard grow unto the full, that he might seem more terrible; or that * Memorabilis est Calendarij Romani correctio, tentata quidem ab antecessoribus eius (Greg. 13.) sed adhibitis ad eam rem insignibus Mathematicis, etc. Massomus in vita Greg. 13. pag. 420. Gregory the thirteenth was the first, who reform the Calendar. But happy had it been to all Christendom, if they had been as willing to reform their doctrines according unto the form of pure antiquities: for than should we not found (as is confessed) the Pope's ancient subjection acknowledged unto Emperors, changed into a Sovereignty above them; their being confirmed in their elections by the Emperors, abolished; and an authority of confirming the election of Emperors, usurped: the paying of tribute unto Emperors ceased, and their exaction of tributes, contrary to the will of Emperors, intruded: their submission unto the penal decrees of Emperors buried; & the arming of subjects unto rebellion against Emperors, defended. Finally, the Pope's honouring of Emperors with the titles of my Lord, etc. abolished, and the abasing of Emperors even to the kissing of their feet, authorised and practised. Can our Adversaries require either more notorious or more obnoxious alterations, than these appear to be, whose first authors and times have been by our Adversaries themselves so thoroughly discovered? CHAP. XX. Three other confessed Romish Innovations, viz. in the Order of Eremites, Monks, and Law of single life of the Clergy. SECT. 1. Antonius' (living Anno 300) a See above lib. 1 cap. 2. Sect. 39 was the first that professed the Order of Eremites, and instituted others therein as hath been confessed: which also their b Athanasius in vita sancti Anthonij docet, ante Anthonium non fuisse quidem Eremitas. Petreius Confess. Greg. lib. 4. cap. 8. pag. 311. Petreius proveth out of Athanasius. 2 Ancient Monks either (as in the days of persecution) lived upon the c See above lib. 1. cap. 2 Sect. 38. labour of their own hands, or else d See ibid. and below at the letter▪ 1. in margin. Monastertes (especially in the days of peace) were as Colleges for study, for the replenishing of the Lords harvest with profitable workmen. The Order (as it is sequestered from the converse with secular men) had e Monachis & An●choretis caruit o●ninó vetus lex: earuit etiam Ecclesia eo tempore, quo fuit optima, nec tor ceremoniarum rebus impli●ita. Agri●●a le vanit. ●●nt cap. 62 initio. no being in the best times of the Church, f See above lib. 2 cap. 1. Sect. 33. neither was any vow of perfection prescribed by Christ: but such actions g See above lib. 1 cap. 2. Sect. 8. at the first were free from the bands of vows: the h Sane Basilius Caesareae Cappadocum praesul, qui circiter annum ●alutis humanae 383. doctrivae pa●iter at●ue sanctitatis ●ummis floruit lau libus, 〈…〉 Monachos novis legibus, ut post annum, quamuis in collegium venislet, si in eo vellet vitae instituto permanere, voveiet se castè u●●tarum, nihil possessurum, ac dicto praefectorum fore audientem, quo se in perpetuum omni sua abdicaret voluntate. Fuit posteá Basilij decretum iuxtà ab omnibus receptum: quanquam paupertatis votum multò antiquius esse videtur, si Vibano Po●t. Rom. credimus, qui amplius annis Basilium antecessit. 〈◊〉. Virgil Invent. lib. 7. cap. 2. pag. 440. first who tied them with bands was Basil, Anno 383. and i Ista Augustimana familia prima est ex Monachis mendicantibus: sunt enim quatuor primariae,— & vulgo mendicantes appellantur, qu●d religionis causa, vel atque adeò ut in otio vivant, mendicitatem perpetiantur, qui solum precarium quaestum facuint, unde se sustentent. Verùm ha●d scio qua ratione isti Monachi debeant in mendicando ●emper haerere. quan●o satis constat Christum non mendicâsse, & Apostolos non expectâsse ab alijs victum otiosoes, scribente Paulo ad Corinth. ●t laboran us operantes proprijs manibus: ac primos Monachos in Aegypto, teste Chrusost. exercuisse se manibus laboran do: item D Franciscus, cuius secta long frequentissima est, voluit suos Monachos victum quaerere manuum labor●bus, & non prius ad mendicandum aggredi, quàm laboris pretium esset negatum. Extat in eius Vestamento illud prae●●riptum. lgitur hinc videre licet, omnes aequè debere Apostoli institutum sequi. Ad rem redeo. Sed ne quidem inirum, si res ●●dubio versetur, vel duae tresuètamiliae ad unum referantur authorem, cum benè n●ultaes aliae praeterea sint congr●gat ones▪ quae Hieronym August. Benedict, ac quo●undam Divorum regulas adsecuti perhibent, editas. rosite antur, quas tamen tantum abfuerat. ut ipsi institu●lent, ut etiam ne tale quid unquam fortè cogitâslent futurum. Pol. lor. Virgil. lib. 7. Invent. cap. 3. pag. 4●8. ●t haec (〈…〉 of the Carmelites) altera Mendicantium secta. Ibidem. Atque (speaking of the 〈◊〉) is quartus mendicantium coetus. Idem thid. cap. 4. pag. 453. the first Order of begging friars was of the Augustimans. What, shall we think that S. Augustine prescribed them this art of begging? Not, but it is the wit of * See lit. 1. diverse Orders, to ascribe it unto S. Augustine, Jerome, Benedict, and other holy Saints, as unto their authors, who were so far from ordaining any such rule, that they did not peradventure so much as think thereof. In brief, k See above lib. 1 cap. 2. Sect. 38. the now Monastical Order is degenerated from the ancient form. 3 Other such like confessions have our Adversaries yielded us concerning the marriage of persons Ecclesiastical, as thus: l See above lib. 1. cap. 2 and lib. 4. cap. 9 Marriage was permitted unto them for many hundred years after Christ: and m See above lib. 1. cap. 2 and lib. 4 cap. 9 hath been used in the Greek Church until this day: n See above lib. 1. cap. 2 and lib. 4 cap. 9 the forbidding whereof (before ordination) was in the first Council of Nice (Anno 325) accounted a new law: the first absolute restraint thereof came (Anno 363) o See above lib. 1. cap. 2 and lib. 4 cap. 9 from Pope Syri●ius: whose authority notwithstanding, the use thereof p See above lib. 1. cap. 2 and lib. 4 cap. 9 continued (in Anno 1074) in the days of Pope Gregory the seventh: unto whom, commanding every married Priest to put awav his wife, the Clergy of q Decretum etiam tale fuit, Presbyteri uxores non habeant, habentes ver● aut dimitrant, aut deponantur, nec quisquam omnino ad sacerdotium admittatur, qui non perpetuam continentiam, vitamue coelibem profiteatur. ●ambertus Seaffuneburg. Anno 1079. Aduersus hoc Decretum in●remuit tota factio Clericorum, hommem plan● haereticum (viz. Greg. Papam) & vesam dogmatis esse clamitans, qui oblitus sermonis Domini [Qui potest eapere, captati] & Apostoh, [Qui se non continet, nubat, melius est enim nubere quàm uri,] violentâ coactione homines vivere cogeret ritu Angelorum, & dum consaltum cursum naturae negaret, fornicationi & libidini fraena relaxaret. Idem, Anno 1074. Italy made resistance, calling his command heretical: and when in r Eodem anno (nempe. Anno 110▪) Anselmus Archiepiscopus Concilium tenuit apud Londinum, in quo prohibuit uxores Sacerdotibus Anglorum, ante i non prohibitas; quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibu'dam periculosum, nè dum munditias maiores viribus appeterent, in immunditias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent. Henr. Archidiac. Huntingd. Angl. lust lib. 7. pag. 378. Francofur●i, Anno 1601. England such marriages were prohibited by Anselme (Archbishop of Canterbury) Anno 1100, it was then said, that ● they had not been forbidden before that time. Finally, the first decrees enacted against contracts made s Cùm igitur haec matrimonij contractio post ordinationem solo statuto prohibeatur, & exempla prisca extent, quae testentur huiusmodi statuta non tam anxiè obseruata fuisse, qum ob Ecclesiae necessitatem aliquando relaxata fuerint, quis non conced ●t in extrema hac Ecclesiae necessitate, hoc idem hodiè fieri posse? C●ssander Consult. art. 23. pag. 201. after ordination, were no divine ordinances, nor so strictly and severely observed in ancient times, when they judged it t See above lib. 2. cap. 1. Sect. 6. unlawful to dissolve such a marriage, although it were made after a vow. As for the erection of a u See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 36. in the margin, at the letter, m. stews by Pope Sixtus, it is noted to have begun in these latter times. 4 By these so many confessions of our Adversaries, we understand of manifold Innovations and changes, as of labour into idleness, liberty into bondage, marriage into divorce; and by occasion hereof, order into much disorder and adulteries, as the often complaints of their own Doctors * See above lib. 1. cap 2. Sect. 33. have publicly revealed. CHAP. XXI. Of diverse confessed Novelties, both in the number and nature of Romish Sacraments, of Confirmation, Marriage, Extreme unction, and manner of absolution. SECT. 1. THeir number of a At Trent. See Bulla Pij 4. proformaiuramenti, annexed unto the Council of Trent. seven Sacraments, now canonised in their late Creed, was not determined (say they) until the days of b See above lib. 2 cap. 26. Sect. 4. & 5. Peter Lombard, who lived Anno 1151, after Christ. And because c See ibid. none but Christ only can institute a Sacrament, this orthodoxal position must disannul diverse of their supposed Sacraments, to prove them to be unproperly so called, whilst that their d See ibid. Schoolmen Alensis and Holcot have denied Confirmation to be from Christ his institution (yea or else from the Apostles, e Gabriel Biel annot. in 4 sent. dist. 7. §. D. tres contrariae de ca sunt sententiae: Nam Alexander Hales & Bonaventura docent Sacramentum hoc (speaking of Confirmation) neque à Christo, neque ab Apostolis institutum: sed ab Ecclesia in Conc. Meldensi. Contrà, quidam Doctores asserunt hoc Sacramentum institutum & ministratum ab Apostolis. Teste nostro Gomaro Spec. Eccles. pag. 146. said their Gabriel and Bonaventure.) The same their Hugo, Lombard, Bonaventure, Alensis, Altisiodorus have f See above lib. 2. cap. 26. Sect. 5. affirmed of Extreme unction: which g Ibidem. in the primitive Church (by the judgement of their Cassander) was not so extreme. Matrimony also was held by their h See above ibid. Durand to be no proper Sacrament: and so was it accounted (as i Imò haud scio an hoc Sacramentum sep●mum à veteribus fuerit cognitum. Primùm quod Dionysius enumer ans nominatim singula, & singulorum vires, ritus, ac caeremonias explicans, de Coniugio nullam facit mentionem; Nam quod causantur quidam, comprehendi sub Sacramento Ordinis, id tale est, ut efficient, ne nihil respondisse videaris, cùm omninò nolueris obtumescere. Erasmus annot. in 1 Cor. 7. pag. 37●. Erasmus suspecteth) in the opinion of Antiquity: and the like was the judgement of the k Et de his quoque septem Sacramentis certum est, ne ipsos quidem Scholasticos existimâsse, omnia ea ●què propriè Sacramenta vocari: Nam & de Confirmatione quidam scripserunt, gratiam Confirmationis non esse univocè gratiam cum illa, ut quae ideò tantùm instituta sit, ut habitum fidei fortiorem reddat, non autem ut habentem digniorem reddat vitâ aeterná De Matrimonio verò, non modò P. Lombardus negavit in eo gratiam conferri, sed long post cum Durandus diserte inquit, Non esse Matrimonium univocè Sacramentum, sicut alia Sacramenta novae legis; nam nec confer gratiam, non haben●: non esse itaque Sacramentum propriè & strictè dictum. Cassander lib. Consult, art. 13. in fine. Schoolmen concerning Matrimony and Confirmation. Therefore, notwithstanding the colour of antiquity, which our Adversaries shall cast upon them by the naked name of Sacraments, which was given by Fathers unto a score of such like figurative resemblances, these their confessions telling us, that they were not instituted by Christ (who only hath been acknowledged to have power to ordain a Sacrament) do warrant our just exception against their pretence of antiquity, by saying with Christ: From the beginning it was not so. 2 And why may not we say as much of their manner of absolution, l Videatur fortasse cuipiam ante de Absolutione agendum fore, quem admodum & nunc temporis usus Ecclesiasticus habet: verùm ipsum rerum ductum atque ordinem naturalem, tum propter sui perspicuitatem, ●um lucem quam rebus alioqui obscurioribus a●●undit, libentèr insequimur. Add quod & apud veteres Absolutio, nisi satisfactione purgatis ferè non impartiebatur. 〈◊〉 Pano●●. lib. 4. cap. 70. pag. 387. See this 〈…〉 above, lib. 2. cap. 15. Sect. 4. whereof they acknowledge, that (contrary unto the ancient and common custom) they now give absolution, before the penitent have made his satisfaction; a course very preposterous. And how can they truly esteem of their oil used in Confirmation, as a necessary and essential part of the Sacrament, knowing that m unctio autem absque dubio est necessaria necessitate Sacramenti, licet Apostoli, ex divina dispensatione, sola manuum impositione confirmabant; huius Sacramenti forma est ista: Consigno te signo crucis, & confirmo te chrismate salutis, in nomine Patris, & Filij, & Spiritus sancti, Amen. Tolet. Cardin. Instruct. Sacerd. lib 2. ca●. 24. pag. 386. As for his conceit of Dispensation, it is but his private fancy. it was not used by the Apostles? Neither may they be thought to be sparing in inventing Sacramental rites, who n Propriè ordines ab Episcopo ordinati, & qui ad certum ministerium sacrificio divino ministrandum referuntur— septem numerantur: Sacerdos, Presbyter, Subdiaconus. Bellar. lib. 1. de Cler. cap. 11. ordained a sacred order of Subdeaconship, which o De Subdiaconis siletui, quorum tunc ordo haud sacer erat. Polyd. Virgil. lib. 5. In●●nt. ●ap. 4. pag. 316. and so also saith ●spencaeus. was not accounted sacred in the eldest times. 3 Other their Sacraments we do not disprove, because our present scope is to say no more, than which we may evince by the confessions of our Adversaries: who have (as may appear) borne witness unto five Innovations in four supposed Sacraments. And why may not they be suspected to have innovated in the doctrine of the will of Christ our Testator, who have made bold thus to add unto his seals? From unproper Sacraments, we proceed unto a most proper one, which is the Eucharist, showing examples. CHAP. XXII. Of other confessed Romish Innovations in the doctrine of Transubstantiation: of the withholding the cup from the people: of not breaking of the bread: of restraining men from taking it with their hands. SECT. 1. SVperstition is an Hagarine, which is naturally more fruitful than is the truly espoused religious profession: which may be discerned in all points of worship, but especially doth it discover itself in the Sacrament of the Eucharist. The first point (which hath been mentioned) is the new Romish Transubstantiation, founded (in their opinion) upon those words of Christ, This is my body: a Scotus lib 4. Scent dist. 11. q. 3 apertè docet neque ex Scripturae, neque ex Patrum sententijs nos adigi, ut Transubstantiationem statuamus:— Immò ingenuè Scotus hanc fidem.— Which sense (saith their Scotus) we cannot be brought to believe, either by any plain place of Scripture, or sentence of ancient Fathers. What need we more? Yet Scripture is so little favourable unto their exposition, as that their b Ex solo Rom. Ecclesiae decreto (cui in hac restare oporteat) esse introductam.— Scotus, c Caietanus in 3. Thom. q. 75. art. 14. satetur, praesentiam illam in Sacramento, quam tenet Ecclesia Romana, ex ipsis verbis Christi, [Hoc est corpus meum] non posse demonstrari, nisi etiam accesserit Rom. Ecclesiae interpretatio siquidem optimo iure alium sensum admittere possint, non secus ac haec verba Apostoli, [Petra erat Christus:] Caietane, d Durandus quoque fatetur, non posse obiectionibus, quae siunt contra illam, satisfieri, nisi ad Ecclesiae Rom. determinationem confugiatur.— Durand, e His astipulatur Biel lect. 41. in Can. Missae: istum difficilem intellectum verborum Christi de Transubst. tenendum esse dicit, propter solam Ecclesiae determinationem, non obstante quòd Scripturae possunt exponi secundum intellectum faciliorem. Teste Hospimano, lib. 4. de re Sacrament. cap. 9 pag. 410. Ille modus qui ponit substantiam panis remanere, nec repugnat rationi, nec authoritati Bibliae, ait Petrus Aliacensis in 4. Sent. q. 6. Hospin. ibid. pag. 411. Biel profess, that except they had been preoccupated by the interpretation of the Romish Church, they could not have yielded unto it. And the judgement of the ancient Church of Christ is so fully repugnant thereunto, that Erasmus doubted not to call Transubstantiation a doctrine f Erasmus in 1. Cor. 7. See above. lately brought into the Church. This lateness is expressed by their forenamed Scotus, * See above Cap. 10. Sect. 3 not to have been before the Council of Laterane: whereunto their g Ex hac fidei doctrina colligitur primò, corrigendos esse Scholasticos, qui hanc doctrinam de Conversione hâc, seu de Transubstantiatione, non admodum antiquum esse dixerunt, inter quos sunt Scotus D. 10. q. 1. §. Quantum ergo ad istud argumentum. Et Dist. 11. q. 3. Et Gabriel lect. 41. in Can. Suarez Ies. quest 75 art. 5. disp. 50 Sect. 1. Tom. 3. Gabriel Biel hath yielded his assent. Not to repeat either the inbred contradictions of the h See above lib. 2. cap. 2. Sect. 28. doctrine itself, or the other which were i Ibid. Sect. 29. accessary in the defenders thereof: by both which it hath been demonstratively confuted. 2 This former doctrine of Transubstantiation hath begotten another youngling, which they call k C●nc. Trid. Sess. 3. concomitancy: wherein is taught, that a man in eating the one part, which is the bread, betokening Christ his body, doth consequently drink his blood, which is signified by the wine: as though herein the Communicant received not only (which may be confessed) totum Christum, but even totum Christi. But their other Author yieldeth unto us the consent of l See above Cap. 16. Sect. 3 innumerable ancient writers both Greek and Latin, who practised the administration of the Eucharist both in bread and wine, unto the people: and among other their inducements hereunto, they did allege the m Tùm quia in Sacramento sanguinis peculiarem quandam virtutem & gratiam hoc vini symbolo significatam esse credebant: tùm obrationes mysticas huius instituti, quae à veteribus variè adducuntur, viz. ad repraesentandum memoriam passionis Christi in oblatione corporis, & estusione sanguinis, iuxtà illud Pauli, Quotiescunque, etc.— Item, ad significandam integram refectionem sive nutritionem, quae cibo & po●● constat, quomodo Christus inquit, Caro mea verus est cibus, & sanguis meus verus est potus, etc. Item ad designandam redemptionem, & tuitionem corpons & animae, ut corpus pro salute corporis, & sanguis pro salute animae, quae in sanguine est, dari intelligatur; ad significandum quoque Christum utramque naturam assumpsisse, corporis, viz. & animae, ut utramque redimeret. Cassander Consult. Art 22. mystical significations of these two elements. 1. in expressing the memory of Christ's passion, in the crucifying of his body and in the effusion of his blood. 2. In betokening man's perfect refection and nourishment, which consisteth not only in ●ating his body, but also in drinking of his blood shed for man's redemption. Whereby we (notwithstanding the opposite interpretations) may collect this meaning of Antiquity, viz. that the real things which are received, are to be expounded by the symbols and signs of receiving: but the sacramental manner of administration doth express the separation of Christ's body crucified, from the blood which was shed; and our distinct manner of eating and drinking, doth explicate the two parts of our spiritual refection in his body and blood: so that the doctrine of concomitancy confounding these distinct signs and objects of the Eucharist, may seem to contradict the judgement of innumerable ancients. Finally, our Doctor hath painted out Aquinas (who lived about the year 1300.) for the * See above lib 4. cap. 15. first author of concomitancy, which was willingly passed over by these * Even when they answered other instances of D. Whitaker out of the same place. Apologists without any reply or exception. 3 A third puny Romish custom (already mentioned) is n Quod ad communicandi ritum pertinet, doccant Parochi sanctae Ecclesiae lege interdictum esse, ne quis (sine Ecclesiae authoritate) praeter Sacerdotes corpus Domini in sacrificio conficientes, sub utraque specie Eucharistiam sumat. Catechis. Rom. part. 2. ca 4 num. 50. the withholding the cup from the people in the administration of the Eucharist: which we take to be contrary to the example of Christ, and primitive antiquity. And although our Adversary Ecchius would not remember that this hath been at any time changed in the Roman Church, yet is he therefore o Nequeo satis mirari johannem Ecchium, virum al●oqui insigni memoriâ praeditum, qui in Apologia Principum Catholicorum seribit, se non meminisse legere in Rom. Ecclesia Eucharistiam sub utrâque specie communicatam Laicis.— Mirum si non mem●crit, etc. Cassand. Consult. art. 22. p. 169. marveled at by their Cassander. And indeed this his oblivion may be reckoned among those marvels, which we call monsters, it is so altogether deformed; as appeareth not only by the instances used by the same Cassander, but also by the further * See the testimonies following. confessions of their Lyranus, Cardinal Bellarmine, and later Counsels, granting us the antiquity of the use of both kinds from the example of Christ his first institution, and from the custom of the primitive Church: the continuance whereof was seen in the first 300 years, in and after the days of S. p Huiusmodi consuctudo persevetavit ●●on solùm tempore Martyrum, quo● Cyptianus Dominico exemplo confortandos censuit, sed etiam tempor● pacis Ecclesiae. Caietanus in 3. part. Sum. Thomae. q. 80. art. 12. Sect. 2. Thu objection he doth not wholly deny, but saith, Alicubi ivit hoc consultum, alicubi non. Ibid. Cyprian; and other 300 after that, in the time of S. * Greg. See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Observe therewith these his other testimonies, Hom. in evang 22. In Psal. 6. poenit. & Dial. lib. 3. c. 36. Gregory. But our pains in further inquisition shall not need, seeing we have at hand so full and open a confession of our Adversaries, affirming of both the Greek and Latin Churches the q See above lib 4 cap. 16. Sect. 3 continuance hereof for a thousand years after Christ. As for the Church of Rome, it was not generally possessed of the contrary custom until a little before the Council of Constance, as their jesuits r See ibid. Costerus, s Coepit autem ea consuetudo in Ecclesia Latina esse generalis non multò ante tempora Concilij Constantiensis: in quo tandem p●o lege ab omnibus eam consuetudinem esse habendam, decretum est. Quod rursus est constitutum in Conc. Basiliensi, & Tridentino. Greg. de Valent. de legit. usu Sacr. Euch. cap. 10. §. Coepit autem. Valentia, and their Author t Vt in utraque specie Communio non prorsus abolita sit— usque ad Annum amplius 1300. donec haec consuetudo, in altera specie communicandi populi totam Ecclesiam Latinam penè invasit.— Quae consuetudo cum eam nonnulli ut netarram condemnarent, ● Conc. Constantiensi & Basiliensi probata & sancita fuit.— His qua; s●prà diximus, ration: but incitati (Catholics) summodesiderio potiundi Dominici calicis incenduntur, omnibusue modis contendunt, ut hoc salutare Sacramentam sanguinis Christi, uni cum Sacramento corporis, juxta veterem & multis seculis perpetuatam universalis Ecclesiae consuetudinem redu●atur. Cassander Consult. art 22. pag. 168. Cassander have affirmed. Thus have we the continuance of that custom, for which we plead, during the space of more than 1000 years: and can they require a more notable Innovation than this? 4 Notwithstanding, that we may furthermore discern what little grace the primitive antiquity can found among our Adversaries, we only require them to deliver their meaning, as they shall be cited to answer. First, their Bishops of the Council of Constance, opposing the latter custom unto the former; a Licet in primitiva Ecclesia huiusmodi Sacramentum reciperetur á fidelibus sub utiaque specie, posteà à conficientibus sub utraque, & á Lacis tantummodo sub specie panis suscipiatur,— etc. Then opposing the contrary custom: unde huiusmodi consuetudo ab Ecclesia & sanctis Patribus rationabiliter introducta & diutissime ob●etuata, sit habenda pro lege. quam non licet reprobare, aut sine Ecclesiae authoritate pro libito mutare— Sub poena exommunicationis, ut effectualiter puniant eos qui communicando populum sub utraque specie panis & vini, exho●tati fuerint, & sic faciendum esse docuerint. Conc. Constant Sess. 13. Although (say they) both kinds were received in the primitive Church, yet afterwards the custom of only one kind came in, which is now to be kept for a law, upon pain of excommunication against all them, who shall teach or practise the contrary. And their Fathers of the Council of Trent, b Etsi Christus Dominus in ultima Coena venerabile hoc Sacramentum in panis & vini speciebus instituit, & Apostolis tradidit: non tamen illa institutio & traditio eò tendunt, ut omnes Christi fideles statuto Domini ad utramque speciem accipiendam astringantur. Conc. Trid. Sess. 21. cap. 1. pag. 122. Although (say they) Christ delivered both kinds unto his disciples, yet did he not give any commandment that all the faithful should be likewise partakers of both. And c Si quis dixe●t sanctam Ecclesiam Catholicam non justis causis & rationibus adductam fuisse ut Laicos atque etiam Clericos non proficientes sub panis tantummodo specie communicaret, aut in eo errâsse, Anathema sit. Ibid. Sess. 21. cap. 2. if any shall say, that the Catholic (meaning the Roman) Church hath not altered this custom upon just causes, let him be Anathema. 5 Shall we be so bold with our Adversaries as to make known their just causes? One is (as they pretend,) d Christus institui: quidem sub duplici specie, sed non jussit da●i omnibus sub duplici. Ecclesia vetus ministrabat sub duplici specie, quando Christiani erant pauci, & praetetea non omnes accipiebant utramque speciem:— erescente autem multitudine, magis ac magis apparuit incommodum, ac paulatim desijt usus sub utraque. Bellar. lib. 4. de Euch. cap. 24. §. Neque. because in the ancient Church Christians were not many, but as the number of professors did increase, so by the experience of inconuemences, that ancient custom did by little and little decrease. The second, e Movit & quidem vehementer irreverentia & profanationes tanti Sacramenti, quae vix evitari possent in tanta multitudine, etc.] Bellar. ibid. cap. 28. in fine. In primitiva Ecclesia sub duplici specie dabatur, modò sub unica, propter periculum effusionis sanguinis. Lyranu● in 1. Cor. 11. because of reverence, jest that by spilling something, the Sacrament might be profaned: the third, f Tertium incom modum est, quòd multi abho●rent à vino. Bellar. quo suprà, cap. 24. §. Tertium. because many detest wine: the fourth, g Quartum est penuria vini, siquidem in multis reg●onibus vinum non crescit. Ibid. § Quartum. because in many places there is want of wine: the fift, h Movit uniformitas & concordia populi Christi●ni— nam q●i vinum non ferunt, ut abstemij, aut alij q●i comparare vinum non possunt, cogerentur nunquam aut ratissimè communicare. Bellar ibid. cap. 28. §. Tertio. because this begetteth an uniformity in the Church with persons abstemious, & with those that want wine: the sixt, i Esset periculum in falsae credulitatis inductione— primò quod tanta esset dignitas Laicorum circa sumptionem corporis Christi, sicut Sacerd●tum. Gerson contra haeres. come. sub utraquesp. Tom. 1. num. 17. apud Hospinian. because otherwise the Laity partaking both kinds might seem to be equalled in dignity with the Clergy: the seventh, k Quia videret eam ab haereticis ex errore oppugnari:— qui negabant concomitantiam. Bellar. quo supra. §. Secundò. because by this the opinion of concomitancy is maintained: the 8. (these two last serve rather for maintaining of that custom now altered) l Ratio sumi potest ex consensu & testimonio Ecclesiae posteriotis; nam constat ab annis plus octingentis fuisse usum in quibusdam Ecclesijs Communionis sub una specie, etiam in publico coetu fidelium. Bellar. lib. 4. de Euch. cap. 24. §. Quinta ratio. Primò movit Ecclesiam consuetudo iam recepta consensu gentium. Ibid. cap. 28. §. jam. because of the continuance of the custom of one kind in diverse Churches now for the space of 800 years: the 9 m Deinde, si latam legem quam plurimis retrò annis consuetudo iucundissimam effecerat, nulla evidenti necessitate convellatis, Patres; suspica●i multis in mentem veniet, aut vos illam temere nullo consilio tulisse olim, suscepisseue, aut susceptam cum ratione, & seruatam diutiss●●è in Christiana republs. nullâ vel causâ, vel ratione pro nihilo ducere: quo nihil fingi potest gravitate vestra, aut huius amplissimi ordinis maiestate magis indignum. Gaspar Cardillo Orat. ad SS. Synod. Trident. habita, anno 1562, as he is set down by the first Gallobelgicus Tom. 2. lib. 7. pag. 113. because if the law made against ministering in both kinds should be altered, some men would think that the Church had erred in her constitution. 6 What shall we say to these arguments? what? Nothing else, but that so many reasons are but so many reproaches against the wisdom of reverend Antiquity: the first; as though there had not been many Christian communicants in the primitive Church, when notwithstanding Tertullian even in the days of extreme persecution, durst boast (against the tyranny of infidels) of the innumerable number of visible and constant Christians, saying, n Externi sumus, & vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, etc. Tertull. Apolog. We fill your Cities and Isles, etc. How much more were the stars of this firmament (the Church of Christ) in the peace thereof, whilst the most of Africa, Asia, and Europe were professors of the faith? To the second, as though the reverend, martyred, & Apostolical age wanted reverence due unto Christ his institution. To the 3. 4. & 5. as though those former times for 600 years, & many thousand places of many thousand mile's distance, should differ from these latter ages in natural taste and use of wine. To the sixt; as though in this Christian communion there were any respect of persons with God, to esteem the Clergy more worthy herein than the Laity: the ancient Fathers do admit o Est autem ubi nihil differt Sacerdos à subdito, ut quando fruendum est horrendis mysterijs: similiter enim omnes, ut illa percipiamus, digni habemur. Non sicut in veteri lege, partem quidem Sacerdos comedebat, partem autem populus, & non licebat populo participem esse eorum, quorum particeps erat Sacerdos: sed nunc non sic, verùm omnibus unum corpu● proponitur, & poculum unum. Chrysostom. homil. 18. in 2. Cor. 8. Tom. 4. Tremendus hic calix pati cunctis conditione est traditus. Theoph in 1. Cor. 11. in verba, [Hoc facite.] no difference between the Priest & the people in participating of this Sacrament. To the 7. as though one error were to be supported with another. To the 8. as though (this is the hinge of the whole cause) a new custom were to be preferred before the old & Apostolical; and the consent of the now Roman Church, which is but a part of Christendom, before the general consent of the Greek & Roman Churches of former times: or the continuance of the new custom in some Churches for 800 years, before the endurance of the primitive and general custom for the space of more than a thousand: even in Romish countries, and in the p See above lib. 1. cap. 12. Sect. 2. f. Greek Church until this day. To the ninth; as though they might err, jest they should seem to have erred. 7 Yet jest any may think, that in this last part we beg a principle, imputing an error unto that custom, which cannot be proved; we are willing to refer ourselves unto our reader's judgement, maturated and rectified by observations arising out of the judgement of Popes, and our Adversaries own confessions. 8 When the Manichees did heretically believe that there was an evil spirit in wine, and did therefore abstain from receiving the cup, Pope Leo (Anno 450) noted this practice for q Sanguinem redemptionis nostrae omninò haurire declinant. ●eo serm. quadrag. 4. speaking against the heresy of the Manichees. sacrilegious: and Pope Gelasius condemning such communicants, said, r Comperimus quo d●m, ●umpto tantùm corporis sacri portione, à Calais sacrati cruoris abstineant, qui proculdubio (quoniam nescio qua superstitione docentur astringi) aut integra Sacramenta ac●ipiant, aut ab integris arceantur: quia divisio unius & eiusdem mysterij sine grandi sacrilegio non potest pertienire. Gelasius de consecrat. D. 2. C. Comperinius. Wherein he condemned not only the Priests, but also ●th●r communicants, as may be collected out of Bellarm. lib. 4. de Euch. cap. 26. Either let them take the whole and perfect Sacraments, or let them receive no part at all; for without great sacrilege they cannot be divided. 9 Yea and their Schoolmen did not spare to say, that s In primitiva Ecclesia omnes qui celebrationi Missarum intererant, singulis diebus communicare solebant, eò quod Apostoli omnes de Cali●e biberunt, Domino dicente, Bibite ex hoc omnes. Durandus in Ration. lib. 4. cap. 53. pag 381. in the primitive Church, all present at the Communion did participate of the cup, because, at the first institution, all the Apostles did so, by the commandment of Christ, saying, Drink you all of this: which use was practised in the assemblies under the Apostles, of t Omnes sine distinctione, Act. 10. In verita●e comperi, quia non est acceptor personarum Deus. Brel. in Can. Lect. 52. apud Hospinian. all, without distinction, because there is no respect of persons with God: that u Qui solam hostiam recipit, non plenum sacramentalitèr recipit Sacramentum.— Etsi enim in hostia consecrata Christi sanguis fit, non tamen est ibi sacramental ter, eò quod panis corpus, non sanguinem, & vinum sanguinem significat, non corpus. Durandus lib. 4. cap. 55. teste Hospinian, hist. Sacrament lib. 4. pag. 374. Licet, inquit, illa sumptio, quae est in accipiendo sub una specie, sufficiat: illa tamen, quae sub duabus, est maioris meriti, tum ratione augmentationis, tum ratione fidei dilatatioris octualis, tum ratione sumptionis completiotis. Alex Alens. q. 53. teste Hospin. ibid. pag. 457. §. Scholastici etiam. Albertus Magnus in 4. Sent. dist. 8. art. 13. ait, Duplicem esse in hoc Sacramento perfectionem: Christi ipsius, & Sacramenti, secundùm quod veniat in usum fidelium. Priore modo dicit verum esse, Christum esse perfectum, sub utraque specie: secundo modo videri sibi falsum: quia non perfect● signetur & causetur usus fidelium, & unitas corporis mystici, nisi duplici signo: & ideo virtute Sacramenti oportere utrumque habere. Ex Hospin ibid. the receiving in one kind only, wanteth the perfection of a sacramental receiving, wherein Christ's blood is not sacramentally taken: and is of less worthiness than the other, both in regard of faith, and manner of receiving: seeming to be so requisite unto the Bohemians, that x Testatur Alexander de Hales, Quosdam religiosos peti●sse & institisse, ut sub utraque specie sumeretur Sacramentum. In 4. Sent. q. 53. Teste Hospin. quo suprà, pag. 374 religious men (about the year 1230) did instantly desiere it: that after the Council of Constance (which y Alexander Halensis obijt Anno 1245. Possevinus Ies. apparat was Anno 1414) the Bohemians spared not their best blood in defence of this Sacrament of Christ his blood: that in the Council of Trent (about the year 1562) it was countenanced by the z Dum maior eruditorum Episcoporum, eaque potior pars in eam sententiam conans pe●ibus iret, ut laicis calicem concedendum esse iudicaret: alij magna contentione resisterent, ne quid incommodi tantus dissertationum ardour coeptis de morum & opinionum reformatione, rebus afferret Cassander Episi. praesixa Tract. de Commun. sub utraque specie, apud Hospinianum. greater part of Bishops: that after this Council it was greatly a Neque verò mirum est, si rudis & imperita multitudo in cum erro●em induci potuit, ut sine magno conscientiae scrupulo à chalice ab●●inere se non: osse persuasum habeat: cum etiam peritiss●mos & maximè pios ac Catholicos viros eam sententiam multis rationibus tue●i videamus, ut sub utraque, qu●m cum alterutra tantùm specie communicantes, ma●orem consequi gratiam arbitrantur: vestr à isti misericordiâ digni sunt Patres sanctissimi Ex scripio D. Caesar. Oratorum ad D. S. Conc. Trid. Legatis, in lib. Gallico, which is instiled, Acts du Concile de trent, pag. 214. affected and approved by (as they will be called) the most godly and learned Catholics. 10 So that if the Apologists require of us notes of resistance against this so notorious alteration, they may be satisfied to know that this was sufficiently oppugned by their own Popes, who called the receiving of this Sacrament in only one kind a * Speaking against the Manichees manner of communicating, who were not Priests, but of the La●kss; and so ●●med it not in respect of their opinion, which he would have called Heretical, but in respect of violating the Sacramental institution, and therefore named it Sacraledge. sacrilegious division. Secondly, by the religious in the days of Alensis. Thirdly, by the Bohemians, suffering persecution in that behalf. Fourthly, by the greater part of Bishops in the Council of Trent. Fiftly, by the contrary wishes and desires of many learned and godly. Lastly by the continued ancient custom of the Grecians unto this day. And all this by all these; notwithstanding the Romish pretence of inconveniences for patronizing their confessed Innovation and change. 11 We have yet reserved to this last place, one memorable answer of their Cardinal Cusanus, thereby to show the desperateness of their cause. He being urged with the commandment of Christ in defence of the ancient and necessary use of both kinds, doth thus evade; b Dicesfortassis: Ecclesia hodierna non ita ambulat in ritu communionis, sicut ante ista tempora, quando sanctissimi viri utriusque speciei Sacramentum necessarium esse vi p●aecepti Christi, & verbo & opere astruebant. Potuit ne t●nc Ecclesia errare? Certè non; quodsi non, quomodo id hodiè verum non est, quod tunc omnium opinion affirmabatur, cum non sit alia Ecclesia ista, quim illa? Cert●'s hoc te non moveat quòd diversis temporibus alius & ali●s ritus Sacrific●orum, & etiam Sacramentorum stante veritate, invenitur, Scipturasue esse ad tem pus adaptatas, & variè intellectas, ita ut uno tempore secun dum currentem universalem ritum exponerentur; mutato ritu, iterum sententia mutaretur. Card. Cusanus Epist. 2 de usu Commun. ad Bohemos, pag. 833. Scriptures (saith he) according unto their diverse occasions of times, are to admit diverse constructions: as though later times could countermand the primitive. If novelty itself could speak, would it desire a better patronage for all kind of Innovations than this? Whereunto it will be sufficient for this time to oppose the judgement of their own Lorichius, who in the zeal which he had to the commandment of Christ, saying, Drink you all of this, doth call all them c Ge●a●dus Lorichius, suae factionis acerrimus, & Transubstant & primatus Papae, & Missae propugnator, in libro de Missa publica proroganda, sit scribit: Sunt pseudocatholici, qui reformationem Ecclesiae quoquo modo remorari non verentur. Hi ne Laicis altera species restituatur, nullis pa●cunt blasphemijs. Dicunt enim Christum solis Apostolis dixisse, Bibite ex eo omnes. Atqui verba Canonis habent, Accipite & manducate ex hoc omnes. Hîc dicant, o●o● nùm & hoc dictum fit ad solos Apostolos. ●rgo Laicis & à specie panis est abstinendum: quod dicere est haeresis, & blasphemia pestilens & execrabilis. Consequitur ergo, utrumque verbum dictum esse ad omnem Ecclesiam. Haec noster Hospinian. lib. 5. pag. 459. Pseudocatholicks, that is, false Catholics, who by a false Gloss do hinder the reformation of the Church herein. 12 Again, the Church used primitively d Decr●ta Zephy●ini Papae, ex lib. Pontificali Damasi Papae, anno Domini 203. Et fecit constitutum de Ecclesia, ut patinas vitre as Ministri ante Sacerdotes portarent, dùm Episcopus Missam celebraret.— De chalice vitreo scribit Greg. lib 1. Dial. c. 7. Hieron. Epist. 4. ad Rust. Epiph. haeres. 34. glassen & wooden cups, which afterwards by Pope e De aureo, argenteo, & ligneo legimus ex vita S. V●bani, & Aug. Epist. 165. quia t●m ob fragilitatem usus vitrei calicis periculosus est, tandem in Conc. Rhemensi, circà tempora Caroli Magni, stat●tum est, ut, calix Domini, si non ex auro, omninò ex argento, aut saltem stanneum fie●et. Binius tom. 1. in Decret. Zeph. Papae, ex Barony. Zachary were changed into golden and silver, or tin once: so likewise f Et puto Christum non tradidisse proprijs manibus in ora Apostolorum Eucharistiam, sed ex patina quisque suis manibus sumpsit suam particulam, ut moris fuit in primitive Ecclesiâ, usque ad sextam Synodun. Salmeron Ies. in 1. Cor. 11. d●sp. 19 p. 153. I do think (saith their jesuite) that Christ in his administration of the Sacrament, put not the bread into the Disciples mouths, but every one took a part of the bread out of the dish with his own hands. But this custom was long after altered, when their Church ordained that men, for reverence, should not take the Sacrament with their naked hands. 13 Another alteration crept into the Romish Service, grounded perchance upon the same opinion of reverence, viz. the forbearing to break the bread unto the people: for in the primitive Church, h Addit (Apostolu●) [Panis quem frangimus:] In quo alludit ad appellationem, qu● dicitur fractio panis, Luc. 24. Act. 2. & 20. Nam olim ex pane uno sua cuique particula frangi consueverat, quo melius omnium in unum Christi corpus adunatio repraesentaretur. Salmeron Ies. in 1. Cor. 10. Disp. 17. pag. 138. the bread used to be broken (saith their jesuite Salmeron,) and to be distributed apart unto the people out of the same loaf, that the communion of all (Christians) in one mystical body might thereby be better represented. What wisdom shall we call this, which altereth that custom, which the ancient primitive Church held (as from the * Namely 600. years after Christ, as appeareth by the Council of Constantinople, which was Anno 681. g Ve●ùm ob sacram huius mysterij singularem venerationem, Ecclesia instituit, ne Laici nudâ manu Eucharistiam attingerent, sed à Sacerdote in os sumentis immitteretur Durant. derit●h. Eccles. lib. 2. pag. 557. num. 18. institution of Christ) for the better? Well had it been that as they changed glassen cups into silver and gold, they had not also (which saying was once applied unto * Bonifacius Martyr & Episcopus, interrogatus si liceret in vasis ligneis Sacramenta conficere, respondit: quondam sacerdotes aurei ligneis calicibus utebantur: nunc è contra, lignei Sacerdotes aureis utuntur calicibus. Walfrid. de rebus Eccles. cap. 24. pag▪ 101. Priests) changed golden religion into earthen superstition. For so may we esteem of theirfore said Innovation, whereby the substantial being of bread is changed into a transubstantiall being of flesh; a distinct separation into a confusion; a whole communion into an half; hands into mouths, & the custom of breaking of bread unto the people, disannulled; as if by these alterations they had meant to put Antiquity unto silence. CHAP. XXIII. Of other confessed Romish Innovations in their supposed Sacrifice, Elevation, private Mass, and Murmuration; besides the abuses of the Sacrament by purgation of innocency, and the superstitious end of Reservation. SECT. 1. AMong other novelties in this case, our Adversaries have condescended to think, that the a See above lib. 2 cap. 7. Sect. 11. And Antiquity used a taking of the Sacrament, and showing it unto the people, but not by the Romish Elevation. Elevation of the host (as it it now used in the Church of Rome either, before or after consecration) cannot be proved to have been instituted by Christ in his last supper: nor that Christ did offer therein either b See ibid. a Sacrifice properly propitiatory, yea or a proper Sacrifice of his corporal presence. Which example of Christ being the archetypon of all Catholic antiquity, may be our ward against our adversaries exceptions to the contrary: according unto the practice of their Cardinal Bellarmine, who rejected some points in old Liturgies, which carried in them a colour of antiquity, even c See above lib. 1. cap. 10. Sect. 2. because they were not warrantable either by the precept, or example of Christ. We leave unto their own Author the complaint of little wafers and their new form, d Has Sacerdotum oblatas, quae nunc ad imaginem num morum, & ad tenuissimam quandam, & levissimam formam, à veri panis specie alienissimam, redactae sunt, per contemptum ab Ord●nis Romani expositore vocari Minutias nummulariarum oblatarum, quae panis vocabulo indignae sint, & propter quas Ecclesiasticum officium, eiusque religio magnoperè per omnem modum confundatur. Cassander in Liturg. fol. 66. Teste Hospiniano de re Sacram. lib. 4. pag. 371. which scarce deserve the name of bread, that we may more pertinently insist upon a more intolerable Innovation. 2 Whilst as the Romish Priest doth appropriate the cup unto himself, and secludeth Christian people from it, his sacramental communion (as hath been confessed) is but an half administration: but when moreover he useth that, which they call a private Mass, e Missa privata dicitur aliquando quae sit, nimirùm, in loco privato, licet aliâ in significatione ea dicitur, in qua solus (Sacerdos) celebrans communicate. Lorinus Ies. in Act. 2. 46. wherein (as their jesuite describeth it) the Priest alone doth participate the Sacrament, this turneth the communion into no communion at all. And herein their Priesthood (we think) doth contradict the rule of priestly * And the Lord said, Who is a faithful steward and wise, whom the master shall make ruler over his household, to give them their portion of meat in due season. Luc. 12. 42. stewardship, whereby the Minister is appointed to give unto Christ his family their due portion. Against this kind of violation of the Sacrament, Antiquity hath cried aloud from the mouths of our Romish Adversaries themselves. One, f Sunt qui in Missa communionem requirant: sic, fateor, à Christo fuit institutum, & ita olim consuevit observari. Erasmus de Concord. Eccles. versus sinem. Tempore Apostolorum Christiani quotidiè communicabant. Maldonat. Ies. Summ. q. 24. Art 2. Christ (saith he) did institute it in a communion, and so it was wont to be practised: another, g Inprimis haec precatio solennis potissimum Missae, in qua est conventus populi, & collecta aliqua, panem & vinum osferentium, convenit: quem antiquiss. Ecclesiae fuisse morem, noussimum est. Cassander Consult. art. 24. De Iteratione. pag. 223. The joint communion with the people (saith he) is notoriously known to have been most ancient. A third (who lived 500 years ago,) h unde Oddo Cameracensis in Cancrone scribit, Missas solitarias antiquitus in usu Ecclesiae non fuisse.— Et alius quidam Ecclesiasticarum rerum periussimus scriptor antè annos 500 ita scriptum reliquit: Sciendum juxta antiquos Patres, quod soli communicantes divinis mysterijs interest consueve●unt. unde ante oblationem iubebantur exire, Catechumeni▪ & alij. qui nondum se praeparaverunt ad communicandum.— Nec propriè Communio dici potest, nisi plures d● eodem sacrificio participent. Teste Cassandro Consult. art. 24. pag. 216. 217. They only (saith he) are to be present at the Mass, who do communicate, otherwise it is not to be called a communion. A fourth, i ●t hunc ●uisse antiquum Ecclesiae Romanae morem, doctissin● quique agnoscunt.— Itaque hac nostra aetate reverendus Pater, & vit doctor. johannes Hoffmeisterus his verbis suam sententiam declaravit: Res, inquit, clamat, tam in Graeca quàm in Latina ecclesia non solum Sacerdorem sacrificantem, sed reliquos Presbyteros & Diaconos, nec non & reliquam plebem, aut saltem pl●bis aliquam partem communicásse: quod quomodo cessaverit mirandum est, &, ut bonus ille usus in Ecclesiam revocetur, laborandum. Teste eod●m, verbis seqq. The thing itself speaketh, that not only Priests, but Deacons, and common people used anciently to communicate together both in the Greek and Latin Church; and how this is ceased (saith he) it is to be marveled. But why should any marvel hereat? for their Cochlaeus doth tell us, that k Cochlaeus de Sacrificio Missae. Quod, inquit, olim tam frequentes non fuerint Misae, inde accidisse arbitror, quod olim omnes tum Sacerdotes, tum Laici quicunque intererant sacrificio Missae, peracta oblatione, cum sacrificante communicabant: sicut ex Can. Apost. & ex libris atque epist. antiquissimorum Ecclesiae Doctorum perspicuè cognoscitur. — Tum adiungit: Nunc verò postquam Communionis ordo à nobis observari desijt, idque propter negligentiam atque socordiam tam plebis quàm Sacerdotum, Spiritus sanctus Missas privatas celebrando, pium remedium huic defectui invenit. Teste Hospiniano lib. 4. hist. Sacram. pag. 330. 331. where as anciently, as appeareth both by the Apostolical Canons, and the ancient writings of the Doctors of the Church, all the Priests and people present at the Sacrifice, did communicate together: yet since this order ceased through the negligence and slothfulness both of Priests and people. 3 Not marvel then if even among the Romanists some can do no less then with a reformation herein: l See above at the letter, h. in the margin. Well it were, (saith Hoffmeisteius) and we aught to endeavour it, that some remedy might be had. But Rome once erring (which is the bottomless pit of error) will not turn her neck aside to see her own error, and to acknowledge it. Which consideration, perhaps, caused their Cassander to wish a reformation with despair, saying, that m Cassander. it may rather be wished, than hoped for: albeit their own Doctors have not doubted to judge our now Protestant custom the n Gene● aliter est dicendum, quod illa est legitima Missa, in qua sunt Sacerdos, respondens, off●rens, atque communicans, sicut ipsa precum compositio evidenti ratione demonstrate. Durandus Episc. Rational. lib 4. cap. 1. p. 174. So doth Walfridus de reb. Eccles. cap. 22. most legitimate. 4 Nay, although all Scriptures were silent, and ancient writings dumb, yet the very Canon of the now Romish Mass doth daily put Rome in mind of her error herein: for, o Dubium non est, quin unà cum ipso Sacerdote aliqui adfue●●nt, qui haec sacrificia laudis offerebant, & Sacramentum participa●●ant: Id enim Canonis verba manifestè significant, ut cùm dicitur, Quotquot ex hac altaris participatione sacrosanctum corpus & sanguinem filij tui sumpserimus; Item, Prosint nobis, Domine, Sacramenta quae sumpsimus: Certè ex tota Canoms compositione manifestè apparet, totam illam mysticam, in qua Canon adhibebatur, actionem vel publicam, vel certè inter plures semper celebratam fuisse. Quod si hodiè quoque impetrari impetrari queat, facilè verus eius intellectus restitui possit. — Cassander Consult. art. 24. §. De iteration, pag. 223. Ex Canone quodam Concilij Naneten. sis Saccerdos solus Missam celebrated vetatur, absu●dum enim est, ut dicat, Dominus vobiscum, Sur●um corda, Gratias agamus Deo Domino nostro, cum nullus sit qui respondeat;— aut, Oremus, cum nullus sit qui secum o●et. Itaque concludit, ridiculosam superstitionem illam maximè à Monasterijs monachorum exterminandam esse.— Et huic Concil. Nanetensis Decreto simile reperitur in Conc. Papiensi, cap. 132 ut nullus Presbyter solus Missam celebrated praesumat. Cassander ibid. §. De solitarijs Missis. pag. 215. the words of the Canon are manifest (saith their learned Consulter) as where it is said of the Priest, Quotquot etc. As many of us as have been partakers etc. and again, Bless, OH Lord, these Sacraments unto us, which we have received. Afterwards he allegeth a Canon of a Council forbidding that any Priest should say Mass alone, because it is an absurdity for a Priest to say thus [The Lord be with you,] or, [Let us give thanks unto thee, o Lord,] when there was none to make answer: so that the p Cur autem Canon noster alijs in superstitionem, alijs in contemptum adductus sit, in causa potissimum est mutatio prisci ritus, ad quem nonnullis locis Canonis verba alludunt. Quapropter ut ab utroque, hoc est, superstitione & contemp●u vindicetur, opus est ut quaedam ad priscum morem ex ipsius Canonis praeseripto, ●evocentur, vel certè ad priscum morem referenda esse, nonnulla verba Canonis intelligantur. Cassander Consult. art. 24. pag 222. alteration of the ancient order hath caused some to contemue their (Romish) Canon of the Mass. 5 Here again the importunate challenge of the Romish Apologists becometh ridiculous, whilst as they exact in all changes, in matters of moment, a demonstration of the certain Times, Authors, and Resisters of such Innovations, or else will not have it imagined that Rome is degenerated from herself. Is not here a confessed matter of moment, the celebration of a Sacrament? Is there not a notable change, a communion into no communion? shall we not judge it heinous, which their own Authors cannot but deplore? must it not be called notorious, which their own Canon doth daily contradict? Yet in this most certain change what greater uncertainty of the direct time, and inventors, than when our Adversaries in showing the cause why it crept into the Church, are compelled to marvel at the manner, how? 6 Unto the former novelties we add two other, to make up this mess more full, even the Romish fashion of q Si quis dixerit Ritum Romanae Ecclesiae, qua submissa voce— veiba consecrationis profe●untur, damnandum esse,— Anathema sit. Conc. Trid. Sess 22 cap. 9 can. 9 reciting the words of consecration in a secret & unaudible voice; which custom their late Council of Trent will not have reproved upon danger of an Anathematization: but without just cause, if we will be zealous imitators of antiquity, rather than superstitious innovators & inventors of novelties: For their Cardinal Bellarmine, howsoever he seek to paraphrase upon the point, yet doth he grant, that r Respondeo, Christi etc. but is contented to grant, that Christus ita loquebatur, ut ab Apostolis audiretur. Bellar. lib. 2. de M●ssa, ca 12 §. Respondeo Christ's. Christ uttered the words of consecration with an audible voice. Their jesuit Salmeron granteth, that s Certè si Liturgias ●raeco●um consulas, invenies tam in Missa ●acobi Apostoli, & Clementis Rom. quàm in illis quae aeditae sunt à Basilio, & Chry ●ostomo▪ quòd ubi Sacerdos protulisset alta voce verba consecrationis, tam post panis, quàm post vini consecrationem, populus acclamabat, dicendo Amen. Idem etiam confirmatur ex Leone, Augustino, Ambrosio, & alijs multis Patribus. Salmeron Ies. come in 1. Cor. 14 disp. 22 §. His igitur. in the Missals of S. james, Clement, Basil (if we shall suppose these to have been the authors of such Missals) and in the judgement of Pope Leo, Augustine, Ambrose, and other Fathers, the words of consecration were to be spoken with a loud voice. 7 This consent of antiquity may well warrant us to neglect the Romish Anathema, and rather submit ourselves unto the equity of the Imperial law of justini●n, who t jubemus ut omnes Episcopi & Presbyteri non tacito modo, sed clara voce, quae à populo exaudiatur, sacram oblationem celebrent, quò maiori devotione in depromendis Domini Dei laudibus audientium animi esterantur. Et paulò post:— Scituris religiosissimis Sacerdotibus, quòd si quid horum neglexerint, in horrendo judicio magni D●i, & seruatoris nostri jesu Christi, de his rationem reddent; neque nos haec cognoscentes conquiescemus relinquemusque. justiman Imperat. Novel. Constit. 123. Extra. 123. Teste Hospin. Just. Sacram. pag. 169. commanded all Bishops and Priests, in the administration of the Sacrament to deliver the words audibly, knowing that they are to give an account of all these things before the dreadful judgement seat of Christ jesus. Therefore may it not be thought to be a matter of small moment, being so plain a derogation from the institution of Christ, by the innovation of u Vigilius (inquit Ma●●inus Polonus) statuit ut Canon nunquam legatur nisi super sacrificia in altari consecrata, voce submissa. Teste Hospin. l. 2. Hist. Sacr. pa. 169. Pope Vigilius, who lived about the year 545. after Christ. 8 The second concerneth the lawful use of this Sacrament, which is the remembrance of Christ his death: nevertheless (about the year 870.) x Si te innoxium recognoscis à▪ rohibito tibi à Nicholas adulterij scelere, etc.— accede, & Sacramentum salutis aeternae percipe: Si autem tua te conscientia accusat,— nequaquam sume●e praesumas. Thus Hospin. lib. 3. hist. Sacram. pag. 287. ex. Sigeberto, Anno 870. Adding, Pontifex Lotharium Imperatorem Lodovici silium invitat ad contestandam innocentiam suam. Pope Nicholas urged the Emperor Lotharius to receive the Sacrament, to this end, viz. that he might testify his innocency thereby, and so free himself from the imputation of adultery: and ordained that in Monasteries, where there was a question of theft, y Saepè contingit ut in Monasterijs Monachor● furta perpetrentu●: idcirco statuimus, ut cum fratres de ●alibus expurgare se dicunt, Missa ab Abbate celebretur,— & sic, explete Missà, omnes communicentur in haec ve●ba: Corpus Domini sit tibi hodiè in probationem. Decret. Nicolai apud Grat. cause. 2. q. 5. C. S●●pè contingit. every mouth should receive this Sacrament, for their purgation, in this form: Be this unto thee for thy trial. But afterwards z Dicendum est, quòd Decreta illa sunt abrogata per contraria Decreta Rom. Pontificum. Aquinas part. 3. q. 80. art. 6. ad. 3. arg. those decrees (saith their Aquinas) were abrogated by other Popes. 9 Here the Romish Apologists may obseruea Pope innovating, and (this being in a matter of divine nature) notoriously. If they reply, that this notorious Innovation found a notable resistance, this we say is most true, it was resisted by contrary decrees of their own Popes: but when? The decrees show, that it was not until long after: which argueth the frivolousnesse of their objection from * See above. resistance. Yet how shall we think all this profaneness fully abolished, whilst as their disciples take that Sacrament of the remembrance of Christ his bloody passion and death for man's redemption from hell, and use it for a pledge and bond unto themselves in their bloody a Their Conspirators in the Powder treason: Anno Domini 1605. Mens. Novemb. 5. designments, for the conspiring and attempting the death of Prince and people? 10 Besides all this, the now Romish purpose of reservation, and manner of circumgestation of the host in their procession, hath been confessed to be but a b See above lib. 2 cap. 3. late invention, contrary unto the institution of Christ. For (as one of their Schoolmen hath further observed) c Gabriel Biel in Can. Lect. 36.— Manducatio, inquit, & potio huius Sacramenti est usus. Hinc & volens discipulos suos fructus huius Sacramenti participes fieri, postquam corpus suum consecravit, non sis●ebat in consecratione; neque dedit Discipulis ut ipsum honorificè conseruarent, sed dedit in sui usum, dicens, Accipite & manducate. Et quoniam per usum manducatio transit, & consumitur, dedit eyes, quoties vellent, consecrandi potestatem, dum addit, Hoc facite in meam commemorationem, ut ita nunquam fructu (usum Sacramenti consequent) privarentur propter Sacramenti carentiam & defectum. Teste Hospiniano lib. 4. hist. Sacram. pag. 471. the eating and drinking of the Sacrament is the use thereof; therefore Christ, when he had consecrated it, he did furthermore give it unto his Disciples, not that they should honourably reserve it, but that they should by eating it, be made partakers of the fruit thereof. We proceed to speak Of other confessed Innovations in the Romish Mass, which is revolted from the signification of the name Mass; from their more ancient form; and that that which is yet retained, is infected with soul impieties. SECT. 2. 11 The name of Mass hath sought antiquity from an Hebrew root, but is * See above lib. 1 cap. 2. Sect. 3 confessed to have grown from a Latin word, and that also of a later plant, which by signification betokeneth a a Sed hîc operae erit pretium verba Gregorij ex Cassandro refer: praef. de utraque sp.— Propter hoc certè, ait, dicitur Missa, quoniam mittendi sunt foras per Diaconum, qui non participant Sacrificio, vel Communione sancta. Proindè cùm Christus sit Dei justitia, Ecclesia autem justitiae norma, utpotè, super Christum fundata: verùm enimuero justitia dicitur, qua cuique sua tribuuntur: cum hoc, inquam, ita sit, quomodo Missa erit, nisi quod suum est ei permissum fuerit? scil. ut Diaconus faciat exire, quos non oportet sacris mysterijs interest. Item, omne quod pro re aliqua agitur, tamdiu imperfectum probatur, quamdiu de est illi hoc, propter quod agitur: sed Missa pro eo dicitur, quòd qui divinis Sacramentis interest non debent, exire iubentur: (idem est exire quod mitti) igitur nisi ad vocem Diaconi, more maiorum, non communicantes exire praecipiantur, officium, quod usitato nomine Missa dicitur, ritè non perficitur. Cassander, teste Hospin. hist. Sacram. lib. 2. pag. 182. dismission of the non-communicants, and not suffering them to be present at the celebration of these Sacraments: so that where this dismission and exception is not (as indeed it is not found in the Romish Mass,) there (saith their own Author) that which we call Mass is not so rightly performed, as to deserve the proper name of Mass. 12 Neither doth it beseem the Romanists to exact of us a remonstrance of the definite beginnings of all changes, who being demanded to express from what Authors the diverse alterations of the Canons of their Mass had their beginnings, b Quis verò fuerit author huius Canonis, vel praecepti, recitandi illum, ab authoribus diligenter inqui●itur: Haeretici verò, ut Canonis authoritat●m elevent, dicunt authorem cius fuisse Scholasticum quendam, c●ius mentioné facit Greg. lib. 7. epist. 63.— Dicendum verò est, non posse unum certum authorem huius Canonis designari. Suarez Ies. Tom. 3. q. 83. art. 4. disp. 83. Sect. 2. pag. 1104. cannot satisfy us herein. 13 Much ado there was about the c jacobus de Vorag. in Legenda 46. de Greg. Adrian. 1. Anno Dom. 790 convocavit Synodum:— omnium Patrum haec sententia una fuit, ut Missale Ambrosianum & Gregorianum super altar B. Petri Apostoli pone●ent, & fores ●●clesiae optimè clauderentur, ac plurimorum Episcoporum sigillis diligentissimè munirentur, ipsiue tota nocte orationi insisterent, ut Dominus per signum aliquod reve●aret, quodnam horum ab Ecclesijs magis serua●i vellet: sicue per omnia, ut ordinaverant, facientes, manè ianuas Ecclesiae aperuerunt, & utrumque Missale super a tare apertum invenerunt, vel, ut alij asserunt, Miss●le Gregorianum penitus dissolutum, & huc illucue dispersum invenerunt; Ambrosianum autem solummodo apertum, super altar in eodem loco, in quem posuerant, repererunt. Quo signo divinitus sunt edocti, ut Gregorianum Officium deberet per mundum totum dispergi, Ambrosianum autem tantùm in sua Ecclesia obseruati. Sicue sancti Patres, ut divinitus edocti fuerant, statuerunt, & sic usque hody obseruatur. Adrianus 1 Papa, circa Annum 790. Teste Hospin. hist. Sacram. lib. 3. cap. 5. pag. 248. Missals ascribed unto S. Ambrose, and S. Gregory, for to know whether form should be rather admitted universally in the Church: they put the trial hereof unto a miracle, intending to prefer that which God by some revelation should rather approve. To this end they ᶜ lay them upon the altar, lock the doors, and expect some visible token of discerning them, from God. In the morning behold S. Ambroses' lieth on the table, as they left it, but S. Gregory's is found dissolved into parts, which were here and there scattered: whereby they were instructed from God (saith their Author,) that the Missal of S. Ambrose was to be used only in his Church, but the other of S. Gregory was to be dispersed and exercised throughout the world. 14 This Legend we have propounded, not in an opinion of the truth thereof, but to notify how prove our Adversaries are to prefer that which is the less ancient, & that also upon a silly conceit; because, forsooth, it was found dissolved and dispersed: which by the Scripture phrase should have rather persuaded them that God did reject it as abominable, according as it is written, * Deut. 28. Disperget eum Deus. & Psal. 88 Disperget inimicos. & Psal. 91. Dispergentur, qui operantur iniquitatem. Disperse and scatter mine enemies, o Lord, etc. 15 But be their form of Mass and Liturgy old or new, call they it as they please, Ambrosian or Gregorian (the latter whereof is confessed to have been in Gregory his time, d See above lib. 1. cap. 3. Sect. 1 a newly invented form of Service:) yet if all their Missals be altogether godly and consonant unto true antiquity, we are bound to allow & justify them: contrarily if they be fraught with impieties, they themselves aught as well to detest them. Hear we then their own Romanists, not of obscure or neglected note, but of public and eminent approbation in their Church. Lindanus greatly complaining of some of their Anthems and prayers, saith, that they are polluted with foul faults: insomuch that their Espencaeus and Driedo suspected them to have been f See above lib. 1. cap. 3. Sect. 5. out of Espencaeus in 1. Tim. Digress. lib. 1. cap. 11. invented by heretics. These are ugly Innovations possessing the parts of their solemn worship: but can the Apologists tell when, and how they crept in, or by whom then they were presently resisted? If they can show us a due resistance, how then have they remained in their Liturgies? If they cannot demonstrate these changes accordingly, then are they but unequal disputants, who prescribe unto others rules and properties of change, which they will not acknowledge, when they are objected against themselves. e Quodsi nostra conspiceret (Agobertus Lugdun. Episcopus) Antiphonaria. Deum immortalem, quo eos pingeret nomine, ubi non Apocrypha modò ex evangelio Nicodemi, & alijs nugis sunt infarta: sed ipsae adeò secretae preces sunt mendis turpissimis conspurcatae. Lindanus de oped. genere Interp. lib. 3. cap. 3. fol. 102. CHAP. XXIIII. Of other confessed Innovations in the doctrines of Freewill, and Merit: and against Sola fides. SECT. 1. THE freewill of man was, in the integrity of man's nature, indeed, a freeborn, and had a natural ability in itself to consent unto good: but after the first fall of that one man (in whose loins all mankind took an hereditary limp, and rebellious disposition) it become a bondslave of sin, and of c Ibid. Sect. 5. lit. 0. the Devil, and, in respect of any perfect good, altogether a dead creature. As d Quibus argumentis infideles ad certam Ecclesiae notitiam induci possint. Primum est, eam congregationem Ecclesiae nomen mereri, quae plus attingit Dei cognitionem, & immaculatiorem cultum praestat, & quae superbam & elatam naturam hominis magis deprim●t, & ad sui ipsius perfectiorem cognitionem perducit, ut hac ratione minus sibi tribuere, vel viribus suis nullo modo confidere homo cogatur. Secundum, lex illa, quae excellentiora opera charitatis proximo impendere jubet, magis est digna nomine Ecclesiae. Salmeron Ies. in ep. Pauli in genere, disp. 2. §. Sed iam. pag. 180. for the Romanists, who have attributed unto the natural man an indifferent power of consenting or dissenting unto good, they have been repulsed by the positions of their own Doctors, which teach from the judgement of ancient Fathers: first, that there is a a See above lib. 1 cap. 10. Sect. 9 lit. e. in marg. physical motion in the exciting grace. Secondly, that the b Ibid. Sect. 10. lit. a. in marg. will is not the principal agent in the act of consent unto good, because it is but an instrument of grace. Thirdly, that grace doth determinate the will. 2 In this cause we hold it furthermore very observable, which their jesuite Salmeron hath commendably published to the confutation of infidelity. The first argument (saith he) for proof of a true Church, is, that it performeth a more inviolable worship, and that it doth more depress the pride of man's nature, yielding less unto his natural power. Now whether this note may not justify Protestants, in respect of the Romanists, as it doth the Romanists, in comparison of infidels (although not in an equal degree,) the wisdom of our Christian Reader will easily discern by this controversy concerning Freewill. 3 From their opinion of Freewill their doctrine of Merit hath had an original: both that which they call de congruo, which many of their own teachers have termed a e See above lib. 3 cap. 9 Sect. 3 new invention, and contrary unto the judgement of ancient Doctors; as also the other, which they name de condigno, which their learned Schoolmen, as namely, Waldensis and Pigghius, together with diverse other principal Readers in their Schools, have judged to be f See above lib. 2 ca 11. Sect. 8. no universal or Catholic, and consequently no ancient doctrine. 4 An other principal question there is concerning sola fides, that is, faith only justifieth; whereby is not signified, that faith is alone in a justified man (for a justifying faith * Galat. 5. 6. worketh by love;) but that it is the only gift of grace, which is ordained as the hand of the regenerate soul, to apprehended and apply the remission of sins, by the virtue of Christ his passion, whereby only a sinner is justified before God's tribunal. Hereof Erasmus hath truly thus affirmed: g Haec vox [Sola] tot clamoribus lapidata hoc seculo in Luthero, reverenter legitur & auditur in Patribus, Erasmus, as he is cited by Lubbertus de Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 2. pag. 247. Sola fides, which (saith he) is stoned to death in Luther, (meaning, by the Romanists) is reverently heard and received from the ancient Fathers. Doubtless; for if they had a due and reverend esteem of the sense of the Fathers in their sola fides, they could not be so censorious, as to command in the Protestants h In the Indices of chrusostom and divers other Fathers. See all their Indices Expurg. Indices of the books of ancient Fathers, the very term of sola fides to be blotted out: who may be confuted by that form of confession, which Anselme (who lived Anno 1096) is supposed to have prescribed unto all sick men, as the only cordial, & (that we may so call it) the extreme unction at the hour of death, teaching the sick party to resolve i invenio ego librum quendam in Sacrario parochiah Ecclesiae nostrae, scriptum Anno salutis 1475. quo semper ab eo tempore, viz. ab annis centum & eo aniplius visitandis & ad mortem praeparandis infirmis usi sumus. In eo quaestiones aliquot reperiuntur, in linguam Germanicam Coloniensem, qualis ea rum fuit, conversae, quas aiunt D. Anselmum fecisse, proponendas ijs hominibus, qui ad mortem in Domino foeliciter obeundam praeparantur. Caeterum eae quaestiones, totam humanae salutis rationem, adeoque thesaurum, & nu●leum Christianismi quasi brevi pugillo complectuntur. Lubet quaedam ex ijs hoc loco in●erere. Postrema inter eas quaestiones haec est: Credis re non posse, nisi per mortem Christi, salvari? Resp. infirmus, Etiam. Tum illi dicitur: Age ergo, dum superest in te anima, in hac sola morte fiduciam tuam constitue, in nulla alia re fiduciam tuam habe, huic morti te totum commit, hac sola te totum contege, totum immi●ce te in hac morte, totum confige: in hac morte totum involve. Et si Dominus Deus volverit te judicate, die, Domine, mortem D. nostri jesu Christi obijcio inter me, & tuum judicium; aliter tecum non contendo. Et si tibi dixerit, Quia peccator es etc. Vlenbergius Lippiensis, Pastor Parochiae D. Cumberti Coloniae. Causa 14. pag. 462. Coloniae 1589. to put his whole confidence in nothing, but in the death of jesus Christ only. CHAP. XXV. Of other confessed Romish Innovations, as namely, in their doctrine of Purgatory, Indulgences, jubilees, virtue of Holywater, and necessity of auricular Confession. SECT. 1. WE shall need but only to point at their Innovation in their article of belief concerning Romish Purgatory, because it hath been already handled at large: where our Adversaries themselves have observed a a See above lib. 1 cap 2. Sect. 14. none, or very rare mention thereof in the Greek Fathers: a no general apprehension thereof, at the first, in the Latin Church: a no profession of that doctrine in the Greek Church unto this day: but to have crept into credit by little and little. Can they possibly avouch that doctrine to be ancient, which was not taught at the first? or Catholic, which sometime was not universally believed in the Church of Christ? or true, which is discerned to be but a creeper into their Creed? 2 Seeing than that their article of Purgatory is but of so young faith, their doctrine of Indulgences, questionless, cannot be old: because (as their Bishop Roffensis hath rightly observed) b See above lib. 1 cap. 2. Sect 20. until men had a while trembled at the understanding of a fiery Purgatory, Indulgences did not come into use, whereof (saith he) we have nothing expressly set down either in Scriptures, or in the writings of ancient Fathers. 3 Yet notwithstanding hath their Alphonsus de Castro presumed to reckon the denial of this doctrine in the catalogue of old heresies, but so as that he both bewrayeth his malady, and betrayeth his cause, thus prevaricating in his plea: c Neque tamen hac occasione sunt contemnendae, quòd earum usus in Ecclesia videatur serò receptus, quoniam multa sunt posterioribus nota, quae vetusti illi scr●ptores prorsus ignoraverint.— Qua de causa usque ad hodiernum diem Purgatorium non est à Graecis creditum. Quis tamen, nisi haereticus, haec negare audebit, quia apud priscos Authores haec sub talibus nominibus non commemorantur? Ecclesia enim quotidiè prosicit in membris suis, Deo came quotidiè magis illustrante. Quapropter Ecclesia comparatur aurorae: Quae est ista, inquit, quae progreditur quasi aurora? At aurora in suo o●t● remissum habet lumen, quod temporis progressu augetur. Sic Ecclesia. unde non dubito quin etiam multa sint à posteris clarius & apertius invenienda, quae nobis sunt prorsus nunc ignota. Quid ergo mirum si ad hunc modum contigerit de Indulgentijs, ut apud priscos nulla sit de eye mentio? praecipuè quòd tunc magis feruebat Christanorum, charitas, ut parum effect opus Indulgentijs.— Add quod non est tam recens Indulgentiarun usus, quantum isti hae tetici exprobrant. Nam ap●d Romanos vetustissimos praedicatur earum usus, ut ex stat onibus Romae frequentibus colligi utcunque potest. Alphonsus de Castro, lib. 8. adverse heres. Tit. Indulgentiae. fol. 184. His conclusion showeth, that he speaketh as well of the use of things, as of their names. Indulgences (saith he) may not therefore be thought worthy of contempt, because the use of them hath been taken up but of late; for posterity understandeth many things, which their ancestors never knew: which is the cause why Purgatory was not believed in the Greek Church unto this day. To this end he compareth the knowledge of the primitive Church unto the light of the grey morning, which hath but a dim shine, & by progress of time waxeth clearer. What is this but a kind of anabaptistical infatuation, arrogating to these last times a greater illumination than was vouchsafed to the primitive Church? 4 And yet again, It is no marvel (saith he) though we should found no mention of Indulgences, especially among the ancients, because their charity was servant, and had less need of Indulgences than we, among whom it is become so cold. Thus much their Castro. By this supposal he hath darkened and almost dammed up the light of antiquity upon a new presumption of a better and clearer revelation of truth in the twilight, or rather moon shine of these later times, and (which argueth a greater solecismein divinity) they hereby persuade men to think, that when charity is less hot, than it pleased God to sand a larger use of Indulgences and pardons; whereby (as hath been confessed) d See above lib. 2 cap. 15. Sect. 6. piety israther exhausted and extinguished, whilst that they are applied both unto the living and to the dead. Albeit their Hostiensis (whom Cardinal Bellarmine hath surnamed Catholic) feared not to say, that e Ex Catholicis Hostiensis in summa lib. 5. tit. de remission●b.— docuit, Indulgentias detunctis non prodesse Bellar. lib. 1. de indulge. cap. 14. §. Quod ad. Indulgences do not profit the souls of the departed: and consequently this doctrine is proved to be erroneous. For f See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 20. the first who extended Indulgences unto Purgatory (as hath been likewise confessed) was Pope Boniface the eight, about the year 1300: and then this cannot but be a notorious Innovation. 5 A sprig of the same branch is jubtlee, wherein they promise' a g See the testimony following. full pardon of all sins, unto them who come to visit the Apostolical monuments at Rome. These are the judulgences of Indulgences, yet were they first appointed by the foresaid h Bonifacius 8. praestutit plenam omnium debitorum liberationem ijs, qui limina Apostolorum invisissent, quo anno ingens mortalium concursus Romam factus est.— Testem facit auri & divitiarum, quas Pontifex populusue Rome allo jubilaeo congeslere. Massonius in eius vita, pag. 264. Boniface the eight, (Anno 1300) who was a man i Bonifacius 7. vulgo 8. vir— supra modum ambitiosus, & avidus— Sex●um librum Decretalium compilari jussit.— Anno 1300. Annum jubilaeum instituit: centesinio quoque anno celebrandum.— Pulpitum in Laterano erigi procurabat, in quo excommunicariones die lovis publicabantur. Binius Tom. 3. pag. 1506. in eim vita. beyond measare ambitious (saith their Binius,) and caused the first books of Decretals to be compiled: k Bonifacius octaws (Anno 1300.) pri●●us omnium jubilaeum retulit, quo etc.— quem servari mandavit anno quoque centesimo.— Clemens sextus sanxit, anno quoque sexagesimo celebrari.— Sixtus quartus advigesimum quintum quemque annum reduxit. Polydor. Virgil. Invent. lib. 8. cap. 1 pag. 477, 478 he ordained a jubilee to be celebrated every hundredth year, which Pope Clement the sixt brought unto every sixtieth year; which after him again l A quinquagesimo anno ad tricesiinum Vrbanus sextus jubilaeum reduxerat, sive rogatus in gratiam Romano●um, sive ut quaestum faceret. Massonius in vita Bonifac. 9 pag 322. Pope Vrbanus sextus reduced unto every thirtieth year: and lastly, m Tandem à Sixto quarto ad 25. annum contractus, Thuanus hist. Tom, 1. lib. 5. Anno 1550 initio. Pope Sixtus quartus unto cuery twenty and fift year. All which alterations (if a man would know the reason of them) smelling of * See at the letters, hand, l. gain, may well seem, besides the nouclties of them, to be but baits of impiety. Neither may Holywater sprinkle therefore be called ancient, because it was first instituted by so ancient a Pope as n See above lib. 1. cap. 3. ●ect. 5. Alexander the first, for the driving away of Devils: but rather because it was an human invention, it must go currant for a novelty. 6 Auricular confession, hath by the Council of Trent obtained a name of absolute necessity; and is notwithstanding noted by their own Doctors, o See above lib. 2 cap. 24. not to have been in use among the jews: p See above lib. 2 cap. 14. Sect. 3 & 4. & lib. 3. ca 12 Sect. 2. nor of dtuine institution: not of common p●aclise in the primitive Church, nor acknowledged among the Grecians: but to be stuffed with deuterosians (that is, new rules) of impossibilities: and therefore the doctrine of the necessity of this kind of confession, may justly be enrolled among the pernicious Innovations. 7 q See above lib. 2 cap. 12. Invocation of Saints departed (to rest still upon our adversaries confessions) was no usual manner of worship in the old Testament among the jews: r Ibidem. nor yet practised among Christians in the beginning of the primitive Church. Now because the good Steward is commended in the Gospel, because he * Matth. 13. 52. bringeth forth of his treasure things both new and old: which signifieth, according to the exposition of Fathers, s Nova & vetera sunt veutus & nowm Testamentum. Aquinas ex August. Chrysost. Hilar. Hieron. in Catend. the old and new Testaments: this point also may challenge the title of an Innovation. 8 Canonization of new Saints, which are to be invocated, our Adversaries have appropriated unto the office of the t See above lib. 2. cap. 12. Sect. 7. Pope: in the which function if their Pope may possibly be deceived, u Ibidem. then may we (say they) abolish all the worship of those Saints, who have been canonised in these aftertimes. And x Ibidem. some Catholics (as themselves term them) have calied in question the certainty of this act of the Pope, because of the evil opinions and works, which some have defended and practised, who notwithstanding have been canonised for Saints. Yea, and the first Pope (to come to the point of antiquity) whom Cardinal Bellarmine could found to have exercised this act of Canonization of souls departed, was * Ibidem. Leo the third, who lived about the year 796. And shall not this be an argument of an Innovation? 9 If we consider the effect of their doctrine of Invocation, do we but remember what our Adversaries have confessed, even the defiling of the blessed memory of the holy Virgin and mother of our Lord by Invocations y See above lib 2 cap. 12. Sect. 9, 10, 11, 12. Idolatrously commended by some of their Doctors, & practised by their people: as is here also further z Tantum enim haec Sanctorum interpellatio excrevit, praelertum Virgins matris, ut advocati & mediatoris Christi offi●●um propemodum obicurarit. Matore enmstadio & plemiore fiducia plerique matris & aliorum Sanctorum, quos sibi patronos & advocatos delegetunt, nonnunquam ctiam obseurorum & incertorum, quim ipsius Christi patrocinio, & intercessioni se commeudirunt, ac proprios Christi, tanquam iam advocati & intercelloris ossi●to desuncti, titulos, ad ●●trem tanquam pottorem, vel cettè leniorem & mitiorem transtulerunt. Neque id à vulgo tantùm imperito factuatum est, sed evam Doctorum Theologorum scriptis & concionibus comprobatum. Cassander desens. libel●● de office pij vire, cont. Calnin. pag. 106. acknowledged. Which point we leave to our Adversaries to be termed at their pleasure, whether an old Paganism, or a new Antichristianisme. After all these we are to speak CHAP. XXVI. Of other confessed new Romish doctrines, concerning the blessed Virgins natural Conception, and supernatural Assumption, and the feast of Corpus Christi. SECT. 1. WOrthily is the holy Virgin to be proclaimed * Iuc. 1. 48. all generations, and her memory to be accounted precious both out in writing and in speaking: but yet as she is the mother of Christ the * john 14. 6. truth, so would she be honoured only according unto truth, whether we consider the beginning or end of her life. 2 In her natural conception she was according unto God's election blessed, but, as naturally issuing from the tainted mass of Adam, she was not free from original sin. Which accordeth with the judgement of antiquity; some of the a See above lib. 2 cap. 29 Sect. 2. in marg. lit. e. Romanists themselves mentioning for proof here of fifteen Authors, some 200, some 300, some all the Fathers; notwithstanding the Council of Basil (Anno 1431) did b Nos gloriosam Virginem Dei genetricem Mariam praeveniente & operant divini numinis gratiâ singulari, nunquam actualiter subiacuisse originali peccato, sed immunem semper fuisse ab omni originali & actuali culpa, sanctamue & immaculatam tanquam piam & consonam c●l●ui Ecclesiastico, fidei Catholicae, rectae rationi, & sacrae Scripturae, ab omnibus Catholicis approbandam fore, tenendam, & amplectendam definimus, & declaramus, nulliue de caetero licitum esse in contrarium praedica●e, & docete. Renovantes praeterea institutionem de celebranda sancta eius Conceptione, quae tam per Romanam, quàm per alias Ecclesias sexto Idus Decembris antiqua & laudabili consuetudine celebratur. Conc Basil. Sess. 36. decree and define the contrary, renewing the feast of her Conception. c Sixtus quartus (cuius sentential sequitur Synodus ●rid. Sess. 5.) sensisse videtur, virginem Mariam sine peccato originis conceptam esse. Vide in Ext●●● lib 3 de Reliq. ven Sanct. & obserua quae illic habentur scitu necesa●ia. Surius Tem. 4. in Conc. Basil. Sess. 36. pag 105. in 〈◊〉. Which opinion Pope Sixtus the fourth seemed to hold, whose judgement the Council of Trent afterwards did follow: albeit S. Bernard (who lived Anno 1140.) called this doctrine in plain terms, a d See above in this book, cap. 3. novelty, and the feast (as it did signify the integrity of her natural conception) he judged to be neither sacred in itself, nor yet consonant unto the ancient rite of the Church. Which feast was first received into the Latin Church (saith their jesuit Suarez) e Accedit ab Ecclesia festum Conceptionis celebrari, qui nios in Ecclesia 〈…〉 mill annos est orsus, ut Galatinus refert.— In Latina verò introduci coepit ante 500 serè annos, ut ex Epistolis 〈◊〉 constat.— Tandem verò Ecclesia Rom. ante 200. annos Celebritatem hanc generaliter amplexa, cultoribus ●ius ●ingul●●es indulgentias impertit. unde quodammodo videtur conceptionem Virgins canoniz àsse. Non est ergo pium credere Ecclesiam in retanta tamque gravi decipi, aut falso fundamento niti. Suarez. Tom. 2. in 3. Thom. cue 27. art 2. disp. 3. Sect. 5. pag 24. some 400 years ago, and about two hundred years since made general, and the conception of the Virgin, as it were, then canonised. Here again appeareth a no Catholic Innovation. 3 Next, as every man hath a Genesis, to be conceived and borne into the world, so hath he an Exodus and passage out of this life, according to the law of mortality: by virtue whereof the blessed Virgin, as she was not privileged from a natural conception, so was she not freed from death, which is the passage of all flesh. But the question is, whether after death, her body were translated into Heaven. The holy Scripture nameth Christ the * 1. Cor. 15. 20. primitiae, that is, the first first-fruits of all that sleep, he only entering through the * Heb. 10. 20. veil (which is his body) into the * Heb. 9 12. Sanctu●● Sanctorum. But the doctrine of Rome is f Sicut ex Graecorum & Latinorum on nium (perpaucis exceptis. qui ●à epistolâ decepti sunt) assertione, ita etiam ex Ecclesiae Rom. usu recepto firmiter constanterue asserimus & profite●●●r, ipsam sanctiss. Dei genetricem Mariam unà cum corpore, quo impertita est Deo carnem in coelum esse receptam. SATURN'S 48. num. 24. Festum Assumptionis B. Mariae est antiquissimum: nam eius meminit Gregorius in Antiph & ante Gregorium Andreas Cretensis Orat. de festo. Bellar. lib. 3. de cultu Sanct. cap. 16. and the Rhemists annot. in Act 1. 14. constantly to profess, that the blessed Virgin was both in body and soul assumed into heaven, as being a matter proved most true by tradition. 4 We have thought that our Adversaries distinguishing (for so themselves have affirmed▪) Tradition from the word written, had understood by Tradition a doctrine recorded at lest in the writings of some Ancients; yet concerning this Assumption they confess, that g Sed iam caetera, quae ad rei gestae historiam pertinent, prosequamur: quae quidem, cum neque ex Canonicis Scriptures, neque ex Patrum antiquorum testimonijs roborentur; non omnia, quae in eo genere sunt scripta, recitabimus. Baron. ibid. num 9 it is not confirmed either by Canonical Scriptures, or by the writings of ancient Fathers. Whereof S. h August. serm. 35. de Sanctis.— Virgo Maria quo ordine hinc ad suprema transierit, nulla Catholica na●●at historia. Non solùm autem respuere Apocrypha, verumetium ignorare dicitur haec Ecclesia: siquidem sunt nonnulla sine authoris non●●● de cius Assumptione conscripta, quae, ut dixi, ita caventur, ut ad confirmandam rei veritatem ●inim● legi permittantur. Hinc sanc pulsantur nonnulli, quia nec corpus eius reperitur in terra, nec assumptio eius cum carne, ut in Apocrypha legitur, in Catholica reperitur historia. Sed dignum non est de corporis eius notitia sollicitum quempiam esse, quam non dubitat super coelo●elatam cum Christo regnare; sed nec invenitur apud Latino's aliquis tractatorum, de eius morte quippiam dixisse apertè. Et quid de his loquor, cum nec ipse, qui hanc accepit ante crucem Domini in sua, id est, johannes evangelista, de hoc posteris aliquid scriptis reunendum mandaver it? Nullus enim hoc fideliús narrare potuit, si illud Deus manifestari voluisset. Restat ergo ut homo mendacitèr non fingat apertum, quod Deus voluit manner occultum. Vt resert Sixtus Senens. hibls. S. lib. 2. pag. 82. Tit. Mariae transitus. Augustine (writing of this point) concludeth: Let not man feign that to be manifest, which God himself would have secret. And S. Jerome, or else Sophronius under his name: i Hieronymus, siue Hieronymi comes Sophronius, in Serm. de Assumpt. Virgins, libri huius mentionem faciens, ita scribit:— Haec ideirco dixerim, quia multi nostrorum dubitant, utrùm assumpta fuerit simul cum corpore, an abierit, relicto corpore: quomodo auten, vel quo tempore, aut à quibus personis sanctiss. corpus eius indé ablatum fuerit, vel ubi transpositum, utrumnè resurrexerit, nescitur. Quamuis nonnulli astruere velint eam iam resuscitatam, & beata cum Christo immortalitate in coelestibus vestiri. Veruntamen quod ho●um verius censeatur, ambigimus, melius tamen Deo totum, cui nihil impossibile est, committimus, quam ut aliquid temerè definire velimus authoritate nostra. Sed & utrùm redierit in pulverem terrae, certum non habemus. Ex Senensi, ibid. We know not (saith he) what to affirm hereof, but leave it unto God. And finally, some of the k Sed quaeres, qua certitudine haec veritas tenenda sit:— Albulensis solùm dicit, esse probabiliorem opinionem. Caietan. dicit, piam esse sententiam, & ferè idem docet Sotus. Canus verò addit, esse petulantem temeritatem hoc negare, quem secutus est Corduba. Catharinus autem contra Caieranum, & in Opuse▪ de conceptione, contendit esse de fide. Sed reverà non est, quia neque est ab Ecclesia definita, nec est testimonium Scripturae, aut sufficiens traditio, quae infall●bilem faciat fidem. Est igitur iam nunc recepta haec sententia, ut à nullo pio & Catholico possit in dubium revocari, ●ut sine temeritate negari, atque adeò videtur habere cum gradum certitudinis, quem habet alia veritas suprà tractata de sanctificatione Virgins in utero matris Suarez jes. Tom 2. qu. 37. art. 4. Sect. 2. §. Sed quaeres. pag. 200. Romish Doctors themselves dare go no further then to think it a probable or a godly opinion, & no more infallible than was the other of her Conception, which many of them have rejected as untrue. So that these two points deserve to be censured by the name of Innovations: and yet are they both magnified in their prayers unto God, and this of the Assumption, is the most honoured l Hoc festum Assumptionis maius est omnibus alijs, quae fiunt de illa. Durand. lib. 7. Rational. cap. 24. ad sinem. of all the feasts which are celebrated unto our Lady. 5 Lastly, the feast called Corpus Christi, wherein they give a solemn adoration to the host, as unto Christ his own natural body, is confessed to have been m Vrbanus 4. Pontifex anno 1264. instituit sestum illud corporis Dominici, & sublimem illam Processionem. Bellar. lib. 4. the Eucharist. cap. vlt. §. Resp. Honorius. first ordained by Pope Vrbane the fourth, about the year 1264. As also the solemn feast n Gregorius deinde 4. fertur author fuisse, ut id sacrum call. Novembris celebraretur: item & cruci, ex qua pependerat salus nostra, solennis dies data est, ac Eucharistiae ab Vrbano 4. pariter dies dedicatus assignatusue. Polyd. Virg. lib. 6. Invent. cap. 8. pag. 400. for the Cross was instituted (Anno 828,) by Pope Gregory the fourth. Both, we see, are Innovations, so much the more notorious, as they are more Idolatrously abused. CHAP. XXVII. Other confessed Romish Innovations concerning Images: first in the public visible Image of the invisible God. SECT. 1. BEfore that we entreat of the adoring of God in a picture, we are to inquire into the picturing of God, to know whether the Church may allow of any visible Image of the invisible God, in our spiritual worship. Master Caluine hath called this kind of Imagery a Quarta opimo est calvini, ubi dicit primò, nefas esse Deo invisibili & incorporeo imaginem visibilem & corpoream collocare. Bellar lib. 2. de imag. Sanct. cap. 8. princip. an heinous wickedness: b Haec opinio calvini est etiam aliquorum Catholicorum, ut Albulensis in cap. 4. Deut. q. 5. Durandi in 3. dist. 9 qu. 2. & Peresijs de Tradit. part 3. in Tract. de Imag. qui docent imaginem Dei non rectè fieri, & ab Ecclesia fortè tolerari, non tamen probari. Idem ibid. Wherein some Catholics (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) do consent unto him, who therefore think that the Church doth rather permit, than allow the Images of God. And * Albulensis. one of these lived an hundred years before Caluine. But was not Caluine herein a Catholic? If this were to be tried by Scripture, it is plain by the voice of God, commanding his people not to make any similitude of him: why? Thou sawest no likeness (saith God) but heardst only a voice. Can any man paint a voice? or shall a body resemble a spirit, or a visible figure notify an invisible Essence, without a lie? Impossible; which the Cardinal doth rightly observe, calling it c uno modo ad exprimendam persectam similitudinem formae, & naturae rei ipsius, & hoc modo res corporeae solúm 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 quis Deum ha● rat●one depingere tentaret, is verum idolum constitueret.— Idolatrous to make an Image with intent to express the perfect nature of God thereby: and therefore thinketh to salve all, by allowing no more in such Images, but either an d Altero modo ad historiam aliquam oculis exhibendam: quomodo si quis pingere vellet expulsionem Adami de paradiso, pingere deberet Deum in forma huma na ambulantem.— Hoc modo potest Deus pingi. historical, or else an e Tettiò potest aliquid pingi extra historram ad expheandam naturam rei, non per immediatam & propriam simlitudinem, sed per analogiam, sive metaphoricas musticasue significationes: quem admodum pingimus Angelos.— Hoc modo pingimus Deum Patrem, cùm eum extra historiam pingimus human●●ormà. Bellarabid. §. Tertiò potest. analogical and mystical representation of God. 2 But we hold it a true Catholicisme, to apply ourselves unto more ancient Fathers, who in their holy jealousy did generally abhor all such outward similitude of God. f Qui (Christiam) Dei, utpote in cerporei & invisibilis, effigiem nullam faciunt. Orig. contra Celsum, lib. 4. Christians use none at all, saith Origen. g Quis tam amen cut, ut Dei formam & imaginé statue viro similé referri non prohibeat? Euseb. praep. Fuang. lib. 3. Who is so mad as to think that God can be resembled by the likeness of a man? saith Eusebius. h Qui pufillas Dei Patus, Filij, & Spiritus ●ancti imagines in rebus in corporahbus tantùm agnoseit ne stulti & vecordes Deum corporalibus rebus assimulent. Athanas Oral. contra Gregales Sabellij. Fools are they and dotards that attempt it, saith Athanasius. And, in the opinion of S. Augustine, i Tale (spea●ing of the form of a man) Deo collocare nefas est. August de fide & Symb. cap. 16. lit. e. it is a wickedness; and of Damascene, k Summae insipientiae & impietatis est, Deum figurare. Damascen. de Orthodox fide, lib. 4. it is a madness to set up a figure and Image unto God. 3 These testimonies inform us, and may enforce our Adversaries to believe, that the general judgement of Antiquity did teach men to reject, or at lest (which their jesuite Vasquez doth think may be * See above, lib. 3. cap. 16. lit. e. supposed) did not allow the picturing of God, for fear of the people's proneness unto Idolatry. And good reason, for God is best comprehended of us by thinking him to be incomprehensible. And so much the rather may we be persuaded thereof, because their Cardinal himself, when he was to justify the practice of his Church herein, did not throughout the compass of more than a thousand yea●reses, allege any ancient writer for defence of such figurations; but finding himself destitute of the voice of Origen, Athanasius, Augustine, Damascene and other Fathers, he made bold to l Tertiò dico, licere pingere etiam imaginem Dei Patris in forma hominis senis: & Spiritus sancti in forma Columbae: ut Caietanus, Ambrose, Catharinus, Diegus Payva, Nicolaus Sanderus, Thomas Waldensis. Id verò ita probamus. Bellarm. quo suprà. call in Cardinal Caietane, Catharine, Payva, Sanders, Waldensis, (even his own brethren) for the only patrons of this cause. Thus much of an Image. Let us examine the worship of an Image. The second Innovation, is the worship which they yield unto the Image of Christ, and unto other Images. SECT. 2. 4 In the doctrine of the worship of Images, the Romanists are at a cross-way: some of them will have a Prima negat, ita ut juxta hanc opinionem cultus latriae in Christum solum in cruse, vel imagine, cogitation, & recordatione contentum, tanquam in terminum referstur: Crux verò & imago tantummodo sit id, in quo aut per quod Christum colimus: ut verum sit dicere, non col●re nos culru latriae crucem, aut imaginem Christi, sed in cruse, aut imagine ipsum Christum, cuius similitudinem Crux vel imago refert. Neque huius sententiae authores inficiantur Crucem & imaginem aliqua veneratione, honore, & cultu prop●iè esse colendam; cuius terminus proprius sit ipsa Crux & imago in seipsa, siquidem Crucem & imag. Christi osculamur, amplectu●mar & r●ligiosè contrectamus: sed solùm negant Cruci & imagini cultum la●i●ae verae & propriae, qui per imaginem transit ad exemplar, quod resert, ut ad terminum, & obiectum cultus. Huius sententiae fuisse perhibentur Alex. Durand. Holcoth, Mirandulanus.— Galliard ●iel, meo igdicio, idem sentit, quod alij primae opinionis authores. Azor. jesuita Institut. moral. part. 1. cap. 6. fol. 736. Cassander a Ideth, Henricum de Gandavo, joh. Gum ura, Petrum Aquila, Franc. Maronis. Consult. pag. 165. the worship due unto the Image of Christ, to be only that wherein, or whereby we worship Christ. b Secunda opinio affirmat, coli debere adorattone latriae, hoc est, codem cultu, honore, & veneratione, quà colitur Christus, cuius est imago:— ità, ut cultus tùm ad imaginem repraesentantem, tùm ad Christum, cuius similitudinem gerit, teferatur: sed in Christo sisht propter istum, & tanquam in obiecto ulti no; in imagine verò repraesentante terminatur, non propter ipsam, sed propter exemplar. Azor ibid. §. Secunda opinio. Others affirm, that the Image is to be adored with the same divine worship, wherewith Christ himself is worshipped, whose Image it is: and this they call c Haec sententia communi est Theologorum consensurecepta. Ibid. §. Praetereà. the common opinion of Divines. But how commendable this is, we must examine by antiquity, first in the prescription of worship, which God himself gave unto his people under the law: where some Romanists (as namely d Sandetus, Cathariaus, & alij existimant aenaeum serpentem populo propositum suisse, ut aliquis ei cu●tus deferretur. M. 〈◊〉.— Pam●elius putat in veteri lege prohiberi tantùm ne (speaking of the Ch●rubias) adorarentur pro Dijs. (〈◊〉 add● Greg. Valent. Ies. lib. 1. de Idol. cap. 5. pag. 696 col. 2.) Sanders, Pammelius, and Catharine) do spy (as they think) the Cherubins and brazen serpent propounded unto the people of the jews to be worshipped: but these are confuted by e Vetùm ex Scriptura constat aeneum serpentem tantùm propositum fuisse aspiciendum, cumque; simplex ille aspectus etiam gratià recuperandi samtatem non videatut esse aliquanota, non ●rit dicenda adoratio.— Cherubinis nullum cultum fuisse delatum, Tertulltanus docet. Vasquez Ies. lib. 2 de Adorat. disp. 4 cap. 5. num 89 & cap. 6. num 99 & 90. and cap. 2. initio, he bringeth in twelve Schoolmen for the same opinion. Vasquez and f Mihi vid●tur apud judaeos nullus fuisse cultus imaginum, led fuere tantùm picturae & sculpturae, túm ad ornatum tabernacuh aut templi, tùm ob memoriam aliarum retum, & ad Dei gloriam magis declarandam: nec enim puto Cherubinos fuisse ideò depictos sculptosue. ut colerentur. — Then confuting Catharin, and Sanders, for abusing the testimonies of Tertullian and Augustine— Patres solùm docent fuisse imagines apud Iud ●os, non tamensolitas coli. Azor. Ies. Insi it. moral. part. 1. lib. 9 cap. 6. pag. 740. col. 2. Azorius, both jesuits, who teach, that the pictures and Images then in use, served for the ornament of the Tabernacle and Temple, but were never applied by the jews unto holy worship: producing for the confirmation hereof a whole inquest of Schoolmen. And if we now demand of these jesuits, why we should shake off that yoke of God's commandment, which the jews did so long and religiously sustain, they answer, forsooth, that that commandment of [not worshipping any Image etc.] g Dico praeceptum illud de non adorandis figuris non fuisse legis naturae, sed tantùm positiwm, & ceremomale, & temporale, & in tempore evangelii ceslare debere, Vasquez Ies. lib. 2. disp. 4. cap. 4. num. 83. & cap. 7. num. 115. Ità lentire videntur Alexan. Albert bonavent. Richard. Palud. Marl. Henric.— Ego lubent: us in (meaning this) primam sententiam inclino. Azor. Ies. quo suprà. was not natural, but positive, and ceremontall, and therefore at the entrance of the Gospel was to vanish and cease. Which Gloss their Cardinal h Sed haec opinio nobis non probatur, tùm propter argumenta facta contra judaeos, tum-etiam, quià Iren. Tertull. Cyprian. August. docent omne praeceptum (excepto Sabbato) legem esse naturalem. Bellar. lib. 2. de Imag. cap. 7. §. Saed haec. Bellarmine rejecteth, as contradicting the judgement of Irenaeus, Tertulliam, Cyprian, and Augustine, four memorable witnesses of antiquity. 5 But forasmuch as our Adversaries will have us think the law of jewish antiquity to be out of date, and do therefore appeal unto the Christian antiquity under the Gospel, thither will we jointly approach: and for our better expedition are contented to consult with their own Doctors, who doubt not to say, that i Ad imagines verò Sanctorum quod attinet, certum est, initio praedicati evangelii aliquanto tempore inter Christianos, praesertim in Ecclesijs, imaginum usum non fuisse, ut ex Clement & A●nobio pater; tandem picturas in Ecclesiam admissas, ut retum gestarum historiam exprimentes, aut Sactorum virorum vivas effigies referentes. Cassander Consult. Art 21. pag. 149. at the first preaching of the Gospel in the days of Clement and Arnobius (which was about the years 65, and 290) there was no public use of Images in their Churches. k De illorum cultu iam agamus, quem non modò nostrae religionis expertes, sed, teste Hieron. omnes fermè veteres sancti Patres damnabant, ob metum odololatriae, qua nullum execrabilius scelus esse potest. Polydor. Virgil. lib. 6. Invent. cap. 13. Which voice their Index Expurg. hath put to silence. As for the worship of them, S Jerome doth witness, that it was condemned almost of all ancient Fathers. l Q●antum autem veteres initio Ecclesiae ab omni veneratione imaginum abhorruerunt, declarat unus Origenes adversus Celsum lib. 7.— Impossibile esse, ut qui Deum novit, fiat supplex statuis; nec hoc tantùm stultum esse, si quis preces simulachris offerat, sed etiam cum id aliquis simulat, vulgi opinionibus se attemperans: nil enim adulterum debet esse in anima hominis verè pij erga Deum. Nos verò ideò quoque non honoramus simulachra, quia quantum possumus, cavemus, ne quando incidamus in eam credulitatem, ut & ijs tribuamus divinitatis aliquid. Cassander Consult. art. 21. pag. 153. As appeareth also by Origen (Anno 230.) esteeming it to be a foolish and an adulterous profanation, even outwardly to seem to worship a statue: which kind of worships the m Ratio cur provinciale Conc. Elibertinum in Hispania imagines in templis eius provinciae pingi vetuerit, nempè ut Idololatriam hoc remedio extingueret: nam etsi Patres illius Synodi scirent, sacrarum imaginum cultum Ecclesiae iam adultae ut. litatem maximam confer, tamen cum animaduertillent gentes illas nuper ab Idolorum superstione ad Christum venientes, adhuc ad pristinam idololatriam inclinari, & divinos honores imaginibus in Ecclesijs Christianorum depictis impendere, acsi illis inesset aliquod divinitatis, iudicarunt praesenti morbo non posse aliter mederi, quàm imaginum interdictione. Sixtus Senens. Biblioth. S. lib. 5. Annot 〈◊〉 pag. 420. Council of Eliberis did forbidden (Anno 305) for fear of the people's idolatry. Epiphanius also (Anno 390) chancing to see an Image n Epiphanius— velum quoddam scidit, quod pendere videbat in foribus cuiusdam Ecclesiae, eò quod habebat imaginem Christi aut alicuius hominis sancti:— dicitue contra authoritatem Scripturarum in Ecclesia 〈◊〉 hominis imaginem pendere. Ecce ad quae tempora hunc reducemus errorem. Alphonsus de Castro, Haeres. Tit. Imag. initio. either of Christ or of some Saint, hanging at the door of an Oratory, did cut it in pieces, holding it to be a thing contrary unto Scripture: and for that cause is boldly noted by their Alphonsus of error: unto whom (when he is produced for a witness of the custom of the ancient Church,) their jesuite opposeth the o Quanquam si maximé factum illud exploratum esset, nonnè plus ponderis apud nos Ecclesiae totius authoritas atque usus habere debet? Greg. Valen. Ies. lib. 2. the Idol. cap. 7. pag. 719 col. 1. authority of the Church of Rome. 6 Again, the now vulgar excuse of such worship was held to be no better than heathenish in those ancient times, as both Arnobius (Anno 290) and Lactantius (Anno 320) are observed to give evidence; who report this answer of the Pagans in excuse of the Idolatrous worship of their Gods, saying, p Nec valebat tune illa ratio, quae à nonnullis obtendi solet, hono●esistos non simulachris, sed ijs, quorum speciem repraesentant, deferri; haec enim a Paganis quoque adf●rri solebat, ut apud Arnobium: Non (inquiunt) materias,— sed eos in his colimus eolue veneramur, quos dedicatio in●er●●●cra. ●t apud Lactantium: Non ipsa (inquiunt) simulachra timemus, sed eos, ad quorum imaginem ficta, & quoium nominibus con●ecrata ●unt Cassander Consult. Art 21. pag. 153. We worship not the Images, but the persons, whom the Images do represent. Neither yet did the age of S. q Sanè ex Augustino constat, eius aetate simulachrorum usum in Ecclesijs n●n fuisse, ex his quae scripsit in Psal. 114. ad vers. illum, Simulachra gentium, etc. Cassander ibid. pag. 151. Augustine (Anno 400) acknowledge them as law full in their public use. And although even in those times (when Paganism was rooted out, & Christianity confirmed in men's hearts) they r Tandem u●●ò, qu●ndo exoleto propemodum paganismo— animis Christianorum in syncero Dei cultu, satis institutis & confirmatis, picturae in templis receptae sunt, idque iam tum aetate Ambrosijs, etc. Idem ibid. pag. 155. began to be received into the public Churches, for (as we think) an Emblematical and historical use: yet (Anno 600) * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 25, & 26. the judgement of the Church of Rome is manifest (as hath been confessed) by the Epistle of S. Gregory, who taught the allowing of them as historical and sacred monuments only, and forbade the worshipping of them. 7 The Apologists cannot blame us, if here we make the period of our demonstration of antiquity by descent, where they began to ascend in the pretence of their ancient hold. This doth sufficiently bewray their Innovation in the public worship of their Church: which we might prove to be as pernicious in the nature, as it hath been new and prodigious in the birth. But our task in this book is not to prove how ill, but how old every such bastard is. Only (if our Reader desire to see the deformity hereof) he may have recourse unto the first * Lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 26. book, where the Romish Doctors do both commiserate andd complain of the visible impiety, wherein also many Romish worshippers are found to have been damnably idolatrous. 8 And for a supply (if yet any supply may be necessary) we produce the testimonies of their s Hos sequi videtur Peresius— Primùm con tendit fallò dici signi ac rei significatae cogitationem seu notitiam eandem esle, cùm sint duae, quae à se invicem distinguantur: primum quip apprehenditur hoc vel illud signum esse, deinde tem intuemur, quam significat: haec siunt simul quidem tempore, sed natura & ratione unum eorum alterum praecedit: deinde quamuis lapis, marmora, aut metallum siant signum, non tamen iccirco naturam suam commutant, neque limitem superant insensibil●um rerum, neque dignitatem rationalis creaturae attingunt, vel habent secum comunctam rem, quam significant. Regem quidem adoramus in purpura sua, quae si ab Imperatore seiungatur, ne quicquam illi Regis honorem exhiberemus. August. hom. 58 de verbis Dom. Christi humanitatem latria scribit adorandam, quia coniunctam habet divinitatem, quae si seiungetur (quod tamen faciendum non est) latria non adoraretur: quantò ergo minus crux, quae revera separata est à Christo, latria coli non debet?— Peresius, t Gabriel quoque Brel in Can. lect. 49. eorum sententiam, ut saniorem, probat, qui dicunt quòd imago neque ut consideratur in se, secundum quod lignum est, lapis, aut metallum, neque ut consideratur secundum rationem signi & imaginis, sit adoranda: qualitercunque enim consideretur, inquit, est res insensibilis, & creatura, cui adoratio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 minimè est exhibenda: Hinc patet quorundam hominum stolidus error, qui adeò ad imagines afficiuntur, ut in ipsis credant esse aliquod numinis, gratiae, vel sanctitatis, quibus potentes sint facere miracula, praestare sanitates, ex hoc assurgentes ad corum venerationem, ut promissorum aliquid consequantur. Arguitur, inqui●, ex codem nonnullorum indocta simplicitas & indiscretio, quâ reverentiùs adorant imagines pulchras, quàm turpes; novas, quàm vetustas: aut contra ornatas venustio●i auro vel purpura, quàm nudas, credentes eas sanctiores, quo pretiosiores, &, ut Bernardus ait, offerentes libentius auro tectis, ubi magis cernitur divitia●um cumulus. Arguitur & aliorum rudis levitas, qui improvidè vota emittunt, & ad pereg●inandum se obligant, nunc ad illam, nunc ad aliam Ecclesiam intuitu certarum imaginum, credentes illas maio●i in illa, quam similes in alijs fulgere à virtutibus, clarere miraculis, & maiore fulciri potestate. Haec omnia in vanam transeunt superstitionem, in quam non inciderent, si rationem adorationis ac veri cultus attenderent: aut si ignorant, informationem humiliter acciperent. Hactenus G●briel Biel. Biel, and u Hac de re prudentèr etiam Gerson in Declarat defect. Eccles. inquiens, judicate si ●anta imaginum & picturarum in Ecclesijs varietas expediat, & an plures simplices nonnunquam ad idololatriam pervertant. Haec ex Hospiniano de origine templorum, pag 70. Gerson, by whom the now subtle folly of the defence of the worship of Images is x See a little before at the letters, s, u. confuted, and the giddiness of somekinde of worshippers condemned, especially, for y See the letter, t. believing that there is infused into Images a kind of divine power & sanctity; seeing that their parcell-guilt conceits, and excuses yield greater honour unto a new Image than unto an old, and unto a trim one than unto a mean: commending their vows unto Images, and making pilgrimages unto pictures of the same Saint, rather in one place, than in another. Which are notable characters and notes of superstition. We conclude, Let not new conceitedness control the wisdom of our Ancients, who primitively condemned this for fear of Idolatry, a sin most execrable. CHAP. XXVIII. Of confessed Romish Innovations in ceremonial matters, both in some particulars, and also in a burdensome and oppressing multitude in the Roman Church. SECT. 1. FIrst their prayers upon beads, which was first devised by a Est modus orandi postremò inventus per calculos, ut ita dicam, ligneos, quos vulgus modò preculas, modo paternostros appellat. Ij namero quinquaginta quinque ita ordine distinguuntur, ut post denos singuli maiuseuli affigantur filo, sunt enim perforati.— Eius rei author fertur Petrus Eremita, homo Gallus, civis Ambiavensis, qui abhinc annis 430. hoc est, circiter annum salutis 1090 sanctitate floruit. Polydor. Virg. Invent. rerum, lib. 5. c. 9 pag. 344. 345. Petrus a French Eremite, Anno 1090, may well be sent again into the desert, where it was first hatched, because they are contented to pray by number, whilst most of them (which is the height of stupidity) know no more what they pray than do their very beads: which in the day of judgement must serve for a memorandum and recount of their so often * Matth. 6. 7. Battologies and vain babblings, which our Saviour Christ hath condemned. 2 Secondly, shall we go to visit their Temples? Herein many ceremonies have been altered, and some of them (we confess) were alterable: as namely the fashion of praying towards the East: which was ancient, but afterwards changed, because of the b Manichaei cum haeresin suam periurio dissim●larent, qui solemn veluti numen, superstition▪ ad orientem conversi adorabant; constituit ●●eo 1. quò Catholici ab haereticis discerni poslent, qui antea piè & sancté versus orientem Deum orabant, nunc ad occiden ten conversi Deum colerent, ne quid fideli populo cum haereticis common esset, sed potius hoc indicio discernerentur apertissimè. Binius Tom. 1. fol. 935. in vita Leonis, & Baron. anno 443. num. 5. abuse of the Manichees, who superstitiously worshipped the Sun rising in the East: yet was it afterwards revived again by c Sacerdos in altari, & in divinis officijs debet, ex institutione Vigilij Papae, versus Orientem orare Durant. de rit●●. li●. ●. ca 2. num. 57 Pope Vigilius, about the year 537. 3 Thirdly, albeit their Cardinal Bellarmine will have us to d Est autem hoc loco ob●e●uandam, olim non tam rasu●am, quàm tonsuram in us● fuisse,— ut apparet ex Clem. Alex. pedagogue lib. 3. ca 11. Pili (inquit) tondendi sunt non novaculâ, sed tonso●● forcipibus: item ex Optato Milevit. lib. 2. contra Parmen. qui Donatistas' arguit, quòd Catholicis Sace●dotibus per vim capita ras●●int: Docete (inquit) ubi vobis mandatum sit, radere capita Sacerdotibus, cum è contrario tot sint exempla proposita. Item ex Hieron in 44. czech. ubi dicit, non l●cere Sacerdotibus comam alere, nec tamen radi, sed ita tondere ut cutis tecta maneat, etc. Bellar. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 40. §. Est auten. unus est Anacetus Papa, qui rasurae memini●: sed non est indubitata epistola Anacleti, nec tamen reprehendimus usum Monach. & Clericoium, quia nunquam prohibitum fuit radi. Id●m ibid. observe, that anciently clipping and polling was in use, but shaving was forbidden: yet do we now see their Priests shorn unto the barescalpe. 4 Fourthly, what undoubted Author can they produce for their confessed novelty of e See above lib. 1. cap. 3. Sect. 〈◊〉. baptizing of Bells? 5 Fiftly, goodly Temples and specious Churches are both instruments and ornaments of religion, but to be used unto devotion, and not for ostentation, much less (as the jews did in saying, Templum Domini) unto exptobration: as though true religion could not at any time consist without them. Which conceit doth commonly possess the vulgar Romanists, whom their aventinus can inform of a time, f aventinus etiam de veteribus Germanis scribens, Maiores, inquit, nostri, religiosissimi mortales, viva Dei simulachra & templa nos esse existim●runt, & pro vero habuerunt, mentes nostras penetralia, pectora sacraria corda arras esse spiritus coelestis: illa non auro, picturâ aut pecuniâ, rebus nimirum profanis, ac quibus vera sacra pollui solent: sed iustiti●, modestiâ, benignitate & liberalitate in pauperes, pietateue excoluerunt. Certiue in hac vita nequaquam se habitare sed peregrinari duntaxat, non sumptuosas aut munificas aedes nec sibi, nec superis construxerunt; perangustis delub●is & domibus, quae iniuriam coeli arcerent, contentos fuisse compertum habeo. Nihil pompae datum est, pietatem magnificè coluerunt. Nihil voluptati oculorum indulsere, paupertatis amatores, non luxus, aut divitiarum admiratores. And, when as our ancestors (saith he) did not addict themselves unto this kind of pompousness: for which cause their g Walfridus lib. de office ac ritibus, cap. 14. de extructione templorum agens, dicit, Videndum esse ut ex justè partis extruantur, idque moderatè & multis inculcat, long satius esse pauperibus subvenire, quàm parietes templorum ornate. Citat quoque exemplum Gregorij, quem dicit non in templorum extructione, & exornatione, ut alios Papas labor●sse, sed in doctrini & eleemosynis. And, Walfridus requireth a moderation, even from the example of S. Gregory: the consideration whereof moved their Cardinal h Petrus quoque de Aliaco Cardinalis Cameracen. de multitudine templorum conqueritur in lib. de Reformatione Ecclesiae, quem Concilio Constantiensi obtulit. Haec Hospinianus de orig. Templorum, fol. 14. Aliacus to wish a reformation in this behalf. 6 Sixtly, the music of their Churches is not a little out of tune, while as their own Author could not but declaim against it; because that now i Cantores nostri in templis nostris constrepunt, ut nihil pretervocem audiatur, & qui intersunt (intersunt autem quotquot civitas cap●●) clamorum consensu contenti, de vi ver borum nihil curant: unde eò ventum est ut omnis divini cultus ratio in istis canto●ibus sita esse videatur. Polyd. Virg. Invent. lib 6. cap. 2. But the Romish Index Expurg. hath sponged this out of the la●e Editions. it is come to that pass (saith he) that the whole worship of God may seem to consist herein. This is another novelrie, wherewith their jesuit Coster is so delighted, that he hath bend his wit to justify and commend it: k Cantus Ecclesiasticus non ad populum intelligentia verborum instituendum, sed suavi melodia maiestateue action is reverentiam, cultumue excitandum est institutus. Costerus Ies. Enchirid. cap. 19 §. Quarta propositio. Church-song (saith he) is not invented for to instruct the people in the understanding of the words, but to excite them unto worship & reverence by the melody and majesty of the action. Which showeth that their doctrine doth jump with their degenerate practice: which Innovation their Lindane in his panoply & military furniture, (wherewith he armeth his Reader against protestāns) doth not obscurely both confess & condemn. l Ve●um hanc labem I cclesia ●●de fortè contraxisse cuiquam videatur, quòd quae nunc passim cantantur, non ●am ad populi intelligent●am 〈◊〉, quod priscos ubique spectasse indubita●um est, qu●m ad meram Dei oped ●●udem quocunque modo celebrandam ●requentantur: de quo e●isue remedio quid ●ap●entioribus videatur, au●●re nialo disciturus, quàm definite, indubiam multorum incur●●irus reprehensionem. Lin ●●nus Panop. lib. 4 ca●. 78. pag. 407. Some (saith he) may per adventure think, that this is a blemish in the (Romish) Church, because those things which are commonly su●g in Churches, serve not so much for the edification of people (which our ancestors, doubtless did everywhere respect) as that the Churches may be frequented merely for the celebrating of God's praise howsoever: but of this and the remedy hereof, I had rather learn what wise men judge, than define any thing myself, and thereby to incur the undoubted reproose of many. But what should he need to fear to speak a truth, o● desire to hear wise men of this age judge of that, whereof (as he confesseth) Ancients, &, in that name, wiser men have formerly determined? m Hieronymus non simplicitèr vituperat cantum, sed reprehendit eos, quim Ecclesia cantant more theatrico.— Augustinus Confess. lib. 10. Cum 〈…〉, accidit, ut me amplius cantus, qu●m res quae cantatu●, moveat, poenaliter me peccasle consiteor, & tunc mallem me non andire cantantem. Aquinas 2. 2. q. 91. ad 2. & Senensis ann●t. 304. lib 6. B●●lioth. S. S. Jerome (saith their Aquinas) reproved the theatrical form of singing; and S. Augustine held it a sin to be less delighted with the ditty, than with the tune. 7 But what do we trouble our Reader with delivering such like Innovations by retail, which we may utter by gross? For our Adue● saries themselves have n See above lib. 1. cap. 3. S●●t. 3. & Sect. 5. complained hereof, as of a vast wood, pestering the Lord's field: yet hath their number been o Ibidem. increased (say they) by seve● all Popes: wherein they have p Ibidem. exceeded the multitude of jewishrites and ceremonies, without either measure or end: so far that they are become unto Christian professors, for Heaviness q Ibid●m. a burden importable, and for uneasiness r Fit ampl●is de levi iugo Christi & lege libertatis, jugum ferreum & on●s grave premens ceruices Christiano●um, du● scil aliqui suas omnes leges, suas institutiones, suas regulas, & statuta arbi●●ari volunt accipienda esse, sic●t praecepta l●gis D●i, ad aeternae mo●tis interitum, si praetereantur, mergentia. Gerson. 〈◊〉. Cancellarias, de vitaspirit. animae, lect. 2. ut est apud G●marum Spec. E●cles. pag. 119. an iron yoke. The Conclusion. SECT. 2. 8 It were a kind of detraction from thy judicious attention (good Reader) if we should again remention the already specified particular changes of doctrines, ●itess, and customs: therefore will we forbears all repetition of them, until we shall be provoked thereunto: yet, for conclusion sake, we judge their Church to be pieced up with variety's o● new alterations, which by tract of time have been multiplied therein, as though it had been presigured by Theseus his ship, which (excepting the name and a Cari●●. bottom thereof) was nothing less than the same. Only give us leave to add two points, wherein it may seem to excel all antiquity of any kind. The first we take from their Thuanus, their own historian, speaking of the last b Cùm prudentiores, ●●●mè Protes●antium part●●us addicti, ad se ex tristi praesentis status cogitation sensi● redijssent, & factum execrantes, eius causas, & excusationem curio●a vestigatione quaererent, sic iudicabant; Nullum similis saevitiae exemplum in tota antiquitate, evolutis gentium Annalibus reperi●i. Thuanus hist. lib. 4. initio. Anno 1572. Append. massacre in France:) Wise men (saith he) seeking all manner of excuse for that fact, did notwithstanding think that in all antiquity there could not be found an example of like cruelty. And was not their powder plot also excellent and unmatchable? 9 The second is the pretended infallibility of judgement, which they attribute unto the Pope, in all matters which he shall prescribe unto the whole Church to be believed: which, by confession, * See hereafter. will appear to be as notable a ground of all heresy, as the other example●▪ as rare and peerless for cruelty. In the interim we must answer unto the Apologists objections. CHAP. XXIX. Whether there be an Innovation in the Church, without an open resistance, and whether a no resistance be a sufficient argument of no Innovation. In which questions our Adversaries own instances are retorted upon themselves. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. This point therefore is not our only assertion or urging, but is also yet further grounded upon the confessed sense of Scriptures, which teach that 7 See hereafter Tract. 2. cap. 2. Sect. 1. z. a. b. d. Pastors and Doctors must be always in the Church: and that 8 Hereafter Tract. 2. cap. 2. Sect. 1. l. 1. & ibidem l. p. q. r. they shall not be silent: but shall 9 See hereafter Tract. 2. ca 2. Sect. 1. l. p. always resist all false opinions with open reprehension: The office also and nature of the Church argueth no less, for how can she be the true Church, and yet suffer so many and important errors as are pretended to invade her children, without resistance upon her part? The experience likewise of all former times is answerable hereunto, for in this sort have the old heresies of the Grecians and Latins been discovered, and 10 See this at large in the several treatises of Tren cousin, Epiphanius, Theodoret, Augustine, Damascene, etc. written purposely by them against heresies: contradicted. In this sort were of later times, Berengarius, Waldo, Wicliffe, Luther, etc. ever at their first arising contradicted and charged with Innovation. In this sort lastly, is the defection or change in doctrine heretofore made by the 11 First concerning the defection of the Greek Church, the more ancient examples thereof in Paulus Samosatenus, Macedonius, Nestorius, etc. are so memorable, as further testimony thereof needeth not. 2. Secondly, as concerning the several defections for latter times of the Greek Church from the Roman, they are testified by Nicephorus, Zonoras', Clycas, Hunbertus against Nicetas, and others. And in part by some Protestants, as namely by Crispinus in his discourse of the estate of the Church. pag. 364. fine, & 253. initio. And by Osiander in his Epitome. Centur. 9 10. 11. etc. p. 144. circa med. & 156. post med. & 261. fine, & 262. fine, and by M. Spark against M●●ohn de Albines. p. 158. and by Keckermannus in System. Theolog. lib. 1. pag. 68, & 69. Twelve times or thereabouts hath the Greek Church reconciled itself to Rome, and afterwards fallen from thence, being thereupon now at last wholly oppressed with barbarous Turkism. 3. Thirdly, as concerning the several errors (few in comparison) wherein the Greek Church at this day dissenteth from the Roman: their beginning and contradiction is notorious: as for example, their denial of subjection to the Roman sea was begun by john of Constantinople, and he thereupon specially contradicted by gregory the great, l. 4. cp. 34. & 36. & l. 7. cp. 36. & 64. and by Pelagius in his Epistle, universis Episcopis qui illieita vocatione loannis Constantinop. ad Synodum conveneiunt. Also their denial of prayer for the dead was begun by Aërius, and contradicted in him by Austin, haer. 53. and by Epiphanius, haer. 75. And yet afterwards in both these doctrines they conformed themselves to Rome, as is reported by M. Spark ubi supra, and by Osiander Cent. 15. pag. 477. and by Crispinus ubi supra, pag 451. In like manner their defence of marriage of Priests was contradicted against Theodorus by Chrysostom. in epist. 6 ad Theodorum Monachum: and against certain other by Epiphanius haer. 59 ante med. Also their denial of the holy Ghosts proceeding from the Father and the Son, was begun and gainsaid about Anno 764. as witnesseth our adversary Keckermanus in System. theolog. pag 68 The denial of unleavened bread in the celebration of the Sacrament, was begun about Anno Domini 1053. as appeareth by ●eo the ninth, in epist. ad Michaelem Episcopum Constantinop. c. 5. and by Osiander Cent. 11. pag. 156. pest med. and by the Century writers. Centur. 11. c. 8. Like example might be given of their other, but few and lesser errors, the which Anno Domini 870. consist (as appeareth by the testimony of Crispinus in his discourse of the estate of the Church, pag. 253. initio) but only in the Primacy and the diversity of ceremonies, as appeareth by the two several treatises translated lately into Latin, the one made by Hieremias Patriatch of Constantinople, the other entitled Responsio joannis Basilij magn● Du●is Mus●oviae, etc. Anno 1570. and published and replied unto by joannes Lasicins a Protestant writer of Poland, and extant in the book entitled de Russorum, Muscovitarum & Tartarorum religione, etc. printed 1582. And it appeareth in the treatise set forth by the Protestant Divines of Witteberg, entitled Acta Theologorum Witebergensium & Hieremiae Patriarchae Constantinopale Augustana confession, etc. printed Witebergae Anno 1584. That the Greek Church yet to this day professeth and teacheth Invocation of Saints and Angels (pag. 55. fine, 102 ante med. & 128. initio) Relics (pag. 243. fine, & 368. post med.) worshipping of Images, (pag. 243. initio. 244. circa & post med. & 247. aunt med. & 251. fine) Transubstantiation (pag. 86. initio, 96. initio, 100 circa med. 240. post med & 318.) Sacrifice (pag. 102. & 104. post med.) The signifying ceremonies of the Mass, pag. 97. circa med. and see the marginal note thereupon, and pag. 99 & 100 Auricular confession in praesat. ante med. & in libro, pag. 87. initio, & 130. post. med. Enjoined satisfaction, pag. 79 & 89 post med. Confirmation with Chrism, pag. 78. initio, & 238. fine. Extreme unction, pag. 242. initio, & 326. aunt med. And all the seven Sacraments, pag 77. circa med. & 242. Also prayer for the dead. pag. 93. post med. 102. ante med. & 109. post. med. Sacrifice for the dead, pag. 95. circa med. & 104. post med. Alm●ss for the dead. pag 93. post med. & 109. circa med. free-will, pag. 224. circa med. 296. ante med. & 367. circa med. Monachisme pag. 132. ante med. & 257. aunt med. Vows of chastity, pag. 111. circa med & 129. post. med. & 135. post med. The fast of Len● and other let fasting days, p. 126. fine. That Priests may not marry after orders taken, pag. 129. circamed. And lastly (to omit many other) that the tradition and doctrine of the Fathers is to be kept, pag. 131. fine, 138. initio, & 142. So plainly in all these chief points doth the Greek Church yet to this day remain unchanged. GREEK CHURCH, to us (though in comparison strangers thereunto) at this day yet discoverable. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THe sum of all this, and of the next Section may be reduced unto this syllogism. All notorious changes in Religion, have received present and open resistances and reprehensions. But the Church of Rome (say they) hath not been openly resisted in the opinions, which are laid unto her charge. Ergo, she hath not committed in them any notorious alteration. The proposition they labour to fortify by Scripture, and by experience. 2 The sense of Scripture is not to be applied universally, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, for the most part: for in the ancient Church we have heard of the doctrine of the * See above. Millenarij, held by Irenaeus, and other fathers of their time; and of the doctrine of (that we may so term them) Paideucharistitae, defending the necessity of the administration of the Eucharist unto children, whereof Pope * See above lib. 2 cap. 13. §. 3. Innocentius was a principal patron: both which opinions are now condemned as new and erroneous by our Adversaries themselves; which notwithstanding passed for currant in their times, not only without resistance, but even with the approbation of the chief Pastors of the Church. Like as there happened a notable alteration in the succession of their Popedom, when notwithstanding there was so little resistance made against the intruders into the cl●aire of Rome, that their Cardinal Baronius deploring the misery of that usurpation, feared not to say, that then * See below Sect. 3. a. all Christ's disciples were asleep; as either not able, or not daring to contradict so notorious Innovation. 3 Their confirmation from experience is less probable: for resistance is a word of mutual dependence and reciprocation, as appeareth in the two grand Barators and common suitors in the law, Style, and Oak; the one is the plaintiff, the other the defendant; each doth resist the other in the question of right, and the matter in the end is referred unto the judge, who is to discern whether of these parties is erroneous: but how? Not by the beginning of open resistance, but by the light of their evidence, and the letter of the law. So in religion, resistance, which is a promise and contra, is no sufficient conviction of error by itself. 4 Secondly, in their assumption, pretending that no example can be given of resistance against any alteration of religion in the Church of Rome, they call for some examples hereof more instantly in their next Section: therefore we being troubled with abundance of those instances which have been * See above. related, will single out only two of these which the Apologists have here propounded for the ground of their contrary experience, viz. the Grecians, and Luther. 5 Many resistances made against the Greek Church in several doctrines, have been * See above. before objected by the Apologists, and by us, in the most particulars, confuted; which now again they recapitulate, burdening a whole page with the repetition of them: showing themselves hereby nimiùm diligentes, even seriously superfluous. That which first we have selected out of many, is the example of the Grecians denying subjection unto the See of Rome; which was begun (say the Apologists) by john Bishop of Constantinople, who was therefore contradicted by Pope Gregory the Great, lib. 4. epist. 34. 6 This assertion concerning the [denial of subjection by the Grecians unto Rome,] although it be * See confuted above lib. 1. cap. 11. etc. false, yet will we (for disputation sake) suppose it to be true. The thing that Pope Gregory did condemn in john Patriarch of Constantinople, was the * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 19 title of universal Bishop of the Church. This indeed S. Gregory did contradict, calling it a * See ibidem. title of novelty, of error, of impiety, of blasphemy, and the very poison of the Church of Christ: which (saith he) never any of my Predecessors consented to use: adding, that whosoever shall usurp it, is the forerunner of Antichrist. Notwithstanding, Pope Boniface (who did succeed S. Gregory next except one, did (as hath been confesled) assume that title of universal Bishop; and the Popes, ever after him, have challenged it as a special prerogative of their Popedom. 7 Now let these great disputers maike what will be the force of this their own instance. The title of universal Bishop, and dominion thereby implied, is, by the judgement of S. Gregory, no more belonging unto the Bishop of Rome, than it did unto the Greek Patriarch. We hence make bold to demand, Was this resisted in Boniface, the first usurper of it in the Roman Church, or not? If it was resisted, then must the Apologists, by their doctrine, confess it to be an Innovation: if it was not resisted, then is it possible that an Innovation might pass without resistance. 8 Afterwards Luther is produced for an Innovator, because his opinion was contradicted and resisted at his first rising. But what was his first opinion, and of what kind was his first resistance? First of his opinion: a Martinus Lutherus nostro seculo ab Indulgentiarum repraehensione principium fecit sectae suae propagandae, ut perspicuum est ex astertionibus articulorum à Leone 10. damnatorum. Bellarm. lib. 1. de indulge. cap. 1. pag. 7. Martin Luther (saith their Cardinal Bellarmine) did begin his opposition unto Rome in reprehending their article of Indulgences. Concerning his resistance, b Leo decimus, anno salutis 1517. habuit in Germanic procuratores Indulgentiarum,— quas illi praedicarent valere non solùm ad salutem vivorum, verumetiam mortuorum animas sublevandas, quae in Purgatorio essent. Tum praestò fuit Lutherus, Augustinianus Monachus, homo in Theologia apud suam Gentem primatius, qui illud improbarit Procuratores eà revaldè commoti, primo quoque tempore nomen Lutheri Roman ad Magistratus deferunt; is continuò ut deorum contemptor accusatur, citatur, causa agitur: sed quia ad diem dictam non adfuit Romae praesens ut relponderet, paulò post declaratur haereticus. Polyd. Virgil. lib. 8. Invent. cap. 4 pag. 492. purged out by the Romish Index. Pope Leo the tenth (saith Polydore) sent his Proctors into Germany, who preached the article of Indulgences, affirming, that they are powerful both for the good of the living, and also for the ease of souls tormented in Purgatory. Luther then rose up to disprove them, and was therefore presently cited to Rome, and accused; and because he did not appear at the day assigned to answer to the accusation made against him, he was forthwith pronounced an heretic. Here we see Luther resisting the Pope, and the Pope resisting Luther: the matter is the doctrine of Indulgences, which (as hath been confested by the Romanists themselves) * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 20. And in this book, cap. 12. Sect. 1 is not expressly delivered either in Scripture, or in the writings of ancient Fathers: nor was in use in the primitive Church: but hath been termed by their own Authors a doctrine of godly deceit, and indeed a palpable novelty. Now then, the case is plain, the Pope's resistance doth not prove the Innovation of Luther's doctrine, but the Inuovation of the Pope's doctrine doth justify Luther's resistance. 9 Waldo, Wickliff, and Luther (give me leave thus far to digress) are brought in as though they were authors of three different religions: this is our adversaries guise, whensoever they happen upon the mention of these names; whereas (if they shall be willing to confer with their own Thuanus) they may be otherwise directed. He showeth that those who are commonly called c Igitur P. Valdus corum antesignanus, patriâ relictâ, in Belgium venit, atque in Picardia. quam hodiè vocant, multos sectatores nactus, cum inde in 〈◊〉 transijsset, per Vandalicas civitates diu versatus est, ac postremò in Bohemia consedit, ubi etiam hodiè ij, qui came doct inam amplectuntur, Picardi ea de causa appellantur. Habuerat Valdus, etc.— Albij haesit, unde Albigei,— quanq●●n alijs in libris Cathari dicuntur, quibus respondent, qui hodi● in Anglia puriorem doctrinam prae se ferunt.— Ita ab 〈…〉 aut fautoribus illi cogno ninati: à loco verò pauperes Lugdunenses, Albigei, & diversis regionibus ob diversas c●●las Passageni, Patareni, Lollardi, Turelupini, ac denique ●ynici dicti su●t Thuanus Inst. Tom. 1. Anno 1550. pag. 457. Albic●●●s ipsos perempturus, isi repentino morbo correptus mox decessislet. Cum hùc illùc ab eo tempore dispersi ubique exag●●atentur, tamen extitere semper per interuallum, qui eo●um doctrinam intermo●tuam renovarent, lo. Wiclews in Anglia, in Bohemia lo. Hussus, & Hieron. Pragensis; nostra verò aetate, postquam Lutheri doctrina obuio tam multorum favore accepta est, reliquiae illorum ubique spa●●ae colligi, & crescente Lutheri nomine, vires & anthoritatem sumere coeperunt, praecipuè ●n regionibus Alpinis, & provincijs Alpibus vicinis. Igitur cum Merindoliani & Caprarienses ad famam corum quae in Ge●●ania gerebantur, aminos sustulistent, iamue conductis ex Germama Doctoribus▪ manifestiùs quàm ante●se proderent. Thuanus ibid. pag. 459. Ille (Gu●ielmus ●●ngaeu●) ergo quaestione habita, sic reperiebat, Valdenles, qui dicuntur, homines esse, qui 〈◊〉 abhinc anuis alperum & incultum solum, vectigale à Dominis acceperint. Ibid. pag. 463. Caprarienses, qui in 〈…〉 comitatu sunt, codem tempore ab Auenionen●bus bello petebantur; ij in commum periculo communem quoq●e rel●gionis professionem consc●ibunt cum Lutheri doctrinà ferè con●●nuentem; & inde ad lac. Saboletum Cardinalem, Carpentoracti Episco 'em mittunt, qui, ut erat pro & miti ingenio perbenigne supplices accipit, & quae ultra ca capita libro comprehe●sa de ipsis spargantur, ad invidiam consicta & meras nugas esse ingenuè declarat; id enim quaestiombus supra ea re habitis sibi certò con●tare: caeterum oblat● libello videri multa inesse, quae partim integ●a sententia in melius mutari, pa●●im acerbiùs, in Pontisicem & Praesules dicta, temper●tiori stylo mitigari possint; se nihilominus eye benè velle, minimèque ex animi sui sententia futurum, si cum his hostiliter ageretur: se quamprunùm Caprariam ad aedes suas venturum, abiue coràm de re tota pleniùs cogmturum. Thuanus ibid. pag. 465. Waldenses, Piccards, Albigenses, Cathari, Lollards, though from their dissent of place and other circumstances they have diverse names, yet hold they the same faith which Wicleffe held in England, and hus in B●h●mia, and gathered strength at the coming of Luther; especially in the Capra●ienses, who professed a religion agreeing almost in all things with Martin Luther: them did Cardinal Sadolet examine, and found many things maliciously s●●●ed against them. We return into the way again. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And could then our home neighbour Rome, only Rome, cast off her primitive faith, and in lieu thereof set abroach pretended errors, not few but many, not small but of importance, not of belief only, but of practice (as Prayer for the dead: Prayer to Saints: Pilgrimage: vowed Chastity: Monachisme: Offering of external sacrifice unto God: and above all (to omit many other) the external adoring (as Protestants think of bread and wine for God,) Neither keep these private to herself, but therewithal infect so many Christian Nation● 12 Nappeire upon the Revelation, pag. 68 reigning universally: and all this as M. Napeire confesseth 13 Nappeire ibidem. without any debatable contradiction 14 ibidem pag 239. ant● med. never suffering for the space of a 1000 years after Silvester the first, (nor before for any thing that is alleged, so much as) any to be seen vouchable or visible of the true Church, to match or encounter her? THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 2. 10 But who is a man's neighbour? was it the Priest or the Levite, who both passed by the man that lay wounded in their way? OH not, but the Samaritane, who had compassion on the distressed, and powered oil and wine into his wounds, to heal him and preserve him alive: this man was his neighbour that fell among thieves. Why then should the Apologists upbraid England with the neighbourhood of Rome, whose wine is turned into vinegar, oil intogall, bread into powder, and fish into a serpent, pursuing that Island not with prayers of compassion, but with fire of persecution? 11 What shall induce us to think that Rome hath not cast off her first faith? We have heard, by the confession of her own Cardinals, Bishops, and Doctors, that she is manifoldly declined from the primitive profession, both in doctrine and practice of Christianity, concerning matters of no less moment than are the Scriptures, Sacraments, justification, Prayers, and almost the whole frame and government of the Church, and sincere form of the worship of God? 12 The sentence of our * See above lib. 1. cap. 8. Sect. 2. Napeir, like as the preposterous fruit of the womb, cometh with the heels out first: for that which he speaketh but of one point of Popery, even the Papal authority, the same do the Apologists apply universally unto all the members of the Romish profession: and that argument, which he took only from a feigned Romish supposition, they enforce as proceeding from his positive asseveration. Which his supposition hath been contradicted by all ancient story, revealing unto us the diverse oppositions of many Churches, and Counsels, and Fathers (we may also add, Christian a Christiani Imperatores saepè iudic●r●nt ac deposuerunt Pontisices.— quo iure ipsi viderint. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Pont. cap. 29. §. Argumentum quintum. Emperors) against the Papal authority. And can any one requited in any thing a more notorious resistance? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Whereas yet our Adversaries themselves, do acknowledge and report 15 Reported at large by the C●ntury writers in the fift Chapter of the●r several Centuries of every age. the confessed and known heretics, who in every of the foresaid ages, have in other points openly and boldly contradicted 16 This is testified by the Century writers ubi supra, & by the other Ecclesiastical writers of every age: and see hereafter tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 9 l z. the ROMAN Church. And though we should suppose all this so strangely to have happened, could yet so great and strange a wonder, but so much as in that one foresaid example of 17 Whereas our adversaries preten● that Honorius the third who was Pope Anno CITIZEN▪ 20. did first bring in the adoration of the Sacrament, it is a mere fiction for no writer of that age did gainsay or so much as charge him with Innovation herein: only he did ordain that Priests should admonish the people against their negligence in that behalf. Before this Honorius, Odo Parisiensis who lived 117●. (in Synodicis constitutionibus cap. 5. de Sacram. altaris) saith in like manner: Frequenter moneantur Laici, ut ubicunque viderint deferri corpus Domini, statim genua slectant tanquam D●mino & creatori suo, & tunctis manibus quoadusque 〈…〉 orent: also Algerus Anno Domini 1060. l. de sacram. Eucharist l. 2. c. 3. fine, saith: Hac side ipsum Sacramentum quasi 〈◊〉 quiddam & rationabile alloquimur & roganus: Agnu● Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, miscrere nobis; quia non quod vid●t●r, ●●quod verè est, Christum ibi esse credimus. Also Antonius Praetorius a learned Calmnist, in libro de sacramentis, pag. 288. prope initium, telling how Damascene taught Transubstantiation, withal further saith. Anno 735 Subs●●●ta est panis adoratio, a●i ipse Christus esset. And so accordingly Carrion in his Chronie. pag. 451 prope initium doth not only charge Damascene most expressly with Transubstantiation, but doth also (ibidem pag. 476. circa med. & 477 paulò ante med.) place Artolat●●a: That is to say (saith he) the adoration of the reserved and clevated bread (sequentibus annis quin ●e●tis, etc.) within these 〈◊〉 ●●ue ●undreth yearesafter Christ. By which only premises, as it is clear and confessed, that adoration of the Sacrament wa● used long before the time of Honorius the third: so also it is as evident and confessed by Protestants, and namely by 〈◊〉 (Act. Mon. pag. 896. b. fine, and after the edition of Anno 1596. pag. 1276. a line 14.) that if this Honorius did not begin the same, the first beginning thereof is then so far from being ●ound, that we cannot (saith M. Fox) found it to ●●me in by aweather. Add but now hereunto th● answerable testimonies of Austin in Psalm. 98. of An brose de Spiritu sancto, l 3 c 12. of Theodoret. ●●al. 2. of chrusostom in 1. Cor hom. 24. of Basil de Spiritu sancto, cap 27. of Nazianzen in Epitaph Gorgoniae, and of Dionysius Areopagita de Eccles●hiera●ch c. 3. which are so plain and agreeable with our external adoration of Christ in the Sacrament, that our adversary Chemnitius doth for such allege sundry of them against our adversaries the Sacramentaries, in his Examen Concil. Trident. part 2. p. 92. adoring the Sacrament for God (much more in so many other points of faith) have been so brought and divulged into so many Christian Nations near and remote, and not once testified or remembered, so much as by any one of the Church's enemies neither heretical nor profane? were the Churches own pastors, her home enemies and strangers to her religion all of them silent herein? THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the Romish error in adoration of the Sacrament, and how their apostasy might begin and grow for a time, without resistance. SECT. 3. 13 If we shall suppose an uncertainty, when adoration of this Sacrament first began, or who resisted it; must it thereupon be collected, that it was from the beginning of our Christian faith? This is the Apologists general consequence, which they will have to hold not in doctrine * See the former Section. of belief only, but also in practice. Therefore do we hold it sit, first, to put them in mind of one observation, which Baronius their late Cardinal hath committed unto public record: a Quae tunc facies sanctae Ecclesia Romanae? quam ●oedissima, cùm Romae dominar entur potentiss mae aeque ac lordidist mae meretrices? quarum arbitrio mutarentur sedes, darentur Episcopi, & quod auditu h●rrendum & infandum est, intruderentu● in sedem Petri eatum amasijs pleudo pontifices, qui non sint, nisi ad consignanda tanta tem pora in catalogo Rom. ●ont●sicum scripti. Quis enim à scortis huiusmodi intiusos sine lege, legiun●os dicere possit Rom. fuisse Pontisices? N●squam cle●i cligentis vel postea consentientis aliqua mentio, Canon's omnes prelli silentio, decreta Pontisicum suffocata, proscripta● antiquae Traditiones veteresue in eligendo sum mother Penned since consu●tudines, sac●iue ritus, & pristinus usus prorsus extincti. Sic vendicaverat omnia sibi libido, seculari potentia freta, insaniens oestro percita dominandi. Dormiebat tunc planè alto (ut apparet) sopore Christus in navi, cum hisce stantibus validis ventis navis ipsa fluctibus operiretur: dormiebat, inquam. qui ista non videre dissimulans, sineret sic sieri, dum non exurgeret vindex. Et quod deterius videbatur, d●●rant, qui Domiwm sic do●mientem clamoribus excitarent discipuli, stertentibus omnibus: quales●am teris delectos ab hisce monstris Presbyteros & Draconos Cardinals fuisse ●utandum: cùm nihil tam natu●ae insitum sit, quà● unum quenique sibi similem generare? quos in omnibus, ijs, i quibus delecti fuerint, consensisse dubitare quis poterit? imitatosue esse ipsos, sectatosue eorum vestigia quis non facilè credat? & optâsse hos omnes, Dominum dormisse semper, & nunquam in judicium ●urrecturum, evigilaturum nunquam ad ipsorum cognosc●nda & punienda facinora, quis non intelligat? Baronius Tom. 10. Anno Christi 912. num. 8. pag. 779. What a face of the Church of Rome (saith he) shall we call this, which was in those days, when as the most common and potent strumpets, according unto their pleasures, disposed of Bishoprics, and (which is horrible either to hear or speak of) placed counter. Popes, their own paramours, in S. Peter's chair? for who can hold them for true successors, who wanted both the election and approbation of the Clergy? Whilst that the ancient Canons and decrees of elder Popes were suppressed, and the former customs of election utterly extinct, then, as it may seem, Christ lay in his ship (meaning the Church) asleep, and it was beaten and tossed with raging tempests, and he dissembled, as it were, that he saw those evils, by permitting them to sway; yea (which is the worst) there was not found any one among his Disciples, who listed to waken our Lord, all of them being in a shorting sleep. What kind of Cardinals were then chosen by those monsters? doubtless, we must think that they followed the course of natural creatures, whose property is to beg●t their like, whose vices they would imitate, and wish that the Lord should sleep always, and never arise unto judgement. 14 This is a plain testimony of their choice and uncontrollable witness confessing not a winking, but a sleeping, not of their people only, but also of their Clergy, even from the lowest up unto the Cardinals (who are accounted the * See above lib. 4. cap. 19 Sect. 2. fundamental supporters of the Church in both spiritual and temporal causes,) by suffering a corrupt and pestilent succession not only in Bishoprics, but in that which they call the Chair of S. Peter, the seat of the Bishop of Bishops, even the Popedom itself, by intrusion of monsters, according unto the lust of famous whores. Can the Apologists require a more notorious and ugly change in practice than this? or in a subject matter of more importance, or more free from open resistance, when behold, all the Disciples are stark asleep? We leave their practice, and return unto the doctrine. 15 It is a true signification, which one of our Doctors hath delivered, viz. Transubstantiationem subsecuta est adoratio, that is: Adoration of this Sacrament did follow upon the doctrine of Transubstantiation. Therefore adoration could be but an embryo before the days of Pope Innocentius the 3, at what time Transubstantiation grew to be of so perfect a strength, as first then to become a doctrine of faith, as their own Doctors have affirmed. This maketh the judgement of our Hospinian (an author often cited by the Apologists) to seem more probable, who ascribeth the beginning of adoration unto b Sacerdos quilibet frequenter plebem doceant suam, ut cùm in celebratione Missarum elevatur hostia, see reverently inclinet: idem faciens, cum eam defert Presbyter ad infirmum Honorius 3 Decret. de celeb. Missarum, lib. 3. 'tis 41. cap. Sanè cum olim. Pope Honorius the third, who lived some few years before the forenamed Innocentius. 16 This adoration increased by another Innovation used by Pope Vrbane the fourth, who first (saith Cardinal Bellarmine) instituted a solemn feast & procession for the Eucharist (called Corpus Christi day,) which afterwards Pope Clemens the sift did confirm, to the intent that by the public adoration thereof, the rude people might be more easily instructed concerning the real (meaning, corporal) presence of Christ in the Sacrament. Where, by the way, we are to understand, that even the ordinance of Pope Vrbane seemeth not to have been voided of resistance, seeing that, d Qu●a illa constitutio V●bant non ●uit recepta ab omnibus, ideò Clemens Papa quintus innovauit illam constitutionem, & illam praecepit ab omnibuster●ari. G●ssa●● Clement. cap. unicum. Tit. De Reliq & Venerat. forasmuch as (thus their Gloss speaketh) the constitution of Vrbane was not received of all, therefore did Pope Clemens command it to be universally received. Yet one would think it strange that it found no more general and free passage in those times, if the doctrine of Indulgences had then possessed men's Creeds: specially seeing that e Summam Indulgentiarum, quas Vrbanus quartus, Clemens quiatus, Martinus quintus, & Eugenius 4. ipsis, qui ipso die festo intersunt primis & secundis Vesperis, vel Missae vel Matutino, juhanus Ponerius collegit, & assurgit ad 16000 dierum Indulgentias. Hospinian hist Sacram. lib. 4. pag. 387. the Indulgences which Popes did multiply upon them (who honoured this feast by their presence at the Church,) did amount unto sixteen thousand days pardon. 17 We need not much dispute about this institution, because their own Consulter hath sufficiently displayed this Innovation: f Quare videtur hic circumgestationis usus, citra grave Ecclesiae damnum imò cum ipsius lucro (si modo id prudenter fiat) omitti posse, cum & recens sit, & diu sine ista cir cumgestatione, sacramento suus honos constiterit, & hody constare possit. Deinde cum hody plerumque non devotioni populi, sed pompae magis & ostentationi serutat: itaque vir summi judicij Albertus Cranzius in sua Metropoli, Nicolaum Cusanum legatum per Germaniam laudat, qui abusum Sacramenti Euch●ristiae in nimis frequenti eius pet singulas ferias circumgest atione sustulerit, & constituit, ut nisi inter octavas festi Sacramento dedicati in publicum non defe●tetur, additque; idem Albertus memorabilem causam, quia inquit eius sacramenti usus à coelesti magistro institutus est, ad usum, non ostentationem: de ipso verò festo certum est illud ab Vrbano, non ad circumgestationem institutum, sed ad celebriorem conventum▪ & ut homines per pietatis opera ita se praeparent, quo huius pretiosi Sacramenti eo die participes fieri, atque ipsum reverenter su●cipere mereantur: ita enim habent verba Decreti, ad quod institutum si redeatur, nis puto fore absurdi. Cassander de Consult. art. 22. §. De circumgestation. pag. 174. This custom of circumgestation of the host (saith he) may be left, with (if it be wisely laid down) greater profit unto the Church, both because it is but a new invention, as also because it serveth rather for a pompous ostentation, than for any godly devotion; and so (as Albertus Cranzius saith) is contrary unto Christ his institution. 18 What the judgement of Antiquity was concerning adoration, we cannot learn until we take forth this first lesson of understanding their phrases. Dionysius Areopagita is usually objected, where he saith unto the Eucharist, g OH divimssima, & sacra ceremonia. Dionys. Hierarch. Eccles. cap. 3. in Theoria. OH thou most divine and sacred ceremony! But this was spoken in the same meaning (saith Pachymeres) h Ceremoniam hanc alloquitur, qua animatasit.— ut Gregorius Theologus: O sanctum & magnum Pascha; & eiusmodi sacra ceremonia Dominus noster jesus Christus, ad quem sermonem habet. Pachymer. in eum locum. See also above lib. 2. cap. 2. etc. wherewith Nazianzene spoke unto the feast of Easter, saying, OH thou great and holy feast! which is but a figurative prosopopoeia: i Haec verba, [O Pascha magnum] and festum ipsum perind● ac vita praeditum resert. jila autem [O verbum Dei] & quae deinceps sequuntur, ad Christum spiri●uale Pascha per acclamationem dirigit. Nicetas in Nazianzen. Orat. 2. de Pascha in fine. speaking unto it (saith Nicetas) as though it had had life. Even as our c Vrbanas 4 primus instituit festum corporis Domini, & soleunem eius processionem.— Fuisse optimas eius festi rationes, patet ex Clementina, unica de Reliq. & venerat. Duae videntur praecipuae,— 1. ut Christimus populus Deo grat●●s ageret, obt●m singular pro nobis impensum beneficium:— quare nisi quis neget in h●c Sacramento singular beneficium à Deo nobis praestitum etc. Altera,— quia melius d●scunt rudiores in Eucharistiae Sacramento verè esse Christum praesentem, & proindè falsam esse haeretico●um doctrinam, ex publica adoratione totius Ecclesiae, & honore illo eximio, qui huic Sacramento exh●betur, quàm ex multis concionibus. Bellar lib. 4. the Eucharist. cap. 30. Adversaries confess they themselves mean, when they say unto the Cross, * See above lib. 2 cap. 2. Auecrux, spes unica, etc. that is, Hail o Cross, my only hope etc. We have had plentiful trial of the hyperbolical speeches of Fathers, sounding like unto these sayings of Nazianzen, who in an Homily comparing the day of Christ his resurrection with the days of Christ his passion and burial, k Heri cum Christo in crucem agebar, sussigebar: hodiè simul glorificor: heri commoriebar, hodiè simul vivisicor: heri con●epeliebat, hody simul resurgo. Greg. Nazianzen. in Pascha, Orat. 1. Yesterday (saith he)) I was crucified, to day am I glorified; yesterday was I buried, to day I am risen again. l Potestis, quicuuque id vultis, non solum pedes & manus, sed & sacrum illud caput contingere. 2. Ip●e in vos descendat in baptismo. 3. Maria Madge dalena pedes ofculatur. Sic & vos qui accepturi estis baptism a primùm tenete pedes salvatoris. Chrys●st. in Matth. h●m. 90. & in Marc. home 13. & home 14. Whosoever will be baptised (saith chrusostom) may in baptism touch the head and feet of Christ. Clemens doubteth not to say, m Inuocet Deum Sac●rdos ad Baptismum. Clemen● conceit. Apost. lib. 7. cap. 43. Let a man invocate upon Baptism. And S. Augustine, n Baptismum Christi ubique veneramur. August. epist. 164. We worship the Baptism of Christ, wheresoever it is. And again, explicating himself by comparing the o Qui veneratur utile signum divinitùs institutum, cuius vim significationemque intelligit, non hoc veneratur quod videtur & transit, sed illud potius, quò talia cuncta referenda sunt:— Sicuti est Baptismi Sacramentum, & celebratio corporis & sanguinis Domini: quae unusquisque cùm percipit, quò referantur imbutus agnoseit, ut ea non carnali seruiture, sed spirituali potius libertate veneretur. Aug. de doct. Christ. lib. 3. cap. 9 worshipping of Baptism and the Sacrament of Christ's body together, which (saith he) whosoever receiveth, knoweth whereunto they are referred, so that he worshippeth them not with a carnal servitude, but with a spiritual liberty. And who knoweth not that it is not Baptism, but Christ in the ministration of Baptism that is to be muocated, and adored, and worshipped? Which kind of paralleling of phrases used by ancient Fathers, concerning Baptism and the Eucharist, may be as good as any Comment for our right understanding of antiquity. Howbeit, that reverence which belongeth unto the sacred things of God, cannot without impiety be denied unto the holy Sacraments, because in them we have sealed unto us that eternal & saving truth, which is promised in the word, where of Tertullian said, p Adoro plenitudinem Scripturarum. Tertull. adversus Hermog. post medium. I adore the fullness of Scriptures. 19 Damascene, who lived about the year 740. hath this sentence: q Damascenus, qui circa ann. Domini 470. claruit. l. 3. c. 7. de orthodox. side scribit, propter saluas & inconfusas in unione proprietates non esse incircumscriptae divinitati aequare ubique corpus. Item, prorsus impossibile esse, contrarias substantiales differentias, sicut est, visibile & invisibile, palpabile & impalpabile, circumscriptum & incircumscriptum esse, simul in corpo●e & Christi humana natura coexistere. Vt refert Hospiman hisi. Sacram. lib. 3. cap. 7. pag. 256. It is impossible for two contrary essential differences, such as are visible and invisible, palpable and not palpable, circumscribed in place and not circumscribed, to consist together in the human nature of Christ. Which saying is, of itself, sufficient to overthrowall conceit of Transubstantiation. If his other sentence may admit an adoration in our former sense, as he speaketh himself of the worship of the Cross: yet may they not urgently presseus with his authority, because he is without the compass of due antiquity, and more especially for that he is noted by the Romanists to have been both of too r Theophylacti opimonem (which was, Spiritum à Filio non procedere) Damascenus & alij recentiores Graeci approbant Sixtus Senens. Bibl. S. lib. 6. annot. 187. sol. 505. much, and of too s Cùm audivisset (Damascenus) ac credidisset Tra●ani animam Gregorij magni precibus ex inferno liberatam fuisse, id quidem bona fide vir sanctus retulit at commentum falsissimum suir, quod putabatur esse historia. Poss●uinus' Ies. apparat. sacr. Tit. joh. Damascenus. little credulity. 20 Howsoever, in as much as our Adversaries dare not allow a direct adoration of Christ in the Eucharist, but upon presumption that t Ob. Si ideò Sacramentum Eucharistiae adorandum sit, quia Christus ibi est, igitur omnis creatura adoranda est, quia in omni creatura Deus est. Respondeo, long aliter Christus est in Eucharistia, & in alijs rebus Deus: nam in Eucharistia tanquam unum tantùm suppositum est, idque divinum: caetera omnia ad illud pertinent, & cum illo unum quid faciunt, licet non eodem modo; ●deò rectè totum illud adoratur simul, ut ante diximus de Christo vestito: at in alijs rebus Deus quidem est, sed non est unum suppositum cum illis, neque dici possunt unum quid, Deus & creatura, in qua est Deus. Bellarm. lib. 4. the Eucharist. cap. 30. §. Quartò. he is personally (and not only mystically) therein: we by our * See above lib. 2. cap. 2. former confutation of his personal and corporal being in this Sacrament, stand secure & free from this assault, holding it the safest for us to adore Christ his person in both the Sacraments; yet not as inclusively, but significatively and representatively contained therein, with (as the Liturgy teacheth) a sursum corda, that is, by lifting up our thoughts unto heaven, as the proper and only real and royal place of his mansion, until his coming again unto judgement, according to the letter of our Creed: showing ourselves hereby not u So chrusostom speaketh in one place. Daws, but (as chrusostom speaketh) x Vbi enim (inquit) cadaver, illic Aquilae, Cadaver Domini corpus:— Aquilas appellat, ut ostendat ad alta eum oportere contendere, qui ad hoc corpus accedit. Chrysost. in 1. Cor home 24 post med. Eagles, soaring up into heaven, there to feed on the body of Christ, which was slain for our sins; for where (saith Christ) the carcase is, thither will the Eagles' resort: teaching us, that even when we contemplate upon his body, now majestified and glorified, we should do it with a reference unto it, as it was mortified and dead, because therein consisted the merit of our redemption. 21 Lastly, although Rome could expostulate, (seeing that the heresies of other Churches were detected and resusted at their first birth,) why Rome (o Rome) should seem to err without any open resistance; yet so little would this prejudice our plea against her, that it may seem rather to be fortified thereby, because the Antichristian apostasy hath this peculiar title, * Apoc. 17. 5. having in her forehead a name written, Mystery. Why? Their own y Rhemists' annot. upon that place. Rhemish Doctors give this note: S. Paul (say they) calleth this secret and close working of abomination, the mystery of iniquity, 2. Thess. 2. So that howsoever her entrance and progress did pass under such cloudy pretence of Christian policy and godliness, yet her purple and scarlet garment, & abomination was by degrees to be made manifest. Which may serve for a full conviction of the Apologists, challenging us to show the authors, times, and manner of resistance in every change. 22 To conclude, seeing that their Cardinal z See a●ove Bellarmine hath well observed concerning other patriarchal seats, except Rome, that they have long sithence departed from the sincerity of their ancient faith; and we have now showed the like decay in Rome also, in many & marvelous aberrations: why should not our Adversaries acknowledge in Rome, not only a possibility, but even an ordinary and lamentable experience of her (o Rome) apostasy from the sincere faith? CHAP. XXX. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. That Catholics are able to prove the contrary, even by the testimonies of learned Protestants. § 8. And although the proof of the ROMAN Churches supposed change of her religion lying on our adversaries part, & hitherto wanting, might be matter in this behalf sufficient to offer unto your HIGHNESS learned judgement; yet will we ourselves in surplusage exhibit further demonstration of her not change in any needful article of faith, by manifest testimony from our learned Adversaries: First then, it is heretofore fully proved by evident confession of the learned Protestants (aswell in general, a This is fully confessed heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 1 paulò post initium, and M. Fulke in his answer to a counter set catholic, p. 36. initio, affirmeth also that the religion of the Papists came in and prevailed in the year of our Lord 607. as also concerning every point of faith in particular) b This is heretofore proved Tract. 1. Sect. 1. in the margin at the letter, d. that is the time of Gregory the great, Bishop of Rome, the Roman Church professed our now Catholic, or (as they term● it) Popish faith; and that she hath persevered in profession thereof ever since that time, is confessed likewise by our Adversaries, and made so evident by histories, as that to undertake further proof thereof were tediousness both c Confessed heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 2. in the margin at the letter, 1. and also at this mark improper and needless. This d This is manifestly affirmed and collected from the Ecclesiastical writers of every age, and by our adversaries the Century writers, in every of their several Centuries. Gregory lived somewhat within the first 600. years after Christ; so that having now hereby already proved the continued profession of the Roman Church in our now taught Catholic faith for all these last thousand years: * And M. Fulke in his answer to a counterfeit Catholic. pag. 27. circa med. speaking of Boniface the third. who was Bishop of Rome the second year after the death of Gregory the great (teste Anastasio ● de vitio Pontificum) saith, the Popes from Boniface the third, were ill blasphemous heretics and Antichrists. And he affirmeth the same in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 344 post med. And he likewise affirmeth Boniface the third to be Antichrist, and that under him the Papists religion prevailed, in his foresaid answer to a counterfeit Catholic, pag 36. and in his confutation of Purgatory, pag. 194. paulò post med. & vide Whitakerum lib. de Ecclesia. pag. 260. fine, & 261. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL▪ Showing the Apologists error, concerning S. Gregory. SECT. 1. ALL this their Surplusage, or further demonstration (as they call it) is nothing else but indeed a superfluity, being only (as will appear,) a new moulding of that mass and lump of matter which they had formerly collected: therefore may we refer our answer with no less case than they have done their proofs, unto * This they do generally in● their margins. heretofore. 2 And so it shall appear, that they must seek out some new Gregory for proof of their new doctrine of Transubstantiation, private Mass, proper Sacrifice, half Communion, justification by inherent righteousness, Indulgences, worshipping of Images, as also for their oppressing multitude of ceremonies, addition unto Canonical Scriptures, insufficiency of the written word, & forbidding the common reading thereof, with other particulars of Romish Religion, which old S. Gregory * See abou● lib. 1 from chap 2 unto the 6. chap. never allowed: who was himself so far from being Popish, that he was not so much as Pope, according as this creature is now defined; because he both abhorred the title of universal Bishop, which betokeneth the now universal sovereignty over the Church of Christ in all causes Ecclesiastical: and as concerning the State temporal, he protested his subjection unto it. Ergo, this their resumption of the continuance of the now profession of the Roman faith for the first 600 years, is a mere precipitation. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The only difficulty and doubt left to be examined, is whether that she did make change of her faith, during these other foresaid first 600 years next after Christ. This being the main point or issue of this present controversy: THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing their error in the main Issue. SECT. 2. 3 This [only] is, we will not say one lie, but doubtless one great untruth, as hath been abundantly * See above lib. 1. cap. 2. proved: and yet this vast untruth is here laid down for the main point and Issue of this present controversy. So that this foundation being so sandy, it prognosticateth the ruin of their whole structure and building. For what? THE ROMISH APOLOGY. We will now first examine for how many hundredth years next after Christ, the Church (e) M. Fulke in his confutation of Purgatory, p. 374. post med. of Rome is confessed to have persevered without revolt or change in the faith first to her delivered: In discovery whereof, whereas our writers do object, how that Tertullian provoked the heretics of his time with the succession of the Roman Bishops, M. D. Fulke answering thereto affirmeth the reason thereof to be, for that (saith he) (The Church of Rome retained by succession until tertullian's days, that faith which it did first receive of the Apostles. With whom agreeth herein M. D. Whitaker f Whitaker de Ecclesia, p. 278. post med. speaking of certain Apostolic Churches, & amongst them of Rome by name: saith, unde intelligimus cur ad illas Ecclesias provocaret Tertullianus? nimirum quia tum doctrinam Apostolicam perpetua successione tenebant. and Jerome * Zanchius de vera Relig. pag. 148. post med. Zanchius: and where one of our writers urgeth g In M. Fulks confutation of Purgatory, p. 372. ante med. the succession of the Roman Bishops by example of Irenaeus, Cyprian, Tertullian, Optatus, Jerome, Augustine, and Vincentius Lirinensis, M. Fulke answereth thereto saying, h Ibiden. p. 373. paulò ante med. That these men specially named the Church of Rome, it was because the Church of Rome at that time, as it was founded by the Apostles, so it continued in the doctrine of the Apostles. And M. D. Reynolds being provoked in the same kind acknowledgeth in like manner, that i M. D. Rainolds in his conference with M. Hart, p. 442. post med. the succession of the Roman Bishops was a proof of the true faith in the time of Austin, Epiphanius, Optatus, Tertullian, and Irenaeus, etc. And the like acknowledgement or answer thereto, is made by many other k Ridley in M. Fox's Acts and Monuments, p. 1359. b. circa med. saith, The Patriarch of Rome in the Apostles time, and long after, was a great maintainer and setter forth of Christ's glory, in the which above all other countries and Regions was preached the true Gospel, the Sacraments were most duly administered, etc. After the Emperors become Christians, the Gospel there storished most. And M. jewel in his Reply to M. Harding, pag. 346. ante med, saith, As well S. Austin as also other godly Fathers rightly yielded reverence to the sea of Rome, etc. for the purity of religion which was there preserved a long time without spot. And pag. 628. paulò post med. he further saith, The godly Fathers (of those foresaid times) sought to the Church of Rome, which then for purity in religion, and constancy in the same, was most famous above all others. learned Protestants: only we will conclude with Calvin, who setteth down our foresaid allegation saying of us, l Calvin. Instit. l. 4. c. 2. sect. 2. saith: Magnificè illi quidem suam nobis Ecclesiam commendant: allegant enim eam apud se initio sana doctrina & sanguine Martyrum bene fundatam, perpetua Episcoporum successione conseruatam fuisse ne intercideret; commemorant quanti hanc successionem fecerunt, Irenaeus, Tertullianus, Origenes, Augustinus, et al●. They in deed set forth their Church to us very gloriously, etc. They report out of Irenaeus, Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, and others, how highly they esteemed this succession: Whereto he than answereth and giveth his like reason hereof, saying, * Cum extra controversiam esset, nihil à principio usque ad illam aetatem mutatum fuisse in doctrina, sumebant quod omnibus novis erroribus conficiendis sufficeret, illos oppugnare doctrinam ab ipsis usque Apostolis constanter & unammi assensu retentam. Calvin ubi supra, l. 4. cap. 2. sect. 3. Considering it was a matter out of all doubt that from the beginning even until that time, nothing was changed in doctrine, the (foresaid) holy Doctors took in argument that which was sufficient for the overthrowing of all new errors, (to wit) that they (viz. the heretics) oppugned the Doctrine which even from the very Apostles themselves had been inviolably and with one consent retained: And in his book of Institutions set forth in French, he saith expressly, that m Calvin in his Institutions in French, printed at Geneva by Conradus Badius, Anno 1562. saith, C'estoyt une choose notoire & sans doubt, que depuis L'aage des Apostres, iusques à leur temps, il ne c'esto●t art nul changement de doctrine, ny à Rome, ny aux autres villes. It was a thing notorious and without doubt, that after the Apostles age until those (foresaid) times, no change was made in doctrine, neither at Rome nor at other Cities: So plainly do our learned adversaries acknowledge, that no change of faith was made by the Roman Church from the Apostles age until the times of Saint Austin, Epiphanius, Optatus, etc. Which was for sour hundredth and forty years after Christ. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing that Protestants claim of Antiquity. SECT. 3. 4 This general consent of our so profoundly judicious Protestants, in appealing unto the primitive Church for the space of the first four hundred and forty years after Christ, thus acknowledged by our Adversaries, may well serve for a just reproof of their slander, who usually upbraid Protestants with contempt of all Antiquity: for here even old Rome is commended by Protestants, and produced for the condemnation of this new Rome; which is new, more by alteration of her profession and customs, than of her edificies and situation. Yet gladly would we know what this their Arithmetical computation may mean. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The Church of Rome being then thus cleared from all change of doctrine (at the lest concerning any needful article of faith, which is the only point now pertinent and questionable) during aswell the first 440 years after Christ, as also the other thousand years now last passed: there remaineth only to be examined, the interim of those 160 years which passed between the said first 440. and the said other last 1000 years; in which mean time, if no such supposed change was, then doth it hereof avoidable follow, that as the Church of Rome at first received and professed the right faith, so likewise she doth yet still to this day continued and preserve the same. The matter being as then (even from the testimonies of our learned adversaries) made thus issuable, and plainly deduced to this certainty or narrow compass of time: we have here often provoked them to give example or instance of this their supposed change in the Roman Church during the said mean time of 160 years. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the Apologists singular curiosity in the weaving up of their former ends. SECT. 4. 5 A Philosopher did call sophistry, (which is an unsound, but witty subtlety) a spider's web, fine, but thin, woven curiously, but easily broken: and such like may this workmanship of the Apologists seem to be, whilst that they hem Protestants within so narrow a compass, as is the interim of an hundred and sixty years, charging them to prove therein all the Innovations which they have objected against the Romish Church. 6 For first, Protestants, in oppugning doctrines which they call new, and not Catholic, (that is, not universally received as necessary points of faith,) are so far from suffering the limitation of the first 440 years, that they give the Romanists the scope of the first 500 or 600 years, as our Adversaries themselves do acknowledge: for D. Stapleton writing of the opinion of Luther, Caluine, and Melancthon, saith, that a Quare Luthe●u● ipse in novissimis suis libellis, ut in captain. Babylon. calvinus quoque passim in Prophetas, Melancthon etiam locis communibus primis editis, primos tantùm quin gentoes, aut ad sammam sexcentoes annos veritati concedunt. Stapleton. prompt. Cathol. ser. 4. Hebd. 4. pag. 173. they did yield unto the trial of truth, by the testimony of Antiquity, for the space of the first five of six hundred years. Master Campian a jesuite, reporting the challenge of Bishop jewel for the maintenance of those articles, which he then propounded for Catholic, saith, that he appealed unto the judgement of Antiquity for the first b johannes juellus, Antesignanus Caluimanorum, Angliae Catholicos, ad D. Pauli Londinensium, incredibili ●actantiâ la●essi●it, mu● catis per hypocrisin & imploratis Patr●bus, quicunque intra salutis annum sexcentesimum claruissent. Campian. rat. 5. p. 41. six hundred years: and so likewise doth their jesuite Sacroboscus expound D. Whitaker his defence, c Sed fo●tè respondebit Whitakerus quan ●o ipse concessit Ecclesiam Rom. puram, piam Christianam primis sexcentis annis, id se non intellexisse simpliciter & absolutè, ita ut nullum genas corrupt. lae in aliqua part doctrinae locum habuerit in ea, sed tantùm comparatione tacta ad lequentia secula in quib is evasit corruptissima, & facta est Antichristiana. Sacroboscus Defence. Decret. Conc. Trid. part 3. cap. 2. pag. 213. Granting (saith he) the Church of Rome to have continued pure for the space of 600 years, which he meant comparatively, in respect of the most corrupt state of the Church of Rome, as it is now. And so indeed the meaning must be, to wit, that the doctrines controverted were not held in the prefined time of Antiquity, as now they are in the Church of Rome: as our former discourse hath proved, and the sequel will more fully confirm. 7 Secondly, their passage from the days of S. Gregory (who lived within the first 600 years) unto these present times, (which is the period of a thousand years following) for the unviolable continuance of their now Romish faith, is praecipitare, non descendere; an issue voided of consent, and a reckoning (as we say) without their host, as both by the examination of the * In the first book. judgement of S. Gregory, and of the former * Throughout the second book. Antiquity, hath been demonstrated: yet, as though the poor remainders of the 160 years, coming between Gregory and the former Antiquity, were the parenthesis, wherein our proof of their alterations must necessarily be included, they proceed to play upon this string saying: THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In full liscoverie of which point, we will briefly urge three special reasons next ensuing. As first, seeing the Scriptures do witness to us, aswell that Christ hath placed in the Church n Ephes. 4. 11, 12, 13. Pastors and Doctors, (to continued) to the consummation of Saints, until we all meet in the unity of saith (even as our adversaries do hereupon expound) o M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testamét in Ephes. 4. fol. 355. a. initio. And Calum Institut. printed Genevae 1550. c. 8. de fide. sect. 37. 38. p 233, 234. and Melancthon in loc. common. printed 1561. c. de Ecclesia. for ever: as also that these p Esay 62 6. watchmen or * See the marginal notes of the English Bible of Anno 1576. in Esay 62 6. Pastors q Esay 62. 6. shall not be silent, but shall (as M. Fulke confesseth,) r M. Fulk in his answer to a counterfeit Catholic pag. 11. initio. always resist all false opinions (even) s M Fulk ibid. pag. 92. ante medium. with open reprehension: which thing is also otherwise most evident, in that by the judgement of all men t See this confessed hereafter Tract. 2. c. 8. Sect. 6. in the margin at the letter, m. and tract. 2. c. 2. sect. 13 in the margin at the letter, r. Christ's true Church must ever continued; but the true Church she neither is nor can be, if she fail so much in duty, as to suffer so many supposed errors to assault and invade her children, without some open defence and resistance to the contrary: Therefore so many and so important doctrines, as Merit of works, Prayer to Saints, Freewill, Real presence, adoration of Christ in the Sacrament, Sacrifice of the Mass, the unmarried life of Priests, and so many other more such like, could never (supposing they were errors) have in so small a compass as of those said 160 years, been brought to have been as then begun and publicly professed by the Roman Church, without great difficulty of resistance and open reprehension of some one or other godly, and in some part of the true Church. The examples u These examples are yet extant, and to be found in Irenaeus in libro adver●us haereses. And in Epiphanius and Augustine, in their several books against heresies. aswell of the times then precedent, wherein were so contradicted but for some one or other several opinion, the Valentinians, Tatianists, Manichees, Arians, etc. As also of the ages then subsequent, 〈◊〉 which were in like sort contra licted the several x These examples are collected out of the Fathers of every of those ages by the Protestant writers, as namely by the Century writers in their fifth Chapter of every several Century. See also Pa●●al●on in his chronology, and Osiander in his several Centuries. other heresies of every age; and all yet to t●is lay manifoldly recorded, give plentiful demonstration herein. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Showing the Apologists error in the whole. SECT. 5. 8 Herein is a commixture and confusion of cases, which aught to have been distinguished, concerning both the subject and the object of controversies. The subject of Antiquity is the Church: which is sometime taken for the universal company of professors, sometime for one or other particular Church of ancient times; and we know that diverse particular Churches (otherwise orthodoxal) have had their blemishes, which aught not to be imputed unto the Church universal. 9 Secondly, in the cause, which is the object of controversy, they should have distinguished doctrines fundamental, the denial whereof doth exclude men from salvation, and disannulleth the name of the Church in the gainsayers (such as were defended by the now mentioned Valentintans, Manichees, Ar●anss, Eutychians, Nestorians, and such like) from the errors which were not absolutely fundamental, but may consist with a possibility of grace, so long as they are not possessed with a wilful contradiction against the known light of the truth. 10 Again, some errors are propounded only as probable opinions, some as necessary positions and conclusions. In the first, the Church wherein they are, giveth a liberty unto men to descent, and consequently a security to remain in such a Church: the other bindeth and constraineth a belief, and may not be allowed against a man's conscience. 11 Lastly, some points were then newly invented by some particular men, which aught to be discerned from other doctrines, which were generally professed of almost all. By these so reasonable and requisite considerations our Authors alleged by the Apologists, have been freed from detractions, and the now religion of Romanists confuted in the above specified articles, concerning Scriptures, Sacraments, private Mass, Freewill, Merit, justification, manner of Worship, and (besides many others) in Popedom itself. 12 To conclude, seeing there is scarce any one point in controversy between us and Rome at this day, which we are not able to prove to be orthodoxal and true, by the express testimonies of diverse Romanists of principal esteem in their Church, both before and since the coming of M. Luther, as, throughout the particular Treatises in this Appeal, hath been amply confirmed, we think that this their importunate seeking of a note of resistance must not a little derogate either from the Apologists learning, or modesty: for why should they exact notes of opposition by Protestants unto their doctrines, which they may found usual in the worthiest professors of their own Church. One point yet more. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The like examples also of the very foresaid 160. years now in question afford no less evidence hereof, for even as then were contradicted for their several opinions, to us yet at this day discerned and known, not only the y Aug. l. de haeresibus ad Quoduultdeum haer. 88 Pelagians, z Aug. ibidem haer. 91. Nestorians, a Aug. ibidem haer. 69. Donatists', b Sexta Synod. Constantinop. and see Centur. 6. col. 311. line. 37. Monothelites, etc. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 6. 13 These heresies and such like, we confess, were publicly contradicted about those times; and some of the same contradiction hath the same heresies of Pelagianisme, Donatisme, and Monothelitisme, found in some Romanists, yea in some Popes of Rome, as will hereafter appear. But scuto prius, we must first defend ourselves from the imputations of heresies, before we may attempt to accuse others. The end of the fourth Book. THE V BOOK. Chap. I A justification of Protestants against the Romanists, who charge them with the guilt of ancient Heresies. The two first concerning Prayers and Fasts, from the Aërians. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. But also (which argueth this matter most invincibly and clearly for us, and against our adversaries) sundry heretics for their then private and singular denying (as Protestants now do) sundry points of our now professed Catholic faith; the undoubted examples whereof, are many, and by our very adversaries acknowledged. So even in, or (which is more strong) next before the beginning of the said 160. years, was (as is confessed) the denial of prayer and offering sacrifice for the dead, and of our appointed fasts, condemned as singular in c Hereof see Aug. haer. 53. & Epiphanius haer. 75. ante med. And M. Fulke in his answer to a counterfeit Catholic, pag. 44 fine. & 45. initio, confesseth this, saying, I will not dissemble that which you think the greatest matter; Aërius taught that Prayer for the dead was unprofitable, as witness both Epiphanius and Austin, which they count for an error: Also he taught that fasting days are not to be observed. And see this confessed in like manner by Pantalcon in Chronographia, pag. 28 initio. Aerius. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimony of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 1. Heresy is the Helen of Greece, engendering dissension for some carnal respect; the devils concubine, conceiving deformed shapes of error; an Adder, writhing itself into perplexed senses and contradictions; and an Ape, imitating only the terms of truth. Both Protestants and Romanists would be loathe to be patterned by these Hieroglyphics: we are now to try them both by their own certain scantlings. And first of the Protestants. 2 Protestants are called in question, in the name of the Aërians, for not praying for the souls departed: whereunto we have answered * See above lib. 4. ca 12. §. 2 & 3. heretofore. 3 The second heresy imputed unto a Secundus error Aërianorun, statuta jejunia non esse solennitèr celebranda Bellar. lib. de not is Eccles. c. 9 §. 11. Aëriani. Aërius, concerning the celebration of ordinary set-fasts, is ordinarily b Idem docent & faciunt Lutherani & Caluinistae ferè omnes. Bellar. ibid. See also Feuardent. Dialog. & Durans cont. Whitach. objected by our Adversaries: unto whom (that our answer may be more acceptable) we first propound that advertisememt which their own Cardinal Tolet giveth them, concerning the state of God's Church under the old law: c Aduettendum est, in huius leiunij declarationem, olim in veteri lege frequentissimum fuisse usum ieiunandi, ut constat ex tota Scriptura, Lege, & Prophetis, & historijs: nullum tamen tempus ieiunij indictum fuit à Lege, nec tale p●aeceptum in ea fuit, sed jejunia aut sponte in poemtentiam peccatorum, aut in carnis mortificationem, aut ad i●am Dei placandam assumebantur, aut aliquandò ab ipsis maioribus judaeorum iniungebantur, maximè temporibus angustiae & tribulationis, aut alijs de causis. Sic ieiunabant Discipuli johannis.— At verò in Ecclesia nostra habemus ie●●niorum praec●pta, tempora, & form● eo●un praescriptam: nam obseruamus ex praescripto Ecclesiae jejunia multa, Vigilias, quatuor Tempora, & Quadrages●mam, quae ab Apostolis ipsis ottum habet. Haec jejunia Christus eo tempore, quo cùm suis Discipulis conversatus est, non indixit eyes, nec ipsi jejunia obse●uabant. Toletus Ies. & Card. Com. in ●uc. 5. Annot. 70. pag. 374 Wherein although (saith he) there was a frequent use of fasting, yet was there not appointed any set-fast. How then? Their fasts were then undertaken either voluntarily, by private men, for the mortifying of the flesh, etc. or else, they were commanded by their Elders in the times of some great and public extremity, or upon some special causes. But what now? But we have in our Churches (saith he) prescribed unto us both the times and forms of our fasts, which Christ in his days did not ordain, such as a●● the Vigils, four Emberss, and Lent-fast. 4 In the next place the doctrine of Protestants would be examined. d jeiunium common ad disciplinam, de qua nunc tractamus, pertinet, quoties de re aliqua magna Deo supplicandum est: jeiunium unà cùm oration indicere expediret, ut Scripturae ostendunt, Act. 13. Nehem. 1 Hoc alacriores ad pre●andun reddimur; imminente aut grassante ullâ calamitate, Pastorum officium est, ho●tari ad jeiunium Ecclesiam, quo simpliciter i●am Dei deprecentur; hoc Dei gloriae & publicae aedificationis interest, tùm etiam nobis ipsis utile & saluta●e. calvinus Institut. lib. 4. cap. 12. §. 19 A common or public fast (saith Caluine) joined with prayers, is behooveful for the Church, whereunto the Pastor is to exhort, whensoever there is any special cause to offer supplication unto God; as for example, in danger of some great calamity: because hereby our prayers may become more fervent, our souls more humbled, and the wrath of God more easily pacified. We have heard of the doctrine of Luther, who allowed * See above lib. 2. cap. 24. sect 7. private fasts for the taming of the insolency of the flesh; and public also, whether they be politic, for the good of a commonwealth, or spiritual, either upon extraordinary occasions, or else at the set times before the feasts of Easter, Pentecost, and the day of our Lord's nativity. In brief, their own Cassander reporteth the Protestants general opinion in their Confession in Saxony, e In Confession Saxonica;— in tertio genere collocantur eae Traditiones, de rebus indifferentibus, quibus accedit opinio cultus, meriti, aut necessitatis; quae opinio accedens ex Adiaphoris faciat impias; quare illas esse violandas, ut opinio illa corrigatur. Ità à Philippo in Rom. 14. exempla ponuntur, delectus ciborum, statuta jejunia etc.— Quid qu●d Lutherus & Bucerus (Protestantium) princi●es ape●tè scribunt, se, publicae pacis causà (huiusmodi) caeremonias & Traditiones communiter observare velle, his conditionibus, ut doctrina evangelii de justificatione gratuitâ per fidem Christi syncerè tradatur, nec in illarum traditionum observatione justitia & fiducia salutis collocetur. Cassander Consult. art. 15. pag. 104. & 111. wherein they publicly showed their willingness to observe the set-fasts, and other such like Traditions, yet so, as not to place any opinion of merit in such observances, nor obscure thereby the doctrine of our free justification by faith in Christ jesus. Which is acknowledged by their jesuite f Philippus Melancthon non negat ieiunij, & rerum indifferentium obseruationem posse homini prodesse, & conducere ad cultum Dei, non tamen inquit immediatè, sed mediatè: facit enim jeiunium ut homo sit aptior ad fundendas preces, in quibus est cultus Dei. Tererius Ies. comm. in Rom. cap. 14. disp. 3. num. 20. Pererius to have been also the doctrine of Melancthon. 5 Now then, fasts are either private, or public: but our question is of the public; which are either Ecclesiastical, or politic: but the objection intendeth only the Ecclesiastical. These are appointed either upon extraordinary occasions, (as in the case of common danger and extremity,) or upon ordinary course. If therefore the Aerians thought only that the Church might disannul the set fasts, or prefer the occasional fasts before them, herein they could not be called heretics; because both many such like Traditions (which were in our adversaries judgement Apostolical,) have been * See above, lib. 2. cap. 25 sect. 10. abolished by the Romanists themselves: and also the example of the Church of God under the law, hath commended unto us the excellency of the fasts which are occasionally appointed. * See above, lib. 2. cap. 24. sect. 5. 6. 6 But if the Aërians abhorred (as they did) such circular set-fasts, so, as to think the appointment of them heretical, and their use impious, taking occasion thereby to make a schism in the Church: then Protestants (as hath been proved) are no more Aërians, in condemning the necessary use of such fasts, than the Romanists are Protestants, in avoiding their accidental * abuses: among whom many must necessarily fall upon the reprehension of their own jesuite Pererius: g Quartum genus abstinentiae hodiè colunt multi perversâ ratione,— quippè vel errore opinionis existimant summam perfectionis Christianae in unius abstinentiae cultu, & exercitatione continen, vel hominum laudem aucupantur,— ut incautis & simplicibus falsa sua dogmata persuadeant: vel denique cùm deficiat illos prudentia, sine modo abstinentiam tractant, scilicet, magno rerum u●iliorum & meliorum impedimento ac detrimento. Perer●●●●omm. in Dan. c. 1. lib. 1. pag. 28. There is a kind of abstinence (saith he) which many affect upon a perverse respect, either placing the chief degree of Christian perfection in this kind of worship, or thereby seeking the praise of men, or else so exceeding the just measure, that their fasts become hindrances unto more profitable exercises. CHAP. II Of two Romish articles, Invocation of Saints, and worshipping of their Relics. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. So also was the denial of prayer to Saints, and worshipping of Saints, Relics condemned likewise as then in d Hie●on. contra Vigilantium c 2. & 3 And M. Fulke confesseth this likewise, ubi supra, pag. 46. paulo ante med. saying: Last of all Vigilantius shall be brought in, who wrote against Invocation of Saints, superstition of Relics, and other Ceremonies: him Jerome reproveth. & vide Centur. 4. col. 1250. line 45: And Osiander in Epitome. Cent. 4. l. 4. pag. 506. ante med. And see this further confessed by C●ispinus in his discourse o● the estate of the Church, pag. 131. post med. Vigilantius. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: In the first point, the testimonies of their Adversaries. SECT. 1. THE Author, in whom this pretended heresy was rooted, is Vigilantius; the witness from whom the accusation is derived, is S. Jerome; the Adversaries upon whom the same is fastened, are the Protestants, lastly, the accusers by whom it is enforced are the Romanists: these four being duly examined will give us cause to mislike in the Apologists a fourfold defect. 2 For first, Vigilantius is not challenged by S. Jerome in any one syllable, for the article of our Invocation of Saints: but only for saying, a Dicis in libello tuo, quòd dùm vivimus mutuo pro nobis orare possumus; pos●quam autem mortui fuerimus, nullius sit pro alio exaudienda oratio: praesertim cùm Martyrs ultionem sui sanguinis obsecrantes, impetrate non quiverint. Hieron. tom. 2. lib. 2. adversus Vigilant. And again: Si Apostoli & Martyrs adhuc in corpore constituti, possunt orare pro caeteris, quandò pro se adhuc debent esse solliciti, quanto magis post coronas, victorias, & triumphos? Ibid. verbis seqq. The prayers which the Saints make for the living, are not heard of God. This their Cardinal acknowledgeth, who, not finding any mention of Invocation in S. Hierom his exception against Vigilantius, is glad to strain it out by force of b Docuit Vigilantius orationes mortuorum pro alijs non exaudiri, ex quo sequitur eos frustrà invocari. Bellar. lib. 4. de no●is Eccles. c. 9 §. 13. Vigilantius. This consequence doth prove, that Vigilantius thought that Saints were not to be invocated: but it doth not prove that S. Jerome reprehended him for denying Invocation; or that S. Jerome himself defended the Invocation of Saints. consequence, which for lameness is called a flat non sequitur. This argueth their first defect, which is an ignorance of the exception taken against Vigilantius. 3 Secondly, S. Jerome, to prove that the Saints departed pray for the living, doth first endeavour to show that they know the state of the living: and to manifest their knowledge, he affirmeth, that they are conversant with men: reasoning thus: c Tu Apostolis vincula inijeis, ut usque ad diem judicij teneantur custodià, nec sint cum Domino suo, de quibus scriptum est, Sequuntur agnum quocunque vadit: Si agnus ubique, ergo high, qui cum agno sunt, ubique esse credendi sunt: & cùm diabolus & daemons toto vagentur in orb, & celeritate nimia ubique praesentes sunt, etc. Hieron. adverse. Vigilant. loco suprà citato. If the Lamb (Christ jesus) be everywhere, they who are said to follow the Lamb wheresoever he goeth, are to be thought to be also everywhere. But this property of being everywhere, being essential unto the divine nature, d Hieronymus adverse. Vigilant. dicit, Angelos propter celeritatem naturae, quodammodò esse ubique:— Sed ad cognoscendas preces, quae codem tempore fiunt in diversissimis locis, non sufficit celeritas, sed requiritur vera ubiquitas, quam nec Angelorum, nec hominum spiritibus convenire credimus. Bellar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 20. §. Alij dicunt. Observe, that word quodammodo is not in S. Jerome. cannot be incident (as their Cardinal Bellarmine truly testifieth) unto Angels or unto any created spirit. Wherefore the former assertion of S. Jerome our Adversaries will not allow without some qualification: which their Cardinal applieth by adding a Quodammodo; and their jesuit e Hieronymus adversus Vigilant. sic: Si agnus ubique, ergo high, qui cum agno sunt, ubique esse credendi sunt. Del'rio Ies. disquis. Magic. part. 2. lib. 2. q. 26. Sect. 5. n. 5. pag. 212. Siste Lector, & istud, ubique, pro, Vbilibet, positum memento. Del'rio. ibidem. Del'rio in expounding [ubique] that is, everywhere, by ubilibet, that is, wheresoever they will. Wherein will * See the next Section. appear a second defect. Of the Tenet of Protestants and Romanists in this point of the Saints prayers. SECT. 2. 4 Thirdly, concerning Protestants their Cardinal * See above lib. 2. cap. 12. Sect. 1 And their jodocus Coccius doth note Luther thus professing in his book the 10. precept. Quid alive sunt Sancti quam guttae roris in cincinnis sponsi? Et in resp. ad Lovaniens. Non negavi unquam etc. Et Oecolam. pad. adser. Chrysost. de Inuentio & Max. Non desinunt pro nobis intercedere. Et Melanchthon loc. come. Manlij. Helias & Moses loquebantur cum Christo de rebus futuris. Ergo non dubium est, etc. Bucerus in disp. Ratisb. & Chytraeus ad Cap. Matth. 25. Certò nobis persuasum est, etc. Et Confess. Wittenberg. Cap. de Inuoc. Sanct. Fatemur Sanctos quodammodo, etc. Et Caspar Cruciger de Christi Natiu. Non est dubium, etc. Basilins Faber de statu defunct. cap. 7. Non dubito, etc. As they are cited by Coccius Thesaur. Tom. 1. lib. 5. pag. 479. The examples (excepting one) which he allegeth to the contrary, are either violently strained, or objected (as these are) by them who were adversaries unto Protestants. hath confessed that they grant, that the Saints do pray for us, although not in particular (and therefore are not to be invocated,) yet notwithstanding in general, and consequently are heard of God. See now these different complexions; Vigilantius said that Saints departed are not heard of God, & that therefore they pray not for the living; Protestants grant that they pray to God for the living in general, and therefore are heard of God: whence ariseth a note of their third defect, in not discerning the difference between Vigilantius and Protestants, to be as much as saying and gainsaying. 5 Fourthly, the Romanists lay for the ground sole, yea and for the sole ground of the Invocation of Saints, this principle, Saints do understand our prayers: otherwise, they would except against the direct Invocation of Saints: wherefore the arch-question is, how the Saints departed do understand the prayers of the living: whether (as our Adversaries themselves conceive and teach) by hearing, or else by seeing. 6 If by hearing, then is it either directly and immediately from the parties themselves, or else by the relation of some Angels. But f Quidam dicunt eos cognoscere ex relatione Angelorum, qui nunc ad coelos ascendunt, nunc indè ad nos descendunt: quam rationem inijcit B. Augustinus. Et, not by the relation of Angels (saith their Cardinal,) although S. Augustine do intimate this, because the Angels are not in themselves capable of the prayers of men's thoughts; g Alij dicunt Sanctorum animas sicut etiam Angelos, mirà quadam celeritate naturae quodam modo esse ubique, & per se audire preces supplicantium, quam rationem videtur habere B. Hieron. in lib. contrà Vigilant. Sed neutra est sufficiens.— Et ad cognoscendas preces, etc. B●llar. lib. 1. de beaten. Sanct. cap. 20. §. Alij dicunt. See §. vlt. lit. d. nor by their own presence with them that pray; for than must they be every where, which is a property only belonging unto God. And yet this manner of understanding, by their presence, is the only kind acknowledged by S. Jerome. 7 If by seeing, this must be (as they teach) either by a vision in h Alij dicunt Sanctos videre in Deo omnia à principio suae beatitudinis, quae ad ipsos aliquo modo pertinent, & proindè etiam orationes nostras ad se directas. Ita docent Greg. Thomas, Cai●tan. Estue probabilis haec sententia.— God himself, as it were in a glass, or else by i Alij postremò dicunt, Sanctos non videre in verbo orationes nostras à principio suae beatitudinis, sed solum tunc revelari ●is à Deo orationes nostras, quandò ●as fundimus. Bellar. ibid. §. Alij dicunt. Revelation from God. The first is defended by some Romanists, as * See the l●tter, ● more probable: but * See the letter, ● denied by others, as untrue. The second is proved to be k Atque ex his duabus prior videtur simplicitèr probabilior. less probable by their own Cardinal, both l Quià si indigerent Sancti nou● revelatione, Ecclesia non diceret it à audactèr omnibus Sanctis, Orate pro nobis: sed peteret aliquandò à Deo. ut eye re●●laret preces nostras. Deinde, non posset reddiratio tàm facilè, cur Sancti muocentur, & a●te adventum Christi non invocarentur.— Etiamsi Sancti non viderent Deum, adhue possent eye revelari preces nostrae, sicut hic in ter●is revelabantu●. Bellar. quo suprà. §. Atque ex his. because if the Saints received their knowledge by new Revelations from God, the Church could not say so boldly unto them, Pray for us, before she should pray unto God to reveal her prayers unto the Saints: and also for that there can no reason be given, why the Church of the old Testament (wherein there were Saints) did not invocate and call upon the Saints departed. 8 So now the Romanists have imposed upon Vigilantius a wrong state of a question, viz. our praying unto Saints, in stead of the Saints praying for us. Secondly, they violently apply it unto Protestants, who are acknowledged adversaries unto that opinion of Vigilantius. Do they still press the testimony of Jerome for proof of the Saints prayers for the living, and notwithstanding reject his authority, where he teacheth the manner of the Saints * Namely, by their personal presence. See above. understanding of men's prayers made unto them? Finally whilst that they endeavoured to satisfy how the Saints do understand our prayers (without which capacity they may not be invocated) in propounding only four possibilities thereof, they themselves in their several answers have disabled each one, and may therefore be admonished not to contend against others, until first they be reconciled unto themselves. But the articles & joints of this Invocation we have handled * See above. lib. 2. cap. 12. & lib. 1. cap. 2. sect. 24. heretofore, therefore now we pass from the Invocation of the persons of Saints, unto the veneration of their relics, showing The Doctrine of Vigilantius in this point of Relics. SECT. 3. 9 Vigilantius is charged by S. Jerome to wish the Relics of Saints to be a Dolet Martyrum reliquias precioso ope●iri velamine, & non vel pannis, vel cilicio colligari, vel proijci in sterquilinium. And again. Qui reliquias Martyrum asseris calcandas esse. Hieron. adverse. Vigilant. lib. 2. cast upon the dunghill, and trodden under foot, and for suspecting that they had been idolatrously b Quid necesse est, te (the words of Vigilantius) tanto honore non solùm honorare, verumetiam adorare illud nescio quid, quod in modico vasculo linteamine circumdatum adorando oscularis? S. Jerome answereth him: adored: whom he therefore called a c Quis, o insanum caput, Martyrs aliquandò adoravit? Hieron. quo suprà. Madbraine. Notwithstanding our Adversaries have been answered concerning this point, that * D. Fulke against the Rheims Testament, super. Act. 19 12. Vigilantius was not condemned of heresy by the Church, although S. Jerome did writ so bitterly against him; who did writ also against S. Augustine, and Ruffinus, which yet were counted as good Catholics as he. As for Vigilantius, neither by Epiphanius, Philastrius, Augustine, Theodoret, Isidorus, Damascenus, Antiochus, or any other ancient writer, that gathered the Catalogue of heretics and heresies that were before their time, is he once touched, or his opinion against the immoderate estimation of relics condemned. 10 As for S. Jerome, he hath incurred a censure, which requireth in him d Vigilantius scripsit librum, in quo docebat non esse sic adorandas Martyrum reliquias, nec ad horum sepulchra vigilandum, quod id temporis magnâ religione fiebat à Christianis. In hunc ita convitijs debacchatur Hieronymus, ut plus culum in eo modestiae cogar desiderare. Vtinan argumentis duntaxat egisset, & a convitijs temperasset. Nam vigilias nocturnas non placuisse Ecclesiasticis viris, vel illud satis arguit, quòd horum authoritate sublatae sunt, nomine duntaxat superstite. Erasmus arg. in lib. Hieron. adversus Vigilant. Tom. 2. p. 120. less railing, and more reasoning for the continuance of night-vigils, which some Christians then used at the graves or monuments of holy Martyrs in honour of the Saints departed; which ( e Error autem & culpa iwenum, vilissim arumque mulierum, qui per noctem saepè deprehenditur, non est ●eligiosis hominibus imputandus: quia in vigilijs Paschae tale quid fieri pleru 〈…〉 convincitur, & tamen paucorum culpa non praeiudicat religioni, qui & absque vigilijs possunt errare vel in suis, vel in alienis dom. bus.— Quod enim semel secisse bonum est, non potest malum esse, si frequentèr fiat. Hieron. adverse. Vigilant. q●● supra. notwithstanding the abuses and follies that were occasioned thereby) he pleaded for, and was therefore disliked not only of Vigilantius, but also of Ecclesiastical persons of ancient times, who abhorring the superstition then floating about those vigils, abolished all things in them, excepting their names. Sure it is, that the reason which S. Jerome then conceived, hath been since confuted by S. Augustine, who proveth from the Scripture of the old Testament, that f Sitana Patriarchae quid erga populum ex his procreatum ageretur ignoraverunt, quibus Deo credentibus populus ipse de illor●● stirpe promissus e●t, quomodo mortui suorum rebus atque actibus cognoscendis adiwandisque miscentur? Quomod● dic●…us eye fuisse consu●tum, qui obierunt antequam venirent mala?— Quid est ergo quod pijssimo Regi josiae pro magno beneficio p●om ●t Deus, quòd esset ante moriturus, nè videret mala ventura? etc.— ibi ergo sunt spiritus defunctorum, ubi non vident, quaecunque aguntur, aut euniunt in ista vita hominibus. Aug. de cura pro 〈◊〉. cap. 13. tom. 4. the spirits of men departed are not present to behold the acts of the living. The justification of Protestants, from the testimonies of their Adversaries. SECT. 4. 11 From the former considerations we may conclude, that if Vigilantius spoke simply against the relics of Saints, in contempt of them (as saith their g Impia est opinio Vigilantij, qui Martyrs omni honore privabat. vives in Aug. de civit. Dei. l. 8. c. 27. vives,) then will Protestants equally condemn him of impiety: but if (as Hezechiah dealt with the * 2. Reg. 18. brazen Serpent, by breaking it in pi●ceses, & casting it out of the way, jest the people by stumbling upon it might fall into Idolatry) he sought that the relics of Saints should be interred, rather than the Lord of Saints and sanctify itself, should be dishonoured: then was he no more an heretic for burying the Saints relics, than the now Church of Rome will be thought heretical, for h In profestis magnorum dierum consueverat Ecclesia vigilare & ieiunare, & inprimis in Vigilia Paschae.— De vigilijs in Sanctorum honorem meminit Basilius, Hieron adverse. Vigilant. Innocentius Pont. Bernardus. Caeterùm quoniam paulatim occasione nocturnarum vigiliarum ab●●us quidam irrepere coeperant, vel potius flagitia non rarò committi, placuit Ecclesiae nocturnos conventus, & vigilias proprie dictas intermittere, ac solùm in eisdem diebus celebrare jejunia. Bellar. l. 3. the 〈◊〉 Sanct. cap. vlt. abolishing the ancient vigils of the Saints, because of the abuses and impieties committed in them: seeing that S. Jerome did inveigh against Vigilantius as well in the defence of vigils, as of relics. So now supposing that Vigilantius rejected relics with an intent to dishonour the Saints, we say with S. Jerome, he was a Madbrain, and a Dormitantius: but conceiving that he intended only the honour of God, by expelling Idolatry, then may we wish that S. Hierom had been a Vigilantius in the case of the relics of Saints, as well as the Romanists have been in the point of their vigils. Yet one thing more, Concerning the burying of the bones of the Saints. SECT. 5. 12 Here again the Protestants are brought in as the Apes of Vigilantius, for calling the relics of Saints the people's i Vigilantius multa docu●t, 1. sanctorum reliquias non esse venerandas.— Eadem omnia docent nunc Sectarij: Lutherus in serm. de Sancta cruse dici●, Reliquias Sanctorum esse fidelium seductionem, & ideò subterram penitùs condi debere.— Similit r calvinus l. 3. Instit. ca 20. §. 21. & l. 4 c. 13. §. 7.— Denique Centuriatores Cent. 4. c. 8. col 602. Bellar l. 4. de notis Eccles. c. 9 §. Vigilantius. Lutherus in eo sermon, quem de cruse edidit, tanquam ex tribunalt pronunciat: Quoniam reliquiae Sanctorum nihil sunt aliud quàm fidelium seductiones, ne deinceps populi Deos alienos colant, placere sibi, ut omnes eiusmodi reliquiae altissimè sub terram abscondantur, ut eâ ratione viz. omnis Apostolorum, & Martyrum, aliorumuè Sanctorum in terris memoria aboleatur. Bellar. praef. in controvers. de Eccles. triumph. §. Atque ut. seduction, and wishing their bones buried in the earth: as though hereby they had intended to abolish all memory of the Apostles, Martyrs, and Saints. Which is the unconscionable censure of their Cardinal, seeing that Protestants who embrace all evangelical and Ecclesiastical history, the life of their memory, cannot but reverence and adore the memory of their lives. Luther accounteth the k Non reclamo Divorum ossa sancta esse, sed hoc detesto●, quòd plerique omnes maiori study ad illa exo●●anda rapiuntur, quàm ad proximi necessitatem sublevandam Quapropter ut abusus postponantur, & dilectionis opera profe●antur, vellem terrâ omnes istas Sanctorum reliquias contectas esse. ●uther in festo exalt. pag. 430. bones of the Saints holy, only (in desire the abuses occasioned by them might be avoided) he wisheth them rather covered in earthly burial: which Caluine teacheth to be an l Sepultura est honos debitus corporibus Sanctorum. calvinus in Act. 8. honour due unto their bones. 13 Let the question now be, whether Caluine do more justly accuse the Romanists m Christianorum est, Sanctorum corpora in sepulchris suis relinquere, ex quibus effossa sunt à Pontifi●ijs, ut magnifis è extollerentur. calvinus Admonit. de Reliq. for digging up the bones of Saints, that they may worship them; or their Cardinal Bellar mine condemn Protestants for n See above at the letter i burying them: and let God and man decide the point. 14 They object out of the old Testament, the o Moses ossa (Exod. 13.) josephi iamdiu mortui honorificè secùm ex Aegypto in terram promissionis transtulit: ergo transtatio ossium Sanctorum non est superstitiosum & nowm, Bellar. l. 2. the Reliq. Sanct. c. 3. initio. honourable translation of the bones of joseph out of Egypt, and conclude, that therefore this office of translating men's bones is not to be judged new, and superstitious. Vainly and sophistically argued; for we question not so much about the act of translation, but concerning the end, whereof their jesuit p Ossa josephi, quae tulerant filij israel de Aegypto in terram promissionis, sepeliverunt in Sichem, ut habetur josh. cap. vlt. Pererius in Gen. c. 50. Peterius, yea the q Corpora sidelium in templis & locis sacris sepeliuntur: ità olim jacob & joseph Patriarchae, in terra Aegypti mortui, in terra promissionis sepeliri volverunt. Bellar. l. 2. de Purg. c. vlt. §. Tertio. Cardinal himself can thus witness, that the bones of joseph were translated out of Egypt into the land of promise, (but) to be buried in Sichem. The ancient patriarchs dying were buried, & so r Gen. 29 etc. gathered unto their fathers. Tobias is commended for s Tob. 2. burying the bodies of the dead, which lay martyred in the streets: the body of john Baptist was sought for by his Disciples, who t Matth. 14. 12. buried it: the body of Christ (who is the resurrection and the life of the dead, and unto whom all martyiss were martyrs & witnesses,) was begged, but that it might be u Matth. 27. buried. If the innumerable examples of holy men could be possibly recounted, they would teach us to sing of the act of burial of their bodies, according unto that song of the Psalmist, * Psal. 149. Such honour belongeth unto all his Saints. Thus much from God. 15 Consonant hereunto are the voices of Antiquity concerning their bones the a Quae autem ad nos videbantur sanè magnum moe●orem propterc à in se complecti, quòd martyrum corpora humo tegendi nulla dabatur facultas. Fuseb. hist. l. 5. c. 1. Nos post à ossa eius potiora lapidibus pretiosis, auroque puriora, ex cineribus selecta, co loco reposuimus, qui illis erat decorous consentancusque. Speaking of the bur●ing of the bones of the ●●ly Martyr P●●●carpus. Lu●●bius l●t ●. li●. 4. ●●. 14. Rationalis animae organa did●●●nus sepulch●o hono ●ficè mandare. Orig. cont. Celsum. lib. 8. to th● sam● effect. Aug. lib. 1 de civit. Dei. ●. 13 Deut. vlt. Deus ipse (ut Hieron. count. Vigilant▪ argumentatur) corpus Mosis honoravit, dum illud propriis manil●is sepelivit. Bellar. l. 2. the Reliq. Sanct. cap. 3. initio. precious stones, and reasonable organs, our Adversary witnessing for burial, that it is an b Mortuis ex sepultura alia utilitas ac●edit, quòd consulitur honori eorum adhuc in memorijs hominum viventium; non enim caret ignominiâ quadam, quò●●●●ditas nostri corporis aliorum conspectibus pateat. Bellar. pomell 2. de Purg. cap. u●t. ●. Por●ò. honour due unto the dead. What cause then may be pretended for defence of their insepulta sepultura, which is, their reservation of them in coffers and chests? For if they be true relics, why are they n●t (according unto the example of God) c Mosis corpus absconditum erat, nè adoraretur;— quia populus judaeorum eo tempore propensissimus er●t ad idololatriam.— hid from the people, as was the body of Moses, for fear of idolatry? d Nunquam est auditum apud Christianos, ut aliqui Sanctorum reliquijs divinos honores detulerint: nee desunt in Ecclesia, qui lit●ris & sermonibus populos doceant, quis cultus reliquijs debeatur Bellar. l. 2. de cultu Sanct cap. 1. §. His addit, & cap. 4. §. Dices. If Christians have Pasiors, so had the Israelites Priests. Because (saith their Cardinal) the people of Israel was prove to idolatry, which is not now to be feared among Christians. As though Christians had been always free from this witchery: why then were the * See hereafter. Collyridians condemned by Epiphanius for sacrificing unto the virgin Marie? and others for e Gaudentius, Ambrosijs aequ●lis, tract. in 4. Exod. Gulae, inquit, suae causâ primùm coeperunt homines prandia mortuis praeparare, quae ipsi comederent: post hoc sacrificia etiam ausi sunt eyes sacrilega celebrare, etc. Bellar. l. 2. de Imag. c. 4. §. Gaudentius. Addit: Itaque fo●tass●s pauci quidam mortuis sacrificabant, qui etiam meritò reprehenduntui: sed non proptereà omnes sacrarum r●liquia●um cul●us reprehendendus est. Ibidem. celebrating the memories of the Saints sacrilegious●y? But These (saith Cardinal Bellarmine,) peradventure were but few. Which doth as well imply, that peradventure (a term indifferent between two opposites) they were many. Nevertheless if it shall pass with a peradventure, yet their own Authors have testified of the Romanists, that f See above, lib. 2. cap. 12. §. 12. many Christians worship Saints with the same honour, which they give unto God himself. Thus much, if we suppose their relics to be true. 16 But if the relics be false, then may their worship be truly called a seduction. To this purpose Erasmus in his g See the Catalogue of Authors before the 〈…〉. ●rasmus. work undertaken under the protection of Pope Leo the tenth, h Damnat hoc loco Hieronymus muliercularum quarundam superstitionem, quae quod o●im in phylact●●ijs faciebant Pharisaei, id tum faciebant in paruulis Euangelijs, & in crucis ligno, alijsque rebus huinsmodi: quae habent (inquit) zelum Dei, sed non secundum se●entiam, culicem liquantes, & camelum glutientes. Si vir sanctiss. hac sentit d●●●●lierculis, quarum infirmitati par erat nonnihil condonare, quid dicturus sit, si videat hodiè passim ad quaestum ostentari lac Mariae, quod honore propemodum aequat corpori Christi consecrato? prodigiosum oleum, fragm●ntula ligni ci●cis tàm multa, ut si in aceruum redigant, vix una navis oneraria vehat? hic ostentari ●t incisci cucullam, illic intimam vest●m Mariae virgins, alibi pectinem Annae, alibi caligam joseph, alibi calceum Thomae Cantuariensis, alibi Christi praeputiu●, quoth, cum sit res incerta, religiosiùs adorant, quàm totum Christum. Ne que verò haec ità proferunt tanquam ferenda, & pl●●ecu●ae donanda affectibus, verùm huc fer● summa religionis vocatur, avaritia Sacerdotum, & Monachorum quo●undam hypocris●, quos alit populi stultitia. Erasmus Annot. in Matth. cap. 23. pag. 80 If S. Jerome (saith he) did so reprove simple women (for certain superstitions,) whose infirmity of sex might have deserved some pardon, what would he say in these days, to see everywhere set forth in ostentation the virgin Maries milk, and so many pieces of the Cross of Christ, (which if they should be gathered together, might sink a ship?) Here they show us S. Francis his Cowl, there the Virgin's petticoat, onewhere S. Ans comb, in another place joseph's breeches, & (which is a thing uncertain) the prepuce of Christ, which they adore more religiously than Christ himself. Neither are these (saith he) commended unto the vulgar people, by way of indulgence, to satisfy their affections, but they are made the chief point of religion, through the covetousness of Priests, the hypocrisy of Monks, and the sottishness of the people. This witness saw, and said. 17 Besides, for the uncertainty of true miracles, and the certainty of superstition used in their worship, their own * See above. Consultor advised them rather to effect a zealous imitation of the glorious relics, the vertu●ss of those Saints, than to affect the practised veneration of their earthly remnants. And indeed, why should not the Church be as zealous in abrogating the worship of their supposed relics, for avoiding of idolatry, as anciently they were in abolishing of religious banquets, used at the monuments of Martyrs, for the prevention of i August. lib. 8. the civit. cap. 27. Quicunque epulas suas eò deferunt, quod quidem à Christianis melioribus non fit: & in plerisque terrarum nulla est talis consuetudo— tamen non sunt sacrificia Martyrum.— Nos Martyrs nostros nec divinis honoribus, nec humanis criminibus colimus. Upon this place vives thus: Hic mos (epularum) praecipuè valuit in Africa, sicut Aug. in 6. Confess. testatur: matremque suam refert ad memorias Sanctorum attulisse Mediolam pultes, & panem, & merum, dedisseque Ostiario: Sed haec Ambrose fieri vetuit, nè ulla occasio daretur ebriosis se ingurgitandi, & quia illa quasi ●arentalia superstitionem Gentihum essent simillima. vives in Aug. de civit. Dei. lib. 8. cap. 27. ●iot and drunkenness? Thus we have heard how justly, or unjustly Vigilantius was misliked by S. Jerome, and S. Jerome by the learned of his time, & Protestants by Romanists, and Romanists by themselves: in the next place are we to speak CHAP. III Of another accusation against Protestants, concerning the worshipping of Images. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. In the same times were condemned in like manner the denial of Images in * Functius (a Protestant writer) in libro 7. Commentariorum in precedent. Chronologiam, at Anno Christi. 494. confesseth saying, Porrò is Xenaya● primus in Ecclesia bell●m c●ntra imagines excitavit. And Nicephorus in hist. Eccles. l. 16. cap. 27. saith, Xenayas iste primus (o audacem ●nimam & o●impudens) vo●em illam evontuit, Christi & eorum qui illi placuere imagines venerandas non esse. And see also hereof Cedrenus in compendio histor. Xenayas. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First concerning the witness produced against Xenayas. SECT. 1. TO persuade us that such an heretic as one Xenayas had spoken against the worshipping of Images, and that he was for this cause judged an heretic, it requireth a witness beyond all exception. But the first and only witness whom their a Xenaias Persa pa●àm asseruit, Christi & Sanctorum imagines non esse venerandas. Testis est Nicephorus lib. 16. cap. 27. Bellar. lib. 4. the not●● Eccles. cap. 9 §. 18. Cardinal did produce, is Nicephorus, whom also the Apologists do here assume, and by whom they seek to prove the not worshipping of Images to have been an ancient heresy: but only by Nicephorus, of whom their own Cardinal Baronius hath admonished his Reader to take heed, because b Sic Nicephorus, quod planè falsum est. (De tempore Matth. evang.) Baronius Tom. 1. Anno 41. num. 16. Rursus de Apolonio: Sic inter alios Nicephorus,— temporis ratio eos mendacij redarguit. Anno 189. num. 2. Rursus, de 〈◊〉 patria, & genere. Nicephorun & alios, qui commentitiae historiae fidem praestiterunt. De acts Syluestri: Haud multo fideliora ijs esse probantur— quae Graecè scripta sunt à Zonara, Nicephoro, atque Cedreno, qui nullo pacto audiendus est. Anno 315. num. 15. Rursus de tempore Conc. Niceni. Nicephorus graviora coagmentat mendacia. Anno 325. num. 6. Rursus de Theophi●●. Vt lectorem admonerem, quae ex l●to●o haereticorum font Nicephorus inconsideratè derivat. Anno 324. num. 15. de Mena: Nicephorus Calixtus multipliciter ●rrâise comperitur, dum parum aequus in Vigilium Papam, quòd Menam Episc. Constantinop. à com●untone suspendent, in cum inuchitur, & lib. 17. cap. 26. mendacissimè asserit, parem sententiam adversus Vigilium ipsum à Mena latam. Ibid. Anno 552. num. 16. Cedrenus is no less ancient. And Posseumus doth infirm his authority in Ecclesiastical relation: 〈◊〉 ut tanquam Ecclesiasticus scriptor fidem faciat, etc. Apparat. tit. Cedrenus. Nicephorus (saith he) hath taken some things out of a muddy fountain: and again, It is false which Nicephorus saith: and the third time, Nicephorus gave credit unto a feigned story: and yet again, this convinceth Nicephorus of a lie. Shall a witness, so singularly convicted for a liar, be approved for a singular witness of truth, especially in the point of worshipping of Images, whereunto he himself was superstitiously addicted? and therefore would (if in any thing) dispense with his pen, to feign something for the countenancing hereof. The next point is The justification of Protestants, from the judgement of Antiquity: by the testimony of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 In the year 305, in the Council of Eliberis, consisting of many Bishops uncontrollably orthodoxal, a See this confessed above, lib. 4. ca 27. se●t. 2. (m) the worshipping of Images (saith their Senensis) was forbidden. And Epiphanius (anno 395) was offended to see an b See ibid. (n) Image hanging at the door of a Chapel, and rend it: (which pious action a Romanist forbore not to call c Castro lib. ●●ntrà Heres. Tit. Imag●. And Walden is calling it Zelum non ●ecundùm scientiam. Tom. 3. cap. 57 See above, li. 4 ca 27. heretical.) How much more offended would he have been to have seen not one, but innumerable; not pictures only, but statues; not hanging at the doors, but standing on their pillars and altars? 3 And S. Jerome living about the same time, affirmed, that d Confessed above lib. 4. cap. 27. sect. 2. k. all the ancient Fathers (understanding, as we think, the Fathers of the Christian Church) condemned the worshipping of Images. About the 400 year, Images crept out of private men's houses, and went into the public Churches, standing there, but yet in pictures only, not in statues, that they might serve only for an historical remembrance, and not for religious adoration: which in the 600 year was e Confessed above lib. 1. cap. 2. sect. 25. & 26. forbidden by S. Gregory. Descend we yet almost 200 steps lower, unto the f Reverendiss. Cardinalis Baronius eam sententiam veriorem esse judicat, quâ afferitur, quòd Patres Francof. Consilij, mendacijs & imposturis authorum lib●i Carolini decepti, Nicenam secundam, quasi ipsa imagines cultu Latriae, soli Deo debito, colendas sanxisset, suo decreto reprobarint. Binous part. 3. Annot in Conc. Nicen. 2. pag 397. col. 1. Council of Frankford, which (anno 794. condemned the second Council of Nice, for approving the idolatrous worship of Images: accordingly as the Emperor g Hoc autem exemplo cernimus, imaginum usum inolescere, ut quae priùs ob ornamentum Basilicarum, & memoriam crant compaginatae rerum gestarum, inolescente paulatim nefario usu, adeò nunc à Catholicis quibusdam extollantur, ut adorentur, eisque luminaria, thymiamata, primitiae & quaedam munuscula offerantur. Carolus Magnus de Imag. lib. 4. cap. 18. which Hincmarus averred to be his. Charles the Great had done. 4 What heresy then shall we call this, whereof Protestants are now accused, and wherein the Fathers of so good and great antiquity reach unto us their right hand of fellowship? and not they only, but also the whole nation of the * Confessed above, lib. 3. cap. 16. sect. 2 jews, both before and since they were the peculiar and holy people of God, who are confessed to have abhorred all worship of Images. 5 Finally, consider the cause that Protestants had to reject the worship of Images: which is acknowledged to have been just, to wit, not only the h Qui saevierunt in Divorum imagines, non pror●ùs absre concitati sunt ad cum zelum, licet immodicum, meá quidem sententiâ. Nam horribile crimen est idololatria, hoc est, simulachrorum cultus: qui tametsi iam olim sublatus est emoribus hominum, tamen periculum est, ne technis Daemonum codèm revoluantur incauti. 〈◊〉 lib. de Amab. Eccles. conco●l. pag 230. Annex. fasciculo rer●m expetend. danger of idolatry, but also the practice thereof in the Roman Church by i Confessed above, lib. 1. & lib. 2. many, who were deeply plunged in that sin of sins; and so must the doctrine of Protestants be found more than justifiable. We are called out of their Churches, to look into their Monasteries, and to answer unto CHAP. four An accusation, concerning the Monastical profession of voluntary poverty. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And the denial of voluntary poverty and monastical profession, in e Jerome contra Vigilantium prope sinem, saith: Quod autem asseris eos melius facere qui ut untur rebus suis, & paulatim fructus possessionum suarum pauperibus di●●dunt, quam ill●s qui possessionibus venundatis s●mel omnia largiuntur; non à me eyes sed à D●●ino respondebitur: Si vis esse per●●●●us, vade & vend omnia quae habes, & da pauperibus, & veni, sequere me. Ad eum loquitur qui vult esse perfectus, etc. Iste 〈◊〉 tu laudas secundus & tertius gradus est, quem & nos recipimus, dummodo s●iamus prima secundis & terti●s praeserenda▪ 〈◊〉 as●● study m●nachis deterrendi sunt à te lingua vip●rea & morsu saeu●ssim●, de quibus argumentaris & dicis: Siomnes se claus●rint & suerint in s● litudine, quis. clebrabit Ecclesia●? etc. And see this plainly confessed by Crispinus in his book of the estate of the Church pag. 131. and 132. Vigilantius and others f In like manner is lanuarius for this like doctrine reproved by S. Austin, serm. 49. ex diversis cap. 1. and justus is for the same reproved by Gregory, lib. 4. Dial. cap. 55. And see further hereof Leo ep. 92. ad Rusticum. And Concil. Chalcedon. cap. 7. and Austin ep. 89. ad Hilarium, and chrusostom l. adversus vituperatores vitae moriasticae. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First expressing the doctrine of the Romanists. SECT. 1. HOw poor and miserable this objection is, which the a Quartò Vigilantius docuit, non expedire re●mquere omnia, & dare pauperibus, & ad religionem, relicto seculo, properare. Ità resert Hieronymus in lib. contri Vigilantium. Eadè nunc omnia docent Sect●rij. Hellar. l. 4 d● not is Eccles. cap. 9 §. 13. Vigilantius. Romanists do usually urge for the privileging of their monastical poverty, we shall better perceive after that they have taught us what is that monastical poverty which they profess. b Religio, ut hic à nobis accipitur, sic definiri potest: Religio status est hominum ad perfectionem Christianam per paupertatis, & continentiae, & obedientiae vota tendentium. Bellar. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 2. initio. Areligious Order (say they) is a state of men tending unto perfection, by vow of poverty, etc. c Nota quartò non susticere ad religionem has tr●s virtutes, nisi accedat votum, id est, sacra promissio Deo facta, quâ quis astringit se perpetu● ità victurum. Religio enim est status quidam, status autem significatrem immobilem & perpetuam, Ibid. §. Nota. 4. Which vow is made unto God, with promise to continued perpetually in that state: the perfection whereof d Haec perfectio (quae consistit in observatione consiliorum, ut paupe: tatis etc.) necessaria est ad excellentiorem gradum gloriae in regno coelorum comparandam. Idem ibid. cap 9 §. Nequè obstat. consisteth in observation of the counsels (and not of the commandments) of Christ: to this end, that it may be a necessary means of obtaining an higher degree of glory in the kingdom of heaven. Upon which considerations, e Deind Ecclesia, cuius judicium in rebus fidei est infallibile, probavit Monachorum mendicantium paupertatem non solùm esse licitam, verùm & meritoriam Alsonsus de Castro lib. 12. adverse. Haeres. Tit. De paupertate, Haeres. 3. our Church (say they) which cannot err in any matter of faith, hath allowed the Order of begging Monks, as both lawful and meritorious. The justification of Protestants, by some testimonies of their Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 Let poverty or riches be considered in themselves, and they neither further nor hinder a man in the way unto life. For the poor * Num. 15. 32. stick-gatherer, & the * L●c. 16. 19 rich-delicious man may be both damned; so on the contrary, we read of the a P●●m pauperem iu●cepit sinus divitis. August. Tom. 2 e●ist. 89. godly poor man lodging in the just rich man's bosom: and unto the ordinary poor S. Augustine giveth this caution, to know, that b Pauper Dei in animo est, non in sacculo. Aug. in Psal. 131. God's almsman is esteemed not by his beggary, but by his humility. Therefore the truly religious poverty must be discerned by the end. 3 The religious ends which can be imagined, why a man should make himself nakedly poor, do sometimes concern the necessary passage unto eternal life: and this is either common unto all Christians, or more peculiar unto some conditions. 4 The common is called c Duplicit●r constitui possit paupertas spiritus, alia in voluntate & praeparatione animi per quam quis potius omnia rel●nquere, quàm Deum offendere, paratus est, quanquam interim actu nihil relinquat: alia verò sit, quae praeter affectum voluntatis, coniunctam habet actu bonorum abdicationem, & effectum voluntariae paupertatis. Salmeron. Ies. Tom. 5. tract. 4. pag. 24. poverty of the spirit, which is, (as their jesuite Salmeron confesseth) when a man is prepared and resolved (always in affection) rather to forsake all, than to offend God; and, when the case so standeth, doth (in action) relinquish all things, according to the general and perpetual vow of all that have been baptised in the name of Christ jesus; as was practised by the ancient d Memorat alij persecutionum procellas. quibus religio Christiana varijs iactabatur temporibus, homines ad hoc vitae genus suscipiendum impulisse. Soz●m. hist. lib. 1. cap. 13. in initio. Christians in the first, and by * Under Queen Mary. Protestants in the last fiery persecutions. 5 That necessary poverty which is more peculiar, doth concern the function of Christ his e See Eus●b. lib. 3. hist. cap. 31. mintsters, appointed for the winning of souls, when they cannot both enjoy their possessions, and seek after the lost sheep unto whom they are sent: in which case they are sometime chargible, by the law of commandment, to leave all worldly respects, as it were their * Matth. 4. 8. nets, and to fish for men, wholly relying upon his providence who sent out his Disciples without money or scrip, and yet * Luc. 22. 35. they wanted nothing. Unto this condition do agreed the Aphorisms of Fathers, discerning hereby f Festinemus transite à Sacerdotibus Pharaonis, quibus terrena possessio est, ad Domini sacerdotes, quibus in terra pars non est. Orig. home 16. in Gen, Christian Priests from the Priests of Pharaoh: willing us g Desistantus ab omnibus, & cùm liberâ fancy regnum coelorum ingredramur. Chrysost. home 9 in Matth. in forsaking all, to look up cheerfully unto heaven: because, h Qui possidet Dominum, nihil extra Dominum habere potest: quodsi quispiam aliud habuerit praetet Dominum, eius pars non erit Dominus. Hieron. apud Grat. cap 12. q. 1. C. Cle●icus. he that esteemeth any thing as his portion without God, cannot have God for his portion. Thus much of the necessary poverty. And now followeth An answer unto their great objection, for their kind of voluntary poverty. SECT. 3. 6 The freely voluntary poverty which is undertaken for a more easy course of godliness, is conceived of our Adversaries, to be either by living in a society upon a community, or else in taking up a profession of stark beggary. One, and (in comparison) their only ground is that saying of Christ unto the rich young man, (who said he had kept all the commandments, and was desirous to know what was lacking unto him for the obtaining of etern●ll life:) * Matth. 19 20. If thou wilt be persect (saith Christ) cell all that thou hast, and give unto the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven. Here they think that this man had fulfilled the commandments, and therefore was now counseled to enter into the state of perfection by a voluntary poverty, in selling all, and giving it unto the poor. 7 diverse answers may be applied unto this objection: the first is, that a Haec omnia custodiu●● iwentute meâ. Matth. 19 Hilarius comm. in Matth. 19 Author operis imperfect, hom. 33. Ambrose come. in Luc. 18. D. August. Epist. 89. Hieron. & Beda hoc loco, & nonnulli, opinor, Caaeci, quorum opini●nem Theoph. ●ecitat, exishmàtunt hunc adol●scentem, cùm d●●t, se omnia seruàsle, fuisse mentitum. 〈◊〉 at. Ies. in cum l●cum Matth. The w●rdss of S. August. ●pist. 89. ●xistinio qu●d arrogantiùs, qu●m verius se seruâde responde●at. The 〈…〉 Jerome, Mentitu● adolescens, etc. in cum 〈…〉 this, that 〈…〉 th●r is their 〈…〉 Christ's loving of him of a●y 〈◊〉 f●r: Potest videri 〈◊〉 praeceptum illud ad●llum modum, secundu q●em ●●daei illud implendum putabant— tamen qu●● i●le non ●●●●ganter responderat, sed sin plici animo, & cupido per●ectionis,— ideò benig●è ●●tillum intuitus C●ruius. 〈…〉. cap 1 〈◊〉. pag. 712. SATURN'S 1. which may 〈…〉 Adversaries 〈…〉, or kept not th● 〈◊〉 m●ntss, why 〈◊〉 Christ 〈…〉 loved him? the young man, saying that he had kept the commandments, lied, according unto the judgement of Hilary, Ambrose, S. Augustine, Jerome, Bede, Theophtlact, and other Greek Fathers; as they are cited by their jesuite Maldonate: and so our saviours speech was not a counsel unto perfection, but rather a caveat to t●ie, and teach him what had been his imperfection in not keeping the commandments of God. 8 Secondly, relinquishing all, is either * 〈…〉. 1. cap 2. sect. 28. habitual, in preparation of mind, upon necessary occasion; or else actual, by a real departure. Now their Aquinas in the behalf of Bishops, who possess goods, and convey them unto their assigns, answereth concerning the same Scripture, that b V●letar quod statas religio●o●um sit perfect●or qu●m status pral totum: Dominus ei dicit Matth. 19 Sivis perfectus esse, vade, & vend omnia quae habes, & da paupe●ibus, quod faciunt 〈◊〉, non au●em ad hoc tenentur Episcopi, dicitu● enim 12. 9 1. ●pi●●opis de ●ebus propri●● & acquisitis, vel altquid de proprio habent, hae●edibus suis derelin ●uunt. ●rgo, religiosi sunt in perfectiori statu quàm Episcopi. Responsi●n●, ●●cenda quòd ab●enunciatio prop●●a●um ●acultatum considerari potest vel secundum quod est in actu, & sic in ea non consisti● aslentialitèr perfectio, sed est quodd●m perfectionis instrumentum: & iam nihil sta●um perfectionis prohibet esse ●ine abrenunciatione prop●io●um: si ut et am dicendum est d● alijs e●te●ioribus obseruantijs. Alio modo potest considerate secundum praeparationem ●nimi, ut 〈…〉 sit par●tus, si ●ueri● opus, omnia dimittere vel distribu●re. Et hoc pe●tinet duectè ad perfectionem. unde August●n●s di●it in lib. de quaestionibus evang. Ostendit Dominus filios sap●entiae intellig●●e non in abstinendo, nec in manducando esse institiam, sed in aeq●ani●nitate tolerandi inopiam. Scio & abundare, & 〈◊〉 pati. Aquina●. 2. 2. qu. 184. Ad. 1. the state of perfection may be, with out actual renuntiation. And indeed, the want of habitual preparation of forsaking all (which aught to be perpetual in all Christians) was notable in the young man, as it may seem to be verified by the speech of Christ, saying unto him, One thing is wanting, even as may be supposed, ● the contempt of ●ichess, a thing necessary unto man's salvation. And by this construction it was not a voluntary, but a necessary ●elinquishment which was required. 9 Notwithstanding, if, because Christ said, Go cell, and give; we shall understand an a●●u ill renuntiation, yet the end of it was not only a degree of gl●ry, which the Romanists make to be the proper effect of voluntary poverty, but it was eternal life itself. This appeareth, first, by the man's desire, What shall I do to inherit eternal life? Secondly, by Christ's promise of treasures in heaven, which is interpreted by S. Luke, * Luc. 18. 18. life: Thirdly, by the event of Christ's instructing him, to give all: for it is said, He went away sorrowful, as being forlorn of life; for hope of blessedness would have expelled sorrow. c Potest intelligi unum illud, quod Dominus dicit deeste illi, necessa●ium fuisse ad salutem, decrat enim e● contemptus divitiarum. jansenius, concord in cum l●cum. Lastly, by Christ his inference, It is impossible for a rich man to enter (he saith not into an higher mansion in the kingdom) into the kingdom of heaven. All which circumstances make it more than probable, that the matter of promise was eternal life, and blessedness itself, which is the reward of commandments; not only the degree of glory, which they call the reward of counsels. 10 And why may not this, Go cell, and give, and follow me, be held for at lest an evangelical and temporal commandment? For now when Christ showed himself willing to ride upon this colt of an Ass, and to use him for a disciple, it could not but be impiety in the younker not to submit himself, and all that he had unto the will of his Lord: neither did S. d Chrysostom. in Tit. 3. col. 1636. vend omnia, etc.▪ Vides ut ideò praeceperit ei, ut Christum sequeretur? quia enim pecuniae impedimenta sunt, id●irc● dan das pauperibus jussit. Although otherwhere otherwise. chrusostom, e Hilary, calleth it, Vt●le relinquendi seculi praeceptum: then ●e saith, H●bere, criminis non est, sed mod●s in haben 〈◊〉 ret nendus, nam quomod● impertiendum est, quomodò communicandum, si impertiendi & communicandi materia non 〈…〉, Adolescens insolen●●act●ram legis ●acere praecipitur. Hilar. Can. 18. in Matth. Hilary, f And Eusebius: P●a●eptum Se●●atoris ante à traditum exquisitè executi sunt, & his, qui opis indigebant, facultates suas impertierunt. 〈◊〉. lib. 3. ●●st. cap. ●1. speaking ●f the Ministers of Ignatius time. Eusebius, or g Saluianus Massi●iensis, anno 480. ad Eccles. 〈…〉. 2 salvator in evangelio non ut caeteris voluntarium sed imperati●um 〈◊〉 perfectionis indicit: quid enim illum ●a●co adole●centi dixisse legimus, Si vis esse perfectus Quid 〈…〉 poss●d●re aurum, neque argentum, neque pe●uniam in zonis, neque duas tunicas, neque calceament●, etc. 〈…〉 Cath. Tom. 2. l. 4. art. 3. lordship 383. Saluianus, forbear to call it a commandment. 11 Not, but that we allow the distinction of precept and counsel, but that all Christians are not absolutely counseled to give all away; but to imitate the merchant, who in a desperate tempest, rather casteth all his goods over boo●d, than he will hazard his life; and when the danger is less, he will departed but with some part, reserving a portion for helping forward his traffic: so the Christian seafaring man will upon an extremity rather forsake all worldly profit, than endanger the shipwreck of faith, and a good conscience. Nevertheless in the common course of his life (which is ordinarily hazardous) will not be wanting to throw daily some of his goods into the salt sea of other men's misery, for their relief, always so giving, that he may always give. Now let us see The Romish double error, in their pretence of poverty: from the judgement of our Adversaries. SECT. 4. 12 They teach a double kind of Monastical poverty, consisting in the a Consistit religrosa ac Monastica paupertas vel in abdicatione proprietatis & dominij, & ●uris, vel possessionis, vel usus f●uctus, vel usus simplicis: cum penes fratres vel religio●os sit usus rei communis, Salmeron Tom. 5. Tract. 5. ante finem. renouncing of the dominion, possession, and property of their goods; yet in a community enjoying the use of them: such as are the common sort of Monks. The second is a forsaking both of the property, and of all use of riches; these are called the Mendicants or begging Friars. 12 Concerning the former, b Por●ò Monachis non fuisse interdictam re●um suarum possessionem, vel Augustinus est testis, lib. de Haeres. ad Quodvult Deum, ha●. 40. cuius haec sunt verba: Apostolici, inquit, qui se isto ●omine arrogantissi●è vocaverunt, to quòd in suam c●mmunionem non reciperent ut●●tes coniugibus & resprop●●as poss●dentes, quales habet Catholica Ecclesia, & Monachos, & Clericos pl●●mos.— Non igitur ●●rum, si nihil de his meminerit Hieronymus, quae nondum crant instituta. 〈…〉. in epist. Hieron. ad 〈…〉: pag. 52. Augustine is a sufficient witness, to prove that Monks in ancient times were not forbidden to possess their own goods, who in his book of Heresies showeth, that both Monks, and Clergymen enjoyed both their possessions and wives. We know that Plato's commonwealth of community was no state of poverty, neither are the Romish Monasteries so poor pastures, but that the old proverb may still pass for currant, Desperatio facit Monachum, that is, some men, for fear of poverty, desire the profession of monastical poverty. All that therein do seek thereby a carnal ease and security, may be compared unto the Ass which stood by Christ, but only with a disposition to feed at the cratch. Again, some make the profession monastical, but a means unto higher preferment, herein feigning himself dead, with the Fox, that thereby he may more easily catch the prey. The second confessed error of a professed Romish poverty, which is peculiar unto the Order of begging Friars. SECT. 5. 14 How much less means have their Mendicants to cover the deformed nakedness and unlawfulness of their sect, which they call a religious profession of want, which is poor and yet proud ( * Eccles. 6. 1. an evil under the Sun,) seeking no worse predecessors of their Order, than Christ and his Apostles? albeit their jesuite Salmeron can witness, a Multi sunt pauperes Euangelici, qui non egent, ut constat de Christo loculos liabente, & Apostolis missis ad praedicandum; numquid aliquid defuit? Et in primitiva Ecclesia, Act. 4. neque quisquam egens erat inter eos. Salmeron Ies. Tom. 5. Tract. 5. §. Obijc●unt postremò. that Neither Christ, nor the Apostles, being sent out without scrip or staff etc. were in want: and in the primitive Church, when all things were made common, distribution was made among them, according as every man had need. Christ, indeed, * joh. 4. begged water at the well; but, as the Prophet * 2. Reg. 2. Helisaeus did beg oil of the Shunamite, and David the showbread of * 1. Sam. 21. Abimelech: which proveth no more a begging condition than b unus & alt●● actus non facit piscatorem, sed continuatio & professo. Tolet. Ies. come in Luc. 5 once fishing doth make a fisher; for when judas said of the precious ointment, * joh. 12. 5. Why was not this ointment sold for three hundred pence, and given to the poor, his intent is noted; * u●rss. 6. This he spoke, not that he cared for the poor, but because he was a thief, and had the bag, and bore that which was given: hoping that the money would come unto his fingering. Not obscurely signifying that the use of Christ his bag was to give to the poor: Christ would sometime be a giver. 15 We yet further pursue them, in manifesting the iniquity of that profession. Our Lord Christ c Matth. 633. Quae●te primun●egnum Dei.] Christus non omninò vervin caetera quae●ere, sed ita quaerere, ut illorum sollicitudo nos à regno Dei quaerendo avertat; ita quaerere ut ijs servire velimus: non enim possumus duobus dominis serui●e, vers. 24. quaerere autem secundo loco propter regnum Dei non vetuit, sed docuit. Name in oration Dominica praecepit dicere, Adueniat regnum tuum; praecepit etiam dicere, Panem nostrum quotidianum da, &c Maldonat. Ies. in hunc locum. in commanding us to [seek first the kingdom of God] did not altogether forbidden us from seeking other things (saith their jesuite Maldonate,) but in those petitions of the Lords prayer, for God's kingdom, and for our daily bread, hath taught us to seek the things of this world, so far as they may be furtherances to his kingdom. And Cardinal Bellarmine in his Treatise de Laicis, acknowledgeth d Respondemus, tribulationem & persecutionem esse quidem utilem sed periculosam, & ideò non expetendam, sed tolerandam, cùm alitèr fieri non potest: undè Matth. 6. iubemur orare, Et n● nos inducas in tentationem; & in 1. Tim. 2. Apostolus jubet orare pro Regibus, ut quietam & tranquillá vitam agamus. Et B. August. l. 10. Confess. c. 28. dicit, Miseri●s tolerandas, non amandas, nec desiderandas, vec petendas. Bellar. l. 3. de Laicis, c. 17. §. Sed respondemus. Tribulation to be profitable, but yet perilous, and in that respect to be necessarily suffered, but not voluntarily desired, because we are commanded to pray thus, [Lead us not into temptation:] which he confirmeth by the authority of S. Augustine. Wherefore seeing that extreme poverty is a certain tribulation, and indeed a gulf of temptation; then are their begging Friars yet to learn how to say the Lords prayer. 16 But why do we dispute? knowing that about the year 1254, many e Gulielmus quidam in oppido Amatoris, apud Sequanos' natus, idénique Bellovacensis Canonicus, & Odo cognominatus de Duaco, Gi●aldu● Sigerius, & alij Doctores Parisienses Sorbonici, non solùm in templis ad populum concionib. habitis, & in scholis publicis disputationibus, sed e iam scriptis libris multos errores in vulgus sparsere, docentes,— debere eos (R●ligi●s●s Mendicante●) suis maribus laborate ad victum & vestitum sibi comparandum; & ommnò eos, qui corporis 〈◊〉 us valcrent, ad labor●ndum esse adigendos. Azor. Ies. part. 1. Instit. M●ral. l. 13. c. 1. in initio. Doctors of the University of Paris (who were f ●lecti sunt cum magna deliberatione quidam celebertimi Magist●i Lectores, viz Magister Wilhelmus de sancto Amore, Magister Odo de Duaco. Matth. Paris hist. Anglan 〈◊〉. 3. pag. 909. Tiguri anno 1606. most famous and choice men) taught in their public lectures, books, and Sermons, that Monks (speaking of the begging Orders) aught to get their livings with their own hands: among whom was g Porrò Gulielmus ille ab Alexandro 4. est Romam evocatus, ubi auditus, conu●ct●s, & damnatus beneficijs omnibus, spoliatúsque esse pe●hibetur, 〈◊〉 que liber publicè igni exustus, & ipse author a sancto Ludovico huius nominis nono, Francorum Rege, totá Franciá expul●us & e●ectus.— In eo libello cius continebant●● contr● mendicantium Regularium coetus eiusmodi errores: Mendicantes Fratres esse in statu periculoso, nec saluos esse posse: non licere alicui omnia bon●●ponte r●linquere, nec cibo mend cato vinere, etiam Christi causa: lethalitèr peccare larg●entes ●leemosynas fratribus mendicantibus. Azor. quo suprà. §. Hisce calumnijs. Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, who was called up to Rome by Pope Alexander the fourth, and was (among other Articles) therefore condemned and spoiled of all his benefices. 17 Where our godly Reader will easily observe the slippery sleight of our Adversaries, in exacting for proof of Romish declination, an open Resistance; and if it happen that no Resistance can be shown against their novelties, then are Protestants, for want of such proof, condemned for heretics: and if a resistance be discovered, than they forthwith are called heretics, who did resist. This is more than partiality. In the last place is to be unfolded The Romish error of defence of Perfection, issuing from their own contradictions. SECT. 6. 18 Their first degree of Monastical poverty is that which is professed in having the use of things in common: whereupon ariseth a question, whether the state of Bishops, who possess lands and goods, and enjoy the propriety of them, or rather of Monks, who deprive themselves hereof, be more perfect? Whereof our Adversaries have thus determined: a Tertius gradus est diligere Deum,— quantum potest creatura mortalis, quae à se removit omnia divini amoris impedimenta, & totam se Dei obsequio consecravit. Qui in hoc gradu versantur, imperfecti sunt, respectu beatorum; sed perfecti. respectu altorum hominum, etiam lustorum & piorum Et haec est perfectio de qua loquuntur Theologi. cùm dicunt starum Episcoporum esse statum perfectionis adeptae, & statum Religioforum esse statum perfectionis acqu● endae. Hoc enim interest inter Episcopos & Religiosos, quòd religiosi non tenentur continuò esse perfecti, sed tantùm 〈◊〉 ad perfectionem: versantur enim in exercitatione virtutis, & remotione impedimentorum: at Episcopi debent esse perfect●, id est, ad eum gradum charitatis perve●isse, ad quem Religiosi per sua vota & exercitia tendunt. Propte●eà in definitione diximus, Religionem esse statum hominum ad perfectionem tendentium. Bellar. lib. 2. de Monach. cap. 2. §. Tertius gradus. The state of Bishops (say they) is the more perfect, because in it perfection is already achieved; and the state of the religious Monks is less perfect, because they are but contending unto perfection. Thus whilst they have defined perfection to consist in voluntary poverty, which is an * See above Sect. 4. alienation of all propriety of worldly goods, and yet do prefer the state of Bishops, possessing wealth (and some also possessed thereof,) they do but, in effect, contend to place perfection in no perfection. 19 Secondly, b Imprimis Gregorius nonus, anno Dom. 1238 Constitutionem edidit, quâ omnibus Ecclesiarum Praefectis praecepit, ut Mendicantes rem divinam facere, conciones habere, ac sacras peccatorum confess ones audire, liberè permittant:— Eandemue Constitutionem innovanit Innocent 4. anno 1245. qui tamen posteà prohibuit ab his omnibus Ministerijs Mendicantes. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral. part. 1. lib. 13. cap. 2. initio. Pope Gregory the ninth (anno 1238.) did first ordain the begging Monks to preach, and administer the Sacraments; which was afterwards confirmed (anno 1243.) by Pope Innocentius the fourth: who himself, not long after, did forbidden them to exercise any such functions. Yet the reason whereby the lesuite doth excuse the Mendicants for not labouring, is, c Septimò quaeritur, cur Mendicantes, viribus alioqui praediti, manibus minimè laborent, cùm ex Augustino per totum librum de opere Monachorum, ex Basilij, item & Benedicti regula, & cap. De Praesentium 16. q. 1. manifestè construe, olim Monachos manibus laborare consucuisse? Respondeo, cum S. Thoma Opusc. 19 cap. 5. Non idem juris esse de Mendicantibus, quod de Monachis: illi enim sunt instituti ad docendum, concionandum, conferendum Sacramenta, & proindè ad diligentem literis operam navandam. Azor. Ies. ibid. cap. 1. §. Septimò quaeritur. because (saith he) they are appointed to preach. Nevertheless, Ignatius Loyola provided for the Order of his society of jesuits * See confessed above, lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 38. sufficient of victuals, even because learning is not attained unto in extreme beggary. 20 So now the reason why their Mendicants work not, but beg, is because they use to preach: contradictorily, the reason why the jesuits are provided for, that they beg not, is because they are ordained to preach. But if begging be an hindrance unto preaching, why do the Mendicants beg? If voluntary beggary be no hindrance unto that function, but even a furtherance unto perfection, why do not the Jesuits beg? Finally, in their not begging Orders, which have so great plenty, we found, as yet, no perfection of poverty; and in their begging sect (being unlawful) not poverty of perfection. 21 Only the point of merit remaineth, which their d De secunda quaestione Nicholaus 4. qui in cap. Exijt, de verborum signif. in sexto, sentit illam paupertatem esse sanctam, & meritoriam, negat johannes. Et quanquam melius Nicholaus sentit, tamen nec Nicholaus hoc definivit, tanquam a●ticulum fidei, nec johan. 22. in Extravag. suis, Tit. de verborum significat. directè hoc impugnavit. Bellar. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 14. §. De secunda. Pope Nicholas the fourth (anno 1288.) defended to be in voluntary poverty, but Pope john the 22. (anno 1410.) denied it: and now the Romanists (as though the latter Pope were not the wiser) do choose in this point to be (that we may so speak) Nicolaitans. 22 Wherefore (that we may conclude, not from any Author's passion, but from our adversaries testimonies and positions:) There is a necessary relinquishment of all, or of some wealth, belonging unto all Christians, in the habitual preparation of the heart always, & in actual effect, whensoever riches and Christ, sense and faith, God and Mammon strive for masterdom: * Mat. 6. 24. No man can serve two masters. But this renunciation is not upon counsel only, but upon commandment, even that which we have learned as the A B C of our Christianity, * Mat. 19 29. Leave father etc. and * Mat. 16. 24. take up the cross, and follow me; whether the commandment be temporal and personal, as unto Abraham, to leave his father's house; or perpetual and general, to leave Babylon, and whatsoever hindereth from salvation. 23 In the matter of counsel, for a man's more expedite course in Christianity, it is free unto him to lessen his burden, and to change property for community, but not for a profession of beggary: yet so esteeming of lawful actions as works of perfection, by comparing himself with himself, not with others, who, as the true seed of Abraham, may be more perfect in using their possessions, than he in renouncing them. 3. To relinquish the opinion of merit, properly taken, because that which in god's indulgence is matter of counsel, is, in regard of his strict justice, which saith, * Matth. 5. vlt. vers. Be ye perfect, as your father which is in heaven is perfect, a case of precept, especially by individual circumstances, & consequently so an act of duty, & not of desert. 4. To beware of the Pharises * Mark. 7. 11. Corban, that is, jest our zeal outrun discretion, as men do, who so affect perfection of the rule of counsel, as that thereby sometime they transgress the law of commandment. CHAP. V Of the Remission of Sins. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And the denial of the power of Priests to remit sins, in the g See this hereafter, Tract 3 Sect. 1. in the margin, at though letter, x. Novatian●. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 1. OUR Adversaries have diversly interpreted the heresy of the novatians: their first exposition is, that they taught, that a Tertia haeresis omnem poenitentiae virtutem tollit, dicens eos qui semel lapsi sunt, nunquam posteà consequi remissionem, quantum libet posteà poeniteant. Huius author fuit Novatus, etc. Alphons. de Castro adver. heres. li. 12. Tit. De Poenitentia. §. Tertia haeresis. His whole discourse there is to prove, that he taketh from God power of forgiveness of sin in such cases: and Omne peccatum lethal post baptismum commissum, irremissible censuerunt. Vega lib. 13. de justif. cap. 2. §. Secundò. pag. 486. And Origenes Tract. in Matth. 35. haec verba edisserens, videtur astruere, quòd impossible s●t, eos, qui post susceptam evangelicae praedicationis gratiam, & fidem. abnegaverunt Christum, rursum ad poenitentiam reverti, & veniam delicti impetrare. Qui error in Novatianis damnatus est. Senens. Bibl. S. l. 6. Annot. 119. initio. no man committing any mortal sin after baptism, could possibly obtain pardon at God's hands, although he become never so penitent; as their Castro, Vega, and Senensis do conceive. But Cardinal Bellarmine doth not think that they were so blind as to b Neque, ut nonnulli falso existimant, poenitentiae & spem veniae à Deo obtinendae haeretici (meaning novatians) tollebantè medio. Bellar lib. 1. de Paenit. cap. 9 initio. deny all hope of pardon from God: neither will he seem to be so malicious, as to impute this error unto Protestants. 2 A second understanding of this Novatian heresy their Cardinal Baronius delivereth, to be c Cyprianus pluribus docet, Novatianum eius fuisse sententiae, ut negaret semel lapsos ampliùs in Ecclesiam esse admittendos, sed esse Dei judicio relinquendos, nec ullum lapsorum habendum esse dise imen, criminumuè distinctively. 1.— Porrò quòd Novatianus, de cuius haeresi sermo est,— negaret quod est in Apostolico Symbolo, Remissionem peccatorum in Ecclesia reperiri. Sed & ex necessaria quoque assumptione haeresis, eiusmodi deduci conclusio videbatur, ut à Christo datas Ecclesiae claves procacitèr negaretur.— In quos Augustinus de Agon. Christi, cap. 31— Noluit credere datas Ecclesiae claves regni coelorum, ipsi eas de mambus amiserunt. Card. Baron. anno 254. num. 104 107. a denial of the power of the keys in the Church, for admitting any that sinneth after Baptism, by remission of sin, although he repent. Which their jesuit d joh. 5. 4. Dixit Christus, Noli amplius peccare, etc.] Ex quo loco probat Pacianus, epist. 3 contra Novatianos', non negandum esse poenitentibus veniam, nec enim dixiflo Christum, iam noli peccare, quia non sanaberis iterum, sed, nè deterius aliquid tibi contingat. Maldonat. Ies. comment. in joh. 5. 14. Maldonate confirmeth out of Pacianus; and addeth, that this same e Abutebantur hoc loco Matth 9 6. Novatiani, ut probarent, non posse Sacerdotes remittere peccata: quemadmodum hodiè corum haeredes Caluiniani in cundem errorem abutuntur. Idem comment. in Matth. cap. 9 vers. 6. col. 225. heresy is hereditary in the Caluinists: which the Apologists do likewise insinuate. 3 But as truly as they have related the heresy of the novatians, so untruly have they entitled Protestants in that heresy: for even Calvin himself, in his express confutation of the Catharists and novatians, catechizeth his Reader in these f Tria igitur hic nobis obseruanda, (in the margin is noted Refutatio Catharorum) primùm, neminem in hoc mortali corpore sine peccatorum remiss one consistere posse coram Deo: deindè, hoc ben●ficium est I celesiae proprium, ut non aliter fruamur, quàm si permaneamus in illius communione. 3. Per Ecclesiae ministros hoc dispensari vel praedicatione Euang●lij, vel sacramentorum administratione; atque hác in part maximè engineer clavium potestatem, quam Dominus fidelium societati contulit.— Novatiani olim hoc dogmate Ecclesiam exagitarunt. Calum. Instit. l. 4. cap. 1. nu. 23. three points. First, that every one, as long as he lodgeth in this mortal body, hath need of remission of sin. Secondly, This remission must be had in the Church. Thirdly, It is performed by the power of the keys, which Christ hath given unto every faithful congregation. And although Caluine had been silent, yet is God able out of hearts as hard towards him as stones, to raise up witnesses in his behalf: for behold, his greatest Adversary (Cardinal Bellarmine) testifieth, that g Hanc antiquissiman Haeresin iam olim damnatam iterum excitare conatus est Lutherus & qui post eum surrexerunt falsi Prophetae Zuinglius, calvinus, & caeteri. Nam etiamsi reconciliationem quandam lapsorun post Baptismun agnoscunt, in quo videntur discrepare i Novatianis, tamen veram & iudiciariam potestatem peccata ren ittendi non minùs Sacerdotibus negant Lutherani, quàm olim Novatiani. Bellar. lib. 1 de Poenit cap. 9 §. Hanc. Luther, Zuinglius, Caluine, and others do acknowledge a certain reconciliation of sins after Baptism: h Non probant (Protestants) quòd ijdem (Novatiam) eos, qui poenitentiam agerent, nolebant absoluere, & ad communionem admittere. Coccius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 8. art. 3. Wherein (saith Coccius) Protestants dissent from the novatians. 4 Not that the Cardinal is less calumnious, but that he meant to be more subtle than other accusers, and therefore intendeth to draw Protestants within the compass of the heresy of the novatians by a third manner of interpretation thereof. First, i Non negant adversarij dari Ecclesiae potestatem soluendi & ligandi, aut retinendi, sed hanc potestatem interpretantur Ministerium praed●candi, & annunciandi poenitentibus remissionem peccatorum, & impoemtentibus itam.— Id●ircò nobis probandum est, datam esse veram potestatem ex authoritate ab oluendi, ac per hoc sacerdotes iud ces esse in causis peccatorum, vice Christ's. Bellar. lib. 3. the penitent. cap. 2. §. Et quoniam. For although Protestants (saith he) acknowledge a power of reconciliation towards sinners, yet do they not accounted this power of remission of sins to be judicial, but only by way of preaching and declaring that sins are remitted: which he will have to be the Novatian heresy; and which we shall prove to be neither the heresy of the novatians, nor yet any heresy. 5 To show that this was not the doctrine of the novatians, we dare appeal unto the judgement of Cardinal * See above at c, d. Baronius, * See above at c, d. Maldonate, and (for aught that doth appear) unto the whole School of jesuits: who without all questioning, whether the form of reconciliation, by them denied, were indicative, or indicative, did judge this only their heresy, even the absolute denial, that the Church had power to promise' reconciliation or remission to repentant sinners, who had transgressed after Baptism, or to admit them again into their communion: according unto the consonant testimonies of S. k Negant oportere reddi communionem his, qui praevaricatione lapsi sunt Ambros. lib. 1. de Poenit. c. 1. Tom. 1. Ambrose, and S. l Novatianus nolens Apostatas suscipere poenitentes. Hieron. Catalogue. Script. Tit. Novatianus. Jerome. 6 In the second point, which concerneth the truth of the doctrine, we have for our Advocate, the chief master of the Romish school, who from no worse premises than are the testimonies of the ancient Fathers, concludeth: m Ecce quàm varia à Doctoribus traduntur s●per ijs, & in hac t●nta va●ierate quid tenendum? Hoc sanè dicere ac sentire possumus: quòd solus Deus dimittit peccata & retinet▪ & tamen ●cclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi, & soluendi: sed alitèr ipse soluit, vel ligat, alitèr Ecclesia. Ipse enim per se tantùm 〈◊〉 peccatum, quia & animam mundat ab interiori macula, & à debito aeternae mortis soluit.— Non autem hoc Sacerdotibus concessit, quibus tamen tribuit potestatem soluendi & ligandi, id est, ostendendi homines ligatos, vel solutos. unde Dominus leprosum sanitati priùs per se restituit, deindè ad Sacerdotes misit, quorum judicio ostender●tur mundatus. Magister Sent. lib. 4. dist. 18. fol. 108. 109. God bindeth and looseth otherwise then doth the Church; He by inwardly purging the soul from the spot of sin, and freeing it from the debt of eternal death, this cannot the Church do (saith he,) but hath power of binding & losing, that is, of declaring what sinners are either loosed or bound: which declarative manner of absolution their late Franciscane preacher did publicly profess as n Quorum remiseritis, etc. (and likewise upon the cap. 11. Venite ad me omnes.) Non quòd homo propriè remittat peccatum, sed quòd osten dat ac certificet à Deo remissun: neque enim aliud est absolutio, quam ab homine accipis, quàm si dicat; En, sili, certifico te, tibi remissa esse peccata: annuncio tibi te habere propitium Deum, & quaecunque Christus in Baptismo & evangelio nobis promisit, tibi nunc per me annunciat & promittit. Ferus lib. 2. come. in joan. 20. in verba, Quorum re●iseritis, etc. the only absolution: and their Bishop o Petrus Parisiorum Episcopus, Hieronymi verba clariùs explicans, l. 4. Sent. D. 18. sic fatur: Varia à Doctoribus traduntur super his, & in hac tanta varietate hoc sanè dicere ac sentire possumus, quòd solus Deus dimittit peccata, & retinet. & tamen Ecclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi, etc. T●ste Sixto Senens. Bibl. S. lib. 6. Annot. 71. § Petrus. Petrus Parisius, varieth not one crochet from the first note of their principal master: which is, in itself, most consonant both unto the ancient p See Magister Sent. lib. 4. Dist. 18. judgement of the Church, and q ●or if the power of the Church were judicial, than whosoever is bound by the Church, should be insallibly bound in heaven: but our Adversaries acknowledge Clavem errantem, that the Church may err in excommunication and reconciliation; but the judicial, which is of God, is always infallible. Yet observe, that when we deny the judicial, we speak not against the external and ritual manner of absolution, which Cardinal Bellarmine doth confèsse to be used almost of all Protestants, thus: De hac igitur poenitentia, quae signis externis proditur, quaestio est, an Sacramentum dici debeat:— Absolutionis autem ritum aliquem serè omnes agnoscunt, licet de vi & efficacia absolutionis, de ministro qui eam pronunciat, deue alijs multis rebus ad absolution●m pertinentibus, multae sunt inter nos & adversarios quaestiones. Bellar. Tom 2. de Poenit. l. 1. ●. 8. §. De hac. unto truth itself. 7 So that now we see the Adversaries of Protestants divided, and like the accusers of Suzanna between (as it is in the Greek) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the holm and lentisk tree. For the first sort, to make Protestants guilty, said, that the novatians denied all power of reconciliation in the Church after Baptism: and their Cardinal answereth in behalf of Protestants, saying, that they do not so. Afterwards he accuseth them only about the form of absolution and reconciliation, which he contendeth to be judicial: which (by the judgement of his colleagues) was not the heresy of the novatians: and by the conclusion of his master and others, is not an heresy, but a sound and orthodoxal truth. another calumniation. SECT. 2. 8 Nevertheless, they are resolved to condemn Caluine for a Novatianorun error praecipuus erat, non esse in Ecclesia potestatem reconciliandi homines Deo, nisi per Baptismum. Bellar. l. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 9 §. 6. Novatianorum. Quae sententia expressè Caluinistarum est; nam Calvin. l. 4. Instit. cap. 19 §. 17. sic ait, Nullum esse poenitentiae sacramentum, praeter Baptismum: quòd ver● Hieron. ait, Poenitentiam esse secundam tabulam post naufragium, planè impium est, & excusari non potest. Ibid. §. Quae sententia. Novatianisme. What hath he said? It is, forsooth, because he held it a derogation unto the virtue of Baptism, to esteem of Penance as properly a second table after a shipwreck. b Ementitum hoc sacramentum ornârunt, quo decebat elogio, secundam esse tabulam post naufragium: quia si quis vestem innocentiae in Baptismo perceptam peccando corruperit, per poenitentiam reparare potest. Sed dictum est Hieronymi. Cuiuscunque sit, quum planè impium sit, excusari nequit, si ex eorum sensu exponitur. Quasi verò per peccatum deleatur Baptismus, & non potius in memoriam revocandus sit peccatori, quoties de peccati remissione cogitat, ut i●lic seize colligat, animumue recipiat, & fidem confirmet, peccatorum remissionem se impetraturum, quae sibi in Baptismo promissa sit. Quòd autem durè & impropriè Hieron. dixit, Poenitentia reparari Baptismum (à quo excidunt, qui excommunicari ab Ecclesia merentur) boni isti interprete and suam impietatem trahunt. Calvin. Instit. lib. 4. c. 19 num. 17. §. Ne tamen. Caluine thinketh S. Jerome used this saying in an unproper, and that the Romanists held it in an impious sense, namely so, as if Baptism were utterly broken off by sin: but he contrarywise teacheth, that there is no remission of sin in any person baptised, but it is with reference unto the covenant of c calvinus non vult opus esse novo Poenitentiae sacramento, quo coelesti Patri reconciliemur, Cuius, inquit, vis in Bapt smo viget, ideoue Baptismi memoriam esse repetendan. Lindanus Panop. lib. 4. c. 57 fol. 349. Baptism; which may be confirmed out of this saying of S. Augustine; d Augustinus quoque in exp. epist. ad Rom. inchoata, circa finem: Eos, inquit, qui iam baptizati fuerunt, curari melius dicimus per poenitentiam, non tenovari; quia renovatio in baptismo est, ubi quidem operatur poenitentia, sed tanquam in fundamento. Manente itaque fundamento recurai aedificium potest, si autem fundamentum iterare quis volverit, aedificium subvertat necesse est. August. teste Salmer. jes ●●m. 15. in Heb. 6. disp. 14. pag. 717. Although we be cured (saith he) by repentance, yet are we not renewed but by Baptism, which is the irreiterable foundation of Penance. In which regard Theodoret noteth the one only Baptism of a Christian to e Haec autem dixit divinus Apostolus, dicens judaeos, qui crediderunt, ne existimarent sanctiss. Baptismun esse similem Baptismis judaicis● illi enim non soluebant peccata, sed corporis sordes, quae videbantur, purgabant, qua de causa multa & frequenter adhibebantur. Hic autem unus est, ut qui salutaris passionis & resurrectionis typum habeat, & futuram resurrectionem antè describat. The● doritus Tom. 2. as he is cited by Salmeron, ibid. pag. 715. differ from all jewish washing, because they, (saith he) purging only the filth of the flesh, were often applied; this, purifying the soul, is but one, as being the healthful type of the death and resurrection of Christ. Which their own Ferus did understand right well, when (speaking of the Ecclesiastical absolution) he saith, that * See above Sect. 1. at the the letter, n, in the margin. there is pronounced and declared that remission which was promised in Batisme. 9 And all this obscure point may be illuminated by a similitude not altogether incongruous. If a woman, who is deprehended in folly, shall afterward be reconciled unto her husband, she doth not enter into a new contract of marriage, but only taketh upon her a new resolution, with a relation unto the first covenant. So:— but we presume our Reader will make up the comparison. 10 In these three interpretations we have discerned three injuries, the first against the novatians, to make their heresy greater than it was: the second against Protestants, by (as hath been confessed) a false application of the Novatian heresy: the third against principal Romanists, who hold the third sense to be no heresy at all. Now are we to try, What affinity the Romanists themselves have with the foresaid novatians. SECT. 3. 11 That a Catholici omnessumma consensione contrarium docent: fatentur enim primo legem Dei justis hominibus absolutè esse possibilem, non quidem per solas vires liberi arbitrij.— Secundò opera justorum simpliciter & absolutè justa, & suo etiam modo esse perfecta. Bellar. lib. 4. de justif. cap. 10. §. Kemnitius. just men may possibly fulfil the law of God, and that the works of holy men are absolutely just, is affirmed by the Cardinal to be the doctrine of all their Catholics: notwithstanding that the b Apud veteres saepenumero sit obuiam Novatianis, qui seize ob arrogantiss. pu●itatis & sanctimoniae opinionem apud populum inctitabant Catharos, id est, puros, ut olim Sadducaei apud Hebraeos su●m venditabant iust●tiam. Lindan. Panop. l. 4. c. 61. fol. 366. §. Apud veteres. And so saint Augustine haeres 38. doth express it. novatians for the opinion which they had of their own sanctity, called themselves Catharists, that is, Pure. 12 Let our Adversaries consider this, and tell us how many steps they want of that long c Tum Acetio Imperator, OH Acesi, pone scalam, &, si potes, solus ascend ad coelum. Hist. Tripart. lib. 2. cap. 13. ladder of the Novatian Acesius; and show us the full difference between those Catharists, and some of their Catholics. CHAP. VI Of the objected heresies of the Manichees, in two points, 1. Freewill, 2. the power of Baptism. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of Freewill, and of remission of sins, and grace conferred in Baptism, in the h Hieron, in prooem. librorum adversus Pelagianos, fine, saith, Manichaeorum est hominum damnare naturam, & liberum auferre arbitrium, & Dei adiutorium. And see Jerome in explan Symb. ad Damasum. And S. Austin de fide contra Manich. c. 9 saith, Aduersus haec solita caecitaete Manichaei latrant, & cum con●●ncuntur naturam non esse malum, sed in potestate esse hominis facere bene aut male, dicunt non esse animae liberam voluntatem, & non vident caecitatem suam, etc. Et vide ibidem cap. 10. & in acts cum Eaelice Manichaeo, lib. 2. cap. 4. And Chrysostom in john, hom. 45. prope initium, saith, Christ said to them, No man can come to me, except the Father who sent me, draw him: hereat the Manichees do rise up contending by the testimony of this scripture, that we can do nothing of ourselves, etc. But this taketh not away our free-will, but showeth that we need Gods help. And concerning their other point touching Baptism, M. Whitaker l. 10. contra Duraeum, pag. 883. confesseth the same, saying: Nos in Baptismo peccata remitti, & grati●m conferri credimus ac docemus, quod negare soliti sunt Manichaei; ergo nos a Manichaeis alieni sumus. Et vide Sarcerium loc. common. tom. 1. de Baptismo, fol. 232. b. post medium. Manichees. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. Freewill is considered as it was in Adam before his transgression, or as in Adam and his offspring, after he had taken that dismal fall. The Manichees speaking only of the first, a Manichaeus docuit, quòd creaturae sunt malae ex se & generatione sua, quia ex malo Deo creatae sunt. Alphonsus de Castro lib. 4. Tit. Creatura. haeres. 2. Manichaei docuerunt, Diabolum ex sua natura malum esse, nec posse esse bonum. Ibid. lib. 5. Tit. Diabolus. haeres. 1. taught (saith Alphonsus, their compiler of heresies,) that creatures are naturally evil. The sentence of S. Jerome, objected by the b See their margin. Apologists, showeth as much, viz. The Manichees condemned man's nature. So doth their c Manichaeorum, inquit Hieron. est, hominum condemnate naturam, & liberum auferre arbitrium: & Aug. haeres. c 46 peccatorum originem, inquit, non tribuunt Manichaei libero arbitrio. Idem apertè Sectarij omnes. Lutherus art. 36. dicit, liberum arbitrium esse rem de solo titulo—. calvinus l. 2. Instit. c. 2, 3, 4. non permittit homini liberam electionem ulla in re.. Bellar. l. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 9 §. 8. Manichaeorum. Cardinal charge Caluine, and all the Protestants; and their jesuite d Noluerunt minus ingeniosi videri Caluinistae: nam & ipsi nunc cum Manichaeis liberum tollunt arbit●ium: hoc etiam subtiliùs, quòd illi in utramque pariter partem, high in bonum, non in malum tollunt; non videntes homines errore suo caeci, non solùm malam arborem bonos, sed nec bonam malos fructus facere posse.— Non solùm in malum, sed etiam in bonum liberum habemus arbitrium, contra quàm Caluinistae; & non aequaliter in utrumque, sed in malum satis fortè; in bonum, nisi Dei gratia adiwetur, infirmum, contraquàm Pelagiani sentiebant. Maldon. Ies. come. in Matth. 7. 18. pag. 189. 190. Maldonate prosecuteth the accusation to the full. 2 Caluine himself desireth to be heard speak: e Dicimus ergo naturali hominem vitiositate corruptum, sed quae à natura non fluxerit. A natura fluxisse negamus. ut significemus adventitiam magis esse qualitatem, quae homini acciderit, quàm substantialem proprietatem, quae ab initio indita fuerit.— Non etiam ineptè dicetur naturaliter praws & vitiosus: quemadmodum non veretur Augustinus, ratione corruptae naturae, naturalia dicere peccata, quae in carne nostra necessariò regnant, ubi abest Dei gratia. Ita evanescat stultum Manichaeorum nugamentum, qui cùm substantialem in homine malitiam imaginarentur, alterum illi conditorem affingere ausi sunt, ne justo Deo viderentur mali causam & principium assignare. calvinus Instit. l. 2. c. 1. §. 11. We say (saith he) that the vicious corruption which is in man, came not from nature; away with the foolery of the Manichees, who imagine that there was a substantial wickedness in man's nature. Now call in again both his accusers, and see if they do not effectually discharge him: the first, f calvinus concedit primum hominem, ante lapsum, libero arbitrio praeditum fuisse:— sed nunc co career. L. 1. Instit. c. 15. §. 8. & l. 2. c. 5. §. 18. Bellarm. lib. 4. de Grat & Arbit. c. 7. §. Postremò. Caluine (saith he) confesseth, that man had freewill before his fall. Now listen unto the second accuser, * See the testimony of Maldonate above, at the letter, d. The Manichees took away the wills freedom, as well in respect of good as of evil: but the Caluinists (saith he) deny that man (namely after the fall) hath freedom unto good, but grant it to be free unto evil. 3 Well then, by the first it appeareth that the Manichees denied freewill in man's perfect and created nature, and that Protestants deny the freedom of will only in respect of man's nature tainted and corrupted: by the second we understand that the Manichees held man's will even after his fall, to be free neither unto good nor evil, and that Protestants teach man's will after the first sin, to be free unto evil, but not unto good. So that the Manichees and Protestants are at no less difference in the point of freewill, than there is between man standing, and man fallen, between nature created & corrupt, between good and evil. This will not be thought sufficient, except we further show, That Protestants doctrine, concerning Freewill, is the more truly Catholic. SECT. 2. 4 If the doctrine of ancient Fathers, teaching that Adam by sinning lost (as the * Luc. 15. prodigal child did his substance) his freewill unto good; or the suffrage of diverse Romanists, denying the will to be absolutely active; or the testimonies of their public Schools, concluding that the grace of God doth determinate the will; besides other their confessions of the more safety of our doctrine, can warrant our Protestantiall defence ( * See above lib. 2 cap. 10. all which have been particularly and fully manifested by direct allegations;) then must our Adversaries suspect the spirit, by which they have accused Protestants of Manicheisme: the rather for that their own * Salmeron Ies. See above lib. 4. cap. 24. jesuite hath set this down, (and that truly) for a special note of the true Church, to depress nature, in respect of Grace. They will now require An answer unto the second point of Manicheisme, concerning the power of Baptism: from the testimonies of our Adversaries. SECT. 3. 5 Who do accuse the Protestants herein? Even the Romish Apologists, and that very urgently: * See above in their objection. Sundry heretics (say they) denied sundry points of our now Catholic faith, and among other points, is the denying with the Manichees, that grace is conferred in Baptism. Thus are Protestants accused: who shall absolve them? Even the same Apologists, by the very same testimony, whereby they intent to prove protestāns to be guilty of this heresy of the Manichees. 6 The testimony lurketh in the margin, masked in Latin: we shall need but only to draw it into view, by translating it. Concerning the other point touching Baptism, Master Whitaker (say they) confesseth the same, saying: What? viz. We (saith Doctor Whitaker, speaking of Protestants) teach, that sins are forgiven in Baptism, and grace therein conferred, which doctrine the Manichees are wont to deny: therefore are we far from the opinion of the Manichees. Whereunto assenteth their other objected Author Sarcerius, noting it among the ancient errors, to say, that a Sarcerius Loc. Com. c. 34. De Baptismo. Notwithstanding, if any Protestant believing that sins are forgiven before Baptism, by the grace of God, and power of his sanctifying spirit, s●metime going before the outward sign; yet cannot he be thought guilty of the error of the Manichees, who adhere rather to nature, denying the truth of Christ his body, and virtue of his resurrection. Baptism is only a sign, or only an outward washing of the body, or that it taketh not away the guilt of original sin. Again, the power of conferring grace in Baptism, hath been * See above. confessed by our Adversaries to be the general doctrine of Protestants. 7 The sum of this accusation is, that the Protestants are Manichaean heretics, who are the known Adversaries unto the Manichees. What ingenuous mind would not congratulate the Protestants happiness, to see them thus acquitted not only by their opposite accusers, but even by the accusation itself? and judge that such accusers do best deserve the name of b Manichaei à quodam Persa extiterunt, qui vocabatur Manes, (Mad-m●n) quasi & ipsum cum eius insana doctrina coepisset nomen praedicari. August. Tom. 6. haeres. 46. Manes, the first father of the Manichees? CHAP. VII. Of the necessity of children's Baptism. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of the necessity of children's Baptism, in the i Innocentius in rescripto ad Milevitanum Concilium, post med saith of the Pelagians, Illud vero quod vestra fraternitas eos asserit praedicare, 〈…〉 aeternae vitae praemijs absque Baptismatis gratia posse donari, perfatuum est. In like plain manner is this point conden●● 〈◊〉 the Pelagians, by S. Austin, haer. 88 & contra jul. Pelag. l. 6. c. 7. & de pec. merchant & rem. l. 2. c. 9 & 27. and by S. Leo, epist ●●, ad Episcopum Aquiliensem. Pelagians. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Freeing themselves from the note of Pelagianisme. SECT. 1. THis denial of the necessity of children's Baptism, is now the second time objected against Protestants: but then in the name of an error, now under the title of an ancient heresy, issuing from such Authors, whom they themselves (because of * See above lib. 2 cap. 10. Sect. 11. some alliance they have with them) should doubt to call heretics. But to the point: We say that our Adversaries in this one objection are thrice indiscreet. 2 First, by not considering that the same sentence may be both heretical and orthodoxal, according unto the different intention of the professors thereof, even as the salutation of hail Master, offered unto Christ the son of God, by devout worshippers, was a due honour; but being cast upon him by the despisers and mockers, was (more bitter than the vinegar and gall) rank blasphemy. 3 So in doctrines, Polycrates, and the holy Martyrs of the Greek Church held the time of Easter at the time which was observed of the jews: which Time also Blastus the heretic did precisely keep: these contrary professors were distinguished in one action by the difference of their intentions; for the Blastians' held it jewishly, as thinking the Levitical law necessary; but the Martyrs kept the same time of Easter Christianly in an opinion of indifferency, until at length that time of observation was changed, to the end that the jewish & Christian professors might be better distinguished. Many hundred like examples might be produced, of Catholic speeches and customs which have been heretically professed, and gave the Father's occasion to call the Devil, God's Ape: because he so sorteth his heresies, that they may carry in them an imitation of truth. 4 So also even in our Adversaries themselves, who forbidden the eating of certain meats, as the heretical Tatianists and Manichists anciently had done, but with a difference: for a The Rhemists in their Annot. upon 1. Tim. 4. 3. the foresaid heretics taught, that men might not eat certain sorts of meats, because they thought they were not made of the good God, but of the evil: for the which cause they were condemned in Counsels. But abstinence from certain meats is appointed in our Church (say the Rhemists) for chastising the body with penance. Hereby according unto us, that it is not always quid, but quo; that is, not the same action, but the diverse Principles, and intentions of the action, do distinguish truth from heresy. 5 So finally it is between the Protestants and the Pelagians: the Pelagians held a no-necessitie in Baptism, because they thought that the grace of nature was sufficient for the children's salvation: protestāns hold it not to be of absolute necessity, because of the free power of grace above nature: which teacheth, that when there is defect of Baptism, without contempt, God's mercy is * See confessed above, lib. 2. cap. 13. Sect. 6. etc. not tied unto the outward elements. Secondly, the Pelagians held children's Baptism not necessary in the Church; Protestants teach the necessity of children's Baptism in the Church, and the sanctifying grace, and power thereof. Thirdly, the Pelagians reason is taken from the perfection of nature, the Protestants dependeth upon the Axioms of grace. Notwithstanding all these main distances, yet have the Romanists not spared to rank Protestants thus indiscreetly with (their most opposite Adversaries) the graceless Pelagians. 6 The next symptom of indiscretion proceedeth from the partiality of their affection, whilst they insist upon the testimonies of some Fathers, for proof that children cannot be saved without Baptism: and yet, contrary to b Only the judgement of Origen may be excepted, which we accounted as none, because it is condemned by the Romanists themselves. See above, lib. 2. cap. 13. Sect. 8. all Fathers, hold a Limbus infantum, which they call a peaceable receptacle for all infants dying before Baptism. But it is not sufficient that a man be no heretic, except also he be, explicitâ fide, orthodoxal: therefore we furthermore affirm, That Protestants in the objected doctrine of Baptism, are true Catholics. SECT. 2. 7 A third note of indiscretion ariseth from their want of charity, whilst in their zeal to reach Protestants a blow, they do not care whom they hit, whether ancient Fathers (who contrary unto the doctrine of absolute necessity, did a See above lib. 2 cap. 1●. Sect. 4. delay Baptism a long while,) or else their own brethren, to wit, the b Ibidem, Sect. 5. above mentioned Cardinal Caietane, Gabriel, Gerson, Catharin, Pigius, Elisius, Segebergensis, Tilmannus, & others, who taught with us, that not the defect, but the contempt of Baptism doth condemn the unbaptized. Which they have also established with c Ibidem, Sect. 7. reasons inexpugnable, taken from the analogy of Circumcision, from the comparison other her confessed powerful Baptisms of Sanguinis and Flaminis, and (which surpasseth all the rest) from the equanimity of God's mercy. We forbear to retort the grand heresy of the Pelagians upon our Adversaries, until Protestants have discharged themselves. Therefore do we proceed. CHAP. VIII. Of the Reservation of the Sacrament. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of the blessed Sacraments reservation, in the k Cyril ad Calosyrium, saith, I hear they say, that the mystical blessing, if any remnant thereof do remain till the next day following, is unprofitable to sanctification, but they are mad in so saying for Christ is not made another, neither shall his body be changed, but the virtue of 〈◊〉 and lively grace do always remain in it. This point is so plain and confessed, that Peter Martyr adversus Stepham G 〈…〉 neri librum de Eucharistia, printed Basileae anno 1581. object. 213. col. 838. post med. saith of this saying of Cyril: Qu●d autem sub●●citur, Eucharistiae reliquias asseruat as in crastinum diem, à sanctificatione non cessare, spectat opin●r ad r●●●●●tam quandam consuetudinem (&c) ca consuetudo etsi saperet nonnihil superstitionis, tamen illi Cyrillas al●…que subscribebant: statim 〈◊〉 à temporibus Apostolorum paulatim coeptum est degenerari ab illa veteri simplicitate divini cultus. Anthropomorphites. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. IT is a great disease, and that also a cacoethes in our Adversaries to call every reprehensible thing by the name of Heresy: the rather, because if the ancient Fathers had so accounted hereof, then Epiphanius and S. Augustine, who published Catalogues of heresies, when they branded the Anthropomorphites with their proper heresies, would not have spared them in this. Howsoever, the Protestants are acknowledged to grant, that * See above lib. 2 cap. 3. Sect. 1 although the Sacrament be reserved three days, yet it loseth not the property of a Sacrament, but may be administered unto p●rsonss in case of extremity: and the Romanists themselves have * Ibid. Sect. 3 abrogated the supposed ancient custom of reservation, upon a pretence to avoid an irreverence. 2 These three observations: First, the denying of reservation of the Sacrament, is no heresy. Secondly, Protestants do not deny all reservation thereof (no more than they do the water in the Font) so long as it may be conveniently used. Thirdly, the Romanists have abrogated the ancient custom of reservation: all which do argue our adversaries unwillingness to know either the Anthropomorphites, or Protestants, or themselves: whom we must further put in mind, That (at lest,) the vulgar Romanists are guilty of the proper heresy of the Anthropomorphitae, in their misunderstanding of God. SECT. 2. 3 a Secunda haeresis est, quae docet Deum esse corporeum.— Hi haeretici, à suo ●●iore nomen 〈…〉, vocate sunt Anthropomorphitae. quia Anthropos. ●rae●…, idem est quod Homo, Latinè. Alphonsus de Castro cont. haeres. lib. 5. Tit. Deus. haeres. 2. Anthropomorphitae were so called, because they misconceived, that God hath a bodily shape like a man; b Haec ergo Anthropomorphitarum sententia, apert▪ haereseos convincitur. Idem ibid. See S. Augustine, Tom. 6. haeres. 50. which (saith their Alphonsus) is a manifest heresy, as * See the same author. Scriptures and Fathers, and also all learned * See above lib. 4. cap. 27. Romanists do acknowledge. 4 But whosoever shall sail in the Ocean of that See of Rome, and behold their people, who are allowed to pray before the image of an old man, as before the picture of God the Father; and shall ask them whether they are not persuaded that God is a good man, and hath the proportion and shape of a man: he shall easily find how their Romish imagery hath turned their people into images, voided of true sense, and understanding of God. 5 Yet (not to do them the wrong, as not to show the chief reason they have for picturing God in the likeness of a man) thus their Cardinal doth conclude: c Homo est vera imago Dei, sed hominis potest pingi imago ergo & Dei: nam quae est imago imaginis, est etiam exemplaris.— Licet homo sit ad imaginem Dei, ratione intellectus, & voluntatis, tamen ipse totus homo intelligens & volens rectè dicitur, & est imago Dei: nam Gen. 1. non ait Deus, faciamus animam, sed faciamus homin● ad imaginem Dei.— Simo autem ipse totus homo est imago Dei, & totus homo verè pingitur, ergo imago Dei verè pingitur. Bellar. lib. 2. de Imag. Sanct. cap. 8. §. Quintò etc. Man is the image of God, but man may be pictured; Ergo, the image of God may be pictured. And when Protestants answer, that Man is not the image of God, but in the faculties of his soul, which cannot be pictured: Ergo, the image of God cannot be pictured: he replieth; Although man be the image of God, in respect of his reason and will, yet whole man being intelligent is rightly called the image of God; so that if the whole man can be pictured, than the image of God may be pictured. 6 Which kind of argument no learned man could suggest, without a resolved purpose to sophisticate. Which his fallacy (à figura dictionis) is easily discovered by the like, thus: Although man be compared unto a beast, in respect of his sensible and bodily part, yet the whole man being immortal & sensible, is rightly compared unto a beast: so that if the whole man be immortal, a beast may be likewise called immortal. And who knoweth not that although the whole man may be said (synecdochically) to be pictured, yet is not man called the image of God in his whole, but in a part, which is, his reasonable and invisible soul, which cannot be pictured. 7 Therefore S. cyril condemned the d Dicebant, cùm Scriptura ait, hominem factum esse juxta imaginem Dei▪ credendum esse Deum humanâ formâ praeditum esse; quod omninò stultum est, & extremae impietatis:— Deus enim spiritus est.— Homo juxta similitudinem Dei, quatenus rationis particeps, & amans veritatis. Cyril. Alex. Tom. 2. adverse. Anthropomorph. in praef. Anthropomorphites of impious folly, for imagining God to have the figure of a man, because it is written, God made man after his own image: for by the image here signified (saith S. cyril) is meant man's reason and virtue: and, e Cassianus collat. 10. de Anthropomorphitarum haeresi disserens, ait huius haeresis patronos ideò asserere Deum esse corporeum, quià Scriptura dicit, hominem esse ad Dei imaginem factum.— Haec facilè, meâ sententiâ, prosternitur: nam si Deus corporeus non est, neque membra habet, ut homo: fieri non potest, ut homo, secundùm corpus, Dei imago dicatur. Alphonsus de Castro contra haeres. l. 8. Tit. Imago. haeres. 2. fol. 184. it cannot possibly be (saith their own Castro) that man in respect of his body should be called the image of God, f Ex quibus colligimus haec omnia cùm agit, ab anima vires suas sumere: cùm ergo sola anima habeat intellectum, memoriam & voluntatem, consequens est, ut secundum solam etiam animam Dei imaginem homo portet.— Potuissem pro hac re plura Sanctorum testimonia coaceruare, verùm nolui in re manifestissima nimia prolixitate gravare lectorem. Ibidem. but only in respect of his soul: Which he granteth might be proved by heaps of testimonies from Antiquity: Therefore aught their Cardinal have rather leaned unto the right hand of the ancient practice of the primitive Church, which never pictured God, than to incline so much unto the left hand, & thus by sophistry to foster the gross heresy of the Anthropomorphites among their people. 8 Lastly, the g Paucos ante annos edita est Cyrilli epistola ad Calosyrium Episcopum A●senoiten, adversus Anthropomorphitas, & Massalianos, qui nequaquam manibus laborandum esse dicebant, sed semper orandum. Possevinus Ies. apparat. part. 1. Tit. Cyrillus Alex. pag. 373. Anthropomorphites thought (as their jesuite Possevine gathereth out of S. cyril,) that man should never labour, but always pray: doth not this picture out one side of the cheeks of some Monks, who make praying their only labour? CHAP. IX. Of the unmarried life of Priests. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of the single and unmarried life of Priests, in l Hieron. contra Vigilantium cap. 1. condemneth this doctrine of Vigilantius, saying hereof against him, Quid faciunt Orientis Ecclesiae, quid Aegypti & sedis Apostolicae, quae aut virgins Clericos accipiunt, aut continentes, aut si uxores habuerint, mariti esse desinunt. Vigilantius, m See Hierom l. 1. contra jovin. c. 19 & 14. & ad Pamachium, Apol. c. 8. jovinian, and n Epiphanius haet. 59 ante med. saith, At dices mihi omnino in quibusdam locu. adhuc liberos gignere & Presbyteros & Diaconos & Hypodiaconos: whereunto he answereth, At 〈◊〉 non est juxta Canonem, sed juxta hominum mentem, etc. And see Syritius in epist. ad Himerium Tarraconensem, c. 6. & 7. others. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THE doctrine of Marriage cometh again in this Scene in the persons of Vigilantius and jovinian, which are two noted by. S. Jerome, and applied against Protestants by the art of Romanists. All these Actors require their due and distinct observations. 2 First, Vigilantius and jovinian are condemned by S. Jerome, against whose judgement in this case, an Author excepted, saying, that a In Indice Frobenij: Hieronymus in matrimonium contumeliosus. Deleatur. Index Expurg. apud junium, pag. 24. Jerome spoke too basely & contumeliously of Marriage: which taxation the Romish Censurists have commanded to be blotted out; as though this exception against Jerome were either a truth ignorantly, or a falsehood maliciously delivered; or else, whether it be true or false, because a Protestant hath spoken it, therefore must it be blotted out. Wherefore we present them with the testimonies of their own Authors, among whom their jesuite Salmeron saith, b Etsi quidam inter veteres Patres castitatis & continentiae studiosi, paulò iniquiores & acerbiores in secundum co●iugium extiterint, ut Terrullianus & Hieronymus; qui etsi veritatem apertè profiteatur & teneat, ubi tamen locus occurrit dehortandi ab hoc matrimonio, acrior est atque feruentior. Salmeron Ies Tom. 14. in 1. Cor. 7. disp. 14. §. Ad dubium. Jerome was too bitter and hot in dehorting from second marriages. Their Bishop Espencaeus further addeth, that Jerome seemeth to have been less equal, even in the case of first marriage: concerning which point their Rhenanus noteth, that d See above lib. 2. cap. 1. Sect. 3 Jerome was evil spoken of at Rome, yea and that e Hieronymus impendiò favens virginitati, & ob id nuptijs iniquior, quàm Episcopi quidam esse volebant. Erasmus Arg. in Hieron. contra jovin. by Bishops, saith Erasmus. Yet is S. Jerome brought in for a sole accuser of Vigilantius and jovinian, in a cause, wherein he is noted to have been vehemently unequal. Which we speak not in defence of any error of jovinian, or Vigilantius: and therefore we add, c Hieronymus aequus sanè parùm videtur vel unis nuptijs. Espencaeus lib. 3. de Continent. cap. 11. initio. That the Protestants are justified from the objected error of Vigilantius: by the testimonies of their Adversaries. SECT. 2. 3 That which is requisite in the direct trial of all causes, we require may be performed in this; viz. to hear the accusation first; which we may receive from the mouth of Cardinal Bellarmine: a Vigilantius docuit, Ecclesiasticos debere esse uxoratos.— Eadem omnia nunc docent Sectarij: Lutherus, etc. Bellar. de notis Eccles. c. 9 §. 13. Vigilantius. Vigilantius taught that Ecclesiastical persons aught to be married: so doth Luther (saith he) and (speaking of other Protestants) all Sectarists. We now understand the case aright: Vigilantius taught that Ecclesiastical persons aught to be married; and (as their jesuite Coster showeth more plainly out of S. Jerome) b Ex Hieronymo constat, Vigilantium haereticum docuisse, non esse Diaconos ab Episcopis ordinandos, nisi prius duxissent uxores. Cester. Ies. Enchirid. cap. 17. pag. 522. Vigilantius taught that even Deacons should not be ordained, except they first were married. 4 But will now their Cardinal give faith, that so do the Protestants, namely, that they think it unlawful for any one to take Orders, before he be married? This some of our Adversaries have sometime feigned, whom their own Bishop Espencaeus therefore suspected to have been c Quid in hac re faciant Germani, Helue●ij, & alij nuperi Rom. Ecclesiae dese●tores nescio, sed vereor ut haec illis coactio (speaking of the same point) falsò imponatur. Episc. Espencaeus lib. 1. de Cont. cap. 1. pag. 3. slanderous. Which beyond all suspicion, is proved most false, by the experience of many Ministers, which live unmarried. Yet because our Saviour hath shown us that the best conviction of an Adversary is, ex ore tuo; Protestants may in this case appeal unto their accuser Cardinal Bellarmine for their justification, who distinguisheth of (as he calleth them) d Duo sunt refutandi errores, unus Graecorun, altar Lutheranorum. Prior error est, oportere Clericos, antequam ordines sacros suscipiant, uxores ducere, quia post sacros ordines susceptos, non licet id facere.— Posterior error long gravior est; non solùm licere ante ordinationem, sed etiam post ordinationem uxorem ducere. Bellar. lib. 1. de Cler. cap. 19 initio. two errors, one of the Greeks, who teach that the Cleargie-men aught to be married, before they enter into Orders; the second of the Lutherans, who say (saith he) it is lawful for them to marry both before, and after ordination. 5 Mark now (good Reader) and marvel at the confessed difference; the Greeks taught an oportere, that is, that all Ecclesiastical persons aught to marry. Which was the doctrine of Vigilantius, as the testimony of S. Jerome alleged by the Apologists, showeth: wherein Vigilantius is charged not to have suffered so much as e Proh nefas, Episcopos sui sceleris dicitu● habere consortes; si tamen Episcopi nominandi sunt, qui non ordinant Diaconos, nisi prius uxores duxerint, nulli coelibi credentes pudicitiam: imò ostendentes quàm sanctè vivant, qui malè de omnibus suspicantur, & nisi praegnantes viderint uxores clericorum, infantesue de ulnis matrum vagientes, Christi Sacramenta non tribuunt. Quid facient Orient●● Ecclesiae? etc. Hieron. Tom. 2. lib. contra Vigilant pag. 121. As for this now objected (Orientis Ecclesiae) it was then, and ever since otherwise in the Greek Church: as hath been confessed. See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 33. & 34. Deacons to be consecrated, before that they be so manifestly married, that their wives appear big-bellied. This oportere their jesuite Coster, from the judgement of S. Jerome, hath confessed to have been the doctrine of Vigilantius: which Cardinal Bellarmine also acknowledgeth, and yet could object unto Protestants nothing but only a licere, that is, that they hold it to be lawful. So now Vigilantius holding that it is unlawful not to be married, Protestants only a lawfulness to marry; these a may, he a must, the one side defending only a liberty of marriage, the other a necessity; could Protestants be coached with Vigilantius? OH disputers! Secondly, Protestants are justified from the guilt of jovinianisme. SECT. 3. 6 Luther is the principal one, against whom in this point of comparison of virginity and wedlock, the Romanists do enforce their troops: the jesuite Valentia accusing him of jovinianisme, for a Cuius erro●is (viz. non licere ante, & post ordinationem matrimonium inite) fundamentum quoddam iecit jovinianns, hoc ipso, quòd praetulit matrimonium virginitati. Nam si matrimonium quiddam praestantius est, & Deo gratius, nihil est cur sacrati Ministri causa sanctitatis & religionis debeant à coniugio abstinere. Valent. Ies. Tom. 4. disp. 9 q. 5. punct. 5. §. 3. preferring the married state before virginity: their Coccius, only for b iovinianus virginitatem sanctimonialium coniugiorum meritis adaequabat. Idem Luther'. Coccius Thesaur. Tom. 1. l. 8. Art 3. Tit. iovinianus. equalling them in worthiness: Cardinal Bellarmine, for both c iovinianus asseruit,— coniugium virginitati dignitate ac merito aequati: unde etiam aliquot sanctimoniales eius hortatu nupserunt. Bellar. c. 9 de notis Eccles. §. 12. iovinianus. equalling, and for d See the next letter, ●. preferring wedlock. 7 But what did Luther teach? e Tertius error (meaning of jovinian) est Martini Lutheri, in Epithal. ubi exponens 1. Cor. 7 quatuor comparationes facit: prima est castitatis cum matrimonio absolutè, & sic fatetur castitatem esse nobilius donum: 2. castitatis cum matrimonio coram Deo, & sic dicit esse aequalia: 3. mulieris coniugatae cum virgine, & ait, Oportet admittamus mulierem coniugatam coram Deo praestare virginibus. 4. status coniugatorum, & Ecclesiasticorum profitentium coelibatum, statum coniugatorum ex natura sua divinum, coelestem, & quasi aurum; statum verò caelibum esse secularem, terrenum, & quasi lutum. Similia habet calvinus l. 4. Instit. c. 13. §. 3. viz the 3. and 4. Bellar. quo suprà. §. Tertius. Luther (saith their Cardinal) made four comparisons between continency & matrimony. First, absolutely in themselves, and so he confesseth that continency is the more excellent and noble gift. Secondly, in respect of God, and so he maketh them equal. Thirdly, in the same respect he preferreth wedlock before virginity. Fourthly, comparing them in their own nature, he calleth the married state heavenly, the single state earthly; that gold, and this clay. These comparisons their Cardinal hath delivered in such obscurity, as though Luther had been altogether * For the first comparison preferreth virginity before marriage in it own nature, and the fourth doth prefer marriage: the second, in respect of God, maketh them equal: and the fourth doth in the same respect hold marriage the more excellent. contradictory unto himself: which showeth that the accuser was more willing to relate his words, than to reveal his meaning, which in his * As for his objected Epithalamium, after much search, it could not be found. other Tracts is very obvious, and any may conceive how the single life may (in respect of marriage) be justly both equalled, preferred, and abased. 8 First, equalled: for compare both the states in a worthiness, which in themselves they may seem to have before God, the Apostle will decide the point: * Gal. 3. 28. In Christ, there is neither jew, nor Graecian, neither bond nor free, neither male nor female, etc. No respect of persons with God; then neither of married nor unmarried: for these do take place among the outward respects, which are equally excellent in God's estimate. And thus is the second comparison founded upon a common principle in Divinity. 9 Secondly, preferred, in respect of effects, and ends, in which regard it may be that Luther called virginity the more excellent gift: which may be understood to be more excellent in two respects; the first is, because it hath more Marry, and less Martha in it, and is of itself more free from temporal cares, & thereby more expedite in Christian offices. In which consideration the Apostle saith, f Beatior quodsi permanere potest ita libera, & in Domino etiam, meâ quidem s●entiá beatior ent, utpote quae minus molestiarum, minus impedimenti habitura sit, ut spiritu & corpore seize totam in pretatis exe●citationem tradat. Arius Montanus in 1. Cor. 3. ver. 40. pag. 125. It is more blessed if thou remain unmarried. The second is the last end, that God proportioning his reward of eternal blessedness according unto man's works, which are the gifts of God's grace, the more plentiful virginity is in well doing, the more excellently it shall be rewarded in blessedness; yet not for it own worth: for as their Aquinas truly observeth, g Perfectio uno modo consideratur per se quidem & essentialiter, & sic consistit perfectio Christianae vitae in charitate: altero modo, secundariò, & accidentaliter,— & sic consistit instrumentaliter in consilijs, quia omnia, sicut & praecepta, ordinantur ad charitatem:— unde dicit Abbas Moses; jejunia, vigiliae, meditatio Scriptura●um, nuditas, & privatio omnium facultatum, non perfectio sunt, sed perfectionis instrumenta, quòd non consistit in illis disciplinae finis, sed per illa pervenitut ad finem. And a little before: Consilia ordinantur ad removendun impedimenta actus charitatis, quae tamen charitati non contrariantur. Aquinas 2, 2. qu. 184. ad 3. watchings, fastings, nakedness, & the relinquishment of riches, are not perfections in themselves, (which we apply unto continency,) but only instruments unto perfection. Neither of these respects of advancing virginity above marriage can offend our Adversaries. 10 Thirdly, abased in respect of their disproportionate subjects, by a double comparison, as S. Augustine doth: first in minore & maiore genere boni; for although the state of continency is in it own nature more destinate unto the accomplishment of some Christian actions, than is the condition of wedlock, yet the persons continent and married are not always accordingly disposed: for sometime it happeneth that (as Clemens Alexandrinus noteth) the conjugal parties do overmatch the virginal profession in the h Qui enim perfectus fuerit, exempla habet Apostolos, & revera vir ostenditur non in ●o, quòd vitam elegerit monasticam; sed ille viros vincit, qui in matrimonio & liberorum procreatione, & domus curâ, ac providenti●, citra voluptatem, & dolorem se exercet; & cum domus curatione est indiwlsus à Dei charitate, insurgens adversus omnem tentationem, quae affertur per filios, uxorem, famulos: ei autem, qui haec non habet, evenit magna ex part ut non tentetur. Clemens Alex. Strom lib. 7. cap. 6. perfection of godliness: in which respect S. Augustine concludeth, that i Obed●entior coniugata minus obedienti virgini praeponenda est. August. lib. d● bono coniugali, cap. 24. Tom. 6. the party married being more obedient, is to be preferred before the continent who is less obedient. And thus may Luther's preferring of the married before the virgin be orthodoxally justified. 11 Lastly, if they be compared in genere contrario, as for example, an inobedient virgin with a wife obedient unto God's commandments, in this case S. Augustine hath resolved by an elegant Simile: k Melius est habere Zachaei staturam cum sanitate, quàm Goliae cum febre. August. ibid. It is better to have the little stature of Zachaeus with health, than the great & vast body of Goliath with an ague. In like consideration when we compare one professing virginity with a bondage of a perpetual vow (who hath not received the gift of continency, & consequently suffering manifold exustions & scorches of concupiscence, and sometime also falling into adulterous pollutions) with the married person, who for want of the same gift of continency doth enjoy God's holy ordinance of marriage; in this case we shall, with Luther, abase this kind of professed virgin before that kind of married wife, as much as clay or the vilest dung upon the earth, in comparison of gold, or of the most peerless pearl that can be named. This is no other doctrine then that which the spirit of God hath proclaimed, saying, * 1. Cor. 7. 9 It is better to marry than to burn: which, without blasphemy, cannot be called heresy. 12 Concerning those others noted by l Epiphanius speaketh only of those who transgressed Ecclesiastical Canons, which can make a scandal, but no heresy. See above lib. 2. cap. 1. Sect 3. Epiphanius and m See above lib. 4. cap. 9 Sect. 1, 2, 3. Syricius, we have sufficiently answered. We proceed to demonstrate, That the Romish Church rather standeth in an heresy, in the question of the marriage of Priests. SECT. 4. 13 Syricius, whom they produce for a witness against Protestants, is now called to the bar to answer for himself, against the evidence brought in by his own domestical witnesses: the chief of all is their own Bishop a See confessed above, lib. 4. ca 9 sect. 1. & 2. 3. Espencaeus, accounting him as execrable as jovinian; supposing that as jovinian allowed none for lawful Priests, who were not married, so Syricius contrarily pronounced, that no married man, enjoying his wife, could lawfully be a Priest: and for that cause removed all Priests who were married; him therefore he leaveth condemned by the Council of b See confessed above lib. 4. ca 9 Nice. Not to stand upon the further consent of Antiquity, in not dissolving the contract made after a * See above lib. 2 cap. 2. 1. Sect. 6. And although S. Augustine lib. de bono viduit. c. 9, 10, 11. calleth, Voti solutionem adulterio pe●orem esse: yet doth he not dissolve such marriages, but holdeth them rateable; reprehending the breach of the vow, not the state of their marriage. vow: which kind of contracts the now jesuits do teach to be more sinful than is the * See above lib. 2. cap. 1. Sect. 6. wallowing in continual adultery. 14 Secondly, to free themselves from that c Quicunque discernit à Presbytero, qui uxorem habuit, quòd non oporteat, co ministra●te, de oblatione percipere, Anathema sit. Conc. Gangrenes. apud Surium, Tom. 1. cap. 4. pag. 372. Anathema, which (anno 324.) was pronounced in the Council of Gangris against delicate stomachs, which did purposely refrain the service of married Priests; they think good either to mis-translate d Quartus autem Canon sic habet; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. h●c est, Si quis existimat de Presbytero, qui uxorem duxerit, etc. Possevin. Ies. Apparat. Tit. Gangrense. Which word [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] is indifferently hath married, or is married: which is expounded by Socrates, viz [Habens.] Fustathius portò in Conc Gangrensi, propter illum convocato, postea etiam condemnatus est:— benedictionem & communionem Presbyteri (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.) habentis uxorem, quam lege, cùm esset Laicus duxisset, tanquam scelus declinandum praecepit▪ quem quidem, cum talia complura his similia fecisset, docuissetque Conc●t dixi, Gangris in Paphlagonia coactum, gradu ●pi●copali dimovit, 〈◊〉 dogmata anathemate damnavit. Socrates hist. lib. 2. c. 33. after the Greek cap. 43. hath had, for, having a wife: or else by pronouncing that Synod e Praeterea silentio invol●unt, quod ipsemet de ca Synodo alibi, attuleram his verbis: Siqua altera Synodus, etc.— Tacent interim Synodum illam reprobat●m fuisse à Sergio Pontifice, ut Beda in vita Constantini declarat Possevinus quo supra, pag. 528. condemned by Pope Sergius, which notwithstanding, they confess to have been f Concilium Gangren●e circa annum Domini 324.— Approbatum à Leone 4. dist. 20. C. De libellis. Tit. C●nc. Gangrenes. apud Bintum, Tom. 1. pag. 383. And again: Symmachus Papa in Concilio suo Romae celebrato liberè testatus est, Gangrenses Canon's Apostolica authoritate conditos esse: ideo nimi●ùm quòd Osius Apostolicae sedis Legatus Concilio interfuerat. Baron. anno 361. num. 44. Binius quo supra, Annot. an eundem Tit. Conc. confirmed by Pope Leo the fourth, and Pope Symmachus. But we leave them in their conflict, Pope Sergius condemning the Council, Pope Leo and Pope Symmachus condemning his condemnation; and the Council condemning their now Romish practice. Our Reader will observe how unfit accusers they are of transgressors of the laws of Antiquity, whose Pope durst say (concerning the marriage of Priests,) * See confessed above lib 4. cap 9 Sect. 5. We are not bound to follow the Fathers of the primitive Church. It now remaineth that we show, That the Church of Rome is, of all Churches, the most opposite unto Chastity, by the confession of their own Authors. SECT. 5. 15 A profession of virginity without true chastity, is no better than an Apple growing in the lake of Sodom: because the true Church of God (which hath the title of holy and Catholic) must be discerned by the sanctity and equity of her laws and practice. In the which respect we adventure to convent Rome (this great patroness of virginity,) and to prove her an extreme enemy unto chastity, which the servants of her own family (we need no others) do plentifully discover. 16 First, indirectly (although not unknowingly) she by their bondage of vows hath engendered such a spawn of luxury, that her own children have complained of her Votarists, that a See confessed above, lib. 1. ca 2. Sect. 36. many (for want of liberty to marry) dissemble their filthy commixtures: b Ibidem. few being free from forntcation, yea c Ibidem. scarce one of fifty chaste: and d Ibidem. innumerable incestuous: in that extremity that their Clemangius (one greatly e See the testimony following. commended by their Trithemius) inveighed (although somewhat immoderately, saith their Bishop) against the late corruption in this Church, esteeming their f Nicolaus Clemangius conterraneus meus Campanus, Parisien. Theologus, & sodalis Navarricus, inter Ecclesiasticos scriptores à Trithemio valdè laudatus: collegit, inquam, is Ecclesiae sui temporis scandala, libro, quem scripsit de corrupto Ecclesiae stat●, sed non sibi cavit à scandalis, excessit enim in multis eius medicina modum: nam quo cap. 36. agit de sanctimonialibus, nihil distinguit inter sui temporis virginum Monasteria, & meretricum lupanaria, inter ancillarum Dei sanctuaria, & Veneris victimarum prostibula, iwenumue ad libidines explendas receptacula; denique inter puellam velare, & publicè ad scortandum exponere. Espencaeus de Continent. lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 217. Nunneries no better than slewes; and places ordained for sanctuaries of virginity, to differ nothing from the brothels of Venus. These are two general abuses, & such as can admit no remedy, but that which the Spirit of God hath prescribed, (for so many of her own Doctors have judged) viz. It is better to marry: which notwithstanding her stomach loatheth. 17 The next is a more direct patronage of uncleanness, by privileging of Stews, whereof a * See confessed above, lib. 1. ca 2. Sect. 36. principal one was builded by Pope Sixtus. Not Protestant shall need to declaim against this wickedness, their own Bishop Espencaeus being so large in this argument, and now desirous to possess this Scene alone. g Facere non potuimus, qum & de earundem turpitudine palam permissâ nonnihil adderemus: huius evim permissionis nos non semel puduit, Christianam scil Remp. eo career non posse, quod tamdiu, hoc est, annis plus 1500. non admisit Mosaica. Espencaeus de Contin. lib. 3. c. 4. pag 236. We cannot but blush (saith he) hereat, to think that our Christian commonwealth cannot avoid that which the commonwealth of the jews did want a thousand five hundred years together: h Nam è contrario Mer●tricum in Euangelijs, & publicarum peccatricum mentio, Mat. 21. Luc. 7. impumtatem per ea tempora non legalem, sed Pharisaicam arguit, ut tum legitima pleraque alia pessum abierant. Quo minus autem hanc foeditatem lex vetus impunitam tulerit, obest etiam, praeter superiora, in hodiernum usque diem sudaeorum ubivis, & inter quosuis degant, praxis, suas meretricium facere non permittentium; dici nequit quàm incredibili Christianorum tum pudore, tum etiam corum. q●● verè tales sunt, cordolio, ut ludae filiae scortari non liceat, Dei filiae heeat, imò Israelis filiae meretricari non alitèr ante possit, qu●m facta per sanctum Baptismum Christi soror & filia. Nam quae judaea puella prae vel inopia vel libidme prostare statuit, quoniam inter populares suos non sineretur, ad Christianismum scil. conveititur, & ungitur, inter Christianos & cum Christianis proseda futura. Res non coelis tantùm, uti Propheta deplorat ler. 2. sed omnibus & superis & inferis miranda, stupenda, lugenda. Sed adhuc in peius proficientes, malumus Imperatorem pess Caligulam, quàm optimum Alexandrum imitari: ille, Suetonio testante, nowm & inauditum vectigal imposuit, ex captured prostiturarum, ut tenerentur publico, quae meretricium aut lenocinium fecissent: hunc tale meretricum lenonumque vectigal vetuisse in sacrum aerarium inse●●i, sed id ad circi, theatri, & amphitheatri instaurationem deputásse, refert Lampridius. Espencaeus quo supra, pag. 241. nor could adultery find therein any impunity, before the sect of the Pharisees did rule; yet this filthiness (speaking of the professed whoredom) they never left unpunished unto this day. Nay, (which may be unto heaven and earth an astonishment) a jewish maid renounced her religion to become Christian, to the end, that she might with licence practise this art of Ribaldry: but we had rather follow Caligula than Alexander, who (being an heathen man) would not suffer the tribute or custom, received from such Brothellers, to be brought into his treasury. 18 But i Romae verò, hoc est, in totius Christianismi metropoli, quid adhuc hac in refactum aut non factum? Anno 1538 Paulo 3 d●lecti pro emendanda Ecclesia reverendiss. Cardinals, alijue viri graves, sic inter alia consuluerunt, cotrigendum & hunc turpem abusum, quò illic Meretrices, ut Matronae, incedunt, aut mulâ veliuntur, ass●ctantibus eas de media die nobilibus ●an●lia●ibusque Cardinalium, atque Clericis, habitant etiam insignes aedes: Nulla in vibe hanc, aiunt, corruptionem vidimus, praeter quam in hac, omnium exemplari. Et hanc tamen turpitudmem corruptela●ue ne ille quidem ex Consiliarijs unus, Paulus postea 4. sustulit, quod, ut mihi benè sum conscius, eo, quo me colloquio dignatus est, quâ potui ac debui modesty, privatim suaseram. Mirum certè tales tantosue viros consuluisse, minuedum modò scortorum fastum ac luxum, non etiam casewel eijcienda, an verò propter tam multos ibi coelibes necessariò retinenda? OH rem horiendam! mihi sanè sic eos sensisse, dicere religio sit. Nos Gallos' stolidos scil ac simplices (sic enim nos illi vocant homines scil. subtiles & sapientes) non posse non gravitèr offendi tot mill luparum in eisdem muris, unà in urbe, sub eodem propè (quod aiunt) tecto, quotidiano conspectu, ac velimus nolimus, occursu. Non enim iam, ut olim, sub moenibus habitant, an't sub Menianis Circensibus, Martiali ob id submaevianae, aut summaenianae dictae. Quaerit idem Fabius an in ●upanari cum aliena deprehensus, adulter sit, non quaesiturus, nisi certo tum loco diversatae fuissent. Sic Romani, quamlibet Ethnici. Nunc verò sub Christi Vicarijs. & Petu Successoribus, ut alius quidam cecinit,— Vrbs est iam tota lupanar. Espencaeus ibid. pag. 242. Rome the Metropolis of Christendom, saw strumpets ride upon mules through her streets, haunted & attended with gallants & Cleargimen, in the days of Pope Paulus the third, anno 1538. and perceived a greater corruption in this kind than was in any other city: which Pope Paulus the fourth (whom I informed hereof) did not remove. Well, we cannot but be offended, to see so many thousand stews within the walls of one City, daily in the eye of all passengers, insomuch that it may almost be said of Rome Christian, as it was of Rome Ethnic:— Now the whole City is a very stews. And can there be any honest k Nunc non occurtit unde sumptum, D. Thomas de Regim. Principum l. 4. c. 14. Id facit in mundo meretrix, quoth in navi sentina, in Palatio cloaca: tolle haec, & illa foetore replebis.— Verùm an nullus haec graviora flagiti● evadendi, nisi leurorum permissu aditus pateat, adhuc quaeram, hoc ad hominem (quod aiunt) argumento: Sublatis apud judaeos per tot secula Lupanarijs, an omnia protinùs libidinibus confusa fuerint, aut etiamnum sint? Tu, tu, sancte Pater Augustine, Quid verò terrenae civitati velut exprobras, quòd scortorum usum licitum fecerit, ut quem nulla eius lex vindicet, cum eadem turpitudo in nostra, hoc est, Dei civitate, neque minus permittatur, neque magis puniatur?— reason for such beastliness as this is? Not: l Clarissimèsan● Oceano Hieronymus scripsit; Caesarem, non Christum; & Papinianum, non Paulum viris impudicitiae fraena laxare, & lupanatia pe●mittere. Espenc de Contin. l. 3. c. 4 pag. 245. 246. That saying of S. Augustine l. 2. de Ordine, c. 4. Aufer merctrices, etc. was (as Espencaeus showeth) but spoken ad hominem, according to the terms of the school. S. Jerome saith, that not Christ, but Caesar; not S. Paul, but Papinianus, (that is, not Christianity, but Paganism) did allow slewes, and licence iniquity. 19 The author of this complaint was a Romanist, a Bishop, an eye-witness, & inveighed against this abomination, not as a Satirist (in delight to reproach or reprove) but as a devout Ecclesiastes, from a cordolio, (as himself professeth) that is, not from the spirit of bitterness, but from the bitterness of spirit, deploring the public and horrible iniquity of their Church herein. 20 When we consider these so common, public, and grievous outcries of their own men, against the whole fry of Monks, Nunneries, cucullists, and other brothellers, we are occasioned to marvel at their foreheads, as often as they exclaim against the lawful marriage of Protestant Ministers, calling them, even for their mariage-sake, * See above lib. 1 ca 2. Sect. 36. & miserable, * Lib. 2. cap. 1. Sect. 5. carnal, and fleshly, with other such like ignominious terms, which agreed with the language of ancient * Ibidem. heretics: not considering that it pleaseth God to suffer sometime the greatest Adversaries unto the chastity of such marriage to foam out their own shame and adultery; as befell unto their Cardinal Cremensis, who being the Pope's Legate, and coming to London, there to remove married Priests from their Cures, after the receiving of the host, m Ad Pascha johannes Cremensis Cardinalis Rom. descendit in Angliam,— celebravit Conc. solemn apud Londonian.— Cùm igitur severissimè in Conc. de uxoribus Sacerdotum tractasset, dicens summum scelus esse à later meretricis ad corpus Christi conficiendum surgere: cùm eadem die corpus Christi confecisset. cum meretrice post vesperam interceptus est. Res apertissima negari non potuit, caelari non decuit. Henr. Huntingd. hist. l. 7. Anno 1120. & Polyd. Virg. hist. Angl. was found the same night committing folly with an whore: the fact was so evident (saith their Historian) that it could not be denied. CHAP. X. Of the denial of the enjoined times of Penance. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of enjoined times of Penance, in the heretics called o Theodoret. l. 4. haer. & Fab. de Audianis, reproveth them, saying, Deinde confessis, etc. They give remission to such as are confessed, without prescribing tim● of penance, as the laws of the Church command. Audians. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Freeing themselves from the note of heresy in this point: by the testimony of Antiquity. SECT. 1. Whatsoever almost their Cardinal a Haeresis Audianorum suit (ut ex Theod. l. 4. de fabulis haeret. intelligi potest) confessionem peccatonim iubebat, & absolutionem largiebatur, sed nullam iniungebat poenitentibus mulctam. Bellar. l. 3. de Poenit. c. 1. initio. Bellarmine doth suggest, that these Apologists usually swallow without due digestion, not well understanding whereof they affirm; for Epiphanius noteth the Audianis only to have been separatists from the Church, and otherwise to have held b Et si videbant aliquem in voluptatibus ac delicijs viventem, aut aliquem adulterantem Ecclesiasticam praedicationem & Ecolefiae statuta, non forebat hic vir, sed verbis, veluti dixi, reprehendebat. Et erat hoc grave adruodum his, qui vitam approbatam non habebant, atque hac de causa contumelijs afficiebatur, contradictionem sustinebat, odio habebatur.— Seipsum ab Ecclesia separate, multiue simul cum ipso discedunt. Et sic divisionem fecit, cùm nihil haberet in fide diversum, sed rectissimé crederet & ipse, & sodales ipsius. Etiamsi id dicere maximè oportet, in partio quodam ipsum contentiosè ferri, itemue eius asseclas. Epiphan. contra hoeres. Tom. 1. lib. 3. cap. 70. pag. 240. no doctrine different from the doctrine of the Church: and were therefore in the opinion of S. Augustine, c Quos Epiphamus appellat schis●aticos potius quàm haereticos. August. T●m. 6. h●reses. 5●. be saith no more. rather schismatics than heretics. But we are referred unto Theodoret, who chargeth them with not performing the laws of the Church in the enjoined times of fasts. As though the breach of every Ecclesiastical constitution did make an heresic; as well may they say, that every transgression of a statute-law is properly a rebellion. 2 Howsoever they; yet Protestant's (as their Cardinal hath acknowledged) d Ipsi autem adversarij (spea●ing of Protestant's) licet satisfactiones 〈…〉) reijciunt, tamen opera externa in signum poenitentiae, non reijciunt. Bellarm. lib. 1. de Poeni●. 〈◊〉. 8. §. Ipsi autem. do not reject external and laborious works of Penance: but require them, as signs of men's repentance. Neither indeed, do they profess to admit scandalous offenders, before they have expressed their contrition by some outward and satisfiable tokens of repentance: and can we but suppose a Time, wherein the laborious works must be done? That the Romanists, by thus taxing the Audianis, have made themselves gutltie of other heresies of the Audianis. SECT. 2. 3 Because the Apologists labour to convince the Audianis, and in them all Protestants to be heretics; (as though every point which Theodoret doth ins●it among the errors of the Andiani, did deserve to be stamped with the n●m● of heresy,) we desire to hear Theàoret prosecuting the Audianis more at large: a Hi autem iactant, se peccata remittere: postquam enim sacros libros unà cum adulterinis bipartitò divisetint, eos enim mirandum in modum arcanos & mysticos existanant, & hinc & illinc perve●sus posuerint, iubent unumquemque inter eos transire, & quae à se peccata sunt confiteri; deinde con●essis donant remissionem, non tempus ad poenitentiam, ut iubent leges Ecclesiae praescribentes, led sua potestate condonantes. Theod lib. 3. haeret. fab. Tit. De Audianis. Tom. 2. These (saith he) boast that they can forgive sins: for after that they have divided the sacred books from the adulterous, they judge them (namely the sacred) to be exceedingly dark and mystical: and when they have put one verse by an other, than they command their Disciples to pass through them, and to confess what sins they have committed: so they give them remission of their sins, without prescribing them any time of penance, according as the laws of the Church do command. 4 Thus far Theodoret. Now we demand of our Adversaries, what point of heresy they can pick out of these particulars? Will they call the Audianis heretics for boasting that they could forgive sins? or for calling the sacred books (of Scripture, for such it seemeth they were) mystical and exceeding dark? or for commanding every one to confess their sins? The guiltiness of our Adversaries in all these will not permit them to give this censure: yet are these mingled with the article which hath been objected. And yet furthermore The Romanists are found partly guilty of the same error, which they have so particularly objected. SECT. 3. 5 The only error they will fasten upon, is their transgressing the laws of the Church, prescribing times of penance: Now our * See above lib. 2 cap. 15. §. 4. Adversaries have confessed, that the law of the ancient Church was, first to enjoin penance before they gave remission of sins, (and this is Gods'methode, first, Bring forth the first-fruits of repentance:) but the now Church of Rome (as our * See ibidem. Adversaries have confessed) doth firsnt absolve, and then enjoin penance. And thus by their strict condemning of the Audianis, they are themselves become heretics in some other points, and in the objected Article are but preposterous Catholics. CHAP. XI. of the difference of Merit. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of the diversity of Merits, in p August. de tempore, serm. 191. saith, joviniani damnamus errorem, qui dicit nullam in futuro meritorum distantiam. And Jerome l. 1. adversus jovin. c. 2. reproveth jovinian, for that he taught that Marriage and Virginity were (eiusd●m Merits) of equal merit, confessed by Pantaleon in Chronographia pag. 32. And S. Ambrole and others say against jovinian: Agrestis ululatus est, etc. promis●ue vel●e omnia consundere, etc. diversorumque gradus abrogare meritorum. Hereof see further Concil. Tolense. & rescriptum Ambrosijs ibidem, & aliorum ad Sintium prope initium jovinian. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By freeing themselves, first in the point of Merit, by the testimonies of their Adversaries. SECT. 1. MErit is a word amphibolon, & of diverse significations; sometime a See above lib. 2 cap. 12. it is taken properly, for opus condignitatis, that is, a work justly deserving the reward of eternal life; sometime unproperly, for opus dignationis, that is, a work rewardable with blessedness by God's gracious acceptance. The Romanists presuming of the perfection of their inherent righteousness, plead for Merit in the strict and propersence: but Protestants defend Merit only in the large and improper acception, that is, (as Cardinal Bellarmine testifieth,) b See above lib. 2. cap. 12. Sect. 4. they allow the word Merit as it signifieth a work which shall be rewarded, so that the reward be not attributed unto the condignity or worthiness of the worker, but unto the bounty of the rewarder. 2 And that this doctrine of Protestants, concerning the Merit of man's works, is both more sacred, and more safe, our Appeal hath c See above lib. 2 cap. 12. already justified: first, from the Father's exposition of the term Merit; from their demonstrative arguments against the pride of man's meriting; and from their disclaiming of their own Merits. Secondly, from the suffragies of a grand inquest of Romish Doctors, who of late in their public writings have sealed up with many protestations, the truth and security of the same profession, of renouncing utterly the now Romish doctrine of Merit. Thus much of the nature of Merit. Secondly, Protestants are no jovinians in the doctrine of the differences of Merit: proved by the testimonies of our Adversaries. SECT. 2. 3 That which is attributed to jovinian for an error, is the opinion of the a iovinianus docuit, praemia Beatorum esse paria — Bellar de notis Eccles. cap. 9 §. 12 iovinianus. Haeresis septima asserit omnes beatos esse pares in gloria, neque ullam esse in coelis praemiorum differentiam, quoniam nullam esse ait in hac vita meritorum disparitatem. Huius erroris dux & Magister iovinianus. Alphousus de Castro. l. 3. Tit. Beatitudo. haeres. 7. He never nameth Luther, or any Protestant. equality, both of men's virtues in this life, & of their reward in the kingdom of heaven. Thus of jovinian: but what of the Protestants? Of them the Cardinal writeth thus: b Lutherani ex co, quod sibi persuadent, iustificationis formalem causam non esse donum aliquod insusum à Deo. atque nobis adhaerens, sed rustitiam side Christi apprehensam,— Colligunt omnes, non esse unum alio iustiorem, cùm omnium justitia sit ipsa Christi justitia, fide apprehensa. Bellar. lib. 3. de justif. cap. 1. initio. Because they are persuaded that the formal cause of man's justification is not an infused gift, and a justice inherent, but the justice of Christ apprehended by faith, they all gather that, Christ's justice being the same unto all, therefore all are equally just. We ask leave to manifest this egregious sophistication. 4 justice is either inherent in man, which the Scriptu●e sometime calleth sanctification, or else without him by imputation of Christ his righteousness unto man, by c calvinus unam remissionem peccatorum, nomine iustificationis, intelligit. Vega de justif. l. 15. c. 5. pag. 680. remission of sins. This justice of remission of sin by imputation, the Protestants indeed, universally teach to be equal in all men, not that all penitent sinners are absolved from equal sins, but that they are equally absolved from all their sins, namely that no sin be left unpardoned: even as in debts, where one is a debtor in pence, anotherin talents, both being forgiven, all are equally acquitted, because seeing unto both all are pardoned, there is equally in both just nothing to pay. 5 Hereunto the Romanists our Adversaries will easily assent (for still shall they justify our doctrine,) their Cardinal teaching from the d In Baptismo, ex sententia Scripturae, & sanctorum Patrum,— plenè & integrè ad omnem poenam & culpam delendam pastio Chr●sti applicatur. Bellar. lib. 4 de Poenit. c. 10. §. In alio. Omnem alterius vitae. tum aeternam, tum temporalem. Ibid. cap. 14. §. Neque. sense of Scripture (as he saith) and judgement of ancient Fathers, that all that are baptised are absolutely pardoned, both in respect of guilt and punishment: (and yet those who were baptised in their full age were not equally sinners,) yea e Impossibile est per poenitentiam unum peceatum sine alio remitti.— Hoc esset contra perfectionem misericordiae Dei, cuius perfecta sunt omnia, ut dicitur Deut. 32. Cuius miseretur, totaliter miseretur: & hoc est quod Augustinus dicit, in libro de Poenitentia, Quaedam impietas infidelitatis est, ab illo qui justus, & justitia est, dimidiam veniam sperare. Aquinas part. 3 qu. 86. ad 3. it is impossibly (saith Aquinas) that God should remit one sin alone: this were against the perfection of his mercy, whose works are perfect, as it is written: God doth absolutely pardon, whom he pardoneth: which occasioned S. Augustine to call it an unpious insid●litie to expect but an half pardon of God, who is justice itself. The equality of this justification, Scripture, Fathers, Adversaries, and common sense itself teacheth, which is a secure and blessed heresy. 6 But the other kind of justice, which is called the justice of sanctification, by man's actual or habitual righteousness, this is that which jovinian understood, who denied the difference of good works, even as he did deny the difference of sins, f Hic omnia peccata, sicut Stoici Philosophi, paria esse dicebat. Aug. lib. de hares. 82. saying (saith S. Augustine,) that all sins are equal. Now Whether Protestants be jovinians, in saying all sins are equal, is decided by the judgement of their Adversaries. SECT. 3. 7 We expect some among our Adversaries, who shall indight Protestants upon this Article, for what will they not object to make them odious? And now as we are in expectation, behold their jesuite Campian cometh in with vehemency and confidence, and chargeth Protestants, saying: a Hoc quoque tritum est in hac faece, omnia peccata esse paria: sed ita (né Storei reviuiscant) si Deo judice ponderentur; ac si Deus aequiss Index oneri nostro cumulum potius, qu●m levamentum faceret, & id quod non est in re, cùm sit ipse iustissimus, e●●ggeraret: hác ●●utinà non leniùs ●n Deum feverissimè iudicantem deliquerit ille caupo, qui gallum gallinac●um, quando non est opus, occiderit, qu●m insanus ille sicarius, qui plenus Bezâ, Gallum Heroa Guisium, admitabili virtute Principem, displos● fistulâ clanculum interemit. Campianus Ies. Rat. 8. pag 60, 61. In this latter, Beza hath been notably traduced, as hath e'en proved. See the full Satisfaction, part. 2. chap. 6. It is an ordinary thing for this dreggish sect to accounted all sins equal, if they be weighed in God's justice: by which their estimate he shall be thought to offend no more against God, who killeth another man's cock, than he who murdered the Duke of Guise. 8 This accuser is canonised in their Martyrologies, & yet herein hath shown himself a false Martyr or witness, and that in print; for their own Cardinal (speaking of the Protestants in general,) dare affirm, that b Lutherani vero non dicunt (quod sciam) virtutes esse par●s, aut peccata paria: neque negant posse hominem crescere in fide, spe, dilectione, alijsque vi●●utibus, neque dicunt non esse unum alio maiorem, quod attinet ad eiusmodi virtutes: sed affirmant per has virtutes neminem justificari Bellar lib. 3. de justif. cap. 16. initio. the Lutherans do not say, for aught I know (saith he,) that virtues are equal, or sins equal, neither do they deny but that a Christian may increase in faith, hope, and love, and other virtues, although they deny that man is justified by these. Neither is their vulgar * As though to make all sins in nature mortal, were to make them equal. See this confuted in the n●xt Section, by the confession of their jesuite. exception any whit to the purpose. Thus far are they discharged. Now if any say, that M. Campian knew more than this witness, or that this their Cardinal was not as willing to accuse Protestants as M. Campian could be, he shall bewray himself to be ignorant both of B. and C. The general doctrine of Protestants being thus justifiable, they descend to accuse one in particular, whose innocency doth challenge of us an answer, showing That the sentence of M. Luther, which they object as sacrilegious, is most sacred and Apostolical; concerning the sanctity of the blessed Virgin. SECT. 4. 9 a Quartus est Lutheri de natali B. Mariae in come. in 1. Petri, ubi dicit, Omnes Christianos, esse aequè sanctos, ac justos, atq●e matter Dei. Ex quo sine d●bio sequitur, fore omnes aequè beatos. Bellar. cap. 9 de not is Eccles. §. Quartus est. Luther said (saith his accuser,) that all Christians are as just and as holy as the mother of our Lord: whereupon it must certainly follow, that all Saints shall be equally blessed. Luther is ready to answer: b Quantumuis inter se corporis membra omnia imparia sint, & officijs atque dignitate plurimum distent, in eo tamen paria sunt, quòd eiusdem corporis membra existunt, neque potest oculus sibi plus in corpore juris vindicare, quàm contemptissimum quodque, neque plus suum corpus esse affirmare, quàm cuiuss●bet alterius: Ita habet res Christianorum, qualescunque sint, sive firmi fide, sive infirmi, sive consummati moribus, sive morbis gravati, tantum quilibet in Christo, & in Christianismo possidet quantum alij: unde equidem non minus possum de Christo gloriari, quàm D. Petrus, aut virgo Deipara. Perplacet sanè D. Petrum nobilius esse in Christi corpore membrum. quàm sim ego: at ille rursus me non contemnit, quòd sim humilis & abiectus, quandoquidem ciusdem corporis membrum sum. Lutherus Lect. in Rom. 12. 2. Domin. ab Epiphan. Although (saith Luther) the members of the body are unequal, if they be compared together, yet are they in this equal, that they are the members of the same body: for the eye is no more a member of the body, than the most mean and contemptible part, neither hath it any prerogative to say, I am more a part of the body, than any other. Semblable is the state of Christians, whether it be that some are more firm in saith, or more perfect in life than others: yet every one hath as good an interest in Christ, and Christianity, as another. So that I myself may glory in Christ, as well as S. Peter, or the blessed Virgin, the mother of Christ. I do most willingly grant, that S. Peter is a more noble member in this (mystical) body of Christ, than I am; yet doth not he despise me, even because I am a member of the same body. 10 Which comparison of the diverse members of the parts of the body with themselves, and with the body, Luther learned of S. Paul, who saith: * 1. Cor. 12. ver. 12. according to the Rhemish Translation. As the body is one, and hath many members, and all the members of the body, whereas they be many, yet are one body, so also is Christ. And vers. 14: If the foot shall say, because I am not the hand, I am not of the body, is it therefore not of the body? And vers. 22: Such as we think to be the more base members of the body, upon them we put more abundant honour. And vers. 24: And if one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; if one member glory, all the members glory with it. 11 Well then, Luther said, compare member with member, and one is more noble than the other: S. Paul saith, there are members both more honourable, and more bas●. Luther said, Yet all of them are equally members of the same body; S. Paul saith, The body is one. Luther said, S. Peter, although more noble, will not despise me, although more base: S. Paul said, If one member suffer, all suffer. Luther by saying, all members are * ●qually in the essence, b●●ause the f●●t wa● w●ll called a member of the body, as is the hard; but not equally according to the quality: for one ●● more honourable than another. equally members, showed the unity of Christians in Christ, which being an unity, can admit no disparity: but by saying, S. Peter is a part more noble, and I am but a base one, he confesseth that there is a manifest inequality in these members, some being more firm in faith, and some less holy in life than others. 12 This doctrine of more and less holy, of noble and base members, doth it certainly confirm jovinianisme? doth it not rather evidently confute & confounded it? Yet this is our adversaries guise, whensoever they light upon any tooth of this dead Lion, they tread upon it with contempt; never considering that as * judg. 14. 14. out of the strong came sweetness, so in those sentences of Luther, which they most traduce, there is commonly enclosed the most sacred truth, full of as divine comfort as man's heart can ruminate upon. What now hindereth but this accusation against Protestants concerning this point of jovinianisme, may be dismissed? Not: one Coccius, a late Romanist, doth further pursue them; hear therefore An answer unto the accusation concerning the Equality of sins: from the judgement of our Romish Adversaries. SECT. 5. 13 a iovinianus dicebat, omnia peccata esse paria.— Sic ●utherus: Nullum esse peccatum veniale, sed omnia damnabilia. Coccius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 8. art. 3. jovinian taught (saith Coccius,) that all sins are equal, which is the doctrine of Luther, who saith that no sin is in it nature venial, but all damnable and mortal. Hardly should we have thought that any Adversary reputed learned could have been so vulgarly witted, as to make such a consequence: All sins are in their nature mortal, Ergo, equal. Therefore we sand this their Coccius to be catechised from the rules of common sense, according as their own jesuite can inform him; showing that as in the judicial laws of the jews many sins were equally b Respondeo gradus quidem distinguere, non genus, nam utrobique capitalem, sed in judicio leviorem, in Concilio graviorem judices poe●am constituebant, quemadmodum graviores ad Concilium, quàm ad judicium causae deferebantur. Scitum est, quatuor apud judaeos capitalium poenarum fuisse genera, strangulationem, gladium, lapidationem, combustionem, ut in libro Sanedrini notatum est. Sic etiam Christus & eum qui iraseitur, & eum q●u fratrens suum levem, & eum qui stultum appellat, eâdem inferni poenâ, non eâden poenae gravitate dignum docet. Maldonat. Ies. come. in Matth. 5. 22. capital, which notwithstanding were punished with death more or less grievous, as by strangling, heading, stoning, burning: all deadly, but yet different: so in sins equally mortal, but equally heinous, shall all receive punishments equally eternal, but not equally grievous. And the very position itself, which defineth every sin to be in it own nature mortal, is both related and approved by their own * See hereafter cap. 22. Sect. 4. Doctors. 14 The sum is, that first, according unto imputative justice, all are equally justified. Secondly, that in respect of inherent justice, all men are not equally just. Thirdly, that Christians being compared with the whole body, are equally members; but being compared one with another, are not equally holy. Fourthly, that although sins be in nature (aequè peccata) that is, all mortal, yet are they not aequalitèr peccata, that is, equally heinous. These being the principal points professed by Protestants, and so plainly verified and justified by their own Authors, we have confirmed unto us the strength of truth, quae magna est, & praevalet. 15 Furthermore what the undoubted profession of Protestants is concerning the differences of holiness in the Saints of God, their schools, books, and pulpits have sounded forth, teaching, that although among the workers in the harvest, all receive 1 Matth. 20. 9 one penny, that is, one essential eternity of blessedness; yet the degrees of blessedness shall be imparted unto them by that proportion of God's merciful justice, which promised to reward every one, 2 2. Cor. 5. 10. & Ap●c. 2. 23. according to their works. Which notwithstanding doth not infer merit, because God crowneth (saith S. c Augustine. Augustine) his gifts, not our merits, even grace for grace; crowning the differences of his sanctifying graces in men in this life, with the differences of degree of the grace of glory in the highest heaven, ordaining them 3 joh. 14. 2. diverse mansions, predestinating them as 4 2. Tim. 1 20. diverse vessels, and perpetuating them as 5 1. Cor. 15. 41. diverse stars fixed in that eternal firmament of bliss: where yet there shall, in the greater and less vessels of honour, be this equality, that every one's 6 joh. 16. 24. joy shall be full. We are called to another trial. CHAP. XII. Of the possibility of keeping the Law. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of the commandments being possible, in certain other q Hierom in explanat. symb. ad Damasum, saith, Execramur blasphemiam eorum qui dicunt impossibile aliquid homini à Deo praeceptum esse, etc. And the same words hath Austin de tempore serm. 191. & vide Hieronymum ad Cleantium, and Concil. 2. Arausican, can. 25. heretics of those times. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First laying down the state of the Question. SECT. 1. FIrst, impossible is a word too envious, therefore may it not be suffered to pass without a slit, by distinguishing of impossibility; which is either absolute, as though God could not perfect his creature, who hath made the Archangels, powers, and dominations; this were not only an heresy, but also a perfect blasphemy. Otherwise it is taken suppositively, with respect unto the will of God, as when we say, it is impossible for a man, when he will, to fly up into heaven; not that God cannot enable man hereunto, but that it standeth not with God's ordinance, & will of wisdom, to grant man this Angelical perfection. Which sense is proper unto this question, according as their a Sciendum tamen est ex eodem Augustino, hanc tantam justitiae perfectionem, quantam praeter unum Christum, nemo hac vita vel assecutus sit, vel assecuturus, non negandam este Deo possibilem, sed fieri ab eo posse, cuius hic exemplum desit, quia ei omnia facilia sint, nedum possibilia, & apud eum, ac in eius virtute cau●am habet, quá fieri possit, & in eius sapientia, quare non factum sit: fieret autem, si tanta voluntas adh beretur, quanta sufficit tantae rei. Esset autem tanta, si & nihil eorum quae ad justitiam pertinent, nos lateret, & ea sic animum delectarent, ut quicquid aliud voluptas vel dolour impedit, delectatio illa superaret; quod ut non sit, ad Dei judicium, non ad impossibilitatem pertinet: sic sine exemplo est in hominibus perfecta justitia, nec tamen impossibilis. Espencaeus Episc. in 2. Tim. 3. pag. 126. Bishop hath observed out of S. Augustine, who denieth that simple impossbility, as though God could not make a man perfect in this life; but confesseth, that yet none is perfect, the cause whereof is to be reserved unto God's justice. And thus do all understand impossibility in this Article. 2 Secondly, by man is not meant the unregenerate; for so we might fight without an Adversary, because the Romanists confess it an b Aut certè existimant, posse hominem servare propri●s viribus omnia praecepta moralia, & innocentem vitam agere secundùm rationem, & hac sanctitate morali provocare Deum ad auxilium speciale sibi donandum, quo tandem ad fidem gratiamue pervemat; sed haec quoque est haeresis Pelagiana, in lib. super. satis superue refutata: ut omittam, nullum eiusmodi hominem ex historijs posse monstrari: Catones enim, Socrates, alijue horum similes, qui inter Ethnicos sanctissimi iudicati sunt, multis vitijs coopertos fuisse, facilè demonstrati posset. Bellar. lib. 6. de Grat. & lib. arbit. c. 6. §. Sanè qui. impossibility for a man, by his own natural power, to keep all God's commandments, censuring the contrary doctrine amongst the heresies of the Pelagians. So now we have the proper subject of this question, man regenerate in this life; and the predicate, it is impossible to keep all the commandments. To this end we exhibit A proof of the Protestants assertion, by confessed testimonies of Antiquity. SECT. 2. 3 Cardinal Bellarmine relateth the Romish doctrine in the name of them all: a Catholici omnes summa contensione contrarium docent; Fatentur enim 1. legem Dei justis hominibus absolutè esse possibilem, non quidem per solas vires liberi arbitrij— Secundò opera justorum simpliciter & absolutè justa, & suo etiam modo esse perfecta. Bellar. lib. 4. de justif. cap. 10. § Porrò. All Catholick● (saith he) teach with a full consent, both that the just man may absolutely fulfil the law of God, and also that the works of just men are absolutely just, and in a manner perfect. Mark, absolutely just, and yet but suo modo, in a manner perfect: as though it were not absolutely perfect, which is absolutely just; o● that were absolutely just, which is but in a manner perfect. To give us such an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and contradiction in the first entrance into a question, is like astumbling on the threshold, somewhat ominous. But to the main. 4 Saint Jerome was a Catholic, yet he professing to speak against a new heresy made of an old in defence of man's perfection in this life, refuteth it: b Certè nullum sanctiorem puto leremia, virgine, Prophetâ sanctificato in utero:— significat omnem mundum Dei indigere misericordi●, & nullum, quamuis sanctum, pergere securum ad judicem: contra novam ex veteri haeresin, quae putat in hoc s●culo omnes simul justum implere posse virtutes.— Et in Psal. 114. dicit, Placebo Domino; non, Placeo: hic enim, quicquid facio, non possum esse perfectus justus, quoniam in praesenti seculo perfectus justus nemo esse potest, nec David, nec Apostolus, nec Sanctorum aliquis. Nemo á peccato mundus, nulli Sancti ausi sunt dicere vel, Sancti sumus, vel Placeo, sed, Placebo Deo: ubi placebo? in regione vivorum, haec enim mortuorum regio. Vt refert Episc. Espencaeus in 2. Tim. 4. §. 18. pag. 124. I think (saith he) that no holy man passeth out of this life, without fear, unto God's tribunal: and therefore will have every just man to accord unto the Prophet David's tune, who sung, placebo, not placeo [I will please God (saith he) in the region of the living:] that is (saith S. Jerome) after this life, in heaven, because he could not say, I do please God in this life, which is the region of the dead. And this he thinketh to have been the song of all Apostles, and holy men. Thus much S. Jerome, from the relation of their own Bishop: whereupon we gather, that S. Jerome saying, that the most just cannot properly please God in this life, doth fully descent from our Adversaries, who say, that the just man may absolutely fulfil the law of God in this life. 5 Saint Augustine will not be denied to have been a Catholic, who (as their Bishop saith) reigneth in this argument, and is confessed to say, that c Facere non possum, quin ex Augustino nonnihil subligam: regnat in hoc argumento:— is in lib. 2. de pecc. merit. & remisl. ca 13. Potest fieri ut aliquis sit perfectus,— in eo quòd omnes homines diligat, etiam inimicos, non in eatamen perfectione, ut quos diligit, tantum diligat, quantum incommutabilis regula veritatis diligendos esse praescripsit: nec ideo quisquam prorsus sine peccato esse intelligitur, qui aliqua re dicitur esse perfectus; quan quam & in hoc ita dici potest, ut non quia iam non est, quo proficiat, sed quia maximâ ex part profecit.— Et lib. 4. cap. 11. ex Ambrosio: Videmus (inquit) impossibile esse. ut perfectè quis immaculatus sit, in hoc corpore constitutus Et lib 2. contra julianum; Vos festinatis, & praesumptionem vestram festinando praecipitatis, hîc enim unltis hominem perfici, & utinam Dei dono, non libero, sed servo potius arbitrio, à qua perfectione long vos esse sentitis: sed dolus est in ore vestro, sive peccatores vos esse dicatis, & justos credi velitis, sive profiteamini perfectionem justitiae, quam profectò in vobis non esse sentitis. Ex Espencaeo quo supra, pag. 125. a man cannot love God, as much as the inviolable rule of truth doth prescribe: with diverse other sentences to the same effect. And doubtless, as long as S. Augustine reigneth in this argument, Protestants cannot possibly fail in their cause: for he, in despair of perfection by the law, teacheth every one to fly unto the perfection of the Gospel, after the example of just d Et si est aliquod peccatum, quod vitari non possit, quo modo justus Deus dicitur, si imputare cuiquam creditur, quod vitari non possit? Respondemus iam olim contra superbos esse clamatum; Beatus, cui non imputavit Dominus peccatum:— Peccatum est autem, cùm vel non est charitas, quae esse d●bet, vel minor est, quàm debet, sive hoc voluntate vitari possit, s●ue non possit: quia si potest, praesens voluntas hoc facit; si autem non potest, praeterita voluntas hoc fecit; & tamen vitari potest, non quando voluntas superba laudatur, sed quando humilis adiwatur.— Quando autem possit, & per quem possit, hoc quaeritur. Si enim modò est, non omni animae fideli positae in corpore mortis huius orandum est, & dicendum, dimit nobis debita nostra: cùm iam in sancto Baptismo universa fuerint dimissa praeterita. Quisquis autem membris fidelibus Christi hoc non esse orandum persuadere conatur, nihil aliud quàm seipsum Christianum non esse profitetur. August Tom 7. lib. de perfectaustit. ad rat. 15. & 16. David, saying, Blessed is the man, unto whom the Lord imputeth no sin. 6 Ambrose was a Catholic Bishop, whose testimony their Bishop hath inserted, out of S. Augustine, viz. e See a little before at the letter, c. We see it to be impossible (saith Ambrose) for any man living in this life, to be perfect and spotless. 7 Saint Bernard, a Father of later times, and appropriated by these Apologists, as an absolute Romanist; whom, as they hold him to have been a Saint powerful in * See above, Miracles, so do we acknowledge him to have been (in comparison of that generation among whom he lived) a miraculous Saint: hear we then the profession of a Saint: f Name in affectu, quis ita habet charitatem, ut mandatur? ergo illa mandatur ad meritum, illa in pramium datur: cuius initium quidem profectumqm; vitam quoque praesentem experiri divinâ posse gratiâ, non negamus: sed planè consummationem defendimus futurae foelicitatis. Quomodo ergo iubenda fuit, quae implenda nullo modo erat? aut si placet tibi magis de affectuali datum fuisse mandatum, non inde contendo, dummodo acquiescas & tu mihi, quòd minimè in vita ista ab aliquo hominum possit, vel potet●t adimpleri: quis enim sibi arrogare id audeat, quod Paulus ipse fatetur se non comprehendisse? Nec latuir praeceptorem, praecepti pondus hominum excedere vires: sed iudicavit ille utile ex ipso suae illos insufficientiae admoneri, & ut silent sauè ad quem justitiae finem niti pro viribus oporteret. Ergo mandando impossibilia, non praevaricatores homines fecit, sed humiles, ut omne os obstruatur, & subditus fiat omnis mundus Deo: quia ex operibus legis non iustificabitur omnis caro coram illo: accipientes quip mandatum, & sentientes defectum, clamabimus in coelum, & miserebitur nostri Deus: & sciemus in illa die, quâ non ex operibus justitiae, quae fecimus nos, sed secundum svam misericordiam saluos nos fecit. Bernar. super Cant ser. 50. p. 931. Not man (saith S. Bernard) can fulfil the law of God in this life. Then preventing an objection, which our Adversaries do ordinarily use. Doth God then command things impossible? he granteth it, but yet so, that God thereby doth not make man a transgressor, but humbleth him, to the intent that man perceiving his own defect, might in renouncing his righteousness by works, fly unto God's mercy and grace. And indeed, the law is not to be called impossible for man, à quo, from whom original sin came: (Adam being created in a perfection might have had a posse non peccare) but in respect of man, in quo, in whom the rebellious corruption doth now devil (until it be divorced by death,) whereby he hath in one degree or other a non posse non peccare, until he come unto the region of the living, where only there is non posse peccare, that is, an impossibility of sinning. 8 We forbear accumulation of testimonies: these already mentioned will plainly show how far the true and ancient Catholics did differ from the newly pretended, by the difference of their language (as S. Jerome his Cannot please God in this life; and S. Augustine's, Cannot love according to the prescript of the law; and S. Ambrose his, It is impossible to be perfect; and S. Bernard his, It is impossible to fulfil the law:) if they be compared with the above-specified Romish Article, viz. A just man may absolutely fulfil the law of God. Hear furthermore The Protestants doctrine ratified by some Romanists. SECT. 3. 9 Doctor Stapleton, although he sweat in defending the possibility of keeping the law, yet (as though his breath had failed him) we hear him panting: a Haec tamen impletio legis non intelligitur necessariò & praecisè in omnibus mandatis legis, toto tempore & cursu justitiae humanae; sed ille censetur implere legem, satisfacere legi, & in conspectu Dei justus habetur, qui voluntatem & affectum habens implendi universa legis, eatenus implet, quatenus humana fragilitas in reliqu: js naturae corruptae, per gratiam implere in hac vita vel potest, vel solet. Haec propositio manifestè confirmatur per celeberr. illam Ecclesiae doctrinam, contra Pelagianos olim definitam: neminem etiam justorum in hac vita sine peccato vivere. Stapleton de justific. lib. 6. de perfect. justit. c 3 initio. Yet this fulfilling of the law (saith he) is not to be understood necessarily and precisely of all the commandments of the law, in the whole course of man's justice: but he may be said to satisfy the law, and to be just in the sight of God, who hath a will and affection to fulfil all the commandments, so far as the infirmity of nature, strengthened by grace, will permit. And in the end he yieldeth unto the doctrine of the Church long since established against the Pelagians, which teacheth that no man liveth without sin. This Doctor, his [not precisely fulfilling the law of God] cannot but fight against their general position, of absolutely fulfilling the law of God. 10 Ferus, a Friar of the order of the Minorites, and commended by their Senensis for * See the Catalogue of authors, before the book, Tit. joh. Ferus. a man notably skilful in holy scriptures, and the most singular Preacher of his time in all Germany; writing many godly and learned books, which accord with Catholic doctrine, and are now diligently read of almost all Preachers: this Author cannot but prove an honourable witness, in that which he shall aver: who in his Comment upon the Acts, printed at Paris, Anno 1568. cum privilegio, calleth the moral law of God an importable burden; first because it commandeth not only the hand, that is, the action, but also the heart, that is the affection: secondly because it convinceth us of sin, seeing we do more against the law, than according to the law; and that good which we do, is but imperfectly performed. Here is confessed not only, imperfectly done, which they call venial; but also a working against the law, which cannot agreed with the absolute fulfilling of the law. 11 Albertus Pighius, a Doctor selected to c Albertus Pigghius,— è Lovaniensi Doctor Theologus Colomae in Voijs renunciatus, varia adversus Lutherum, Melancthonem, Bucerum, & Caluinum conscripsit. Possevinus Ies. Apparat. Sac. Tom. 1. Tit. Albertus Pigghius. confute Luther, Melancthon, b Tertia ratio, quòd lex est jugum importabile, neque enim nos, neque patres nostri potuimus portare illud. I ex impossibile onus est, quia non tantùm exigit manum, sed & cor: secundò quia convincit nos peccatores esse: semper enim plus contrà legem, quàm pro lege, facimus: & ea, quae facimus, imperfectè quidem facimus. joh. Ferus come. in Act. 15. fol. 164. b. Bucer, and Caluine, could not but pass among the Romanists, for a singular Catholic in that time; yet he prosecuting this argument at large, doth resolve thus: d Duplex considerari potest justitia, sicut du plex invenitur regula, cui conformari debeant: altera quâ justi sunt coram hominibus; altera est justitia, quâ justi sunt coram Deo.— Quod tamen trifariam ferè intelligere possumus, vel quòd nostra justitia cum divina conferatur, & velut in contentionem revocetur justitia.— Hoc sanè pacto in conspectu Deisolus inventus est justus Agnus ille sine macula, de quo in Apoc. Paulò post:— velure intelligitur homo justificari coram Deo hoc est, coram tribunali divini judicij, dum regulae divinae justitiae, quâ part ipsum respicit, exactè respondet. Regulam autem illam divinam esse legem, indubitatum est. Porrò & illam dupliciter intelligere possumus, vel in sua illa absoluta perfectione, secundùm quam hoc mortis corpus adhuc circumferentibus nobis, velut scopus quidam, in quem collimare perpetuò debeamus, ad quem semper conari, & nos exercere q●o accedamus viciniùs, magis proponitur, quàm sub obligation e●igitur.— Ipse onim novit figmentum nostrum, nec ignorat quoniam pulvis sumus, & proinde nostrae fragilitati prorsus impossibilia, à nobis non exigit. Pi●s pater est, & miserico●s Dominus, non immitis ac rigidus exactor corum, quae vires nostras, quas ab ipso accepimus, planè superant. Vel prout illa ipsa divinae justitiae lex & regula nos respiciens, nostrae infirmitati aptata condescendit, & convenit.— Primo modo, in conspectu Dei non iustificatur omnis vivens, & mortale adhuc corpus, quod aggravat animam circumferens: in●ò & justitiae nostrae hoc pacto iniquitates invenientur, & velut pannus menstruatae omnes, plurimumue deficere ab exacta illa & absoluta justitia. Et paulò post:— Sed & secundo modo, si regulam illam divinae justitiae, etiam quatenus nostrae infirmitati attemperata est, intelligas ex voluntatis humanae inconstantia & inclinatione quadam ad carnis sui hospitis amica,— & quae ab illa lege divinae justitiae nos deflectere— nunquam cessat, adhuc invenire non est justum quenquam coram Deo inter Adae filios; sed verum reperietur etiam de hac ipsa, quamuis imperfecta justitia, quòd non iustificabitur in conspectu Dei omni● vivens: siquidem justitia haec est ad suam regulam, etiam nostrae infirmitati attemperatam, exacta correspondentia, & commensuratio in actionibus nostris omnibus. Posteà etiam:— Itaque cum suam nemo mortalium proffer possit justitiam, quâ rectitudini divinae legis exactè respondeat, sed iniustitiae potius ab ea convincatur, & proinde maledicto atque irae divinae (cui subiecti sunt legis transgressores) inveniatur obnoxius: aversatur enim ille omnem iniustitiam. — Et paulò post: Quidigitur? hoc nempe, quod D. Augustinus, ut liberâ, ita verissimá voce pronunciat, Vae, inquit, hominum vitae, quantumcunque laudabili, si remotâ misericordiâ iudicetur: nam cùm nemo sit, quem, si ad regulam divinae justitiae exigas etiam illam, quam diximus imperfectiorem, & nostrae fragilitati attemperatam, ad quam exigimur merito, non iniquus & iniustus comprobetur, nemo sit cui sua constet justitia, nemo qui non iniustitiae convincatur, quamuis iustissimus inter homines: Iniustitiae verò justa sit merces exterminium, sit mors stipendium, actum sanè de nobis omnibus fuerat, nisi diunina nobis misericordia succurreret, ignoscens quotidiè, quod ex part nostra minus est. Paulò post:— Nam quòd non in operibus nostris, non in justitia nostra, sed in una ignoscente iniquitates nostras misericordia, benevolentiae e●ga nos divinae, & salutis à Deo assequendae nobis spes sit, Davidis testimonio Apostolus ad Rom. comprobans, Non aliâ iustitiâ niti nos posse, ni●i quam imputat nobis, absque nostris operibus affirmat, Beati, inquit, etc. Pigghius de fide & iustif. controu. 2. pag. 45, 46, 47. There is a double justice, one before men, (which is, to deal uprightly with all men;) another before God, which may be considered either by making comparison with God himself (in which respect the Angels are unclean,) and so Christ only is the just one: or else comparing our life and justice with God's law unto man, which law is the rule of justice. Again, this law may be understood either in the full perfection of it, which is propounded unto man as a scope still to aim at, rather than a bond of Obligation, by exacting answerable obedience; because God knowing our infirmity doth not exact of us that which is impossible. But why? He is a gracious Father, no rigid exactor of those things, which do indeed exceed our strength. 12 Secondly, (saith he) the same law may be considered, as it is applied, and modified, with respect unto our infirmity: then he determineth the question; In the first respect (as the law requireth perfection,) not flesh can be justified, but man's righteousness is no better than a menstruous cloth. In the second consideration, as the law i● tempered and qualified unto man's infirmity, and imperfect obedience, yet is not man justifiable before God hereby: in brief, no mortal man can show his justice answerable (meaning in ●ither respect) unto the direction of God's law, but standeth convicted of injustice, & thereby is under God's malediction, due unto sin, and perisheth, except God in his mercy grant him daily pardon for his offences. This witness concludeth with us, that whether the law of God be taken in the rigour, or in the temper; yet no man is a fulfiller of the law: therefore, if he hope to be saved, must according to Pigghius his conclusion, renounce all his justification by his own righteousness, and fly unto the justification by faith, through the righteousness of Christ jesus, imputed unto us. 13 And thus one of the greatest Adversaries of the Protestants is become one of their greatest Advocates, in descending of justification by faith only, the greatest Article of the religion of Protestants. Which hath been confirmed by the consent of diverse Romanists, notwithstanding it do flatly contradict this position of the absolute fulfilling of the law: yet jest they may be thought to have some evasion, by distinction of sin, we refer our Reader unto an ample * See hereafter cap. 22. Sect. 4. confutation hereof; and for this present, wish him to be content to see The objected places against Protestants satisfied, and their Adversaries entangled. SECT. 4. 14 This Article of the impossibility of keeping Gods command, according to the difference of construction, is both damnably blasphemous, and infallibly true; the state of man being threefold: one is his first creation; to say that it was impossible then for man to have kept the commandment, was the blasphemy of the Manichees. The second is his fall, and bondage in sin; and to deny that it is impossible for man, without grace, to keep the commandment, was the blasphemy of the Pelagians. His third station is his state of grace, wherein man's keeping of the commandment, hath a double aspect; first it looketh upon the right side of God's mercy, who according to his fatherly acceptance in Christ, vouchsafeth the imperfect obedience of his children, who still contend unto perfection: and to call this keeping of God's commandment impossible, both Fathers and Protestants do judge to be an heretical opinion. Secondly it beholdeth God on the least side, cying only the strictness of his justice according to the exact rigour of his own law; and to believe that man can possibly keep the law so exactly, is a Pelagian heresy condemned by the Fathers. 15 Saint a Qua ratione potest esse quod vel●t, cum Apostolus asserat se quod cupiat implere non posse? cúmque ab eyes quae●imus, qui sint illi, quos ab●que peccato putent, nova stropha eludere veritatem: se non eos dicere, qui sint vel fuerint, sed qui esse possint. Egregij doctores, dicunt esse posse, quod nunquam fuisse demonstrant. Hieron. Tom. 2 adversus Pelag. ad C●esiphon. pag. 251. Observe, that although the Pelagians defended the perfection of natural faculties, yet here both they and S. Jerome speak of perfection in general; which general doth imply both the state corrupted and restored, as is plain by the instances used by S. Jerome. Sin difficilia, cur ausus es facilia dicere, quae nullus impleverit? non intelligis tuas inter se repugnare sententias?— Zacharias & tales iustificantur, non quòd omni vitio careant, sed quòd maiore pa●te virtutum commendentur. Hieron. ibid. As S. Jerome argue● of facilia, so may we of possibilia. Jerome requireth them who professed such perfection of obedience, to instance but in any one man, who ever kept the commandments: and when they answered, that although none did keep the law, yet any might; he holdeth their answer ridiculous, as if they should say (saith he,) that may be done, which they cannot show was ever done. Many Romanists are guilty of thi● heresy, of which kind their own Bishop complained: b Sunt enim hodi● qui status & homines in perfectione justitiae tantùm non aequent Angelis, novae scilicet veteris Pelagianismi reliquiae: qua haeresi ut nulla vel periculosior, vel pe●niciosi●●, aut perpetuae gratiae Christi necessitati magis contraria, ita nulla vel minus extincta, vel plus rediviua. Episc. Espencaeus come. in 2. Tim. cap. 4. §. 18. pag. 121. There are at this day who equal the state of men, in perfection of justice, with the perfection which is next unto the Angels, which is one of the relics of Pelagianisme; than the which as no heresy can be more pernicious, so is there old heresy more revived at this day. Near unto this is that sound of perfection, which we have heard, even an absolute fulfilling of the law of God, according unto the exact rule of his justice. CHAP. XIII. Of Exorcism. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. The denial of Exorcism and Exufflation used in Baptism, was condemned likewise in r August. de nuptijs & concupiscentia, l. 2. c. 29. saith, julianus antiquissimam Ecclesiae traditionem nefario crimine aspergit, qua exorcizantur, & ut dixi, exuff●lantu● paruuli: & vide Aug. ibidem l. 2. c. 17. & contra julian. Pelag. l. 6. c. 2. julianus the Pelagian. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Freeing them from heresy in this point. SECT. 1. Exorcism was in, and long after the time of the primitive Church, so visible and miraculous a power of expelling of Devils by adjuration, that S. Cyprian in his days durst challenge Demetrianus to come and try what was the virtue thereof in the Church: a Quod autem Scapulae Tertullianus, hoc Demetriano sic suggessit Cyprian is: OH si audire eos velles, quando à nobis ad●utantur, torquentur spiritualibus flagris, verborum tormentis de obsessis corporibus eijciuntur eiulantes & gementes, voce humana, & potestate divina flagella & verbera sentientes, venturum judicium confitentur. Veni & cognosce vera, quae dicimus, vel ipsis, quos colis, crede, vel tibi, si volveris: videbis nos ab eyes rogari, quos rogas, timeri, quos times. Espencaeus in 1. Tim. Digress. l. 1. c. 14. pag. 231. So shalt thou perceive (saith he) that the Devils fear us, whom thou fearest. Which was so manifest and sensible, that S. Ambrose said, b Ambrose serm. 91. sic opposite; Audivi multa componi, hoc unquam nemo finxit, aut Daemoniacum esse se simulavit. Quid illud quòd ita eos exagitari videmus, quibus manus imponitur? ubi hîc locus fraudi, ubi suspicio simulandi? Idem ibid. pag. 233. None could suspect therein any cozenage, or deceit: which their Bishop Espencaeus noteth to have been c Ac ne de baptizandis quidem prius exorcizatis, & adiuratis, praeceptum in sacra Scriptura expressum, quanta tamen fuerit Exorci●mi sive in Baptismo, sive extra Baptismum adhibiti tum antiquitas, tum universitas, quàm olim in Ecclesia usitata energumenos e●orcizandi consuetudo; quo dono praediti, qui posteà Exorcistae vocati sunt. Espenc. quo supra, cap. 15. pag. 235. used in those times, both in Baptism, and out of Baptism, by those who were endued with the gift of Exorcization. Exsufflation, or puffing with the mouth, was but d Exsufflatio est ceremonia annexa Exorcismo— nam verbis Exorcismorum expelluntur Daemons, & caeremoniá exufflationis significatur eorum expulsio. Bellar. lib. 1. de Baptis. c. 15. §. Septima. a ceremony annexed unto Exorcism, in signification that the Devil was expelled: but our question is whether this Exorcism be necessary in Baptism? Their Durand saith, that e Et est notandum, quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 graecè, lati●è dicitur Adiuratio, ut est illud, Exi ab eo immunde Spiritus. Catechismus autem & Exorcismus Neophytorum sunt; praecedunt enim Baptismum, & magis debent dici Sacramentalia, quàm Sacramenta. i. ad sacramentum Baptismi pertinentia, vel praeludia novi Baptismi: sine eye tamen potest esse Baptismus. Durandus lib. 6. Rational. cap. 82. pag. 687. num. 8. Exorcism is but a Sacramental adjunct, and no Sacrament; and that Baptism is perfect without it. 2 Where then was the heresy of julianus the Pelagianist? S. Augustine showeth, that he f Sed perfectè Pelagianus est, qui malum originale non credit. Neque enim ex quo esse coepit Manichaei pestilentiosa doctrina, ex illo coeperunt in Ecclesia Dei paruuli baptizandi exorcizari, & exufflari, ut ipsis mysterijs ostenderetur, non eos in regnu Christi nisi erutos à tenebrarum potestate, transferri. August. Tom. 7. de Nupt. & Concupisc. l. 2. c. 29. pag. 855. did not believe that children are conceived in original sin, and that consequently by nature they are not the sons of wrath, and of the Devil: therefore did he contemn Exorcism, & Exsufflation, by which mysteries there is signified (saith S. Augustine,) that children, except they be freed first from the power of darkness (which is the Devil) they cannot enter into the kingdom of Christ. Therefore the marrow of his error was the denial of man's natural corruption, and the power of God's grace in man's regeneration: for the which cause the Protestants, with the whole Church of God, have always condemned that julianus for a most pestilent heretic. 3 As for Exorcism, we may thus determine: It was in ancient times a miraculous and extraordinary gift, and a sensible expulsion of Devils, which gift is long sithence * See this largely proved, and confessed above, lib. 3. cap. 17, 18, 19 & deinceps. ceased: but now Exorcism is an ordinary imitation of that same gift, which in these days is out of date. Then it was, upon just occasions, necessary, now in Baptism it is held not necessary by our Adversaries themselves, in whose Church many millions of infants are baptised without Exorcism, or Exufflation, except they shall admit their women-Baptists into the order of their Exorcists. 4 Notwithstanding, Exorcism and Exufflation, being a tradition so ancient, and containing a sign of man's deliverance out of the power of Satan, may according unto the discretion of diverse Churches, be used or omitted; and so it is, for g Non habent donum expellendi Daemonia, qualis igitur apud ipsos est ordo exorcistarum? Chemnis. part. 2. examen. Conc. Trid. pag. 219. Traditiones quae de doctrina Sacramentorum utiliter aliquid movent, & explicant, liber●● possunt retineri: sicut apud nos in administratione Baptismi retinetur exorcismus, & abrenunci●tio. Idem ibid. pag. 33. Protestants use it, where they think it may be well retained without scandal; * As in England. others, for fear of superstition, omit it. And whosoever shall for a ceremony of such indifferency as Exufflation is, wholly condemn any for heretics, either for the use, or disuse thereof, such an one (we say no more) meritò est exufflandus. CHAP. XIIII. Of the continuance of a visible Church. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. And lastly (to omit sundry other,) the denial of the Churches continuing visible, was condemned in the s Aug. epist. 170. ad Severinum, saith, Facile tibi est attendere, & videre civitatem supra montem constitutam, de qua Dominus ait in evangelio, quod abscondi non possit: ipsa est enim Ecclesia Catholica, unde catholic Graece appellatur, quod per totum orbem terrarum diffunditur, hanc ignorare nulli licet, ideo secundúm verbum Domini abscondi non potest: & vide Aug. de unit. Eccles. c. 12. & 13. & ep. 48. ad Vincentium Rogatianum. Donatists', and t Hie●onymi dial. adversus Luciferianos paulo post medium, & cap. 6. prosecuteth this point at large, saying, (among much other matter) Vbi sunt is●● nimium prophani qui pluris synagogas asserunt quam Ecclesias? etc. si Ecclesiam non habet Christus, a●t si in Sardinia tantum habet, nimium pauper factus est, etc. (And then he answereth their objection, saying) Quod si de illa quae in evangelio scripta est sententia, sibi blandiuntur, Putas ne cum venerit filius hominis, inu●●●iet fidem super terram? sciant illam sidem nominari, de qua Dominus aiebat, Fides tua te saluum fecit. Luciferians; and all this done by the sundry writers that lived in or next before the foresaid 160. years now in question. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: First showing what was the doctrine of the Donatists'. SECT. 1. TRuly have our Adversaries observed from S. Augustine, that the doctrine of the Donatists' consisted in three points; First, the persons: a See Bellarm▪ confessing this in the Sections following. They thought that the Church did consist only of just men: Secondly, for the place, b Si autem universos Donatistas' non audivimus, se pro Ecclesia Christi supponentes, quia nullum pro se de divinis libris testimonium proferunt, quo id doceant: quanto minus, to go te, Rogatistas' audire debemus, qui nec illud pro se interpretari conabuntur, quod scriptum est, Vbi pascis, ubi cubas in meridie? Cant. 17. Si enim hoc loco Scripturarum meridies Africa intelligenda est, in part Donati, quae sub coeli feruentiori plaga est, omnes vos Maximianistae superabunt, quorum schisma in Bizantio, & in Tripoli exarsit. Sed confligant cum eye Arzuges, & hoc magis ad se pertinere contendant; Mauritania tamen Caesariensis, occidentali quàm meridianae patti vicinior, quando nec Africam se vult dici, quomodo de meridie gloriabitur? non dico adversus orbem terrarum, sed adversus ipsam partem Donati, unde pars Rogati brevisl. frustum de frusto maiore praecisum est. Quis autem non impudentissimè n●tatur aliquid in allegoria positum pro se interpretari, nisi habeat & manifesta testimonia, quotum lumine illustrentur obscura? justus Calumus, aliâs, Barontus de unit. Rom. Eccles. pag. 116. 117. ex epist. 48 Augustini. That there was no Church but in Africa. Thirdly, their reason only from an allegorical & perverse exposition of Scripture, because Christ answering his spouse in the Canticles, where he lieth? he said, in meridie, that is, in the South; the Donatists' concluding therupon, that the Church was wholly perished from the earth, and only professed in the South of Africa among themselves: whom S. Augustine did learnedly confute. This is the Donatian heresy. Now see unfolded The diverse Traducements, used by the Romanists against Protestants, to bring them into the guilt of Donatisme. SECT. 2. 2 Many of our Romish Adversaries look upon the doctrine of Protestants, but some more sinisterly than others: for some of them, supposing the Protestants to teach an absolute apostasy of the universal Church of Christ, have bend all their forces to confute them; but (as their Cardinal teslifieth) a Notandum autem est, multos cx nostris teinpus terere, dum probant absolutè Ecclesiam non posse deficere: nam calvinus & caeteri haeretici id concedunt, sed dicunt, intelligi debere de Ecclesia invisibili. Bellar. l. 3. de Eccles. milit. cap. 13. initio. So that the Rhemists annot. in 1. Tim. 3. ver. 15. Reinolds Caluino. Turc. l. 1. c. 10. and others, may seem herein to have sweat in vain. with lost labour, because Protestants teach (saith he) that the invisible Church of Christ can never perish. Their second Traducement. SECT. 3. 3 Although the Cardinal will seem to be more conscionable, by restraining his speech unto the Church visible, yet is his accusation notably calumnious. First, b Donatiste Ecclesiain ex solis justis constare volebant, atque inde d●ducebant, Ecclesiam visisibilem perijsle de toto orb terrarum, & in sola Africa remansisse, ut August docet, lib. de unit. Eccles. c. 12.— Eand● esse doctrinam & vitam Caluinistarum, certum est: nam Ecclesiam ex solis bonis constare, docet calvinus lib. 4. Inst. c. 1. §. 7. quod etiam docet articulus 7. confessionis Augustanae, Ecclesiam visibilem à multis seculis perijsle, & nunc solùm inseptentrionalibus esse, ubi ipsi sunt, docent omnes, & praecipuè calvinus l. 4. Inst. c. 2. §. 2. Bellar. l. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 9 §. Donatistae. The Donatists' (saith he) taught, that the Church consisteth only of godly men, and thereupon gathered that it was perished from the face of the earth, remaining only among themselves in Africa: So Caluine teacheth, that the Church consisteth only of good men. 4 So Caluine? Let us hear Càluine speak, c In the volume of the same book: Fuerunt enim semper, qui falsa absolutae sanctimoniae persuasione imbuti, tanquam acrij quidam daemons iam facti essent, omnium hominum consortium aspernarentur, in quibus humanum adhuc aliquid subesse cernerent, tales enim erant Cathari, & (qui ad corum vesaniam accedebant) Donatistae. There are certain aërit devils (saith he) such as are the Cathari, and after them the Donatists', who upon a presumption of their own sanctity, separate themselves from others. And he d A little after: Peccant illi,— quia enim non putant esse Ecclesiam, ubi non est solida vitae puritas, & intcgritas, scelcrum odio à legitima Ecclesia discedunt, dum à factione improborum declinare se putant: Allegant etc. calvinus Institut. lib. 4. cap. 1. §. 13. refelleth the ground of their heresy, which is, to think that a Christian may not continued in that Church, wherein there is not an integrity in the Professors of the same truth. And in the very sentence alleged against him, he e Emmuerò de Ecclesia visibili, & quae sub cognitionem nostram cadit, quale judicium facere conveniat, ex superioribus liquere iam existimo. Diximus enim bifariam de Ecclesia sacras literas loqui: interdum cùm Ecclesiam nominant, eam intelligunt, quae re vera estc oran Deo, in quam nulli recipiuntu●, nisi qui & adoptionis gratiâ filij Dei sunt, & spiritus sanctificatione, vera Christi membra. At tunc quidem non ●antùm sanctos, qui in terra habitant, comprehendit, sed electos omnes, qui ab origine mundi suerunt. Saep● autem Ecclcsiae nomine univerlam hominum multitudinem in o●be distusam designat, quae unum se Deum, & Christum colere profitctut: baptismo initiatur in eius sidem, coenae participatione unitatem in vera doctrina & charitate testatur consensionem habet in verbo Domini, atque ad eius praedicationem Ministerium conteruat à Christo institutum.— Quemadmodum ergo nobis invisibilem, sol●us Dei oculis conspicuam Ecclesiam credere necesse est ita hanc, quae respectu hominum Ecclesia dicitur, observare ●iusue commumonem colere iubemur. Calvin. lib. 4. Instit. cap. 1. §. 7. distinguisheth between the Church, as it is visible, and as it is invisible. The invisible he will have to consist only of the holy and elect ones (which accordeth with the Article of our Creed, believing an holy Catholic Church:) but of the visible he saith, It is a conspicuous multitude, participating in the same Sacraments, etc. Among whom he f See Calcuin ibid. §. 9 confesseth there are hypocrites and wicked men, although not as true members, yet as outward professors of the same faith. Finally he hath already condemned the frenzy of the Donatists', for separating themselves from the visible Church, because of the commixture of tars with the Wheat. So that this heresy of the Donatists', in acknowledging no visible Church, but wherein all were outwardly holy and just, as it had never greater Adversary among the Fathers, than S. Augustine, so had not S. Augustine ever any more zealous follower of him herein than Caluine. The third Traducement. SECT. 4. 5 In the third place their Cardinal steppeth forth, and challengeth Caluine and the Augustane confessors of Donatisme: but why? * Bellarmine, See above Sect. 3. b. They teach (saith he) that the Church hath perished many ages by passed, & that it is resident only in those Northern parts, where they do inhabit. justice commandeth to hear the accused parties speak for themselves: The a Itaque quae sit Ecclesia, & qualis sit, & ubi sit, haec descriptio indicat, sumpta ex manifestis testimonijs divinis. Nihil dubium est, Ecclcsiam al●igatam esse ad ●uangelium, ut Paulus inquit, Si quis aliud ●uangelium docet, Aanathema sit. Confess. August. art. 7. pag. 135. §. Itaque. Haec cù● sint planè ethnica, & idololatrica, manifestum est, defensores corum non esse membra Ecclesiae; sed dominari si●nt Pharisaei, & Sadducae i dominabantur. Interea tamen suerunt, sunt, & erunt in Ecclesia Dei homine, retinentes fundamentum, ●tiamsi alij plus, alij minuslucis habucrunt, habent & habebunt. Et interdum Sanct●ctiam stipulas ext●●unt supra fundamentum. C●im praesertim in hac temporum miseria multis, qui habent initia sidcjs, non concedatur, ut crudiri, & cum Doctoribus colloqui possiot. Hi sunt tamen in eorum numero, quibus jubet Deus parci, Ezech 9 qui gemunt & dolent proptereà, quòd error●s stabiliuntur. Eadem Confess. ibid. pag. 136. §. Item. Diximus a●tem in descriptione Ecclesiae, multos in hac visibili Ecclesia esse n●n sanctos, qui tamen externa professione veram doctrinam amplectuntur quia Donatistas' improbamus, qui sixcrunt ministerium corum, qui non sunt sancti, non esse efficax. Confess. August. ibid. p. 138 §. Diximus. Impressa Arge itorati, anno 1565. Augustane confessors confess, first, of the Catholic Church, that it is tied unto the Gospel. Secondly, of the Romish Church, that the chief Bishops & Pastors are idolatrous, and no members of the Church; yet that some professors being builded upon the true foundation, are sau●d. Thirdly, of every visible Church, that wicked professors are mixed with the godly. Fourthly, of the Donatists', that they are worthily condemned, for reiecling the ministery of men, who are ungodly. Which doctrines Caluine, likewise condemned, who furthermore taxeth the Romanists, for playing the Donatists', by challenging to themselves a prerogative of truth, and tying God's Church and truth b Magnificé illi quidem suam nobis Ecclesiam commendant, nequa alia in mundo esse videatut: posteà quasi re confecta omnes schismaticos essc constituunt, qui ab cius, quam pingunt, Ecclesiae obedientia subducere se: omn shaereticos, qui contra eius doctrinam mutire audent. Et paulò post: Si templum, illud quod videb●tur, per●ctuae Dei habitationi conlcciatum, derelinqui à Deo, & prophanescere potuit. non est quod nobis isti singant, Deum ita personis au●●ocis alligatum, & affixum externis obseruationibus, ut manner apud eos oporteat, qui titulum modò & speciem Ecclesiae habent. calvinus Institut. lib. 4. cap. 2. §. 2. & 3 unto certain persons and places: as though God had bound himself to reside with them. 6 Compare we now the Donatists' and Protestants together: the Donatists' said, that the visible Church admitteth no mixture of wicked with the godly; the Protestants deny this. The Donatists' held the Church visible to be itremoveable from Africa: the Protestants confute that. The Donatists' taught the Church to be so properly and peculiarly tied unto one place, that th●re cannot possibly be elsewhere any true Church: the Protestants condemn this, who hold that the Church in her members may possess the whole world; and that some without living in corrupt Churches, (who err not obstinately) may possibly be saved. Yet did their Cardinal presume to associate Donatists' and Protestants, that is, to join the Pole-articke and Antarctic together. We see they, by perverting good meanings, have turned wine into water, and reserved their worst unto the last. 7 Yet one scruple would be removed, to wit; Whether the Catholic visible Church may not sometimes be drawn into certain parts of the world, but must necessarily possess always all the coasts thereof. Their jesuite Coster saith, We may think that c Non enim ex co dicitur Ecclesia Catholica, quòd eodem tempore totius orbis ditiones occupet; hoc quippè ne in hunc usque diem fortassis contingit, quando Antarcticis hominibus, & qui extremas remotissimasue Americae oras incolunt, sides Christi nunquam innotuit: sed his potissimùm duabus de causis, tum quia nulli nationi, ut olim lex Moysi judaeis, sit alligata, nulloue loco conclusa, sicut Donatistarum & Lutheranorun errores; quorum high extra Germanian nu●quam cele brantur, nec illi extra African reperiebantur. Coster. Ies. Euchir. Tract. de. Eccles. c. 2. p. 89 per adventure the Church was never so universal as to possess all the quarters of the earth at one time, unto this day. Which he might have said without all peradventure. As for the present, where will the Romanists found in all the East any constituted visible Church, which they will esteem Catholic? He that walked among the seven golden * Reu. 1. 13. Candlesticks, can remove the Churches at his good pleasure. Wherefore the Cardinal his consequence maketh no more against Protestants in the North, than it doth against the Romanists, in the West, or rather much less, as (for of the d The Luciferians (Hieron. Tom. 2. Dial. cont. Lucifer. post med.) are thus noted: Et ubi, quae●o, sunt isti nimium religiosiamò nimium propham, qui plures synagogue as asserunt esse, quàm Ecclesias? quomodo destructae sunt Diaboli ciustates: & in fine, hoc est, in teculo●un consummatione, ●●lola corruerunt? Si Ecclesia non habet Christus, aut si in Sardinia tantùm habet, nimium pauper factus est. Their Sardinia, and the Donatists' Africa ma● match together, who both contradicted the Scriptures, which were fulfilled in the calling of the whole world unto the faith, and by establishing Churches unto the faith in every part of the earth, which Protestants do teach and believe. But that which the Protestants say of a few professors, they apply only to the prophesied time of defection from the faith. Lucifertans we need not inquire) will be made manifest, showing That the Romanists are hanckled in one link of the heresy of the foresaid Donatists'. SECT. 5. 8 Although our Adversaries will have the Catholic Church herein distinguished from the jewish Synagogue, because the law was particularly tread unto the jews, & unto one place: and also from the Donatists', who acknowledged no Church but in one place: yet as the Donatists' held Africa so privileged, that the Church should always continued there; so do our Adversaries challenge a prerogative for Rome, that * See hereafter about the latter end. the Pope of Rome cannot err in faith; that the * See above: which, as the Donatists', they found upon allegorical expositions of Scripture. Church of Rome is the Catholic Church, mentioning it sometime in their Creed: that the * See above: which, worse than Donatists', they maintain without all care of Scripture. city of Rome is the Apostolical seat, which cannot be translated. In which respect there is more accordance of Donatists' with the Romanists, than with any other sect at this day. Notwithstanding in the most opposite order amongst our adversaries, there is one found to yield consent unto Arethas, Ambrose, and other Authors, who taught, that e I●lud etiam dicendum videtur cum Aretha, Primasio, Ambrosio, Ausberto Haymon●, & alijs hoc loco, idololatriam, eius urbis s●gnificari, defecturamue esse Romam à fide, atque adeò futuram habitationem Daemoniorum, & omnis spiritus immundi, & volucris immundae ob execranda flagitia, idololatriaeue superstitionem, quae tunc temporis in Romana civitate, Romanoque Imperio late grassabitur. Viega Ies. in Apoc. 17. come. 1. Sect. 4. pag. 772. the city of Rome shall departed from the faith, and become an inhabitation of devils, and of every unclean spirit, because of the horrible wickedness and idolatry, which shall be therein. Thus as the Donatists', in zeal unto Martyrdom, did kill themselves: so our Adversaries, in their greediness to accuse others of Donatisme, are become apparently obnoxious in the same guilt. CHAP. XU. THE ROMISH APOLOGY: By a Conclusion. And which is most, not so much as any one Catholic Father of the said times being known, to have but defended or excused any one of the said persons so condemned, in their denial of any one of our foresaid recited several doctrines. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By way of Conclusion. SECT. 1. OR, which is more, seeing that Protestants are proved to gainsay the Aërians in the question of a See about cap. 1. set-fasts; the jovinians in the b Cap. 2. prayers of Saints for us, and difference of good works, and their rewards, which they call c Cap. 11. and the point of Virginity, cap. 9 Merits; the Manichees in man's d Cap. 6. freewill before his fall, & in the e Ibidem, Sect. 3 power of Baptism: the novatians in the f Cap. 5. power of remission of sin after Baptism; the Anthropomorphites in some kind of g Cap. 8. reservation of the Sacrament; the Vigilantians in the h Cap. 9 marriage of Priests: all which notwithstanding, our Adversaries lay to their charge: 2 Or (which is yet more,) seeing that diverse accusations are brought in the name of heresies, which are justified by Antiquity; as the denial of i Cap 3. Add Relics, cap. 2. Sect. 3 worshipping of images; the denial of that, which is in the Romish Church the perfectest kind of k Cap. 4. Monastical poverty; the denial of the constrained l Cap. 9 single life of Priests; the denial of the absolute m Cap. 12. possibility of keeping the law in this life: and (which exceedeth them both) seeing that in the Romish Church there is found a greater affinity unto some of the objected heretics: yea and (which is most of all) almost all these confirmed by the testimonies and consequences of their own Doctors; we are taught, more firmly and jointly to adhere unto our now professed religion, and to adore and magnify therein the power of truth. CHAP. XVI. An answer unto other Romish Accusations, which are commonly cast upon Protestants, by other their Romish Adversaries. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. (To omit sundry other.) THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. AS though there were yet sundry other heresies defended by Protestants, which the Apologizers thought good to omit. We cannot be persuaded that they do this in favour of Protestants; for how will they surcease to press and sting them with sundry other true Accusations (if they had any such) whom they have already so greatly injuried with so sundry false ones? or that they omit them in their desire to * See above often avoid tediousness, who by multiplicity of repetitions have been, and still continued to be so superstitiously superfluous? We rather attribute it unto their art of Rhetoric, whereby they will seem to pass over other the like errors, as evidently proved by others; which they themselves do therefore omit, because they cannot prove them. 2 Therefore have we recalled this their Parenthesis (to omit etc.) back again, because it engendereth a black suspicion of sundry other heresies, which they might have alleged from their Cardinal Bellarmine, of whom they borrowed almost all their former exceptions, which they have not spared to relate at large. Now it will please the Apologists to stand aside a little, and to give place unto their fellows, and suffer them to prosecute such their other Accusations, which they themselves have so artificially omitted. The first Accusation in the question of sola fides, from the example of three kinds of ancient Heretics, Simonians, Eunomians, and a nameless third, more ancient than them both. THE ROMISH ACCUSERS. First, a Simonianis docebant, salvari homines secundùm gratiam Simonis; quem Deum faciebant: & non secundùm operas iustas, inquit Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 20. The Simonian Heretics thought that they might be saved by the grace of Simon Magus, without exercising of any good works. Secondly, b Eunomiani similiter docebant non posse homini ulla peccata nocere, modò fidem habeat, ut Augustinus testatur, lib. de haeres. c. 54. At haec eadem est sententia omnium Sectariorum huius temporis, dum dicunt opera bona esse necessaria, tanquam effectus fidei, tamen adhuc haerent in codem errore: nam etiam posit● istâ necessitate, docent opera non mereri ullo modo vitam aeternam, etiamsi Deus earequirat, tanquam testimonia fidei. Haec autem erat impijssima haeresis Simonis, qui dicebat hominem salvari per gratiam, non per operas iustas. Bellar. l. 4. de not is Eccles. c. 9 §. Simonianis. Anon hîc reviuiscere videtur in Luthero Simonis haeresis? Hae● Lindanus. Prateolus Elench. Haeres. Tit. Simonianis. The Eunomians likewise taught that no sins can hurt a man, if he have faith: which is the doctrine of Luther, and of all the sectaries of these days. Thirdly, c Augustinus etiam lib. de fide & operib. c. 14. dicit, hanc haeres●n de sola fide sufficient ad salutem, sine operibus, ortam esse tempore Apostolorum, ex non intellecto Paulo: & propterea co●●ra h●nc haeresin stylum praecipue direxitle alios Apostolos in suis Epistolis, id est, Petrum, johannem, jacobum, & judam. Bellar. ibid. Haec enim certe ps●ss● ma est Lutheranae doctrinae sententia, ad salutem & justificationem nihil facere bona opera quaecunque, solam sidem ●ufficere. Sta●leton lib. 8. the justific. c. 1. pag. 244. & Feuardentius comment. in jac. 2. pag. 254. The Rhemish Translators in their last ●diti●n, pag. 379. This heresy of the sufficiency of faith unto salvation, without works, was likewise broached in the days of the Apostles: and is the same with the doctrine of the Protestants. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 2. 3 Leave the affinity of words, and examine the matter, and then will Protestants be discharged from the main guilt of the Simonians & Eunomians, by the testimony of their great and vehement Adversary, D. Stapleton, through a double difference, both in the acception of the word, faith, and the adjunct, only. For a Fidei nomine doctrinam fidei Funomius intellexit: Lutherus verò specialem fidem, seu fiduciam, ut postcá explicabitur. Deinde quia opera in universum reiecisse videtur: Lutherus verò non vult fidem suam esse ociosam, sed hominem Christianum, etsi omnibus legibus solutum, tamen liberè omnia facere, & omnibus esse subiectum. Affinis quoque huic Luther anae doctrinae erat illa vetustiss. Simonis Magi haeresis, qui suos docuit, nec Prophetas attendere, nec legis minas pertimescere, sed tanquam liberos facere quae volverunt; non enim per bonas actiones, sed per gratiam eos salutem consequtituros, ut con mem. Theodor. hae●ct. fab. lib. 1.— Quanquam sanè & in hac haeresi duplex illa differentia supradicta locum fortassis habere potest. Stapleton. de justis. lib. 8. c. 1. sub initium. Fuit haec olim haeresis antiqua Eunomij, ut refert August. lib de haeres. c. 59 qu●muis aliquantò diversa: affirmavit enim sidem sufficere ad salutem, quamuis mala opera adessent. At nostri tempotis haeretici sufficere sidem ad salutem asserunt, negant tamen sine bonis operibus esse posse. Tolet. Ies. & Card. comm. in job. 15. annot. 6. pag. 150. the faith (saith he) which those heretics taught, was the doctrine of faith: but the faith held by Luther, is a special confidence, namely in God's mercies through Christ. Secondly, the heretics maintained that saith to be sufficient to salvation, which rejected all care of good works: but our heretics (saith he, meaning Protestants) teach such a faith, which they say, cannot be alone, or voided of good works. 4 The difference thus standeth, that the heretics understood by faith, only the doctrine of faith, to know it; but the Protestants preach a faith, which is a full affiance in the mercy of God, through Christ jesus, unto every faithful repentant; which difference is as much, as the knowing of Physic, and applying it. Secondly, the heretics broached a saith, which contemneth all good works; and the Protestants profess a saith, which cannot but embrace good works. We may add, the faith of the Simonians depended upon the * Confessed by Bellarm. above in the Accusation, letter. a. grace of Simon Magus, a conjuror, whom his disciples adored for b Statue illi erat cum hac inscriptione, Simoni Deo sancto: atque ita Simon ille tanquam Deus apud Sama●tanoss & alias nationes colitur. Prat●olus de haeres. Tit. Simonianis. a God; ind the Protestants faith is interested only in Christ, the eternal son of God. Therefore the distance between the objected heretics and Protestants, is no less than is the faith of c jac. 219. The devils believe and tremble. For they have not the faith of application. devils, and the faith of the adopted d Gal. 4. 6. He hath sent the spirit of his Son into your heart, crying Abba Pater. children of God; than there is between a e jac. 2. dead, and a living faith; or between that Simon, a damnable f Act. 8. Magician, and Christ, the mighty God and Saviour of the world. How then can this be held for Christian dealing in the Romanists, thus odiously to upbraid Protestants with the heresy of the Simonians? Now followeth An answer unto the next point: by the testimonies of learned Romanists. SECT. 3. 5 Concerning the opinion of the Eunomians and other heretics (who lived in the days of the Apostles) the Apostle S. Paul hath remembered their faith and presumption of grace by this their graceless position, * Rom. 6. 1. Let us continued in sin, that grace may abound: this is a poisonful faith, which conceiveth a purpose of continuance in sin. Thrice damned be the Protestants, if they teach such a faith; yea or if they do not utterly condemn it: and excusable be their accusers, if they prove their accusation; yea and if they do not also disprove it, who acknowledge concerning Protestants, that they profess only such a justifying faith, a Denique omnes ad unum Protestants docent, fidem, quae justificat, esse vivam & operantem fidem per charitatem, aliaue bona opera: non some mamus, (ait calvinus) sidem bonis operibus vacuam, aut justificationem, quae sine ijs constet. Instit. l. 3. c. 16. §. 1. Stapleton. l. 9 de Certitud. Grat. c. 7. pag. 335. which is living, and working by love. Which although by the act b johannes calvinus in Antidoto Conc. and can. 11. Sess. 6. Sola (inquit) fides est, quae justificat, fides tamen, quae justificat, non sola est: sicut calor Solis solus est, qui terram calefacit, ipse tamen calor non est solus in Sole, sed cum splendore. Idem docent Philippus tum in locis, tum in Apologia confess. Brentius in catechiss. Kemnitius exam. Conc. & alij. Bellar. l. 1. de justif. c. 14 §. joh●nn●s. Aduersarij eligunt illud secundum, earitatem, viz. ideo inseparabilem esse à fide, quòd necessariò sequitur fidem: s●d exemplis persuadere nituntur, quod solidis rationibus probate non poslunt. Lutherus enim praes. in ep. ad Rom. dicit, fidem similem esse igni, qui si non luceat & ardeat, non est ignis: ita fidem rem esse vivam, actuosam, efficacem, quae semper necessariò operatur. Idem ibid. c. 15. §. Aduersarij. It justifieth alone, yet is it no more alone, than the heat of the Sun, which alone warmeth the earth, is severed from light: or that c calvinus l. 3. Inst. c. 2. §. 9 comparat fidem & charitatem cum Christo, & Spiritu sancto: nam quomodo fieri nequit ut Christus separetur à Spiritu sancto, ita fieri non posse dicit, ut fides separetur â dilectione, quoniam fides intuetur & recipit Christum, sed cùm spiritu iustificationis & dilectionis. Idem ibid. §. Calumus. Christ is disjoined from his spirit: or than d Lutherus ait se scire, fidem sine spe & dilectione non existere, nec unquam esse solam: & vult fidem solam tanquam manum admoveri ad promissiones accipiendas. Sanderus de justif. lib 4. cap. 4. pag. 469. an hand (when alone it apprehendeth any thing) is separated from the body; so faith the only faculty of the soul, taking hold of the promise of God in Christ, cannot be divorced from love. They e Haec & similia testimonia mani●estè significant, requiri aliquid in nobis ut iustificemur: neque Aduersarij hoc negare possunt, qui tametsi dicant remissionem non pendere à conditione operum, neque poenitentiam, aut fidem, aut ullum actum nostrum esse causam aut meritum iustificationis; tamen non negant requiri sidem & poenitentiam, & fidem vivam, & poenitentiam seriam, & sine his neminem justificari. Bellar. l. 3. de justif. c. 6. §. Haec. require (as is further confessed) a living faith, and a serious repentance, without which no man can be justified. So that the Romish accusers, in oppugning the professed faith of Protestants, appear to have been both false and faithless. 6 Nevertheless it sufficeth us not to know that the Protestants doctrine of faith is no heresy, except we found it also a tried and a saving truth, yea and the destinate shield of man's soul in his greatest conflict with Satan: This the sundry examples of the * See above l. 2. c. 11. §. 5. & l. 1. c. 2. § 11. ancient Fathers, the profession of the elder * See above l. 4 c. 24. Roman Church, the assent of diverse late * See above l. 2. c. 11. §. 7. 8. Romanists have confirmed unto us, which (among other) Albertus Pighius (their select champion for dispute against protestāns) defendeth as precisely and expressly as any Protestant, even in his book, by him didicated unto the then Pope Paulus the third. 7 Yet understand (good Reader) that as a ring of gold, wherein there is enclosed a precious stone of some singular virtue to cure thy disease, thou usest to say the ring doth cure thy grief, yet not of it own virtue, although it be of gold, but by the power of the precious stone, which it contains: so say we that faith justifieth, but not by any merit, or worthiness in itself, although it be the gift of God, and a virtue theological; but by the power and virtue of Christ his precious merit of redemption, the object which it claspeth and apprehendeth. f Controversiarun praecipuarum in Comitijs Ratisbonensibus dilucida explicatio. Beatissimo in Christo Patri Paulo eius nominis tertio. Edita Parisijs anno 1549. See his testimony cited above, cap 12. Sect. 3. d. and more fully see in his book now named controvers. 2. de justify. CHAP. XVII. Of the second and third Romish Accusations, concerning the Author of sin: the one from the Florini. THE ROMISH ACCUSERS. a Florini haeresis fuit, Deum esse causam pec catorum.— Eandem sine ullo pudore docet calvinus Inst. l. 1. c. 18. c. 2. Non solùm permissu, inquit, sed etiam voluntate Dei homines peccant, ita ut nihil ipsi deliberando agitent, nisi quod Deu● apud se decreverit, & arcanâ directione constituit. Et l. 3. c. 23. §. 24. Bellar. l. 4. d● notis Eccles. c. 9 §. Deinde. Eandem restaurârunt Caluiniani & Lutherani Feuardent. come. in jac. 1. And Campian. Ies. Rat. 8. pag. 59 And Coccius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 8. art. 3. The heresy of the Florini was to make God the cause of sin: the which is the doctrine of Protestants, in teaching that God did not only permit sin. b Ongenis haeresis fuit, perdidisse Adamum imaginem Dei, ad quam creatus fuerat: testis est Epiphanius haeres. 64. Idem docet calvinus lib. 2. Instit. cap. 1. §. 5. Per peccatum, inquit, primi hominis obliterata est coelestis imago. Bellar. de notis Eccles. c. 9 §. Origenis. De homine quid? Imago Dei penitus in homine deleta est, nullâ boni scintillà superstite. Campianus Ies. Rat. 8. pag. 59 Origen taught that man lost the image of God, wherein he was created, which heresy Caluine taught, saying, that the image of God was blotted out of man by sin. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 1. SAint Augustine hath set down the express heresy of the a Florini dicebant Deum creâsse mala; contra quod scriptum est, fecit Deus omnia, & ecce valdè bona. Aug. de hares Tom. 6 hares. 66. Florini; who said (saith he) that God created evil, contrary unto Scripture, where it is written, God saw all that he had made, and behold all was very good. Did ever any Protestant deliver such a blasphemy, so much as in a dream? 2 Master Caluine, who is most impugned in this point, teacheth his Reader to avoid the iniquity of those men, b jacobus peccatorum authorem meritò Deum esse negat; admonitio necessaria, ne nos Deum loco nostro substituamus, acsi nos. ipse ad peccandum impelleret. Summa est, frustra tergiversari homines, qui vitiorum suorum culpam reijciunt in Deum, quia non ex alio font proveniunt mala, quàm ex mala cuinsque cordis concupiscentia calvinus comm. in jac. 1. Deus tentat neminem, jac. 1. Loq●itur de internis tentationibus, quae nihil aliud sunt, quàm inordinati appetitus: illorum authorem meritò Deum esse negat, quoniam ex carnis nostrae corruption manant. Idem come. in jac. 1. 13. who make God the cause of their sins, seeing that (as S. james teacheth) there is no other fountain of sin in man, except the evil concupiscence of his own heart. As for c Obdurare corda multi ad permissionem reijciunt. calvinus loco citato. his opinion of induration of the heart of the ungodly, by a more than permission of God, through his just power and providence, it * See above lib. 3. cap. 6. hath been justified from the judgement of S. Augustine, by the testimonies of their own jesuits Pererius and Suarez. Neither was his doctrine of eternal decree such as can justly prejudice God's justice, the conclusion whereof is this: d Sed nos, qui novimus cunctos homines tot nominibus Dei tribunali obnoxios, ut de mill interrogati, ne in uno quidem satisfacere possint, confitemur nihil pati reprobos, quod non iustissimo Dei judicio conveniat. calvinus Instit. l. 3. c. 24. §. 14. We confess that the reprobates suffer nothing, which is not agreeable and consonant unto the most just judgement of God. Which might be manifested, if that this Section would admit any large dispute. It will be sufficient for our present discharge to know that these most fierce and opposite Accusers could not produce any one Protestant, who did not abhor to impute the cause of sin unto God: unto whose judgement we refer this their accusation, and the authors thereof. Now we adjoin An answer unto the third Accusation: justifying Origen, by the testimonies of the Romanists. SECT. 2. 3 The saying of Origen is not altogether so heretical, but that their own Alphonsus can reconcile it with a Catholic truth: for a Imprimis illud mihi dubium est. an Origenes senserit hominem per peceatum aliquid de sua substantia perdidisse, an solùm qualitates animae aliquas, vel ut sub al●is verbis dicam, an imaginem perdiderit, an solam similitudivem. Nam Victorinus Afer— ait: Aliud igitur est juxta imaginem esse, quod quidem substantia est; aliud autem juxta similitudinem esse, quod non est substantia, sed in substantia nomen qualitatis declaratiwm. Alphonsus de Castro cont. haeres lib. 2. Tit. Adam. pag. 43. Si ergo Origenes dicat, Adam post peccatum perdidisse Dei imaginem, accepto imaginis nomine juxta ●am, quam praediximus significationem, ut imago in natura consistat: manifestus est error, iusteue eum ob hanc causam accusat ●piphanius. Ibidem. Quodsi fort ita Origenes cepit Imaginis nomen, ut imaginem pro similitudine usurpaverit, quis non videt ibi nullam esse haeresis suspicionem? Idem quo supra, pag. 45. Image (saith he) may be taken either for an essential property, or for some quality. In the first acception of the word Image, the doctrine of Origen is manifestly erroneous; in the second sense it is free from suspicion of heresy. So that Origen might possibly have had an orthodoxal meaning; which their jesuite Vasquez doth resolve more directly, who (jest that S. Augustine might incur the same condemnation with Origen) doth acquit them both, by distinguishing of the Image of God in man; b Verùm quia ex hoc loco Augustini videtur saltem colligi, aliquid illius imaginis amissum fuisse, respondeo similitudinem & imaginem Dei aliam esse naturaliter impressam in intellectu, nempe memoriam & voluntatem, & huius nihil minui intrinsece, sed tantùm extrinsecè, & ideo nunquam omninò deleri, quantumuis extrinsecè minuatur: aliam verò esse similitudinem & imaginem Dei, homini per gratiam & caritatem expressam: his enim qualitatibus similes Deo efficimur, quia justi etiam apud ipsum constituimu●; & haec omninò amittitur per peccatum, & de hac intelligendi sunt Origenes & Augustinus lib. illo 6. Vasquez Ies. Tom. 1. in Thom. disp. 137. cap. 4. pag. 897. num. 14. which may signify (saith he) either the natural impression, which God made in the intellectual part of man, as namely his will and memory, which cannot be altogether extinguished: or else some spiritual quality of grace, as love and justice, whereby man hath a likeness of God; which mage of God, man utterly lost by his sin: according to the which sense (saith he) we are to expound S. Augustine and Origen. 4 Besides this witness, their jesuite Maldonate hath observed c Et ibi dissipavit substantiam suam vivendo luxuriosè.) Neque hic quae rendum esse puto, quae sit illa substantia, quam iste adolescens intemperanter vivendo dissipavit: est enim descriptio, ut saepè diximus, maximè perditi, & nepotis adolescentis; qui nihil aliud quàm hominem significat maxiniè peccatorem▪ Solent plerique substantiam, quam dissipavit, liberum arbitrium, caeterasue naturales sacultates interpretari. Sic August. Beda, & Euthym. & Bernardus in serm▪ de divers. astect. animae. Quod e●si ●ano ab illis sensu dictum est, nolim equidem dicere, ne quis existimet per peccatum perire liberum arbitrium, quod novi dicunt haeretici. Augustine, Bede, Euthymius, and Bernard, to say, that Man by sin lost his free will, and his natural faculties; which speeches, he granteth, might be spoken of them with a sound judgement. And unto the wasting of the Image of God, he answereth, that d Alij per eam substantiae partem, quam accepit quamue dissipavit imaginem ac similitudinem Dei signari putant, Ambros. in comment.— Quodsi imaginem Dei non naturam ipsam, sed morum conformationem appellant, quemadmodum multi veteres Authores, & D. Paulus appellare solet. etc. 1. Cor. 15. Maldonat. Ies. come. in Luc. 15. 13. pag. 296. if by Image be not meant nature itself, but the Man's conformity unto godliness, as many ancient Authors (amongst whom he nameth S. Ambrose) understood it, it may be allowed. Now followeth A justification of Caluine: by the testimonies of our Romish Adversaries. SECT. 3. 5 After this their so exact discussing of the sentences of so many, and so ancient Fathers by our learned Adversaries, they may vouchsafe M. Caluine audience, who is the only party whom they have cited by name. His answer will not be long: a Postqu●m ergo in co obliterata fuit coelestis imago, no● solus sustinuit hanc poenam, ut in locum sapientiae, virtutis, sanctitatis, veritatis, justitiae, (quibus ornamentis vestitus fuerat) teterrimae succederent pests, caecitas, impotentia, impuritas, vanitas, iniustitia. Calvin. Inst. l 2. c. 1. §. ●. The heavenly Image of God (saith he) was quite blotted out, when in the place of wisdom, virtue, truth, justice, and such like ornaments, there succeeded blindness, impotency, injustice, vanity. Thus than we see that by Image of God, he understandeth only virtuous qualities, whilst he saith, that the Image of God is blotted out: but elsewhere taking the Image of God for the natural and essential properties, b uno ergo verbo poenitentiam interpreter regenerationem, cuius non est alius scopus, nisi ut imago Dei, quae per Adae transgressionem foedata, & tantùm non obliterata fuerat, in nobis reformetur. Caluini● Inst. lib. 3. cap. 3. §. 9 The Image of God (saith he) was blemished, but not blotted out, or extinguished. 6 Mark now: Origen spoke doubtfully, and their jesuits acquit him by interpreting that by Image he meant not any essential property, but virtuous qualities. Here Caluine speaketh not doubtfully, but expressly, interpreting himself, that by the Image of God in man, he meant but only virtuous qualities; and he remaineth in their censure condemned. But either must Caluine be justified, or else the ancient Fathers (such as were Augustine, Ambrose, Bede, Euthymius, Bernard, and other Fathers, together with Alphonsus, Vasques, Maldonate, the Romish Doctors and moderators of this cause) must together with Caluine be with him jointly condemned. Happy is Caluins' case, who hath no accusers but such as can in their conscience acquit him. Miserable are those accusers, whose accusation is thus inexcusable. CHAP. XVIII. The fourth and fift Accusations: the first in the matter of women's Ecclesiastical function: in the example of the Peputian heretics. THE ROMISH ACCUSERS. First, a Peputiani haeretici, ut a●t August. de haeres. c. 27. tantum daunt mulieribu● principatum, ut Sacerdotio quoque apud eos honorentur. Lutherus Art 13. ex ijs quos Leo 10. damnavit, dicit. in Sacramento poenitentiae aequè absoluere posse mulierem vel puerum, atque Episcopum, vel Papam. Et iam re ipsâ Caluinistis in Anglia mulier quaedam est summus Pontifex, Bellar. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. c 9 §. 4. Peputiani. This latter is also the slander of Sanders, de clavibus David. lib. 6. the heretics called Peputians, gave unto women a government, only that they might be honoured in the office of Priestdome: such like is the article of Luther, who taught that a woman, or boy might absolve as well as a Bishop, or the Pope himself. And the Caluinists in England are not unlike; among whom there reigneth a woman Pope. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the confessions of their Adversaries. SECT. 1. LVther his meaning is rightly conceived by their own Bishop Roffensis, to wit; when either man or woman shall comfort any penitent soul with the words of the Gospel, & the contrite party believeth, he findeth remission of his sins; b At huius assertionis Lutherus sumit ansam, quòd ex proximè superiori se collegisse putat, totam vim delendae culpae non in Ministro, sed in fide credentis sitam esse: & non potestati Ministrorum, sed fidei (qua in Dei verbum credimus) remissionis effectum esse tribuendum: quamobrem & iam adijcit, quòd etiamsi mulier aut puer haec verba proferat, peccator haec audience, & credens, protinùs absolutus est. Roffensis Episc. art. 13. fol. 134. Not by any power of the man or woman, but by the virtue of the Gospel, which is the power of God unto salvation; this begetteth no confusion in the Ministry: but as when it shall happen in any man's disease, that a woman doth tell what herb she hath found to be a sovereign remedy for that disease, which the party doth use with success, she is not thereby made a Physician: accordingly a faithful devout penitent by the words of grace may receive comfort, & hope of remission, even from the mouth of any Christian, whom notwithstanding he doth not acknowledge to be a professed Minister, or his official Absoluer. 2 As for that Lady-Queene Elizabeth, and Queen of Ladies, what Priestly function did she ever exercise? Only she commanded the tribe of Levi to perform their offices with faithfulness, according to her charge, whereof she was to give account unto God; for it is Regal. In other duties which are as merely Ecclesiastical, as is preaching of the Word, or ministering of the Sacraments, she was as absolutely no Priest, as was her renowned sister Queen Mary, whom the Romish always honoured with the title of Catholic. Happy therefore is the memory of that our Queen, whom the very malignance of rancorous slanderers doth daily make more glorious. See now The Accusation returned upon the Romanists. SECT. 2. 3 These Accusers, who call all women's ministry heretical, who, & from whence are they, & against whondo they so bitterly inveigh? First, they contend against Protestants, by whom they themselves are condemned of the same ancient heresy, from the testimony of Epiphanius & Tertullian, for not only permitting, but also commanding their a Novam enim baeresin calvinus excogitavit lib. 4. Inst. c. 15. §. 20. 21. 22. ubi docet, nec in extrema quidé necessitate licere baptizare ijs, qui non sunt ordinarij Ecclesiae Ministri ad hoc ipsum vocati, & ordinati. Bellar. lib. 1. de Bapt. c. 7. initio. Quratò obijcit Tertullianum & Epiphanium, quorum ille in lib. de Virgimbus velandis: non permittitur, inquit, mulier in Ecclesia loqui▪ sed nec docere, nec tingere, nec offer. etc. Bellar. ibid. §. Quartò obijcit. women to baptise. Secondly, these are they who excuse this, by saying, that b Mulieres apud nos baptizate in casu necessitatis, & ex permissione, non ex officio. Bellar. l. 1. de Sacram, ingenere. cap. 25. §. Alterum. it is done not as by office, but in case of necessity. And whereas there are but two Ecclesiastical keys of the Church, the one of c Apud omnes illud ratum & indubitatum habetur, ex ipso iure divino, foeminam clavis Ordinis esse prorsus incapacem: at in clavi Iurisdict onis haesitant. Stephanus D'Aluin de Abbot. & Abbatiss. cap. 2. num. 2. pag. 5. Order, & the other of jurisdiction, these are they who do yield the d Ergo ex iure huius capitis Abbatissa jurisdictionem Ecclesiasti●am habere potest, cui obedientiam & reverentiam exhiberi, & deserri praecepit: unde meritò Panormitanus notat ex citato textu, quòd Abbatissa est capax jurisdictionis spiritualis, & quòd jurisdictionem ipsam exercere potest in suas Moniales. Idem ibid. cap 2. num. 3. p. 6. key of Ecclesiastical & spiritual iurisdicntion unto Abbatisses (women:) who (say they) may ex ercise the same iurisdicntion not only over Nuns in their own Covents, but (by a e In clericos autem seculares non simplicitèr, sed de iure speciali, ut nimirum si habeat Ecclesias aut Capellas ex privilegio exemptionis Apostol. co, vel praescriptione pleno iure subiectas. Ibid. num. 4. spiritual privilege from the Pope) over some Clergy men also; even so far as f Excommunicatio (ait) non est actus clavis directè, sed magis exterioris judicij.— Secundùm hoc à quibu●dam distinguitur, quòd est clavis Ordinis, quam habent omnes Sacerdotes, & clavis jurisdictionis in foro iudiciali, quam habent soli judices exterioris fori: utrumque Christus contulit Petro. Proindè omnis habens jurisdictionem Ecclesiasticam, etsi non habeat clavem Ordinis, potest excommunicare, ex Divo Thomâ. Ibid cap. 3 num. 12. pag. 15. & 16. Ob praedicta ex D. Thoma collecta, concludit Navarrus, foeminam ex privilegio posse etiam excommunicate. Stephanus d'Aluin ibid. cap. 3. num. 13 pag. 16. judicially to excommunicate some parties in the exterior court. Thirdly, these Accusers are from Rome, where there was sometime (as is confessed of some indeed) a g Muliet vocata lohannes octaws— duos annos rexit sedem Apostolicam,— sacros Ordines contulit, Episcopos promovit, ministravit Sacramenta, & eaetera Pontificum Rom. munera exercuit, etc. Agrippa de Vani● scient. cap. 62. De sectis Monast. The Romanists seek to elude this story, especially Cardinal Bellarm. to whom we oppose the answer of D. Whittaker from the testimonies of Martinus Polonus the Pope's Confessor, besides Marianus Scotus, Sigebert, Sabellicus, Antoninus, Chronica Chronicorum, Matthaeus Palmerius, Theodoricus Niemus, Volaterranus, Boccacius, Nauclerus, Fasciculus temporum, Compilatio Chronologica: and satisfying other objections, Whittaker. de Rom. Pont. Quaest. 5. pag. 719. woman Pope, conferring sacred Orders, and ministering the Sacraments. Are not then these singular Accusers, who object unto others that error, which upon due examination redoundeth unto their own double shame, both by a misconstruction of others, and by their own transgression? There followeth A second Accusation, concerning sin in the regenerate; from the heresy of Proculus, and of the Messalians. THE ROMISH ACCUSERS. a Proclus haereticus apud Epiphan. haeres. 64. dicebat peccatum in renatis semper vivere: concupiscentiam enim verè esse peccatum, nec tolli per Baptismum, sed sopiri per fidem▪ quod idem ●osteà docuerunt Messaliam haeretici apud Theod l. 4. de haeret. fab. Haec est ipsissima sententia Lutheri art. 2 & 31. atque in assertiombus corundem articulorum. item Philippi in Loc. commumb. cap. de Peccato originis, & Calvin. lib. 4. Instit. c. 15. §. 10. Bellar. l. 4. de not is Eccles. cap. 9 §. 5. Proclus. The heretic Proculus or Proclus did say, that sin did live in the regencrate, and thought concupiscence to be a sin, not taken away by Baptism, as did the Messaliani. Which is the very doctrine of Luther, Caluine, and Melancthon. THE JUSTIFICATION OF PROTESTANTS: By the evidence of the alleged Authors, and the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 3. 4 The question in Epiphanius is not whether concupiscence be a sin, or absolutely whether it live in the regenerate, but whether it live that life of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, of a King: for as long as it doth not domineer, it is said to be mortified, and not to live, as the words of b The words of Proculus or Proclus are these: Peccatum in nobis vivit And again, Ne haberet homo malum immortal peccatum praedominans. Apud Epiphan. haeres. 64. and M●thodius confuting him, saith: Proclus, and the answer of c Si talis est natura carnis, ut legi Dei subijci nequeat quomodo Paulus hortatur, Non regnet peccatum. etc.— Non paret scortationi, delicijs; omne enim peccati studium per carnem (intelligit corpus) consummationem acquirit.— Lex spiritus vitae per Christum penitùs peccatum regnans in carne vicit. Apud Epiphan. ibid. Methodius in his confutation do plainly show, arguing thus: If this be the nature of flesh, that it cannot be subjecteth unto the spirit, why doth the Apostle thus exhort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. Let not sin reign in your mortal bodies to bring forth the lusts thereof; and again, the spirit of life by Christ hath altogether overcome that reigning sin? And we know that the Apostle, who will not have sin to be a King to * Rome 6. reign, doth notwithstanding acknowledge it to remain as a rebel in the regenerate, * Rom. 7. 23. a cording to the Rhemists Transt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, rebelling against the law of the mind. Therefore may we think that the Accuser was but (as S. Jerome speaketh) Oculus sinè pupilla, when he read the heresy of Proculus, & mistook the state of the question. 5 Now the heresy being thus, we covet to know first, when sin may be said to reign, and whether Protestants hold the heretical opinion: in both which we can desire no better Author to guy us satisfaction, than is their now professed Accuser. d Non regnet peccatum, etc. Rome 6. Nomine peccati, omnium consen'u, Concupiscentia accipienda est: quae quidem tum metaphoricè regna●e, & imperare dicitur▪ cum ardentiùs incitata consensum voluntatis extorovet. Bellar. l. 5. de amiss Grat. cap. 3. §. Simlis tropus Rome 6. Non ergo regnet peccatum, etc. Itaque deponere peccatum est, non acquiescere concupiscentijs eius, non obedite illi, ita enim illud vincimus & indies minu●●nus. Ribera Ics. come. in Heb. c. 12. 3. pag. 603. Sin (saith he) is said to reign, when it draweth a man to consent unto evil: and Protestants, as namely, Luther Caluine, and Melancthon, e Obijciunt Luther. Calvin. & Melancthon, & alij, Rom. 6. Non regnet peccatum in vestro mortali corpore. Non ait Apostolus, Non sit peccatum in vestro mortal corpore, sed non regnet. ut notavit etiam S. Augustinus tract. 41. in loh. Igitur semper est in nobis peccatum, licet non semper regnet. Loquitur etiam Apostolus de concupiscentia, ut pater ex seqq. ad obediendum concupisceutijs eius; Concupiscentia igitur semper in nobis, & semper peccatum est. Bellar. l. 5. de amiss. Grat. c. 10. §. Prima. do object (saith he) that the Apostle showeth concupiscence to be a sin in the regenerate, but yet that it reigneth not in them. Thus are Protestants delivered from the heresy of Proclus. In the next place we prove, That Concupiscence is a sin in the regenerate. SECT. 4. 6 Our Adversaries cannot be offended to hear, that concupiscence doth live in the regenerate: but that which they call heresy, is to affirm, that concupiscence is a sin in persons regenerate. Which we say, was not the heresy either of a Of Proclus we have heard: now of the Messalians. Proclus, or of the b Dicunt Massiliani, Baptisma nihil iware eos, qui ad eos acce. dunt. Theodan the place objected. But the Protestants have been acknowledged to contesse, that 〈◊〉 baptism grace is conferred: as for the●r radere peccato, non tollere, if they understood sin, materially, then are our adversaries no less heretics, who have granted that concupiscence materially taken, is still a sin in the regenerate: if by sin they meant the guilt, or obligation of deb●, then are Protestants no Massilianists, who grant that it is not imputed unto the regenerate. Messalians. Neither yet is it indeed an heresy either in words or in sense. 1. of the first. 7 When the Apostle said, Rom. 6. Let not sin reign in your mortal bodies: * See above, letter. d. by sin (saith their Cardinal Bellarmine) all men understand concupiscence: and S. Augustine observeth, that * See ibid. at the letter. e. the Apostle did not exhort them that sin should not be in them, but that it should not reign in them. When again the same Apostle saith, Heb. 12. Casting off the sin that compasseth us about etc. c Deponens circumstans peccatum, Heb. 12. Hoc etiam non praetereundum: Non simpliciter dixit, Peccatum; sed cum articulo, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quia concupi●c●ntiam carnis adversus spiritum intelligit, quam cum articulo appellare peccatum solet, Rom. 7, & 8. multis in locis Hoc ergo nunc dicere arbitror Paulum, quod alijs verbis dixit Rom. 6. Non regnet, etc. Ribera Ies. comment. in Heb. 12. 3 pag▪ 603. it is to be noted (saith their jesuite Ribera) that by sin the Apostle understandeth concupiscence, calling it so with an article, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, The sin, a note of singularity. The words than are not heretical, but Apostolical. We come to the sense. 8 Sin is taken either materially, or formally; the Romanists hold concupiscence to be sin in the * first meaning, because it is not voluntary: the Protestants hold the second, because it is still a transgression of a commandment. Which is thus proved, first by reason: d Fatemur concupiscentiam esse quandam iniquitatem, & obliquitatem, non solùm contra dominatum nientis, sed etiam contra legem Dei. Stapleton. l. 3. de justificat. cap. 2. We confess (saith M. Stapleton) that concupiscence is a kind of iniquity and obliquity, not only against the donanion of the mind, but also against the law of God. Well then, the proper definition of sin being this, A transgression of God's law, how shall we conceine that it is no sia? Again it was (they grant) formally a sin in man unregenerate: but why? because of the commandment, Thou shalt not lust: then must it be sin in the regenerate, because the commandment continueth the same. Therefore cannot this Ethiope (concupiscence) possibly change her colour, but must be formally a sin: for sin even in an unregenerate man may be sometimes unvoluntary. 9 Secondly, by authority: when we confer with S. e Ita concupiscentia carnis, adversus quam bonus concupiscit spiritus, & peccatum est, quia inest illi inobedi●ntia contra dominatum mentis, & quia reddita est meritis inobedientis, & causa & poena peccati est, defectione consentientis, ucls contagione nasc●ntis. August. contra julian. Pelag. l. 5. c. 3. col. 1066 Augustine, he calleth it sin, because it rebelleth against the dominion of the mind. And we have among our Adversaries their Cardinal Caietane, calling it f Haec enim pars appellatur peccatum multiplici ratione, tum causaliter, vel quia est causa peccati, vel quia est effectus peccati primi parentis: tum formaliter pro quanto est pars peccati originalis. Caietan. come. in Rom. 7. pag. 40. formally a sin. And (not to stand upon the first motions of concupiscence, which their vives noteth to be called but g Tam penitissimè visccribus nostris haeret veneteae rei cupiditas, tam ingenitus est à natura nobis ille appetitus, quem subtilissimè magna illa artifex omnium antium pectorious indidit, quo vel aliud agentes stirpem propagaremus, ut ne cogitare quidem de explenda cupiditate illa possimus, qum voluptate nescio quâ occult â tangamur, quam plerique nimium veniale peccatum esse volunt. vives in Aug de Civit. Dei, l. 1. c. 9 p. 20. iov venial) their h Quae ab Apostolo, & eum secuto Augustino, pecatum nonnunquam appellatur, non modò quia peccato facta est, sed quòd sums sit & incentiwm peccati, & dominationi mentis resistit. Si igitur peccati rationem in vitio illo, & iniquitate, languore, infirmitate, ac morbo constituas, cui spiritu resistendum sit, ne actus illicitus gignat, non inept peccatum dicitur: certè insign●s quidam Theologus apertè asserit, etiam in regeneratis manner peccatum, tametsi non imputetur. Si● peccati rationem in ipsa offensa Dei, & reatu, cui ex adverso poena & damnatio respondet, sitam intelligas, certum est in regeneratis non esse peccatum, utpote, in quibus facta est remissio peccatorum, & reatus omnis solutus. Cassander Consult. art. 2 Tit. De concup●●c. pag. 4. Cassander doth endeavour to determine this point: who considering concupiscence as it is contradictory unto the spirit of the mind, thinketh, that with S. Augustine, we may call it a sin: but if we consider it in respect of the offence of God, and guilt which is subject unto damnation, than (saith he) is it not a sin in the regenerate; which determination we do allow but in part. 10 In brief▪ our conclusion is, that concupiscence, in respect of it own nature, is a sin: but in respect of the person, (who is a party regenerate, in whom the guilt is pardoned) it is as no sin. Which Tenet of all Protestants was held by some of their own notable Divines, saying, i Est communis sententia apud Sectarios (meaning Protestant's) concupiscentiam post iustificatiovem esse verè acpropriè peccatum, quamuis credentibus non imputetur. Bellar. l. 5. de amiss. Grat. c. 5. initio. Concupiscence remaineth a sin in the regenerate, although not imputed unto him. Well then, that heresy which Proclus taught, the Protestants hold not, and that which the Protestants hold is no heresy. CHAP. XIX. Of the sixt and seventh Romish Accusations; the former from the heresies of the Sabellians against the Trinity. THE ROMISH ACCUSERS. a Sabellius docuit, unam tantùm esse personam in Deo, nontres: testis Epiphanius haer. 57 Idem docuit nostro tempore Michael Seru●tus lib. 1. de Trinit. sine ulhs ambagibus. Bellar. de not is Eccles. c. 9 §. 7. Sabellius. Sabellius taught, that there is but one person in God: the same was the doctrine of servetus. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the judgement of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 1. ONE of the 20. heresies, whereby this Accuser would prove them (whom he nameth Calainists and Lutherans) to be heretics, is this wherewith he chargeth servetus; as though they could suspect Protestants to be guilty of this heresy, who themselves confess, saying, b Cochlaeus in discussione articuli primi Augustanae confessionis (namely of the Trinity) palam scripserit, De hoc articulo inter nos & Protestants nulla est controversia, neque in confession, neque in apologia: proindè in eo per oninia consentimus. Teste nostro Pelargo jesuitis. 2. loc. De Dco. in mitio. pag. 5. There is no controversy between us and Protestants in the article of the Trinity; or that the heresy of servetus might be laid to the charge of Protestants, who (as their adversary the jesuite c Primus hac aetate o●nium pestilentissimus sanctissimae Trinitatis hostis fuit Michael Seru●tus, is qui, ut historia nostrorum temporum tradit, Caluino aemulo magistratum instigante, Genevae ante annos 30. est combustus. Gregor. de Valent. Ies. l. 1. de unit. & trin. c. 7. §. Primus. Valentia, and this d Seru●tus Hispanus, in Geneva, authore Caluino dignum suo scelere supplicium pertulit. Bellar. praef. in controu. de Christo. §. Primi agminis. & §. Cùm igitur. Accuser elsewhere testifieth) burned the same servetus at Geneva for the same heresy: or that the Romanists could be fit men to make this objection, who (as our e Michaelem Seruet●m mi●or à te nominatum: cur enim eum tu facis potiùs nostrum, ● quibus & indicatus, & confutatus, & damnatus est, quàm vestrum, à quibus nunquam, dum u●xit, vel verbo violatus est? Daniel Chamierus epist. ad Ignat. Armandum jes. part. 2. 〈◊〉. ●●suit. pag. 54. Author observed) have rather favoured servetus. THE ROMISH ACCUSERS, in the next heresy of the Manichees: in condemning the ancient Patriarches. a Manichaei praetere● accusabant passim Patres Testam ●ti veteris, ut Abraham, Sampsonem, Saram, & similes, ut August. testatu● l. 22 contra Faust. & duobus libris contra adversar Legis & Proph. Idem calvinus dixit, Saram multis modis peccâsse, Rebeccam varijs fraudibus usam, Abraham idololatram fuisse, Sephoram stultam mulierem filium circumcidisse. Bellar. de notis. l. 4. c. 9 §. Manichaei praetereà. The Manichaeans did accuse the Fathers of the old Testament: and Caluine said, that Abraham had been an idolater, and Rebecca guileful, and the like. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 Senensis an Author of venerable esteem among the Romanists, relateth & refuteth the heresy of the Manichees out of S. Augustine, thus: b Paulus quampl●●a veteris Instruments di●ta factaue, ●● praesc●tim illas histories, quas Man●chaei derident, authoritate sua confirmavit. Quanquam verò Patriarcharum (answering to the objection of the Manichees) in u●teri Testamento gravia crimina conce dantur, non propterea Scripturae minuitur authoritas, imò nobis magis commendatur,— ut fidem consequamur, quia— Scriptura excipit nullius adulandam personam: ●uaedam in vituperabilibus laudand●, quaedam in laudabilibus vituperanda non tacens. Senensis Bibl lib. 8. pag. 621 & 625. out of S. Augustine. The Manichees deriding the Scriptures of the old Testament, did therefore contumeliously inveigh against the lives of the patriarchs: but although we grant (saith he) that the Patriarches were grievous offenders in their lives, yet is this so far from disabling the history, that it doth rather confirm the truth thereof; because it doth not conceal either what was reprehensible in good men, or what was commendable in the wicked. But Caluine doth not scorn the Scriptures of the old Testament, with the Manichees, but professedly c Manichaei reiecto veteri Testamento Legem & Prophetas ludibrio habentes, Deum crudelitatis & nimij rigoris accusabant. &c Where he condemneth them and the Libertines. Calvin. Instruct. adverse. Libertin. ca 3. abhorreth the Manichees for their contempt of Scriptures. 3 True it is that Caluine noted the vices of the old Patriarches, and his censure is also true, whether in the general, or in the particular: for first in general, S. Augustine maketh this a matter of the commendation of holy Scripture, * August. c●ntra Faust. l. 22. c. 65. Quaedam in laudabilibus vituperanda non tacens, that is, because it revealeth the faults of good men. Which consequence of the sincerity of Scripture, their jesuite d Cur Moses narravit ebrietatem Noah? primò ut ex hoc appareat simplicitas & sinceritas historiae omnia incorruptè narrantis. Perer Ies. ●om. in Gen. ● ver. 21. 〈◊〉. 128. Sed, inquiunt Manichaei, ille judas, qui cum nuru sua concubuit, inter Patriarchas computatur; quasi vero iste judas, qui D. Christum prodidit, non inter duodecim Apostolos numeretur. Sic Augustinus. Pererius Ies. come. in Gen. 35. vers. 19 disp. 4. num. 24. Pererius enforceth against the Manichees, from the related drunkenness of Noah. And S. Ambrose, making as it were treacle of the sins of the Patriarches and other holy men, applieth them unto double use (as their own e Patriarcharun vitia Scriptura exposuit, ut qui fortis tibi videris, inquit Ambrose, caveas ne cadas. Idem in Gen. 19 Etian Sanctorum lapsus utilis est, inquit Ambros. Nihil mihi nocuit, quòd negavit Petius; profuit quod emendavit. Mal donat. Ies. comm. in Matth. 26. vers. vlt. Jesuits do witness:) one is for a caution unto them that yet stand; and the second is unto sinners, for their speedy and serious conversion. 4 But his particular exceptions are they which offend their Cardinal, who is especially zealous for to defend the reputation of Abraham, whom (whilst he lived in Vr) God called out of Chaldaea, and therefore Abraham seemed unto Caluine, before his call, to have been an idolater. This is the principal matter which their Cardinal Bellarmine urgeth, to convince Caluine of a blasphemons heresy. But alas the blindness of malignity! for their own learned Chronologer f Fuisse quidem Abrahamum aliquando superstitionis idololatriae infectum, docet Genebrard ex sententia duorum nobiliss Rabbinorum.— In hanc sertentiam videtur propeasior fuisse Andreas Mazius, qui aetate nostra comment. edidit in joshua, non minus Catholicos, quàm eruditos atque disertos, his verbis:— Non possum eos audi●e, qui magno ●●namine Abrahamum ab hoc idololatriae scelere impurissimo vindicare, nescio quibus argutijs student: quasi verò non tantò illustrio● sit gratia Dei, quâ illum est complexus, quanto erat ille sceleratior, minusue dignus favore? ●anc opinionem apertissimis verbis confirmare videtur Philo, ex eo quòd Deus dicitur appa●uisse Abrahae, cúm primùm profectus est ex Chal●aea. Pererius Ies. come. in Gen. 11. lib. 16. disp. 17. num. ●55, 256. etc. Although himself do descent from this opinion. Genebrard maintained the very samepoint, directed by the judgement of two excellent Rabbins or Doctors among the I●weses; whose opinion is seconded by Masius (whom their jesuite hath commended for his Catholic writings,) confirmed by the judgement of Philo & of their g Abrahae vocatio & institutio nobis Ethnicis, veris Abrahae filijs, planè symbolum fuit atque typus Nam quemadmodum ille credentium omnium pater Chaldaeus, cùm esset Idololatra,— Vestae cultor, ab idololatria ad veram Dei latriam est conversus:— ita & nos, etc. Quodsi hoc cuipiam insolens & paradoxum videatur,— is si hominis Graeci, & diligentissimi probatissimiue testimonio (Suidam dico) no● est contentus, certè non potest nobiscum non sentire Latini authoris testimonio locupletissimè instructus: nimirum Augustini, l. 10 de Civit. Dei, cap. vlt. Lindanus Panopl. lib. 1. cap. 11. pag. 16. The testimony of S. Augustine is plain: jussus est Abraham discedere de terra sua, & de cognatione sua, & de domo Pattis sui. tunc ipse primitus â Chaldaeo●um superstitionibus liberatus, unum verum Deum sequendo coluit. August. loco citato. Lindane, (whom their jesuite acknowledgeth for an h Gulielmus Lindanus,— haerese●● expugnator Possevin. Ies. Appara●. Tit. Gulielmus. expeller of heresies,) whose judgement was grounded upon Suidas & S. Augustine; who did teach that Abraham had been an Idolater: whereunto they added their i One, that Abraham might be a type of men's conversion to grace▪ 2. the magnisying of the grace of God, in choosing out one from the state of idolatry: 3. because God first manifested himself to Abraham, for Abraham saw God. reasons. Here we see among the Greeks one Suidas, among the Latins Augustine, among the jews Philo (and others;) among the Romanists, Genebrard, Masius, Lindane, (in the opinion of the Accuser, all Catholics) defending the same doctrine as true, for the which Caluine is, without delay, condemned for a contumelious heretic. Yet it cannot otherwise be, whilst the Accusers measure things by a leaden rule. Concerning other particularities any that desireth more, may further consult with other k Est quidem opinio nec paucorum, nec ignobilium Doctorum, ●acobum in dicendo illa verba, Ego sum Esau, etc. mendacium officiosum dixisse. Pererius Ies. come. in Gen. ●7. disp. 4. initio. See further hereof Cairt. in Gen. 27. and of Simeon and Levi, Pererius in Gen. 34. disp. 2. etc. Gravissimè peccâsse. In Gen. 37. disp. 2. out of Theodoret. josephus fratres accusat non de uno, aliquo certo crimine, sed in universum indicâuit eos flagitiosâ vitâ fuisse. Romanists. CHAP. XX. Of the eight and ninth Romish Accusations. THE ROMISH ACCUSERS, In the first. a Ariani docebant, filium Dei esse Patre minorem, ut est apud Epiphan. hae●. 69.— Eundem errorem aperté docent hoc tempore multi, qui Trithei●ae 〈…〉. § 10. Ariani. The Arians taught, that the Son is inferior unto the Father: so do the Tritheits at this day. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimony of their Adversaries. SECT. 1. SO do the Tritheits: true; but what is that unto Protestants, as unto Luther, Caluine, and Melancthon, b Quos novoa Arianos (meaning the Tritheits) Lutherus, calvinus, Philippus, & similes ut haereticos impugnàrunt. Bellarm. ibid. §. Primum errorem who (as witnesseth their Adversary) impugned those Tritheits? Therefore might the accuser have kept the Tritheits out of his Catalogue of heresies, framed by him purposely against Protestants, seeing that the Tritheits were no more Protestants, than the Romanists are Tritheists. Is it not so? THE ROMISH ACCUSERS. a calvinus dicit Patrem esse Deum per excellentiam quandam. Bellar. Praef. in controu, de Christ●. §. Sed iam. Caluine said, that the Father is God by a kind of excellency: b jure Caluinum ponimus in eorum haereticorum numero, qui Filij divinitatem inficiati sunt: etenim sensit calvinus nomen Dei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. per excellentiam soli Patri tribui. Valent. Ies. lib. 1. d● unit. & Trinit. c 9 initio. Therefore do we justly reckon Caluine among those heretics, who denied the Divinity of Christ: c Scitè sanè Bozius: Aufers, Caluine, inquit, aequalitatem Filio cum Patre, respectu naturae, personae, voluntatis, generationis, etiam nominis. Armandus' Ies. Epist. ad Chamierum, part altera, pag. 11. Certainly this Caluine taught: d Est hi● calvini Atheismus. Possevinus Ies. de notis divini verbi, l. 3. pag. 78. Which is his Atheism. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: According to the judgement of their Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 Thus have Bellarmine, Valentia, Armandus, Possevinus, four Jesuits, charged Caluine with blasphemy; and can he possibly escape? a At si Pater est per excellentiam Deus, quomodo non est maior Filio? Bellar. quo suprà. For if the Father be by excellency God, how is he greater than the Son? This is the main and only objection, which his accuser doth enforce: this once assoiled, Caluine must be immediately absolved. Well then, let us first hear of their Cardinal Tolet, who hath something to this purpose: b joh. 14. Pater maior me est.] Aliqui ration● divinitatis haec dicta esse censent, ut nomen [maioris] non substantiae inaequalitatem,— sed originem dicat, quia ab ipso filius est, non à filio Pater. Hanc expositionem illustres Doctores sequuntur, inter quos Athanas. orat. 2. contrà Arian. Basil. lib. 4. contrà Eunom. Greg. Nazianz. orat. 4. contrà Arianos, Hilar l. 9 de Trinit. Orig. him. 2. in diversos. Tolet. Ies. come. in joh. 14. 28. Pater est maior Flio, etiam quatenus Filius Deus erat, non quidem reipsa, sed hoc ipso quod ille Pater. hic Filius erat; Patri● enim nomen honori●icentius est nomine Filij, quia principium &, ut Graeci loquntur, causam Filij significat. Sic exponunt Athanasius, Hilarius, Epiphaniu●, Greg. Nazianzenus, Cyrillus, Leontius, Chrysostomus, Theophylactus, Euthymius. Maldenat. Ies. come. in joh. 14. 28. Some (saith he) by occasion of that saying of Christ, [john. 14. My Father is greater than I] thought that these words were spoken by Christ in respect of his Divinity: So that by the word [greater] be not understood the inequality of the substantial essence of his Divinity, but his original begetting: only in this respect the Son is from the Father, and the Father is not from the Son. Which exposition hath been followed by famous Doctors, as namely, Athanasius, Basil, Gregory Nazianzene, Hilary, Origen, Epiphanius, cyril, Leontius, Theophylact, Euthymius. In the which respect other Fathers are observed by their Bishop Bovius, to have c Constit Clementis cap. 17. Pater super omnia Deus.— Quòd sic Patrem appellaverit, authoritas principij, sive (ut antiqui Patres loquuntur) excellentia causae effecit, ut prisci illi omnem eminentiam soli Deo Patri tribuerint: non quòd illa verbo & spiritui detrahere volverint (long enim abest talis ab corum pietate sententia) sed quia hanc authoritatis praestantiam Patri, qui est fons & origo divinitatis, tribuendam censueiunt. Quod nonnullis testimonijs confirmabo, Ignatij epist. ad Philipp. Epiphanij. Basilij, Hilarij, etc. Bovius Episcop. Scholar in lib. 3. Clement. constit▪ apud Surium, Tun. 1 Conc. fol. 126. given all eeminencie unto the Father: and amongst others he recounteth Clemens (the pretended Pope of Rome) and also Ignatius. 3 So that sentence of the heretics called the Tritheits, and of the Father's being the same, in words, viz. The Father is by an excellency God; but contradictory in sense: Caluine must necessarily be acknowledged to have followed the interpretation of the orthodoxal Fathers, who have been confessed by the Accuser himself to have * Sea above §. 1. letter, b. impugned those heretics, whom he calleth the Tritheists. What greater dignity could our Adversaries have done unto the memory of Caluine, than by thus sending four jesuits to accuse his speech of excellency of the Father: and by and by to bring in twelve Fathers to acquit him, among whom, if they will, they may make Pope Clement the chief of that inquest? THE NEXT ROMISH ACCUSATION, in the question of Traditions. a Ariani non recipiebant ullo modo Traditiones non scriptas: ut docet Maximinus Episcopus Arianorum apud August. l. 1. c. 2. & vlt. contra Maximin. Bellar. c. 9 de notis Eccles. §. 10. Ariani. Alterum errorem docent omnes huius temporis haeretici: Sectarij enim huius temporis omnes Traditiones reijciunt. Ibidem. §. Deinde. So also Coccius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 8. art. 3. The Arians did not allow at all any unwritten Traditions: So teach the Sectarists of this age, rejecting all Traditions. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimonies of their Adversaries. SECT. 3. 4 We answer, first that the Accuser should have showed that S. Augustine censured the Arian heretics for depending altogether upon Scripture: but he could not, for S. Augustine in his conflict with the same Maximinus, doth challenge him to leave the contention about Counsels, and to admit of the decision of the whole cause of Arianisme by b Nec ego Nicenum, nec tu debes Ariminense, etc.— Scripturarum authoritatibus non quorumcunque proprijs, sed utriusque communibus testibus res cum r●, causa cum causa, ratio cum ratione concertet. August. lib. 3 contra Maxim. cap. 14. Scriptures. Secondly, the Arians relied not wholly upon Scriptures, but sought defence of their doctrine from the * Confessed above lib. 2. cap. 25. lit. i. books of Origen, and Hermes. Lastly, the c Secundò dissidemus, quòd illi existimant Apostolos quidem quaedam instituisse praeter Scripturam, quae ad ritus & ordinem Ecclesiae pertinent, quae tamen non sunt necessaria nec praecepta, sed libera: nihil autem tradidisse praeter Scripturam ad sidem aut mores necessariò pertinens. Bellarm. l. 4▪ de verbo Dei, cap. 3. §. Secundò. Accuser confesseth that Protestants do not utterly reject all Traditions. Therefore all this while hath the Accuser roved wide at three marks, the Arians, S. Augustine, and the Protestants. Of this article of Traditions we have entreated sufficiently * See above lib. 2. cap. 25. heretofore CHAP. XXI. THE ROMISH ACCUSATION: Concerning the blessed virgin Mary. a iovinianus ●sseruit B. Mariam in partu carnis virginitatem amisisse. Ita referunt Hieron. l 1. & 2. contra jovin. & Aug. lib. de haeres. cap. 82. Bellarm. cap. 9 de ●●tis, §. ●2. iovinianus. jovinian affirmed, that the blessed Virgin in bearing did loose her virginity: b Quartus error Buceri ac Molinaei est. Hic enim Bucero authore in tertia unionis evangelicae part affirmat, jesum nascentem adape●uisse vuluam. Bellar. ibid. §. Quartus. which is the error of Bucer, and Molinaeus, in saying, that by bearing of Christ, aperuit vuluam. c Inter alias innumerabiles Caluinistarum haereses, haec una est, quòd Matrem Christi in partu virginem fuisse negent. Maldon Ies. come. in Luc. 2. 23. And Greg. Valent. Ies. Tom. 4. disp. 2. q. 2. punct. 2. Caluinists are herein heretics. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 1. GAbriel Prateolus a Parisian Divine, in his book professedly written for the discovery of ancient heresies, interpreteth the meaning of S. Augustine, in censuring jovinian to have taught, that a Diws quoque Augustinus lib. de haeres. illi impingit, quòd dixerit B. Dei genitricem fuisse a viro suo joseph carnaliter cognitam post Christum natum: quod tamen illi non ascribit B. Hieronymus, qui contra eum duo● libros composuit. Prateolus de sect. & dogm. heres. lib. 9 De jovinianis. num 6. pag. 241. So that the pariendo corruptam, used by S. Augustine, he interpreteth of a pariendo, which supposeth cognoscere virum, per coitum virilem: which indeed only doth corrupt virginity. This was the error of helvidius; whether of jovinian, or not, Prateolus seemeth to doubt, because Jerome writing two books against jovinian, would not have passed such a blot as this. the blessed Virgin after the birth of Christ was known of joseph. The accusation than lieth thus: Protestants for saying that the blessed Virgin bore Christ our Saviour, after the manner of women, aperiendo vuluam, do therefore teach that the blessed Virgin after the birth of Christ, did know her husband joseph after the manner of a wife, and bore other children; which was the heresy (say they) of jovinian, doubtless of b August. Tom. 6. haeres. 84. From this heresy their Coccius freeth Luther with a non probat, etc. and chargeth no Protestant with it. Coccius Thesaur. Tom. 1. lib. 8. art. 3. helvidius. We need not exemplify the crudity of this kind of Logic. 2 Yet are they loathe that Protestants should thus escape, whom they therefore condemn for saying, that the blessed Virgin did in bearing Christ vuluam aperire, which the Romanists will have all one with virginitatem corrumpere; and therefore with a loud shoot cry out upon Protestants as upon cursed heretics: notwithstanding that Protestants were directed in the phrase by the holy Ghost: * Luc. 2. 23. according to the Rhemish translation. They carried him unto jerusalem to present him unto the Lord, as it is written in the law, Every male opening the matrice, shall be called holy unto the Lord Whereupon it is that diverse Fathers, to wit, Theophylact, Ambrose, and Origen, did not doubt to say, that c Alij, contrà hanc legem proprié ad Christum pertinuisse asserunt, eò quòd ipse solus aperuit vuluam matris suae, cum alijs aperiat vir uterum, quae est sententia Theophylacti super hoc loco: similiter & Ambrofij si● scribentis; Non enim vitilis coitus vuluae virginalis secreta reseravit, sed immaculatum semen inviolabili utero spiritus sanctus infudit. Hic ergo solus aperuit sibi vuluam, nec mirum, qui enim dixerat ad Prophetam, priusquam te formarem in utero novi te, & in vulua matris sanctificam te: qui ergo vuluam sanctificaverat alienam, ut nasceretur Propreta, hic est, qui aperuit Matris suae vuluam, ut immaculatus exiret. Similia habet & Origenes, hom. 14. super Luc. Sacratum (inquit) quippiam sonat: quem cunque enim de utero effusum marem dixeris, non sic aperit Matris suae vuluam. ut D. jesus, quia omnium mulierum non partus infantis, sed coitus viri vuluam reserat. I am ut secundùm Ambrofium Christo proprium est aperire uterum matris, ita etiam quod sequitur in lege sanctum vocari Domino. Solus en●m ipse verè sanctus inter primogenitos, cum multi alioqui essent sceleratissimi. jansenius Concord. evang. cap. 10. pag. 74. col. 1. Christ was that immaculate one, who alone (without the preceding act of man) matris suae vuluam aperuit; as witnesseth their own Bishop jansenius. Therefore the assertion of Protestants, as yet, appeareth to be Prophetical and evangelical. 3 If now the accusers shall no longer urge the act, but the manner thereof, which some Protestants have described, to be after the manner of childbirth, Claustra virginalis vuluae reserare: this manner is indeed denied by some Fathers, but not by all, nor yet by any as heretical, as though it implied any proper corruption of virginity. For their elder B. Rhenanus doth deliver us the express testimony of that ancient Tertullian, saying, d Deinde quòd dicit Tertull. Mariam patefacti corporis lege peperisse, cùm omnes hody Theologorum centuriae Christum clauso Virgins utero prodijsse velint.— Sed haec sunt boni consulenda in tam vetusto scriptore: quo vix alium Christianus orbis antiquiorem habet: nam qui divinare potuit, quid subtiles ist● Theologi tot post ipsum seculis essent definituri? B. Rhenanus arg. in lib. Tert de Christi carne, pag. 13. Mariam patefacti corporis lege peperisse; which was never imputed unto him for an heresy: insomuch as their forenamed Rhenanus, in reverence of the memory of this Father, doth scorn the new and contrary subtlety of the Romish School. Therefore have their late Romanists taken order, that the whole testimony should be e Deleantur sequentia in B. Rhenano in arg. libri de carne Christi, quod officit singulari perfectioni Virgins matris. Index Expurg. apud junium, pag. 78. blotted out. 4 Wise men they are in their generation, albeit herein less wise in blotting out old Authors, and yet bolting out new, who in effect shall justify the former assertion, Claustra virginalis vuluae perfringere, non est virginitatem corrumpere: for their jesuite Pererius saith, that f Intelligendum est, quòd corruptio tria dicit, 1. claustrorum muliebrium apertionem, poenalem pass. & foedam delectationem, quorum primum naturae est, alterum poenae, tertium corruptionis vitiosae, quae medium tenet inter culpam & poenam. Si igitur vir uxorem cognovisset tempore institutae naturae, fuisset ibi claustorum apertio: non tamen poenalis passio, nec foeda delectatio. bonavent. in 2. Sent. dist. 20. qu. 4. Quae quidem sententia mihi perplacet. Pererius Ies. in Gen. 2. ver. 27. l. 4. num. 236. claustrorum apertio, might have been in the time of man's innocency. And their jesuit and Cardinal g Notandum est, quòd foemina, quamuis ab alio supereretur, si non consentiat interiùs in actu turpi, non peccat, nec virginitatem amittit. Tolet. Ies. Instruct. Sacerd. l. 5. c. 6. §. Quartus casus. Tolet in his book of the Cases of Conscience, framed for the general instruction of Priests, doubted not to set this down for a Maxim, that the woman violently abused, non amittit virginitatem; judging of virginity morally, and not naturally, as a Divine, not as a Philosopher. The due understanding of these premised testimonies doth yield us a further insight into the malady of our Romish accusers, who to make Protestants heretics, have created a * So said Rhenanus. new and * Because so by some natural disease only, a maid might be said Virginitatem amisisse. unlearned heresy, viz. Claustra virginalia reserare, est virginitatem corrumpere. CHAP. XXII. THE XI. AND XII. ROMISH ACCUSATIONS: The first concerning Original sin. a Pelagiani docebant non esse in hominibus peccatum originale, & praecipuè in filijs fidelium; ita refert August. lib. 6. contra julian. cap. 2. & 3. & lib. 4. ad Bonifac. c. 2. & 4. Hoc diserte docent Bucerus & Calumus. Why? Solùm in filijs fidelium negant peccatum originale, quos dicunt sanctos nasci. & salvari etiam sine Baptismo. Bellar. l. 4. c. 9 de notis, §. 14. Pelagiani. Pelagianam haeresin Calumus renovat, cùm etc. Lindanus Panopl. lib. 4. cap. 15. The Pelagians said, that there is no original sin in men, especially in the children of the faithful: which is the doctrine of Bucer and Caluine. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: By the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 1. Cardinal Bellarmine, and Lindane, two of the greatest Panoplists and armourers that the Church of Rome hath had, are both bend against Protestants, to bring them within the compass of a damnable heresy: but what? Caluine (say they) teacheth, that there is no original sin, especially in the children of the faithful: so they. But their Gregory de Valentia, a jesuite, and a public Reader in their Schools, contrarily affirmeth, that b Lutherus & calvinus, & caeteri novatores adeò non negaverunt peccatum originale, ut magna etiam contentione illud asserant, & prodigiosis etiam loquendi formulis, neque minus falsis ac impijs, illud supra modum exaggeraverint. Greg. Valent. Ies. de orig. pecc. c. 2. initio. Luther, Caluine, and other Novellers (so he calleth them) are so far from the denying of Original sin, that they vehemently and with prodigious manner of speech do falsely and impiously exaggerate it above measure. Unto him we adjoin their jesuite Vasquez, who likewise inveigheth against Caluine and Luther, for c Altar error est aliorum nostri temporis, qui affirmant essentiam peccati originalis esse concupiscentiam, & fomitem qui nos ad malum inclinat.— Ita expressè tradiderunt Lutherani,— & calvinus. Quare in confession Augustana hoc peccatum appellârunt maximum. Vasquez jesan Thom. tom. 1. disp. 132. cap. 1. num. 2. affirming concupiscence to be a part of Original sin, and the greatest of sins. 2 Here is a counterpoise of their own witnesses: two of them say, that Protestants do deny that there is any Original sin in children unbaptized: two other say, that they affirm, that there is original sin in all, yea in the parties baptised. Both these kind of witnesses conspire against Protestants to prove them heretics, as did the Elders to prove Suzanna an adulteress: but when we (as Daniel teacheth) put the witnesses asunder, then is their falsehood found out by their contrariety, which is more than that of the forenamed Elders: for these two assertions, Protestants deny original sin, and Protestants do not deny original sin, but do rather too extremely affirm it, fall upon that text, * Marc. 14. 56. They bore false witness, and their testimonies agreed not. A further justification of Protestants: by the confession of their Adversaries. SECT. 2. 3 May not Protestants be absolved by that which hath been now confessed? OH not, for either they deny original sin, and so are they no better than Pelagian heretics; or else they do too much affirm and exaggerate it, and thus are they false and impious Novellers. Whether therefore thus, or so, Protestants must be condemned for a doctrine concerning original sin: be this for an old or new error it skilleth not, it is decreed they must be condemned. 4 Severe judges, and precipitate: for the doctrine of Protestants concerning the nature of original sin hath received a better approbation by their own extreme Adversary. For Ecchius (whom the Romanists have named the * See the Catalogue in the beginning of this Appeal, at the word Ecchius. only challenger of his time, for defence of the Catholic faith) did in his disputation holden at Worms, acknowledge, that a Ex hac explicatione magis apparet notio peccati originis, quod in carentia illius originalis justitiae consistit, addita vitiosa concupiscentia, quae legi mentis repugnat, & ad illicitos motus & actus perpetuò inclinat. Haec itaque definitio peccati originis doctrinae veterum & recentiorum magis est consentanea. Sed de hoc articulo agnoscit ipse Ecchius, nullam esse controversian, ut qui Colloquio Wormatiensi planè conciliatus, & concordatus fuerit▪ in hanc, quam diximus, sententiam. Cassander Consult. art. 2. de pecc orig. pag. 3. in the article concerning the nature of original sin, there was no difference between him and his Adversaries. But more plainly Vega (who is extolled by Canisius their jesuite for one of the * See the Catalogue at the word Vega. principal Divines who were present at the Council of Trent:) b Et probavit haec sancta synodus, & confirmavit per omnia, utrumque istorum Canonum in decreto de pecc. originali. Et in hac tota doctrina nihil, quod sciam, à nobis dissentiunt Lutherani. Constanter ubique & satis nobiscum consentaneè illam docent Protestants in suis confessionibus, apologijs, & libellis alijs. Damnati verò sunt in hac Patrum definitione Pelagiani, Armeni, Albanenses & alij, si qui fuerunt, qui negârunt peccatum originale. Vega de natura & legis imbecile. lib. 2. cap. 6. §. Et probavit. The Lutherans (saith he) do not differ from us (so far as I know) in any point concerning the doctrine of original sin: but the Protestants do teach in their confessions, Apologies and other books, the doctrine of original sin constantly and Consonantly with us: but those who were condemned in the Council of Trent, were the Pelagians, and Armenians, and Albanenses, and all others who denied original sin. Who now seethe not the pravity of these Accusers? whom it might have become to pass by the Protestants manner of exaggeration of original sin, in making it the greatest sin; and rather to have controlled some of their own men for diminution, in making it the c Taperus tom. 1. pag. 36. dixit pecca●um originale non esse propriè, sed abusiuè p●ccatum.— & Costerus in Euchirid. Dicimus peccatum hoc originis omnium peccatorum reatu minimum: quia minimun habet ex voluntate, quae est fons & origo peccati.— Andrad. lib. 3. adverse. refut. Conc. Trid. Poenitentia verò, quae propriam operationem necessariò exigit, etsi originali peccato adniberi possit: qui tamen necessariam esse du●it, Originalis peccati nomen non satis perpendit. Teste Pelarg. jesuitis. loco sexto. lest sin, yea and also (properly) no sin. THE NEXT ROMISH ACCUSATION Of Pelagianisme; concerning the nature of all sin; and whether every sin be in itself mortal or no. a Secundò Pelagiani dicuot omne peccatum esse mortale: ita refert D. Hieron. l. 2. contra Pelag. Bellarm. cap. 9 de notis. §. 14. Pelagiani. Hunc errorem docent omnes Sectarij, Lutherus, calvinus, etc. Ibid. The Pelagians say, that every sin is mortal, as S. Jerome relateth: And this is the error of all Protestants. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: According to the testimonies of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 3. 5 In the place of S. Jerome, (the only witness brought in to prove the Pelagians guilty of an heresy, in this article) there appeareth nothing to that purpose. S. Augustine, who is called Malleus haereticorum, that is, the Mallet against heretics, beateth the Pelagians unto dust, yet never layeth he any such thing to their charge. Nay their own Romish relators of heresies, namely b Alphons. haeres. Castro, and c Prateolus Elench. Sect. Prateolus, with those whom this later citeth, as Lindane, Staphylus and Hosius, in the discovering of the Pelagian doctrine, and all destinately bend to entitle Protestants in any heresy, have been in this point altogether silent: which we take to be a sufficient conviction of our Accuser, for feigning an old heresy. And that it is also no heresy, but an orthodoxal truth, most of their own Authors have * See above. already avouched. According to our promise we return unto The Romish application of the distinction of mortal and venial sins, confuted. SECT. 4. 6 Seeing that the Romanists will be called Catholics, in confessing that no man can live without sin in this life, how shall they brand Protestants with the name of heretics, for saying that it is impossible to keep the law? The only answer that their D. a Quòd autem Augustinus sem per loquatur de solis venialibus, quoties fine peccato neminem justorum esse docet, perpetua eius doctrina ostendit toto ferè 2. lib. de pecc. merit. & remiss. & toto lib. 3.— Ex hac ergo distinctione diligenter notandum est, neminem quidem sic posse legem adimplere, quin venialiter peccet quàm saepissimè. Stapleton. doctr. prin. l. 6. de perfect. just. cap. 5. Stapleton useth, and which he would have us to mark diligently, is, that none can fulfil the law of God without venial sins. Then say we, they must confess together with Protestants, an impossibility of an absolute performance of the law. Not, saith their Cardinal: b Et quia quod non est perfectè voluntarium, hoc ipso etiam non est perfectè contra legem, nisi materialiter: proptereà rect● dicunt▪ Theologi, peccata veniala, eviuscunque tandem generis●▪ sint, non esse contra legem, sed praeter legen. Quod totum etian. hac ratione confirmari potest: Si peccatum veniale perfect ac propriè esset contra legem, sequeretur, hominem justum, statim atque unum peccatum veniale commisit, esse verè ac perfect● legis praevaricatorem, & per hoc reum omnium coelestium praeceptorum, juxta illud Apostol● lacobi: Qui offendit in uno, factus est omniunreus. Bellar. l. 1. de amiss. great. cap. 11. §. Denique. Because veniniall sins are not perfectly voluntary, therefore are they but only praeter legem, besides the law, and not formally contra legem, contrary unto the law. Confessing that if that which they call venial sin, be by nature properly mortal, than the offending in one venial doth make a man guilty of transgression of the whole law: and consequently doth infer an impossibility of keeping the law. 7 Wherefore it concerneth us only to prove that the venial sin is not praeter, besides, but even contrà, contrary unto the law of God: if yet we need prove that which their own Doctors confess, as namely their jesuite c Dicendum verò est, ut docuerunt Durandus, Caietanus, Vega; Veniale peccatum esse quidem contra legem. Azor. Ies. Instit. Moral. part. 1. l. 4. c. 8. §. Dicendum. Azorius, guarded with the consent of Durand, Caietane, and Vega, he might have ad●ed D. Stapleton) who teach, that we must say, that the venial is contrary unto God's law. Which opinion d Distinguunt & alij peccata venialia à mortalibus, quòd haec contra mandata sint, illa verò leaves quaedam culpae duntaxat praeter ipsa commissae.— Verùm hanc senten●iam pe●●ulti Scholastici impugnant, & contra mandata illa esse affirmant. Eorumue sentententia communior nunc videtur in Scholis. Vega de justif. l. 14. c 13. initio. Vega (who lived in the time of the Council of Trent, and was an actor therein) called the more common judgement of the Schoolmen. And it standeth upon an invincible reason, which their jesuite Valentia acknowledgeth, to wit; e Nam ubi lex non est, neque praevaricatio legis, inquit Apostolus. Et id o David praevaricantes reputavit omnes peccatores terrae, quoniam ne intelligi quidem peccatum potest, quod non sit legis alicuius tran●gressio. Greg. Val. Ies. de diff. vet. & novae legis, part. 2. c. 2. §. Denique. No man can conceive of sin, but as it is a transgression of the law. And can there be a proper transgression of a law, which is not formally contrary unto the law? Therefore doth their Vega wish men to f Et decet ubique ut nostros sermon, & Scriptures, & sanctorum Patrum verbis attemperemus. Idque ut faciamus, imprimis statuendum est, peccata venialia esse proprie & simpliciter peccata. Sunt namque actus mali simpliciter, quip qui voluntarij, & circa materiam indebitam, & à recta ●atione deviant ac dissentiunt, & poena & reprehensione digni●ure apud omnes censentur: Et absolutè concedendum est, non solùm propter ea non amari Deum, neque placere nos Deo; sed étiam quicquid quidam magnus Doctor incauté dixc●it, displicere illa Deo, & propter ea verè Deum offendi. Vega quosuprà, §. Et decet. frame their speeches according unto Scriptures, and the words of ancient Fathers, by accounting venial sins properly and absolutely sins simply evil, because they are voluntary, and do certainly displease God. Which diverse others our learned Adversaries have * See above. confessed to be (although by the mercy of God venial) yet in their own nature mortal. 8 So now this their only refuge, in distinguishing venial and mortal, by praeter and contrà, like jonas his gourd, is perished by the shine of the confessed truth, and consequently the article of the Protestants is established. For if none (as all confess) can live without sin, and that every sin is a formal transgression of God's law, and every transgression moral is in nature mortal, then cannot any possibly be an absolute fulfiller of the law of God. Which lesson our Adversaries may partly learn from the shaven beards of their Priests, wherein they will have us to obseruea moral signification, to wit: g R●dendi baibae rationem Beda in Esdrae commentarijs institutam esse dicit àd humilitatis recordationem, scil. ne Deo dican homines magn●tudine aut multitudine virtutum suarum▪ in superbiam extollantur. Nam cum barba, quae vitilis sexus & aetatis est index, fortitudinem, prudentiam, aliasue virtutes significet perfecto viro dignis; idcirco eam sancti viti abscindere vel abradere iubentur, ut ex hoc intelligant, oportere eos omnem propriae virtutis considentiam abijcere, & meminisse virtutes suas, quamtum libet magnas & multas, vitijs esse permistas, & proinde paucas esse ac paruas, aut serè nullas, si divino aequitatis examine discutiantur, dicente Davide, Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo, Domine, quia nullus vivens in conspectu tuo iustificabitur. Sixtus Senens. S. Bibl. l. 5. Annot. 244. §. Radendi. Whereas a beard being proper to the man, betokeneth manhood, wisdom, and other worthy virtues; the shaving of them away doth put them in mind, that they are not to place consi●●ence in their virtues, but to remember, that although they be many and notable, yet are they mingled with vices; and therefore are they to be accounted little and few, or almost none at all, if they be examined by the exact rule of God's justice. To conclude, the Romanists in discerning of venials, do resolve, that the h Si docti dubitant de aliquo, securior pars in conscientia est eligenda: securior áutem pars est, agnoscere culpam, ubi non est. Binseldius Enchirid. Theolog. Pastoral. part, which is more secure in conscience, is to be chosen, & this to be the securer part, to acknowledge a fault where there is none. By the same rule the doctrine of protestāns who rather judge their sin to be mortal, is proved to be more secure & safe. CHAP. XXIII. THE * For from the Lampetians the Protestants have been freed already. See above lib. 2 cap. 1. of Vows. As also from the Cardinal's nameless heretic in the matter of the Eucharist. See above. LAST ROMISH ACCUSATIONS. From the Nestorians, concerning the Natures of Christ. a Nestoriani docuerunt in Christo duas esse personas, & duas naturas.— Hoc docet Theodorus Beza sive ex ignorantia, sive ex malitia: qui in libro de hypostatica duarum in Christo naturarum unione, dicit, se duas in Christo uniones hypostaticas ponere, unam animae cum carne, alteram divinitatis cum humanitate. Bellar de notis, cap. 9 §. 15. Nestoriani. The Nestorians taught, that there were two natures and two persons in Christ: so doth 〈◊〉, teaching two hypostatical unions in Christ. b Item videtur suffragatus Nestorio Calumus lib. 1. instit. cap. 13. siquidem ibi rect 9 23. & 24. inter personam Filij Dei, & personam Mediatoris non obscurè d●stinguit Valent jes. tom. 4. disp. 1. q. 2. ●unct. 2. Caluine also seemeth to favour Nestorius: and Luther savoureth both Nestorius and Eutyches; yea Caluine teacheth Nestorianisme. c Sed etiam Nestorio & Eutycheti Lutherus plurimùm favet:— nam ait imperitos quosdam Christum f●cere hominem omnipotentem. Quid a●ten est aliud, non esse Christum hominem omnipotentem, quàm non esse Christum hominem Deum; ●ed esse duas in Christo personas, cum Nestorio? In libro verò de Concilijs, Mihi, inquit negotium fuit cum Nestorianis, qui p●rtinacissimè contra me disputabant, quòd divinitas Christi non possit pati.— Ergo si Luthero divinitas patitur,— quis non videat à ●uthero Christi naturas cum Eutychere con●undi? Bellar. praes. in controuer. de Christo, §. Quid quod. d Sic Caivinus lib. 1. cap. 13. §. 9 23. 24. duas in Christo distinguit personas. Coc●ius Thesaur. Cath. Tom. 1. lib. 8. act 3. Tit. Nestorius. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: justifying the accused by their own direct Protestations. SECT. 1. BEza protesteth against the Nestorians, saying, a Fatemur personam Filij ab ipso momento, quo caro ipsius con●epta fuerit, unitam fuisse humanae naturae inseparabiliter, ita ut non sint duo filij Dei, sed unus Christus jesus, verus Deus, & verus homo. Beza confess. art. De jesu Christo. cap. 22. We confess the person of the Son from the moment of his conception of flesh, to have been unseparably united unto the human nature, so that there are not two Sons of God, but one, even Christ jesus, true God and true man. And again: It is manifest obstinacy of error in them who either confounded the natures of Christ, with Eutyches; or distracted them with Nestorius. 2 Caluine protesteth against the Nestorians, as against furious & phreneticke spirits, saying in detestation of them: c Furiosi & phrenetici spiritus attributa humanitatis Christi arripiunt, ad tollendam divinitatem, quae verò de utraque natura sic coniunctè conveniunt, ad tollendam ut●amque; id verò quid aliud est quàm contendere Christum non esse hominem, quia Deus est, nec Deum, quia homo est; nec utrumque, quia Deus est homo, unitis scil. non confusis naturis constans. Procul abigendus est à nobis Nestorij error, qui Christi naturam distrahere potius qu●m distinguere volebat. Calvin. Inst. de hoc artic. [Natus ex Virgin etc.] Away with the error of the Nestorians, b Manifesta est pertinacia eorum, qui Christi naturas cum Nestorio dissoluunt, vel proprietates cum Eutychere confundunt. Beza epist. dedic ante Nou. Test. who rather distracted than distinguish the natures of Christ, against the express voice of Scripture. 3 Luther protesteth against the Nestorians, saying: I was in a contention d Confessed above in the accusation by Bellarmine, lit. c. with the Nestorians, who did most obstinately affirm, that the Divinity of Christ did not suffer. All these three who have been accused of the heresy of the Nestorians, do renounce & condemn their opinion as the doctrine of frantic and obstinate heretics. Wherefore we appeal to the conscience of any man, to judge whether the forcing of obscure sentences of men should preponderate in judgement, and prevail against their plain protestations; and whether such Accusers might not by thus doing justify them, who accused that just one for saying, * Matth. 26. 61. I can destroy the temple, which they interpreted of the temple of stone, but he meant of the temple of his body? Yet is not Luther fully acquitted, we therefore exhibit A justification of Luther in the point of Eutychianisme, by the testimony of his Romish Adversaries. SECT. 2. 4 The Nestorians and Eutychians were as opposite as East and West, the latter confounding the distinct natures of Christ, which the Nestorians distracted: yet hath the Accuser condemned Luther both for a Nestorian, and an Eutychian: not unlike the man, who being asked where the wind stood, answered, East and by West. But Luther hath already freed himself from Nestorianisme. 5 In that which is urged for his conviction of Eutychianisme, a Bellarmine. See above in the Accusation, lit. c. in marg. And Coccius, Eutyches asserebat divinitatem verbi natam, passam, mortuam. Thesaur. Cathol. lib. 8. art. 3. Tom. 1. Divinitatem pati, and Divinitatem natam esse, his Romish Adversaries will justify him in their own Pope: for b At, inquis, Vigilius & Cyrillus orthodoxi scriptores, clavis divinitatem affixam, & impassibiliter passam esse affirmant. Sed certissimum est, Vigilium divinitatem pro Deo ipso dixisse● quia ea quidem ratione impassibiliter passus esse dici potest, quia cum idem passus sit carne & humanitate, nihil tamen aut passus est, aut pati potuit divinitate, Greg. Valent. lib. 2 contra Vbiquit. cap. 1. §. At inquis. both cyril and Pope Vigilius, who were orthodoxal writers, affirmed (saith their jesuit Valentia,) Divinitas Christi passa est, that is, The Divinity of Christ suffered impassibly, being nailed unto the Cross: but it is certain (saith he) that Vigilius by Divinity, or godhead, did mean God. So likewise where S. Augustine doubted not to say, that the divine nature was borne of the human nature, their jesuite Suarez easily discerneth a divine truth in the speech, saying that c Dicit Augustinus, Natura aeterna atque divina, non nascitur ex humana natura, nisi secundum veritatem naturae humanae [ex quo effici videtur, divinam naturam concipi:] Respondeo, proptèr identitatem, quae in divinis est inter naturam & hypostasin, quandoque natura ponitur pro persona, vel hypostasi. Et secundùm hoc dicit Augustinus: Naturam divinam esse conceptam, & natam, quia seil persona Filij est concepta & nata secundùm humanam naturam. Aquinas part. 3. q. 35. art. 1. Meritò dicit Thomas, esse hanc improptiam locutionem, & piè explicandam. Suarez in eum locum Thomae, Tom. 2. S. Augustine respecting the Identity, which there is between the nature and the person of Christ, putting the nature in stead of the person, did say that the divine nature was conceived and borne: which Aquinas called an improper speech. Mark we now what a distorted creature an irregular affection is: Augustine said, The divine nature was conceived: Luther said, The Divinity was borne of the Virgin: both speeches are equivalent, and the one is favoured, by taking it for an improper speech, the other is condemned as savouring of a grand heresy. Again, Luther said, Divinitatem pati, and their own Pope Vigilius said, Divinitas passa est; the phrases are all one, and yet lo Vigilius was therein an Orthodox, and Luther is a damned heretic. 6 When we see this, we marvel not why Luther in his time being bandied among such kind of racketers, did often say, d Interim illud etiam nôris, si juxta pronunciatum tui B●patris Martini Lutheri sc●leratum est, cum noveris pium & sanum esse alicuius sensum, ex verbis incommodè dictis statuere errorem Vt re●●rt Tannerus Ies. Relat. Hunn Exam. cap 13. §. Sed quia. pag. 129. It is a lewd wickedness to fashion an error of such incommodious speeches, the meaning whereof thou thyself knowest to be godly and sound. We rather marvel with what boldness they dared so falsely charge Luther with that heresy of Nestorianisme, which their own Valla said was truly imputed unto their own e Neque aliquem sua dignitas ab increpationibus tutum reddidit, quae Petrum non reddidit, multosue alios codem praeditos gradu; ut Marcellum, quòd Dij● libâilet; ut Ce●●stinum, quòd cum Nestorio haeretico sentiret. Valla de Donat. Constant. apud Fascic. rerum expetend. & fugi●id. sub init●um. Pope Celestine; especially if we consider (supposing that both Luther and Celestine had been guilty of the same heresy) that yet the danger is greater on their parts than on ours: for Luther among Protestants, is but one of all; but a Pope among the Romanists, is all in all. THE CONCLUSION Of the Romish Accusations. a Has haereses, quae damnatae sunt ab Ecclesia, quae fuit primis 700 annis,— cum adversarij nostri pro articulis fidei habent; sequitur eorum doctrinam conspirare cum antiquis haeresibus. Bellar. lib. 4. de notis Eccles. cap. 9 in fine cap. Seeing that our Adversaries hold th●se ancient heresies for Articles of faith, it followeth, that their profession is heretical. THE CONCLUSION OF THE PROTESTANTS JUSTIFICATION. SECT. 3. 7 We have hitherto seen a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a main distance between the profession of Protestants, & the doctrine of the heretics, unto whom they have been resembled: differing as much 1 See above cap. 16. from Simon Magus, and the Eunomians, as do a living & dead faith, or an obstinate and a penitent sinner: 2 Cap. 17. as much from the Florini, as, God did, & God did not created evil: as much 3 Cap. 18. Sect. 3 from Proculus as sin reigning, & sin rebelling in the regenerate: as much 4 Cap. 19 from servetus, as embracing from burning: as much 5 Cap. 20. from the Tritheits, as approving & condemneth: as much 6 Ibid Sect. 3 from the Arians, as rejecting all traditions, & allowing some: as much 7 Cap. 21. from jovinian, as virginity corrupted, and not corrupted: as much 8 Cap. 22. from the Pelagians in the first point, as Original corruption is no sin, & It is a great sin; & also in the second 9 Ibid. Sect. 4. of sins called venial, as to say, they are not venial by grace, from saying, that they are venial in their own nature: as much 10 Cap. 18. from the Peputians, as a woman from a man: as much 11 Cap. 23. from the Nestorians, as to profess and defy. Besides the objection of 12 Cap. 17. Sect. 2. Origenisme, in saying the Image of God was lost in man: or of 13 Cap. 19 Sect. 2. Manicheisme, in censuring the sins of the old patriarchs: or of 14 Cap. 20. Arianisme, concerning the excellency of the Father: wherein Protestants have been justified by the confessed suffrages of ancient Fathers; and thereby their distance from the pretended heretics is found to be no less than error and truth. 8 By all these we discern the malign humour of the Accusers, who whilst they contend to condemn protestāns in their innocency, do but like those gropers who * Gen. 19 (aught for to apprehended Lot, but could not truly found the door. Wherefore we may well think, that as it was wisdom, and (it may be) conscience in the Apologists to omit these other heresies: so it was cunning in them to say, We omit them. After this so necessary digression, we return to the Apologists. CHAP. XXIIII. Of some Romish heresies. THE ROMISH APOLOGY: Secondly, we do hereunto add in further demonstration, that whereas on the one part our learned Adversaries are not able to show, that any of the Catholic writers of those aforesaid 160. years, did note or charge the then Bishops of Rome with Innovation or cha●●e of faith; so again we on the contrary are able to give particular proof, how that the Catholic Fathers of those same times, u In those times was Leo the first, Bishop of Rome, beginning anno 440. and continuing Pope 21. years: (teste Anastasio de vitis Rom. Pontific.) of the communion which other Bishops of that age professed to have with him, read Leo Epist. 39 & 41. c. 1. and the Epistle of I heodoret (a Grecian) to Leo, and see the century writers, Centur. 5. c. 7. Col. 774 circa & post med. & col. 775. initio, & vide council Chalced act. 1. 2 & 3 Hilla●ius was Bishop of Rome anno. 461. of the like Communion of faith had with him: vide Epistolas Tarraconensium Episcopor it ad Hillarium in 1. tom. council. Felix the third was Bishop of Rome anno 483. of the like communion professed toward him: Vide Epistolan Anastasu Patriarchae Hierosol. ad ●elicem Papam. Hormisda was Pope anno, 514. and continued so about 9 years: Of the like communion had with him: Vide johannem Patriarcham Constantinop. in Epist. ad Hormisdam, in 1. tom council. inter Epistola● Hormisdae. & vide ibidem rescriptum Hormisdae ad ●piscopos Betic● provinciae: & Epistolam justini Imperatori● ad Hormisdam, & ●pistolam possessoris epis●opis a● Hormisdam, & vide concilium habit. in Epiro ad Hormisdam, extat apud Baronium. Boni●a●e the second was Pope anno. 530. of the l●ke communion had with him: Vide Epistolam Eulalij Carthaginenjis ad Bonisaction secundum: & vide Centur. 6. c. 10. ●ol. 670. Siluirius was Pope anno. 535. of the like communion had with him: Vide Epist●lam Amatoris episcopi ad S●●uerium. And see ●iberatus in breviatio cap. 22. Vigilius was Pope anno. 537. of the l●ke communion had with him Vide Epistolam ●●tychij Patria●●he Constantinop. ad Vigilium, & Epist lamb Syno. l. M●●suestan. ad Vigilium. Also the 2. Council called Turonense, anno. 570. can. 21. and the 1. Council of Brach. c. 22. & 23. anno. 572. professed like Communion with the Roman sea Gregor●us primus was Pope anno. 590. of like communion had with same Vide Epist●lam johannis Episcopi Ravennaten●is ad Gregorium inter Epistolas Gregorij l. 2. indict. 11. ep. 55. & Is●dorum in Praesa●●. in 〈◊〉 concillorum: & vide Centur. 6. col. 677. 678. 679. & 687. line 4. 5. 6. etc. This Gregory was Pope within two years or less e● the last year now in question. and of the times next x The Bishops of Rome in the times next precedent were, Innocentius, Zozunes, Boniface, and Celestinus: of the communion had with Innocentius, Vide Epistolam Chrisostomis ad Innocentium, & Palad●● in vita Chrisostomis, & vide Epistolam Concilij Milevitani ad Innocentium, & Epistolam Concilj. Carthag. ad Innocentium. And concerning the other three Bishops of Rome, see heretofore page 40. in the margin at the letter c. sine: & vide Epistolam Cirilli Alexandrini ad Coelestinum. A little before them was Pope Damasus: of the communion had with him read I herom. Epist. 57 ad Damasum: And see the further communion had between Damasus and the Greek and I atine Fathers specially reported and confessed by Crispinus in his book of the state of the Church. pag. 137. before, and after y Concerning the reverend estimation had of the Roman sea in the times next after the aforesaid 160. years, it is generally confessed: yet for more certainty read the century writers, Cent. 7. c. 10. and how reverently this our nation of England thought as then thereof, Vide Bedam in hist. l. 2. c. 8. etc. 10. etc. 17. & 18. & 19 the same, professed to reverence and join in communion of faith with the than Roman Bishops. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Noting Romish heresies in ancient Popes, before the foresaid 160. years: by the confession of our Adversaries. SECT. 1. FAlse accusations (as S. Basil saith) do oftentimes reuerberate, and echo upon the Accusers themselves; which peradventure may be verified in our Romish Adversaries, who whilst they call Protestant, heretics, may hear the same voice reflecting upon their own Popes: which, by this their demonstration, we are compelled to reveal, both in the first 440 years, which were before the foresaid 160, (which maketh up 600) as also in the years next after the same. Of the first sort. 2 Pope a Scribit Tertullianus in libro contra Praxeam, Rom. Pontisicem agnoscentem prophetias Montani, & ex ea agnitione pacem Ecclesi●s Asiae, & Phrygiae inferentem, à Praxea fuisse persuasum, hteras pacis revocare, quas iam emiserat.— Quare Rhenanus in annot. ad Tertull. ponit hoc loco in margin, Episcopus (meaning Zepherinus) Montamzat. Et paulò p●st: Zepherinus lived about the year 198, and is noted by Tertulli●n to have acknowledged the prophecies of Montanus, that is, (as their Rhenanus expoundeth it) was a Montanist. But our adversaries profess b Respondeo, non esse on ninò fidem habendam Tertulliano in hac part quandoquidem ipse Montanista erat.— Credibile est Zepher num persuasum fuisse— fals● de illis erroribus accusatos fuisse Montanistas.— Hoc autem non est e rare circa fidem, nec Montanizare, ut mentitur Rhenanus, sed errare circa personam, id quod multis alijs sanctis u●ris accidit. Bellar. l. 1. de Rom. Pont, c 8. §. Sextò, etc. not to credit Tertullian herein: and Rhenanus they do discredit, and slatly give him the lic. Whose testimony notwithstanding may seem more credible, because our Adversaries have nothing but a conjectural credibility to oppose against it. 3 Pope Marcellinus (who lived Anno 296) is recorded in ancient histories to have committed Idolatry: which their c Fatemur siquidem fieri posse ut Petri successor idola colat (quod B. Marcellinum secisse aiunt) & apud se fortè de fide non rectè sentiat, adeó que dia●olicis artibus operam navet:— sed id constanter negamus, Vica●ios Christi, Petriue successores Romanos Pontifices, vel haeresin docere alios posse, vel errorem proponere. ●●s●erus. I●ss. ●nchirid. cap 3. pag. 137 §. Fatemur. jesuite granteth might happen unto their Pope; but yet that any Pope did, or could ever teach others any heresy, this (saith he)) we constantly deny. As though the public practice of Idolatry were not in itself a profession of the most devilish heresy. Therefore did their Cardinal Bellarmine show, although less constancy, yet more policy, who when he had d Concessimus S. Marcellinum idolis sac●ificasse. Sed non videtur ●d o unino certum. Bellar. Recog. lib. de sumin● Pont. pag. 20. §. Eodem. confessed the idolatrous fact of Marcellinus, did afterwards call the truth of the story into question. 4 Pope Liberius lived in the 350 year, concerning whose heresy we have the testimony of these ancient e O●. Athanasias verò & Hieronymus locis citatis ap●●tè dicunt, eum taedio exilij inflexum tandem fuisse ad subscriptionem haereseos: quibus addi potest Hilarius qui in lib. adversus Constant. ita loquitur: vertisti deinde usque ad Romam bellum tuum, eripuish illine Episcopum, & o te nuserum, qui nestle an virum maiori impretate relegaveris, quàm remiseris. He answereth:— Athanal. Hilar. & Hicron. authores sunt tum an●iq●●o●es, tum graviores caeteris, & rem non dubiam. sed ut certam, & exploratam narrant. Praeterea legi ipse epistolas ●●berij manuscriptas ex Vaticana bibliotheca, quae partim ad Imperatorem, partim ad Episcopos Orientales scriptae eraut, in quibus satis apertè significabat, se tandem Imperatoris voluntati acquiescere voluisse. Ad haec, nisi fateamur, Liberium aliquo tempore defecisse à constantia in fide tuenda, cogimu●●elicem 2. qui Liberio vivente, Pontificatum g●ssit, à numero Pontificum excludere, cùm tamen hunc ipsum Felicem, ut Papam & M●rtyrem Ecclesia Catholica veneretur. Bella●. l 4. ●● Rom. Pont. c. 9 §. Athanasius He than qualifieth it saying, that he did subscribe unto heresy, but interpretatiuè, that is, only by subscribing to the condemnation of Athanasius. Fathers, to wit, Athanasius, Jerome, and Hilary noting him to have subscribed unto the heresy of the Arians. Our Adversaries would have us think that he did not directly subscribe, but by his outward communion with the Arians, and consenting to the persecuting of Athanasius, ( f Athanasius Columna Ecclesiae adversus Haereticos. Possevinus 〈◊〉 Apparat. Tit. Athanasius. who was the pillar of the Catholic Church, and the principal adversary against those heretics) he caused men to think that he had given his subscription unto that heresy: insomuch that the fame went then for currant g Secundum igitur eam famam de Liberio long latèque sparsam Hieronymus tradidit ipsum haeresi subscripsisse. Baron. anno 357. num. ●5. T●m. 3. every where, that Liberius had subscribed unto Arianisme. And not this only, but that the then Roman Catholics h Tamen quòd adeò turpiter Constantio concessisset, pl●imùm ab se animos abalienatos invenit: sicue qui Felicem antea abhorrebant, vitataue eius communione, inhaerentes erant Liberio, re audita, ab eo deficientes, Felici Catholicae fider vexillum extollenti seize iunxerunt: à quo tempore coepit Felix, ante schismaticus, haberi iam ab illis legitimus Rom. Ecclesiae Pontifex: existimatusue Liberius, ob manfestam cum haereticis communicationem ex epistolis ab eo scriptis de conniventia cum Arianis, à communicatione Catholicorum prorsus extorris: impossibile esse iudicantibus cunctis, eundem Liberium communicare posse haereticis atque Catholicis. Cùm igitur adeò manifestè constaret de eius communione inita Sirinij cum haereticis, ex eo ipso necessariò videbatur exclusus a communione Catholica, atque ob id etiam à Pontificatus functione penitus alienus. Baron. ibid. num. 57 renounced Liberius, & adhered unto Felix as unto their lawful Pope: i Tametsi enim Liberius haereticus non erat, tamen habebatur, propter pacem cum Atianis factam, haereticus, & ex ea praesumptione meritò potuit ●● Pontificatus abrogari, non enim homines tenentur, aut possunt corda scrutari: sed quem externis operibus haereticum esse vident, simpliciter haereticum judicant, ac ut haereticum damuant. Bellar. l. 4. de Rom. Pon. c. 9 §. Post. because they examining him only according to his outward behaviour, did simply judge him to be an heretic. This is the best and favourablest answer that either Bellarmine, or Baronius, the chief Advocates for Liberius, could return us in his behalf. But we say that he was actively an heretic, and evince this from the sentence of the Fathers: Jerome saying, that k Et in hoc habebatur detestabilis (Fortunatianus) quòd Liberium Rom. urbis Episcopum, pro fide ad exilium pergentem, primus solicitavit, ac fregit, & ad subscriptionem haereseos compulit. Hieron, Catalogue. Eccles. Tit. Fortunatianus. Tom. 1. he did subscribe; * See the object, above at the letter, c. Hilary, and S. * See the Confession of Cusanus at the letter, m. Augustine intimate, that as he was exiled by the Arians for resisting the Arian heresy, so was he by them recalled again, and freed, because he subscribed unto it. l Cùm Liberium Imperator revocàsset, praesentibus Legatis occidentis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sozom. l. 4. c. 14. after the Greek. c. 15. Sozomen expresseth the subscription, even a confession, that Christ was not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and consubstantial with the Father; which is the rank poison of Arianisme. 5 Secondly their own Romish Doctors, viz. Cardinal m Et licet Liberius Papa tunc, qui (ut scribit August. contra Crescent. Arianaesectae se subscripsit) licet resisteret in principio, & propter hoc in exilium missus esset (& habetur elegans disputatio Constantij Imperatoris, & ●iberij) redijt autem de exilio victus, etc. Card Cusanus concor. Cath. l. 2. c. 5. pag. 716. Cusanus, Cardinal n Loco eius (Felicis) Liberius factus haereticus, substi●utus est. Turrecrem. Sum. de Eccles. lib, 2. c. 103. Turrecremata, o Qui Imperatoris beneficio motus, cùm haereticis in rebus omnibus, ut quidam volunt, sentiens, illud tamen cùm Catholicis tenebat, haereticos ad fidem redeuntes non esse rebaptizand●s. Platina. in vita Liberij. fol. 50. Pontifex autem, tametsi cùm Arianis sentiebat, Ecclesias Dei quàm diligenter exornavit. Idem. ibid. Platina, p Hi precibus suis apud Constantium, in Felicis invidiam Liberio reditum ad urbem confecere: quo ille beneficio commotus ex confesso A●●anus, ut quidam scribunt, est factus. Anton. Sabellicu● Ennead. 7. lib. 8. cap. 36. Sabellicus, q Hieron. in Chron. Sic ergo taedio exilij victus Liberius, & in haeretica pravitate subscribens, Romam quasi victor intravit. Ex lib. Pontificum. Ab eodem die, persecutio in Clero ita ut intra Ecclesiam Presbyteri & Clerici necarentur Vincent. Burgund Epist. spec. hist. ad Greg. 14. l. 14. c. 11. pag 185. Venet. 1591. Ex gestis eorum. ●usebius autem Presbyter urbis Rom. coepit ipsum Liberium declarare haereticum, multique per cius doctrinam communionem Liberij vitabant. Idem ibid. c. 12. initio. Vincentius, tell us of his subscribing unto the heretical sect; of his being made an heretic, and by name an Arian; of his restoring to the Popedom by the help of the Arians, which was attempted not without the murder and martyrdom of Catholics, who did resist: wherein we see the interpretation of his heresy written in blood. Can ever visible Church require more visible demonstrations of an heretic, than these were? 6 Having so full and strong proof against this one, we may more easily pass over the opinion of Pope Innoc●ntius the first (anno 402,) who defended it to be a matter necessary unto salvation, r Sancto Innocentio vide quid respondeas.— Qui denique paruulos definivit, nisi manducaverint carnem filij hominis, vitam prorsus habere non posse. August. Tom. 7. Cont. julian. lib. 1. c 2. col. 943. For children to receive the Sacrament of the Eucharist: which whosoever shall defend, is by their Council of Trent (and that justly) pronounced s Siquis dixerit paruulis, antequàm ad annos discretionis pervenerint, necessariam esse Eucharistiae communionem, Anathema sit. Conc. Trid. Sess. 21. Can. 4. Anathema. And accordingly may we omit the pursuit of the judgement of their Pope Anastasius the second (anno 497,) whom our Adversaries themselves have noted for one that t Et Anastasium secundum huius nominis Pontificem favisse Nestorianis, qui historias legerit, non dubitat▪ Alphonsus de Castro adverse. Haeres. l. 1. c. 4 pag. 7. b. favoured the Nestorian heretics, and u Anastasius secundus, natione Romanus— Eodem tempore multi Clerici se à communione ipsius abegerunt, eò quod communicasset sinc Concilio Episcoporum, vel Presbyterorum, & Clericorun cunctae Ecclesiae Catholicae Diacono Thessalonicensi, nomine Fotino, qui communicaverat Acatio●●● qui occultè voluit revoca●e Acatium, & non potuit, nutu divino percussus est. Gratian. Decret. part. 1. dist. 19 C Anastasius. had communion with them: for which cause he was forsaken of the Catholics, and afterward suddenly x Item nec facit ad propositum adversariorum, quod legitur de Anastasio. in C. Anastasius. D. 19 & in Gloss. Quoniam licet ibi dicatur, quòd aliqui presbyteri recessissent ab eo, quòd communicasset Fotino & Acatio; non tamen legitur quòd per universalem Ecclesiam fuerit sententiatus aut condemnatus: sed benè legitur, quòd fuerit divino judicio percussus, & ita à Deo depositus. Turrecrem. Card, Sum. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 103. stricken with the hand of God, after his y Abegerunt,— Sed contra 8. q. 4. [Nun:] ubi dicitur, quòd ante tempus sententiae non possunt Clerici recedere ab Episcopo. Sed hic non recesserunt ante sententiam, qu jam inciderat in haeresin iam damnatam. Glossa in idem cap. Anastasius. fall into that heresy, which had been formerly condemned. Him therefore we leave, for we are now called to look beyond the lists, and to prove That after the prefined time diverse Popes have been branded with the marks of heresy: from the testimony of our Romish Adversaries. SECT. 2. 7 Pope Honorius living about the year 622, came not above 22 years after the 160 now limited and prescribed by the Apologists; concerning whom we find the Romanists in a civil war, as it were, fiercely battelling among themselves about this question, whether he were a Monothelite, or no. First, his own a Ob. Primùm, ex epistolis ipsius Honorij: extant enim duae epistolae Honorij ad Sergium, una in 6. Synodo, act. 12. altera ibid. act. 13. in uti aque autem Honorius approbat doctrinam Sergij principis Monothe litarum, & jubet non debere dici, Christum duas habere voluntates, aut operationes. Bellar. l. 4. de Pont. c. 11 initio. Epistles are alleged against him: their Cardinal Bellarmine answereth, that b Respondeo dupliciter: primò, fortasse illas epistolas esse confictas, & insertas Concilio generali ab haereticis; quòd enim hoc non temerè dicatur, patet ex co, quòd constat in 5. Synodo, fuisse à similibus haereticis insertas epistolas fictitias Vigilij Papae Rom. & Mennae Patriarchae Constantinop. Ibid. §. Ad primum. those Epistles perhaps were forged, and inserted by heretics; which notwithstanding their Cardinal Baronius acknowledgeth to c In promptu est, ut de eo integrari judicium possit. & afferantur in medium caedem ab Honorio scriptae epistolae: ut ijsdem inspectis, an mereatur ex cis Honorius condemnari, quisque arbiter aequus accedens sententiam far possit. Extant illae ipsae integrae ijsdem acts intextae, & Dei magno beneficio conseruatae, ut qualis Honoriu● fuerit, ex ij●dem probe intelligi possit. Baron. Anno 681. num 29. have been preserved entire and perfect. Their next answer is, that the same Epistles d Secundo dico. in epistolis istis Honorij nullum contineri e●rorem. Honorius enim in his epistolis confitetur, quod ad rem attinet, duas in Christo voluntates, & operationes: & solùm prohibet nomina unius, vel duarum voluntatum, quae, tunc erant inandita, id que prudentissinio consilio. Bellar. lib. 4. de Pont. c. 11 §. Secundo. And Baronius at the letter, c. contain in them no error. As though such writings could be absolutely free from error, which the Answerer himself surmizeth to have been corrupted by heretics. As for * Bellar. quo suprà. his reasons for the clearing Honorius, they are such as may equally justify e Sed justè contrà eos tantummodò hanc proffer, q●i non confitentur, quod probabiles Ecclesiae Patres confitentur: hoc est, duas ei●sdem atque unius sicuti essentias unitas inconfusè & in●i●●sè, ita & aequali numero voluntates & operationes, divinam dico & humanam: maximè eum, qui secundùm Deum suas, ut condecet, properat promulgare sententias.— Ab omni enim contagione haereticâ alienum consist●t verbum Orthodoxiae, quod sine dubio intransgressibiliter confiteri in confession aeterna omnibus praecepit Dominus, dùm dicit,— Qui autem negaverit me, & sermons meos, negabo eum & ego coram Patre meo, qui in coelis est.— Ipse Paulus Constantinop. neque 〈◊〉 qui cum eodem sentiunt, Cyrus, Pyrrhus, & Sergius.— Minimè praevidentes, quontam per alterum aliud perimunt, hoc est, unam ooperationem per hoc quod dicunt, nec unam operationem assere●e, cum unam voluntatem Christi dogmatizare no●cantur. Synod. Lateran. sub Martino Papa. 1. apud Surium pag 812. Tom. 2. S●e in the sixt Synod. Constantinop. Act 8. 9 whether there was not as much confessed by the Monothelite Matarius. Bellarmine's next reason. At paul● infrà apertè praedicat unam tantùm voluntatem his verbis, undè & unam voluntatem fatemur Domini nostri jesu Christi.— Respondeo, eo loco Honorium locutum esse solùm de humana natura, ac dicere voluisle, non fuisse in homine Christo duas pugnantes voluntates, unam carnis, alteram spiritus, sed unam tantùm, nimirum spiritus. Caro enim in Christo nihil absolutè appetebat contrà rationem. Hanc autem esse mentem Honorij, pla●um est ex ratione, quam reddit, Sic enim ait: unde & unam voluntatem fatemur, &c Bellar. q. supra. c. 11. § At paulò. Honorius premised, unum esse Dei & hominum mediatorem, ex divinitate & earn mirabiliter unitum, unum eundemq. in utri q●naturis passum; then inferreth: unde & fatemur unam voluntatem, speaking expressly of the two natures of Christ, divinity, and humanity, not of the only humanity, and inferreth from thence unam voluntatem, which is the heresy and the same argument which the heretic Paulus Constantinop. used in the 13. Act. 6. Synod. Constantinop. (Paulus Constantinop.) undè & Deus dicitur passus, & silius hominis de coelo descendisse, propter illam, quae suprà recensita est, inseparabilem, & secundùm subsistentiam duarum naturarum unitionem. Proptere● & unam voluntatem Domini nostri jesu Christi intelligamus, ne adversitatem vel differentiam voluntatum in una●ade●●que persona Domini nonostri jesu Christi adnectamus▪ aut eum sibi reluctantem doceamus. Apud Surium quo suprà. pag 997. Sergius, Cyrus, Pyrrhus and others, who were then condemned for Monothelites. 8 Secondly, the sixt general Council of Constantinople is found to have condemned f Ob. Ex sexta Synodo Act 13. ubi damnatur Honorius tanquam hae eticus, & comburuntur eius epistolae, & in seqq. Actionibus omnibus repetitur eius damnatio. Bellar quo suprá. § Secundum. Honorius: The Cardinal (to remove this brand of disgrace) contendeth to prove, that g Ad secundum ico, sine dubio Honorij nomen inter eos, qui damnantur à 6. Synodo, insertum esse ab aemulis Rom. Ecclesiae, & similiter quicquid aliud ibi dicitur contra Honorium. Hoc probo primò, quia hoc testatur Anastasius Bibliothecarius in historia sua ex Theophane Isauro Graeco. Bellar. ibid. §. Ad secundum. the name of Honorius was foisted into that Synod among the names of the condemned heretics, by those who then envied the excellency of the Church of Rome. Were those envious ones heretics? then * (Because Catholics would have been as diligent to preserve them, as others to corrupt them.) could they not: were they Catholics? then they would not corrupt the Acts of their Counsels, or suffer them to be so much depraved: but so it is, that the integrity rather of h Anastasius upon the life of Honorius, is s●lent, but Anno 683 in vita Leonis 2. saith: Hic (id est, Leo secundus) suscepit sanctam sextam Synodum, quae per Dei providentiam nuper in regia urbe celebrata est, Graeco cloquio conscriptam exequente, ac resident piissimo ac clementissimo magno Principe Constantino intra regal palatium eius, quod appellatur Trullus. Simulque, cum eo Legati sedis Apostolicae, & duo Patriarchae, id est, Constantinop. & Antioch. atque 150. Episcopi▪ in qua & condemnati sunt Cyrus, Sergius, Honorius, Pyrrhus, Paulus, Petrus. nec non & Macarius, cum discipulo suo Stephano, said & Polychronius nows Simon, qui unam voluntatem & operationem in Domino jesu Christo dixerunt, vel praedicaverunt, aut qui denuò praedicaturi fuerint, aut defensaverint. Sed & nunc duae voluntates & operationes ipsius dispensatoris Christi, & salvatoris Dei nostri dicatur, sicut eadem Synodus studiosissimè in Latinum translata declarat. Anastasius Biblioth. hist. in vita Leonis, Anno Christi 683. an hundred & fifty Bishops, who in Trullo proceeded against the Monothelites, must suffer prejudice, than that the credit of one Pope may be impeached. 9 Thirdly, supposing (for he might foresee the former answer would be thought too harsh) that the Synod of Constantinople had expressly by name condemned Honorius; he doubteth not to tell us, that the i Quodsi aliquis adhuc non possit adduci, ut credat corruptam esse 6. Synodum, is accipiat alteram solutionem, quae est johannis à Turrecremata, lib. 2. de Eccles. cap. 93 qui docet Patres 6. Synodi damnasse quidem Honorium, sed ex falsa informatione, ac proinde in eo judicio errâsse. Quamuis enim generale Concilium legitimum non possit errare, ut neque erravit hoc 6. in dogmatibus fidei definiendis: tamen errare potest in quaestionibus de facto. Bellarm. lib. 4 de Pont. cap. 11. §. Quodsi. Synod erred not in a matter of faith (saith he) but in a matter of fact. But herein he remembreth not the Acts or Epistles of Honorius, whereby the Council was induced to pronounce him an heretic, & forgetteth also his own assertion (which will teach him to recant this answer) wherein he said, If k Ob. Caiaphas condemnavit Christum.— Alij Catholici respondent, quaestionem tantùm de facto fuisse, non de iure, viz. an Christus esset necandus. At quaestio illa, etiamsi de facto esset, tamen quaestionem de fide graviss. involuebat, an Christus esset verus Messiah. Bellar l. 2. de Conc. c. 8. §. Proponunt 2. in the jews proceeding against Christ, the question of fact, (viz. whether Christ were to be put to death) did contain in it a question of faith, to wit, whether Christ was the Messiah or no; why must it not then likewise follow, that this matter of fact, in condemning Pope Honorius of heresy, did comprise in it this conclusion: Ergo, the Pope of Rome may become an heretic, (as well as Sergius, or Macarius, or any other of the Monothelites, who together with him were therefore condemned?) and consequently it contradicteth the now Article of the Roman faith. 10 If we ask why the grave Bishops of so famous a Council should err in that matter of fact, their Cardinal Baronius can readily and roundly answer us, that the Council l Certè quidem Honorij epistola prius disqui●●nda fuit, & tempus praesens, quo scripta est, considerandum, & ita de Honorio fuerat ferenda sententia. At cùm nullius poss●t erroris argui, vel haeresis nondum cognitae in suspicionem adduci: cerium est, calumnio●è & levitèr admodum, sicut in●●ssè. Honorium haereticum appellari. Baronius anno Christi 633. num. 35. did not examine the Epistle of Honorius exactly enough, but lightly and unjustly proceeded against him. Cease (good Reader) to marvel at this boldness, considering who it is that answereth thus, and for whom; a Cardinal for a Pope: otherwise the answer way seem more than strange: except we shall think this one Cardinal, who now many hundred years after handleth this cause, to be better seen in the matter, than were the foresaid three hundred and fifty Bishops, who lived at the same time, and took m The Council about the 22. day of March, do read and discuss the epistle of Honorius. Act 12. and proceeded not unto judgement, before the 28. day, in the Act. 13. where they say▪ six days deliberation about the Epistle of Honorius, which they said they had n Se retractâsse Honorij epistolam, eademque ut alienam ab Apostolicis dogmatibus execra●i, & authorem cum ipsa. handled again and again, and in the end concluded an execution against both the foresaid Epistle, and the Author thereof. 11 In the third place is produced the seventh general Council, pronouncing Honorius an Anathema: but their Cardinal Bellarmine doth quickly dispatch us an answer: o Ob. Te●tium ex 7. Synodo, act. vlt. ubi totum Concilium dic●t Anathema Honorio. Bellar. l. 4. de Pont. ca 11. §. Tertium. Respondeo, Patres septin ae Synodi— deceptos fuisse ex 6. Synodo, quae vel corrupta erat, vel per e●rorem Honorium damnaverat. Ibid. §. Ad tertium. This Council was deceived (saith he) by the presidence of the former Council. That is to say (if it be truly interpreted,) the Fathers of this Council did attribute more credit unto the sixt Council of Constantinople, than the now Cardinal will do. 12 Besides (which is the fourth objection) ᵖ an eight Council under Pope Adrian the second, doth acknowledge the former condemnation of Honorius In the answering unto this, their Cardinal will be cautelous: for, If we understand (saith he) the acts of the sixt Synod as corrupted, than we say that Pope Adrian was deceived by them: but if we hold them to have been perfect, then are we to know, that granting (which the Cardinal denied) that Honorius had been condemned in a Council, yet doth he not call Honorius an heretic. And he addeth furthermore (which maketh more against Honorius) that the Eastern Bishops durst not condemn Honorius, without the consent of the Legates of Pope Agatho: nor this only, but cue Quartum ex 8. synodo, act. 7. ubi legitur, & probatur epistola Conc. Romani sub Adriano 2. ubi Pontifex cum Concilio asserit fuisse Honorium iudicatum post morté à Conc. 6 quia de haeresi accu●atus fuerat. Bellarm. quo supra. §. Quartum. Respondeo, Adrianum secundum cum Synodo Rom. non apertè dicere Honorium fuisse haereticum: sed solùm dictum ei fuisse Anathema ab Orientalibus, quia de haeresi accusatus fuerat. Vbi videtur Adrianus iccirco dixisse ab Orientalibus anathematizatum Honorium fuisse, quia sc●ebat ab Occidentalibus, id est, à Concilio S. Martini non fuisse anathematizatum. Addidit autem Adrianus, etiam in causa Honorij non fuisse au●os Orientales sententiam dicere in Honorium, nisi Rom. sedis consensus praecessisset, quia sciebat legatos Agathonis consensisse in damnationem Honorij. Atque haec quidem dicimus, si defendantur acta 6. Synodi tanquam integra. Nam si dicamus esse corrupta, respondendum erit, Adrianum deceptum fuisse ex depravatis illis acts sextae Synodi. Bellarm. ibid. §. Ad quartum. (which is yet more) q Hactenus Adrianus, ubi etiam addit, sententiam in Honorium l●tam ex Rom. Pontificis consensu fuisse. Id quod exploratum est in 6. Synodo generali, Act. 4. Canus locis theol. l. 6. c. vlt. pag. 213. b. Pope Adrian further addeth (saith their Canus,) that the sentence which passed against Honorius, was with the consent of the then Pope of Rome. 13 In the fift objection cometh in Pope Leo the second, r Ob. Sextum ex Leone 2. qui in epist, ad eundem Imperatorem, quae habetur ad finem Concilij, eundem Honorium execratur, tanquam qui sedem Apostolicam sua haeresi contaminaverit. Bellar. quò suprà. §. Sextum. execrating Honorius for defiling the Apostolical See with heresy. At this the s Ad sextum dico, epistolam Leonis ab eisdem esse corruptam, à quibus corrupta est 6. Synodus. Siquidem epistola illa pars quaedam Concilij censetur, & cum ip●o Concilio circumfertur. Vel certè Leo secutus est judicium Legatorum Agathonis, ne disturbaret negotium iam confectum: sed non tenemur nos magis unum Leonem sequi, quàm tot ali●s summos Pontisices, praesertim in quaestione de facto, quae ad fidem non pertinet. Bellar. ibid. §. Ad sextum. Cardinal (after some other t Proved to be insufficient, because the Epistle is recorded as uncorrupt: In libro pretereà Pontificali refertur Leo secundus sextam Synodum suscepisse, in qua condemnati sunt Cyrus, Honorius. Melchior Canus loc. theol. l. 6. c. vlt. pag. 213 b. And concerning the Legates of Pope Agatho, it followeth in the next Objection. insufficient conjectures) waxeth wroth with this Pope Leo: We are not bound (saith he) rather to follow Pope Leo, than other Popes (which Popes spoke not any thing of Honorius) especially in a matter of fact. Well▪ ●et this censure of Pope Leo in this matter of fact, thinking that a Pope had defiled the See apostolic with heresy, doth cross and contradict the now Romish faith, which teacheth that the Pope's chair was always an infallible Oracle of truth. 14 There followeth the last objection from the proceed of the Legates of Pope Agatho, who being present in the sixt Synod, suffered ( * See above at the letter, q. not without the consent of the then Pope) the foresaid u Cur igitur, inquies, Legati Agathonis non reclamanrunt, cùm Honorius damnaretu●? Respondeo id factum esse ad evitandum mai●s malum: Verebantur enim Legati, si reclamarent, nè impediretur definitio rectae fidei, & non posset tolli schisma, quod annis 60. iam duraverat. Nam damnabantur in eo Concilio Patriarchae multi Constantinop. Alexand. Antioch. quorum successores non facilè acquievissent, nisi etiam Honorius damnaretur, qui unà cum illis accusatus fuerat. Bellar. quo suprà §. Cur igitur. False, for the Legates defended Pope Vigilius in the same Synod, act. 3. 12. & 14. because he was unjustly accused. therefore must Honorius be thought to have been justly accused, because the Legates did not defend him. Honorius to be condemned in the Council. The sum of the Cardinal's answer is, that the Legates of the Pope chose rather that Pope Honorius should be condemned, than that they would disturb the proceeding of the Council against Sergius, and other heretics; who would not willingly have yielded unto the sentence of the Synod, except Honorius, who was accused of the same heresy, had together with them been likewise condemned. In the which answer the Cardinal hath excelled himself, accounting it a Romish policy in some case to satisfy guilty persons, by condernning an innocent. Which answer is, for iniquity wonderful, but much more for the incongruity thereof, especially seeing that it proceedeth of that School and prefession, which had rather all other Churches should be thought guilty in condemning, than to acknowledge one Pope (whom they make the universal head of the Church) worthy to be condemned. 15 In conclusion, he professeth, in defence of Honorius, to oppose x Ad septimum, ob●●cio authores authoribus, plures paucioribus, & antiquiores recentioribus. Nam Maximus, qui tempore Honorij vixit,— Theophanes Isaurus,— Emanuel Calleca,— Honorium semper Catholicum fuisse testantur. Deinde Photius etiam Graecus, & Rom. Ecclesiae infestus, in libello de septem Synodis, ubi ad 6. Synodum venit, dicit damnatos fuisse.— Authors against Authors: but they be * At de Honnrio nil dicit tale. Similiter Zonaras in vita Constant●m 4. re●crens nomina damnatorum in 6. Synodo, Honorium omittit. Quod idem facit Paulus Diaconus in vita eiusd●m Constant. 4.— Reda, Anastasius Biblioth. Blondus l. 9— Naucletus, Sabellicus, Platina, & alij, Honorium Catholicum, & sanctum Pontificem faciunt. Bellar qu● suprà. §. Ad septimum. Mutes against Liquids, & some y Some doubt that Theophanes is mista●en by the Cardinal. Blondus is reproved ●y Aeneas Silvius: Qui non quàm vera, sed qu●m multa scriberet cutam habuit. Aeneas Silvius in comment. Yet this is the author whom Sabellicus, Platina, and Nauclerus did follow. doubtful against the certain. For (that we may muster our Army together) we have 207. Bishops in the Appendix of the sixt Council of Constantinople in Trullo, and 350 Bishops in the second Council of Nice, 373 Bishops in the eight Council, being the fourth of a Act. 7. Constantinople. Of Popes, we have recorded by their b Locis Theol. lib. 6. cap. 8. Canus these three, Adrian the second, Agatho, and Leo the second: besides c By Card Bellar. lib 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 11. §. Septimum. Tharasius Bishop of Constantinople, Theodorus Bishop of jerusalem, Epiphanius Diaconus, Psellus, d Him Canus citeth, quo supra: and Canus himself in his loc. Theol. l. 6. cap. 8. Beda, Canus, e In Pontificali, de vitis Pontif. in vita Leonis 2. Photius Bibliothecarins, both these some Protestants have cited. Anastasius and Photius: so that Honorius cannot but be cast, if that the number of Popes, Bishops, and other Authors be of any weight. We add briefly z Conc. Nicen. 2. Act. 7. epist vlt. Cum Sergio, Honorio, & reliquis impie sentientibus. Apud Surium, Tom. 3. pag. 190. The confessed heresies of some after-popes'. SECT. 3. 16 Let our Adversaries plead for their Pope Celestine the third, who (anno 1191) is known by his decree to have dissolved the a Celestinum 3 Alphonsus de Castro, lib. 1. de haeres. cap. 4. affirmat, non posse ullo modo excusari ab haeresi, quòd docuerit per haeresin, ita matrimonium solui, ut liceat ei coniugium aliud inire, cuius prior coniux in haeresin lapsus sit. Esse autem hanc Celestini sententiam haereticam, planum est, tum quia contrarium docuit Innocentius 3 Cap. Quanto, de divortijs, tum etiam quia idem definitum est in Conc. Tridentino, Sess. 24. Can. 5.— matrimony of a party relapsing into heresy: for albeit they answer, that b Respondeo, nec Celestinum nec Innocentium aliquid de ea re certi statuisse, sed utrumque respondisse, quod sibi probabilius videbatur.— Epistolam Celestini fuisse aliquando inter epistolas Decretales, verum quidem est, sed non potestinde colligi, factum esse à Celestino Decretum planè Apostolicum, & ex Cathedra, cùm constet, multa esse alia in epistolis Decretalibus, quae non faciunt rem aliquam esse de fide, sed solùm opiniones Pontificum de ea re nobis declarant. Bellar. l. 4. de Rom. Pont. c. 14. §. Tricesimus tertius. although this his sentence were sometime registered among the decretal Epistles of Popes, yet was this not a decree Apostolical, and proceeding out of the chair. Notwithstanding we know that their own Popes have thought, that nothing can be held to be delivered more E Cathedra, than are such their public decrees: commanding c Innocentius:— Ita nostra declaratione custodiri mandamus, ut si quis in illa commiserit, veniam sibi denegari noverit deinceps. Dicendo verò omnia Decretalia constituta, nullum de decretalibus constitutis praetermisit, quod non mandaverit esse custodiendum. Et rursus asserendo omnium Praedecessorum nostrorum, nullum Pontificum Romanorum, qui ante se fuerunt, excepit, cuius ita non praeciperet Decretalia constituta ab omnibus custodiri.— Consonat autem huic— Papa Gelasius, ita inquiens: Decretales epistolas, quas beatisses. Papae diversi temporibus ab urbe Romana pro diversorum Patrum consultatione dederunt, venerabiliter suscipiendas decernimus. Gratian. Gloss. Decret. part. 1. dist. 19 C. Si Romanorum. all to keep all the decrees of the former Popes, without exception, d Sic omnes sanctiones Apostolic sedis accipiendae sunt, tanquam ipsius divina voce Petri firmatae. Decret. ibid. Cap. Sic. omnes Petri.] Nam Papa sanctitatem recipit à Cathedra, ut 40. Dist. Non nos. Glossa in eum locum. even as the ordinances confirmed and ratified by the voice of S. Peter. Whereupon their own Castro hath concluded, that e Neque talis error fuit, ut dicamus illum errâsse ut privatam personam, & non Papam, quoniam huiusmodi Celestini definitio habebatur in antiq●is Decretalibus, quam ipse vidi & legi. Ergo nulli homini iure tenemur in interpretatione sacrarum literarum credere, sed judicium ipsum esse penes Ecclesiam. Alphonsus de Castro adversus haeres. lib. 1. cap. 4 fol. 7. See above lit. ●. Pope Celestine, even as Pope, did fall into the forenamed heresy. 17 Let them defend Pope john 22, who (anno 1410) taught, that none can enjoy the presence of God before the day of resurrection. For although they f Respondeo,— johannem hunc revera sensisse animas non visur as Deum, nisi post resurrectionem: caeterùm hoc sensisse quando adhuc sentire licebat sine periculo haeresis: nulla enim adhuc praecesserat Ecclesiae definitio. Voluit autem johannes quaestionem definire, sed cum adhuc in praeparatione & consultationibus versaretur, mortuus est.— Refert autem johannes Villanus johannes Villanus johannem Papam pridiè ante mortem partim declarasse, & partim etiam revocasse sententiam suam.— Deindè addidisse, existimare se iam probabiliorem sententiam esse eam, quae asserit Beatos frui visione divina et●●m ante diem judicij▪ Et hanc sententiam se amplecti, nisi aliquando aliud Ecclesia definictit, cuius definitioni suas omnes sententias l●bentissimè sub j●eret. Haec retractatio apart docet, johannis Papae mentem semper bonam & Catholicam fuisse. 〈…〉: Retractavit quidem sententram suam pridiè ante mortem, sed suasu affinium, non jussu Regis. Vide johannem V●●lan●m lib. 11. cap. 19 ex quibus etiam deteguntur Erasmi calumniae: neque enim verum est, johannem adactum ad palinodiam Bellar. lib. 4. de Pont. cap. 14. § Respondeo imprimis, etc. answer us either, that this opinion might at that time be defended without danger of heresy, because it was never condemned before, or that he did not resolutely define it▪ or that afterward he was not compelled to recant it; yet have we to oppose, from their own Authors, against the first, that this doctrine before this time was accounted an g Sexta haeresis docet, nullam animam ante diem indicij esse beatam: quoniam (ut ait) nulla anima ante illum diem videt Deum. Huius haeresis authores sunt Armeni. Alphonsus de Castro quo supr. i, lib. 3. Tit. Beatitudo, §. Sexta haeresis. heresy in the Armenians; and that h Haeresis est dogma falsum, fidei orthodoxae repugnans:— sive quis illud dogmatizet, sive tacitus affirmet. Alphonsus ibid. lib. 1. cap. 1. heresy is heresy, whether it be publicly, or privately believed. Unto the second, that Pope john did foe fully define it, as (for this their own Pope i Sed ne verbis meis aliquis in hac part sidem deroget, verba Adriani Papae referam, qui in suo sententiarum calce cuiusdam quaestionis de Sacramento Confirmationis, ita ait: Novissimè fertur de johann 22. quòd publicè docuit, declaravit, & ab omnibus teneri mandavit, quod animae purgatae ante finale judicium non habent stolam, quae est clara & facialis visio Dei: & Vniversitatem Parisiensem ad hoc induxisse dicitur, quòd nemo in ea poterat gradum in Theologia adipisci, nisi primitus hunc errorem iurasset se defensurum, & perpetuò ei adhaesurum. Haec Adrianus. Alphonsus quo suprà, lib. 3. Tit. Beatitudo. §. Sexta haeresis. Adrian testifieth) to teach it publicly, & to declare and command it to be believed of all men, and to suffer none of the University of Paris to take any one degree in Divinity, before he had given his oath to maintain this doctrine as long as he lived. Unto the third, that k johannes 22. quaestionem movit, utrùm beatae defunctorum animae ante diem judicij noviss visionem divinitatis Christi consequerentur,— sub Anathematis fulmine literatos hanc quaestionem in utramque partem excutere cogebat; mirificè Minoritanoes sodales complectebatur, qui argumentum aliquod pro part negante attulissent: Generalem, quem vocant, Lutetiam misit, qui dogma illud spargeret.— qui palinodiam canere publicè coactus est. Rex Francorum Philippus seriò Pontificem ●●prehendit ●ontificis munus esse dicitans, non movere novas, sed motas haereses extinguere: cuius authoritate percussus Pontifex, ab mutili quaestion● destitit Villanus lib. 12. cap. 229. & Cranzius lib. 8. cap. 15. ut refert Zuingerus, Theat. hum. vitae, Vol. 5. lib. 4. pag. 1536. which is as much as Era●mus: johannes 22. siqua fides in historijs, decernebat ante diem judicij non esse puniendas animas imp●orum: quem errorem publicitus explosit schola Parisiorum, Pontificem adigens ad Palinodiam; nec dici potest hunc errorem privatum fuisse, publicum fuisse oportet, scripto aut etiam decreto vulgatum, cùm res adeo totam Galliam commoveret. Erasmus annot. in 1. Cor. 7. he was compelled to recant his opinion. 18 Let them contend to purge Pope john 23, who (anno 1417) was accused of a most pernicious heresy. For notwithstanding they answer, that either l Tricesimus-septimus est johannes 23. qui in Concilio Constantiensi Sess. 11. accusatur heresis perniciosissimae, dicitur enim negâsse vitam futuram, & carnis resurrectionem. Respondeo, joh. 23 non fuisse Pontisieem omninò certum & indubitatum, promdè non necessariò esse desendendum: erant enim co tempore tres, qui Pontifices haberi volebant,— nec poterat facilè judicari, quis eorum verus ac legitimus esset Pomifex, cùm non d●essent singulis doctissimi patroni. Addo praetereà, probabile vehementer ac let certum esse, cum 〈…〉 fuisse johanni Papae,: name imprimts came in ea Sess. Concily enumerarentur aracuh, 〈◊〉 Papae, primùm collocantur articuli 53. quiomnes ad mores pertinent, & 〈…〉 inde afterunturalijs quidam sine certis testibus, & horum penulumusi., de quo nunc agimus, nec recensentur 〈◊〉 causas damnationis. Bellar. quo supra. §. Tricesimus septimus. he was not then the true Pope, or that he held not that opinion: yet ●ave we evidence from their own Authors, that m johannes 23. quem 〈◊〉 Christians ●rbis pars, & 〈◊〉 Constantiensis Synodus pro Rom. Poptisice venerata est, per Synodum Constant●en●em 〈…〉 Conc. Basil. §. Possumus. sol. 8. b. And the Bishps of the Council knew more than 〈…〉 all. the greater part of Christians, and the Council of Constance did reverence him for the Bishop of Rome; whom that Synod doth call Dominus Papa above threescore times; against whom some n Sed 〈◊〉 Concilio johannes capitur, & in insla S. Marci prope Constantiam in carcerem 〈…〉 in anno 4, ment 〈◊〉. Causam fugae disquirere Concilium cùm coepit, certosque judices vir●● graviss. & 〈◊〉 leg●t, qui 〈…〉 discuterent, cademque; Concilio ex ord●ne referrent, ad 4●. capitula, & 〈…〉 aliqua cum in co nomine immutari possent (adeo erat inveterata) contra fidem indicata sunt; aliqua vero Christianis omnibus, si non damnarentur, scandalum patitura. Venietibus itaque 〈◊〉 is in candem sententiam, johannes merito è Ponuficatu de●ectus, sententiam in se latem comprobat. Platina in ●ita I●●. 24 fol. ●84. Articles were proved, which are contrarte unto faith: and by name, this concerning the resurrection, whereof he was accused (as from the knowledge of ᵇ diverse godly Prelates) of pertinacy in the same heresy, and so was he generally reputed. Now let us hear oh Item quod Dom. joh●●nes Papa 23. saepè & saepiùs coram diversis P●aelitis▪ & honestis, & probis vitis pertinaciter, Diabolo suadente, di●it, asseru●t, dogmatizavit & adstruxit, vitam aeternam non esse, neque aliam post hanc. quiminiò dixit & pertinaciter credidit, 〈◊〉 hominis cum corpore humano mori & extingui, ad instar animalium br●torum.— Sicue, ut predicates suit d●ctum, 〈◊〉 ●um, creditum, & reputatum; diciturue, tenetut, creditur, & reputatur palàm, publice, & notoriè. 〈…〉 Surium. pag. 814. Sol ob Beliar. It was not necessary for them to put in his condemnatum and optimen, which he 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 would any Atheist suffer for hu negative saith. They who number this john 24. did 〈◊〉 john the woman 〈…〉 one. The conclusion of the Apologists former Demonstration. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Whereby also it is (in our opinion) most evidently yet further proved, that during all that mean time of the foresaid 160 years, the Bishops of the Roman Church did not com● to the profession of our now religion, by means of any their then ●●uised Innovation or change in faith. THE PROTESTANTS CONCLUSION, From the premises. SECT. 4. 19 We now see the Demonstration of the universal communion, which ancient Fathers are said to have had with the former Bishops of Rome, and what it doth especially demonstrate, namely, the incircumspection of these opponents: except they will associate the Fathers of more and less ancient times in fellowship with their Popes in Montanisme, idolatrous Pagantsme, Arianisme, Nestorianisme, Monothelitisme, (and to pass others) the worst of all others, more than * Denying not only the resurrection of the body, but cven the immortality of the soul also. See the last heresy of john 23. in this chap. Sect. 3 Sadduceisme. We have long longed to see some thing worthy the name of a Demonstration: it may be the next proof will shewit. CHAP. XXV. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Thirdly, this point is as yet made further more demonstrative, in that it is evident, and by our learned Adversaries confessed, that sundry even of the chiefest Articles of our faith, as namely z See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 Subdivision 2. Real presence: a See heretofore Tract: Sect. 2. Subdivision 3. and hereafter in the margin at the letter 〈…〉 3. Sect. 1 Sacrifice: b See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 Subdivision 5. Freewill: c Ibidem Tract. 1. Sect. 3 〈…〉. Merit of works: d Confessed by M. Billon in his book of the Full redemption of mankind. pag. 188. fine. By Danaeus 〈…〉, pag. 176. paulò post medium, By M. Whitaker contra Duraeum, l. 9 pag. 773. initio. And by johannes 〈◊〉 in the book entitled, de Russorum, Muscovitaris, & Tartarorum religione, page 122. initio. And see heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 Subdivision 4. Limbus 〈◊〉 e Heretofore Tract 1 Sect. 3 Subdivision 4. And see also heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 7. 〈…〉 6. Prayer for the dead: f Heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 Subdivision 7. And see the Century writers, Centur. 3. col. 84. line 23. and Centur. 3. col. 83. line. 47. and Centur. 4. col. 1183. and Centur. 5. col. 1009. initio. And M. Fulke against the Rhemish Testament, fol 443. a. paulo ante med. and against Purgatory, pag. 310. antemed. Prayer to Saints: g Hereafter Tract. 2. c. 1. Sect. 3 l q. r. s. Monachisine: h Heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 initio. and hereafter Tract. 2. c. 1. Sect. 3. l. p. 〈…〉: 1 Heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. ●. example 1, & 2 & 5. and heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 Subdivision 10. Popish primacy: 2 See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect 3. Subdivision 8. The grace and necessity of Baptism: 3 Vide 〈◊〉. the 〈…〉 Baptism: 4 Vide ibidem Subdivision 9 and see also heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 7. in the margin, at the letter c. Confession of sins and absolution: k Heretofore Sect. 7. example 3. The unmarried 〈…〉: l Confessed by ●u●●ertus de Principles Christian dogm. l. 2. c. 10. pag. 675. ante 〈◊〉. & 678. fine, & 674. prope sinem. And by M Whitaker de saera Scriptura, pag. 678 paulo post med. & 668 fine & 690. po●t med. & 670. post med. And by Cartwright in M. Whitgifts' defence, etc. pag. 103. ante med. and heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3 Subdivision 11, & 12. Unwritten traditions, And (to omit many other) Hereafter Tract. 2. c. 1. Sect. 3 most of our m See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 3. lie. 〈…〉 six of our Sacraments. Sacraments are plainly found to have been professed and publicly taught in the 〈…〉 extant of sundry * See hereafter Tract. 2. c. 1. Sect. 3 of the confessed doctrines believed and taught in the fourth hundred years after Christ. ancient Fathers, who lived before the foresaid 160 years non 〈…〉 question. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. THis demonstrative evidence is nothing but a ruminating and repeating of that which hath not been by them rightly digested; as we have manifested in the same particulars; and from the testimonies of Romish Adversaries satisfied (to answer many with one) * If our Reader desire to found out the answer unto every particular, he may have recourse unto the Index, in the end of the book. heretofore: because we are loathe to tyre our Reader by often repetitions, wherewith the Apologists supper abound: whereof they give us a further example in the question Of the Churches being Invisible. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Insomuch that M. john Napeire (though our great Aducrsarie) affirmeth and confesseth the like answerable continuance of our religion before that foresaid mean time of 160 years: affirming to that end most plainly, that from n Nappier upon the Revelations, proposition 37. pag. 68 post med. the year of Christ 319. (which was before the said time now in question) the Antichristian and Papistical reign hath begun, reigning universally, and without any debatable contradiction 1260 years last passed: And that from o M. Nappier ibidem in c. 12. pag. 161. col. 3. circa medium. the year of Christ 316. God hath withdrawn his visible Church from open assemblies to the hearts of particular godly men etc. during the space of 1260. years: p M. Nappier ibidem in c. 11. pag. 145. col. 3. fine. The Pope and his Clergy having possessed the outward visible Church of Christians even 1260 years: q Vide ibidem. pag. 191. initio. The true Church abiding (so long) latent r Vide ibidem, p. 161. col. 3. circa medium, and pag. 156. ante med. & 237. paulò post med. & 23. sine. and invisible: with which his opinion or computation s M. Brocard upon the Revelations, fol. 110. a. & 123. b. M. Brocard also professeth to agreed: whereby it is more than evident, that our religion being thus publicly professed in the Roman Church both before and ever since the foresaid 160 years, could not therefore be any matter of Innovation of change, newly brought in or devised by the Roman Church, either then or afterwards. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: Concerning the invisibility of the Church; from the testimony of their Romish Adversaries. SECT. 2. 2 These recocted coleworts have now three or four times been presented by the Apologists, in steed of chief dainties to cheer up their guests: but what talk we of delicates? they glory so often and so exceedingly in these testimonies of Napier, and Brocard, as though in them they had fixed the Basis and foundation of their Apology. But with what insolidity this is performed, we have partly shown, and now do more plainly demonstrate, by examining both the position of the Inuisibility of the Church, and also the Application thereof. 3 Nothing seemeth unto our Adversaries to be more prejudicial unto the profession of Protestants, than is the term of visibility of the Church, wherein the Romanists do place a demonstrative note of a true Church, requiring that the Church hath a The Rhemish Translators annota●. upon Act. 11. pag. 323. been ever since the ascension of Christ notoriously seen and known, their preaching open, their Sacraments, discipline, and government visible; in such sort as to b Voluit enim Christus non modò visibilem esse Ecclesiam, sed valdè conspicuam, ut omnibus innotesceret gratia Dei, quae in hac sancta congregatione, & non alibi, asseruatur, atque confertur: unde eam eivitati, quae in monte posita est, & candelae super candelabrum similem fecit. Costerus Enchirid. cap. 2. de Eccles. §. Sat ne. pag. 111. be very conspiciously manifested unto all, for the which cause it is compared (saith this jesuite) unto a city placed upon the top of an hill. 4 Notwithstanding, other jesuits are glad to modify their opinion of the visibility of the Church, and to confess of the time past, viz. c jam verò ad varias Sectariorum argutias hoc loco refellendas, diligenter animaduerti debet, non sic accipiendum esse, quod dicimus, Ecclesiam esse semper conspicuam, quasi velimus eam omni tempore dignos●i posse aequè ●acilè 〈◊〉 enim ijs illam aliquando errorum, schisma●um, persecutionum s●uc●ibus esse agitatam ut imperatis quidem, n●c satis prudentes rationes temporum, rerumue circumstantias aestimantibus, ●●gnitu fuerit d●fficilis: quod tum max mè accidit, cum Arianorum perfidia in orb penè toto dominabatur. Name & eo tempore scripsit Hieronymus Ecclesiae naven fuisse ferè obrutam; & Hilarius pluribus admonuit verbis, non fuisse Ecclosiam tunc temporis in tectis & exteriori pompa quaetendam, sed potius in carceribus & speluncis. Non igitur negamus, quin fuerit alio quàm alio tempore difficilius Eccles●am dignoscere: hoc tamen asserimus, semper illam potuisse à prudentibus rerum aestimatoribus internosci. Etenim illo ipso tempore, quo videbatur later, cum praeteritis temporibus collato, dep●ehendi potuit Ecclesiam non apud multitudinem eorum, qui religionem innovabant, sed apud paucos illos potius fuisse, quid quod veteres illi Ecclesiae Patres, & fideles omnes, magno consensu diuturnisue temporibus tenuerunt, consectabantur. Greg. Valent. Analys. l. 6. c. 4. §. Probatio 4. In the time when the Arian heresy seemed to prevail almost throughout the whole world, that then the Church was hardly discernible, but only unto men of great prudency, insomuch that this ship (the Church) was then (as Jerome said) almost sunk: it consisting not in the multitude of Innovators, but in the paucity of true believers. 5 And concerning the time of Antichrist afterward to be revealed, they doubt not to acknowledge, that d The Rhemists in their annot. upon 2. Thess. 2. pag. 556. There is like to be a great revolt of kingdoms, and people, and provinces, from the open external obedience, and communion of the Church; so far, that albert the public intercourse of faithful with the same shall cease, yet the due honour of Christians toward it, and communion in heart with it, and practise thereof in secret, and open confession thereof, if time require, * Apoc. 13. shall not cease no more than it doth now in Christians of Cyprus, and other places, where an open entercourseiss forbidden. In this argument they are very copious, granting that * Apoc 13. All, but the predestinate, shall follow the beast, Antichrist, e Eo tempore auferendum est ●uge sacrificium, quod de tempore Antichristi intelligunt ●bi Hieron & Theod. Iren. & Hippol. Quo tempore omnem cultum divinum, quia Christianis exhiberi solet, cuiúsque suprema pars est sacrificium Eucharistiae, ad quod caetera omnia referuntur, cessaturum dicunt persecutionis acerbitate & violentia. Suar●z Ies. Tom 2. qu. 50. art. 6. Sect. 6. §. Secundo dicendum. Augustmus lib. 20. de Civit. Dei, c. 8. Per tres istos annos & dimidium Eucharistiae Sacramentum non erit ●n locis publicis, nec publicè debitus ei honour, & cultus adhibebitur, sed privatim & occultè seruabitur, & honorabitur à Christianis. Perer. Ies. in Dan. lib. 15. pag. 714. ●iturgia extinguetur, Psalmorum cantatio cessabit. Acosta Ies. de temp. no●iss lib. 2. cap. vlt. At what time all the usual worship of God (meaning in outward profession) shall cease. And finally some of them (whose speech they seem to qualify) said, that then f Posterior pars de side certa est, ut notanit Aug 20. de Civit. Dei, cap. 11. quia non potest Christus Ecclesiam suam ●ta deserete, ut omnin ● vincatur Nam portae interi non praevalebunt adversus eam, & ideò idem Christus dicit, Matth. 24. Propter electos bre●iabuntur dies illi. Erunt ergo multi electi qui non vincentur, & in quibus Ecclesia manebit. & ideò Apoc semper ponitur illa limitatio, Adoraverunt bestiam omnes qui inhabitant terram, quorum non sunt nomina scripta in libro vitae. Patres etiam supponunt tunc futuros esse multos, & eximios Martyrs, qui usque ad mortem erunt in fide constantes: ergo pari modo in montibus & speluncis perseverabun● multi confessores, qui supersti●es manebunt post mortem Antichristi. At in eyes non deficiet usus Sacramentorum, & sacrificij Eucharistici in locis abditis Persecutores enim non possunt haec auferre, nisi in eorum cognitionem venerint: non permi●tet autem Deus demonem aut omnia Sanctorum loca perlustrare, aut persecutoribus reve●are. Atque in hunc modum sunt prè intelligendi Catholici scriptores, si quan loveless dicunt ●o tempore de●ecturam fidem in universo orb, aut simile. Lege Sot. in 4. D. 46. q. ●. art. 1. Suarez Ies. quo suprà, §. Posterior. faith (taken for the outward profession of faith) shall cease throughout the face of the earth. 6 Add we hereunto that which their Cardinal hath acknowledged in the behalf of Protestants, that they do not teach, that * See above in this 〈◊〉 cap. 14. Sect. 2. the Church of Christ can fail, but that it may be invisible unto the world, although not to the professors themselves. And now Protestants and the Romanists do concur in words, and almost also in sense, wherein the Church of Christ is said (in respect of the outward profession, persons, and worship) not to be discernible, or visible: so that the difference is not so much in the position, as in The Application of the invisibility of the Church. SECT. 3. 7 Master Napier and M. Brocard both commenting upon the Apocalypse, and only supposing that the Donation, which the Romanists pretend to have been made by the Emperor Constantine unto Pope Sylvester, was true, do apply the entrance of Antichrist unto Sylvester: a I aurentium Vallam scimus integrum librum adversus receptam communi opinion sententiam declamàsse, jutispe. riti quae vulgo circumfertur eius donationis formula, eam commentitiam esse satis indicant, cum Paleae inscriptiones denotant. Eusebius, Ruffinus, Theodoretus, Socrates, Zozomenus, Eutropius, Victor, caeterique probae fidei authores, qui omnia Constantini gesta scripsere diligentissimè, non modo nullam donationis eius mentionem faciunt; sed tradunt etiam orbem Romanum sic inter tres illius filios distributum, ut Italia uni eorum tota contigerit, etc. Melchior Canus loc. the●l. l. 11. c. 5. §. Quod deindè. Which Donation the Romish Lawyers and Canonists have judged fabulous, intituling they, for that cause, palea, that is, chasse. Whereof (say they) Eusebius, Ruffian, and other Ecclesiastical Historians, make no mention at all; and whereunto their b At Pius Pontifex, sed ●lus rerum vetustate involutarum indagator, in nobili illo Dialogo, quem ante Pontificatum in Germania edidit, Paleae scripta de Constantino, ut subdititia & adulterina refellit, invehiturue contra iniseros (ut eius verbo utar) legistas, qui tantum sudant di●putando an id valuerit, quod nullo unquam tempore fuit, Balbus Episc. lib. de Coronat. pag. 49. Aenaeas Silvius (afterward Pope) gave no credit, but called it a bastardly and sergeant device, inveighing against those who contended for it as being in itself good, which yet never had being at all. Yet this worm-eaten post is become the pillar of the obiectd Conclusion. 8 Wherefore the Apologists in this one objection (which they * For four or five times is it repeated in the whole Apology. have so often repeated) have strayed into three erroneous by-paths. First, that which our forecited Authors spoke of Sylvester, as of a point ᶜ pretended, or d So Br●card: [Apoc. 11. And the whole city shall they tread under foot.] This judgement seemeth to have b●n pronounced by God's decree, even then when the Pope fell from C●rist, to wit, in the time of Sylvester: but to be finished in the sixt and seventh Trumpet. Which we g●ther by the 1260 days, ●ut for years, which 1260 d●yeses make 42 mon●thss. And a little after: For this cause I think, etc. Br●card up●n that pla●● of the Apoc. fol. 110. conjectured only, that the Apologists enforce as a case defined & resolved. Secondly, that which was applied only unto one point of Roman doctrine (which is called e See a●ove lib. 1. cap. 8. §. 2. Papacy, or papal jurisdiction,) they enlarge unto an acknowledgement of all Articles of the now Roman faith. Thirdly, that undebatable contradiction unto the Papal authority by him mentioned, the Apologists assume for a truth; notwithstanding it have been (according unto the confessed light of story) often and notoriously f See confessed ibid. & lib. 4. cap. 2. § 7 etc. contradicted in Antiquity by noble Martyrs, famous Churches, general Counsels, and also (which we might have added) by right Christian and renowned Emperors. 9 Finally, if one of our adversaries themselves (when six of their principal Doctors were produced against him) was licenced to except against them, saying, g The author of the book called the Moderate answer unto the Discovery of the Romish positions and practices for rebellion. As though six private men could make a general Axiom; how much more lawful might it be for us to deny the testimonies of but two Authors, not of eminent note for learning and judgement, especially whilst they comment upon the mystical book of Apocalypse, wherein (as men in a mist) they might sometime miss their way? We expect of the Apologists some new and sounder proof. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. W●ich point also is made as yet otherwise more manifest, by that which hath been heretofore confessed by our Adversaries, concerning the conversion 2 See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 1. in the marg. at the letter, d. an● in the text at the letter e, and ibid. l. f. g. of us Englishmen unto our now professed Catholic faith, by S. Austin then sent from Gregory Bishop of Rome. Concerning also the undo ●bted conversion of the 3 See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 2. l. m. and in the margin there at the letter, m. Britons of Ways in the Apostles times, a●● their 〈…〉 4 See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 2. in the margin there at this mark ¶. ●● that faith till A●stins' coming. And the foresaid evident 5 Hereof see heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 2. l. s. y. z. agreement of Austin and of the Britons of Wales in all substantial points of saith. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 4. 10 We must confess that the Apologists have been rich in promising such like manifestations and evidences, but upon discussing of particulars they have manifested their wallet of a double want, the one hanging before, and the other behind them: before in * Amongst others Transubstantiation. See above lib. 1. c. 2. Sect. 6. Free will, Merit, and justification. Sect. 11. Worship of Images. Sect. 25. Papal Primacy Se●t. 28. objecting, and behind them in * Besides other points, Canon of Scripture, Service in an unknown tongue, private Mass, Adoration of the Host. Lib. 1. cap. 5. and temporal subjection unto the Emperor, cap. 2. Sect. 31. omitting some particulars, and material points, wherein S. Gregory was an Adversary unto their now Romish profession. Whereunto they have added an evidence of a notable prevarication in their cause, whilst to make the Britons of Wales seem to have accorded unto the now Romish Church in * See above lib. 1. cap. 10. All matter of importance, and knowing that they refused to be subject unto Austen the Pope's Legate, and consequently denied the now pretended universal jurisdiction of the Pope: they have made the chief head of the Romish faith, a matter of smaller importance. And well it were with the now Britain's, and with other Christians, if it were esteemed a matter yet of smaller importance than it is. Nevertheless the Apologists can see no rubs in their way, all seem plain for them, even that also which followeth, viz. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. So plainly is that faith which the Roman Church now professeth, the very same whereto the Romans were converted in the Apostles times. A thing so evidently true, that our Adversary M. Bunny (though using all wariness to acknowledge or utter more then of necessity he must) confesseth yet (as enforced) and saith of the whole time since the Apostles to this present, that q See M. Bunny in his treatise tending to Pacification Sect. 14. circa med. pag. 89. the Church of Rome hath ever continued after a sort in the profession of the saith, since the time that by the Apostles it was delivered to them, etc. and hath also in some manner preserved, and hitherto maintained both the Word and the Sacraments that Christ himself did leave unto us; which surely (saith he) is a very special blessing of God, an evident work of the holy Ghost, etc. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 5. 11 After a sort, and in some manner, are terms indefinite, and have no certain latitude; how far the Author did extend them, we know not; how far he did not extend them, he himself doth show, where (in the same Treatise) he concludeth, that the Romanists are no sound members of the Catholic Church, both because (saith he) they go directly contrary unto the Christian faith, and also because they do vehemently impugn the revealed truth, and persecute the professors thereof. Therefore the taking of these terms of this our Author, [after a sort] and [In a manner the profession of the faith] which are but inches, and the stretching of them unto so long an ell, as to be the [plainly & evidently confessing, that the Roman Church professeth the same faith ( * For so they have inferred, reasoning thus: The same faith without any innovation, or change: See the Apol. above, §. 7. Unto the which faith, the English were converted in the days of S. Gregory, in all subsubstantiall points, which was the same with the now Roman Church in every particular. See above lib. 1. c. 1. Sect. 1 And n●w again: so plainly is that faith. in all substantial points) whereunto the Romans were converted in the Apostles times,] argueth no direct or plain dealing. 12 Howbeit, we know that the jews (unto whom were committed the a Rom. 3. 2. Oracles of God, and who carried his commandments in the b Matth 23. 5. Phylacteries and fringes of their garments) did profess the faith of their forefathers in some sort, and in some manner; when as yet by the c Matth 16. 6. leaven of their Doctors (the Pharisees) the d Matth. 15. 3. commandments of God were transgressed through their Traditions. So if we should not acknowledge Gods holy providence, (as in the Greek) so in the Roman Church, & some sort of profession of the ancient faith, by whom have been preserved the laws of the commandments, containing the sum of moral obedience; the Symbol and Creed Apostolical, which hold the sum of the fundamental Articles of faith; the two Sacraments, Baptism & Eucharist, which are the sacred seals of God's promises; and the Scriptures of the old and new Testament, in their first originals of Hebrew and Greek, being the evidences of our heavenly Father's will, and containing in them all truth necessary unto salvation: we might be worthily judged both impiously unthankful unto God, & enviously malicious against that Church. 13 Nevertheless as God commanded the c Deut. ●1. 26. tables of the law to be kept in the Ark of the covenant for a witness against the Israelites, if peradventure they should fall into idolatry and superstition: so must we acknowledge the same wisdom of God's holy providence in the preservation of the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles in that sacred volume of God's book, which now serveth unto us for our direction, and against our Adversaries for a conviction of their wandering from Apostolical sincerity. After this our so long travel in this Ocean of controversies, we long greatly to come within the ken of land: and now behold, THE ROMISH APOLOGISTS. And thus much briefly whether that the Roman Church professing the right faith in the Apostles times, hath at any time since ever altered or changed the same: against our aforesaid discourse whereof grounded upon several truths confessed even by our adversaries, if any bolder forehead shall wilfully oppose itself and shall without other answer or respect had to that which his learned brethren have heretofore confessed, and we otherwise proved, leap over all the aforesaid proofs and ages, jumping per saltum up to the Apostles, and then tell us, * So M. Whitaker lib. 7. contra Duraeum, pag. 478 ante medium, saith, Nobis sufficit ex Pont●ficiorum do●matum, & Scripturarum collatione discrim●n & dissim. litudinem agnoscere: Instoricis liberum relinquimus scribere quid velint. that howsoever we prove from histories and Fathers or other testimony of their own writers, concerning every of the ages since the Apostles times, yet the Scriptures themselves are (in his ¶ Hereof see hereafter Tract. 2. cap. 1. Sect. 1 initio, in the margin at the letter, p. and at, q. opinion) contrary in many points to that faith which the Roman Church now professeth, and that therein therefore she hath changed the faith which was first to her delivered: THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 6. 14 Howsoever this Saltus, or leaping over customs, which carry in them the colour of Antiquity, and provoking our Adversaries to demonstrate the profession of their doctrine in the Apostles times, seem unto the Apologists to be no better than the bodily jumping, viz. an act or passion of a bolder forehead, or a distempered brain: yet may they be informed that by the example of the ancient Fathers, who passing over the error of the Chiliasts, leapt over a See confessed above lib. 4. cap. 16. Sect. 3. and lib. 2. cap. 25 §. 9 the paces of 300 years, wherein it continued, and pitched their footings upon the Apostles doctrine for their better satisfaction; and the Romanists themselves in the disannulling the use of administration of the Eucharist unto b See above lib. 2 c. 13. §. 3. & lib. 4 cap. 16. Sect. 3 infants, did, as it become them, jump over the space of 600 years, fixing their resolution upon the contrary practice of the primitive Church: yea and in that general corruption of doctrine among the jews, who put away their wives upon any occasion, in the which error they continued (nothing being shown to the contrary) many thousands of years; our Saviour Christ, for the reforming of that abuse, went not step by step, from time to time, to show them the original when and by whom it first began: but (if we may so speak with reverence) jumping, or rather flying over all the interceding ages, doth show when it was not, and taketh a direction from the first institution, saying, * Math. 19 8. From the beginning it was not so. 15 Not that we need thus to proceed in all cases, (as the Apologists do injuriously pretend, by mistaking our c The sentence of D. Whittaker was spoken only by way of concession, supposing it true, after the manner of a disputer; and not by way of confission (as these Apologists pretend) to grant it true, that all history is against us: for thus both the place of D. Whittaker showeth, pag. 468. saying, Quanquam in externis ritibus ●xigua sit mut●tio, tamen de summis fidei capitibus, quam nos profitemur, illa primae multorum seculorum Ecclesiae, de quibus tam multae historiae extant, propagatunt. And a●●o the confession of these Apologists doth acknowledge, saying, M. Whittaker with others do vindicate the first age a●ter the Apostles, for the space of 400. years, to be of their side. Author's concession for a confession) for we passing on according to the tracts of time, by just paces, have found out the first footsteps of many Romish Innovations, according unto the divers confessions of the Romanists themselves. 16 Nevertheless, when we come unto a bog of uncertainty concerning the first originals of errors, them will leaping be necessary, jest otherwise the blind leading the blind both fall into the ditch: and so much the rather, because we know that thus it happeneth in many points, which our Adversaries have confessed concerning some few, as namely, of the now office and dignity of their e See above lib. 4. cap. 19 Sect. 4. Cardinals; of Papal f See ibid. cap. 25. Sect. 1 Indulgences; g See ibid. cap. 18. Sect. 5. Prayer in an unknown tongue; and h See ibid. cap. 22. Sect. 1 Communion in one kind; that they indiscernably crept into the general practice of the Church by little and little. So that these premises duly considered, the only question must be whether a man should prefer their creeping errors before our jumping truths. Have they any thing further to object besides these? d See confessed throughout the 4. book. CHAP. XXVI. THE ROMISH APOLOGY. Besides, that this is a most needy and miserable begging of the thing in question, against which we d● u●hemently contest, (as being more than persuaded that our adversaries cannot truly ●●●edge from the first of Genesis to the last of the Revelations, so much as any one text of Scripture, which maketh with them, and against us.) THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 1. BY this contestation we are greatly provoked to give some instances against this their so peremptory a challenge. They might have gratified us very much to have popounded some one controversy, wherein we might have insisted: which task we neither could nor would have refused: but now in such a multitude of examples, wherewith we superabound, only copia nocet; for our first difficulty is, where to begin, and the next, when to make an end. Nevertheless seeing the matter is left unto our choice, it may not offend them, if we imitate Moses in his history, who said, In the beginning God created, etc. and S. john in his Gospel, who said, In the beginning was the Word, that is, (as Basil teacheth) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; to begin at the beginning and head of our controversies in Popery, which we take to be Popedom itself, and to try whether the Scriptures, which are alleged for, or against the jurisdiction of the Pope, make for the Roman party, debating the matter by Objections & Solutions, and that only from the arbitrements of our Romish Adversaries, not suffering any Protestant to interpose one word. 2 First, they seek to make their Pope the universal Pastor of souls, and 1 Ezech. 37. 21. [Ecce ego assumam filios Israel de medio nationum, etc. Et Rex unus erit omnibus imperans:] & ver. 24. [Sernus meus David Rex super eos, & Pastor unus erit omnium corum] Ergo unus esse debet Pastor universalis, & Monarcha Ecclesiae. Sanderus de visib. Monar. lib. 4. cap. 5. object to this purpose, Ezech. 37. 24: There shall be one King, and one Pastor: but yet give us a solution, showing, that 2 David Christum significat, quoniam David Christi figura su●t, & usi●atum est in 〈…〉, figuratae trib●● ita czech. 34. Et suscitabo super eos Pastorem unum, qui pa●cat eos, servum meum David: & cap. 37. (the place of Scripture now objected) Et servus meus David Rex super ●os. & Pa●tor unus erit on mum eorum. Rihera Ies. come in Hos. 3. num. 24. And 〈…〉 czech 37. ver. 25. [Princeps in perpetu●.] Quo●iu●●●nter explicate Apost ad Rom. 11. annotat autem Paulus Burgensis, addens— hanc prophetiam int●gr ●●mplendam esse ●n fine mu●di. Rihera 〈◊〉 suprà. [servus meus David] verba sunt Patris coelestis, qui Christum 〈…〉 Deum, ut verum h●minem, ser●um vocat, ob assumptam humanitatem. Verus hic David. qui Goliath mundum supe●abit.— [Pastor unu●] ●●quo 〈…〉 [●●et unum Ouile & unus Pastor:] & de quo Zach ●● [Pe●●ntiam Past●r●m & 〈…〉 gentur ones:] Quem locum Christus Dominus noster de scipso interpretatur Matth 26. 〈…〉. This is spoken of Christ the Son of God, and not to be absolutely fulfilled before the last day of judgement. Yet again it is written, ( 3 Oseae ●●vers. ult [Congregabantur fi●ij ludae, & filij Israel pariter, & ponent sibi caput unum.] ●rgo unus esse debet (●●●nifying the Pope of Rome) Pontif●x universalis: where he addeth, Christum & Vica●ium eius caput unum constituere. San●●rus quo suprà. Ob.) Osee. 1. They shall make one head. Sol. 4 Et ponent sibinet unum caput] Christum scilicet, de quo Ephes. 1. scriptum est, [Et omnia subiecit pedibus eius, & ipsum dedi caput super omnem Ecclesiam.] R●bera jes. in Hos. 1. num. 130. So also 〈◊〉, Gl●ssa, & al●●. By which one head is meant Christ, under whose feet God will put all things. Yet ob. Matth. 16. 18: Upon this Rock will I build my Church: 5 The Rhemists in their Ann●t. upon Matth. 16. proving that by [Rock] only Peter was signified, as saith also Bellarmine: See above lib. 2. cap. 17. Sect. 6. By which words he most evidently founded his Church upon S. Peter. Sol. * ●yra, Ferus, Glossa, Card. Cusanus, Pererius Ies. See above lib. 2 ●ap. 1●. Sect. 6. By Rock, was meant Christ. Yet Ob. Esa. 28: I will lay in Zion a stone, a tried stone, a precious stone etc. (whereupon whosoever shall fall, shall be broken into pieces.) 6 Bellarmine, See above lib. 2. cap. 17. Sect. 7. Whereby the Pope is implied. Sol. 7 Maldonate, Pererius, Ribera, Salmeron, and others, proving that Christ was meant, by properties only belonging unto Christ. See above lib. 2. cap. 17. Sect. 7. That precious corner stone was Christ. 3 Secondly, some Romanists enlarge the jurisdiction of the Pope so far as is the wide world, and ob. Matth. 28. 18. Unto me is given all power in heaven, and earth:] 8 Matth. 28. 18. [Mihi data est omnis potestas in coelo, atque in terra.] Pontifex habet principatum totius orbis, etiam quoad temporalia. Carerius lib. 2 de potestate Rome Pont. c. 9 out of R●●eri●us 〈◊〉. and other●: addling the conclusion: Hanc esse Theologorum communem sententiam. And this Scripture is used in the Pope's Bull. See hereafter num. 18. Ita Petrus Bertrandus in suis addition●bus ad gloss. Extravag. unam Sanct●m de maior. & obed. qui & hoc praetereà ausus est addere, quod parum à blasphemia abest: nam non videretur Dominus discretus ●uisse (ut cum reverentia e●●s loquar) nisi unicum post se talem reliquisset, qui haec omnia posset. Fratnè h●●c homini cerebru●? ●arclaius de potest Papae, cap. 27. §. Q●anquam video. pag. 218. Ergo he hath authority over Infidels also. Sol. 9 Respondeo, potestatem, de qua hic loquitur Dominus, non esse potestatem temporalem, sed vel spiritualem tantùm, vel potestatem quandam summam in omnes creaturas— divinam, vel divinae simil●●mam, quae non potest communicari homini mortali. Bellarm. lib. 5. de R●m. Pont. cap. 5. §. Resp. potestatem. This power (belonging unto Christ) is so great, as that it is not communicable unto any mortal man: 10 Quâ de causâ doctist. Bellarminus in istius opinionis refutatione hoc validist. argumento scit● & succinctè utitur: Si res ita se haberet (quòd Papae scil. sit Dominus temporalis totius orbis) deberet id constare ex Scriptures, aut certe ex Apostolorum traditione. Ex Scriptures nihil habemus nisi datas Pontifici claves regni coelorum: de clavibus regni terrarum nulla mentioned aditionem Apostolorum nullam adversarij proferunt. Barclaius de potest. Papae, cap. ●. §. Sed nec. neither is there any Scripture which defendeth any so universal jurisdiction of the Pope. But is there not some Scripture to confute it? Yes (Confut.) for 1. Cor. 5. [what have we to do with them that are without? 11 1. Cor. 5. Non potest Papa judicare infideles. Quid ad me de his qui foris sunt? etc. 1. Cor. 5. Bellar. lib. 5. de Rome Pont. cap. 2. initio. Legamus sanctorum Patrum commentarios, certam sententiam Apostoli consentienter docentium, Ecclesiae iu● & fas non esse in Infid●les, sed in eos tantùm qui per ●anuam baptismi ingr●ssi sunt in ovile Christi. Quamob●em Augustinu●— Non tollo, inquit, idola illorum, quia non habeo in illos potestatem, habebo autem ●ùm fuerint facti Christiani, 〈…〉 jes. lib. 2. de Indorum salute, cap. 2 ●●edio. Meaning Infidels, who are not subject unto the judgement of the Pope: nor unto the authority of the Church, before that they be baptised: Therefore S. Augustine said, I do not destroy their Idols, because I have no power over them; but I shall have, assoon as they are made Christians. 4 Thirdly, when they cannot gain all the world, yet they contend to possess all Christendom, challenging authority over all persons, even in temporal causes, either directly, or at lest indirectly: and ob. Gen. 1. vers. 16. [God made two great lights, the greater to rule the day, and the less to govern the night:] 12 Secunda Canonistarum ostensio sumitur ex C. Solitae, de maior. & obed. ubi Innocent. 3. sic ait: In firmamento coeli, hoc est, universalis Ecclesiae; fecit Deus duo luminaria magna, id est duas instituit dignitates, quae sunt Pontificalis, & Regalis: harum, quae praeest diebus, spiritualibus scil. maior est ac dignior ea, quae temporalibus praeficitur; ut quanta est inter solemn & lunam, tanta inter Papam & Imperatorem cognoscatur differentia Carerius de potest. Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 12. initio. Quare sic f●rmo rationem: ea est proportio inter summum Pontifi●em & Imperatorem, quae est inter Solemn & Lunam: sed ol praestantior est valdè ac eminentior Lun●, & haec ab illo mutuat splendorem & lucem. Igitur Papa est eminentior Imperatore, & Imperatoris authoritas à summo Pontifice pendet. Carerius de potestate Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 12. §. Quare. Where the Sun betokeneth the Pontifical authority, and the Moon the Imperial: whereupon we gather, that as the Moon borroweth her light from the Sun, even so the power of the Emperor dependeth upon the Pope. Sol. 13 unde hoc modo disputo: Quemadmodum Luna non minus Luna est, nec minus per se consistit tunc cùm à Sole recedit, & mutuatum ab eo lumen e●●ans amittit, quàm cum eius radijs pleno o●be atque aspectu illustratur. & neutro casu haec ab illo, aut ille ab hac dependet, etc. Parclatus de potestate Papae, cap. 13. §. Sed &. Or rather we may gather, that as the Moon consisteth of itself, without the Sun, so doth the temporal state, without dependence from the spiritual. After that they by gazing upon the stars, have failed in their Astrology, wherein shall they find a proof for any temporal power? Ob. Luc. 22. 38. [Peter said, Behold here are two swords: and Christ answered, it is sufficient:] 14 Luc. 22. 38. [Dix●runt, ●cce duo gladi●● at ille dixit. satis est.]— De hac Ecclesia ●●usue potestate (inquit Bonifacius Pont. 8. in Extravag. unam Sanctan, de Maior.) ●uang●licis dictis instr●●mur: nam dicentibus Apostolis, [●cce duo gladij] non respondet Dominus, nimis esse, sed [satis.] Certè qui in potestate Petri gladium temporalem esse negat, malè verbum attendit Domini proferentis, [Convert gladium tuum in vaginam.] Vterque ergo est in potestate Ecclesiae▪ spiritualis scilgladius, & m●terialis; s●d is quidem pro Ecclesia, ille ab Ecclesia evercend●● ille Sacerdotis, is manu regnum, ac ●●litum, sed ad nutum & potentiam Sacerdotis. Molina Ies lib. 1. de jure, Tract 2. disp. 29. §. Quarto &. Vbi notandum est, quòd cùm Protestants reprehendunt hanc Bonifacij ●xtravagantem, ut erroneam, monendi sunt, ut cogitent eadem esse verba sancti Bernardi in libris de Considerate. Bellar. lib. 5. de Rom. Pont. cap. 7. §. Sic enim. Signifying that both the spiritual and material sword were assigned unto Peter, the one to be exercised by himself, the other at his beck and command. Sol. 15 De duobus gladij clarum est, quòd in literali sensu nihil habetur: sed cùm Christus significabat, eos hab●turos contrad●ctionem, & necesse esse habere defensionem, ipsi errantes dixerunt, [Ecce duo gladij hic] ●ranciscus de V●●●oria, Relect. 1 Sect. 6. in fine. Multi in hoc loco interpretantur illos duos gladios de spiritualibus Ecclesiae gladijs Ecclesiastico, s●●. & saeculari:— sed quia haec non sunt ad rem, n● immoremur in increpatione expositionis adeò hui● loco dislonae & tortae, transeanius ad ea, quae in contextu sequuntur. St●lla in Luc. 22. Recentiores Interpretes ex hoc loco colligunt, Ecclesiam duos habere gladios, alterum spi●●tualem, temporalem alterum: quos ut habeat, ex hoc certè loco non habet.— Quod respondit Christus [satis est] non confirmat discipulorum opinionem existimantium gladijs rem esse gerendam; sed, ut ait Theophylact ●●. aut Ironicè locutus est; aut ut Futhymius putat, indicat sibi non opus esse gladijs. Maldon Ies. come. in Luc. 22. vers. 38.— Significans, adversus tantam militum manum, non plus duodecim gladios prodesse, quàm duos: ergo duos satis esse, id est, nihil possunt. Ar●as Montanus in hunc locum. And to answer unto the saying of S Bernard: Quasi diceret (Bernardus) Eugenio, Pontif●x maxim, gladius temporalis non simplicit●● & absolutè tuo nu●● evaginandus est, sed forsitan: tunc scil. cum ob evidentem Ecclesiae utilitatem illis sobrio sanoue consilio suadebis, qui gladium in sua potestate habent. Barelaius de potest. Papae, cap. 19 pag. 158. This is not the literal exposition of the text, but detorted by new expositors. 5 But put the case the Pope were as capable of a sceptre, as of a key, of a Crown, as of a Mitre; of a Sword, as of a Crosier staff; what might he do with his sword? might he use violence? Ob. joh. 21. 16. [Christ said unto Peter, feed my sheep:] 16 joh. 21. 16 Pasce oves] Ergo data est potestas Pontifici adver us lupos. Bellar. lib. 5. de Pont. cap. 7. §. Quinta. Which implieth, that Peter being Pastor, must have power to drive away a wolf, and consequently to depose any King, who shall become an heretic. Sol. 17 Non est ergo quòd superiorem pro se rationem adferant: nam Christus quando Petro dixit, Pasce oves meas, constituit cum quidem Pastorem gregis sui, sed Pastorem spiritualem, non temporalem; deditue ei omnem facultatem ad id muneris necessariam. Barelaius de potest Pap●, cap. 25. pag. 201. Swords for a shepherd? what to do? Not so, but his Pastorship being spiritual, his manner of driving away a wolf must be also spiritual. Yet Ob. jer. 1. 10. [Behold I have appointed thee over Kingdoms, to eradicate, and to destroy, etc.] 18 Paulus Episcopus, servus se●uorum Dei, etc. Nos in justitiae sede constituti, juxta Prophetae vaticinium, dicentis [●cce te constitui super Gentes, & regna, ut evellas & destruas, plants & aedificos. Bulla Pauli 3. adverse. Henr. 8. Regem Angliae. Et, Pius Epi copus, etc. regnans in excelsis, cui data est omnis in coelo & in terra potestas, quem super omnes Gentes, & super omnia regna Principem constituit, qui evellat, destruat, dissipet, disperd●t plantet, aedificet, etc. Bulla Pij 5. cap. 39 And in the same tenor run many Bulls of other Popes. Hoc Propheta in persona Christi ad Rom. Pontificem loquitur. Carerius de potest. Rom. Pont. lib. 1. cap. 3. Rursus: jer. Prophetae authoritate haec temporalis confirmatur, scil per correctionem & punitionem, si Reges mali fierent. Carerius ibid. Which belonging unto S. Peter, do concern the Pope. Sol. 19 Quod jeremiae ad praedicationem misso dicitur, quia nisi prius perversadestrueret, aedificare utiliter recta non posset. Greg. Mag. Past. cur. part. 3. admonit. 35. His verbis totum jeremiae ministerium comprehenditur:— Haec etiam in Christo come pleta sunt, qui idololatria & e●roribus destructis, & principe huius mundi foras eiecto, Ecclesiam suam aedificavit, atque plantavit. Er. Andr. Capella, Theolog. Doctor, in hunc locum. And if Saint Bernard may judge: Propheta cùm an [Vt evellas, etc.] quid horum fastum sonat? schemate quodam magis rusticani sudoris labour spiritualis exptes●us est. Vt nos etiam sentiamus, impositum esse nobis ministerium, non domimum datum.— ●sto Propheta, sed numquid plusquam Propheta? Si sapis, eris contentus mensurâ, quam tibi mensus est Deus: nam quod amplius est, à malo est. Bernard l. 2. Censed. ad Eugenium, cap. 6. It was spoken of the ministry of jeremy, who was to root out vice only by preaching. All * See Barclaius lib. de potest. Papae, through the whole book. Antiquity, yea and many Romanists also, have writ in confutation of violence used against the sacred Majesty of Kings, and do by their arguments ding out the teeth of such heads, as feed upon flesh and blood Royal. Which ravenousness is confuted by Scripture, where Popes are subjecteth unto the sword of Kings. (Confut.) Rom. 13. [Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers,— carrying not the sword in vain.] Their answer: 20 Ŗom. 13. [Subijciatur omnis atama sublimioribus potestatibus.] Apostolus hoc in loco non ●estringit sermonem ad potestatem secularen, sed de omni potestate loquitur (seil. tam spirituali, quàm seculari.) Ex qua sententia non deduci potest, Papam subditum esse Regi, aut Regem Papae. Bellar. lib. 2. de Rom. Pont. cap. 29. §. Argumentum 3. These words are not restrained unto the temporal power, but do as well concern the spiritual, and therefore do not subject the Pope unto Kings. Their reply: 21 Apostolus docet credentes debere mundi potestatibus esse subiectos.— [Omnis anima:] id est (Chrysostomus ait) sive Propheta, sive Apostolus, sive Episcopus, sive subditus sit. Sequitur Chrysostomum Euthymius, Theod. Theoph. Oecumen. & qui non Graeci? Idem Gregorius Magnus agnoscebat, & Bernardus ad Episcopum Senonensem idem colligit, [Omnis anima] tum vestra, inquit, quis vos excipit? si quis tent●t excipere, tentat decipere. Espencaeus Episc. come. in Tit. ●. Digress. 10. pag. 513. Qua de causa Paulus ipse ad Caesarem appella●●t, & jussit Christianos omnes subiectos esse temporali potestati Ethmcorum, non solùm propter iram, sed etiam propter conscientiam. Nam quod quidam dicunt D. Paulum non de temporali potestate secularium principum illic loqui, sed de potestate in genere, ut quisque suo superiori obediat, Laicus Laico, Ecclesiasticus Ecclesiastico, mera cavillatio est, & responsum viris doctis, & Theologis indignum. Nulla siquidem tunc temporis alia quàm politica & temporalis potestas vulgò ab hominibus agnoscebatur, & Apostolus divino spiritu afflatus, ita scitas Epistolas conscripsit, ut non solùm conversos ad fidem erudiret, suiue officij commoneret, ne existimarent se ita Christi sanguine redemptos, ut nulli amplius potestati seculari obedue tenerentur. Barclaius de potest. Papae, cap. 3. pag. 21. Yes, for S. chrusostom & other Greek Fathers, in this subjection include the Apostles. S. Gregory applieth it against a Bishop. S. Bernard enforceth it upon the Pope. 6 Fourthly, if the left hand of temporal power be thus cut off, what is the virtue of his spiritual jurisdiction? Is his judgement and sentence infallible? This they pretend, and ob. Matth. 23. [They (the Pharisees) sit in Moses chair, all things that they shall say, do.] 22 Bellar. Stapleton, Rhemists, and others. See above lib. 3. c. 15. Sect. 5. Where, by the chair of Moses is signified the infallibility of the Priesthood under the law, and was a type of the truth of religion in the apostolic See of Rome. Sol. 23 Erasmus, jansenius, Stella, and their jesuite Maldonat. See above ibid. This is a detorted sense, for Christ did not understand by Moses chair the doctrine of the Priests, but the law of Moses; neither were they to be obeyed further than that they taught according to that law. But it may be they could not but speak law, for Ob. joh. 11. 51. [This said Caiphas, being high Priest that same year.] 24 Canus, the Rhemists, Roffensis. See above lib. 3. cap. 15. Sect. 3 Caiphas being high Priest, prophesied that Christ should die for the people, how much more may we be assured, that Christ will never leave Peter's seat? Whatsoever judgements are delivered by the Popes of Rome, in the behalf of the whole Church, do proceed from the spirit of God, because the Popes do viter them; for it is manifest that Caiphas delivered a true judgement. Sol. 25 Cardin. Bellarmine. See in the same place. And it is manifest that Caiphas in his words next following (in saying that Christ blasphemed) spoke blasphemy. Notwithstanding, Ob. Luc. 22. Simon, I have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not; when thou art converted, strengthen thy brethren. 26 Perspiciet omnia (inserting, amongst others, this place of Confirmare caeteros) vel Sole clarius pro nostra sententia dimicare, sed & cunctos sensu career communi, simul & quâuis talpâ coeciores esse, qui id non vident. Roffensis Episc. art. 25. adverse. Luther. pag. 221. Est locus valdè illustris, quo Catholici principatum Petri probare consueverunt. Valentian. Ies. Analys. l. 7. c 3 initio. Primatus Petri ex hoc loco probatur. Bella●m. lib. 4 de Rom. Pon. cap. 3. initio. Sine dubio hic Dominus aliquid speciale Petro impetravit. Paulò post: Dominus duo privilegia Petro impetravit unum, ut ipse non posset unquam veram fidem amittere, quantumius ten taretur à diabolo, ad quod est aliquid amplius quàm donum perseverantiae; dicitur enim perseverare usque in finem, qui licet interdum cadat, tamen resurgit, & in fine fidelis invenitur: at Petro Dominus impetravit, ut non posset unq●am cadere, quod ad fidem attinet.— Alterun privilegium est, ut ipse tanquam Pontifex non posset unquam docere aliquod contra fidem: sive ut in sede eius nunquam inveniretur, qui doceret contra veram fidem. Ex quibus privilegijs primum fortasse non mavauit ad posteros, sive Successores. Bellar. l. 4. de Pont. c. 3. §. Secundò, & §. Est igitur. Cum alia omnia loca, quae pro Petri primatu asferri solent, calvinus diligenter expenderet, atque ut potuerit, refutârit, huius loci prorsus nullam mentionem secit, ut qui probè sciret, nullo hic camllationis fuc● tam manifesta verba eludi potuisse. Stapleton. doctr princip. controvers. 2. l. 6. c. 8. in fine. Good reason, because, Magis puerile est, quod high comminiscuntur (Pontificu) quàm ut responsione indigeat. calvinus Instit. lib. 4. cap. 7. Sect. 28. Whosoever seethe not the primacy of Peter established by these words, is more blind than a Mole. For hereby Peter received a double privilege; the first was, that he in himself should never fail in faith, but persevere, without stumbling, unto the end: the second, that when he as chief Bishop should instruct others in the faith, he should always publish a truth. Peradventure the former of these two doth not descend upon his successors, but the second doubtless doth. Concerning the first privilege, Sol. 27 Haec de B Petro. De quncunque autem alio Papa, eius suceessore asseren lum, nihil prohibet, ipsum quoque, ut privatum errare posse, & in fide deficere: ●rsi novi quidam scriptores contrarium defendere tentaverint, praeter communem Doctorum sensum. Verùm nost●à sapie●●●â non sunt fingenda privilegia, ubi non sunt necessaria. Salmeron Ies. come. in Galat. 2. disp 21 § Ad quarta●, & ●. Ex●●sabilius, & seqq. Magna cum ●atione putandum est, Apostolos omnes non solùm deficere non potuisse, sed nec errare in fide. Salmeron ibid. §. Ad quartam. They are but new Doctors, who affirm that the Pope, as a private person, cannot err in faith. As touching the second: * See confessed above in this book, cap. 24. etc. Some Popes, as Popes, have been publicly noted for heretics. As for the point of strengthening his brethren. 28 Id est, sicut ego orando te protexi (inquit interlinear●s Glossa) ne desiceres, sic tu infirmiores fratres exemplo tuae poenitentiae conforta, ne de ven●a desperent. Sà jesuita schol in juc. 22. See Arias Montanus, and Aquinas his Catena upon this place. It is signified that when after his fall and repentance he was converted unto grace, his example should strengthen other penitents, to keep them from despair. 7 Lastly, upon pretence of Infallibility of the Pope's judgement, they make his authority incontrollable, not permitting him to be subject unto the authority of a Council, and Ob. Luc. 12. 42. [Who thinkest thou is a faithful steward, whom the Lord, when he cometh, shall place over his household?] 29 Luc. 12. 42. [Quis tu putas est fidelis dispensator, quem const tuat Dominus supra familiam suam?] Hinc int●lligunt omnes Patres Episcopum, ●uan●uis non express loquitur de Episcopo Rom. tamen, sinè dubio, haec est sententia huius loci, quia Oeconomus praeficitur toti familiae, ide●t, Ecclesiae, ubi Dominus non committit sei vum judicio familiae. Stapl●ton. de doctr. princip. His verbis Dominus apertè indiaeat se unum servum toti domni suae praepositurum, qui à se solo judicari possit. Bellar lib. 1. de Pont. cap. 9 §. Restat. Hereby, questionless, is meant that the Pope of Rome is made ruler over the Church in judging it, and that he is not subject to be judged by it. Sol. 30 Dominus hanc parabolam ad omnes accommodat; omnes enim, quos Domin●s vigilantes invenisset, praemio; quos dormientes & imparatos, supplicio afficiendos esse, sive Apostoli, sive alij essent. Maldonat. Ies. c●m. in eum locum Luc. 12. 18. [Quis putas?] In praecedenti parabola Petrus prosilijt, & dixit, Domine, ad nos ne hanc parabol●m dicis, an ad omnes?— Dominus resp. [Quis putas?] qui tacite innuit se prae●●dentem parabolam dixisse ad omnes, sed prae erum ad Pastorss Ecclesiae, ut Marc. 13. [Quod vobis dico, omnibus dico.] unde & in●ra subiec●t. [Omni cum multum, &c] Sa●meron Ies. Tract 20. in Parab. initio. Quia Petrus sciebat so, & condiscipulos suos electos ad Patris familias officium, Dominus facit eum inte●●igere ea, quae sunt superius dicta, ad omnes quidem pertinere:— nam subiungit, [Omni, cui multum datum est, multum etc.] satis significans praedicta ad omnes pertinere, sed magis ad eos, quibus plura dona concessa sunt. I ansen Concor. cap. 87 in hunc locum: & Aquinas in eundem locum ex Ambros Theoph. Chrysost. Beda. Christ spoke not these words particularly unto any one kind of Pastors, but generally unto all, as appeareth both by that which goeth before, and by that which followeth the text. Yet they Ob joh 20. [Whose sins you remit on earth, they are remitted in heaven:] and Math. 16. [Unto thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of heavens.] 31 Orig hom. 6. in Matth. Quoniam oportebat aliquid maius habere Petrum prae illis, qui ter arguerant, ideò illi quidem sic dicit. [Et tibi dabo claves regni coelorum, etc.] Non ergo modica differentia est, quòd Petro quidem datae sunt claves non unius coeli, sed multorum coelorum, ut quae cunque ligaverit super terram, sint ligata non tantùm in uno coelo, sed & in omnibus coelis, & quae soluerit supper terram, sint soluta non tantùm in uno coelo, sed in omnibus coelis. Ad eos auten qui multi sunt ligatores, & solutores in terra, sic dicit, ut soluant & alligent non in coelis, sicut Petrus, said in uno coelo, quia non sunt in tanta perfectione, sicut Petrus, ut alligent & soluant in omnibus coelis. jansen. Concord. evang. cap. 66. pag. 496, 497. in Matth. 16. & Greg. de Valent. Ies. lib. 7. Anal●ss. cap. 2 pag. 50. Ecce vides hic— ex hoc diverio modo locutionis, sortiores & potentiores claves datas fu sse Petro, quàm caeteris Apostolis Alphonsus de Cafiro adver. aeres. lib. 12. Tit. Papa. fol. 230, & Roffens. Episc. art. 13. contra juth. pag. 138. & Boz●us lib. 18 de notis Eccles c. 1. Unto the other Apostles were given the keys of but one heaven, but unto Peter of many. Sol. 32 Quasi Petrus in omnibus coelis, alij Apostoli in uno soluendi potestatem acceperint: hoc Origenes nimis subtiliter. Maldonat. Ies. come. in Matth. 16. 19 col. 379. Quia [in coelo] idem est quod apud Deum. Idem comen. in Matth. 18. v. 18. The distinction of heaven and heavens is but a nice subtlety. Yet they ob. joh. 21: Feed my Lambs, and feed my sheep:] 33 Est obseruandum Christum bis dixisse, Pasce agnos meos, & semel, Pasce oves etc.— Itaque commis●t Deus Petro curam agnorum, id est populi jud●ici, & agnorum, 1. populi Gentilis, & o●ium, 1. eorum qui agnos istos pepererunt, qui sunt Apostoli & Epi●copi. Bellar. lib. 1. de Pont. cap. 16. §. Est autem, & §. Itaque. The same reasons doth Stapleton use, Doctr. princip. controuer. 2. lib. 6. cap. 10. Locus illustris ac evidens. Stapleton ibid. cap. 11. Per Oues, Pastorss, & Episco●os, etiam Apostolos significat: per Agnos, ●eliquo● fideles. Omnium igitur nemine excepto, cura Petro committitur à Christo,— manifestè significans, se Vicarium eum in terra Ec●lesiae suae instituere. Nec postunt hererici hoc tam evidens testimonium Pontificiae authoritatis effugere: unde necesse est, unum tempe● esse in Ecclesia Pontificem, qui agnos & oves gubernet Tolet. jes. coman I●b. 21. Annot. 7. In the Latin translation it is said twice, Feed my Lambs, but once; Feed my sheep: signifying that other Apostles and Pastors were but as it were, the Ewes, in respect of other faithful, as their Lambs; and were subject unto Peter, as the Pastor over all: and the evidence of this testimony cannot be avoided. Sol. 34 Non subtilite● disputandum est, cur Christus agnos potitis quàm oves appellave●●t: quod qui fecerit, vide at etiam aque etiam ne doctis risum praeb●at; satis enim constat cosdem nunc Agnos, & ver. 17. Oues appelari. Quod si quid discriminis sit inter oves & agnos▪ id non in re sed in voce est; quod cum idem sint, tamen vocab●lum Agni blandius est, & maiorem amorem prae se fert. Maldonat. Ies. come in eum locum joh. 21. col. 1147. He that argueth so subtly from the terms of Ewes and Lambs, must take heed jest that he make himself ridiculous; for the words are indifferently used. And why is not this great Monarch subject unto the judgement of the Church, as formerly he hath been? se●ing that S. Peter in his demand, concerning the forgiving of an often-offender, was answered, Matth. 18: If he will not hear thee, tell the Church.] Ob. 35 Matth. 18. 17. Dixit Dominus Petro [Si peccaverit in te frater, etc. si eos non audie●it, dic Ecclesiae.] Ergo (ait Gerson, Doctor Parisi●nsis) debet Petrus & eius Successor defer peccatores aliquando ad Ecclesiam: debet igitur agnoscere tribunal Ecclesiae quoddam suo ma●us. Bellar. lib. ●. de Conc. cap. 19 §. Sed iterum. Respondeo, implet hoc praeceptum suo quodam modo Pontisex cum privatim aliquem corripit, deinde testes adhibet, postremò di●● Ecclesiae i● sib●ipsi ut praesidi, & Ecclesiae cui prae est, publicè excommunicando▪ Bellarm. ibid. Although Gerson said, that therefore the Pope aught to acknowledge himself to be subject unto the Church: yet we answer, that the Pope fulfi●leth this precept, when he reproveth a man in private, next by witness, and after shall himself proceed unto public censure. Sol. 36 [Dic Ecclesiae, etc.] Planus est, & per se lucidu● horum verborum sensus, nec suppletione, nec alteration hic textus indiget.— Ecclesia igitur convocationem significat multitudinis: Dic Ecclesiae, id est, dic multitudini fidelium congregatae: qui cùm non soleant nisi in generali Concilio convenire, belliss▪ interpretatio erit, dic Ecclesiae, id est, Concilio generali.— Nec mea est interpretatio, sed sanctorum Patrum, veterumue Doctorum, qui primi Ecclesiam illuminârunt.— Greg. Papa; Simo in mea correptione despicior, rest at ut Ecclesiam debeam adhibere, ●uae verba satis manifestè Ecclesiam pro generali Concilio suscipiunt. Apud Aenaeam Sylu●um, lib 1. comment. de gest Conc. Basil. fol. 6. Christ said not unto him, Peter tell thyself, but tell the Church, which is a congregation in a Council. Thus was it reasoned in the Council of Basil against the Pope. 37 Atque hinc prosectò illorum authorum sententia manifestè revincitur, qui Concilium universal Pontifice superius faciunt: pugnant enim illi reverà (licet non advertentes) cum certissima fide de Divi Petri, ac Roman. Pont●ficis in Ecclesia primatu Gregorius Valent. Ies. Analys. lib. 8. cap. 7. §. Atque hinc. And whosoever (saith their jesuite) maketh a general Council to be superior unto the Pope, doth indeed impugn & withstand the certain faith of the primacy of the Pope. * For until after the Council of Basil nothing is read of it. Whereupon we may boldly assume, that the now Romish faith, concerning the Pope's Primacy, was not in the current of Antiquity (for the space of 1400 years) accounted Catholic. 8 Here have we singled out the controversy of Papal authority, which is the pillar and foundation of the Romish Church, jest our Adversaries might think us too timorously cautelous in our choice, as to insist upon a question less material: yet have we propounded but one, jest our Christian Reader might deem us too willingly tedious; whom we therefore refer unto the questions of * Particularly from text to text in the Controversy of Purgatory. See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 13. Purgatory, and * Invocation of Saints. See above lib. 2. cap. 12. invocation of Saints departed: in both which (to omit * For other Scriptures, see in the end of the book the Index of Scriptures. others) we have passed particularly from text to text in the same manner, showing that our Adversaries can object no text for proof of either, wherein they are not answered directly from the light of the text, by the express testimonies of their own Doctors. 9 Neither is there almost any one text in the whole Bible, of Canonical Scriptures, from Genesis unto the Apocalypse, alleged usually by the Romanists in the defence of any Article of the Romish profession, which (in an answer unto the Apologists Contest) we dare not protest to be otherwise expounded, according unto the sense of Protestants, even by their Romish Adversaries: which we deliver upon a grounded experience. And if this may be performed, our Reader must suspect, that the matter is not carried of Protestants by any miserable begging, but rather of these Romanists by a cunning stealing of the matter in question. This point by them thus ended, the Apologists seem to sound up a triumph. CHAP. XXVII. THE ROMISH APOLOGY: In the first part of their Conclusion. Let that man and all other of his mind yet also further consider, that for so much as the sacred SCRIPTURES themselves do (as before t See heretofore Tract. 1. Sect. 8. l. n. o. and hereafter Tract. 2. cap. 2. Sect. 1 propè initium. affirm, that the Churches true Pastors must evermore continued, and withstand all innovation of false doctrine, even with open reprehension: the answerable performance whereof in particular, being matter of fact, can be to us at this day, no otherwise made known, then upon the only credit of human testimony commended to us by history, u M. Whittaker contra Duraeum, lib. 7. page 472. saith, Quicquid de Ecclesiae propagatione, amplitudine, gloria, veteres Prophetae praedixerunt id perfectum esse historia luculentissime testatur; ita vaticinijs Pr●phetarum, Ecclesiasticam historiam suffragari nulla controversia est. the force of which testimony our very Adversaries acknowledge; * M. ●ooker in his Ecclesiastical Policy, lib. 2. pag. 115. initio, saith, The strength of man's authority is affirmatively such, that the weightiest affairs in the world depend thereupon. And ibidem pag 116. ante medium, Whatsoever we believe concerning salvation by Christ, although the Scripture be therein the ground of our belief, yet ●● man's authority the key that openeth the door, etc. The Scripture could not teach us these things, unless we believed men, etc. And ibidem lib. 1. pag. 86. ante medium: Of things necessary, the very chiefest is to know what b●●kes we are bound to esteem holy, which point is confessed impossible for the Scripture itself to teach. And lib. 2. Sect. 4. pag. 1●2. sine: For if any one book of Scripture did give testimony to all, yet still that Scripture which giveth credit to the rest, would require another Scripture to give credit unto it: neither could we ever come to any pause whereon to rest our assurance, unless besides Scripture there were something which might assure us, etc. upon which ground, lib. 3. Sect 8. page 146. fine, he saith, We all know that the first outward motive leading men so to esteem of the Scripture, is the authority of God's Church. And Master Whitaker adversus Stapletonum, lib 2. cap. 4. page 298. post med. saith: Non nego traditionem Ecclesiasticam esse argumentum quo argui & convinci possit, qui libri sunt Canonici, qui non. And ibidem, page 300. ante medium, Hoc semper dixi sensique: & vide ibidem, l 1. page 25. ante medium. And in his book against M. William Rainolds, page 44. circa med. Insomuch as the Protestant author of the Treatise of the Scripture and the Church (so greatly commended by Bullinger in his preface before that book) doth (after the English translation thereof, cap. 15. page 72) say, We could not believe the Gospel, were it not that the Church taught us, and witnessed, that this doctrine was delivered by the Apostles. And see further there cap. 19 page 74, & 75. that therefore the same SCRIPTURES do therem most evidently perforce reduce them to this foresaid trial by history and Fathers: whereto if they stand, their overthrow (they see) is certain: and in refusing the same, their flight is shameful. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL: In answering unto the first part of the Apologists Conclusion: First by way of Instance. SECT. 1. NO conclusion can have more force in it, than what was contained in the premises thereof, wherein they have assumed, that all the particulars of the Romish faith are ancient truths without all innovation in doctrine: and so proved by the evidences recorded in the books of ancient Fathers, and in the volumes of old historians. Upon which presumption (we see) they have pronounced upon Protestants a certain overthrow. But whilst as they are making their proclamation, behold a cry of their own men of war, panting in despair of victory, as men guilty unto themselves of manifold Innovations, & confessing, that there is believed in the Church of Rome (when we unclasped the a See above lib. 4 cap. 8. §. 1. Tables of God's covenant) a new ¹ Canon of Scriptures of the old Testament, a new ² translation, differing from the true Originals; a new ³ restraint of their public use, belonging unto Christian people of all nations. 2 Next, when we looked up into the pinnacle of their Church, which is b See confessed above, lib. 4. cap. 19 Popedom itself, therein we spied a new title of an ⁴ untuersall Bishop of the Church; a new approbation of the common name of ⁵ Pope; and a new relinquishing of the Pope's Christian ⁶ name; a new order of election of him by a newly created order of ⁷ Cardinals; and (which is the worst) a new transcendent power, both spiritual, which they challenge to be ⁸ without, ⁹ above, and ¹⁰ against the authority of any Council, or whatsoever power on earth; and also a new ¹¹ temporal power, whether directly, or indirectly, over and against the majesty of Kings and Emperors, either for deposing them by violence, or else for the debasing them to the ¹² Kissing of his fe●t; together with a new claim of ¹³ Appeals, and of cases, which they call ¹⁴ reserved; besides the new neglect of their principal charge, which is ¹⁵ preaching of the Gospel. 3 From hence we passed along to the examination of their c See confessed above lib. 4. cap. 21. the reason why we note only these three, is, because we speak not so much as we can prove, but only that which our adversaries have confessed. Sacraments, & there we found covered under the name of proper Sacraments, a new ¹⁶ Sacrament of Confirmation, an other of ¹⁷ Matrimony, and a third of ¹⁸ extreme Unction; besides a new, and preposterous manner of ¹⁹ Absolution. 4 Then we walked into their Temple, only to see the order of their solemn Mass, and d See above lib. 4. cap. 22. ●o a new article of faith, called ²⁰ Transubstantiation; a devisedkind of ²¹ Elevation, an ²¹ halfe-communion, a ²³ secret muttering of the words of consecration; a ²⁴ private celebration of the Priest alone; besides the ²⁵ not breaking of bread out of the loaf; the peoples not taking it with their ²⁶ hands; all new. 5 After this, in passing by their other places, and looking aside, we saw a new e See confessed above lib. 4. cap. 20. professed order of the ²⁷ Eremites; of ²⁸ Monks; and a rout of Clergy men, destitute of the gift of continency, and yet constrained to forbear ²⁹ marriage. 6 Forthwith we adjoined ourselves unto the pulpit, where we heard the Preacher instructing their people in new f See confessed above lib. 4. cap. 24. points of doctrine such as is the power of ³⁰ free-will, as being equal, yea and prevalent in comparison of grace, in determinating a consent unto good; a double merit, the g See above lib. 2 cap. 9 § 2. one of ³¹ condignity, & the other h See above lib. 3 cap. 9 § 1. 2. of ³² congruity, both new; an absolute necessity i Confessed above lib. 4. cap. 25. of ³³ auricular Confession; and a new article of k Confessed lib. 4 cap. 25. etc. faith of ³⁴ Purgatory, & of the concomitants thereof, ³⁵ Indulgences, and ³⁶ jubilees; besides the presumed peremptory judgement in their Popes in the ³⁷ canonisation of Saints; and their new doubtful worship l Confessed lib. 4. cap. 24. multiplied thereby; together with the doctrines of the blessed m Ibiden, num. 8. Virgins natural conception ³⁸ without sin, & her bodily ³⁹ assumption into heaven: whereunto might be annexed diverse new and irreligious doctrines of n As that of Incest, contrary unto the law in Leuit. 18. See this proved above lib. 3. cap. 9 §. 3. Morality; and amongst the rest, we may recount (which hitherto hath not been specified) their new and desperate o Vt autem intelligas quàm dudum coeperit invalescere commentum istud (speaking of mental Aequiuovation) Theologorum adercusandum mendacium falsi testimonij in aliena causa, nullum, ut arbitror Theologum invenies, qui ausus sit hoc palam asseverare ante Gabrielem Theologum. Genesius Sepulueda Dialog. in Theoph. cap. vlt. In which Dialogue he proveth it flat lying. art of flying masked under the name of ⁴⁰ mental equivocation. 7 By and by returning unto their people, as willing to understand their fashion of worship, we perceived many novelties: as their rattling and reckoning upon their p Confessed above lib. 4. cap. 28. §. 1. newly devised ⁴¹ beads; their q Lib. 4. cap. 18. §. 4. & cap. 27. §. 1, 2. prayer in an ⁴² unknown tongue; their gazing on the ⁴³ Image of God the Father, and adoration of the ⁴⁴ Image of Christ, in many of them idolatrously. 8 Then again considered we their new r Lib. 4. cap. 23. §. 2. Missals, greatly ⁴⁵ superstitious, and partly also blasphemous; and presently casting our eyes about to behold their other ceremonious professions, we could not but discern their new s See above lib. 4. cap. 25. & cap. 28. etc. conceits of ⁴⁶ holy-water, of ⁴⁷ shaving their heads, of ⁴⁸ baptizing their bells, besides an ⁴⁹ importable burden of multudes of fasts, holidays, habits, & many jewish and Heathenish varieties; & all these confessed by learned Romanists. Therefore we may justly retort their weapon upon themselves, By way of Conclusion. SECT. 2. 9 When we remember all these particulars (yet have we not repeated all) which have been proved to be novelties, not by the enforced collections of Protestants, but from the plain confessions of the Romanists themselves, which they by the sight of the tract of Antiquity have yielded unto us, and whereof the Apologists could not be altogether ignorant: our Reader will think them to have been too preposterously and peremptorily bold, in denouncing against Protestants, in the trial by history, either a shameful slight, or else a certain overthrow. 10 How much more vain will they appear in this their vaunt, when we further call to mind of what sort these are, who must give this great overthrow? For many of their fellowship, in the same conflict of Antiquity, have been brought to these straits in answering unto the Fathers, either to profess to a See above lib. 2 cap. 29. §. 4. excuse them by some artificial comment; or secondly, assume an authority to b Ibid. abolish their writings; or thirdly, by presumption, to say, c See above lib. 1. cap. 5. Sect. 3 If Gregory were now living, he would judge otherwise; and d See above lib. 2 cap. 2. Sect. 27. If S. Augustine lived at this day, I am persuaded he would not have so said: or fourthly by detractions to oppose, saying, e See above lib. 2 cap. 29. Sect. 2. We understand many things better than did the Ancients; and f Consideratione dignum est, antiquos Patres pavea de hoc Virgins privilegio esse locutos. Quod mirum esse non debet, tum quia Spiritus sanctus paulatim suam Ecclesiam docet (ut Greg. dicit Hom. 26. in Ezech.) tum etiam quia alijs fidei mysterijs gravioribus magisue necessarijs explicandis ac defendendis distinebatur. Postquam vero ante 500 annos veritas hae clarius coepit doceri, ita insedit sidelium animis, creu●●que: paulatim eius si les, ut iam ferèomnium con'ensione receptum sit. Et praesertim abhinc 200 annis fermè omnes Ecclesias●●ei sctiptores, ●piscopis, universae serè religiones, & Academiae subscripserunt, adeò ut in Academia Pa●●siensi, Valentina, & al●js nulli ad Doctoratus I heologiae g●adum aditus pateat, qui prius suo juramento non promiserit, nunquam hanc se veritatem oppugnaturum. Suarez in Th●m. tom. 2. q. 27. art, 2. disp 3. Sect. 5. pag. 24. So Salmeron, and others more largely, See above. more clearly than they before this last 500 years; or else, lastly, by rejection, concluding thus: g See above lib. 2. cap. 29. §. 2. They may not be heard speak, who would reduce all things unto their ancient course; that which was first is not always best: or thus, h See above lib. 4. cap. 9 §. vlt. We are not bound to follow the Fathers of the primitive Church in all things. Therefore may they not object shame unto others, until they be first ashamed of their own behaviours. Now draw we unto land, having but one putteunto the shore. THE ROMISH APOLOGISTS, In the latter part of their Conclusion. As for the further extremest boldness of such, who are in these straits (resolved not to acknowledge the johannes Regius in libro Apologetico, page 192. post medium, & 193. being urged to show wherein the Roman Church changed her faith, and not able to give any one particular example thereof, betaketh himself to this extremest boldness, answering page 193. post medium: Sed denique licet verum esset. Romanam Ecclesiam, in sua religione nihil mutasse, an propteret, m●ae sequetur eam esse veram Ecclesiam? non opinor. In de●c●ce whereof he is not ashamed to allege sundry impertinent reasons unworthy of rehearsal. Roman Church to be a true Church, though it were true, that she had not changed any thing in religion,) we pass the same over as being most absurd, and much more worthy of contempt then answer. THE PROTESTANTS APPEAL. SECT. 3. 11 A jesuite in this question, a Ob. In Romana Ecclesia ab Apostolorum temporibus nunquam in ●llo sidei a●ticulo u●riatam doctrinam invem●i▪ ●ectenè concludam eandem nunc esse, quae tuit Apostolorum? Si assumptionem negaveris, interrogabo te in quibus sidei atticulis mutata sit? quando? quâ ocasione? He answereth: Whether the Church of Rome may be thought to hold the same doctrine with the Apostles, if it have not altered any article since the Apostles times, did imply this Enthymeme; The Church of Rome hath not altered any article of faith since the Apostles times: Ergo, the now faith of the Church of Rome is the same with that which was taught by the Apostles. Our Protestant Author Regius answered unto the Antecedent, calling it b At Platina, & historici vestri alij obseruârunt, quid in Missa quisque Pontisicum vestrorum addiderit. Centuriatores in singulis Centurijs quomodo religio in singulis capitibus controversis mutara sit, ex vestris authotibus demonstrant— Accedant Tomi Conciliorum, in quibus novae Constitutiones superadditae sunt: addantur Decreta, & Decretalia, q●i●us unus Papa altetius dicta & facta damnavit:— Conserantur Scholastici cum Patribus, lesuitae cum utrisque, into jesuitae inter se invicem,— & si non diversitatem & mutationem religionis Romanae hic non invenerint, seize excoecatos agnoscant: Bellarm. Pigghium, & authores Antididagmatis Coloniensis à Romana Ecclesia distentire apertè dicet:— & est dissentio illa non levicula, sed in loco de justificatione. Then followeth that in the Apologists, Sed denique — unto— Nam— Christus in regno Diab●lorum quoque consensionem esse asterit, aliâs enim tam diu non duraret. Similiter anon Ariani, & alijhaeretici inter se quoque consentiunt à prima inde usque origine? diuturnitatis ergo quidem, sed non veritatis argumentum est consentio. Hinc prius tuum medium partim falsum, partim infirmum esse Ostenditur. johannes Regius lococitato. false (yea and c Falsum est, imò falsislimum, Rom. Ecclesiam in fidei vetitate, per quam initio fundata est, permansisse. Ibid. pag. 182. most false,) and for proof that the Church of Rome hath varied from itself, as it was in the primitive Churches, he appealeth unto ancient Historians, unto the public Tomes of Counsels, unto the Decretals of Popes, and unto the experience of their common dissensions among themselves. Here is sea-room enough, which the Apologists have called straits. 12 Next he answereth unto the Ergo or Consequence, calling it infirm, because the Arians and also other Heretics held a consent among themselves from the first beginning of their heresies. Which is undoubtedly true in divers heretics, who lived in the Apostles times, such as d See August. Tom. 6. lib. de haeresibus. were the Simonians, Basilidians, Nicolaitans; who, albeit they lived in the days of the Apostles, yet did they not profess the doctrine of the Apostles. Which sufficiently demonstrateth the insi●mitie of the consequence, wherein the jesuit confounded time with truth; and consequently * Both which were sown about the same time: only the Wheat in the day, and the tars in the night. Matth. 13 tars with wheat. How then could the Apologists in reason call his answer absurd? 13 But as the Apologists in the beginning, when they endeavoured to demonstrate the union of the now Roman faith, by the faith of S. Gregory, throughout every particular, omitted the mention of many particulars, wherein S. Gregory was an Adversary unto their now faith: so now in the end and shutting up of their Treatise (when they would brand a Protestant Author with the make of exigence through straits, and of absurdity) by their willing concealment of his reasons, they do, in effect, tell us, that their meaning was to make their end suitable and proportionable unto the beginning. Nevertheless that they may further know how little cause the Protestants have to fear straits, we add CHAP. XXVIII. The Conclusion of the Protestants Appeal, divided into two parts: the first demonstrating what heresies now harbour among the Romanists. SECT. 1. dearness unto an heresy may be in a greater and less degree; the less we may call alliance, the other consanguinitte. Concerning the less degree of proximity, let our Adversaries expostulate with their own consciences about those heretics, whom they have paralleled with the Protestants: and compare their Friars, who profess a course of begging, with the a Adue●sus' ignavous Monachos, qui tum in Africa errorem hunc à— Messalianis enatum fovebant, Augustinus seripsit librum de opere Monachorum, quo tria potissimum demonstrate: primum ut Monachi, qui nullo Euangelico negotio, nulla cura Ecclesiastica occupantur, non vitam sine ullo labour manuum transigant ociosam, etc. Sixtus Senensis Bill. l. ●. annot. 317. §. Verum nc. Messaltani, who defended idleness, and were therefore condemned by S. Augustine, concluding that they aught to labour with their own hands: and their b See above c. 18. §. 1. 2. women baptizing and excommunicating, with the c Ibidem. Peputians, who yielded unto women Ecclesiastical functions: and some of their people, whose most common books are pictures, among which is the Image of God, in the form of an old man, with the d See above ca 8. Sect. 2. Anthropomorphitae, who taught that God consisteth of a bodily substance, according to the shape of a man: and their Merit-mongers, either in the opinion of their inherent righteousness, with the e See above cap. 14. §. 3. Catharists, who thought themselves pure; or in the presumption of their deserving grace, with the f See ibid. cap. 12. §. 4. and l 2. c. 10. §. 7. where some Romanists condemn others of Pelagianisine. Pelagians, who believe that works done without grace do merit the grace of God: and their I●suites' defending the g See above lib. 2. cap. 2. Sect. 18. local presence of Christ in many places at once, which, by the judgement of Aquinas, inferreth a possibility of omni presence, with the h Ibidem. Eutychians, who maintained the ubiquity of the human nature: and all of them, holding that the Church Catholic cannot be separated from the See of Rome, with the i See above cap. 14. sect. 4. Donatists', who imagined that the Catholic Church was inseparably confined to one place of the world, namely Africa: This done, let them tell us, whether they have not (we say not an absolute, but yet) a greater affinity with these foresaid heretics, than have the Protestants, whom they have traduced in the names of the foresaid heretics. From alliance we pass to one degree of consanguinity. A greater Accordance, which the same particular Romanists may seem to have with the heretics of former times. SECT. 2. 2 Some a See above lib. 4 cap. 18. Sect. 3. and lib. 5. cap. 14 Romanists censured the Greek text of Scripture to be depraved and corrupted with many dangerous heresies, jest we should make it a warrantable direction of our doctrines: which is confessed to have been the error of b helvidius quoq●e ijsdem temporibus Graeca novi Testamenti exemplaria esse multis in locis falsata affirmavit, ut D Hieron. in lib. quem adversus illum conscripsit, testatum reliquit. Temporibus autem nostris, quibus omnia revocantur in dubium, execrabiles Anabaptistae, ac Seruetam hunc iam profligatum errorem magno Ecclesiae malo instaurârunt, fatentes quidem libr●s aliquos novi Testamenti ab Apostolis scriptos, sed post i ab haereticis ●alsatos, ac multis erroribus contaminatos fuisse, semperue eoldem errores usque ad hanc diem in novo Testamento pe●duráss●. Senen●is Bibl. l. 7. de novo Test. haeres. 1. §. Praecipua p. 576. helvidius, confuted by S. Jerome, for condemning the Greek text of heretical corruptions, even that Greek text which in all points of doctrines of faith, was the same which we have now in use. 3 Some do not forbear to c Scriptura difficilis est, & muta.— quae instat nasi cerei, ducitur q●ò quis vult. Salmeron Ies. part. 3. comment. gener. in epist. B. Pauli, disp. 8. §. Tertio quia. Assumunt (Lutheram): ensum illum unum (Scripturarum) certissime familiarissimeue doceri, nec esse eas velut cereum quendam nasum, in sensum omnem flexibiles. Melchtor Canus loc. Theol. lib. 3. cap 2. pag. 93. Est res sine anima vel sensu. Coster Enchirid. de Pont. pag. 135. Si Scripturam solam in fidei regulam Christus reliquisset, quid aliud quim gladium Delphicum haberemus? Turrian. Ies. contra Sadael. de Eccles. & Minist. pag. 99 Inquisitores liaeceticorum— Scripturam sacram velut mortuam literam ●tergo linquentes. Agrippa de Vanit. scient. cap. 96. call the sacred Scripture a nose of wax, a Delphicall sword, and a dead letter, with other such like terms, and that in earnest: wherein how can they be thought to differ from the heresy of the d Caeterùm phanatici Anabaptistae eò venerunt intelligentiae, ut se usque adeò divinitus illuminatos iactitent, ut necesse non habeant vel Ecclesiae, vel Scripturarun vocem requirere. Scripturas è mottuis literis de●criptas aiunt, Ecclesiam ablegant, tanquam errantium hominum coetum. Cum omnia contentionibus & dissidijs deflagrant, it a bello & incendijs delectantur, ut Salamandi a●gne.— De Scriptures, inquiunt, quarum sententia ambigua est, & in om●●m partem versatilis, parùm laboramus: quid iam ad triumphum confligentibus superest, nisi pulvis tormentarius, & vulcanea flamma omni● devastatura? Westonus, Duaci professor, de trip. hom. office l. 3. c 23. Anabaptiss, who (as is acknowledged) say that the Scriptures are written but in dead letters, and thereupon refuse to be tried by them? Some have taught that kind of implicit belief in the necessary principles of faith, which, for the stupidity thereof, hath deserved to be called the Collier's faith, which is thus described by their own Bishop: e Nec enim de fidei subtilitatibus exammandi sunt simplices, nisi cum suspicio est, eorum s●mplicitatem ab haereticis depravatam esse: in ijs autem, quae fider per se sunt obiecta. per quae minirum homines just: beatique fiunt, quales sunt super benedictae Trinitatis & dispensationis, si●e incarnationis Dominicae articuli, definità opus est adultis & explicitâ fide Ft adeo non sufficeret decantata hod è per Catholicos Carbonarij fides, qui, quid crederet interrogatus, responderit se crede●e quod credit Ecclesia, & Ecclesiam itidem credere quod ipse crederet, ut qui exemplum hoc imitandum laicis praesertim & mulierculis proponunt, cundem aiant, y● bolum recitavisse, & generales fidei de Deo articulos, quos frequenter in Ecclesia audiendo didicerat & memoriae commendaver at, quid p●aetereà crederet percunctatum, ad ●eliqua omnia c● culo superiore elusisse Essencaus in 2. Tim. 3. num. 17. pag. 119. The Collier being demanded what he believed, answered, That which the Church believeth; and being asked, What the Church believed, answered, That which I believe. Of which kind of faith the same Bishop complaineth, as of a doctrine too much commended in their Church: which S. Jerome seemeth to have condemned in the Luciferians, telling them, that f At dicis, simplicitèr in Patre, & Filio, & Spir sancto credidit & ideò baptisma consecutus est. Quae est ista, quae●o sin plicitas, nescire quod creda●? simplicitè● credidit, quod credidit? certè aut tria nomina audience, tres Deos cred dit, & idol, latra effectus: aut in tribus vocabulis trinominem credens Deum, in Sabellij haeresin incurrit: aut edoctus ab Arianis, unum esse ve●um Deum Patrem, Filium & Spiritum sanctum credidit creature as: aut extrâ haec quid credere potuer t●escio, nisi forrè homo iam edoctus in Capitolio, homoousion diceret Trinitatem. Hieron. Tom. 2. adversus Luciferian●●, pag. 140. It is no true simplicity to believe we know not what. Nevertheless the g Aliqui credunt quae ignorant, habentes fidem velatam in mysterio, ita & nunc, etc.— unde job, Boves arabant, & Asini pascebantur juxta eos: simplices & minotes sunt Asinae pascentes juxta boves, quia in humilitate maioribus adhaetendo in mysterio credebant. Magister Scent▪ lib. 3 dist. 25. lit. b. Master of the Romish School, teaching the people's dependence upon their Pastor's religion by an implicit and ignorant faith, thought to justify it by Scripture, because it is written, * job. 1. 14. The Oxen ploughed, and the Asses were feeding besides them: h For the literal sense is there historical, and not parabolical. unsoundly: notwithstanding thus was the foresaid Collier made, if not an Ass, yet at lest a mill-horse, blindly turning in a round, he knoweth not whither, when as yet he thinketh that his course is direct. 5 Some of their people are confessed to worship the Saints, and the blessed Virgin Mary i See above lib. 2 c 12. §. 9, 10 &c idolatrously: so did the k Cesset itaque error seductotum▪ neque enim Deus est Maria, neque de coelo corpus habet, sed ex concept one viri & mulieris, secundùm promissionem verò velut Isaac deposita. Et nemo in nomen eius offerat, suam enim animam perdit. Epiphan. contra haeres. tom. 2. lib. 3. cap. 78. in fine. Collyridians. Some of their Priests l See above lib. 4. c. 28. §. 1. baptise Bells: so did the m Non probant (Protestants) quód Armenij crucem non prius venerantur, quàm baptizaverint Coccius Thesa●r. Cath. Tom. 1. l. 8. art. 3. Armenians baptise Crosses. They likewise anoint the parties dying, for their spiritual redemption, and not only for their bodily recovery: so did the n I●ens. adversus haereses lib. 1. cap. 18. unde quòd Papistas in superstitiosa de homine à peccatis per Vnctionis extremae ritum expiando sententia & doctrina, difficilimos esse Valentinianis disputat Bellarm. de Extreme. Vnct. ca 6. quia illi ungebant non moriturum, sed mortuum, ut colligit ex hoc loco Irenaei collatio cum Epiphanio, haeres. 36. in eo manifestam Epiphanio, Irenaeo, veritati facit iniuriam. Nam Iren. & Epiphanius ostendens ib●dem quid iusserint Valentiniani hominem inunctum deinceps, posteaquam obijsset, dicere, declarant illos solitos inungere moriturum. Epiphanius igitur vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usurpat loco praesentis, aut paulo post futuri: quo sensu abhibet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid & in Epit. praefix. lib. 1. tom. 3. haer. 3. Hoc comprobat Epiphanij seu imitator seu interpres S. Aug de haeres c. 16. dicens, Feruntur suos morientes novo modo quasi redimere. Ac Billius Pontific●us interpres, Irenaei cum Epiphanio collati his verbis tem explanans: Sunt alij qui iam jamque; ex hac vita excessuros redimunt. Thus writeth our M. Rainolds praef. ad Oxon. ante 6. Theses, pag. 41, 42. Valentinians. Finally their Popes have licenced multitudes of o See above lib. 1. cap. 2. §. 36. & lib. 5. cap. 2. stews, so did the Pagans. And have definitively taught p See above lib. 4. cap. 14. the teethly tearing of the flesh of Christ in the Sacrament: so did the q See above lib. 2. Capernants. Also the absolute for bidding of the marriage of Priests, is a constitution yet swaying; although it were held execrable in Pope r See above lib. 4. cap. 9 Syrictus. Hitherto have we stood upon heresies, some of which are more, and some less universal among them. And now (not to insist upon other their most certainly s See proved above lib. 3. cap. 9 incestuous, t See confessed by Barclaius in his book De potestare Papae, professedly written upon this argument. rebellious, and u See confessed by their Genesius Sepulueda, Dialog. Theoph against mental equivocation. perfidious positions against the moral law of God) we deliver A manifestation of more general Contagions lurking in the Romish Church; even in one, and also the chief article of their profession, which is the Popedom itself. SECT. 3. 6 It will be to little purpose for Protestants to dispute against Romanists from the judgement of ancient Fathers, because in the end they make their own Pope a Bellar. lib. 2 de Pont. ca 31. and Salmeron Prolegoman epist. ad Rom. disp. 15. Papam tanquam Patrun Patrem, that is, the father of Fathers, preferring one before all: Or to oppose the authority of ancient Counsels, for they reject the ancient Counsels of b Bellar. lib. 2 de Pont. cap. 17. § Quare ad. Chalcedon, c Idem lib. 2. de Conc. cap. 8. §. Nono, etc. Carthage the third, d Greg. Valent. Ies. de Coelib. pag. 861. §. Sextò. Trullo, two of e Bellar. lib. 1. de Conc. cap. 6. §. Quintum, & Sextum. Constantinople, one under Leo Isaurus: the other sub Constantino Copronymo, f Ibidem. §. Septimum. Pisa, g Ibidem, cap. 7. §. Quintum. Constance, h Ibidem, §. Sextum. Basil, i Bellar. lib 1. de Conc. cap. 8. §. Quartum. Frankford, etc. accounting them k Quod in quolibet Concilio Papa ratum habet, id validum judicatur, etiamsi omnia reliqua fuerint irrita. Biniu● annot. in Conc. Calced Act 10. pa. 115. col. 1 not legitimate, so far as they were not allowed by the Pope: Or yet to produce any evidence out of Scripture; for when all is said, the l Cùm Scriptura obscura sit & perdifficilis, & per eam solam lights ter ninari non possint: superest ut certum aliquem judicem nobis designatum reliquerint. At hic alius non est habitus. nisi is qui semper fuit, hoc est, Rom. Episcopus. Salmeron Ies. comm. in Ep. Pauli in genere, li●p. 10. §. Quarto cùm. Visum est Spiritui sancto, & nobis.] Talls est Pontifex ex Cathedra docens, quem o●●●ndimus semper à Spititu sancto dirigi, ut errare non possit. Bellarm. lib. 2 de verbo Dei, cap. 5. ●d finem. supreme judge of the exposition of Scriptures must be the Pope: whom, in these three considerations, we may call the Epitome and sum of the Roman faith, especially seeing that their Romanists glory to have their denomination of m A Papa Papistas dici nec veten ut, nec erubesc●●●●. ●●rinus' Ies. come in. Act. 20. 30. Papists from the Pope, as though in him their faith were fully incorporate. For this cause we desire them to use a little phlebotomy, and to search what is the manifold corruption, which lieth only within this head-article of their profession. First, S. Gregory hath given the title of universal Bishop the eare-marke of n See abou● lib. 1. c. 2. Sect. 29. blasphemous impietic. 7 Secondly, their advancing of a Pope above the authority of a Council, the Council of Basil condemned for a o See above lib 4. cap. 2. Sect. 3 Inua●esce●et praeterea ille permciosissimus error in populum Dei, ut unus homo ad summum Pontificium assumptus, possit de tota Ecclesia & Christi●nitate agere ad suae libitum voluntatis, sicue per generale Concilium umuersalis non valeat co●●igi aut refo. in a 1. Sed & videmus non solùm statum Ecclesiasticum, & salutem animarum ex ea re detrimenta pati, imò omnem statum, omnem politiam, omne regimen in spiritu alibus & ten poralibus perturbari, Surius Conc. Tom. 4. in C●n●. Ba, iliens. pag. 195. pernicious heresy. 8 Thirdly, their adding unto this transcendent authority an infallibility of judgement, p Index generalis, legitimus, or dinarius omnium controversiarum, quaecunque possunt o●ri in negotio religionis, est Pontifex Rome sive losus desiniat aliquid, sive defimat cum Concilio generali ●ste ●udex temper & in●allibilis. Gretzer. Ies. in Colloq. in Rat●●b. Sess 1. pag 23 Et Ponti●ex Romanus est ille ipse, in quo, ●●u capite, Eccelesiae authoritas illa ●esidet, sive is unà cùm Episcoporum Concilio, sive alisque Concilio ●●s fidei definire velit. Greg●r de Valent. Analys. lib. 5. cap. 2. & cap. 3. as alone without any Council to define any point of faith, without possibility of erring; which soundeth much after that heresy of them, who q Omnes enim sectatores ●ius Basilicas Apostolorum & Martyrum non ingrediu●tur, ut scil. mortuum adorent Eunomium, cuius libros maio●is authoritatis arbitrant●r quàm evangelia: & in ipso credunt esse lumen veritatis, sicut aliae haereses paracletum in Montanum venisse contendunt, & Manichaeum ipsum dicunt esse paracletum. Hieronym. Tom. 2. lib. adversus Vigilant. pag. 123. thought that in Eunomius there rested the Spirit of truth, as other he●etiked did believe an un-trring paraclet in Montanus, as S. Jerome observeth. The Ab●ssus of this kind of heresy hath been sounded by S. Gregory, saying; r See above lib. 1. cap. 2. Sect. 30. If the universal Bishop (speaking generally) shall err, than the whole Church must err with him: Or as the Council of Basil more personally, s Non est Papa maior tota Ecclesia: alioqui errant Pontifice, sicut si pè contingit, tota Ecclesia erraret. Concil. Basil. apud Surium, Tom. 4. pag. 145. col. 1. The Pope erring (as ostentimes it hath happened) the whole Church must jointly fall. Can there be a greater mystery of iniquity, than to resolve our faith upon that judgement as unfallibly true, which may be (because he t As hath been proved by many examples of heretical Popes. See above in this book cap. 24. hath been) a lying Oracle? 9 Fourthly, they yield unto this their judge a further security, which is undoubtedly to u Sui ducem Authores illi volunt Pontificem in rebus alioqui omninò controversis, hoc est, non satis expressè in Ecclesia compertis ac determinatis, desinire posse ut personam publicam errorem reipsa contra fidem: errant ips●● fide gravissimè, posset enim imò tene●etur tunc Ecclesia universa Pontisicem de re controve●la docentem, ac nondùm haeresi manifestâ notatum, pro Pastore suo agnoscere, atque id●ò ipsum omninò audire. Ità sieret, ut si tune ille errare posset, Ecclesia etiam untuersa posset, imò teneretur errare, quae est haeresis intolerabilis, ut supra disputatum est. Valent. Ies. Anaelys. lib. 8. cap. 3. §. Respondeo quid. Respondeo sive Ponti ex in definiendo studium adhibeat, sive non adhibeat, modò tamen controversiam definiat, intallibiliter cerrè definiet, at que adeò reipsa utetur authoritate sibi à Christo concessa: quod ex promissionibus divinis de veritate per magisterium unius Pastoris Ecclesiae factis certissimè colligimus, ut saepius argumentati sumus. Itaque studium ac diligentia Ponti ●ci necessaria est, non ut omninò definiat, atque intallibili authoritate sua utatur, sed ut conveniente● ac recte (hoc est, sine peccato) ea utatur, sicut patebit etiam ex ijs, quae posteà dicemus. Greg. Valent. ibid. §. Respondeo sive. judge the truth, although he use no diligence to know it: which all know to be an anabaptistical Enthysiasmus, for the fect of the Anabaptiss permitteth the ordinary Pastor to ●elie upon an extraordinary inspiration. 10 Fiftly, they extend his power of judicature to the canonizing of new articles of faith, as to believe, (and that upon their x Profiteor quoque septem esse verè & propriè Sacramenta novae legis à jesu Christo Domino nostro instituta— quam conversionem Catholica Ecclesia Transubstantiationem appellat.— Constanter teneo Purgat●rium esse— indulgentiarum etiam potestatem a Christo in Ecclesia relictam fuisse.— Hanc veram Catholicam fidem, extra quam nemo salnus esse poest, quam in praesenti sponte profiteor, & veracitèr ten●o. Bulla Pij Quarti super f●rma juramenti profess. fid●i, annex. Conc. Trid. salvation, that there are Seven proper Sacraments, a Transubst antiation, Papal Indulgences, and diverse other the like points, which by some of our Roman y See above in the diverse particulars. Adversaries have been denied to contain in them any Catholic or universal truth. Against this kind of heresy their own Bishop hath given a true rule, to wit, z Memineris regulae istius, cum scil. qui credit aliquid esse de fide. non rectè de fide sentire: nam sicnt non licet quicquam fidei subduc●re, aut negare esse de fide, quod de fide est, ità nec licet quicqitam side ●addere, quod de fide n●n est Archiepiscopus Caesari●nsis lib. vary Tract epist ad lectorem. As we may not deny any thing to be of faith, which is of faith, so may we not add any article unto the faith, which is not of faith. 11 Sixtly, they enlarge this hand of his spiritual jurisdiction to the disposing of all temporal dominions; which hath been proved from confessed principles to be an a See above, lib. 2 cat. 〈…〉. Antichristian tyranny. 12 And lastly, the perpetuity of this indivisible head of the Church, they tie unseparably unto the person of the Bishop of Rome, and his seat; which is a part of b See above, cap. 14. sect, 14. Donatisme. 13 Now then, if, according to the Physicians theorem, caput malum est caput malorum, that is, an evil head is the head of evils; what can more concern Christendom, than to crush a little this so dangerous and head, that both Scriptures, Fathers, general Counsels, and the whole Church of Christ may obtain their ancient freedom from the c See above lib. 1. cap. 3. etc. importable burden of superstitious ceremonies, from the entanglements of manifold new d See above lib. 4. per t●tum. innovations, from the contagion of gross e See above lib. 2. c. 2. §. 23. & cap. 10. §. 12. idolatry, from the dangerous gulf of an universal f See above in this book. heresy, and from the thraldom of the prophesied g See above l. 2. ●. 5. Antichristianitie? The latter part of the Protestants Conclusion. SECT. 4. 14 We live not in Turkey, where a Nam ex pe▪ licibus concepti, aequè ac nati ex legitimis uxoril us in hono●e sunt apud Tureos, tantumque in successione aetatis praerogatma specta●ur. 〈◊〉. tom. 1. 19 anno 1553. pag 942. they who are borne of bastardy are as capable of the Crown as the legitimate; neither are we subject unto that Spanish law, whereby the b Nulla in Hispanijs praerog●tiva dignitatis primogenitis debita, nisi aliter fuerit à par●ntibus pro arbitrio suo constitutum. Molina Ies. de jure, T●m. 2. first-born is deprtued of the prerogative of birthright: but, as it becometh the children of God, who commanded that * Deut▪ 21. ver. 15. 1●. the first borne even of the woman who was hated, should be respected before the younger son of the beloved wife; we, albeit hated by our Romish Aduersaties, yet only desi●e that they would hold (as S. Chrysostom teacheth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, every novelty a vanity; and in all controversies suffer the firstborn to found a pre-eminence, by preferring each doctrine according unto the prime antiquity. 15 This our Adversaries also have pretended, but their prejudice is made evident in their vain claim unto the faith of S. Gregory, and others, of ancient c See above lib. 1. etc. ent d Ibid. cap. 9 Britons, of the more and less ancient e Ibid cap. 11. Grecians, of f Li●. 2. per totum. Fathers, of the g Lib. 3. etc. jews; by their own idolatrous worship, confessed innovations, unconscionable slanders, and contagious opinions, besides other enormous deformities. 16 Wherefore (not to proceed any * Because the two parts following d● p●int at matters 〈◊〉, and practical, th● sec●nd whereof concerns the ●●yaltie of subjects unto temporal Sovereignty, and will be in●●dent unto th● encounter, against the ●ooke of Mitigation, when it shall please God that I shall effect it. That which their first p●r● contained, concerned the doctrinal controversies of saith, and hath been articulately discussed. further) we repose our security in those two impregnable fortresses of the Catholic faith: one is the h ●pistola (Lutheri) ad Marchionem Brandeburgensem, quae extat Tom. 1. Germani oh, fol. 143 Periculosum & horrendum est, quicquam andire vel crede●e, quod adversetur unanimi testimonio fidei, & doctrinae sanctae, & Catholicae Ecclesiae, quam illa inde ab initio per annos plus mill quingentos unanimiter seruavit. Vt vesert Coccius Tom. 1. de sacris Scriptures. lib. 6. pag. 780. Contra Pighium (johanne● 〈◊〉) de lib. Arb. Non difficultèr inter me & Pighium in hac de traditionibus contentione convenire posset, si m●do ●cclesiae traditionem ex certo & perpetuo sanctorum & orthodoxorum consensu demostraret: deinde si ijs simplicitèr & candid utere●u●, ad veram & germanam Ecclesiae doctrinam comprobandam, non ad pingendas horum temporum impias doctrinas abuteretur. Nunc si ex privato paucorum sensu communem Ecclesiae consensum facere velit Pigghius, cumque ex Apostolorum traditione natum esse asserat, non recipiam. Vt resert Coccius ibid. see the time of ●ure antiquity a●●gned b● the Protesiants, and acknowledged by the Apologist, See above, cap. 25. sect. 6. ancient tradition of the primitive Church, (as the Protestants are confessed to profess:) and the other, and most principal, is the evidence of holy Scripture, which (even by the confession of their jesuite Acosta) i Inter externa vero auxilia principem loc●m ten●t Scriptura divina, cujus an●ho●itate invictâ, adversus dolos & innumerabiles frauds Antichristi quibus Gentes toto orbeseducet, nullum est divinitùs Ecclesiae Catholicae datum maius fortiusque praesidium ●ad omnes enim Diaboli insidras de●egendas, ad omnes mendacij machinas superandas, valet excelsum atque insuperabile divinum eloquij robur. Acosta Ies. de Temp Noviss lib. 3. cap. 3. Itaque omnibus miraculis Antichristi, quamuis magna ille p●aebeat, intrepida opponet Ecclesia fidem scriptu●a●um: atque huius veritatis restimonio inexpugnabili omnes illius praestigias, tanquam nebulas. ●harissin â luce disijcet. Idem ibidem. will be unto the Christians the chiefest external bulwark of defence, against the assaults of Antichrist. And being thus fortified, we are persuaded that their Pope Paulu● quartus might with as good conscience have offered to allow of the doctrine of our English Church, as he k Qu●d ●rgo? Eam, quae iam est, religionem stabiliret (Elizabetha Regina) Papae tan en primatum agnosceret? certè illud tentatum constat, & à Paulo quarto conditionem ●mpetratam po●ro & Reginae ipsi delatam esse, dum in p●i●atum ipsius consenti●e modò vellet, de cateris, si à se fieri peteret, authoritate sua sactum agnosceret, gratiam facturum Pontificem, & sacra hic omnia hoc ipso, quo nunc sunt apud nos modo procurari fas esset. As our reverend Author Episcopus Cicestrensis in Tortura Torti, pag. 142. hath published. did of our Service and Liturgy. 17 From all these so many and weighty premises, we are moved in our Conclusion to answer the Apologists contempt with a commiseration and prayer, beseeching God, for his Christ's sake, that all we, who invocate upon that glorious, and only saving name of jesus, may be inspired with one Spirit of truth and charity, the bond of all perfection. Amen. Soli Deo gloria. THE RECOGNITION OF THIS APPEAL, IN CORRECTIONS, EXPLANATIONS, AND ADDITIONS. Lib. I PAge 6. num. 3. line 14. for [Novellers, read [I ate writers.] But y●t in this point Novellers. Pag. 7. lit b. in the margin. observe that Azorius doth allege Leo, and Massonius. Ambrose. Ibid. lit. d Orat. ●, for Oblatio lit. f. read alteram: and à Deo, deal à. ibid. for consecratione, read, communicatione. ibid. lit. i. for sect. 7. read. 3. Pag. 8. §. 6. lit b. The answer for D. Humphrey is more fully shown afterwards, lib. 2. cap. 2. §. 2. Pag. 9 num. 11. lin. 3. the word [only,] should have been in the Roman letter. Page 11. lit. n. [Oxford,] namely, in an Epistle of Anselme to Archbishop Wulstane, and in Benedict Coll. in Cambridge. Pag. 12. § 9 num. 17. the answer is more full afterwards, lib ●. cap 9 §. 1. Pag. 13. lit. a. n●n, for, iam. Page 15. §. 12. lit. b. expressam, for, expletam. & ibid. §. 13 lit. a. Art 18, for, 37. And observe at the letter b. in marg. the word [consuted●,] signifieth, otherwise expounded, and yet it cannot consist with their sense of Purgatory. And ibid. in the testimony of 1. Cor. 3. in stead of [Pererius] (add) Sedulius, Caietanus, Ly●anus, & alij, ut est apud Suarem, Tom. 4. disp 54. §. 1 num. 25. but Pererius should have been placed in answer unto the testimony following out of 1. Cor. 15. Pag. 16. §. 15. lit. a. the testimony is set down according to the scope of the place. Add, as observable, this testimony: ●um nusquam in scriptura menti● fiat ignis, ubi aper●e de Purgatorio agitur, nihil dubium est quin Cysrianus ad hunc locum, (viz. 1. Cor. 3.) 〈◊〉. Beilar. l. 1. de Purge c. 4. §. Est igitur. Granting that this is the only place of Scripture, of that kind, which can plainly prove Purgatory; and yet confesseth out of S. Augustine, that this is one of the hardest places of Scripture: Ergo, say we, there is no one plain place of that kind. Page 17. lit b. before §. Hilarius, set cap. 10. in stead of cap 6. and a little beneath, before. §. Deinde, again, cap. 10. Pag. 18. lit e. the testimony of Pererius is not so pertinent as is that of Del'rio. And ●t g. for, lib. 2. q. 27 §. 2. put, ●om. 2 pomell 4. c. 1. cue 3. § 5. And pag. 24. lit. q. §. Existit, for, §. Sed contra. Ibid. lit. a cap. 2. (add) lib. de Indulgentus. Ibid. Erant quidam, are else where: in that place the author's sign fied are produced from the testimony of Aquinas, who was long before Luther. Pag. 27. lit. i. read, Arbitrio. Page 28. line 1 that of S Greg. his [not praying to the Virgin] was spoken, as excepting against the Antiphonaria, which are but feigned to have been his. Pag. 32. marg lit. k Sedis, for Civitatis. And ibid. read profitentur. ibid. lit. a. in marg. insignis: and in the text num. 60. line 2. notable, deleantur. Pag. 37. nu●. 66. line 10. [their own] decleatur Ibid. num. 67. lit. a. marg. for cap. 3. set, l. 1. c. 28. & ibid. lit b. fig. [8.] deleatur. Pag. 39 lit. d. read, Non primitiva tantúm. sed & multis, etc. Pag. 40. num 70. line 5. verbum, their, deleatur. Pag. 45. num. 79. line 10. for Ad●ian, read Sixtus. Pag. 48. lit. r. for Oura, read Crux. jibid. lit b Gulielmus de Sancto Amore his judgement is confirmed by more acceptable witnesses, See lib. 5. cap. 4 § 3. & ib. lit. c. Indicitur (add) ● jesa. Pag. 50. lit. ●. for quasdam, lege, quid●m. Page 51. lit. z. Repub. Heb. (add) lib. 5. c. 1 ●. Pag. 52 lit. 1. read Ob●ent●. Pag. 53. lin. penult. for four, read, three. Pag. 55. lit 1. Ritibus (add) 〈◊〉. Pag. 56. num. 7 line 4. fact, for, sort. Pag. 58. lit. ●. flat (add) St●r sanctus desig●atur. Page 59 lit. e. in 1 Tim (add) 〈◊〉 lib. 1. etc. Pag. 60. lit a. Monumet●●s (add) Hist Brit l 11 c. 12. Ib. for Q●●m, etc. read, Quoth R●manam religionem hominum man lat is refertam intru●erit. Centu●. etc. Page 6●. SATURN'S read, apart, ●nd. causarum origin●s Ibid. lit. n. 〈◊〉 & (add) quotidi●. lb. lit. o. habet. Page 63. num. 3. lin. vlt. for, divers parts, read, s●me part. Page 71. lit. b. lanceam, & contra (add) Impe●ij. Ibid. [& ex●●mmunicatoss] deleatur: although none will deny but they w●re excommunicate. Pag. 71. § 2. lit. a. (add) concerning M. Napier, a●d M. Brocard, See more hereafter lib. 5. cap. 25. Pag. 73. lit. r. the latter place o● Bellar. cite thus▪ ●ib. 1 de Conc. cap. 8. Pag. 75. lit. b. (In Hibernia) for In Gallijs. Page 77. num. 3. line 7. is (add) that in the etc. Pag. 78. lit. b Purgator●●m (add) l●cum. Ib num. 5. line 9 for Transubstantiated, read, properly propitiatory. Pag. 80 lit. b. de Sacram. (add) ●uchar & §. Terti●m. Pag. 81. num. 2. line 5 for hear, read ●now. Pag. 82 num. 3. line 5 [Dulia] observe, it is not this which we oppose against, fo● the Grecians u●e D●lia in their worship; and we confess, cap. 12. §. 1. Pag. 84. lit. n. peccatum (add) mortale. Pag. 96. lit. d. cap. vlt. (add) §. Sunt è diverso. Pag. 97. lit. e. Sed hac, for, talia. Pag. 98 lit. d. Aliae. Pag. 99 lit. i. read, Fortassis corporali, etc. and dissipati for, disseparati. Ibid. §. 7. lit. 2. ●licuius (add) doctissimi Patris. Pag. 100 lit. c. read, Infudit. Pag. 102. b. understand that 〈◊〉 SATURN'S 〈◊〉 SATURN'S 〈◊〉, opposed to accidents, doth never signify any accident. Pag. 107. lit. m. expertes, & carnem: (add) dices fortasse, etc. Ibid. lit. z. &, sore, ut. Pag. 108. lit. a spes, for, crux. & disp. 3. for, 9 Page 110. lit. c. signif. quam (read the next thus) transubstantiatio, nam transelementatio significat mutationem totius rei usque, etc. Ibid. lit. d. & (add) quodammodo transel. etc. Ibid. num. 48. lin. 3. ls (add) in a sort: Pa. 111. lit. k Reipsa (add) nos suum corpus efficit. Pa. 112. lit. b. manet (add) nihil. Pa. 113. lit. f. In loco (add) nimirum per solam praesentiam. Pa. 115. lit. g. & h. add unto both, cap. 14. Pa. 118. lit. c. read, indivisum. Pag. 119. lit. c▪ immensitatem (add) planè divinam. And lit. f. ibidem for, desacram. Euchar. etc. Ibi. lit. g. §. Ad quartum, for, §. Altera obiectio, & ibid. §. Ad octawm, for, Ibidem. And ib▪ Ibidem, for, §. Ad octawm. Pa. 120. read, miraculorum. Ibid. lit. a. read, adoratores esse idololatras. Ibid to lit. d. (add) we further prove this an accidental idolatry out of Aquinas: Hostia tamen non consecrata nullo modo debet dari loco consecratae, quià sacerdos hoc faciens, quantum inse est, facit idolatrare eos, qui credunt esse hostiam consecratam, sive alios praesentes, siuè etiam ipsum sumentem. Aquinas part. 3. q. 80. Add 6. Quod Thomae test. ●ertissimum est, quantum ad exteriorem cultum. Irride etiam Petrum de Palud. in 4. dist. 5. q. vlt. ubi ait, Nullo modo esse dandam hostiam simplicem pro consecrata, eo quod esset Idololatria, quoniam cum ministratur, etiam adoranda proponitur.— Idem testatus est.— Sed, rogo te, audi patientèr. Adoratio est cultus Sanctorum quo Ecclesia maximè utitur, in Deum terminatur. Adoratur enim Deus non absolutè, sed ut laudabilis est & gloriosus in illo, vel illo certo homine, quem sanctum profitetur. Si igitur non sit ille sanctus, falsa est adoratio.— Similiter enim Christus & Deus non simplicitèr, sed ut existens sub illis speciebus. Cùm igitur ibi non existat, non Christus, sed creatura pro Christo invenitur, cùm exhibita est latria: atque adeò & hi● Idololatria est. Catharinus Annot. adverse. Cajet. Dogm. cap. de venerat. Sanct. pa 134. Page 122 lit. e read, interpretatione. And lit. e. pro ser. read, Fer. 3. and for §. Tertia, read, §. Hic autem. And note that the former part of that testimony is out of Bellar. the second [a personis etc.] out of Stapleton. Pa. 123. lit i near the end. neque ità (add) hoc, id est, hoc vinum, siuè haec res, demonstrando vinum est vini● nam, &c Ibid. lit. m. observe, It is confessed by Maldonate, who calling it vulgarem expositionem, saith: Quanquam ego omnibus viribus contendo adiectiwm esse, neque ulla ratione substantiwm esse posse. Maldon. Ies. Com. in Ma●th. 26. Ibid. lit. ●. fractio (add) propriè & in rigore sig. divisionem & discontinuationem partium. Pa. 125. num. 83. lin. 3. in, for, into, Ibid. marg. h. mortem. Pa. 129. lit. a. deest Author (add) Maldon. Ies. Com. in joh. 6. 49. Pa. 130. §. 28. lit. b. instead of, hoc argumentum, begin, haec opinio, seu potius figmentum. Pa. 133. lit. x. veram conversionem (add) sive transubstantiationem, sed etc. Pa. 136. §. 4. lit. a. non fuisse (add) solammand. Pag. 148. lit. b. these words, [Et impediturum donec regnum hoc aboleatur,] deleantur: and add, [quia non sunt adhuc impleta ●ius peccata, & non antè veniet Antichristus, qui hoc imperium propter sua peccata tollat è medio. Ità exponunt] etc. Then to the t●st. of A●●sta (add) lib. 2. cap. 2. Pag. 150. lit. c. Hierosolymae (add) per Titum. Ibid. unto the letter 1. add: judaei cupiunt restaurare templum operâ jultant, quasi homo restituere ●●ssit, qu●d Deus suá manu destru●it, etc. of their destruction out of Chrysost. Orat. 2. contrà judaeos: Hoc aetate nostrá contigit nos testes s●n us. And Greg Nazianzen. Orat. in julianum, & R●ff●nu● qui hoc tempore vixit Hierosolymis, l. 1. ca 38. & The●d. l 17. c. 1. as they are cited by Cardinal Baronius anno Christi 363. num. 10. 11. etc. Pag. 152 lit c. ●or, quique erant, read, quià multi, etc. Pag. 153. lit. h. adeo, for, à Deo. Pag. 154. lit. a. Obser. for that act of the Pope against Frederick, read, rather Massonius, and Petrus justinianus l. 2. rer. Venet. Ibid. lit. b job. 29. ●or, 41. & cap 28. for, 23. Pag. 155. lit. i Anal. l 5. (add) pag. 455. Pag. 156. lit. d. no●●ss. (add) lib. 2. cap. 4. Pa. 157. lit. b. muliebribus. & in Dan. (read) lib. 14. cap. 11. ●t ibid. lit. c. read, obiegantur. Pag. 158. lit. l. mend the place of Sanders thus: lib. 2. cap. 14 Ibid. lit. o. coronationis (add) ut quidam scribunt. Pag. 159. lit. b mend the place of Stapleton thus: Contro. 3 l. 7. c. 10. Et lit. h. Greg. epist (add) 6. Et lit i flectere & (add) in honorem jesu, cuius vices gerit, etc. Ibid. lit. 1. lib. 1. cerem. for, lib. 3. Pa. 160. lit. c. the first part of the sentence belongeth to G●masius, the rest, [Planeque supremi in terris numinis,] are the words of Stapleton. Epist. didicat. ant● libros de Princ doctr. ad finem. Pag. 164. lit k. Hieron. epist. (add) 3. Pag. 168. li. c. Damasi, & Damasi, for, Damascenus & Damasceni. Pag. 171. lit. u read, Cum iam non à servis, sed à liberis offeruntur. Et lit. y pollicebatur, for, promittobatur. Et lit. a. de Euchar. for, De Missa, ca 15. Et lit. c. Patri vino (add) & aqua etc. Et ibid. li. 1. de Euch. for, de Missa. c. 27. Pag. 172. lit. h. §. 3. for, 4. Pag. 173. lit. c. permanscrit, for, peccaverit. Et lit. f. Baptism (add) secundi. Pag. 174. lit. g. read, secundò baptizari volunt nihil, etc. Et ib. num. 24. lin 8. read, Metaphorically. Pag. 175 lit. h. the exception concerneth the words of consecration, which the Greeks used thus, ●iat hic panis, etc. Pag. 176. lit a. nullâ (add) tali. Ibid. lit. c. verè & propriè dictum sacrificium obtulisse. Ibid. num. 32. lin. 10. Cardinal for, Bishop Ibid. lit. ●. Exod. (read) 19 And obser. in the testim. of Valentia, that he speaketh iron himself, Legimus etc. Pag. 177. lit. i. read, Asa, quod significat: & nonnunquam (add) pro sacrificare accipitur. Ibid. num. 33. l. 14. Cardinal, for, Bishop. Ibid. lit. l consecrare (add) dicendo in ipsius persona. Pag. 178. lit. a. traditionem (add) intellectis. Ibid. lit. c. verbo (add) offerendi aut sacr. Pag. 179. li. read, dubitatio. Ibid. lit. k. mend the place of Suarez thus: Disp 75. § 3. Ibid. num. 41. lin. 2. first, for, fift. Ibid. lit. n. read, §. 2. Ibid. lit. o. read, consumptio. And lit. p. memoria (add) & repraesentatio. Pag. 180. b. manducatur (add) Eucharistia. lit g. dicimus, for, possumu● dicere, & non (add) solùm quià etc. Pag. 182. lit. p. Cyprian, corrige, Epist. 63. Pag. 183. lit. d. eandem (add) impetrandam. lit g. proemium, for, pretium, & futuris (add) remittendis. Pag. 184 lit. m. Missa, for, una Missa. Pag. 185. lit. m. to the place of Canus. lib. 12. (add) cap. 13. Ibid n. add, cap. 13. Ibid lit a. ullo, for, eo solo. Pag. 187. num. 65. lin. 2. Obseru●, that take [Mass] in the general sense, for the Service, and not for that which they call the sacrificing Mass. Pag. 189. lit. d. religio est (add, in steed) cum autem Daemonibus secundum eorum impiam superbiam, noxia superstitio est. And correct also the English over against: [but if it be yielded unto Devils, it is superstition.] So that the testimony is not to our purpose. Pag. 190. lit. b. perfecto. Pag. 193. num. 12. lin. 1. [Romish,] we understand that only, which concerneth deliverance out of Purgatory torment. Pa. 194. lit b. loquuntur, for, leguntur. Pa. 197 lit k. Luc. 16. (men●) vers. 26. Pa 201. §. 2. a. integram, deleatur. Pag. 2●2. § 2. lit b. Id●nei, for, sufficientes. Et 〈◊〉. in 2. C●r. 3. abide. §. 3 (a) dicitur perdidisse, for, dissi●a●●t. Pag. 2●3. lit. h. mend the place of Cyp. lib. 3. ca 4. sit l. In 2. Cor. 3. Pa. 205. lit h. predeterminandi. And lit k ut haec determinati●, for, praedeterminatio, & actione (add) s●lus. Pag. 106. lit a. do●tamen (add) ultimi. Et voluntatem, for, liberum arbitrium esse, etc. Pag. 207. li. 3. [by name is, (Add) in effect, challenged] etc. Et lit. a. divinam (add) necessaria esse. Et sed (add) 〈◊〉 in volunt. Page 208. * marg [this no adversary will deny] viz. this which Suarez said. Pag. 209. §. 8. lit b. uti illo (add) primo. ●t lit. c. m●tionem quam, for, in qua Deus voluntatem, etc. Pag. 210. lit. f. opinans. Et lit. k oportee (add) ad iustificationis gratiam consequendam. Pag. 211. lit. d. esse in (add) solo. Pag. 212. lit f voluntas agit (then read) n●n ideo quià Deus agit, ideo voluntas agit. Pag. 213. lit. a. Theologo (add) nisi. lit. c. mutat, for, videtur omnino mutare. Et num. 29. lin. 10 [he changeth,] for, [he seemeth altogether to change.] Pag. 215. num. 38. lin 9 jacob. for, Isa●●k. Pag. 216. lit. a. consentire. Ibid. §. 2. lit. a. A●uersatar, for, videtur contrarium. And ibid. that place of Bellar. should be omitted: for the other do suffice. Ibid. sic (add) farm Orig. etc. Pag. 217. lit. a. usurpari (add) nonnunquam. Ibid. num. 4. lin. 3. for, [most ordinarily] read, [sometimes.] Pag. 218 §. 4. lit. a. read, vocabuloco. Pag. 220. lit. a. sed (add) passionis Domini, etc. Pag. 226. lit. c. I●ib. 〈◊〉. (corrige) lib 4. Tit. Origenes. Pag. 230. lit. i. §. Privium. for, §. Sed ●um. Ibid. lit. a. cap. 28. for, 18. ●t lit. d. Pererius in cum locum (add) Rom. 2. disp. 3. Pag. 231. num. 18. lin. 5. [excellent,] so others but Bellarmine saith only, probab●le est. Et lit. m. disp. 7. for, 8. Pag. 232. lit. p. the words are cited according to their sense. Pag. 235. lit. m. Gloss● etc. ●or, Ca vestra, de coh. ib. cleric & mulier. Pag. 238 lit. a. lib 1. for, lib. 2. de Idol. cap. 2. Pag. 239. lit. d 〈◊〉. for, triumph. Pag. 241. a. creatura. Pag. 245. lit b. §. 3. omnium, for, communi. ●t nostra verior, for, Constant esse sch●last 〈◊〉, etc. Et gratiae, for, gloriae. Pag. 246. lit b. the authors alleged (except Bellarm.) are taken out of Cassander de Baptism. Page 248. Et in. pauci (add) fortasse. Pag. 149. lit b. baptizatis, for, baptizandis Pag. 250. lit. a. sess. 1. (add) pag. 34. Pag. 253 lit. b. mend the place of Mald. thus: Haec opinio (Protestantium) aut iam declarata est satis tanquam haeresis ab Ecclesia, aut operaepretium faceret Ecclesia si declararet esse haeresin ex verbis alijs. Pag. 255. lit. e. S●tu●, for, Scotus. Pag. 256. lit. k. probabilis (add) licet ijs locis tractet de confession Sacramentali & secreta, non tamen negare absolutam necessitatem confessionis pro c●●tempore. Pag. 261. lit. b. extant (add) aut in haec. etc. And ibid. agitur (add) aut nimis etc. Pag. 262. lit. b. poemtentia (add) sola: as it is expressed in the English. Pag. 268. lit. d. s●ss. 14. cap. 4. (add) Quamobrem n●n est cur quisquam de Indorun salute desperet, neque tenues e●rum conatus contemnat. Acosta etc. Pag. 271. lit. f. cap. 16. for, 15. Ibid. a. absolutionis, for, poemtentiae. Et lib. 2. for, 3. Pag. 272. lit. a. Ecclesi● sedem, for, fidem. Pag. 273. §. 3. lit. c. the words of Sà● cannot found, let therefore The●ph. himself speak: Quia enim confessus erat eum Dei filium Petrus, dicit quòd haec confessio, quam confessus est, fundamentum erit futurum cr●dentium. Theoph. in the place there cited. Ibid. d. statuam. Pag. 274. l. accepit (add) & supra quam se fundaturum Ecclesiam dixit. Pag. 277. num. 16. lin. 7. [that text] for, the text, which should have had reference unto Matth. 21 44. Pag. 281. §. 11. lit. d. the Constantinop. is confirmed to be the first by the decree of Pope Innocent. 3. in Con●. ●ateran. cap. 5. Antiqua Patriarchalium sedium— sancimus ut post Romanam— Constantin● politana primum, etc. Et extra de Privile●●●, & excess. Pag. 283. num. 3. lin. 7. [godly.] I named him godly, because, Adeò pius fuit ut omnes Dei sacerd●tes ●onorificè coleret, e●sque potissimum, quos intellexerat put eaten imprimis excelle●e. Socrat. lib. 7. hist. ca 22. Who commendeth him●ropter ●ropter p●etatem in Deum. ca 42 not to justify him in all his actions: but to know that his authority of gathering this unapproucable. 2. Counc. of Ephesus is the same wherewith he gathered the first, as appeareth by the Synodical Epistle: V●stra Mai●stas— convenire jussit. Pag. 284. num. 5. lin. 4. [usurpation] so called●x ●x consequentia. Pag. 292. lit. s. in stead of quodui●, make, nihil nobis non licere. Ibid. in the title of §. 7. read advanceth not. Ibid. lit. a. Contro. 3. & 4. (add) see more fully, cap. 10. Pag. 293. num. 24. lin. 4. in stead of, [wherein the same julius was,] read thus, wherein the Pope's Legates were present.] Pag. 296. num. 5. lin. 9 [Canon.] I have not called it so properly, for there is no name of Canons in that Council: but yet this was a speech of Cyprian, which the Council did allow of. Pag. 297. lin. 3. [censuring him:] although not by name, but in general, with all them who entertained Basilides. See the Epistle. Et lit. a. mend the place of Bellarmineli 4. ●. 10. ●t lit. b. adversabatur (add) semper est Catholic●s habitus. Pag. 300. c. omnes (add) fermè. Pag. 306. §. 5. lit. c. add; Denique delicatorum ●● suavium ciborum usus o●ficere poterat integritat: mentis, & cordis mundities ammúmque impuris oblectamentis l●●idin●m inquinare. Pere●●●● Ies. l. 1. in Dan. c. 1. pag. 28. speaking of Dazzles abstinence. Pag. 307. num. 14. lin 3. suck, for, give 〈◊〉. Page 318. l●t. g. cum, for, tum. Et ibid. W●●tack. pag. 457. for▪ 695. Pag. 319. sect. 6. we were contented with the confession of our Adversary, in citing the testimony of S. August. & spared to produce many more plain testimonies of his, viz. In Psal. 57 de unit. Eccles. c. 3. &c 16. & SATURN'S 163. & contra Maxim. l. 3. ●. 14. & ●●nt. lit. Petil. D●natisi l. 3. c. 6 Pag. 320 num. 23. ●on●tted the express sentences of Clemens. Alex. which prove the sufficiency of Scripture, as Str●m. l. 1. Verit. i● s●●●ptorum, quae n●n sunt scripta, judicat. Et Strom. l. 6. Petrum dicere solitum fuisse, 〈◊〉 SATURN'S 〈◊〉 SATURN'S 〈◊〉. A●●squ● scriptura nihil dicimus. Pag. 324. num. 30. where we make mention of [Pap●as,] this should have been added of their lesu●te Pererius li. 3. in Gen. as it was cited also Col ●q. Ratish. S●ss. 8. viz. Irenaeus affirmat (inquit) se, quod de Paradi●● tradit à presbyteris. asia, discipulis. Apostolorun, accepisse: sed quid tum posteà? an ideò quicquid a●istis presbyteris pr●ditum est tanquam certum & indubitatum doctrinae Christianae dogma haberi debet? Nun constat ●●sden Presbyteros, eodem referent Irenco, quaedam, falsa & divinis liters, contraria docuisse? Certè Irenaeus l. 3. adverse. haeres. ca 36. suader● studet, Christum Dominun annos propè 50. interris vixisse— quia Presbyteri Asiae Apostolorum discipuli id sibi ab Apostolis traditum alios docuerunt.— Quam tamen opinionem historic Ecclesiasticae & Luamgelicae leviter sacris literis cruditi ●acil● intell gear possunt. So Pererius. An express reproof of unwritten Traditions. Pag. 326. lit. a. lib. 4. for, 3. Pag. 327. lit. g. didici. Page 331. lit. b. Stella in the same place is contrary to himself. Ibid. lit. g. omnibus (add) s●●tu, etc. Pag. 333. lit. h. they are the words of Valla, and not of Lra●mu●. Page 341. add unto the rest, concerning [H●rme●▪] the censure of the Spanish Index Expurg. Herm● Pau●● discipuli libri tr●s, qui alo● n●mine ●●ber Pasioris 〈◊〉, propter eiu● ant●quitatem permittitur, ve●●m tanquam Apocryphus, cuius non liceat dict●s & 〈◊〉 fidere. Atque idem iudici●m est de Testamento duod: c●● Patriarcharum. Index fol. 149. Lib. III Pag. 361. num. 3. lin. 1. read, Relater of jas●n etc. Ibid. pag. 362. cap. 3. I have further been advertised, concerning the alleged jewish Authors and authorities, 1. that [joseph Bengorion] making mention of●ranci ●ranci, and of the town Amboise (which were not heard of until almost 400 years after Christ) could not be one of the old Rabbins. 2. That [R. Simean] author of the Zoar, col. 243. maketh mention of Targum Onk●l●s, and of●●rathan ●●rathan sin of Vziel (which were the Cha●die Paraphrasis) the f●●mer of them living (as Possevine and others contesse) an hundred years after Christ. And is he to be numbered before Christ? Besides, the testimony itself, which is egregiously depraved by C●ccius, (of whom the testimony is borrowed) by adding, [V●i a pec●atorum ●ordibus purgatisunt] of his own. As he doth in the next testimony of Kimchi upon the Psal. 31. put in, Purgatorium, which is the only word which can make for his purpose. But truly in those Rabbiss, which I have looked into, as Shel●m●th, Aben Ezra, Kimchi, Bengorion, with Commentaries upon the Bible, I never found any prayer for the dead, but rather an hopeful omination of their blessed state. Pag. 367 [R. Haccadoes.] If he had been so famous & so ancient, S. Hierom in his Catalogue of ill●str. SATURN'S Authors, recounting Philo & I●sephus, would at lest have mentioned him. Ibid. §. 3. * lib. vlt. for, lib. 4. Pag. 398. lit. c. joh. 19 30. for, Mar●. 15. 38. Pag. 414. num. 23. lin. 9 for, Th●ssalonica. read, Beroea. Pag. 433. marg. before the let. f. anno 1554. (add which was omitted) e. Plin. nat. hist. l. 16. c. 40. Pag. 437. lin. 1. wrought, (add) no miracles, etc. Pag. 443. num. 5. lin. 3. read, tenure. Pag. 448. to the letter, b. add, vide Extra. de maior. & obed. Ca 1. Pag. 457. add, concerning K. Henry 8. the testimony of Passerine, Henri●us octaws discessit ab Ecclesia Catholica. Apparat. Tit. Hen. 8. Lib. four Pag. 519. num. 15. lin. 2. (and in marg. lit. s.) read Hanam. Pag. 529. add unto the letter, g. Cardinals— sunt hody Episcopis superiores, vel siuè ex privilegio & consuetudine, quamuis n●● Episcopi sint, n●● sacerd●tes. Steph. d' Aluin, Tract. de potest. ●pis●. & abbot c. 18. Pa. 532. add to the letter, ●. Est casus res●ruatus, secundum doctrinam Casuistarum, crimen grave, cuius absolutio inferioribus interdicta sit, dumque reseruatur Papae, Papalis casus; si Episcopo, Episcopalis dicitur. Steph. d' Aluin, Tract. de potest. Episc. & abbot. ca 31. Pag. 535. lin. 3. & in marg. lit. p. Masculus, for▪ Maximinus. Pag. 537. lit. q. Decretum etc. Add before it: Hildebrand●●'s Papa cum Episcopis Italiae convenieus, iam frequentibus Synodis decreverat, ut secundum instituta antiquorum Can●num Presbyteri etc. Sca●●●naburg. Anno 1074. fine. Ibid. 1079. for, 1074. Ibid. add also, before the letter, r. So S●●ebertus: Novo exemplo, &, ut mult is visum est, inconsiderato. etc. E●d●m anno. Pag. 559. lit. a. The praying by number, and, as it were. by beads, is more ancient than their Polydore hath made it, if the story of Sozomen be true, which since I have observed to be related by him of Paulus the Eremite, lib. 6. ●ist. c. 29. But yet the perfunctorinesse of it, as we see it used, is no better than a battology. Lib. V. Pag. 586. lin. 3. [singular witness.] which is understood with relation unto Cardinal Bellarmine. Ibid. in marg. no less, for, no more. Pag. 616. li. 3. read, [but not equally heinous. Pag. 646. to the note * in marg. add, Caeterum ex doctoribus Catholicis nonnulli graves etiam & pij aliam sententiam improbabilem sequnti sunt: dicunt enim disserentiam mortalis & venialis non nasci ex natura ipsa operationum, sed ex lege Dei ita statuente, ut hoc sit veniale, illud verò mortale. Quam opimonem docuerunt Gerson. 3. p. Tract de vita spirit. lect. 1. Almainus tract. 3. moral. c. 20. & Rossens. art. 32. contra Luth. & Caluinum docet esse quidem aliqua peccata venialia in hominibus justis, quae Dei amicitiam non dissoluunt; & alta mortalia, quae justitiam Dei omnino tollunt: hanc tamen differentiam in Dei tantùm voluntatem & statum ita reu●cant, ut cùm al●âs omnia peccata ex semorta●ia essent, sola Dei misericordi● ad aeternam poenam n●n imp●tentur, & ideò vemalia & leviora maneant. Vasquez. Ies. Tom. 1. in 1. 2. D. Th●mae disp. 142. c. 1. num. 4. pa 929 Pag. 667. lin. 10. Peter, for, they said. Pag. 669. num. 7. lin. 9 john. 20. for Matth. 18. vers. 18. AN INDEX OF THE SCRIPTURES DISCUSSED IN THIS APPEAL. The sirst number noteth the Book, the second the Chapter, the third the Paragraph, or Section. Genesis. CI● 16 GOD made two great lights, the greater to rule the day, and the jesser to rule the night. lib. ●. cap. 26. num. 4. 3. 15. 〈◊〉 contere●. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. 4. 10. The voice of thy brother's blood crieth unto me. 2. 12. 5. 14. 18. Mel●hiaeedech brought forth etc. 2. 7. 2. and 3. 13. 1. Ibidem. Erat ENIM. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. 28. 20. jacob vowed a vow, saying, If God shall be with me▪ and keep me in this journey, etc. 3. 11. 1. 48. 16. INVO●●IUR nomen meum super pueros Fo● Vulg. 2. 12. 3. 49. 17. Dan shall be an Adder by the way, etc. 2. 29. 1. marg. & 2. 5. 2. Exodus. 13. 19 And Moses took the bones of joseph with him, etc. 5. 2. 5. 20. 4. Thou shalt make to thee no graven image. 4. 27. 2. Ibid. 5. A ●ealous God.. 3. 16. 2. 32. 13. 〈…〉 ●ull of Abraham, Isaak, & Israel. 2. 12. 3. 34. 29. Videntes A ●ron & filij Isra●l CO●NU●AM Moysi faciem. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. Leviticus. 18. Thou shalt not reveal the shame, etc. 1. 5. ●. & 3. 16. 1. Deuteronomy. 17. 11. According to the law, which they shall teach thee etc. shalt thou do. 3. 15. 1. Ibidem. Thou shalt not decline from the thing neither to the right hand, nor to the left. Ibid. §. 3. joshua. 7. 19 Give glory unto the God of Israel, and make confession, etc. 3. 12. 1. 2. etc. 1. Kings. Vulg. 2. 8. Domini sunt CARDINES tetrae. 2. 29. 3. and 4.. 19 2. 3. Kings. Vulg. 16. 7. HOC EST JEHV FILIUM HANANI. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. Psalms. ●. 12. APPRIHENDITE DISCIPLINAM. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. and 3. 16. 3. 18. 5. IN SOLE posuit tabernaculum suum. Vulg 4. 18. 3. 65. 11. Transivimus per aquam & ignem. Vulg. 1. 2. 13: 85. 12. Eruisti animam ab in●erno inferiore. Vulg. 3. 4. 5. Isaiah. 9 18. Wickedness burneth as a fire, it devoureth the bria●ss and thorns. 1. 2.. 13. 22. 22. He openeth and no man shutteth, and shutteth and no man openeth. 2. 14. 7. 25. 2. It shall never be built again. 2. 5. 7. 28. 16. Behold I will lay in Zion a stone, a tried stone, etc. 2. 17. 7. and 5. 26. num. 2. 63. 16. Thou art our father, for Abraham hath not known us, etc. 2. 12. 6. jeremiah. 1. 10. Behold I have set thee over nations and kingdoms, to pluck up, and to toot out, etc. 5. 26. num. 5. 15. 1. If Moses & Samuel should stand before me, etc. 2. 12. 3. Ezechiel. 37. 22. There shall be one King, (and vers. 24.) and one Pastor. 5. 26. num. 2. Daniel. 2. 38. Thou art the golden head 2. 5. 4. 4. 24. Pecc●ta tua elcemosyms redin. e. Vulg. 3 9 1 Hosea. 1. 11. They shall make them one head. 5. 26. num. 2. 6. 7. I will have mercy, and not sacrifice. 2 6. 3. Micah. 7. 8. When I shall sit in darkness, the Lord is a light unto me. 1. 2. 13. Zechariah. 9 11. The Pit, wherein is no water. 2. 9 5. Malachi. 1. 11. They shall offer a clean oblation in every place 2. 7. 2. 3. 3 Ipse se debit quasi ignis conf●ans, & purgabit filios Leu●, etc. Vulg. 1. 2. 13. 2. Esdras. 14. 4. 5. 6. I brought him to mount Sinai, & detained him with me a long season: I commanded him, saying. These words shalt thou declare, and these shalt thou hide. 3. 8. 1. & 2. etc. Tobit. 5. 12. I am of the kindred of Azarias and Ananias the great, and of thy brethren. And 12. 15. I am Raphaël one of the seven holy Angels, which present the prayers, etc. 3.. 7. 1. Ecclesiasticus. ●4. 37. I will pierce through all the lower parts of the earth, etc. 3. 4. 2. 2. Macchabees. 12. 43. And having made a gathering through the company, sent to jerusalem about 200 dia●hmeses of silver, etc. 3. 2. 1. Matthew. 5. 22. Whosoever shall say unto his brother, Raca, etc. And Vers. 26. Thou sh●lt not come out thence till thou hast paid the utmost farthing. 1. 2. 13. 6. 5. Qvi amant. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. Ver. 33. Seek ye first the kingdo●e of God. 5. 4. 5. 12. 39 An adulterous generation seeketh a sign. 3. 19 5. And 4. 2. 2. 13. 25. While men slept, the enemy came and sowed tars. 4. 16. 2. & 4. 16. 18. Upon this Rock● will I build my Church. 1. 2. 30. and 7. 2. and 2. 5. 4. and 17. 1. 2. etc. and 5. 26. num. 2. Ibid. And the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. 2. 29. 1. Vers. 19 Tibidabo claves regni COELORUM, Vulg. 5. 26. num. 7. 18. 17. Tell the Church. 4. 2. 8. and 5. 26. num. 7. Vers. 18. Whatsoever ye remit on earth, shall be remitted in heaven. 5. 26. num. 7. and. 2. 17. 2. Verse 20. Where two, or three are gathered together, etc. 2. 20. 2. & 5. 19 8. From the beginning it was not so. 4. 16. 3 &. 4. Vers. 11. All men receive not this saying. 2 1. 4 and ca 29. sect. 1. Vers. 21. If thou wilt be perfect, go and cell that thou hast, etc. 5. 4 3. 23. 2. They sit in Moses chair, etc. 3. 15. 1 & 5. and 5. 26. num 6. Vers. 3. Whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe, etc. Ibid. & 4. 2. 4. 24. 24. False Prophets shall show great signs and wonders, etc. 3. 17. 5. and cap. 19 sect. ●. Vers. 47. He shall make him ruler over all he hath. 2. 12 4 26. 26. This is my body. 2. 2. 24. 27. 46. Eli, Eli, etc. vers. 47. He calleth upon Elias 3. 7. 3. 28. 18. All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. 5. 26. num. 3. Mark. 6. 13. They anointed many that were sick with oil, and healed them. 2 26. 5. 15. 38. The veil of the temple rend in twain. 3. 15. 1. Luke. ●●. 14. Pax hominibus BONaeVOLVNTATIS. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. Vers. 23. They carried him into jerusaleme to present him unto the Lord, as it is written in the law, Every male opening the matrice, shall be called holy unto the Lord Rhem. 5. 21. 1. 11. 42. Give alms, etc. and all things shall be clean unto you. 3. 9 1. 12. 42. Who is a faithful Steward? 4. 23. 1. and 5. 26. num. 7. 15. 13. He wasted his substance. 2. 10. 3. & lib. 5. 16. 23. Abraham's bosom. 2. 9 5. 17. 10. Say, we are unprofitable servants. 2. 11. 5. 22. 15. I have earnestly desired to eat this Passeover. 3. 15. 1. Vers. 19 This is my body. 2. 2. 21. & 24. and 2. 2. 1. Ibidem. Do this in remembrance of me. 2. 7. 10. Vers. 20. Qui FUNDEIU●. Vulg. 4. 18. ●. Vers. 31. Simon, I have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not. 5. 26. num 6. Vers. 35 Lacked ye any thing? They said: Nothing. 5. 4. 2. Vers. 38. They said, Behold here are two swords: and he said, It is enough Ibid. 24. 39 Handle me, and see me, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones. 1. 2. 8. john. 3. 5. Except a man be borne again, etc. 2. 13. 6. 4. 1●. Tu FORSITA● petijsses ab eo. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. 5. 43. I came in my Father's name, and ye received me not, etc. 2. 5. 4. 11. 51. This spoke Caiphas, being high Priest that same year. 3. 15. 3. and 5. 26. num. 5. 12. 5. 6. Why was not this ointment sold, and given to the poor? This he said, not that he cared for the poor, etc. 5. 4. 5. 14. 28. My Father is greater than l. 5. 20. 2. 20. 29. Blessed are they that have not seen, and have believed 3. 17. 3. and 19 5. 21. 16. Feed my sheep, etc. 5. 26. num. 5. & 7. Acts. 2. 24. Whom God hath raised up, and loosed the sorrows of death. etc. 1. 2. 13. V 45. And they sold their possess●onss: And, 4. 32. And they had all things in common. 3. 11. 3. 10. 25. Cornelius fell down at Peter's feet, etc. 4. 19 4. 15. 25. It seemed good unto us. 2. 20. 6. 17. 11. Noblemen of Beroea. 3. 16. 3. V 34. Dionysius Areopagita. 2. 26. 1. Romans. 1. 13. That I might have some fruit among you. 2. 21. 2. V 11. There is no respect of persons with God. 4. 5. 1. 5. 12. In whom all men sinned. 2. 29. 2. 6. 1. Shall we continued in sin, that grace may abound? 5. 16. 3. V 4. We are buried by Baptism into his death. 2. 2. 25. V 12. Let not sin reign in your mortal body. 5. 18. 3. 4. 8. 18. The sufferings of this life are not worthy the glory, &c 2. 11. 5. 10. 10. With the heart man believeth unto righteousness. 3. 16. 2. 11. 16. If the root be holy, so are the branches. 2. 13. 7. 13. 1. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. 4. 19 4. and 5. 26. num. 5. 1. Corinthians. 3. 11. Other foundation can no man lay. etc. 2. 17. 7. Ver. 13 The work of every one of what kind it is the fire shall try, etc. Rhem. 1. 2. 13. 5. 12. What have I to do with them that are without? 5. 26. num. 2. 6. 18. Sinneth against his own body. 2. 29. 1. marg. 7. 2. To avoid fornication let every man have his wife 3. 16. 1. Vers. 9 It is better to marry than to burn. 5. 9 3. Ver. 14. The infidel husband is sanctified by the wife, etc. 2. 13. 7. 10. 4. The Rock was Christ. 2. 2. 25. and 2. 17. 7. 12. 12. As the body is one, and hath many members, etc. 5. 11. 4. 14. 16. How shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Amen? 4. 18. 5. 15. 29. What shall they do that are baptised for the dead? etc. 1. 2. 13. 2. Corinthians. 5. 10. Every man shall receive according to that he hath done, etc. 5. 11. 5. 12. 4. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.] words which cannot be uttered. 2. 26. 2. Galathians. 1. 8. If an Angel from heaven, etc. 2. 12 3. 3. 28. In Christ there is neither jew, nor Gentle. 5. 9 3. Ephesians. 1. 14. PIGNUS haereditatis, etc. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. 2. 10. Create IN BONIS OPERIEUS. Vulg. ibid. 5. 32. Magnum SACRAMEN●UM. Vulg. ibid. Colossians. 2. 18. Let no man seduce you in humility & worshipping of Angels. etc. 2. 12 2. Vers. 19 Head [Christ] 4. 2. 3. 2. Thessalonians. 2. 3. Man of sin, and son of perdition. ●. 5 4. Ver. 4. He shall sit in the temple of God ibid. 7. & 9 & 13 & 14. Ver 7. Till he, which now withholdeth, be taken out of the way. 2. 5. 5. Ver 9 Whose coming shall be in signs and lying wonders 3. 17. 5. and 19 5. V 11. God sh●ll sand them strong delusion, that they should believe lies. 4. 2. 3. 1. Timothy. 6. 20. OH Timothy, keep that which is committed unto thee. 4. 16. 4. 2. Timothy. 2. 17. Creeping Canker. 4. 16. 2. 3. 15. Thou hast known the holy Scriptures of a child 4. 18. 4. Hebrews. 4. 2. jis QVAE audiverunt. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. Vers. 9 There remaineth a rest. 2. 8. 4. 9 22. Without shedding of blood there is no remission 2. 7. 12. 10. 26. Unto them that sin voluntarily. 2. 7. 8. 11. 21. Adoravit FASTIGIUM virgae. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. V 40. That they without us should not be perfected. 2. 9 5. and 3. 4. 5. 13. 16. Talibus hostijs PROMIRETUR Deus. 3. 9 2 and 4. 18. 3. James. 5. 14. Let them pray for him, & anoint him with oil, etc. 2. 26. 5. and 29. 3. V 16. Conf●temini IRGO. Vulg. 4. 18. 3. 1. Peter. 3. 19 He preached unto the spirits that are in prison, 1. 2. 13. 2. Peter. 1. 15. I will do my diligence to have you in remembrance after my departure. Rhem. 2. 12. 4. 1. john. 1. 3. That ye may have fellowship with us. 2. 12. 8. Vers. 7. The blood of jesus Christ doth purge us from all sin. 2. 7. 18. Apocalypse. 2. 20. I have a few things against thee. 4. 2. 2. 3. 1. Thou hast a name that thou livest, but art dead, ibid. 5. 1. Se●led with seven seals. 2. 5. 2. Ver. 8. Which are the prayers of the Saints. 2. 12. 5. 6. 9 Saints under the Altar, ibid. 9 11. In Greek he is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. 29. 3. 11. 1. Arise, and measure the Temple, and the Altar. 2. 5. 7. 13. 8. The Lamb slain from the beginning. 2. 9 7. Ver. 11. He had two homes like a Lamb, but spoke like a Dragon. 2. 5. 13. 14. 3. Nemo potest DIC●RE, Vulg. 4. 18. 3. Vers. 4. These follow the Lamb wheresoever he goeth. 3. 19 3. marg. & 5. 2 1. V 13. They rest from their labours. 2. 8. 6. 17. 5. And in her forehead was a name written, Mystery 4. 29. 3. Vers. 9 Seven mountains, whereon the woman sitteth, 2. 5. 8. 18. 2. Babylon the great city. ibid. A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS APPEAL. The first number noteth the Book, the second the Chapter, the third the Paragraph, or Section. A ABbatisses having power to excommunicate. Lib. 5. Cap. 18. §. 2. Abdisu, Patriarch of the Armenians, whether he subscribed to the Council of Trent. 1. 11. 1. Abgarus his Epistle, condemned for Apocrypha. 2. 9 2. Abraham, whether once an Idolater. 5. 19 2. Abraham's bosom. 2. 9 4. Abrenuntiation. See Baptism. Absolution, and imposition of hands. 2. 16. 1. Absol. after the Romish manner a confessed Innovation. 4. 21. Absol. of a party deceass●d. 2. 16. 2 Adoration of the host followed transubstantiation. 4 29. 3. begun by Pope Honorius. ibid. Aethiopians their religion. 1. 12. 2. rejected by Romanists. ibid. s. 3. Aidanus a Scot, converter of some English. 1. 5. 4 Alexander, See Pope. Allegorical exposition how far jewish. 3. 25. 5. Alms, and their virtue. 3. 8. 1. Altars how ancient. 2. 6. 1. their dignity. ibid. §. 3. living Altars rather to be clothed. ib. S. Ambrose, See Fathers. Anabaptiss judge all other different professions damned. 4. 2. 10. they reject the holy Scriptures. 5. 28. 2. Angel's hierarchy misconceived. 2. 26. 2. Anthromorphites why so called. 5. 8. 2. their heresy about the reservation of the Eucharist. ibid. §. 1. and in their conceit of God. ibid. §. 2. Antichrist, whether one person. 2. 5. 1. his time of reigning. ibid. §. 3. not one person. §. 4. his tim● of appearance fulfilled. §. 5. whether the Pope 〈◊〉 from the censure of time. §. 6. from the circumstance of place. §. 7. from his intrusion into the Imperial jurisdiction. §. 10. by the universality of claim. §. 11. his Monarchy of the largest extent of any other. ib. the most visible beginning thereof in Pope Hildebrand. ibid. his policy, and crafty agents. §. 12. his hypocrisy. §. 13. his pride, malice, and cruelty, ibid. religion of Protestants secure from danger of the Antichrist. ibid. §. 15. See more in the word Pope. Antiquity of doctrines: the state of the question. 4. 16. 4. the Appeal thereunto per saltum, lawful. 5. 25. 6. the very rule thereof innovated. 4. 17. 1. See more in the word Innovation. Antonius the first Eremite. 1. 2. 39 and 4. 20. he desired to turn Monk. 1. 2. 39 See Eremites. Apologists (or the Authors of this Romish AApologie) falsify their promise. 1. 2. 6 and 2. 1. 1. their verbal exceptions in the Quest. of Sacr. and Mass. 1. 2. 2. and ibid. §. 5. their immaterial Objections in points uncontroverted. ib. §. 9 and 2. 13. 10. their collection from phrases doubtful. §. 10. their erroneous consequent. 1. 5. 4. their triple error in enforcing the doctrine of S. Gregory. ibid. their errors in a supposition. ibid. and an omission. ib. §. 6. their cunning in annulling questions of great moment. 1. 9 2. their new Logic. 1. 11. 2. their vain argument from remote nations. 1. 12. 3. confuted by their own jesuite. 2. 2. 8. their partiality in objecting a Council, which themselves reject. 2. 4. 4. their double ignorance. 2. 13. 2. Their insyncere dealing. 2. 13. 9 impertinency. 24. 2. 1. their raw objection of S. Peter's feast▪ day. 2. 17. 11 and oversight in objecting of Hermes. 2. 27. 1. their deceitful collection from an erroneous inference. 2 28. 5. their marvelous precipitancy in their general objection of the jews fait●. 3. 1. 2. two of their notable oversights. 3. 4. 2. their gross sophistry. 3. 16. 1. sundry Protestants testimonies abused by them. 1. 8. 2. and 4. 29. 2. and 5. 25. 3. & 1. 2. 2. and 1. 2. 6. and 2. 1. 3. and 2. 2. 5. and ib. §. 7. and 2. 8. 1. and 2. 9 2. and 2. 11. 1. and 5. 25. 3. and 5. 6. etc. and Fathers, etc. See Fathers. Apostles all of equal authority. 2. 17. 8. the honourable titles given unto them. ibid. Apparitions of the dead the foundation of Purgatory, 1. 2. 16. rejected by the Fathers, and called in question by some Romanists. ibid. and 1. 2. 18. and 3. 19 2. Appeals unto the See of Rome, when first challenged. 4. 8. an Innovation. 4. 19 See Pope. Artas, their heresy in rejecting Traditios. 5. 20. 3 Armenians their faith objected 1. 10. 3. their opposition to the Romish in diverse particulars. ib. and 1. 12. 2. scornfully rejected. 1. 12. 3. why condemned for not mixing water with wine. 2. 4. 3. they confirmed not the Council of Florence. 1. 11. 1. Assumption of the blessed virgin an Innovation. 4. 26 Audianis their heresy about the time of Penance. 5. 10. etc. S. Augustine in the Council of Africa resisteth the Pope's challenge of Appeals. 4. 8. 1. his rule concerning Antiquity, much objected & answered. 2. 28 Auricular Confession, See Confession. Austen the Monk, his behaviour here in England, 1. 4. 1. where there was a more pure Christianity before his coming. ibid. he is rejected by the Britons. ibid. & 1. 9 2. B BAbylon (revel. 18.) what. 2. 5. 8. Baptism, called a Sacrifice. 2. 7. 8. deferred in the primitive Church. 2. 13. 4. threefold dipping. ib. §. 6. Baptizing of Infants whether absolutely necessary to salvation. 2. 13. 1. etc. this impugned by learned Romanists. ibid. §. 3, etc. Protestants more safe in their doctrine. §. 67. 8. Romish Paradoxes about Bapt. 2. 13. 7. Baptism by laymen. ibid. §. 9 by women. ibid. The heresy of the Manichees concerning the power of Baptism. 5 6. and of the Pelagians. 5. 7. etc. ceremonies thereof, threefold immersion, sign of the Cross, and unction. 2. 13. 9 etc. Abrenuntiation what. ibid. §. 10. Exorcism and Exuss●ation in Baptism, and the power thereof in the primitue Church. 5. 13. the heresy of julianus the Pelagian herein. ibid. Baptis. of Bells in the Church of Rome, 1. 3. 5. an Innovation. 4. 28. 1. Bede, his fiction of a new infernal prison, from an apparition. 1. 2. 18. he was somewhat too credulous. 1. 7. 1. he translated part of the Bible. ib. §. 2. an adversary to the now Romish faith in diverse particulars. ibid. §. 3. Begging Friars. See Monks. Berengarius. 4. 10. 3. and 4. 14. 1. S. Bernard his miracles. 3. 18. 2. he is rejected by the Romanists. ibid. his faith. 4. 4. 1. how far allowed of Protestants as a Saint. ibid. he deploreth the corrupt state of the Church in his time. ibid. his opinion of the blessed Virgin's conception 4. 26. Bertram, See Fathers. Beza, no Nestorian. 5. 23. 1. Bishop's only to have definitive voices in a Council, an Innovatian. 2. 20. 6. and 4. 19 3. unlearned at the Council of Trent. ibid. the Bishops of that Council taxed. ibid. § 5. wont to have precedence of Cardinals 4. 19 2. Bishoprics in the Romish Church sometime bestowed by strumpets. 4. 29. 3. Byzantium, and Bizatium, two several places. 1. 2. 28. the error occasioned through the ignorance thereof. ibid. Bohemians unjustly condemned in the Council of Trent. 1. 3. 2. desire the continuance of the cup in the Lord's Supper. 4. 22. Boniface. See Pope. Borgia. See jesuite. Blastus the heretic. 4. 8. 3. Britons of Wales, their faith objected. 1. 9 their ancient difference from Rome. ib. §. 2. and opposition to Austin's claim. ibid. accounted schismatical. ibid. §. 3. deny all communion with Austen. ibid. §. 4. martyred. 1. 4. 1. Brocard his sentence. 1. 8. 2. C CAbala jewish. 3. 8. 3. Calixtus. See Pope. Calvin, unjustly charged with Novatianisme. 5. 5. 2. justified in the point of God's Image lost in man. 5. 17. 3. not heretic in calling the Father God, per excellentiam. 5. 20. 2. not Manichean, in censuring Abraham an Idolater. 5. 19 2. not Nestorian. 5. 23. 1. not Pelagian. 5. 22. 1 Candles used in the Church, to what end. 1. 3. 5. Canonization of Saints assumed by the Pope of Rome. 1. 12. 1. by whom first. 2. 12. 7. an Innnovation. 4. 25. Capernaits, the heretics▪ confuted. 2. 2. 20. how near a kin to the Romanists. ibid. Cardinals, the Pope's electors: their order an Innation. 4. 19 2. their original. ibid. they are preferred to kiss the Pope's mouth. ib. Cartwright his inference objected and answered. 2. 28. 4. Cases reserved to the Pope, an Innovation. 4. 19 3 Cephas. 2. 17. 2. Ceremonies, why first invented. 1. 3. 1. few in the primitive Church. ibid. the multitudes in S. Augustine's time. ibid. alterable at t●e Churches wisdom. ibid. §. 2. the oppressing multitude in the now Church of Rome cofessed. ibid. §. 3. and 5. many superstitious and ridiculous. ibid. an innovation. 4. 28. Chiliasts. See Millenarij. Chrism. See Baptism. chrusostom. See Fathers. Church, in the Creed, of the elect only. 1. 5. 2. the primitive of more authority than the modern. 4. 17. 1. sumptuousness of Churches 2. 6. 3. Roman Church whence it hath authority. 2. 18. 2. subjection thereunto not truly made a not of the true Church. 1. 9 2. and 1. 11. 1. opposed against by the Grecians. ibid. § 2. how far her members may be thought capable of salvation, without prejudice. 4. 2. 1. how a visible Church is true, though erring in some weighty points. ibid. §. 2. members of an unsound Church possibly saved. ibid. §. 3. some necessarily to be forsaken. ibid. §. 4. 5. Church of Rome not properly the Catholic, yea and subject unto error. §. 6. out of whose communion S. Cyprian, and m●ny primitive Martyrs died. §. 7. and 2. 21. 5. and 22. 2. long without the communion of the Greek Church. 4. 2. 7. how schismatical and heretical. ibid. §. 8. the common objection for the Church of Rome answered. ibid. §. 10. she is rather guilty of schism than the Churches of Protestants. ib. she hath changed her profession in manifold particulars. 4. 7. 1. See more in the word Innovations. she was greatly confused at one time. 4. 29. 3. of all other, she is most opposite unto chastity. the Donatists' heresy concerning the Church's visiblitie. 5. 14. she is not always illustriously visibile. 5. 25. 2. etc. she was hardly discernible in the time of Arianisme. ibid. how the Church of Rome may be said to have preserved the truth 5. 25. 5. Circumcision in the old Testament, the Sacrament of remission of original sin. 2. 13. 6. infants then dying uncircumcised, reputed saved. ibid. Circumgestation of the host an Innovation. 4. 29. 3 Clergy, anciently subject unto the Emperor. 2. 2. 31. their single life not an essential, but a positive law. ibid. §. 33. they are forbidden to marry only ●y Ecclesi. 〈…〉 ibid. and §. 34. and 4. 9 5. they were married in the primitive Church, and in the East to this day 1. 2. 33. when they were first restrained. 4. 9 1. and 4. 20. 1. In England. 4. 20. 1. not hindered by holy orders. 1. 2. 34. Contemners of their married state condemned by Antiquity. 2. 1. 5. and 5. 9 4. how it is now reviled by the Remanists. 2. 1. 5. etc. Romish Paradoxes concerning their marriage. 1. 2. 33. and ibid. §. 34. and §. 35. and 2. 1. 5. their single life imposed by Syricius, 4. 9 1. a confessed innovation. 4. 20. whether their marriage, or law of single life was rather favoured by Paphutius. ibid. §. 3. the heresy of Vigilantius and jovinian herein. 5. 9 1. 2. their single life now Romishly professed not ancient. 1. 2. 33. bound with a vow. ibid. §. 34. their own complaints of the i●●quity and beastly first-fruits thereof. ibid. §. 34. and 36. the Romish Clergy how lose in their single life. ibid. the doctrine of Protestants more safe. ibid. §. 36. See more in Vows. Collyridians their heresy. 1. 10. 2 and 2. 12. 9 Concubines allowed the Romish Clergy for a yearly pension. 1. 2. 36. See Clergy. Concupiscence a sin in the regenerate. 5. 18. 3. 4 Confession. 1. 2. 9 Auricular. 2. 14. 1. denied to be necessary by the Grecians. 1. 12. 1. how far retained of Protestants. ibid. and 2. 14. 1. abrogated by Nectarius, & S. chrusostom. ibid. §. 4. the objection out of the Fathers satisfied. ibid. §. 2. it is not from divine institution. ibid. §. 3 at had no being long after the Apostles. ibid. §. 4. the imposibilitie thereof proved. ibid. §. 6. the Protestants doctrine more safe. §. 7. it was not in use among the jews. 3. 12. 1. etc. although among the heathen. 4. 13. 1. it was not general in the days of Gratian. ibid. the question discussed. ibid. §. 1. 2. etc. the necessity thereof an Innovation. ib. and 4. 25. Confirmation the Romish Sacrament, an Innovation. 4. 21. Consecration of Churches. 1. 3. 5. Constantine the Emperor his godly admonition rejected. 2. 25. 3. See Donation. Continency. See Clergy. Contrition in the Church of Rome how far degenerated. 2. 15. 9 Council above the authority of the Pope, by antiquity. 2. 20. 5. depraved by the now Romish practice. ibid. Bishops only to have definitive voices, an Innovation. 4. 19 3. the first eight general gathered by the Emperor's command. 2. 20. 2. vain excuses for the Pope's absence. ibid. §. 4. the Council of Ancyra, permuting marriage to Deacons after ordination. 1. 2. 33. of Neocaesarea. 1. 2. 35. of Eliberis. forbidding the use of Images. ibid. §. 25. & 2. 29. 4. of Carthage, restraining the Pope's pretended right of Appeals. 2. 21. 4. and 4. 8. 1. of Gangris, in the hehalfe of married Ministers. 5. 9 4. and of Trullo. 1. 2. 33. of La●●icaea, forbidding the worship of Angels. 2. 12. 2. of Constantin●ple, condemning Pope Honouring. 5. 24. 2. the Counsels of Calced. 2. 18. 2. of Basil, & Constance. 4. 2. 8. of Sardis. 4. 8. 4. the Council of Laterance (so called) no Council. 4. 10. 2. etc. of Nice, corrupted by the Popes. 4. 8. 1. etc. of Florence not confirmed by the Armenians. 1. 11. 1. of Constantinople, 6. partly rejected. 2. 4. 4. and the Ecumenical of Chalcedon, which notwithstanding was honoured by S. Gregory. 2. 18. 2. Counsel, and commandment, their acts distinguished. 5. 4. 6. Crosses. 1. 3. 5. Cups and pots in Churches in S. Gregory's time, what they prove. 1. 3. 5. Customs Apostolical abrogated. 2. 13. 9 Cyprian. See Fathers. cyril. See Fathers. D DAgamus. 1. 9 2. Damascene. See Fathers. Dan his tribe not cursed, but blessed. 2. 5. 2. Devils why they feign themselves dead men's souls. 1. 2. 16. Dionysius objected. 2. 26. how entitled Apostolical. ibid. §. 1. he oppugneth prayer for the dead. ibid. §. 3. Donation of Constantine. 5. 25. 3. Donatists' their heresy, concerning the visibility of the Church. 5. 14. 1. condemned therein by Protestants. ib. §. 3. 4. tehy judged all other men, not of their sect, damned. 4. 2. 10. they cast the Eucharist to dogs, and were devoured of them. 2. 2. 28. E EAster, the celebration thereof of what importance. 1. 9 2. Elias how he was said to be called upon. 3. 7. 3. & 5. Elizabeth Queen of England no Peputian. 5. 18. 1 Emperor made the Pope's vassal, etc. 2. 5. 11 Empire of Rome extinct. 2. 5. 5. Eremites their Order, 1. 2. 39 a confessed Innovation. 4. 20. See Monks. Essaei what kind of Monks. 3. 10. 1. Eualdi, the two brethren, their faith. 1. 6. Eucharist, or supper of the Lord 2. 2. 1. mixture of water, and ministering in both kinds. 1. 12. 2. what is truly receiving. 2. 2. 26. etc. reservation how far allowed of Protestants. 2. 2. 1. To what end it was reserved in the primitive Church. ibid. §. 2. how necessary 2. 3. 1. etc. abrogated in part by the Romanists. ibid. §. 3. a superstitious Innovation, 4. 23. 1. the heresy of the Anthropomorphitae herein. 5. 8. 1. mixture of water how necessary. 2. 4. 2. not true type of Christ his sh●dding water and blood, etc. ibid. §. 5. first devised by Pope Alexander. ibid. the Protestants doctrine herein more safe. ibid. Procession, and adoration of the Sacrament an Innovation. 2. 2. 4. and 2. 7. 17. and 4. 29. 3. withholding the cup from the people, a late Innovation. 4. 22. and 4. 16. 3. dipping of the consecrated host in the cup, not used by Christ 2. 7. 11. elevation of the host an Innovation. 4. 23. 1. the Romish manner of eating Christ his flesh. 4. 14. the not breaking the bread out of the loaf, an Innovation. 4. 22. Concomitance in the Eucharist, no true doctrine. ibid. the first author thereof. ibid. the putting the bread into the communicants mouth an Innovation, ibid. Sacrament all phrases common to the Sacrament of Baptism with the Eucharist. 2. 2. 15. See more in Sacrifice, Transubstantiation, and Fathers. Eunomians their damnable heresy. 5. 16. 3. Eusebius, whether any of that name Bishop of Constantinople in S. Gregory's time. 1. 2. 28. Eusebius. See Fathers. Eutyches the heretic what he taught. 2. 2. 10. and §. 18. Extreme Unction. See Unction. Exorcism. Exufflation. See Baptism. F FAith of S. Gregory. 1. 2. etc. of the two brethren Eualdi. 1. 6. 1. of Venerable Bede. 1. 7. 1. of the Britons of Wales. 1. 9 1. of the ages 300 years after Christ. 1. 8. 1. of the Grecians. 1. 10. 1. of the Armenians. ibid. of the Aethiopians. 1. 12. 2. of the ancient Fathers. lib. 2. per totum. of Dionysius Areopagita. 2. 26. of Hermes. ibid. c. 27. of the jews. 3. 1. ad 17. of the late Queen of Scotland 4. 1. 1. of King Henry the eight. 4. 3. of S. Bernard. 4. 4. 1. etc. Faith, how alone it is said to justify. 5. 16. 3. justifiable in the days of S. Ansclme, as it is understood of Protestants. no heresy, but a saving truth. 5. 16. 2. etc. Fast of Lent not of divine institution. 2. 24. 1. variable. ibid. §. 2. the difference herein no just cause of dissension. §. 3. the ancient rites of fasting many ways altered in the Church of Rome. §. 4. wh●se fasts are reprovable ibid. §. 5. 6. etc. the doctrine of Protestants herein. ibid. §. 7. more safe. §. 8. and 5. 1. 1. foure-times-fast in the year. 4. 15. 1. etc. Aerius his heresy concerning fasts. 5. 1. Fathers, their testimonies wrested for proof of Purgatory. 1. 2. 15. very excellent titles attributed unto them. ibid. §. 29. Romish straits in eluding their testimonies. 2. 2. 13. some of the Father's taxe●. 2. 1. 3. their ioy●l expositio rejected. ibid. §. 4. and 2. 29. 1. their judgement of marriage after a vow contemned by the Romanists. 2. 1. 6. how they used the terms of Priest, Altar, & Sacrifice. 2. 7. 1. their meanings sound, and orthodoxal. ibid. §. 3. and 4. their languages concerning Sacrifice. ib. §. 6. why they called the Eucharist a bloody sacrifice. ib. §. 12. some of their inconvenient speeches taxed. 2. 2. 15. etc. their impropriety of speech herein confessed. ibid. §. 17. their judgement concerning Antichrist justly exceptable. 2. 5. 2. their declamatory speeches to be discerned from affective. 2▪ 12. 2. the error of the Millenarij. 2. 9 2. ancient Fathers rejected by the Romanists in the question of Traditions. 2. 25. 3. a general Tract concerning their judgement. ib. c. 29. often rejected by the Romanists. ibid. §. 1. their authority partially and peremptorily contemned and depraved. ib. §. 2. 3. etc. their testimonies injuriously wronged. ib. §. 4. sergeant Fathers. ibid. §. 5. 6. and 2. 2. 4. prejudicate answers unto particular Fathers. 5. 27. 2. Ambrose not for Transubstantiation. 2. 2. 5. Bertram against it. 2. 2. 13. chrusostom not for Transubstantiation. 2. 1. 3. but against it. 2. 2. 13. nor Cyprian. 2. 2. 7. who resisteth the Pope of Rome in a Council. 2. 21. 5. his sentence of the mother-Church how to be understood. ibid. §. 6. he dieth a Martyr, and excommunicate. ib. §. 5. his judgement concerning the Pope & Church of Rome. 2. 20. 1. etc. he is an adversary to that chair. ibid. §. 3. 4. 5. 6. he is rejected in his admonition about Traditions. 2. 25. 3. whether the book, de Coena Domini, be his. 2. 2. 7. his testimony wronged. ibid. Cyril. not for Transubstantiation. 2. 2. 6. his testimony answered, and satisfied. ibid. Damascene his too much, and too little credulity. 4. 29. Epiphanius and other Fathers taxed. 2. 1. 3. Eusebius Emissenus a sergeant Father. 2. 2. 4. Gelasius Pope against Transubstantiation. 2. 2. 11. Ignatius his testimony for Transubstantiation, and consuted by the adversary himself. 2. 2. 8. Irenaeus his opinion concerning Antichrist 2. 5. 12. he co●firmeth not the Pope's primacy. 2. 23. Origen cleared from an imputed heresy. 5. 17. 2. Tertullian against Transubstantiation. 2. 2. 12. reproved by the Romanists. 2. 1. 3 his authority rejected. 5. 24. 1. Theodoret against Transubstantiation. 2. 2. 10. rejected by the adversary. ibid. See more of other Fathers in their titles. Feasts of the blessed Virgin's Conception, Assumptio, and of Corpus Christi day, Innovations. 4. 26 Florini their heresy about free-will. 5. 17. 1. Fornication how remedied. 2. 1. 4. Foundation, in Scripture, what it signifieth. 5. 16. 3. S. Frarcis how highly magnified. 2. 38. and 2. 12. 11. free-will. 1. 2. 10. and 1. 7. 2. and 2. 10. 1. the confessed errors of some Ancients herein. ibid. doctrine of Protestants proved to be more safe, by confessed consequences. ibid. §. 4 etc. who agreed with antiquity. ibid. §. 3. some Romanists herein neighbours unto the Pelagians. §. 7. God's power in actuating man's will. §. 8. etc. Free will and grace compared together. §. 10. the Romanists at an exigence in this question. §. 11. free-will and Merit mutually dependent. 2. 11. 1. how taught by the jews. 3. 5. the doctrine hereof in the Church of Rome an Innovation. 4. 24. the heresy of the Manichees herein 5. 6. and of the Florini. 5. 17. 1. G GAlatinus, a vain Rabbinist. 3. 14. 2. God only omni-present. 2. 2. 22. Gratian, and others mistaken. 1. 2. 28. Grecians their faith. 1. 10. 1. etc. they profess not diverse particulars of the now Romish faith. 1. 11. 3, etc. their neutrality in diverse articles. 1. 12. 1▪ etc. their oppositions unto Pope Victor. 1. 9 2. and unto the Church of Rome. 1. 12. 2. their dissent from the Romanists in other particulars. 1. 12. 2. their professed accordance with Protestants in many. ibid. their subjection to the Church of Rome falsely pretended. 1. 11. 2. l●●g without their communion. 3. 2. 7. See more in the general heads of some doctrines. Gregory, surnamed the Great, his faith. 1. 2. 1. & de●●●eps. against whom the Romanists ta●● some exceptions. ibid. §. 3. ●f the particular Articles, which were attributed unto him. cap. 2. he did not patronise Transubstantiation. §. 7. nor private Mass. §. 8. nor Romish free will. §. 10. nor Indulgences, §. 20. nor their satisfaction. §. 23. nor worshipping of Images. §. 25. 26. nor the Papal primacy. §. 28. but was also an adversary, §. 29. to the now jurisdiction spiritual, §. 30. and temporal. §. 31. no allower of the now multitude of ceremonies. 1. 3. 1. justly both commended and reproved by Protestant's. 1. 4. 1. he was an adversary to the now R●mish doctrines concerning the Scriptures, and their use. 1. 5. 1. etc. his Mass or Liturgy a newly invented form● of service. 4. 23. 2. Gregory the seventh. See Pope. H HE●ri● the eight King of England, his faith. 4. 3. Heresy and the nature thereof. 5. 1. 1. sund●i● objected unto Protestants, fr●m which they are acquitted by their Romish Adversaries: as from that of the Lampetians, concerning Vows. 2. 1. 2. of Aerius, concerning fasts. 5. 1. 1. of Vigilantius, concerning the worship of Saints, and their relics. 5. 2. 1. ●f Xenayas, about the worship of Image●. 5. 3. of Vigilantius, concerning monastical poverty. 5. 4. of the novatians, concerning the remission of sin, and how. 5. 5. 1. of the Manichces, about freewill, and the power of Baptism. 5. 5. of the Pelagia●ss, about the recessitie of Baptism. 5. 7. heresies how to be discerned. ibid. §. 1. the heresy of the Valentinians. 2. 2. 18. and Marcion●stss. ibid. of the Anthropomorphitae, about the reservation of the Eucharist. 5. 8. 1. and in conceiving of God as in the shape of a man. 5. 8. 2. of Vigilantius and jovinian, in not distinguishing the differences of Merits. 5. 11. and in equalling all sins. ibid. §. 3. the heresy of the impossibility of keeping the law, thoroughly discussed. 5. 12. etc. of julianus the Pelagian, about Exorcism and Exufflation. 5. 13. of the Donatists', concerning the visibility of the Church. 5. 14. of the Sim●nians and Eunomians, de s●la fide. 5. 16. 2. of the Florini, about freewill. 5. 17. 1. of Orig●n, concerning the Image of God lost in man. ibid. §. 2. of the Peputians, concerning nom●nss Ecclesiastical functions. 5. 18. of Proculus and the Messenians, concerning the power of Baptism. 5. 18. 3. of Sabela●ss and Servedst, against the blessed Trinity. 5. 19 1. of the Manichees, in condemning the ancient Patriarch. ibid. §. 2. of the Tritheites▪ against the second person in Trinity. 5. 20. 1. of the Arians in rejecting Traditions. ibid. §. 3. of jovinian, concerning the blessed Virgin, etc. 5. 21. of the Pelagians, in denying original sin. 5. 22. 1, etc. of another their pretended heresy, in saying every sin is mortal. ibid. §. 3. of the Nestorians, in denying the distinct natures of Christ. 5. 23. Romish heresies of ancient Popes. 5. 24. as of P. Zepherine a Montanist. ibid. §. 1. of P. Liberius an Arian. ibid. P. Marce●●inus an idolat●r. ibid. P. Innocentius the first, about the Eucharist. 5. 24. 1. P. Anastasius the second, a Nestorian. ibid. P. Honorius a Monothelite. ibid. §. 2. P. Celestine the third, his error about Matrimony. 5. 24. 3. and of john the 22. about the state of souls. ibid. Pope john the 23. a Sadduc●e. ibid. heretics affecting solitariness. 1. 2. 37. others glorying in single life. 2. 1. 5. could never corrupt the holy Scriptures 4. 18. 3. other heresies lurking in the Romish Church. 5. 28. 1. and in the head of Popery the Pope himself, as he is now by them bele●ued. 5. 2. 3. See more in Pope, etc. Hermes his faith. 2. 27. he confessed the unworthiness of his book called the Pastor. ibid. §. 1. S. Jerome reproved for his rigour against Marriage. 2. 1. 5. and 5. 9 2. Jerusalem not the seat of Antichrist. 2. 5. 7. Hildebrand aliâs Gregory the seventh. See Pope. Holywater in the Romish Church. 1. 3. 5. an Innovation. 4. 2. 5. and 1. 3. 5. Homoiousion suggested by the Arrians in stead of Homoousion. 1. 1. 3. Honorius. See Pope. Hyperbole a figure much used of the Father's i● their Sacramental language. 2. 2. 17. and in their funeral Sermons. 2. 12. 2. I IDolatry in the Mass. 2. 2. 23. in their Sacrifice 2. 7. 17. in the practice of invocation in the Romish Church. 2. 12. 9 confessed to be among the Romanists. ibid. §. 10. idolatrous invocating of the blessed Virgin. ibid. §. 11. etc. Idolatry in the Mass. 4. 29. 3. Jesuits sufficiently provided of necess●●t●ss. 1. 2. 38. their 〈…〉 humility. ibid. Ignati●s Loyola first father & founde● of 〈◊〉 ib. he playeth the cook. ib. ●e 〈…〉 mad. ibid. B●rgias' (one of their first Generals) his deformed humility. ibid. Turse●●inus the jesuite his fabulous history of the Lady of Laurett● examined and refuted. 3. 19 3. etc. Xaveri●s the jesuite h●● pretended miracles among the Indians objected. 3. 18. Jews their faith objected. 3 1. their apostaste beneficial unto Christi n●. ibid. §. 2. concerning their objected doctrine 〈◊〉 prayer for the dead. 3. 2. of Limbus pai●um. 3. 4. and freewill. 3. 5. of the induration of man by God. ●. 6. and invocation of Saint● departed. 3. 7. 1. and Traditions. 3. 8. of the merit of ●oodworkss. 3. 9 1. etc. and monastical life. 3. 10. and ●owess. 3. 11. 1, etc. and Auricular confession. 3. 12. of the sacrifice of M●lchizedech. 3. 13. and Transubstantiation. 3. 14. and the visibl● judge of the ●ld Testament. 3. 15. 1, etc. jewish R●bbinss vain. 3. 3. 2. their Traditions condemned by Christ. ibid. and 3. 8. 4. their Thalmud blasphemous. ibid. §. 1. and 3. 8. 6. their Cabala. 3. 8. 6. their dotage in their ridiculous Traditions. ibid. §. 7. offended to see Moses painted with horns. 4. 18. 3. they worship no images. 3. 16. 2. they pray in a vulgar tongue. ibid. their infants dying without circumcision saved. ibid. they have not corrupted the Scriptures. ibid. §. 3. Images. 1. 3. 5. how far allowed in Churches ●y S. Gregory and Protestants. 1. 2. 25. idolatry committed by their worship. ibid. §. ●6. not worshipped by the jews. 3. 16. 2. images public and visible of the invisible God, an Innovation. 4. 27. 1. worship of the image of Christ and other Saints an Innovation. ibid. §. 2. Xenaias his heresy objected. 5. 3. Image of God in man wherein it consisteth. 5. 8. 2. Image of God lost in man, the heresy of Origen. 5. 17. 2. Image of the Lady of Lauretto. 3. 19 3. and Hale●s'. ibid. Imposition of hands. 2. 16. 3. See Absolution. Impossibility of keeping the law, and the heresy thereof. 5. 12. Indulgences not anciently used. 1. 2. 20. then uncertainty. ibid. §. 21. the ground thereof, called the treasure of the Church, a figment ibid. §. 21. their impiety. §. 22. and 2. 15. 6. indulgences the murderer of true penance. 15. 6. and 4. 25. a very novel Innovation. ib. the fuel of Purgatory. 4. 25. resisted by M. Luther. 4. 29. 1. Induration of m●● by God, ●ow. 3. 6. Infant's Baptism. See Baptism. Infant● o● the jews dying without circumcision, save●. 3. 16. 2. Innocentius. See Pope. Innovations, o● changes in Religion two waie● demonstrable. 4. 16. 1. Innovation Romish in the point of thereserua●ion of the Eucha. ist. 2. 3. 4. and 4. 2●. of a ●●w Limbus. 2. 9 6. in their disposing of Con●celss 2. 20. 5, etc. of new Sacraments. 2. 26. 5. and 4. 7. 1. by Pope Syrici●s in the absolute law of the Clergies single life. 4. 9 1, etc. and 4 20 of Transubstantiation, & when. 4. 10. 1. in the headship of the Church. 4. 11. 1. etc. in A●rscular confession. 4. 13. 1, etc. in ministering the Eucharist under one kind. 4. ●6. 3. and 4. 22. Innovations in the very rule of 〈◊〉▪ ● 17. and in their Canon of Scriptures. 4. ●●. 1. in the Romish Cardinals, the Pipes ●lect●rss. 4. 19 2. in the Pope's sole ins●●●ble judgement. ibid. §. 3. in Counsels, for Bishops only to have d●s●●tive voyles. ibid. in the Popes reserved cas●ss. i●id. in Appeals. ibid. in the Pope's pretended power over Princes, etc. 4. 19 4. in kissing the Pope's feet. ibid. in the Pope's relinquishing their principal function of preaching. ibid. §. 5. other confessed Innovations in the order of Eremites, of Monks, and single life of the Clergy. 4. 20. in the Romish Subdeaconship. 4. 21. in the Eucharist, diversly. 4. 22. in their supposed Sacrifice, Elevation, private Mass, and Murmuration. 4. 23. besides the abuses of the Sacrament of Eucharist ●● purgation of innocency, and superstitious 〈◊〉 of Reservation. ibid. in the Romish Moss. 4. 23. 1. of the signification of the name, Mass, and form. ibid. Innovations in the doctrines of free-will & Merit. 4. 24. of Purgatory, Indulgences, lubilees, H●ly water, and Auricular confession. 4. 25. in the Invocation of Saints, and how. ibid. and in their canonisation by the Pope. ibid. in the doctrine of the blessed Virgins natural Conception, Assumption, and ●east of Corpus Christi day. 4. 26. Romish Innovations concerning Images, and in the public visible Image of the invisible God. 4. ●7. 1. in the worship of the Images of Christ, and other Saints. ibid. §. 2. in ceremonial matters, both in some particulars, and also in their burdensome and oppressing multitude. 4. 28. in shaving the Priest's heads. ibid. §. 1. in their Church Service, which is without edification. ibid. the obiectson whether there can be an Innovation without open resistance at the first beginning, answered. 4. 29. Innovation without notorious observation, because mystical. ibid. §. 3. Innovations in the monastical poverty of their begging friars. 5. 4. 5. an enumeration of the most particulars. 5. 27. 1. Invocation of Saints departed. 1. 2. 24. and 2 12. CITIZEN not used in the old Testament, nor in the beginning of the new. ibid. §. 2. and 2. 12. 3. etc. improper among the Grecians. 1. 12. 1. Scriptures objected for proof thereof, answered from the testimonies of Romish Doctors. 2. 12. 3. etc. Invocation Romish of their canonised Saints. ibid. §. 7. their argument taken from the communion of Saints pithless. ibid. §. 8. idolatry in the Romish practice thereof. §. 9 Invocation of Saints ●ow an Innovation. 4. 25 the heresy of Vigilantius hereabout. 5. 2. 1. See more in Saints. john. See Pope. joseph's bones, why translated out of Egypt. 5. 2. 5 jovinian his heresy in the case of the single life of the Clergy. 5. 9 1. etc. in not distinguishing the degrees of good Monks. 5. 11. in equalling all sins. ibid. §. 3. another of his concerning the blessed Virgin. 5. 21. jubilees in the Romish Church an Innovation. 4. 25. judge visible in the Church, how far. 3. 15. 1. etc. julius. See Pope. justification. 1. 2. 11. and 1. 7. 2. See Merit. etc. L LAmpetians their heresic. 2. 1. 2. Latin tongue vulgarly understood at Rome in S. Gregory's time. 1. 5. 1. Lauretio, or the house of our Lady so called, ●● new sigment, and the story confuted. 3. 19 Law, and the impossibility of keeping it, discussed. 5. 12. Legend of Saints, called Golden, condemned by the Romanists. 1. 2. 6. and 2. 2. 2. Leo. See Pope. Limbus Patrum objected and answered. 2. 9 1. etc. the contrary doctrine of Protestants moresafe. ibid. §. 7. Limbus Infantum a new Innovation. ibid. §. 6. Liturgy (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) unproperly translated Mass. 1. 2. 3. Liturgies which pass under the name of S. james and others, rejected by Bellarmine. 1. 10. 2. ancient Liturgies much different from the Romish Mass. ibid. §. 3. See M●ssalss. Luther resisteth the Pope's Indulgences. 4. 29. 1. he is unjustly charged with jovinianisme in preferring the married state before the single life. 5. 9 3. and with equalling himself in sanctity with the blessed Virgin. 5. 11. 4. Luther not Pelagian. 5. 22. 1. nor Nestorian. 5. 23. 1. nor Eutychian. ibid. M MAccabees the book. 3. 2. judas Maccabaeus his fact of offering, discussed. 3. 2. 1. his vision. 3. 7. 2. Man the Image of God, not in body. 5. 8. 2. Manichees ministered the Eucharist but in one kind, viz. bread. 2. 4. 3. and 4. 15. 1. they were driven into an error by the vulgar translation. 18. 3. why they pray towards the ●ast. 4 28. 1 See more in Heresy. Marcus an heretic by Magic changeth wine in the Eucharist into blood. 3. 19 3. Marriage of Ecclesiastical persons. See Clergy. Married state preferred before single life, and censured for jovinianisme. 5. 9 3. Massacre in France an incomparable cruelty. 4. 28. 2. Mass, the original of the word. 1. 2. 3. the abuse thereof. ibid. §. 4 idolatry in the Mass. 4. 29. 3. private Mass. 1. 12. 2. not in the dates of Gregory. 1. 2. 8. an Innovation. 4. 23. 1. See more in Eucharist, Sacrifice, Transubstantiation, Scripture, etc. Matrimony no proper Sacrament. 2. 26. 5. a confessed Innovation. 4. 21. Melchizedechs' sacrifice. 2. 7. 2. the doctrine hereof among the jews. 3. 13. Merit of good works. 1. 2. 11. and 1. 7. 2. and 2. 11. 12. the word how used of Fathers. ibid. §. 3. impugned by them in their writings. ibid. §. 5. and by their practices. §. 6. Protestant's doctrine herein confessed to be more safe. §. 7. etc. Merit satisfactory derogatory to Christ. 2. 15. 8. the doctrine of the jews herein. 3. 9 1. etc. the distinction of Merit De congruo confuted by the Romanists themselves. ibid. the doctrine of Merit an Innovation. 4. 24. Millenarij, or Chiliasts their errors. 2. 9 2. Miracles. 3. 17. 1. their necessity. ib. §. 1. and §. 4. the state of the controversy in this question. ib. §. 2. confidence in them, in this latter age, prejudicial unto the Christian faith. §. 3. etc. the Protestants doctrine herein more safe. ib. §. 5. and 3. 19 5. Miracles of later times objected by the Apologists. 3. 18. none wrought among the West-Indians. ibid. §. 1. the Miracles of S. Bernard, and Malachias. ibid. §. 2. the Romish pretended Miracles. 3. 19 1. their proneness partly confessed in believing the delusions of apparitions. ib. §. 2. and of feigned Miracles. §. 3. fabulous ones published by Romish Authors, and applauded of the vulgar, as else where, so in England. 3. 19 4. false Miracles either à falso, or ad falsum. 3. 19 5. Missals Romish corrupted. 1. 3. 5. Missals of Gregory and S. Ambrose contending for priority, by a supposed miracle. 4. 23. 2. See Liturgy. Mixture. See Eucharist. Monasteries what in former times. 1. 2. 37. Monastical profession degenerated. ibid. contradicted by itself. 5. 4. 6. Monastical perfection, and the ridiculous forms thereof. 1. 2. 38. the doctrine of the jews about monastical l●fe. 3. 10. etc. See Monks. Monks what in the primitive Church. 1. 2. 37. and 4. 20. 1. when first obliged by vows. 4. 20. 1 how they are now degenerated. ibid. their now order a confessed Innovation. 4. 20. they possessed temporalties in S. Agustines' time. 5. 4. 4. renuntiation of temporalties twofold. 5. 4. 3. Monks called Essaei, who. 3. 10. 1. begging Monks 1. 2. 38. their order oppugned by learned men. 5. 4. 5. enjoined, & forbidden to preach by two Popes. ibid. §. 6. their order contradictory to the jesuits. ibid. their doctrine of poverty an Innovation. ibid. Vigilantius his heresy therein. 5. 4. etc. Monothelites condemned in a Council of Constantinople. 5. 24. 2. Montanists the heretics why they fasted from dry meats. 2. 24. 6. Moscovites their profession rejected in a special instance. 1. 12. 3. Moses his chair what. 3. 15. 5. and 5. 26. Murmuration in the Romish Mass, an Innovation. 4. 23. 1. Mystery. 4. 29. 3. N NApier his testimonte. 1. 8. 2. and 5. 25. 3. Nestorius' his heresy. 5. 23. Nicephorus the historian his credit disabled. 5. 3. 1. Nicholas. See Pope. Night-vigils why anciently abolished. 5. 2. 3. Novatianus his heresy. 5. 5. 1. Nunneries of the now Church of Rome compared to slewes. 5. 9 5. OH OBlations for the dead in the ancient Fathers etc. what. 4. 12. 14. they do not evince a Purgatory. ibid. Origen. See Fathers. Original sin. See sin. P PAlles. 1. 3. 5. Paphnutius, the story of him whether it more favoureth the Protestants or Romanists. 4. 9 3. etc. Paulus. See Pope. Pelagians their heresy about the necessity of Baptism. 5. 7. and in denying original sin. 5. 22. 1. etc. Penance, and Confession. 1. 2. 9 the heresy of the Audianis about the time of Penance. 5. 10. etc. Penitential satisfaction. See Satisfaction. Peputians heresy concerning women's Ecclesiacall functions. 5. 18. Perkins his sentence. 1. 8. 2. S. Peter subject unto heathen Governors. 2. 5. 13. his prerogative over others impugned. (See the word Rock) 2. 17. 9 the doctrine of Protestants herein more safe. ibid. §. 13. his feast day celebrated. ibid. §. 10. Philo judaeus. 3. 5. 2. Phocas described. 1. 8. 2. and 4. 11. 2. he was the first that appointed the Sea of Rome should be head over all others. 4. 11. 2. Pictures. See Images. Polycrates a famous Asian Bishop resisteth Pope Victor, etc. 2. 23. and 4. 8. 3. Pope's primacy not defended by S. Gregory. 1. 2. 28. his title of Universal. ib. §. 29. his spiritual jurisdiction impugned by S. Gregory. §. 30. and temporal, §. 31. (see Gregory) anciently resisted. 1. 8. 2. he dispenseth with the levitical law. 1. 5. 3. and with vows. 2. 1. 6. his insatiable covetousness and pride. 2. 5. 13. his claim of universality, Antichristian. ib. he equalleth his decretals with canonical Scripture. 2. 5. 14. Peter's title of head oppugned. 2. 17. 8. his pride in assuming power over Counsels. 2. 20. 4. an Innovation. ib. §. 5. 6, etc. S. Cyprian an adversary unto i●. 2. 21. 3. etc. oppugned by the Greek Church in the days of P. Victor. 2. 22. 1. etc. not confirmed by Irenaeus. 2. 23. his infallibility vainly pretended by the example of the Priest of the old law. 3. 15. 3. Pope's judgements contradictory among themselves. ib. §. 4. when, and who first challenged Appeals to Rome. 4. 8. their sole infallible judgement, an Innovation 4. 19 3. cases reserved to them, an Innovation. ib. and Appeals from sorreine Churches. ib. and their pretended power over Princes, etc. Innovations. 4. 19 4. their exaction of tribute, due from them to the Emperor, wrought by craft. ib. their election anciently confirmed by the Emperor, etc. ib. the kissing of their fiete, an Innovation. ibid. their relinquishing of preaching, their principal function, an Innovation. ib. §. 5. their name (Pope) once common to other Bishops. 4. 19 1. their Papal primacy not established by Scripture. 5. 26. 1. etc. (See beforein the Index of Scriptures) and in the word Antichrist. Pope Al●xander his Innovation in mixing water with wine in the Eucharist. 2. 4. vlt. Anastasius the 2. a Nestorian. 5. 24. 1. Boniface the 3 first called universal Bishop. 1. ●. 29. and 4. 11 2. and 4. 19 1. the first promoter of Cardinals. ibid. §. 2. his Innovation about the head of the Church. 4. 11. 1. Boniface the eight, the first father of Indulgences. 1. 2. 20. Pope Celestine a Nestorian. 5. 23. 2. Celestine the third, his error. 5. 24. 3. Clement celebrateth the jubilee every 60 year. 4. 25. Gregory the great, see above at the letter G. Gregory the seventh, alias Hildebrand, the first Pope that took arms against the Emperor. 1. 8. 1. & 4. 14. 4. Honorius the third authorizeth the adoration of the host. 4. 29. 3. Pope Honorius a Monothelite. 5. 24. 2. Innocentius the first, his error. ib. §. 1. Innocentius the fourth, first graced the Cardinals with the read hat. 4. 19 2. Pope Innocentius an Innovator in Transubstantiation 4. 10. 3. etc. john the second, first entitled Beatissimus. 4. 19 1. john the two & twentieth, his error. 5. 24. 3. Pope's monsters. 2. 5. 13. john the three and twentieth a Sadducee. 5. 24. 3. Pope julius his claim doth not prove the primacy. 2. 20. 1. julius the second, why he let his beard grow long. 4. 19 5. Leo Magnus how far called universal Bishop in the Council of Chalcedon. 2. 18. 2. Leo the second condemneth Pope Honorius for an heretic. 5. 24. 2. and is therefore rejected by Bellarmine. ib. Leo the third, the fi●st known Pope that canonised a Saint. 2. 12. 7. and 4. 25. Leo his claim of primary. 2. 18. 1. repugned in his time. ibid. Pope Liberius an Arrian. 5. 24. 1. Marcellinus an idolater. ibid. Pope Nicholas his Innovation in the question of Transulstantiation. 4. 14. Paulus the fourth, tollerateth stews. 5. 9 5. Pope Sabinian burneth S. Gregory his predecessors books. 1. 1. 3. Pope Sixtus buildeth a Stews in Rome. 1. 2. 36. Pope Stephen resisted by the Council of Carthage under S. Cyprian, in the case of Appeals. 2. 21. 3. etc. Pope Sy●ictus his Innovation, ●y imposing an absolute law of single life upon the Clergy. 4. 9 1. etc. he and jovinian injurious to wedlock. ib. §. 5. Pope Victor his opposition to the Greek Church. 1. 9 2. his claim of primacy. 2. 22. he is resisted by the Asians about the observation of Easter. ibid. §. 2. Sharply reproved by Irenaeus. ib. his Innovation in claiming authority over other Churches. 4. 7. 2. Pope Zepherine a Montanist. 5. 24. 1. Poverty of spirit, what. 5. 4. 2. Prayer of the Church in a known tongue professed by remote nations. 1. 12. 3. and by the jews. 3. 16. 2. Prayer for the dead objected and answere●. 2. 8. 1. etc. how that of prime antiquity diss●reth from the now Romish. ibid. §. 2. which cannot be proved out of Dionysius. ibid. §. 3. not Catholic in the days of S. Augustine. ibid. §. vlt. nor proved out of the new Testament. ibid. the question discussed. 4. 12. 1. Priest of God in the old law married. 2. 1. 5. and 4. 9 2. the Romish Priests m●mento at the sacrifice of the Mass. 2. 7. 15. shaving their heads, an Innovation. 4. 28. 1. See Clergy. Primacy of order, not of jurisdiction given to the Bishop of Rome. 1. 2. 28. and 2. 17. 2. See Pope. Private confession. See confession. Proculus' his heresy concerning the power of Baptism. 5. 18. 3. Prophecies as obscure riddles until they be fulfilled. 2. 5. 2. Protestants, although disunited from the Church of Rome, stand in the state of salvation. 4. 2. 8. their lives. 4. 4. 2. they have more Catholic communion then the Romanists. 4. 2. 10. Protestants which go under the name of Waldo, Wiclesse, Luther, not much different in profession. 4. 29. 1. how much time they yield to the truth of Antiquity. 4. 30. 4. they are unjustly charged with old heresies, from which imputation they are discharged by the testimony of their Romish Adversaries. 5. 1. etc. See the word, Heresies. Purgation of innocency by the Sacrament, an Innovation. 4. 23. 1. Purgatory. 1. 2. 12. not proved by Scriptures. ibid. §. 13. no article of ancient faith. §. 14. Father's testimonies wrested for proof thereof. §. 15. and Scriptures. §. 13. it is founded upon vain apparitions from the dead. §. 16. 17, etc. denied by the Grecians. §. 14. and 1. 12. 1. not evinced from the ancient custom of oblations for the dead. 4. 12. 4. when this doctrine first budded. ibid. which is an Innovation. 4. 23. 1. R RAbbins of the jews, R. joseph, Bengorion, R. Simeon, and others. 3. 3. 2. See jews. Real presence how professed by Protestants. 2. 2. 1. See of this in Eucharist, Sacrifice, and Transubstantiation. Relics and their abuses. 1. 2. 27. false relics suggested, and worshipped by some Romish. ibid. the heresy of Vigilantius herein. 5. 2. 1. the Protestants doctrine. ib. §. 5. is consonant to the ancient Fathers. ibid. See Saints. Remission of sin, and the heresy of Vigilantius herein. 5. 5. 1. the Protestants doctrine. ibid. Reservation of the Sacrament how a superstitious Innovation. 4. 23. 1. the heresy of the Anthropomorphites herein. 5. 8. 1. See Eucharist. Revelations. See Apparitions. Rock in the wilderness a figure of Christ. 2. 2. 25. by Rock (Matth. 16.) Christ is signified and not Peter. 1. 17. 3. etc. See the Index of Scriptures. Rome, whether the seat of Antichrist. 2. 5. 8. Romish Church. See Church. Romish heresies. See heresies. S SAbellius▪ and servetus their heresy against the blessed Trinity. 5. 19 1. Sabinian. See Pope. Sacraments, their number. 1. 7. 2. and 2. 26. 4. &c not alterable from their first institution. 2. 4. 5. the Church can institute no new ones. 2. 7. 9 the name improperly used of the Fathers. 2. 26. 4. Romish Sacraments of Confirmation. Marriage, Extreme unction, and manner of Absolution, Innovations. 4. 21. the sacramental language of Fathers. 2. 2. 16, etc. See more in Baptism, and Eucharist. etc. Sacrifice. 1. 2. 5. not taught by S. Gregory. ibid. §. 8. the obiectors of it answered. 2. 7. 1, etc. the Sacrifice of Melchizedech. ibid. §. 2. Protestants herein descent not from Antiquity: proved by the father's language. ibid. §. 6. and by the instance of the Romanists. §. 8. Romish Sacrifice confuted by Scripture. §. 9 not evinced from any action of Christ. §. 11. Romish contradictions therein. ibid. Sacrifice of the Mass not propitiaetorie: proved by many confessed consequences. §. 12. etc. Romish superstition concerning the Priest's portion. §. 15. Idolatry therein. §. 17. the Romish supposed Sacrifice an Innovation. 4. 23. 1. See more in the words Eucharist, Mass, Transubstantiation, etc. Saints departed not to be invocated. 2. 12. 1. not invocated in the old Testament. ibid. §. 2. 3. how an Innovation. 4. 25. their canonisation of new Saints by the Pope. 2. 12. 7. an Innovation. 4. 25. whether the Saints know our Prayers. 5. 2. 2. the burying of their bones. ibid. §. 5. See more in Invocation. Satisfaction. 1. 2. 23. Romish satisfaction confuted by Romanists. §. 23. the right sense of it ab. Satisfaction penitential. 2. 15. 1. objections from Fathers satisfied. §. 2. Romish declination from Antiquity therein. § 4. etc. Romanists perplexed thereabout. §. 7. satisfactory contrition. §. 9 Protestant's doctrine more safe herein. §. 10. satisfactory merit derogatory to Christ. ibid. §. 8. Scriptures their public use. 1. 5. 1. their sufficiency. ibid. adored by Fathers. 2. 25. 11. ancient heretics did not use to appeal unto them solely. §. 12. their sufficiency confirmed by Romish Adversaries. §. 13. the Canon of the old Testament justified by the objected jews. 3. 1. 2. faithfully preserved by them. their certainty collected from the apostasy of the jews. ib. they have not been corrupted by them. 3. 16. 3. their public use allowed by God unto the people of the old Testament. 3. 16. 3. Innovation Romish in their Canon. 4. 18. 1. their integreitie 2. 25. 12. and 5. 19 2. wrested for proof of Purgatory. 1. 2 13. anciently comm●n, and indifferently read of all. 4. 18. 4. negative reasoning from them. 2. 4 5. and 2. 7. 9 many Scriptures wherein the Romanists are not consonant unto themselves. 5. 26, etc. whether they or Protestants are more directed by them. ibid. §. 1. Sergius, ●lias Os por●i, the first Pope that changed his name. 4. 19 1. Seu●n (the number) used in Scriptures as well in the evil, as good part. 3. 19 4. Simo●ians, and Eunomians their heresy. 5. 16. ●, etc. Sinnes called venial, which are gross transgressions. 1. 2. 1●. whether contrary to the law of God. 5. 22 4. the heresy of the heresy of the novatians 〈…〉 sin. 5. 5. 1. and of 〈…〉 equalling all 〈◊〉. 5. 11. 3. to teach th●t all are mortal, doth not imply an equality. ibid. §. 5. when sin is said to reign. 5. 18. 3. the heresy of the Pelagians de●●ing original sin. 5. 22. 1. etc. the distinction of morta● and venial wherein confutable. ibid. §. 4. Single life of the Clergy. See Clergy. Sixtus. See Pope. So●●men, and Socrates the historians given the lie by the Romanists. 2. 14. 4. Stews and Concubines allowed. 1. 2. 36. erecte● by Pope Sixtus. 4. 20. Stews of Rome, 5. 9 5. a Page ●●●sme. i●i●. 〈…〉 of Princes to the Pope an Innovation. 4. 1●. 4. Supper of th● Lord sometimes called a sacr●fice. 1. 2. ●. Protestants tra●●●ced in their m●nner of receiving it. 2. 2. 26, etc. See more in Eucharist, Sacrifice and Transubstantiation. Sufficiency of Scriptures. See Scriptures. Syricius. See Pope. T TAble of the Lord unproperly called an Altar. 2. 5. 7. Temple of God (2. Thess. 2.) how to be understood. 2. 5. 7. Temple of I●rusalem not to be builded again. ibid. the renting of the ●eile of the Temple, what it betokened. 3. 15. 1. Thalmud of the jews blasphemous. 3. 3. 1. and 3. 8. 6. Toby the book. 3. 7. 1. Traian's soul● whether freed from hell by the prayers of S. Gregory. 3. 19 ●. Traditions unwritten. 2. 25. the state of the question. ibid. §. 1. oppugned by Fathers. §. 3. Fathers objected herein satisfied. §. 4. to 10. Traditions abrogated by the Romish, in their opinion, Apostolical. ibid. §. 10. the Protestants doctrine more safe in this question. §. 12 jewish Traditions objected. 3. 8, etc. their doctrine thereof condemned by Christ. ibid. §. 4. jewish Traditions ridiculous. ibid. §. 7. Translation Romish corrupted, and to be corrected by the original. 3. 16. 3. the Protestants more safe in theirs than the Romanists. ibid. Vulgar, so called▪ not S. Hieromes. 4. 18. 2. corruptly translated, and differently from the originals. ibid. §. ●. Transubstantiation. 1. 2. 6. how taught of the Grecians. 1. 12. 1. an Article of faith in the Church of Rome. 2. 2. 1. confuted by some Fathers. ibid. §. 10. their speeches in this Sacrament equally discerned by understanding their language. 2. 2. 14, etc. Protestants doctrine proved more safe, by many arguments. ibid. §. 18, etc. contradictions of the R●mish D●ctors about it. §. 21. and in the doctrine itself. §. 22. idolatry therein. §. 23. Transubstantiation n●t proved from that Scripture (this is my body. §. 24. Fathers objected for it answered. 2. 2. 2. the doctrine hereof among the jews. 3. 14. 1. w●●n first innovated. 4. 10. 1. and 4. 22. whe● first made an Article of 〈◊〉. 2. 2. 29. and 4 22. See Sacrifice▪ eucharist, etc. Treasure spiritual in the Church of Rome, what. 1. 2. 21. the truth there 〈…〉 of by some Rom●●ists, ibid. and denied ●●atly by others. ibid. §. 23 〈◊〉 cites their heresy. 5. 20. V VAlentinian the Emperor dying unbaptized, yet judged saved by the Fathers. 2. 13. 6 Ubiquity yielded unto the Saints, by a Romanist. 3. 19 3 Vestments allowed in the Church. 1. 3. 5. their multiplication in the R●mish Church an abuse. ibid. Victor. See Pope. Vigilanti●● his heresy concerning the invocation of Saints, and worship of their relics. 5. 2. 1. and §. 3. and concerning monastical poverty. 5. 4 and in the case of the single life of the Clergy. 5. 9 1. etc. Virgin Mary idolatrously equalled by the Romanists, in their worship, with God▪ 2. 12. 10. blasphemously invocated. ibid. §. 11, etc. her supernatural Conception, and Assumption, an Innovation. 4. 26. Vision of Macchabaeus. 3. 7. 2. Unction extreme not directly evinced out of Scripture. 2. 25. 12. not proper Sacrament. 2. 26. 5. but a confessed Innovation. 4. 21. Union of Christ with us, what. 2. 2. 6. Unity of saith in difference of ceremonies. 1. 3. 2. University of Paris what oath it ministereth to the Doctors of theology. 1. 5. 2. Vow of single lif●. See the word Clergy. Vow of perfection. 1. 2. 38. Vows how far allowed of Protestants. 2. 1. 2. who herein descent fr●m the Lampetians. ibid. Vows not prescribed by Christ. 1. 2. 38. and 2. 1. 2. the aberration of the R●manists herein from Antiquity. 2. 1. 4, etc. Matrimony after a vow. ibid. § 6. vowing to the blessed Virgin, 2. 12. 11. the jewish doctrine herein. 3. 11 1, etc. votaries exhorted rather to marry than burn. 1. 2. 35. 〈◊〉 Pope reduceth the jubilee unto every thirtieth year. 4. 25. W WAles. See Britons of Wales. Wedlock why ordained. 2. 1. 4. Women forbidden by Antiquity to baptise. 2. 13. 9 their Ecclesiastical functions an heresy in the Peputians. 5. 18. Women do excommunicate in the Church of Rome. ibid. §. 2. D. Whitakers testimony wronged. 5. 25. 6. B. Whitgift his inference objected and answered 2. 28. 2. etc. Whores not allowed in Israel. 1. 2. 36. and 5. 9 5. publicly tolierated in Rome. ibid. X XAuerius. See jesuite. ●enatas his heresy concerning the worship of Images. 5. 3. Y Youngman (in the Gospel) wh●ther he had kept all the command m●nts. 5. 4. 3. Z ZEpberine. See Pope. FINIS.