CONTAINING HIS TEN YEARS TRAVEL THROUGH THE TWELVE DOMJNIONS OF Germany, Bohmerland, Sweitzerland, netherlands, Denmark, Poland, Italy, Turkey, France, England, Scotland, and Ireland.  
Divided into III Parts.  
THE I. PART.  
Containeth a journal through all the said twelve Dominions: Showing particularly the number of miles, the soil of the Country, the situation of Cities, the descriptions of them, with all Monuments in each place worth the seeing, as also the rates of hiring Coaches or Horses from place to place, with each days expenses for diet, horse-meat, and the like.  
THE II. PART.  
Containeth the Rebellion of Hugh, Earl of Tyrone, and the appeasing thereof: written also in form of a journal.  
THE III. PART.  
Containeth a Discourse upon several Heads, through all the said several Dominions.  
AT LONDON Printed by John Beale, dwelling in Aldersgate street. 1617.   


HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE   
WITH the King's majesties full and sole Privilege to the Author fines Moryson Gent. his Executors, Administrators, Assigns and Deputies for 21 years next ensuing, to cause to be imprinted, and to sell assign and dispose to his or their best benefit, this Book and Books as well in the English as in the Latin tongue; as well these three Parts finished, as one or two Parts more thereof not yet finished, but shortly to be perfected by him: Sraitly forbidding any other during the said years, to imprint or cause to be imprinted, to import utter or sell, or cause to be imported uttered or sold the said Book or Books, or any part thereof within any of his majesties Dominions; upon pain of his majesties high displeasure, and to forfeit three pounds lawful English money for every such Book, Books, or any part thereof printed, imported, uttered or sold contrary to the meaning of this Privilege; besides the forfeiture of the said Book, Books, etc. as more at large appeareth by his majesties Letters Patents, dated the 29 of April, in the fifteenth year of his majesties reign of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the fiftieth.   

To the Right Honourable, WJLLJAM, EARL OF PEMBROKE, Lord Chamberlain of his majesties Household, one of his majesties most Honourable Privy Counsel, and Knight of the most noble Order of the GARTER, etc.  
Right Honourable,  
SInce I had the happiness imputed to Salomon's Servants by the Queen of Sheba, to stand sometimes before You, an eye and ear witness of your Noble conversation with the worthy Earl of Devonshire, (my deceased Lord and Master,) I ever admired your virtues and much honoured your Person. And because it is a thing no less commendable, gladly to receive favours from men of eminent worth, then with like choice to tender respect and service to them: I being now led by powerful custom to seek a Patron for this my Work; and knowing that the weakest frames need strongest supporters, have taken the boldness most humbly to commend it to your Honour's protection: which vouchsafed, it shall triumph under the safeguard of that massy shield; and myself shall not only acknowledge this high favour with humblest thankfulness, but with joy embrace this occasion to avow myself now by public profession, (as I have long been in private affection,)  
Your Honour's most humble and faithful servant, fines MORYSON,   

To the Reader.  
FOr the First Part of this Work, it contains only a brief narration of daily journeys, with the rates of Coaches or Horses hired, the expenses for horses and man's meat, the soil of the Country, the situation of Towns, and the descriptions thereof; together with all things there worthy to be seen: which Treatise in some obscure places is barren and unpleasant (especially in the first beginning of the work,) but in other places I hope you will judge it more pleasant, and in some delightful, inducing you favourably to dispense with the barrenness of the former, inserted only for the use of unexperienced travelers passing those ways. Again, you may perhaps judge the writing of my daily expenses in my journeys to be needles & unprofitable, in respect of the continual change of prices and rates in all Kingdoms: but they can never be more subject to change, than the affays of martial and civil Policy: In both which, the oldest Histories serve us at this day to good use. Thirdly and lastly, touching the First Part of this Work, when you read my expenses in unknown Coins, you may justly require the explaining of this obscurity, by expression of the values in the English Coins. But I pray you to consider, that the adding of these several values in each days journey, had been an Herculean labour; for avoiding whereof, I have first set before the First Part, a brief Table expressing the value of the small Coins most commonly spent, and also have expressly & particularly for each Dominion and most part of the Provinces, set down at large, how these values answer the English Coins, in a Chapter written of purpose to satisfy the most curious in this point, namely the fifth Chapter of the third Book, being the last of this First Part: in which Chapter also I have briefly discoursed of the best means to exchange moneys into foreign parts.  
Touching the Work in general, I will truly say, that I wrote it swiftly, and yet slowly. This may seem a strange Riddle, and not to rack your wit with the interpretation, myself will expound it: I wrote it swiftly, in that my pen was ready and nothing curious, as may appear by the matter and style: and I wrote it slowly, in respect of the long time past since I viewed these Dominions, and since I took this work in hand. So as the Work may not unfitly be compared to a nosegay of flowers, hastily snatched in many gardens, and with much leisure, vet carelessly and negligently bound together. The snatching is excused by the haste, necessary to travelers, desiring to see much in short time: And the negligent binding, in true judgement needs no excuse, affected curiosity in poor subjects, being like rich embroidery laid upon a freeze jerkin; so as in this case, only the trifling away of mxch time, may be imputed to my ignorance, dullness or negligence, if my just excuse be not heard: in the rendering whereof I must crave your patience. During the life of the worthy Earl of Devonshire, my deceased Lord, I had little or no time to bestow in this kind: after his death, I lost fully three years labour (in which I abstracted the Histories of these 12 Dominions thorough which I passed, with purpose to join them to the Discourses of the several Commonwealths, for illustration and ornament: but when the work was done, and I found the bulk there of to swell, than I chose rather to suppress them, then to make my gate bigger than my City.) And for the rest of the years, I wrote at leisure, giving (like a free and unhired workman) much time to pleasure, to necessary affairs, and to divers and long distractions. If you consider this, and with all remember, that the work is first written in Latin, then translated into English, and that in divers Copies, no man being able by the first Copy to put so large a work in good fashion. And if you will please also to take knowledge from me, that to save expenses, I wrote the greatest part with my own hand, and almost all the rest with the slow pen of my servant: then I hope the loss of time shall not be imputed unto me. Again, for the work in general, I profess not to write it to any curious wits, who can endure nothing but extractions and quintessences: nor yet to great Statesmen, of whose reading I confess it is unworthy: but only unto the unexperienced, who shall desire to view foreign kingdoms. And these may, the rather by this direction, make better use of what they see, hear, and read, than myself did. If active men never read it, I shall wish them no less good success in their affairs. If contemplative men shall read it at leisure, making choice of the subjects fitting their humours, by the Table of the Contents, and casting away the book when they are weary of reading, perhaps they may find some delight: only in case of distaste, I pray them remember, to and for whom it was written. To conclude, if you be as well affected to me, as I am to you, how soever I deserve no thanks, no doubt I shall be free from blame. And so I wish you all happiness, remaining  
Yours in due respect, fines Moryson.   

A Table of the Contents of the several Chapters contained in this Book.  

THE FIRST PART.  

The first Book.  Chap. 1. 
OF my journey from London (in England) to Stood, Hamburg, Lubeck, Luneburg: my return to Hamburg, and journey to Magdeburg, Leipzig, Wittenberg; and the neighbouring Cities (in Germany.)  Chap. 2. 
Of my journey from Leipzig, to Prage, (in Bohemia) to Nurnberg, Augspurg, Vlme, Lindoy, Costnetz, (in Germany) Schaphusen, Zurech, Baden, and Bazell, (in Sweitzerland.)  Chap. 3. 
Of my journey from Bazell to Strasburg, to Heidelberg, to Franckfort, to Cassiles, to Brunswick, to Luneburg, to Hamburg, to Stood, to Breme, to Oldenburge and to Embden, (the last City upon the confines of the Empire of Germany.)  Chap 4. 
Of my journey from Embden in Germany, to Leiden in Holland, and through the united Proviuces of the Low Countries.  Chap. 5. 
Of my journey out of the united Provinces, by the sea coast to Stood, and Lubeck, in Germany, of my sailing to Denmark, and thence to Dantzk in Prussen, and my journey thorough Paland, to Poduoa in Italy.   

The second Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of my journey from Paduoa to Venice, to Ferrara, to Bologna, to Ravenna, and by the shore of the Adriatic Sea to Ancona; then crossing the breadth of Italy, to Rome, seated not far from the Tirrhene Sea.  Chap. 2. 
Of my journey to Naples, and my return to Rome, and of the description of both Cities: of my journey cursory to Sienna, Fiorenza, Pistoia, Lucca, and Pisa, and the description of the three last Cities.  Chap. 3. 
Of my journey to Ligorno, my return to Florence, (or Fiorenza) and to Sienna, and the description of these Cities. Of my journey by land to Lirigi, (in which again I passed by Lucca and Pisa) and by sea to Genoa, with the description of that City, and my journey by land to Pavia, to Milano, to Cremona, and to Mantova, with the description of the Cities, and of my return to Paduoa.  Chap. 4. 
Of the Sepulchre of Petrarch at Arqua; of my journey to Vicenza, Verona, Brescia, and Bergamo: (in Italy) then passing the Alps to Chur, Zurech, Solothurn, Geneva, and (in my return thence) to Berna, (in Sweitzerland,) thence to Strasburg, (in Germany,) and to Chalon, to Paris, to Rouen, and to deep, (in France,) and finally of my passage by sea and land to London (in England.)   

The third Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of my journey to Stood, through the united Provinces of netherlands, and upon the sea-coast of Germany; then to Brunswick, and (the right way) to Nurnberg, Augsburg, and Insprucke (in Germany), and from thence to Venice in Italy, and so by the Mediterranean Seas and the I lands thereof, to jerusalem. In which journey, I slightly pass over the places described in my former passage those ways.  Chap. 2. 
The description of the City of jerusalem, and the Territory thereof.  Chap. 3. 
Of my journey from jerusalem by land to joppa, by sea to Tripoli in Syria, by land to Haleppo and Scanderona, and of our passage by sea to the I land Candia.  Chap. 4. 
Of my journey from Candia (partly by land, and partly by sea) by the sea shores and by the I lands of the AEgean sea, Pontus and Propontis, to the City of Constontinople, and of my journey thence by sea to Venice, and by land to Augsburg, Nurnberg, and Stood (in Germany,) and of my passage over sea into England.  Chap. 5. 
Of my journey through many sever all Shires of England, Scotland, and Ireland.  Chap. 6. 
Of the manner to exchange moneys into foreign parts, and the divers moneys of divers parts, together with the divers measures of miles in sundry Nations, most necessary for the understanding of the former journal.    

THE SECOND PART.  

The first Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of the Induction or Preface to my Irish journal, and a compendious narratich how Charles Blount Lord Mountioy, (my Lord and Master of happy memory) was chosen Lord Deputy of Ireland, and of this worthy Lords quality; as also of the Counsels in general by which he broke the Rebels hearts, and gave peace to that troubled State, together with his particular actions in the end of the year 1599  Chap. 2. 
Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in the prosecution of the Rebels in the year 1600.   

The second Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in the prosecution of the Rebels, and of the Spaniards innading Ireland in the year 1601.  Chap. 2. 
Of the besicging of the Spaniards at Kinsale, with the delivery of the Town to the Lord Deputy, and their return into Spain in the same year 1601.   

The third Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of the prosecution of the war by the Lord Mountioy Lord Deputy, against the Rebels in the year 1602.  Chap. 2. 
Of Tyrones' taking to mercy, whereby the war was fully ended; and of a new mutiny of the Cities of Monster, for establishing the public exercise of the Roman Religion, with the appeasing thereof, together with the Lord Deputies recalling into England, and the rewards there given him for his service in the beginning of the year 1603: with mention of his untimely death within few years after; and the state of Ireland some ten years after.    

THE THIRD PART.  

The first Book.  Chap. 1. 
THat the visiting of foreign Countries is good and profitable, but to whom, and hew far.  Chap. 2. 
Of Precepts for travelers, which may instruct the unexperienced.  Chap. 3. 
Of the Opinions of old Writers, and some Proverbs which I observed in foreign parts by reading or discourse, to be used either of travelers themselves, or of divers Nations and Provinces.   

The second Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of the fit means to travel, and to higher Coaches or Horsesin general.  Chap. 2. 
Of sepulchres, Monuments and Buildings in general, (for I have formerly spoken particularly of them.)  Chap. 3. 
Of Germany, Bohmerland and Sweitzerland, touching the Geographical description, the situation, the fertility, the traffic, and the diet.  Chap. 4. 
Of the united Provinces in netherlands, and of Denmark and Poland, touching the said subjects of the precedent third Chapter.  Chap. 5. 
Of Italy touching all the subjects of the third Chapter going before.   

The third Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of the geographical description of Turkey, the situation, fertility, traffic and diet.  Chap. 2. 
Of France, touching the particular subjects of the first Chapter.  Chap. 3. 
Of England, touching the particular subjects of the first Chapter.  Chap. 4. 
Of Scotland, touching the subjects contained in the first Chapter.  Chap. 5. 
Of Ireland, touching the particular subjects of the first Chapter.   

The fourth Book.  Chap. 1. 
Of the Germans, Bohemians, Sweitzers, Netherlanders, Daves' Polovians and Italians apparel.  Chap. 2. 
Of the Turks, French, English, Scottish, and Irish apparel.  Chap. 3. 
Of the Germans and Bohemians Commonwealth, under which title I contain an historical introduction, the Prince's Pedigrees and Courts, the present state of things, the Tributes and Revenues, the military state for Horse, Foot, and Navy, the Courts of justice, rare Laws, more specially the Laws of inheritance and of women's Dowries, the Capital judgements, and the diversity of degrees in Families, and in the Commonwealth.  Chap. 4. 
Of the particular Commonwealths, as well of the Princes of Germany, as of the free Cities such of both as have absolute power of life and death.  Chap. 5. 
Of the Commonwealth of Sweitzerland, according to the divers subjects of the third Chapter.  Chap. 6. 
Of the Netherlanders Commonwealth, according to the foresaid subjects of the third Chapter.     


The rest of this Work, not as yet fully finished, treateth of the following Heads.  Chap, 1. 
OF the Commonwealth of Denmark, under which title I contain an historical introduction, the King's Pedigree and Court, the present state of the things, the Tributes and Revenues, the military power for Horse, Foot, and Navy, the Courts of justice, rare Laws, more specially those of Inheritance and Dowries and Contracts for marriage, the Capitol or Criminal judgements, and the diversity of degrees in Families and the Commonwealth.  Chap. 2. 
Of the Commonwealth of Poland, under which title, etc.  Chap. 3. 
Of the Commonwealth of Italy, touching the historical introduction, the Prince's pedigrees, the Papal dominion, and the Late power of the King of Spain, with some other subjects of the first Chapter.  Chap. 4. 
Of the particular Commonwealth of Venice, touching most of the foresaid subjects.  Chap. 5. 
Of the Commonwealth of the Duke of Florence, the Cities of Lucca and Genea, with the Dukes of Urbino and of Mantova.  Chap. 6. 
Of the Commonwealth of Italy in general: touching the rest of the heads which belong to the general State of Italy, rather than of any part thereof.  Chap. 7. 
Of the Commonwealth of the Turkish Empire, under which title &c. as followeth in the first Chapter.  Chap. 8. 
Of the Commonwealth of France, under which title, etc.  Chap. 9 
Of the Commonwealth of England, under which title, etc.  Chap. 10. 
Of the Commonwealth of Scotland, under which title, etc.  Chap. 11. 
Of the Commonwealth of Ireland, under which title, etc.  Chap. 12. 
Of Germany touching Religion.  Chap. 13. 
Of Bhemerland, Sweitzerland, the united Provinces of netherlands, of Denmark and Poland touching Religion.  Chap. 14. 
Of Italy touching Religion.  Chap. 15. 
Of the Turkish Empire touching Religion.  Chap. 16. 
Of France, England, Scotland and Ireland touching Religion.  Chap. 17. 
Of the Germans nature, wit, manners, bodily gifts, Universities, Sciences, Arts, language, pompous Ceremonies, specially at Marriages, christenings and Funerals: of their customs, sports, exercises, and particularly hunting.  Chap. 18. 
Of the Bohemians, Sweitzers and Netherlanders of the united Provinces, their natures, wits, manners, etc.  Chap. 19 
Of the Danes and Polonians nature, etc.  Chap. 20. 
Of the Italians nature, wit, etc.  Chap. 21. 
Of the Turks nature, etc.  Chap. 22. 
Of the Frenchmens nature, etc.  Chap. 23. 
Of the Englishmen nature, etc.  Chap. 24. 
Of the Scotchmens' and Irishmen natures, wits, manners, etc.  Chap. 25. 
A general, but brief discourse of the jews, the Grecians, and the Moscovites.    

A brief Table to understand in the First Part the expenses in small Coins most commonly spent.  

For England.  
A Gold Angel of the standard of 23 Caracts 3 grains and an half, is three penny weight and 8 grains, and is given for ten silver shillings, 12 pence making a shilling, the silver being of the standard of 11 ounces two penny weight, and the shilling four penny (or ninety six grains) weight.   

For Scotland and Ireland.  
The English Coins are currant and spent.   

For Germany.  
The Reichs Doller of Germany is worth four shillings four pence, and the silver Gulden is accounted three shillings four pence English Twenty Misers silver Groshen, 32 Lubeck shillings, 45 Embden stivers, four Copstucks and a half, 55 groats, 36 Maria grosh, 18 spitz-grosh, 18 Batz, make a Reichs Doller. Two sesting make a Lubeck shilling: four Drier a silver grosh: two dreyhellers a Drier: two schwerd grosh a schneberger: four creitzers a batz: four pfennning a creitzer.   

For Bohemia.  
Three Pochanels make a Creitzer: 9 creitzers and one Pochanell make four weissgrosh of Moravia: 30 grosh a Doller: two hallers a pfenning: and 5 pfenning a grosh.   

For Sweitzerland.  
Six Rappen make a Plappart or 3 Creitzers: and 20 Plapparts or 60 Creitzers make a silver gulden: two finferlins make a finfer, and 5 a batz: four angster make a creitzer, twelve a Bemish: 60 creitzers a silver gulden.   

For the Low Countries.  
Four Orkees or Doights make a stiver: two blanks a stiver and a half: six stivers a shilling: 20 stivers a gulden or three shillings four pence, being two shillings English: 20 shillings a pound: and one hundred pound Flemish, makes sixty pound English.   

For Denmark.  
Two Danish shillings make one Lubeck; and 66 Danish shillings make one Reichs Doller.   

For Poland.  
Thirty Polish Grosh make a silver Gulden; 40 a Reichs Doller; three Pochanels a Creitzer, seven a Grosh.   

For Italy.  
The silver Crown almost five shillings English, is given for 7 Lyres of Venice; two Lyres make a justino: 20 Soldi a Lyre: one Lyre and 4 Soldi a Mutsenigo. 4 Bagatines a Quatrine: two Betsior 3 Quatrines or a Susine and a half, make a Soldo: two Quatrines make a Susine: three Susines a Boligneo, and 12 Bolignei a Lyre. Ten Giulij, or Poali, or Carlini make a silver Crown; ten Baocci a Giulio or Paolo: four Quatrines a Baocco: eight Baelli or Creitzers make a Giulio: twenty Soldi or Bolignei of Genoa make a Lyre of Genoa, whereof 15 make 20 shillings English; and 3 of these Lyres with 15 Soldi, make a silver Crown: seven Soldi and an half make a Real: four Soldi a Cavalotto: six Quatrines a Soldo; and two Deniers of Genoa a Quatrine: 114 Soldi of Milan make a silver Crown: 20 Soldi a Lyre: and a Lyre and a half makes one Lyre of Genoa.   

For Turkey.  
The silver Crown or Piastro worth five shillings English, is given here for 70, there for 80 or more Asper's: A Meidine of Tripoli, is an Asper and an half a Meidine of Caiero three Asper's; and an Asper some three farthings English.   

For France.  
Twelve Deniers make a Sou: fourteen Sou and a half a Testoone: fifteen Sou a Quart d'escue: twenty Sou a Frank: sixty Sou a French Crown, or six shillings English.    

 
AN ITINERARY WRITTEN By fines MORYSON Gent. First in the Latin Tongue, AND THAN TRANSLATED By him into ENGLISH:   

AN ITINERARY WRITTEN BY fines MORYSON, Gent. CONTAINING His ten years travels thorough TWELVE DOMINIONS. The First Part.  

The First BOOK.  

CHAP. I. Of my journey from London (in England) to Stood, Hamburg, Lubeck, Luneburg, my return to Hamburg, and journey to Magdeburg, Leipzig, Witteberg, and the neighbouring Cities (in Germany.)  
BEing a Student of Peter-house, in Cambridge, and entered the eighteenth year of my age, I took the degree of bachelor of Arts, and shortly after was chosen Fellow of the said College by Queen Elizabeth's Mandate. Three years expired from my first degree taken in the Vniverfitie, I commenced Master of Arts, and within a year after, by the favour of the Master and Fellows, I was chosen to a vacant place of Privilege to study the Civil Laws. Then, as well for the ornament of this profession, as out of my innated desire to gain experience by traveling into foreign parts, (to which course my Parents had given consent some few years past, upon my first declaring of my inclination to the said profession,) upon the privilege of our Statutes permitting two of the Society to travel, I obtained licence to that purpose of the said Master and Fellows, in the year 1589, being then full 23 years old. And presently leaving the Vniversiy, I went to London, there to follow some studies fit to enable me in this course; and there better taught, and these studies, the visiting of my friends in the Country, my going to Oxford to take the same degree I had in Cambridge, and some oppositions upon new deliberation made by my father and friends against my journey, detained me longer in those parts than I purposed.  
At last, in the beginning of the year 1591., and upon the first day of May, I took ship at Liegh, distant from London twenty eight miles by land, and thirty six 
1591.  by water, where Thames in a large bed is carried into the Sea. Thence we set sail into the main, and the eight day of our sailing, the Merchant's Fleet of sixteen ships being dispersed by a fog and tempest, two Dunkirk Pirates followed our ship, till (by God's mercy) the fog being cleared after some few hours, and two of our ships upon our discharging of a great Piece drawing towards us, the Pirates despairing left to pursue us. That they were Pirates was apparent, since as we for trial turned our sails, they likewise fitted themselves to our course, so as we though flying, yet prepared ourselves to fight, till God thus delivered us. The ninth day towards night, we fell upon an Island called the Holy-land (vulgarly Heiligland), and not daring to enter the River Ell before the next morning, we struck all sails, and suffered our ship to be tossed too and fro by the waves all that night, (which Mariners call lying at Hull.) This Island hath only one Port capable of some six ships, in the form of the Moon decreasing, and lying open to the East. On the North side is a great Rock, and the rest of the shore is all of high Cliffs. It is subject to the Duke of Holste, and by that title to the King of Denmark; but the inhabitants are so poor, as they yield no other tribute than stones for the Duke's building. It is in circuit some three miles, and hath about one hundred Families.  
The tenth day we entered the River Elue, and landed at Stood. This is an ancient 
Stood.  City, and one of the Empire's free Cities, and one of those Sea-Townes, which from the privilege of traffic with their Neighbours, are called Free Cities (vulgarly Hansteten), but of late was become so poor, as they had sold the privilege of coining money, and some like Rights to Hamburg; till the English Merchants removing their seat of traffic from Hamburg to Stood, it began lately to grow rich, not without the envy and impoverishment of the Hamburgers. In the Dutch Inns I paid for each meal four Lubeck shillings and an half, and in the English Inns eight pence English. In the great winding and troubled Stream of Ell, which ebbs and flows as high as Luneburg, certain Booyes are laid to show the channels and shoals of the River, and the maintaining of each of them cost 40 pounds yearly, and of all a thousand pounds at the least, at the common charge of Stood and Hamburg: but after frosts begin, they are taken up, and reserved to the next Spring. Of old when Stood flourished, this charge belonged only to it, taking some contributions of the other Cities for the same. This free City had then chosen the Bishop of Breme for their Protector, and had but small scattered revenues, to the value, of ninety pounds sterling by the year; but the soil is so fertile, as they milk their Cows thrice each day. Of late the Hamburgers had in vain attempted by Naval forces to forbid the arrival of the English at Stood, whom as they had grieved having their seat with them, as well with exactions, as with forbidding them free exercise of Religion, so now sometimes by lair treaty, sometimes by force, they laboured to draw back unto them. Those of Stood have by privilege the preemption and choice of Rhenish Wines passing by them. This City might be made strong, if the works they have begun were perfected. The fields of the North and East sides may be drowned, and because the high Hills towards the West and South (though somewhat distant) seemed to threaten danger, they had on those sides raised an high and broad wall of earth, fastened on the outside with Willows, in which place an Armoury for all munitions was built; but the gates of the City, for ridiculous ostentation of strength, were furnished with Artillery of stone painted over. The territory without the City belongs on the West side to the Bishop of bream, and on the East side to the Earl of Scbeneburg and the Duke of Holst. From Stood to Hamburg are five miles. In a Wagon hired for five Lubeck shillings each person, we passed two miles, then crossing the Ell (not without danger in respect of the shallow places and present storm) we hired another Wagon for four Lubeck shillings each person, and through thick woods passed the other three miles to Hamburg. The passage by water to Hamburg had been much easier, especially for a stranger, and a boat daily passeth from Stood thither in some three hours space, if the wind be not contrary, wherein each man pays three Lubeck shillings for his passage: but all Passengers without difference of condition must help to row, or hire one in his stead, except the wind be good so as they need not use their Oars; besides that the annoyance of base companions will easily offend one that is any thing nice.  
Hamburg is a Free City of the Empire, and one of them which (as I said) are called 
Hamburg.  Hansteten, and for the building and populousness is much to be praised. The Senate house is very beautiful, and is adorned with carved statues of the nine Worthies. The Exchange where the Merchants meet is a very pleasant place. The Haven is shut up with an iron chain. The City is compassed with a deep ditch, and upon the East and North sides with a double ditch and wall. Water is brought to the City from an Hil distant some English mile, by pipes of wood, because those of lead would be broken by the ice, and these pipes are to be seen under the bridge, whence the water is conveyed by them unto each Citizen's house. The Territory of the City extendeth a mile or two, and on one side three miles out of the walls. It hath nine Churches and six gates called by the Cities to which they lead. It is seated in a large plain and a sandy soil, but hath very fat pasture ground without. On the South side and some part of the West, it is washed with the River Elue, which also putteth a branch into the Town, but on the North and somewhat on the East side, the River Alster runneth by towards Stood, and falleth into the Ell. The streets are narrow excepting one which is called Broad-street (vulgarly Breitgasse.) The building is all of brick (as in all the other Seabordering Cities, lying from these parts towards Flanders) and all the beauty of the houses is in the first entrance, having broad and fair gates into a large Hal the lower part whereof on both sides is used for a Warehouse, and in the upper part lying to the view of the door, the chief household-stuff is placed, and especially their vessel of English Pewter, which being kept bright makes a glittering show to them that pass by; so as the houses promise more beauty outwardly than they have inwardly. Here I paid each meal four Lubeck shillings, and one each night for my bed. The Citizens are unmeasurably ill affected to the English, to whom (or to any stranger) it is unsafe to walk out of the gates after noon, for when the common people are once warmed with drink, they are apt to do them injury. Myself one day passing by some that were unloading and telling of Billets, heard them say these words: Wirft den zehenden auff des Englanders' kopf, that is, cast the tenth at the englishman's head. But I and my companions knowing well their malice to the English for the removing their traffic to Stood, were content silently to pass by as if we understood them not. Hence I went out of the way to see Lubeck, an Imperial City, and one of the above named Hans-townes, being ten miles distant from Hamburg. Each of us for our Coach paid twenty Lubeck shillings, and going forth early, we passed through a marish and sandy plain, and many woods of Oakes (which in these parts are frequent, as woods of Fir be in the upper part of Germany) and having gone six miles we came to a Village called Altslow, for the situation in a great marish or boggy ground, where each man paid for his dinner five Lubeck shillings and a half, our Dutch companions contributing half that money for drink after dinner. In the afternoon we passed the other four miles to Lubeck, in the space of four hours, and until we came within half a mile of the town, we passed through some thick woods of Oak with some fair pastures between them, (for the Germans use to preserve their woods to the uttermost, either for beauty or because they are so huge & frequent as they cannot be consumed). When we came out of the woods we saw two fair rising Hills, and the third upon which Lubeck was seated.  
On the top of this third Hill stood the fair Church of Saint Mary, whence there 
Lubeck.  was a descent to all the gates of the City, whose situation offered to our eyes a fair prospect, and promised great magnificence in the building. The City is compassed with a double wall, one of brick and narrow, the other of earth and broad, fastened with thick rows of willows. But on the North side and on the Southeast side there were no walls, those parts being compassed with deep ditches full of water. On the Southeast side the water seemeth narrow, but is so deep. as ships of a thousand tun are brought up to the City to lie there all winter, being first unladed at Tremuren the Port of the City lying upon the Baltic Sea. To this Port one mile distant from Lubeck we came in three hours, each man paying for his Coach five Lubeck shillings, and four for our dinner, and returned back the same night to Lubeck. The building of this City is very beautiful, all of brick, and it hath most sweet walks without the walls. The Citizens are curious to avoid ill smells, to which end the Butchers have a place for killing their beasts without the walls upon a running stream. Water is brought to every Citizen's house by pipes, and all the Brewers dwelling in one street have each of them his iron Cock, which being turned, the water falls into their vessels. Though the building of this town be of the same matter as that of the neighbouring towns, yet it is much preferred before them, for the beauty and uniformity of the houses; for the pleasant gardens, fair streets, sweet walks without the walls, and for the Citizens themselves, who are much commended for civility of manners, and the strict execution of justice. The poor dwell in the remote-streets out of the common passages. There is a street called the Funst Haussgasse, that is, the street of five houses, because in the year 1278. it was all burnt excepting five houses; since which time they have a law, that no man shall build of timber and clay, except he divide his house from his neighbours with a brick wall three foot broad; and that no man shall cover his house with any thing but tiles, brass, or lead. The form of this City is like a lozing, thick in the midst and growing narrower towards the two ends, the length whereof is from the gate called Burke Port towards the South, to Millen Port towards the North. We entered the Town by Holtz Port on the West side, to which gate Hickster Port is opposite on the East side. It is as long again as broad, and two streets, Breitgasse, that is, Broad-street, and Konnigsgasse, that is, Kings-street, run the whole length of the Town, and six other streets make the breadth; and if you stand in the midst of any of these streets, you may there see both the ends thereof. Here I paid each meal four Lubeck shillings, having my bed free; for a quart of Rhenish wine five Lubeck shillings, and as much for Sack, neither do I remember that ever I had a more pleasant abiding in Germany, either for the sweetness of the place, the courtesy of the people, or my diet. The Citizens are very courteous to all strangers, whom the Laws extraordinarily favour above the natives, so they only abide there for a time and be not inhabitants, neither are they less friendly to the English, though they complain of injuries (so they call them) offered them by us at Sea. This City hath many things worth the seeing. There be ten fair Churches, whereof one was used for an Armoury of all munitions for war. Saint Mary's Cathedral Church (vulgarly Vnserfraw kirk) is fairer than the rest, where there is a fair and artificial Clock, in the top whereof is a picture, whereof both the ears of the head are seen, which Painters esteem a master work. In the Porch thereof are three Marble pillars, each of them thirty foot long of one stone, only one of them is peeced for one foot. But the Image of the Virgin Mary in this Church, and of Christ crucified in Burk Kirke are thought works of singular art; for which they say a Spanish Merchant offered a mass of money. I will confess truly, that myself beholding the Virgin's statue all of stone, did think it had been covered with a gown of white buffin, and that being altogether unskilful in the graving Art, yet I much admired the workmanship. Without Millen Port there is a Conduit of water, which serves all the Town, the more notable because it was the first of that kind, which since hath been dispersed to London and other places. On all sides out of the town there be sweet walks, especially towards Jerusalem (so they call the Passion of Christ graven in divers pillars) where also is a pleasant grove, under the shade whereof Rope-makers and like Artificers use to work. The Canons of the Cathedral Church have great privileges, and as it were an absolute power over themselves, and of old they had a gate of the City free to themselves to go in or out at pleasure; till the Citizens finding how dangerous it was to the maintaining of their freedom from any subjection, upon a good opportunity when the Emperor came thither, did of set purpose lead him into the City by that gate, where falling on their knees they besought him that it might be bricked up, and never more opened, he being the last man that ever should enter thereat.  
From Lubeck we took our journey to Luneburg, being ten miles distant, and the first night we lodged in a Village called Millen, where a famous lester Oulenspiegell (whom we call Owly-glasse) hath a Monument erected: he died in the year 1350. and the stone covering him is compassed with a grate, lest it should be broken and carried away piece-meal by Passengers, which they say hath once already been done by the Germans. The Townsmen yearly keep a feast for his memory, and yet show the apparel he was wont to wear. This Country is barren and sandy ground; full of thick Woods of Oakes: by the way in Kasborough Castle, they said that a Duke of inferior Saxony lay imprisoned by the emperors command, his brother governing the Dukedom, charged with great debts by his prodigality; but his Villages hereabouts were possessed by the Hamburgers and Lubeckers by right of mortgage. We passed the Ell twice, the Coachman paying for himself his Coach, and each one of us a Lubeck shilling, and beyond the Ell the ground was somewhat more fertile. At Millen I paid for my supper four Lubeck shillings and a half.  
The next day we came to Luneburg, which by the Citizens for defence of their 
Luneburg.  liberty was strongly fortified, for it is one of the free Imperial Cities; but the Duke of Luneburg challengeth a superiority over it. The walls built of earth are high and broad and the ditches very deep. The building is very fair, especially that of the Senate house, and almost all the houses are of brick. They have two large market places, and the streets are broad, but very filthy and full of ill smells. The City itself being almost of a round form is seated in a Valley, but hath Mountains near it on the West side, and further off on the East; An high Mountain called Kalkberg hangeth over it on the North side; in the top whereof is a strong Castle, which the Citizens had got into their hands some threescore years before my being there. Not far from the City is a Monestary called Luna, whereof some say the Town was named, others say it had the name of the River running by it now called Eluenau, of eleven Rivers running into it; which Histories testify to have been called Luna of old. But others prove both the River and the Town to have had their names of the Idol Isis, bearing two horns of the Moon, which was kept in the Castle upon Kalkberg, and worshipped by the people. Among the things best deserving to be seen is the Fountain of Salt, and the house wherein salt is boiled, over the gate whereof these verses are written.  

Ecce salinarum dulcissima dona coquuntur.  
Gratuita summi de bonitate Dei:  
Mons, Pons, Fons, tna dona Deus, da pectore crescat,  
In nostro pietas, nec minuatur Amor.  
Behold of finest salt this Fount doth store afford,  
By the Almighty's grace and free gift from above:  
The Mountain, Bridge and Fountain are thy gifts O Lord,  
For which let us increase in piety and love.   
To all the poor round about, and to all the Citizens for their private use salt water is freely given: and they say this Fountain once lost his virtue when they denied to give water to the poor. Every one gives the Porter a small reward when he comes in, not when he goes out, as otherwhere is used; for this is proper to the Germans that they will be paid ere they begin to work, as if they had done. The profit of this salt Fountain is divided into divers parts; some to the City, some to the Duke of Luneberg, (who howsoever he be so called, yet hath no power over the City but only over the Country;) some belongs to the Monastary, and divers Earls have their parts, (whereof some boil not the salt in their own name, but set it out to others:) There be fifty two rooms, and in each of them eight leaden pans, in which eight tons of salt are daily boiled, and each tun is worth eight Flemish shillings. In the said Monastery within the Town, they show a table of gold, which Henry Leo Duke of Saxony took from Milan and placed here, and it is fastened to the Altar, being more than an ell and half long, and about three quarters broad, and little or nothing thicker than a French crown. They show also four Crosses of pure gold, which they said a certain Queen once took from them, but presently fell lunatic, neither could be cured until she had restored them. In the open streets some Monuments are set on the walls, in honour of certain Citizens, who died in a night's tumult, when the Duke hoped to surprise the City. I said that the Senate house is stately built, in which they show to strangers many vessels of gold and silver, of a great value and quantity for a City of that quality. From Luneburg I returned to Hamburg, whither I and my company might have had a Coach for 4. Dollars. But we misliking the price hired a wagon for three Lubeck shillings each person to Wentzon, three miles distant from Luneburg. Here the Duke of Lunebergs territory ends, to whom each man paid a Lubeck shilling for tribute, myself only excepted, who had that privilege because I went to study in the Universities. Here each man paid two Lubeck shillings for a Wagon to the Ell side, being one mile, and the same day by water we passed other three miles to Hamburg, not without great noy someness from some base people in the boat; for which passage we paid each man three Lubeck shillings. Let me admonish the Reader, that if when we took boat we had only crossed the Ell, we might have hired a Wagon from Tolspecker a Village to Hamburg (being three miles) for two Dollars amongst six persons. Being at Hamburg and purposing to go up into Mizzen, because I had not the language, I compounded with a Merchant to carry me in his Coach, and bear my charges to Leipzig for ten gold gulden's.  
The first day having broke our fast at Hamburg, we passed seven miles over the Heath of Luneburg, and lodged in a Village. In our way we passed many Villages of poor base houses, and some pleasant groves; but all the Country was barren, yet yielded corn in some places, though in no plenty. The second day we came to a little City Corneiler, through a Country as barren as the former, and towards our journeys end we passed a thick wood of a mile long. The third day we went seven miles to Magdenburg, which is counted six and twenty miles from Hamburg, and this day 
Magdenburg.  we passed a more fertile Country, and more woody; and they showed me by the way an Hill called Bockesberg, famous with many ridiculous fables of Witches yearly meeting in that place. This City of old called Parthenopolis, of Venus Parthenea, is now called Magdenburg, that is, the City of Virgins, & for an Inland City is very fair, and the Germans speak much of the fortification, because Mauricius Elector of Saxony besieged it a whole year with the Emperor Charles the fifth his Army, yet took it not. Howbeit I think that not so much to be attributed to the strength of the City, as to the distracted mind of the besieger, who in the mean time solicited the French King to join with the Dutch Princes to free Germany from the emperors tyranny, and the French Army being once on foot, himself raised forces against the Emperor. The form of this City is like a Moon increasing, the Bishopric thereof is rich, and the Margrave of Brandeburg his eldest son did then possess it, together with the City and territory, by the title of Administrator, in which sort he also held the Bishopric of Hall, and he lay then at Wormested, a Castle not far of. In the market place there is a Statue erected to the Emperor Otho the Great, founder of that City, and Munster writes of another statue erected to Rowland, which I remember not to have seen. In the Senate-house, they showed a singular picture, made by one Lucas a famous Painter, dead some thirty years before; where also is the picture of that monstrous Germane, with all the dimensions of his body, who not long before was led about the world to be showed for a wonder. This man I had not seen, but in this picture I could scarce reach the crown of his head with the point of my rapier, and many of good credit told me, that they had seen this man's sister half an ell higher than he. In the Church that lies near the market place, there is a Font of great worth, and a Lute painted with great Art: the Cathedral Church of Saint Maurice was built by Otho the Great, very sumptuously, where his wife lies buried in the year 948. and the inscription is; that she was daughter to Edmund King of England. There they show one of the three vessels in which our Saviour Christ turned water into wine at Cana in Galilee. There be in all ten Churches, but the above named are the fairest. Hence we went fourteen miles to Leipzig, being a day and a halves journey through fruitful corn fields, and a Country full of rich Villages, the Merchant with whom I went, bearing my charges: from Hamburg I might have hired a Coach to Leipzig for six persons (those of Nurnburg bearing eight) for 24. collars, and if a man go thence to Luneburg, he may easily light on a Coach of return at a less rate, so that in respect of the cheapness of victuals in these parts, no doubt I gave the Merchant too much for my charges in this journey.  
Leipzig is seated in a plain of most fruitful corn ground, and full of rich Villages, 
Leipzig.  in a Country called Mizzen, subject to the Elector Duke of Saxony: and the Country lying open to the eye in a most ample prospect, only one wood can be seen in this large plain. The streets are fair, the market place large and stately, and such are the chief houses, built of free stone four roofs high: there is a convenient conduit of water in the Suburbs, lying towards Prage, the ditch is dry, the walls of stone threaten ruin; neither may the Citizens fortify the Town, nor use red wax in their public seals, nor wind a Horn in their night watches, as other Cities do: these and other privileges being taken from them in the year 1307. when they killed their Duke Ditzmanus in Saint Thomas Church. Out of this City they have (as many Cities in Germany have) a beautiful place to bury their dead, called Gods-aker, vulgarly Gotts-aker,) where the chief Citizens buy places of burial, proper to their families round about the Cloisters, and the common sort are buried in the midst, not covered with any building. Here I found this Epitaph: the numeral Letters whereof show the year when the party died.  
FoeLIX qVI In DoMIno nIXVs ab orb fVgIt.  
And like Epitaphs are ordinarily found through Germany. This City hath an University, and in the year 1480. the Students of Prage removed hither to fly the Hussites war; but at this day the University is much decayed, by reason that Wittteberg lieth near, having better conveniency for the Scholars living. From hence I took my journey in the afternoon to Witteberg, and came that night to Teben a Village four miles distant, through a Wood so large as we could not pass it in two hours, beyond which the ground was barren till we passed the River Elue, which runneth by Witteberg, all the length of it from the East to the West, but is somewhat distant from the Town.  
The next day we passed four miles to Witteberg, which hath his name of Wittekindus, the first Christian Duke of Saxony, and is seated in a plain sandy ground, having 
Witteberg.  on the North hills planted with Vines yielding a sour grape plentifully, yet they make no wine thereof. One street lies the whole length of the Town, being all the beauty thereof, and in the midst of this street is the Cathedral Church and a fair market place, in which the Senate house is built, and near the West gate is the Duke's Church; It is proverbially said, that a man shall meet nothing at Witteberg, but whores, students, and swine, to which purpose they have these two Verses:  

Ni Witeberga sues, ni plurima scorta teneret,  
Ni pubem Phoebi, quaeso quid esset ibi?  
Had Witeberg no swine, if no whores were,  
Nor Phoebus' train, I pray you what is there?   
Whence may be gathered that the Citizens have small traffic, living only upon the Scholars, and that the streets must needs be filthy. In the study of Doctor Wisinbechius this inscription is in Latin;  
Here stood the bed in which Luther gently died.  
See how much they attribute to Luther, for this is not the place where he died, neither was there any bed, yet suffer they not the least memory of him to be blotted out. Luther was borne at Isleb in the year 1483, & certainly died there in the house of Count Mansfield, where after supper the seventeenth of February he fell into his usual sickness, namely the stopping of humours in the Orifice of his belly, and died thereupon at five of the clock in the morning, the eighteenth of February, in the year 1546. the said Count and his Countess and many other being present, and receiving great comfort from his last exhortations: yet from his sudden death the malicious jesuits took occasion to slander him, as if he died drunken, that by aspersions on his life and death, they might slander the reformation of Religion, which he first began. These men (after their manner) being to conjure an unclean spirit out of a man in Prage, gave out that he was free from this spirit for the time that Luther died, and that when he returned, they examined him where he had been that time, and the spirit should answer that he had attended Luther. Philip, Melancthon, borne in the year 1497. died 1560. and both these famous men were buried, and have their Monuments in the Duke's Church at Witteberg, which is said to be like that of Jerusalem, and in that both of them are round, I will not deny it, but I dare say they differ in this, that Jerusalem Church hath the Chancel in the midst with Allies to go round about it, whereas the Chancel of this Church is at the East end of it. The Wittebergers tell many things of Luther which seem fabulous, & among other things they show an aspersion of ink, cast by the Devil when he tempted Luther, upon the wall in S. Augustine's College. Besides, they show a house wherein Doctor Faustus a famous conjuror dwelled. They say that this Doctor lived there about the year 1500. and had a tree all blasted and burnt in the adjoining Wood, where he practised his Magic Art, and that he died, or rather was fetched by the Devil, in a Village near the Town. I did see the tree so burnt; but walking at leisure through all the Villages adjoining, I could never hear any memory of his end. Not far from the City there is a mountain called the Mount of Apollo, which then, as of old, abounded with medicinable herbs. In a Village near the Town there be yet many tokens that the Emperor Charles the fifth encamped there. I lived at Witteberg the rest of this summer, where I paid a Gulden weekly for my diet and beer, which they account apart, and for my chamber after the rate of ten gulden's by the year. I hear that since all things are dearer; the Scholars using to pay each week a dolor for their diet, and a dolor for chamber and washing. Hence I took my journey to Friburge that I might see the funeral of Christianus the Elector. Three of us hired a Coach all this journey for a dolor each day, with condition that we should pay for the meat of the horses and of the coachman, which cost as much more. And this we paid because we had freedom to leave the coach at our pleasure, though we returned with it to Leipzig, to which if we would have tied ourselves, we might have had the coach for half a dolor a day. The first day we went six miles to Torge, through sandy fields yielding corn, and we dined at Belgar a Village, where each man paid five grosh for his dinner, and by the way they showed us a Village called Itzan, where Luther made his first Sermons of reformation.  
Torge is a fair City of Mizzen, of a round form, falling each way from a mountain, and seated on the West side of Ell. It hath a stately Castle belonging to the 
Torg.  Elector Duke of Saxony, who is Lord of Leipzig, Witteberg, and all the Cities we shall pass in this journey. This Castle is washed with the River Elue, and was built by john Fredricke Elector, in the year 1535. It hath a winding way or plain stair, by which a horse may easily go to the top of the Castle, the passage being so plain as the ascent can scarcely be discerned. The Hall, Chambers and Galleries of this Castle, are very fair and beautiful, and adorned with artificial pictures, among which one of a boy presenting flowers, is fairer than the rest. Also there is a picture on the wall, of one Laurence Weydenberg a Sweitzer, made in the twentieth year of his age, in the year 1531, showing that he was nine foot high. In the Church there is a Monument of Katherine a Nun, which died 1552. and was wife unto Luther. The Village Milburg is within a mile of this City in the way to Dresden, where the Elector Frederick was taken prison by Charles the fifth, in the Protestants war. The lake near the City is a mile in circuit, for the fishing whereof, the Citizens pay 500 guldens yearly to the Elector of Saxony, and they fish it once in three years, and sell the fish for some 5000. guldens. The bear of Torge is much esteemed through all Mizzen, whereof they sell such quantity abroad, as ten watermils besides windmills, scarcely serve the town for this purpose.  
From Torge we went six miles to Mizzen in our Coach hired as aforesaid, and we dined 
Mizzen.  each man for five grosh in the village Stars, and we passed through goodly cornehils, and fair woods of fir and birtch. The City Mizzen is round in form, and almost all the houses are built on the falling sides of Mountains, which compassing all the City, open towards the East, where Ell runneth by. Duke Frederick surnamed The wise, and Duke George, surnamed papistical, are buried in the Cathedral Church. Here I paid six grosh every meal. The City is subject to the Duke of Saxony, having the same name with the whole Country in which it lieth. Hence we went three miles to Dresden in a Coach hired as aforesaid, and passed through sandy and stony Hills, some fruitful valleys of corn, and two Woods of fir, whereof there be many near Dresden, whither being come, I paid six grosh for my dinner.  
This City of Dresden is very fair and strongly fortified, in which the Elector of 
Dresden.  Saxony keeps his Court, having been forty years passed only a village. When the first stone of the walls was laid, there were hidden a silver cup guilded, a Book of the Laws, another of the coins, and three glasses filled with wine, the Ceremonies being performed with all kind of Music and solemnity. The like Ceremony was used when they laid the first stone of the stable. The City is of a round form, seated in a Plain, running between two Mountains, but some what distant, and the houses are fair, built of free stone, four or five roofs high, whereof the highest roof, after the Italian fashion, is little raised in steepness, so that the tops of the houses appear not over the walls, excepting the Electors Castle built betwixt the North and West side, and the Church Tower built between the West and East side. In this Tower the watchmen dwell, who in the day time give notice by Flags hung out, what number of foot or horse are coming towards the Town. To which Tower they ascend by two hundred seventy stairs, and in the top two Demiculuerins are planted. We entered on the East side through old Dresden, being walled about, and so passed the Ell, compassing the walls of new Dresden on the East side by a Bridge of stone having seventeen arches, under which half the ground is not covered with water, except it be with a flood. Upon the Bridge we passed three gates, and at the end entered the City by the fourth; where the garrison Soldiers write the names of those that come in, and lead them to the Inns, where the Hosts again take their names. The City hath but two little Suburbs. The Citizens were then as busy as Bees in fortifying the City, which the Elector than made very strong. The ground riseth on all sides towards the Town, and the new City hath four Gates; Welsh-thore, Siegeld-thore, New-thore, and Salomons-thore: and is compassed with two walls, between which round about there is a garden, from which men may ascend or descend to it at each Gate. Over the outward wall there is a covered or close Gallery, private to the Elector, who therein may compass the Town unseen. He hath used the best wits of Germany and Italy in this fortification, wherein he hath spared no cost. The walls are high and broad of earth, whose foundation is of stone, and they are on all sides furnished with great Artillery, yea in that time of peace the streets were shut with iron chains, at eating times, and all night.  
The Electors stable is by much the fairest that ever I saw, which I will briefly describe. In the first Court there is a Horse-bath, into which they may bring as much or little water as they list, and it hath 22. pillars, in each whereof divers Arms of the Duke are graven, according to the divers families whose Arms he gives. The same Court serves for a Tilting-yard, and all exercises of Horse-manship: and there is also the Horseleeches shop, so well furnished as if it belonged to a rich Apothecary. The building of the stable is four square; but the side towards the Duke's Palace is all taken up with two gates and a little Court yard; which takes up half this side, and round about the same are little cuboords peculiar to the horsemen, in which they dispose all the furniture fit for riding. The other three sides of the quadrangle, contained some 136. choice and rare Horses, having only two other gates leading into the City's market place, opposite to those gates towards the Court. These horses are all of foreign Countries, for there is another stable for Dutch horses, and among these chief horses, one named Michael Schatz (that is Michael the Treasure) was said to be of wonderful swiftness: before each horse's nose was a glass window, with a curtain of green cloth to be drawn at pleasure; each horse was covered with a red mantle, the rack was of iron, the manger of copper: at the buttock of each horse was a pillar of wood which had a brazen shield, where by the turning of a pipe he was watered; and in this pillar was a cuboord to lay up the horse's comb and like necessaries, and above the back of each horse hung his bridleand saddle, so as the horses might as it were in a moment be furnished. Above this stable is a gallery on one side, adorned with the statues of horses & their riders, with their complete Armours fifty in number, besides many Armours lying by the walls. On the other side is a gallery having forty like statues, & thirty six sledges which they use in Mizzen, not only to journey in time of snow, but also for festival pomps. For in those Cities, especially at Shrovetide, and when much snow falleth, they use to sit upon sledges drawn with a horse furnished with many bells, at the foot of which sledge they many times place their Mistresses, and if in running or sudden turning, the rider or his Mistress slip, or take a fall, it is held a great disgrace to the rider. Some of these sledges are very sumptuous, as of unpurified silver as it comes from the Mines, others are fairly covered with velvet and like stuffs. Above the forepart of the stable towards the market place, are the chambers wherein the Elector feasts with Ambassadors. In the window of the first chamber or stove, being a bay window towards the street, is a round table of marble, with many inscriptions persuading temperance, such as are these,  

Aut nulla Ebrietas, aut tanta sit ut tibi cur as:  
Demat.—  
Be not drunken in youth or age,  
Or no more than may cares assuage.  
Again, Plures crapula quam ensis.  
Gluttony kills more than the sword.   
Yet I dare say, that notwithstanding all these good precepts, few or none ever rose (or rather were not carried as unable to go) from that table. Twelve little marble chairs belong to this table, and the pavement of the room is marble, and close by the table there is a Rock curiously carved with images of fishes and creeping things. This Rock putteth forth many sharp pinnacles of stone, upon which the vessels of gold and silver are set forth at the feasts, and when the drinking is at hottest, the statue of a horseman by work of great Art, comes out of the Rock, and presents each stranger with a huge bowl of wine, which he must drink off for his welcome, without expecting that any should pledge him. In the next chamber belonging to this stove, is a bedstead of marble and both have hangings of gold leather. There is another chamber and another stove like these, and above them in the uppermost fit, there be many little rooms, whereof one is furnished with spears, another with saddles (& among them I remember one which in the pummel borea gilded head, with eyes continually moving, & in the hinder part had a clock) the rest are furnished with swords, shields, helmets, and feathers. Among the swords, every Prince hath his own, which the successors use not to wear, and there is one belonging to the Electorship, when he exerciseth his office as Marshal of the Empire. There was another Sword, having in the hilt two little Pistols. Here I saw laid up an Iron chain, in which they said, that Duke Henry the Father of Manrice the first Elector of this Family, should have been hanged in the Low Countries, who escaping, brought the same with him, and laid it up here for memory: After the Funeral of Christianus, returning from Friburg to this Town, I found only fifteen of those choice Horses in the stable, all the rest having been given to Princes coming to the Funeral.  
The Duke's Palace in Dresàens was built by Mauricius, part of the City walls and the gates were built by Augustus, who did also lay the foundation of this Stable. But Christianus the Elector perfected the walls of the City, with the close gallery over them, and built this famous stable; setting this inscription upon the walls in Latin. Christianus Duke of Saxony, Heir to Augustus the Elector of happy memory, and imitator of his virtues, caused this Stable to be built, and the Yard adjoining to be fitted for Tilting and military exercises: the present age, etc.  
The Armoury at Dresden is no less worth the noting, wherein were Arms and all kind of munition for seventy thousand men, but of late it had been somewhat emptied by an expedition into France, undertaken by the Duke at the solicitation of the Count of Turin, Ambassador for Henry the fourth King of France.  
The Duke was at great charge in keeping Garrison Soldiers at Dresden, and Officers, as well for the stable as the Armoury. In these parts and no where else in Germany, they use boats of a hollow tree, driven not by Oars, but by battledores, whereof I saw many upon the Ell, as likewise water mills swimming upon boats, and removed from place to place, the like whereof was since made at London by a Dutchman, but became unprofitable by the ebbing and flowing of Thames. At Dresden I paid seven grosh a meal.  
Hence in our Coach hired, as aforesaid, we passed four miles to Friburg, through 
Friburg.  fruitful Hills and Mountains of corn, but few or no Woods: and here we paid each man fix grosh a meal. This City is of a round form, compassed of all sides with Mountains, having many Faults, or Caves under it; by which the Citizens enter and go out of the City by night, to work in the silver Mines. Yet hath the City two walls, and two ditches, but altogether dry. It hath five gates, and four Churches, among which Saint Peter's Church is the fairest. The Elector hath his Castle in the City: and in the Church (as I remember of Saint Peter) wherein the Duke's use to be buried; Mauricius hath a very fair monument of black Marble, raised in three piles, whereof each is decked with divets statues of white Marble and Alabaster; whereof two Belong to Mauricius, the one in posture of praying, the other armed, and receining a deadly wound. Two Monuments were begun, but not then perfected, for Augustus and Christianus. The territory of Friburg abounds with silver Mines; whereof some and fine hundred fathoms deep, some seven hundred, and some nine hundred, and after each thirty fathoms, the earth is supported with great beams of timber, lest it should fall; and from each of these buildings, winding stairs of wood are made, to descend to the bottom.  
The Citizens live of these Mines, and grow rich thereby, whereof the Elector hath his proper part, and useth to buy the parts of the Citizens. The workmen use burning Lamps under the earth both day and night, and use to work as well by night as by day: and they report, that coming near the purest veins of silver, they are often troubled with evil spirits. These workmen go out to the Mines by night, through the Caves under the City, and being called back from work by the sound of a bell, they come in the same way. The water which the workmen use, springeth in a mountain an arrow shot from the Town, whence falling to a lower mountain, it is conveyed by hollow trees to fall upon the wheels of the mills, so as a little quantity thereof driveth them. These Mills draw the water up out of the Mines, for the depth of forty fathom, whence it runneth in pipes towards the City. When they try & purify the silver, first with water they wash away the red earth, than they beat the metal with a hand hammer, and thus broken, they cast it into the fire, which they make in the open air, lest the workmen should be stifled with the fume of the brimstone. Then they melt the metal six times, by a fire made of whole trees, in a little house adjoining. Then in another house they sever the metal from the earth with a siue. Then again they beat the metal with an hammer driven by a Mill; and thus beaten, they wash it upon three clothes hanging slopewise, and the purest silver sticks to the uppermost cloth. This done, they melt it again six times, and the best of the dross is lead and silver, the rest copper; and this silver and lead being again melted, the lead falls from the silver like dust. The fire wherein they try this silver is so hot, as it consumeth the brick Furnaces in three days. The workmen besides their hire, use to be rewarded for expedition of the work. The means by which they find silver, are very strange, being by a rod, which vulgarly they call Chassel-wand, or, the Divine Rod, which they carry in their hands, and when they go over silver, they say the Rod bends or breaks, if it be straightly held: and there were not above seven men in this City, which had skill of this mystery. The ways are planted with trees to direct passengers, lest as they go to the City, they should fall into the Mines: for as they report, it hath often happened that the Citizens themselves have perished in this sort; and the like mischance happened lately to five workmen, though skilful in the ways. These Mines of Friburg were first found in the year 1180, yielding to this day rich veins of silver. There be other Mines of silver near these since that time discovered, namely at Schaneberg, found in the year 1470, at Anneberg. found 1510, in joachimus valley, found 1526. For this Elector of Saxony hath many Mines of silver, which lest any should think to belong of right to the Emperor, it must be observed that the Prince's Electors have Regal power under the Emperor, granted by privilege in the Laws of the golden Bulla, by which they have right to all Mines found in their own Territories.  
After I had seen the Elector Christianus his funeral at Eriburg, (the ceremonies whereof shall be described in the proper place,) I returned to Dresden in a Coach hired as above said, & so from Dresden to Mizzen; but from Mizzen I returned not to Torge, but took another way to Leipzig, being ten miles, which we went in one day, four miles to Owsen, three to Wortson, where we dined, and thence three miles to Leipzig, all through plain and fruitful corn fields. I spent this winter at Leipzig, that I might there learn to speak the Dutch tongue (the Grammar whereof I had read at Witteberg,) because the Mizzen speech was held the purest of all other parts in Germany. here each Student useth to bay for his diet a Gulden weekly, besides beer, for which every man pays according to his drinking; some less, some more, most beyond measure. For the Citizens have no beer in their houses but one kind, which is very small, and buy the better kinds (as that of Torge, which the richer sort usually drink) from a public house; where it is sold by small measures, to the profit of the Senate. Besides, the Scholars pay severally for their bed and chamber. Myself lodged with a rich Citizen, and for diet, bed, and chamber, paid weekly a Doller and a half.   

CHAP. II. Of my journey from Leipzig to Prage (in Bohemia) to Nurnberg, Augspurg, Ulm, Lyndaw, Costnetz (in Germany) Scaphusen, Zurech, Baden, and Bazell (in Sweitzerland.)  
BEing to take my journey to Prage, in the end of the year 1591., (after the English account, who begin the year upon the twenty five of March,) I returned again to Dresden; from whence I wrote this Letter concerning my journey, to a friend lying at Leipzig.  
Honest M. Know that after I parted from you at Torg, by good hap, and beside my expectation, I light upon a Coach going to Dresden, with which good hap, while I was affected, and hasted to hire a place therein, I had forgot to pay for my Coach for the day before. But when we were ready to go, remembering my error, and entreating my consorts to stay a while for me, I ran back to the Inn, as speedily as the Parasite Curculio in Plautus; and finding not the Coachman there, I gave the money to the servant of the house before witnesses, and so returned to the Coach all sweeting with haste. There I found that dunghill rascal the Coachman, having my gown on his back. I laid hold of the garment, as if I knew it, and he held it as fast, as a pledge for his money. I being enraged that he should use me so, when I had dealt honestly with him, drew my sword, and making known that I had paid the money, bade him lay down the gown upon his peril. I had almost drawn a rabble of Coachmen on my back, but they forbore me in this heat, for you know they are not apt to quarrel in the morning; but if I had thus provoked them in the afternoon, being warmed with drink, sure they would have run upon me, though they had been naked. Will you know the companions of my journey? I was alone among a Coach full of women, and those of the Electors Duchess Chamber for sooth, which you would have said to have been of the black guard. It was a Comedy for me to hear their discourse; now declaiming against Caluenists, now brawling together, now mutually with tears bewailing their hard fortunes: and they fell into all these changes, while the wind blew from one and the same quarter. Is anything lighter than a woman? and lest the flock of geese should want matter, sometimes they charged me to be a Caluenist, sometimes a jew; & I answered merrily, that if any of them were but a Consul's wife, I would satisfy them for my religion. At eight a clock in the night, the horses being spent, myself wearied, and only their tongues untired, we came to a Village called Derwaldhan, where we should lodge. We entered a kind of Barn, myself not without sighs. Lipsius should here have had no cause to complain of stinking beer, brown bread, and often shaking hands. No man returned salutation to us: the women my companions, drew out victuals they had brought to eat, I being fasting to that hour, with great fear and trembling of heart, expected that at least they would give me some raw bacon, or dried puddings. But they thought nothing less. At last I desired an egg or two for my supper. The servant answered that the old woman was in bed, and that he knew not the mystery, whether any eggs were in the house or no. If the Comical Poets Saturio had been here he would have fallen into a sound. To be brief, the women took compassion on me, and I without blushing was content to eat of free cost, and made them know that I was no jew, for I made no religion to eat what was before me.  
The next morning before the day-star arose, I was walking in a meadow, what do you bless yourself with a cross? Sure I am no less sleepy than I was, but he is soon appareled that hath a dog's bed in straw: yet this straw was clean, which is no small favour, and when I gave the servant a Mizzen groshe for his pains, he was astonished, as if he had never seen a whole groshe before, so as he forgot to thank me, only showing it to the standers by, as if I had deserved another burden of fresh straw. The Women, Virgins, Men and Maids, servants, all of us lay in one room, and myself was lodged furthest from the stove, which they did not for any favour, though contrary to their opinion I was glad of it, delighting more in sweet air, than the smoke of a dunghill. My companions laughed at me for babbling dutch in my sleep: surely reason commanding me waking, had not power over me in sleep, to hinder me from revolving the pleasant passages of the day past. On Saturday the same day I came to Dresden, from whence five passengers were newly gone for Prage in a Coach, but after three days expectation I have found new consorts, & to morrow being Wednesday, and the eight of March, I begin my journey to Bohemia. While I despaired of consorts, I was determined to go in a boat'vpon the Ell, and had now bought clean straw, in which I meant to triumph alone, when by good hap, turning from the river to the Inn, I light upon this commodity of a Coach, which hath freed me from the annoyance of the water and Mariners. Embrace in my name our common friend G. B. and of my loving hosts family, let not a whelp go unsaluted. Farewell honest M. and return me love for love: from Dresden the seventh of March, 1591.  
Myself and four consorts hired a Coach for 14. collars from Dresden to Prage. The first day we went three miles to Gottleben a Village, where we paid five Bohemian groshe, that is six white groshe each man for his dinner. Half the way was on the West side of the River Elue, in a fertile plain, than we passed the Ell, and traveled through mountains, yet fertile, and a baggy wood. After dinner we went two miles, to a Village, where we lodged, through stony mountains without any wood, and in the mid way there was a wooden pillar, which divided the territory of the Saxon Elector from the kingdom of Bohemis.  
The second day we went two miles through stony Mountains, bearing not one tree, to Ansig a little City, where we paid for our breakfast four Bohemian groshes. The same day we passed three miles in a strait between rocks, lying upon the Ell, & two short miles through fruitful corn fields, to Wedin lying upon the river Aegra, which runs a little below into the Ell, but was here at this time so deep, by a flood or melting of snow, as our Coach in coming to the bridge of Wedin by the bank side, took water. The third day we passed a miles to a village called Welber or Welberg, through fruitful hills of corn without any wood, & there each man paid 5 Bohemian grosh for his dinner.  
In the afternoon we went three miles, for the most part through fruitful hills of come, the rest through Rocks and Mountains planted with Vines, and so came to Prage, through which the River Molda runneth, but is not navigable. On the West side of Molda is the emperors Castle, seated on a most high Mountain, in the fall 
Prage.  whereof is the Suburb called Kleinseit, or little side. From this Suburb to go into the City, a long stone bridge is to be passed over Molda, which runs from the South to the North, and divides the suburb from the City, to which as you go, on the left side is a little City of the jews, compassed with walls, and before your eyes towards the East, is the City called new Prage, both which Cities are compassed about with a third, called old Prage. So as Prage consists of three Cities, all compassed with walls, yet is nothing less than strong, and except the stinch of the streets drive back the Turks, or they meet them in open field, there is small hope in the fortifications thereof. The streets are filthy, there be divers large market places, the building of some houses is of free stone, but the most part are of timber and clay, and are built with little beauty or Art, the walls being all of whole trees as they come out of the wood, the which with the bark are laid so rudely, as they may on both sides be seen. Molda in the winter useth to be so frozen, as it beareth carts, and the ice thereof being cut in great pieces, is laid up in cellars for the Emperor and Princes to mingle with their wine in summer, which me thinks can neither be savoury, nor healthful, since neither the heat of the clime, nor the strength of the Bohemian wines (being small and sharp) require any such cooling. One thing they boast to be proper to that kingdom, that the Ell, Aegra, Molda, and all other Rivers watering Bohemia, have their spring heads in the same.  
In public Inns they demand some six Bohemian grosh for a meal, yet do they not commonly give meals at an ordinary rate, as they do through all Germany; but what meat you require, that they dress, and the servant buying all things out of doors (after the manner of Poland) maketh a reckoning of the expenses. Myself had my diet with a Citizen very conveniently for a dolor and a half weekly. I did here eat English Oysters pickled, and a young Bohemian coming in by chance, and tasting them, but not knowing the price, desired the Merchant to give him a dish at his charge, which contained some twenty Oysters, and finding them very savoury, he called for five dishes one after another, for which the Merchant demanded and had of him five collars, the dearness no less displeasing his mind, than the meat had pleased his taste.  
As you pass over Molda from the Suburb Kleinseit, into the City; there is a hand of stone as it were cut off, upon the gate of the City; signifying to strangers, that whosoever draws a sword there, or upon the bridge; looseth his hand; and the like hand there is to the same purpose, on the Senate house in the town. The Emperor hath two enclosures walled about, which they call Gardaines, one of which is called Stella, because the trees are planted in the figure of stars, and a little fair house therein is likewise built, with six corners in form of a star. And in this place he kept 12-Cammels, an Indian Ox, yellow, all over rugged, and hairy upon the throat, like a Lion; and an Indian Calf, and two Leopards, which were said to be tame, if such wild beasts may be tamed. They were of a yellow colour spotted with black, the head partly like a Lion, partly like a Cat, the tail like a Cat, the body like a Greyhound, and when the huntsman went abroad, at call they leapt up behind him, sitting upon the horse like a dog on the hinder parts, being so swift in running, as they would easily kill a Hart. I remember that a gentleman of Hungary walking in the streets with me, and observing a picture on a wall of a Germane protecting an Hungarian from a Turk, with this inscription: Not for thy sake, but my own: took this occasion to complain much of the Emperor, and relate many things wherein his prodigality and other errors had overthrown Hungary, and had done nothing less than ease their afflicted fortunes. In the Church Emaus, this inscription is graven;  
graven The tenor of King Alexander the Great, his &c.  
We Alexander the Great of King Philip the founder of the Grecian Empire, Conqueror of the Persians, Meades, etc. And of the whole World, from the East to West, from North to South, son of great jupiter, by etc. so called. To you the noble stock of the slavonians, and to your language, because you have been to me helpers, true in faith, and valiant in war, I confirm all this tract from the North to the South parts of Italy, from me and my successors to you and your posterity. If any other Nation be found there, let them be your slaves. Dated in our City of Alexandria, newly founded by us upon the great River of Nilus: the twelfth of the Goddess Minerva: witnesses are Aethra, and the II. Princes, whom we appoint successors to us dying without heir.  
Also there were these verses, showing by numeral letters the antiquity of Prage University, from the year 867. though the Colleges there about ruined, scarce show any shadow of this University.  

HaeC sChoLm qVo SLV I Das unno est erecta sub auras,  
Ostenait rVbrae LItera picta notae.  
The numeral great letters show the year,  
This universal School was founded here.   
In the Church of the emperors Castle, these things are to be seen. A fair Chapel named after the emperors sister, married to the French King, and crowned Queen of the French Another Chapel belonging to the Barons, called Popelij (the greatest family of the Kingdom, next to the Baron of Rosenberg) which Chapel is proper to them for burial, and is dedicated to St Andrew the Apostle. In the emperors Church is a Monument of Rodolphus the second, then living Emperor, built of white marble, and compassed with grates of iron. In the same place lie buried Charles the fourth in the year 1378. Wenceslaus in the year 1419. Ladislaus in the year 1459. Ferdinand the fourth, in the year 1564. Maxmilian the second, in the year 1577. (all being Archdukes of Austria, and Emperors) and George Pogiebrachius a Bohemian, and King of Bohemia. To all these is one Monument erected, and that of small beauty: In the same Church is the Monument of a Bishop, who being the Queen's Confessor, was cast into Molda because he would not reveal her confession to her husband Wenceslaus. They do so reverence the Monument of this Bishop (since made a Saint by the Pope) as they think he shall die with shame, that passeth by it without reverence. In Old Prage towards the South, and upon the East side of Molda, there is an old Palace, where they show a trap-door, by which the Queen was wont to slide down into a Bath, where she used to satisfy her unlawful lust. In the same place is graven the leap of a horse, no less wonderful than Byards fabulous leap. The House of Kelley a famous English Alchemist, was of old a Sanctuary, and built for an order of Friars, upon the gate whereof these verses are written,  

Has aedes veterum favour & clementia Regum,  
Omnibus exemptas Legibus esse dedit:  
Audeat ergò jugum nemo his servile minari,  
Quos hic cum Vrabsky curate alitque Deus.  
This house through old King's Clemency  
Free from all Laws no threats respects;  
Dare not fright them with slavery,  
Whom under God Vrabsky protects.   
In the Senate house the City Arms are painted, being a Castle with three Towers over, and two Lions argent Langed gules, are the supporters, and these Verses are written upon the Arms;  

Qui dedit haec veteri turrita insignia Pragae,  
Omina venturae sortis amica dedit.  
Mole sua ut celsae transcendunt moenia Turres,  
Sic famum superas inclita Praga tuam.  
Who so these towered Arms to old Prage gave,  
Gave lucky signs of future happiness;  
For as the Towers o'er top the walls most brave,  
So Prage thou dost surpass thy fame no less.   
Not far from Prage they say, that the Crown of the Kingdom is laid up, in Karlsteine Castle. At Prage in Bethlem Church, they show a Pulpit in which john Hus used to preach at the first reformation of Religion. I lived at Prage some two months, and being to depart from thence, I would have gone to Vienna (the famous Fort against the Turks) but my desire to see Nurnberg and Augspurg so prevailed, as I left that journey, which by chance happened better than I imagined, for being called back into the Low Countries (as hereafter I shall relate), I passed thence through Poland into Italy, because France was shut up by the civil wars, and I ever shunned to go twice one way, and so had the opportunity (more fit than the former) to see Vienna. Now for their sakes who may pass from Prage to Vienna, give me leave to remember, that in this way their is a Village called Chassel, some nine miles from Prage, where the famous Captain of the Bohemians, called Ziska, lies buried, who did lead the Hussites valiantly, and being ready to die, wished them to make a Drum of his skin, ominating that the sound thereof would be so terrible to the enemies, as they would run away, (such confidence had be in Arms, as being dead he thought to terrify his enemies.)  
In the beginning of the year, 1592. I took my journey from Prage to Nurnberg, 
1592.  being six days journey. The first day after dinner, we went four miles, partly through rocky Mountains, partly through a fruitful corn plain, and lodged at Berawn, where a loaf of bread, worth two third parts of a Creitzer, was as big as a threepenny loaf in England; by reason of the abundance of corn in that Country. And here each man paid for his supper fourteen Creitzers. This City belongs to the family of the Poples. The second day we went four miles to Zudermont, all through Mountains and Groves, and two great Woods, yet reasonably fruitful in Corn, and by the way we saw the City Bodily, and the City Spill, the fairest of that Kingdom next to Prage, both belonging to the Emperor, and two Castles; belonging to the Barons Popeles: and here each man dined for sixteen Creitzers. After dinner we went two miles to Pilsen, half the way through Woods, where is a little City Ruchtsan, and half through Hills and Plains fruitful in Corn, (almost the whole Country of Bohemta being hilly, and rich ground for Pasture and Corn) and here we supped each man for twenty three Creitzers. The third day we went three miles to Kladen, through pleasant Hills of Groves, pasture and corn, where each man dined for eighteen Creitzers. After dinner we went three miles to Frawenberg, through high Mountains and great Woods, having no great store of corn; in all which territory, the Cities and Villages acknowledge the Emperor for their supreme Lord, as he is King of Bohemia. For this Kingdom is not divided (as others be) into Provinces and Countries, but into noblemen's Territories. Here we paid each man eight Creitzers for our supper, and twelve for wine.  
The fourth day we went a mile and a half to a little river, dividing Bohemia, or Boemerland from Germany, through rocky Mountains, and many Woods of tall Fir trees, fit to make Masts for Ships. Then we entered a Country belonging to that Elector Palatine of the Rhine, which Elector is called vulgarly the Phaltz-grave, and we came within half a mile to Weithawsan, where each man dined for eighteen Creitzers. After dinner we went two miles in the Phaltzgraves' Country, through woody Mountains, and one mile in the Landgrave of Leytenberg his Country, through fruitful corn fields, and lodged at Shenhutton, where each man paid six Creitzers for his supper, and thirteen for wine. For in these parts they drink no beer (as before) but wine, and that at a lower price) than other where, whether it be native or foreign: yet no man must wonder that we spent more in wine than meat, all my consorts being Dutchmen. The fifth day we went in the Phaltzgraves' Country, four miles to Amberg: through fruitful Hills of corn, and some few Woods, and this City belongs to the Phaltzgrave) being seated in the upper Palatinate. After dinner we went in the marquess of Anspach his Country, (who is also called the Burggave of Nurnberg) two miles to Hous-coate, a Village, where each man paid six Batzen for his supper. The sixth day we went three miles, passing by Erspruck, a City subject to the Nurnbergers, and many villages belonging to divets Lords, and a fort in the mid way called Schwang, belonging to seventy two Lords, and being then by course in the Phaltzgraves' keeping; for all these Lords keep the same by course for three years. The first and greater part of the way, was through fruitful Hills of corn, the rest through sandy pastures, and a Wood of a miles length. We dined at a poor Village, each man for six Batzen. After dinner we went two miles to Nurnberg, through sandy corn fields, and passed by many houses and gardens of the Citizens, whether they use to come out of the City, sometimes to recreate themselves. The Wood which we passed in the morning, lay on our left hand towards the South; as we entered the City on the east side, and not far from the City, turneth itself and runneth farther towards the South.  
The City of Nurnberg, seated in a barren sandy ground, yet is very rich by the 
Nurnberg.  Citizen's industry. For as commonly few be rich in a fertile Country, (either because having enough for food, they are given to idleness, or because abundance makes them prodigal,) so the Nurnbergers planted in a barren soil, by their subtle inventions of Manual works, and cunning Art, draw the riches of all Countries to them. The River Bengetts runs by the City, but is not Navigable, nor beareth any the least boats. This River runs from the East (where we entered the Town) towards the gate Lauff-thore, and so compasseth the suburbs towards the South, where dividing into two beds, it entereth the City, and coming out again at the West, washeth the City walls. On the East side, the Margraves of Brandeburg, besieged the City, at the command of Charles the fifth; therefore on this, and the South side, besides a dry ditch, and two stone walls compassing the whole City, divers Bulwarks are built upon the wall. On all sides as you come up to the City, the earth riseth, and almost at every gate there is a long suburb. Upon the walls there be many Towers, distant one from the other some 1000 ordinary walking paces, and the whole circuit of the City is less than a Germane mile. Among the said Towers, three are stronger than the rest, and furnished with Artillery. The first is on the East side near the gate Lauff-thore. The second is on the South side, under the gate Fraw-thore, (and on the same side is the gate Spittle-thore.) The third is on the North side under the gate New-thore, (and on the same side is another gate called Burk-thore.) There is a Castle called Burk, which by Nero the Emperor, was of his name called Noricum Castrum. It is certain, that this Castle stood in the time of Charles the Great; and the City being of itself not ancient, is thought to have had his name of this Castles old Latin name. On the West side is the gate Haller-thore, so called of him that caused it to be built; where is a pleasant walk, thick shadowed with trees, where the Citizens use to walk for pleasure.  
The City is absolute of itself, being one of the free Cities of the Empire, and me thinks the chief, or at least second to Augsburg: surely it may perhaps yield to Augsburg in treasure and riches of the City, but it must be preferred for the building, whichiss all of free stone six or seven roofs high: I speak of the whole City of Augsburg, for one street thereof is most beautiful, and some Palaces there are fit for Princes, of which kind Nurnberg hath none. The Tower which I said was of old called Noricum Castrum, hangs over the City, which being seated in a plain, hath no mounts near it, and is of a round form. The said Tower is compassed with a dry ditch very deep, upon the wall whereof they shaw a Spaniards blood there sprinkled, who undertook to betray the Castle to Charles the fifth: as also the print of a Horse's feet in memory of a wonderful leap from the Castle side to the other side of the bridge. The Senate House lies under the side of this Castle or Tower, as it were under the shield of ajax; and under the same house and under the earth be the public prisons. The Armoury is built on the South side of the Town, and is opened to no man without consent of the Senate, (which in all other Cities of Germany is readily showed to strangers.) And in that Armoury by the Citizen's report they have 400. great pieces of Artillery, with great store of all Munitions. The City hath also a Granary, which is so large, as divers years provision for corn may be laid up therein. It hath teri Churches, whereof only four are used for prayers and preaching; and in one of them lies buried Zebalemus-King of Denmark, who first converted the City to Christian Religion. near the Church of Saint Laurence is the golden fountain, so called of the beauty and magnificence, and it distils water out of twenty leaden pipes. near the Church called Frawenkirk, is another fair Fountain guilded over, and compassed with an iron grate. It is unlawful to walk in the night without a torch, or a candle and lantern. In the Inns they give no beer at the table, but divers kinds of wine, and a large diet, if not delicate: for which every man payeth six batzen a meal, and beside for his chamber or lodging (which he may have private to himself) three creitzers by the day. In the alms-houses, out of gifts by the last testament of those that die, they maintain great numbers of poor people, and in one of them twelve old men apart, and in another twelve old men, and as many old women.  
Whilst I lived at Prage, and one night had set up very late drinking at a feast, early in the morning the Sun beams glancing on my face, as I lay in bed, I dreamt that a shadow passing by, told me that my father was dead, at which awaking all in a sweat, and affected with this dream, I rose and wrote the day and hour, and all circumstances thereof in a paper book, which Book with many other things I put into a barrel, and sent it from Prage to Stood, thence to be conveyed into England. And now being at Nurnberg, a Merchant of a noble family, well acquainted with me and my friends, arrived there, who told me that my Father died some two months past, I list not write any lies, but that which I write is as true as strange. When I returned into England some four years after, I would not open the barrel I sent from Prage, nor look on the paper Book in which I had written this dream, till I had called my sisters and some friends to be witnesses, where myself and they were astonished to see my written dream answer the very day of my Father's death.  
I may lawfully swear, that which my kinsmen have heard witnessed by my brother Henry whilst he lived, that in my youth at Cambridge I had the like dream of my Mother's death, where my brother Henry lying with me, early in the morning I dreamt that my mother passed by with a sad countenance, and told me that she could not come to my commencement; I being within five months to proceed Master of Arts, and she having promised at that time to come to Cambridge: And when I related this dream to my brother, both of us awaking together in a sweat, he protested to me that he had dreamt the very same, and when we had not the least knowledge of our Mother's sickness, neither in our youthful affections were any whit affected with the strangeness of this dream, yet the next Carrier brought us word of our mother's death.  
Being (as I have said) certified of my Father's death at Nurnberg, and thinking not fit to go on my journey into Italy, and yet being loath to return into England, before I had finished my purposed voyage, I took the middle counsel, to return into the Low Countries, that in those near places I might dispose of my small patrimony (for in England gentlemen give their younger sons less, then in foreign parts they give to their bastards) and so might leave the same in the hands of some trusty friend. Yet lest I should lose the opportunity of seeing Augsburg, meaning to return some other way into Italy, I resolved to go from hence to Augsburg, and then to cross over the West parts of Germany; and so to pass along the River Rhein into the Low Countries.  
To Augsburg (being two days journey and a half) I hired of the City Carrier (in whose company I went) an Horse for two Dollars, as I remember. The Merchants of Nurnberg and Augsburg; give pensions to eight of these Carriers, daily passing between those Cities, besides the profit they make of letters, and other things they carry by horse. The first day after breakfast, we road one mile in a thick wood, and another mile through sandy corn fields, somewhat woody, both in the territory of the Nurnbergers, and four miles more in the territory of the Margrave of Anspach, to Blinfield, where each man paid for his supper and horse meat six batzen. The second day we road four miles to Monheime through a wood of juniper, full of black berries and barberies, at the end whereof was a free City called Wassenberge, and after through fruitful hills and valleys of corn, all the territory, excepting the free City, belonging to the Marshal of the Emperor (not of the Empire): when we came almost to our journeys end, the Carrier had a guide given him, according to custom, for thieves using to lie by that way. Monheime belongs to the Phaltz-grave of Newburg, being of the family of the Phaltzgraves of Rhein, and there we paid each man for his dinner and horse-meat thirty four creitzers, which make eight batzen and a half, and there we tasted juniper wine, which I never remember to have tasted else where. After dinner we road two miles and a half through fruitful hills of corn, and a small wood of Okes (though all the woods of upper Germany be commonly of fir, bearing green leaves all winter, as those of inferior Germany towards Denmark, be all of Okes.) By the way we passed a Monastery granted to the Phaltzgrave of Rhein by the Emperor, and a free City of the Empire, called Donaward, of the two Rivers Danow & Werd, meeting there, and there we passed by bridge the Danow, running by the City. Then we road to Weschendorff two miles and a half more, through fruitful fields of corn & pastures, the Country belonging to the Fugares (Citizens of Augsburg) & to divers other Lords. The Castle of this place belongs to the said Fugares, who are rich & famous for their treasure; & though they have princely revenues, & the title of barons, yet still are merchants: here each man paid for his supper & horse-meat 8. batzen & a half.  
The third day in the morning we road three miles to Augsburg, through a fruitful 
Augsburg.  plain of corn; without the walls whereof on the East and North, and some part of the South sides, the fields are drowned with waters, and men pass to the City by causies, for on these sides the ground lieth low: but on the West side is all the beauty of the City, where the houses are seated upon a hill, and there is a place for the Merchants to meet, called the Berle, and likewise the Senate house in the street Weingasse, so called of the Wine cellars. There also be many Palaces stately built, of the Fugares and other Citizens: all the building is of free stone six or seven roofs high; but in other parts it is more poorly built of timber and clay. On this West part of the City is the Gate called Kuknerthore, and the ditches are dry, as they be round about the City; the walls are of stone, which being on all other sides narrow, are on this side broad: for upon the walls of this side there be little houses built for five hundred Garrison Soldiers to dwell in, with their wives and families: which place is vulgarly called Die schwang. Here the Soldiers keep watch each three days by turn, & each of them have for pay six guldens by the month, and there is a market place, whether the Soldiers upon any difference use to challenge each other. On this West side is another gate vulgarly called Der Einlasse, by which passengers are received into the City by night, when the gates are shut; and this their entrance is so curiously admitted, as many strangers desirous to see the fashion, suffer themselves of purpose to be locked out at night, and willingly give a reward to the soldiers letting them in: when they receive in those that are shut out, divers gates are opened; and no man being seen to open them, are presently shut on the back of them that come in: then they being thus shut as it were in a prison, a box is put down to them in which they cast a reward; which done, the Watchmen out of win dove's behold each man that is to enter, and so being safe from all treason, let them pass by the last gate into the City. On the South side there be two gates, Roatthore and Smitbogenthore; on the East side the gate jacoberthore, and a little gate called Holeblatten-thorelin. On the East side the River Werda & the Brook Lecca running towards the North in three arms, divide the City, and the Suburbs on that side are more strongly fortified then other where. The City joined with the Suburbs is of a round form; and in the Suburbs on this side, the Fugares have built many houses to be let for a gulden yearly to the poor that are Papists. On the North side the walls are higher built, and the ditches are deep filled with water, and there be four other gates: this side of the City lying lowest, the fields without are (as I said) all drowned with water. Here each man paid for each meal six or seven Batzen: I paid for two meals and my horse meat twenty three Batzen. This City hath a very fair conduit called the Stately Workmanship, vulgarly Statlich Kunst, and the fountain of the water is ten miles from the City. There be ten very fair Churches. In the Cathedral Church it is written in golden letters, that the bowels of Otho the Emperor are buried there. Also there is a curious picture of Christ praying in the garden, whilst his Disciples slept; and upon a very fair Clock are three statues of the three Kings of Colen, (so they call the Wise Men of the East) and these carried about by a circle of iron, worship Christ when the Clock strikes. In the Senate House (where the imperial Parliaments vulgarly called Reichs-tagen have often been held) I found nothing to answer the magnificence of this City; only on the gates this is written: Wise men build upon the Rock, Fools upon the Sand: (for I said this part of the City on the West side was built upon a stony hill.) In the Jesuits Church the Altar is of silver gilded over, and another Altar of Christ's Nativity is curiously painted like the barks of trees. Augsburg (called of the Vandals, for distinction from Augsburg Rauracorum in Sweitzerland,) is divided from the Vandals by the Brook Lycus, and being of old a City of Rhetia, now is reckoned the metropolitan City of Suenia, vulgarly Schwaben, & is said said to have been built by the son of japhet, six hundred years before Rome was builded. Of old they had a yearly feast to Ceres, and now upon the same day they have a Fair: and for the fruitfulness of the soil, the City gives a sheave of corn for their Arms. This City was utterly destroyed by Attila, King of the Huns, and when he was dead, was rebuilt again. It is a free City of the Empire, (which are vulgarly called Retchs-statt,) and as other free Cities, it is governed by Senators. There be many Alms houses for the poor, and one, wherein four hundredth are nourished, by rents of land and houses, given to that house of old by good men. The City is seated upon the Northern mouth of the Alps, in a fruitful plain of corn and pastures, and Hills full of game for hunting, and it may be gathered how populous it is, by that a Germane Author writes, that in a year when no plague reigned, 1705 were baptised, and 1227 buried.  
Being constant in my purpose taken at Nurnberg, to go from Auspurge, to the West parts of Germany, and so into the Low-countries; yet I will remember the Reader, that he shall find the journey from Augspurg to Venice, described in my voyage from Stood to Venice, and thence to Jerusalem. From Augspurg I road to ulme, and thence to Lindawe, and all the way hired my horse for six or seven Batzen a day, paying for the days in which my horse returned, and hiring footmen to bring them back, and bearing their charges. The first day I road four miles thorough the territory of the Fugars, and the Bishop of Tilleng, and one mile in the territory of the Archduke of Austria, of the house of Inspruch, in a mountainous Country full of Woods, of juniper, Ashes, Oaks, and Beaches, to Burg; where each man paid for his dinner and horsemeat, eight Batzen.  
In the afternoon I road four miles to ulme, through a fruitful plain of corn. Entering the City, we passed by a Bridge, the River Danow, which (though running in 
Vlme.  a plain) yet hath a most violent course, so as boats carried down the stream, use to be sold at the place wherethey land, it being very difficult to bring them back again; yet some Barks of burden are sometimes drawn back, by the force of horses. Myself have seen ten horses drawing one Bark, but they use a greater number, according to occasion, some thirty or more, as they report; and he that rides on the horse nearest the Bark, is called Wage-halse, that is, Neck venturer, because hce and the horse are often drawn under the water, till the other horses draw them out again. This River hath four great water falls, whereof the greatest is at Struddle, eighteen miles from Vienna, which is hardly to be passed, except it be in a flood. And the multitude of Bridges are very dangerous for boats, by reason of the violent stream, and especially because the Mariners are many times drunken, or negligent. They use for a charm, to sprinkle their drawing horses with water, and use with continual loud cries to make them draw. This Navigation is very necessary that the lower Oestreich, being fertile, may supply the upper being barren, with wine and corn. Munster writeth of two falls of this River, one below Lintz, where the waters make a terrible noise, beating upon the rocky bed, the other at Grin, where the water makes a dangerous whirlpool of unsearchable depth. Vlme is seated in Schwaben or Suevia, as Augspurge is, and hath his name of Elm trees. Charles the Great built a Monastery in this Village, which in time grew to a City, and under the Emperor Fredrick the third, bought their freedom of the Monks. The building thereof is of wood and clay. The order of Knights called in Latin, Teutonicus, was in old time of great power, and hath yet a house in this City. It hath one stately Church, in the Yard whereof, the Mount Olivet is curiously engraven. It hath a fair Senate house, and the Armoury hath such store of Ordinance and all Munitions, as it yieldeth not therein to the proudest City in Germany. The writing Tables, made in this City, are famous for their goodness, and are thence carried into foreign parts. The diet of the Inns of this City (seated in a most fertile soil) is very plentiful, both in meats and banquets, where each man paid for his dinner, seven Batzen. In this Country they drink nothing but wine, (as they do in all upper Germany,) but it is sharp, and the Mass or measure is sold for three Batzen. When we were at dinner, a Tumbler came in, and being admitted to show his cunning, he stood upon his head and drank a measure of wine, which seemed strange to the beholders.  
After dinner, we road a mile in a pleasant valley upon the Danow, which we passed, and road two miles further in the like fertile plain, which is very large, and by all men much commended for the fruitful pastures thereof. And so we came to Baltring, subject to a little free City called Bubery, and here each man paid five Batzen for dinner, and three for horse-meat. Next morning, after a miles riding, we came to the City Bubery and road two miles further to Waldshut, through woody Mountains, and corn valleys, which were so boggey, as many times we had almost stuck fast. The Country belongs to the Archduke, of the family of Inspruck; and here we paid each man nine Batzen for dinner and horsemeat. After dinner we road two miles through a woody Country, to Ravenspurg, a free City, seated between Mountains, whereof one hangeth over it, and the River Ache runneth by it, in a narrow bed; so as the waters falling from the Mountains very swiftly, do many times overflow, to the great damage of the Country; and from the Mountains many wooden pipes convey water to the City. In these parts be many Alms houses, for those that are infected with Leprosy, who may not come near the Passengers, but do beg of them a far off, with the sound of a wooden clapper. here each man paid for his supper and horse-meat, twelve Batzen and a half. The first day of May, we road three miles, one through a Wood, the rest through a plain of corn and enclosed pastures, and Hills planted with Vines, to the City Lindaw. By the way we saw the house of Count Montfort, and passed the River Arba by a Bridge, which doth often overflow the plain, doing great hurt; and there we paid half a Creitzer tribute to the said Count, for each man. We were now come out of Suevia, and had rode two miles in Algoia, and on the left hand towards the South, we discovered the mouth of the Alps, which in this place is called Spliego.  
Lindaw is a free City of the Empire, which freedom it bought in the year 1166, and it is almost an I and, seated in the lake called Acronius (vulgarly Bodensea) being 
Lindaw.  joined to the continent by a Bridge of stone on the northeast side, where it hath only one gate, called Burg-thore, by which we entered. On this side, the fields are very pleasant, and planted with Vines, and near the Bridge there is a Rampire, so old, as they say, it was erected by the Heathen, before any Christians were. Hence the City lies in length towards the South West: partly on the West, and altogether on the South side lies the lake Bodensea, that is, upper sea, close by the houses of the Citizens, where they descend by stairs to take water. Beyond the lake are most high Mountains, which were then covered with snow, and at the foot of the highest Mountains, there is a Tower, which they report to be built by Hannibal, near which is the place, famous by the defeat of Hasdrubal. On this side the City, they show a stone, whence they say, the Saint called Aurelia, passed the lake (woe to them that believe) at one step. The River Bregets falleth most violently from the said Mountains, whence also the Rhine descendeth in a narrow bed, and may be passed with horse and foot when it overfloweth not. Both these run into the Lake, and the Rhine, till it come out of the Lake again, loseth the name. There is but one Church in the City, besides a ruined Monastery. The Citizens draw their water to seeth their meat, and mingle it with wine; not out of the Lake, but from Wels. Three Consuls chosen for life, and twenty Senators govern the City. Beyond the Lake in the Territory of the Arch Dukes of Austria, is a bath of great virtue, and a Monastery built by Otho the second, with great privileges, upon a vow he made, being in great danger, when he passed the Lake, and there murderers have a sanctuary. There is much salt made in the City, and carried thence to other parts. here I paid each meal six Batzen. They drink altogether wine, whereof the measure of the old is given for eleven Creitzers, the new for nine, (of which measures twenty make some twenty two English beer quarts. By ill fortune I was here forced to exhibit a Petition to the Consuls, both in the Dutch and Latin tongues, the event whereof I will set down after the Petition. The form whereof in English was this, after the Dutch fashion, ever tedious in their styles or titles.  
HOnourable, provident, good, wise, Lords and Consuls; I humbly desire you to respect my cause, as of a stranger far from his friends, and bereaved of his money by deceit. Thus my case standeth. Being at Nurnberg, and purposing thence to go to Bazell, there to study, I dealt with a Merchant, that he would exchange my money thither, retaining only so much as would plentifully serve me for my expenses thither. There I met with M. B. a Citizen of Lindaw, who told me that the gold gulden's of Rhine were not to be spent in these parts without loss. So as I finding him acknowledged by the Carriers of this City (then being there) and by many Nurnbergers, for the son of a Senator in this Town, was induced to deliver him some gold gulden's, to be paid me here in French Crowns, and we coming in company together to this Town, when I saw many principal Citizen's gratalate his return, I was induced to deliver him the rest of my gold gulden's, which I had kept for the expense of my journey, upon his promise to exchange them into French Crowns. So as in all he is to pay me thirty two French Crowns wanting six Creitzers, (for twenty seven of which French Crowns, and thirty six Creitzers, I took his bill at Nurnberg, but the rest I delivered him here upon his bare word.) here I expected his payment eight days, and when I was instant with him to put off the payment no longer, he is stolen out of the Town, and his brothers give me no hope of payment: being not so noble, as to ponder the case rightly, or to have any due fecling of my state. Being in this case, not able without money to go on my journey, or endure the delays of a suit in Law against him here; all my hope is in your just help, which failing me, I know not what course to take. Therefore I desire earnestly of your worthiness, to assist me, and give expedition to my cause, that I may be delivered by your goodness.  
My debtor, while he lived in the public Inn with me, used me with all courtesy; but finding himself disinherited by his father lately dead, and so despairing of means to pay me, he was now fled to the Monastery beyond the Lake, being a sanctuary for wicked-people and bankrupts. He that knows the honesty of the Dutch, will not much marvel that I was thus deceived by a Dutchman, whom I knew not to be tainted with foreign vices, but it grieved me to be thus-scorned by fortune, & it afflicted me beyond measure, that I should be forced to spend the time (dearer to me then gold) in following the Law at Lindaw, which I hoped to employ in my studies at Bazell. Therefore not to be wanting to myself, I hired a horse, and made this cozenage known to the archdukes officer, desiring him to exclude my debtor from the privilege of the Monastery. But this Dutch Gentleman, finding me to speak Latin readily, took me for some Schoolmaster, and despised both me and my cause: so as I returned to the City weary and sad, having obtained no favour. But a better star shined there on me, for the Consuls that day had determined in Court, that my debtors horses should be sought out, and delivered to me; and the Lawyers and clerk were so courteous to me, as neither they nor any other would take the least reward of me, though I pressed them to receive it. Then my debtor's brother being loath the horses should be carried away, paid me my money, and I gladly took my journey thence towads Bazel. This integrity of the Dutch Magistrates, (which especially in the Cities of the reformed Religion, having found by many testimonies, I cannot sufficiently commend) and courtesy of the Dutch towards strangers, I have thought good in this place thankfully to acknowledge.  
Upon the Lake Acrontiis, vulgarly Bodensea, that is upper sea, I passed by boat four miles to Costnetz, and paid for my passage three Batzen. Between this upper sea and the lower sea, vulgarly Vnden-sea: this City Costnetz lieth on the bank 
Costnets.  lengthwise, and is subject to Ferdinand of Inspruch, Archduke of Austria, whose base son hath also the Bishopric of that City, which is famous by a Council held there, whither john Hus was called, with the emperors safe conduct, in the year 1414, yet was there condemned of Heresy, and burned. On the West side of the City; within the walls, in the Monastery called Barfussen Cloister, is the Tower wherein he was imprisoned; and without the walls on the left hand, as you goeout, is a fair meadow, and therein a stone upon the highway, to which he was bound, being burnt the same year 1414, in the Month of july. Where also his fellow jerom of Prage was burnt in September, the year following, both their ashes being cast into the Lake, lest the Bohemians should carry them away. The Senate-house in which this Council was held, is of no beauty. When the Emperor Charles the fifth, besieged this City, it was yielded to the hands of Ferdinand King of Bohemia, and brother to Charles, who made the Citizen's peace for them. here each man paid eight Batzen a meal, and for wine between meals, eight creitzers the measure.  
Hence I went by boat, two miles to Styga, and paid for my passage two Batzen. We took boat at the end of the Lake close by the City; where the Rhine coming again out of the Lake, and taking his name therein lost, doth run in all narrow bed; and when we had gone by water some hour and a half, we entered the lower Lake, called Vnden-sea. near Costnetz is an Island called little Meinow, and in this lower lake is another Island called Reichnow, of the riches, the Monastery thereof having of old so much lands, as the Monks being sent to Rome, used to lodge every night in their own possessions. This Island is said to bear nothing that hath poison, so as any such beast dieth presently in it: and in the Monastery are some relics of Saint Mark, for which (as they say) the Venetians have offered much money. Writers report that of old, a Monk thereof climbing up a ladder, to look into a huge vessel of wine, and being overcome with the vapour, fell into the same, with a great bunch of keys in his hand, and that shortly after this wine was so famous, as Princes and Nobles, and many sickly persons usually sent for the same; the cause of the goodness being not known to proceed of the putrefied flesh, till the vessel being empty, the keys and the friars bones were found therein; the Monks till then thinking that their fellow had secretly gone to some other Monastery of that Order: yet the Dutch in my company reported, that this happened in a Monastery not far off, called Salmanschwell. By the way was a stately Palace belonging to the Fugares of Augsburg. On the eastside, out of the walls of Styga, lie woody fields, on the Westside the Island Horue; and pleasant Hills full of vines and corn. In this City, the Bishop of Costnetz hath his Palace, who is Lord of the two islands, Meinow, and Reichnow, and hath very large possessions in these parts, mingled with the territories of other Lords. And this City is upon the confines of Germany and Sweitzerland.  
Hence I passed by boat two miles to Schaffhausen, and paid for my passage two 
Schaffhausen.  Batzen. The swistnes of the Rhine made the miles seem short, and this river again loseth his name in the said lower Lake, and when it comes (or rather violently breaks) out of it, then resumes it again. This City is one of the confederate Cantons of Sweitzerland. Not far from this City, on the South side in the river Rhine, is a great fall of the waters over a rock some fifty cubits downward, passing with huge noise and ending all in foam. And for this cause the Barks are forced to unlade here, and to carry their goods by carts to the City, and from the City to embark them again, which yieldeth great profit to the City, by taxations imposed on the goods, which must necessarily be landed there. On both sides the river, as we came to this City, are pleasant hills planted with vines, & fair pastures with sweet groves. The City is round in form, and is washed with the Rhine on the South side; and upon the bank of the river within the Town, is a pleasant green, where the Citizens meet to exercise the shooting of the arqebus and crossbow, where also is a Lynden or Teyle tree, giving so large a shade, as upon the top it hath a kind of chamber, boarded on the floor, with windows on the sides, and a cock, which being turned, water falls into a vessel through divers pipes, by which it is conveyed thither for washing of glasses and other uses: and here the Citizens use to drink and feast together, there being six tables for that purpose. On the same South side is a Monastery, with walls and gates like a little City. It hath the name of 〈◊〉 that is a sheep, or Schiff, that is a ship, and Hausse, that is a house, as of a fold for 〈◊〉, or road for ships. Here I paid for each meal six batzen. For the better understanding of my journey from Schafhusen to Zurech, I will prefix a letter which I wrote to that purpose from Bazel.  

To the Right Worshipful Master Doctor john Vlmer.  
IN those few hours I stayed at Schafhusen, you have made me your Servant for ever. I remember the hours of our conversation, which for the sweetness thereof seemed minutes to me: I remember the good offices you did towards me a stranger, with gentleness, if not proper to yourself, yet proper to your Dutch Nation. Now as soon as I had pitched my tents at Bazell, (for me thinks I am one of the Nomads, every day changing my dwelling,) I thought fit to give you account of my journey, whereof I am sure you desire to know the success. I will ever be ruled in doubtful cases by the counsel of so wise and so good a friend as yourself: but you shall never more persuade me to take a journey on foot, which I find unprofitable for my health & purse. The other day after dinner by your advice, I took my journey on foot, & with more sighs than paces, came in four hours with much pain to the little City Eglisaw, and coming to the Inn, they offered me meat, but I did nothing but so cry out for my bed, as you would have said I was the eldest son of sloth. To be brief, they being slow to satisfy my desire, I flung myself on the feather bed without sheets, and so at ease supped on the old fashion with the cloth spread on the bed: you gave me a pleasant companion to guide me the way, who made it seem shorter with his good discourse, and was very diligent to serve my occasions: next morning early by twilight, we began our journey, having the gates opened for a little reward. You may think that I was fresh after my night's rest for a new journey, but I rose early only to be out of my pain. By nine of the clock in the morning we came to the fair City Zurech, which seemed fairer to me at the end of my tedious walk: presently I ran into my chamber, and with like importunity as before, obtained my bed to be made: the Mercury you gave to guide me, brought me meat plentifully, and there we dined together; then because he was to return to Schafhusen that night, I gave him a Gulden for his pains, besides paying his charges, and fifteen Creitzers of free gift. Each of us went to our task, he (as I thought) to go, I to sleep. Since I have begun, I will tell you Historically all circumstances, so you promise me not to reprove him, but rather to salute and thank him in my name, which if you refuse, I conjure you on all love to read no further. After four hours behold this honest man, with a garland of roses on his head, a glass and pot in his hands, and well armed with drink, entered my chamber; I being half asleep wiped my eyes, as if I had seen a vision, till he drinking to me, and importuning me to pledge him, made me know it was no apparition: we drunk a whole hour together, then in good earnest he went away, and did nothing (to my knowledge) more wisely, then that being drunken, he left his reckoning of forty eight Creitzers to be paid by me, who was sober. Neither Ceres nor Bacchia could for twenty hours draw me from bed, but the next morning I delivered your betters to Master Doctor S. who used me very courteously, and presented me with a Book he had lately printed. So this Comedy is ended, only I will add the Epilogue. Here at Bazell I can get for no money the Book of Semlerus de Repub. Heluetica, which you commended unto me: at last I found it in a friends study, who esteemed it as the apple of his eye, yet I so prevailed with him, as he let me have it, upon my faithful promise; that because I meant to blot the same with notes, I should procure him a new Book; wherein if you do not disengage me by sending the same unto me, I shall forfeit the small credit of a stranger. Farewell good Sir, and I pray you let us not suffer this spark of our love to go out, but rather with often writing, let us set all the coal on fire. Again farewell: from Bazell the 24. day of May 1902.  
From Schafhusen I took my journey on foot (as is above written) and went half a mile in the territory of that City, and a mile and a half in the territory of the Count of 〈◊〉 Sweitzer, the lands of Zurech lying on the South side from us; and so we passed through Mountains yielding corn, and planted with vines, and through woods, pastures, and a large valley of corn, and in four hours space (for the miles of Sweitzerland are so long, as they reckon the journeys of horse or foot by the hours, and not by the miles) came to Eglisaw, and entering the same, passed the River Rhine by a Bridge, where I paid two creitzers for tribute, and there I supped for five Batzen.  
The next morning I went two miles on foot in six hours space to Zurech, through 
Zurech.  a long wood, and hills of corn (which they say are often blasted with hail) and through woody Mountains, and hills of enclosed pastures, with store of Vines planted near the City, which is one of the Cantons of Sweitzerland, having on the West side the Lake called Zurechsea, and the Brook Limachus, having his head eight miles further on the same side, ruuneth into this lake, and after coming out, divideth the City into two parts, called the greater and the less City, having three bridges for passage, the greater where of the Merchants use for their meetings. The foresaid Lake is three miles long, and hath on each side pleasant hills planted with Vines. The foresaid Brook near the City beareth only small boats, and is all taken up with water mills, but above towards the Alps is deeper, and below near Baden runneth into the Rhine. The streets of Zurech are narrow, and the Houses builded of timber and clay, and the City itself is seated upon and between hills, which on the East side of the Brook grow higher from it. On the Northwest side is a pleasant Mountain, and a fair meadow for shooting with guns, and other exercises, wherein is a fair Lynden or teyle tree, yielding large and sweet shadow, where the Citizens meet to recreate themselves, and to feast together. The Arms of the City are a Man and Woman, called Falix & Regula: without the City on the South, is the foresaid Lake, and beyond it the Alps covered with snow. On the West side is a plain, and the Mountains far off, but on the North and East sides the Mountains lie near. The Citizens have a custom that when they go forth against the enemy, they place the Ministers or Pastors in the front, or where they may partake the danger, and there is a place two miles from the City towards Lucerna, where Zwinglius a famous Preacher and reformer of Religion was killed in the field. Here I paid each meal six batzen.  
I road three miles to Baden in three hours, and so hired my Horse as besides the price of six or seven batzen the day, I paid as much for the days in which he returned, 
Baden.  and also paid the hire and charges of one to bring him back. Most part of our way was in the territory of Zurech, through hills of corn and vines, and a plain of enclosed pastures. Entering the City we passed the brook Limachus by a bridge: the Suburbs are built upon the ascent of a Mountain, and the City on the top of it, where there is a Castle upon a Rock, of old very strong, but now ruinated: on the North side descending into a valley by the brook on the right hand, or upon the East side, within a musket shot lie the Baths, which are famous for medicine, and are in number thirty, seated on each side the Brook, which divideth them into Bethora the great and the little. In the great, divers Baths are contained under one roof of a fair house, and without the gate are two common to the poor. These waters are so strong of brimstone, as the very smoke warmeth them that come near, and the waters burn those that touch them. Of these one is called the Marquis Bath, and is so hot, as it will scald off the hair of a Hog: many having no disease but that of love, how soever they feign sickness of body, come hither for remedy, and many times find it. Women come hither as richly attired as if they came to a marriage: for Men, Women, Monks, and Nuns, sit all together in the same water, parted with boards, but so as they may mutually speak and touch, and it is a rule here to shun all sadness, neither is any jealousy admitted for a naked touch. The waters are so clear as a penny may be seen in the bottom, and because melancholy must be avoided, they recreate themselves with many sports, while they sit in the water; namely at cards, and with casting up and catching little stones, to which purpose they have a little table swimming upon the water, upon which sometimes they do likewise eat. These Baths are very good for Women that are barren. They are also good for a cold brain, and a stomach charged with rheum; but are hurtful for hot and dry complexions, and in that respect they are held better for Women then Men. The Inns were wont to pay tribute to the three Cantons, of Baden, Brucke, and Bazell; but now Baden alone makes great profit of them, by the great concourse of sickly persons, and the Parliaments of the Cantons commonly held there. I paid for my diet six Batzen a meal.  
From hence I hired a Horse at the same rate as before, and passing through woody Mountains, came in three hours riding to the City Brucke. By the way I passed the Brook Russee, which runneth from Lucerna into these parts, and the boat was drawn by a cable running upon a wheel, by reason of the waters swift course: where I paid for my passage six creitzers: and when I came near Bruck, I passed the Brook Ara by a bridge, paying one creitzer for tribute; and here I paid five batzen a meal. From hence hiring a horse as before, I road in two hours space to Hornsea, through steep Mountains, and a wood of Oak: by the way lies Kingsfeld, that is Kingly field, a Monastery so called, because Widow Queens, and Kings, forsaking their Sceptres, and inferior Princes were wont of old to enter into this place for the solitary profession of Religion. In the same Cloister of old, lived the Friars of Saint Francis order, in the building on the right hand as you come in, and the Nuns of Saint Clara on the left hand, and both came to the same Chapel, the Friars to the body of the Church, and the Nuns to close galleries above, looking out and hearing through grates. The Emperor Albertus being killed by his Nephew in the year 1380. at Santbacke three miles distant, this Monastery was built for his memory, though his bones were buried at Spire. The revenues of this monastery grew in time to be yearly forty thousand gulden's, which are now appropriated to the common treasure of the Sweitzer Cantons. Leopold Duke of Austria lies here buried. Ferdinand of Insprucke, one of the Archdukes of Austria, is Lord of Hornesea; all the rest of the territories from Schafhusen to this place, belonging to the Cantons of Sweitzerland: and here I paid six batzen a meal. Hence I hired a horse as before, and road in five hours to Rheinefeld through fruitful hills of corn, having on all sides woody Mountains in sight. Here again I passed the Rhine, and paid two raps for my horse and myself; footmen paying but one. The Rhine passeth by with a violent course, and washeth the Town on the East side. Here I paid six Batzen a meal.  
Hence hiring a Horse as before, I road in two hours space to Bazell, through a fair plain of corn and pasture, lying upon the Rhine, having on all sides woody 
Bazell.  Mountains in sight, and near the City were most pleasant fields planted with vines, to the which fields the territory of the said Archduke extendeth on the East side of the Rhine. I entered by little Bazell seated in a plain on the East side of Rhine, and so passed by a bridge of wood into the greater Bazell, seated upon pleasant hills on the West side of Rhine. This City of old was one of the imperial free Cities; but now is joined to the Cantons of Sweitzerland, and was built in the year 3 & 2: having the name of a Basilisk, slain by a Knight covered with crystal, or of the word Pasell, which in Dutch signifies a beaten path, or of the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a kingly City. The less Bazell was of old built by an Archduke of Austria, in prejudice of the greater, and after being sold to it for thirty thousand guldens, was incorporated thereunto: The greater hath many caves under the hills, and suffered a great earthquake in the year 1346, at which time the Palace near the Cathedral Church fell into the Rhine, and another Earthquake in the year 1356. wherein 180. persons were killed, all the people flying out of the Town. Eugenius the Pope held a Council in this City, the year 1431. The Bridge of wood joining the little and great City, divided by the Rhine, is broad enough for two carts to pass at once; and towards little Bazell six Arches are of stone: but towards great Bazell where the Rhine tunneth most swiftly, eight Arches are built of wood, that they may be more easily repaired, and upon any war from Germany more readily broken down. This City is of the form of an half Moon, (I mean the great City, reckoning the less for a Suburb) and being seated upon divers hills on the West side of the Rhine, embraceth between the two horns the lesser City, seated in a plain on the East side of Rhine. On the West side of the greater, the Emperor Rodulphus of Habspurg besieged the City, and on this side something towards the North, within the walls, is a most pleasant green for walking, called peter platz. In this place is the Armoury of the City, and the tribunal of justice, and some fair houses of private men, and a most pleasant shade of trees, among which is an Oak, whose boughs are in circuit one hundred forty walking paces, and from the root are more than twenty such paces in length forward. And they report that the Emperor Manimilian the second supped under this Oak, and gave 2000 gulden's to keep and trimic. On the East side of great Bazel, the Rhine runneth by it, from the South to the North, and the yard of the Cathedral Church lieth over the river, and hath a Lynden tree, which giveth very pleasant shade, having seats under it, and along the river. The course of the Rhine is very swift, but not so violent as that of the Danow; yet the watermen of Bazel (as those that dwell upon the Danow) sell their boats at Sirasburg, which they weekly carry thither, and cannot bring back against the stream of the Rhine, and so they return home on foot, (always remembered that this river is at the broadest between Bazel and Strasburg.) Pope Pius the second, founded an Vniversine at Bazel, in the year 1459, and gave it all the privileges of Bologala in Italy. In the public Inns, men pay six Batzen a meal; but the Students have their diet with Doctors and Citizens for some eight collars a month. Myself dieted with the Overseer of the college, and paid two gulden's a week; for strangers may hire chambers in the college, and the Overseer willingly admits them to diet with him. In the Cathedral Church, this is written upon the Sepulchre of Hotoman, a famous Civil Lawyer:  
Francisie Hotamant Of Francis Hotoman I. C. Conns. at Law. Mortalis 〈◊〉 The mortal parts Tantisper assernandas So long to be kept Dum Till Christo inbente, Christ bidding Immortales exurgant They rise immortal Amici. His friends Sub hoc Saxo Under this stone Deposuere. have laid. Loco Honoris ergo The place for honour's sake, Ab AEdis Cur atoribus. By the governors of the house Liberal: concesso. Being freely granted. Vixit An: 63. M. 5. He lived 63. years five M. D. 20. Ob: Pride: 20, days: he died the day before Id: Febru. Ano. The Ides of Febr. in the year MILCXC. MILCXC.  

Gallia progennit, sernat Basilea sepultum,  
Interitus expers nomen, vibque viget.  
He borne in France, lies buried here,  
His lasting Name lives every where.   
In the same place lies Oecolampadius buried, (to whom Luther opposed himself; when in the first reformation of Religion he violently broke down the Images,) and he hath this inscription in Latin:  
M. john Oecolampadius by profession a Divine, most skilful in three languages: first Author of the reformed Religion in this City, and the true Bishop of this Church: excellent in sanctity of Doctrine and life, is laid under this short stone. In the year of war Lord, M. D. XLII.  
In the same place lies buried Erasmus Roterodamus: with this inscription in Latins To Desiderius Erasmus, Roterodamus, a most great man carry way, whose incomparable learning in all kinds of Arts, joined with like wisdom, 〈◊〉 come shall admire and celebrate, Boniface Ameribachius, Jerome, Frobenius, Nichol: Bishop, heir and Extertitort of his last Will and Testament: to their Patron of happy memory, which by his writings he hath got, and so long as the world stands shall retain: for the reposing of his mortal body, have laid this stone. He died the fourth of the Ides of july, being now seventy years old, in the year of our Lord, MDXXXVI.  
These two Verses are written upon the Tomb of Lodovicus Pontanus:  

Hic jacet arte Plato, Cato, vita, Tullius over,  
Vermes corpus alit, spiritus astra petit.  
Here lies Plato, Cato, Tully,  
For his Art, life, and eloquence,  
Worms do feed upon his body,  
His soul to heaven is mounted hence.   
There be also the Monuments of Henricus Glarianus, and of Bishop Hatto, whom the Emperor Charles the Great, sent Ambassador to Irene Empress of the East. In this City a stone is showed, called the hot stone, vulgarly Heisteine, upon which the Consuls, and divers others were beheaded, who had conspired to betray the City, if the clock striking false had not prevented, and deceived both them and the enemies, lying in ambush without the City, & expecting a sign to be given them at the hour appointed. And for this cause (or as others say, to hasten the Council held in the Senate house) the clock to this day strikes one, when it should strike twelve. near the stairs of the Senate house is an old Statue on foot, armed, but without a sword, bearing a Sceptre, clad with a loose gown, with a bird sitting on the Helmet, and hath this inscription;  
Hono & virtuti L. Munatij L. F. L. N. L. Pron Planci Cos Imper: & Ter VII viri Epulonum Qui triumph ex Raetis Edem Saturni F. ex Manub Agros divisit in Italia Beneventi. In Galliam Colonias Deed Lugdunum atque Rauracum.  
Civitas Basiliensis Ex bellicosiss gente Alemannorum In Rauracorum fines Transducta Simulac●rum hoc ex Senatus Auct Dicandum statuendumque Curavit. Anno salutis christian MDXXC.  
Of Lucius Munatius the son of Lucius, grandchild of Lucius, great Grandchild of Lucius surnamed Plancus; Being Consul, General, and thrice One of the seven Precedents of the holy Banquets Who triumphed of the Rhaetians, Built Saturnus Temple with the spoils, Divided the Land in Italy at Benevento, Deduced Colonies into Gaul, To Lions, and about Bazel.  
The City of Bazel deduced Of the most warlike Nation Of the Alemans'; Into the Territories of the Rauraci (or Basilians,) By authority of the Senate, Procured This Statue to be consecrated and here set. In the year of Christ, MDLXXX  
In the house where the Doctors, and other Graduates take their degrees, are the bones of an Anatomy, (for the Magistrates use to grant the bodies of some men executed to serve this use,) and it hath this inscription:  

Nostro perempti scelere, aliena vivimus manu,  
Et facti vasa honoris, qui fuimus ignominiae.  
Killed for our wickedness, we live by others here,  
And vessels are of honour, as of shame we were.     

CHAP. III. Of my journey from Bazel to Strasburg, to Heidelberg, to Frankfort, to Cassiles, to Brunswick, to Luneburg, to Hamburg, to Stood, to Breme, to Oldenburg, and to Emden, (the last City upon the confines of the Empire.)  
I Went by boat to Strasburg, fourteen miles, and in six hours, upon the swift Rhine we passed six miles to Brisake; a City subject to Ferdinand of Inspruch, Archduke of Austria: but of the villages oft intermixed, some are subject to the Margrave of Baden, and some to divers Bishops. All the Territory on the West side of Rhine, almost to Strasburg gates, is subject to the said Archduke, or the Bishop of Bazel, or the Duke of Wirtenberg. The boats coming down to Brisake and Neoberg, pay tribute, and send forth two Mariners, taking from thence two other in their stead. At Brisake, each man pays two Raps for passing the bridge, which is shut up with an iron chain, and kept by watchmen, lest any boats should pass without touching there. I said before, that the boats and barks coming down, are sold at the end of the way, because they cannot be brought up against the stream. Brisake is seated upon a round and high Mountain, and though it be improbable that there should be any want of waters so near the foot of the Alps, yet this City hath a fountain, where water is sold, and a certain price is given for the watering of every beast.  
We passed the other eight miles to Strasburg, the same day in eight hours, being helped with the same swiftness of the Rhine, which being oft divided by the way, makes many little islands. The bridge of Strasburg over the Rhine, is more 
Strasburg.  than a Musket shot from the City, on the East side thereof. The bridge is of wood, and hath threescore five Arches each distant from the other twenty walking paces, and it is so narrow that an horseman can hardly pass by a cart, it lying open on both sides, and it is built of small pieces of timber laid a cross, which lie loose; so as one end being pressed with any weight, the other is lifted up, with danger to fall into the water. It is like they build no stronger bridge, either because they have tried that the swift course of the Rhine will easily break it down, or because in the time of war it may be good for them to break it: in which case it were far greater charge to rebuild it with stone, then with wood. The Rhine lying thus far off from the City, the boats are brought up to the same by a little channel. The brooks of Bress and Elb, pass through many streets of the City, and fill all the large ditches thereof with water. The City is very well fortified, having high walls of earth, the bottoms whereof are fastened with stone, and the sides with trees planted on the same. On the West side towards France, are the gates Weissen-thore, and Rheinethore. On the East side toward the Rhine, is the gate Croneberg-thore, at which, though it be out of the way, for the jealousy of neighbourhood, the French must enter, and at no other. On the East side is the Butcher's gate, called, Metsiger-thore. On the same side is the Cathedral Church. The circuit of the Cty is three hours walking. The buildings and Churches are fair and high, of free stone; most of the streets are narrow, but those divided by water are broader. I paid six Batzen a meal, and for wine extraordinary three Batzen the measure. Many things in this City are remarkable. The Steeple of the Cathedral Church is most beautiful, and numbered among the seven miracles of the world, being begun in the year 1277, and scarce finished in twenty eight years. In the building of one gate thereof, they say, three Kings treasure was spent; in whose memory three statues are there engraven. The Church is covered with lead, which is rare in Germany, where the chief Churches are covered with brass, growing in the Country. The brazen gates of this church are curiously carved.  
The Clock thereof is of all other most famous, being invented by Conradus Dasipodius, in the year 1571. Before the Clock stands a globe on the ground; showing the motion of the heavens, stars and planets; namely, of the heaven carried about by the first mover, in twenty four hours, of Saturn by his proper motion carried about in thirty yeeeres, of jupiter in twelve, of Mars in two, of the Sun, Mercury and Venus in one year, of the Moon in one month. In the Clock itself there be two tables on the right and left hand, showing the eclipses of the Sun and Moon, from the year 1573, to the year 1605. The third table in the midst, is divided into three parts. In the first part the statues of Apollo and Diana, show the course of the year, and the day thereof, being carried about in one year. The second part shows the year of our Lord, and of the world, the Equinoctial days, the hours of each day, the minutes of each hour; Easter day, and all other feasts, and the Dominical Letter. The third part hath the Geographical description of all Germany, and particularly of Strasburg, and the names of the Inventor, and of all the workmen. In the middle frame of the Clock is an Astrolabe, showing the sign in which each Planet is every day; and there be the statues of the seven Planets, upon a round piece of iron lying flat, so as every day the statue of the Planet comes forth that rules the day, the rest being hid within the frame, till they come out by course at their day; as the Sun upon Sunday, and so for all the week. And there is a terrestrial globe, and the quarter, and half hour, and the minutes are showed. There is also the skull of a dead man, and two statues of two boys, whereof one turns the hourglass when the Clock hath strucken, the other puts forward the rod in his hand at each stroke of the clock. Moreover there be statues of the spring, summer, Autumn, and winter, and many observations of the Moon. In the upper part of the clock are four old men's stutuaes, which strike the quarters of the hour, the statue of death coming out each quarter to strike; but being driven back by the statue of Christ with a spear in his hand, for three quarters, but in the fourth quarter that of Christ goeth back, and that of death strikes the hour, with a bone in the hand, and then the chimes sound. On the top of the clock is an Image of a Cock which twice in the day croweth aloud, and beateth his wings. Besides, this clock is decked with many rare pictures, and being on the inside of the Church, carrieth another frame to the outside of the wall, wherein the hours of the Sun, the courses of the Moon, the length of the day, and such like things are set out with great Art.  
Besides in the City there is a fair house, in which citizens and strangers at public meetings or otherwise, use to feast their invited friends. near the gate Rheinethore, is the Armoury, vulgarly Zeighauss, which aboundeth with Ordinance and all Munitions. They have a Theatre for Comedies, and a Tower to lay up their treasure, called penny Tower, vulgarly Phennigthurne. They say this City is called Argentina in latin, of the word Argentum, because the Romans of old laid up their treasure here, and Strassburg in Dutch, of the word strass (that is way) and Burg (that is a City) as being built where many ways lead to many Provinces. I had almost omitted one remarkable thing, namely the fair House of the Cannons, called Bruderhoff, that is the Court of the Brethren.  
I hired a coach for a dolor my person, from Strassburg to Heidelberg, being sixteen miles. The first day after dinner I went four miles to Leichtenou, through a plain all compassed with Gardens and Orchards and paid six batzen for my supper. The next morning we went four miles to Milberk, through a sandy and barren plain; the Margrave of Turloch, uncle to the Margrave of Baden is Lord of this Village. By the way thither, we passed a Fort of the Margraves of Baden, where tribute is paid for all Merchandises brought out of Sweitzerland and France, and these frequent tributes are gathered by the Dutch Princes, upon pretext that they free the way from thieves: to which purpose when the Fairs of Franckfort draw near, they send out certain Reyters, that is Horsemen, vulgarly called Geleyte, which conduct the Merchants and their goods out of the Frontiers. The said Fort included the high way with Rampires, lest any should pass without paying tribute: beside, by the way we might see the City of Baden, towards the South, seated upon a Mountain. After dinner we went three miles to the Village Graben, through a sandy ground, but somewhat less barren. The Margrave of Turloch is Lord of this Village.  
The third day in the morning we went five miles to Heidelberg, through sandy fields, but fruitful in corn, all lying in a plain, as the rest of the way from Strassburg hither, and near Heidelberg we passed a great wood of Oakes, full of great heads of 
Heidelberg.  red Dear, which lay still by the way, and would not stir for our cries, or fear of our Coach wheels, but seemed to know their privilege, all hunting being forbidden upon high penalties. Heidelberg is compassed with high Mountains, on the South, East, and North sides; but towards the West, beyond the City and a long Suburb, (being the sole Suburb in the Town) the Mountains lie open. This Suburb is longer than the City, and they both lie in great length from the East to the West, and they both consist almost of one street, and are built in the plain, though compassed with Mountains. On the Southeast side there is a fair and pleasant market place, and not far thence a very high Mountain called Konigstull, that is, Kingly seat, upon the middle ascent whereof, is the Castle, in which the Phaltz-grave of the Rhine holds his Court, and upon the top of this Mountain are the ruins of an old Tower, blown up with gunpowder. From this Mountain on the South side run caves under the Earth, to the Western part of the Mountain of Goats, upon which Mountain is a Tower called Trotz-keyser, as if it were built in despite of Caesar, and it is worth the seeing, for the antiquity and building, having no gate, but being entered by the cave under the earth, and being built with lime tempered, not with water, but wine, incredibly durable, at the time when the Emperor making war against the Phaltz-grave, besieged this City. In the valley under this Mountain of Goats, towards the City, is a pleasant walk, of the sweetness called the Philosophical way. In the ditch parting the City and Suburb, is a place for the exercise of shooting with the Musket and Crossbow: On the North side of the City the shallow and unnavigable River Neccar, runneth in a plain by the City between it and the Mountain from the East to the West, and in the same course having run more than a mile, falls into the Rhine, and though it be shallow, yet sometimes it overflows the Bridge of the City, as it did in the year 1565. passing into the Town. On the North side you pass a bridge built of wood upon arches of stone, to a pleasant walk upon the bank of the River, between the Mountain and the water: and from thence you go up to the holy Mountain, vulgarly Heiligberg: and some say this City had his name of that Mountain; but others say it hath the name of the Dutch word Edelberg, that is Noble Mountain, others of a Colony of Romans, being Heathen, will have it at first called Heidenberg, that is, the Mountain of the Heathen. Vpou this Mountain be the ruins of a Church of great antiquity, first dedicated to Mercury, and since made a Monastery, and near the same is a ruined Cloister of Nuns (as commonly their nests were not far distant) and there is a passage under the Earth from one Cloister to another. This is a most high Mountain, and hath a thick wood. The City of Heydelberg, by reason it is compassed with Mountains, hath a very unhealthful air, which maketh Funerals very frequent therein; but the water is held very healthful. In the Inns they ask seven batzen the meal, but the Students have their diet in Citizens or Professors houses for two guldens, or one dolor weekly: and the fame of the Professors drew many Students at this time to this University. There is (to my remembrance) but one Church used for prayer and preaching, and there is a monument with this inscription in Latin;  
¶ Viglius Suicherius laid this to the memory of Rodulphus Agricola, borne in Friestand: he died in the year 1485, ihe 28 of October; he lived 42 years and two months.  
There is another Epitaph to this Rodulphus Agricola, made in verse by Hermolaus Bar barus Patriarch of Aquilegia.  

Inuida clauserunt he mar more fata Rodulphum,  
Agricotam, Frisijs spemque decusque soli,  
Scilicet hoc uno meruit Germania laudes,  
Qutequid habet Latium, Graecia quicquid habet.  
Envious Fates under this stone have closed  
The Frisons joy Rodulph Agricola,  
By whom all praise on Germans is impofde.  
That Italy or Greece had to this day.   
While I lived here the rest of this summer, I made a journey of pleasure to see the Cities lying upon the West side of the Rhine, and hiring a Horse after the wont price at Heydelberg, I road two miles and a half to the Rheines side, and then half a mile further to the City of Spire, where the imperial chamber is held, in which Court 
Spire.  the chief differences of the Empire are judged; and the Electors themselves, or any absolute Princes under the Empire, may be called thither to trial of law. The City is built in a plain, on the West side of Rhine, and hath more antiquity than beauty, or magnificence. Here I paid eight batzen each meal.  
From hence I road one mile to the City of Wormz, famous for many imperial Parliaments held there of old: and by the way we passed Frankendale, a little City newly and very fairly built, which place Casimire the Elector gave unto the Flemings of late, who then had built many fair brick houses there, and then compassed it with a wall; and Casimire taking upon him the tutorship of his Nephew, against the will of the Lutherans, who rejected him as a Caluinfst, took some of these Flemings to guard the Castle of Heidelberg. The building of Wormz shows great antiquity, and 
Wormz.  wanteth not magnificence, where I paid feven Batzen a meal. This territory on the West side of the Rhine is very fruitful, and yieldeth the best Rhenish Wines, so called of the Rhine by which they grow. From hence again I passed the Rhine, and returned to Heydelberg.  
Then I took my journey to Franckfort Fair. The first day I passed four miles to Bentzon, having hills on my right hand toward the East, planted with Vines, and fields set with roots; and upon my left hand towards the West, a fair and fruitful plain: and here I paid seven Batzen for my supper. The second day in the morning I passed four miles in the territory of George Landgrave of Hessen, to Arhelygen, through woody mountains, planted with some Vines, and a plain for one mile sandy, but the rest good pasture. We passed by Dormstat, where the said Landgrave holds his Court, and there each man paid six Fenning tribute. At Arheligen I paid six Batzen for my dinner. In the afternoon I passed some three miles to Franckfort, through a sandy plain, and a wood of Oaks and Beeches, and by the way they showed us a strange leap of a Stag, which being chased, did leap over a cart (if you may believe them) loaded with hey.  
Franckfort is a free City of the Empire, famous for the Electors meeting there, to choose the Emperor, and for two yearly Fairs, as also for many Parliaments of the 
Franckfort:  Empire held there, and it is called Franckfort upon the Maene, to distinguish it from another City of the same name, built upon the Brook Odera, and named thereof. For the River Maene running from the East to the West, divideth the great City from the less called the Saxons House, vulgarly Sachsen-hausse, and between them is a bridge of stone upon four narrow Arches. Both the Cities are governed by the same Senate and Law, and have the fame name, either of Francus rebuilding it, or of a Ford for passage of the Franckes or French. The City is compassed strongly with a double wall; and upon the East side is the gate Heilegthore, where is the jews street, who are permiteed to dwell in this famous Mart-towne, and suck the blood of Christians by extortion. There is another gate called Freydigthore: On the North side of the City is the gate Brickenport, and a large place for an Horse Fair. On the West side is the gate of strangers, vulgarly Welsh-thore, so called because the French enter that way: it is very strong; and without the gate there is a very pleasant walk upon the bank of Maene, among Vineyards and Meadows, with sweet Groves. On the South side the Maene runneth by, dividing (as I said) the new City from the old. In the new or less City called the Saxons-house, is a house of old belonging to the Teutonike order of Knights, which by old privilege is to this day a Sanctuary for bankrupts and manslayers, so they be not wilful and malicious murderers; but they enjoy this privilege only for fourteen days, so as when the time is near out, or upon any opportunity during the time, they use to steal out, and returning after an hour, begin a new to reckon again the fourteen days. A little before my coming thither, a certain bankrupt of Colen entered the same for a debt of twenty thousand gulden's. On this side some ground without the walls belongs to the City, but on other sides it hath almost no Land without the walls. The City is of a round form, seated in a large plain, the streets are narrow, and the houses built of timber and clay, the foundations of some being of stone. In the Inns they ask seven or eight batzen a meal, but Merchants and many strangers use to hire a chamber, and buy their meat of the Cooks.  
From hence to Hamburge I and four others hired a Coach for fifty collars, and beside were to pay for the coachman's diet, for here first the coachman conditioned to be free from paying his diet, vulgarly Maulfrey; that is free for the mouth, whereas in other parts our coachmen paid for themselves. Always understand that at the times of the fairs, Coaches are set dearer than any time else. The first day after breakfast, we went three miles to Freideburge, through corn fields set with cabbages and roots, and by the way we passed a Village belonging to the Count of Hanaw. Freideburge is a free City of the Empire, and the buildings are of timber and clay: here each man paid seven batzen for his supper and for his part of the coachman's supper. The second day in the morning, we went three miles to Geysen, through fruitful hills of corn. Philip Landgrave of Hessen left three sons, William of Cassiles, whom Maurice his son succeeded, and was now living, and Lodowick of Marpurg, and George of Dormstat. This territory belonged to the Landgrave Lodowick, (for all the brothers in Germany have the same style of honour) and he was also at that time Lord of this City Geysell, which is fortified with walls of earth, and deep ditches, but the building is base of timber and clay, and for the most of mere dirt. These verses were written upon the gate of the City.  

Captus erat Princeps non mart sed Arte Philippus,  
Cum bene munitum destrueretur opus.  
Nominis hoc patrij lodovicus amore refecit,  
Anno bis septem lustra sequent none;  
Principe dignus honos, patrias surcire ruinas,  
A quibus Hassiacoes Cbriste tuere polos.  
Prince Philip captived not by war, but Art,  
This work of strength was then demolished;  
In Country's love Prince Lodowick for his part  
Rebuilt it, seventy nine years finished,  
Ruins repair is for a Prince's hand,  
From which disasters Christ shield Hessen land.   
Here I paid six Batzen for my dinner, and my part for the Coachman.  
In the afternoon we went three miles through high stony mountains and woods of oaks, to Kirnham, belonging to the Landgrave Lodowick, whose Court at Marpurg lies a mile from thence. All of us at supper drunk six measures of wine, besides beer, and from henceforth we paid severally for meat and drink, and at this time each of us paid ten Weissenfenning for both together. The third day we passed three miles to Dressed, through high mountains with woods of Oak, and many fruitful valleys of corn, and each man paid with his portion for the Coachman four Weissenfenning for meat, and as much for wine. This territory belongs to Landgrave Maurice of Cassiles. After dinner we passed three miles to Fester, through high mountains full of oak woods, and entered the City, seated upon a mountain by a bridge of stone, upon which side great store of water falls from the mountains, the houses were of timber and clay, each one for the most part having a dunghill at the door, more like a poor Village, than a City: but such are the buildings of the Cities in Hessen, the houses of Villages being of mere dirt, and thatched. Here each man paid for his meat and old wine; and his part for the Coachman an Orts Doller, or fourth part of a Doller.  
The fourth day we passed three miles to Cassiles, a City where the Landgrave Maurice 
Cassiles.  holds his Court, all our way lying through fruitful hills of corn. The City is strongly fortified with walls of earth and deep ditches, but the houses are basely built like the rest in Hessen. Phellip his grandfather built the castle, and William his father the walls. For my dinner and my part for the coachman I paid the fourth part of a Doller.  
In the afternoon we passed two miles through woody mountains, to Myndaw, in the territory of the Duke of Brunswike, who is also Lord of the City. The River Visurgis runs by it, over which there is a bridge of stone upon five Arches. Here each man paid for himself and his part for the coachman, seven maria-groshen for meat, and as much for wine. The beer of this territory is very bitter, and like a potion makes one laxative. The fifth day we passed three miles and a half, through Mountains for half the way, and the rest through corn fields most fruitful, and dined at Norton, each man paying five batzen and a half. After dinner we passed two miles and a half to a poor Village, through a like fruitful plain of corn, and by the way we passed Namerton, a City belonging to the Duke of Brunswick. In this Village each man paid five Maria-groshen. The sixth day we passed two miles to the City Zeason, through hills and fields of corn, the building of the City is of mere clay, covered with thatch, but our diet was plentiful, and each man paid six Maria-groshen for himself, and his part for the Coachman. After dinner we passed three miles to a poor village, through woody mountains, yet fruitful of corn and pasture, and through a great Fen and here each man paid seven Maria-groshen.  
The seventh day we passed three miles to Brunswike, through a fruitful plain of corn, end a large Fen set with willow trees near the City. Many fields as we came beside 
Brunswike.  the corn, were set with cabage and roots, and within a mile of Brunswike we left on the right hand toward the South, the City Wolfenbieten, where the Duke of Brunswike keeps his Court, and though he be so called of an old title, yet he is not Lord of Brunswike, which is a free City of the Empire seated in a plain, all the territory round about it being most fruitful in corn. The City is of a quadrangle form, and in circuit contains two miles, being held greater than Nurnberg, and less than Erford. It hath high walls of earth fastened with willows, and is very strong, having the walls on some sides double, and otherwhere treble, besides that it hath a woody valley between deep ditches filled with water, and is compassed with the River Aneur. Within this wall and river are five Cities, distinguished by privileges, but united by laws. The first seated towards the west, is called Altstat, that is Old city, having almost at the entrance a fair market place, and near it the cathedral Church, called Martinstifft. The second lying towards the North, is called Newstat, that is New city. The third lying towards the East is called Imsacke. The fourth lying towards the South is called Imhagen. And the fifth which was built first of all, and lieth also towards the South, is called Altweg, that is, The old way. This city of old was the metropolitan city of Saxony, and had the name of Bruno, and the Dutch word Vuick, signifying a Village. It hath twelve Churches, whereof two have the steeples covered with lead, which being very rare in Germany, is held to be magnificent; the rest are covered with tiles, one excepted, which (to my remembrance) is covered with brass, which being lesserare with them is less esteemed, and the houses are built of timber and clay. In the yard of the Cathedral Church there is the statue of a very great Lion, which the Emperor Henry the first, surnamed Lion, erected there.  
From Branswike I went to Luneburge, and the first day in the morning passed four miles to a certain Village, through a sandy plain, and fenny wild ground, and by the way we passed Getherne a village, where the Duke of Luneburge (Lord of this territory) hath a Castle, and he holds his court some five miles off, at Sell. Here each man paid for his dinner five Lubeck shillings. In the afternoon we passed five miles to a country house, through like Fenny and woody wild grounds, seeing but one Village in the way; and here each man paid for supper three Lubeck shillings. Next morning we passed four miles to a Village Empsdorff, through like grounds: and here each man paid for dinner five Lubeck shillings the coachman's part being reckoned: for I formerly said that hiring a Coach from Franckfort to Hamburg, we were tied to pay for the coachman's diet, himself paying for his horse-meat, as commonly they do. After dinner we passed three miles to Luneburge, through a soil as barren as the former, where each man paid for himself and his part of the coachman's supper, eight Lubeck shillings. I speak nothing of the City which I have described before, but go on with my journey.  
The next morning we passed three miles to Wintzon, through a Fenny ground, and woods of Oak, yielding some corn, but sparingly, and here our coachman paid a Lubeck shilling for his Coach to the Duke of Luneburge, whose territory endeth here. Then we passed a mile further to Bergendorff, and by the way our coachman passing over the Ell, paid a Lubeck shilling to the Officers of the Cities of Lubeck and Hamburg, to which Cities this territory is subject, and governed by them in course, the soil whereof after the passage of the Ell, is more fruitful, the fields being full of corn, and ditches of water planted with willows: here each man paid six Lubeck shillings for our dinners. In the afternoon we passed three miles to Hamburge, having on the left side towards the West, fair pastures, and on the right hand towards 
Humburge.  the East, woods of oak, and fruitful hills of corn. From hence I passed by boat with a fair wind in three hours to Stood, and paid for my passage three Lubeck shillings. These things I briefly set down, having described these Cities before.  

From Stood I wrote this Letter to Francis Markham, an English gentleman, whom I left at Heidelberg.  
NOble Sir, I gladly take this occasion of witnessing my love to you, which in a word I have done, omitting all ceremonies as yourself have given me example: Only for my promise sake, I will trouble you with the short relation of my journey. When we parted at Eranckfort, you know I had for companions of my journey two Flemings, poor Merchants of Linen cloth, and a Dutch Rider, and a Bookebinder of Denmark. I coming first to the Coach, took the most commodious seat, which these my worthy companions (forsooth) took in ill part, yet neither their murmuring nor rude speeches could make me yield the place to them. We passed through Hessen to Brunswike, which journey since you purpose to take, I advise you to pass as soon as you can, that you may be out of your pain, and come to more pleasant Countries: for there you shall have gross meat, sour wine, stinking drink, and filthy beds, and were not the way free from robberies, and the people courteous, I know not what other inconvenience might happen to a stranger in any passage. Your diet shall be for most part of coal words, which was so strange to me, and so hard of digestion, as it greatly troubled me, and wrought upon my body like physic. At Brunswike I saw a lamentable sight, which I dare scarce relate to you, knowing your tenderness in those cases, yet for promise sake I must tell you, that I saw a very fair maid of fifteen years, married to mine Host an old ohurle of seventy years. Be not discouraged, I will tell you a merry accident. Who would have thought that my companions had dissembled so long their malice to me, that now it might break forth with more bitterness? You know Brunswike is a free city of the Empire, and one of those, which for privilege of traffic upon these coasts, are called Hans-steten. Here out of custom passengers coming at first to enter traffic, use to give the wine to the old Merchants, to which custom gentlemen for sociablenes have submitted themselves, so as the custom is almost grown into a Law. Now, for this purpose, salt being put about the table, for all to swear whether they were free or no, I confessed that I had not yet paid for my freedom, yielding myself to their censure. To be brief; after they had fined me some cans of wine, and with many ceremonies, had made me free, it remained that he whom they had chosen to be my Godfather, making a grave Oration, with some rude jests after their fashion, should instruct me with some precepts how to recover this expense. One of my companions easily took this charge upon him; and after many circumstances, he concluded in this manner: You are an Englishman, and because your country men love to sit easily, and to far delicately, I advise you, that both at table and in coach, you be careful to take the best place, which if you be diligent to perform, you shall be soon satisfied for this expense. By chance my place then at table was between the coachman and his servant, for you know the Dutch are not curious of place, and little regard strangers in that kind; but I knew where my Gentleman's shoe wrung him, namely in that I had chosen my place in the coach. And thus I answered him; Sir I take thankfully your grave counsel, and will make use of it; but me thinks it is too general, making no distinction of degrees, for if I have Gentlemen to my companions, who are not willingly overcome in courtesy, I should rather yield them place: but if I fall into base and clownish company, I will not fail to make use of your counsel. The Gentlemen at Table smiled, and so we ended this ceremony with a health. Hence I passed to Lunchurg, and so to Hamburg; where the people after dinner, warmed with drink, are apt to wrong any stranger, and hardly endure an Englishman in the morning when they are sober. Therefore without any stay, I passed hence to Stood. It is strange how the people rail on Englishmen in these parts. For that which we call war at sea, and the royal Navy, that they term robbery and Pirates ships: neither have they the patience to hear any justification or excuse. You see what toys I write, rather than I will leave you unsaluted, and if you use not like freedom to me, farewell friendship. So I take my leave, from Stood the first of October, 1592.  
From Stood I passed to Emden, and for the better explaining of that journey, give me leave to prefix the following Letter; out of the due place, being written from Emden, and directed   

To AEgidius Hoffman, a Gentleman of Flaunders, my dear friend, Student at Heidelberg.  
NOble AEgidius, the Letters you gave me to deliver at Breme, have produced a comical event, (such may all the passages be of our love,) which you shall understand in a word. When in my purposed journey I came to Stood, more tired with the base companions I had, than the way; it happened, whilst I spent some days there with my friends, every man spoke of Spanish thieves, vulgarly called Freebooters, who stealing out of their Garrisons upon the Low-countries, lay in the villages, and upon the highways, by which I was to pass in my journey to Emden, from which City a Merchant was newly arrived, who terrified me more than all the rest, affirming that in one day he had fallen thrice into these cutthroats hands, and though he were of a neutral City, yet had paid many collars for his ransom, adding, that they inquired curiously after Englishmen, promising rewards in the villages, to any man should give them notice when any such passed. I knew not what counsel to take. There was no less danger from the Pirates of Dunkirk, if I passed by sea, especially in a ship of Hamburg, no other being in the harbour, & they being like to betray me, out of malice to our nation. Besides, the weather was very tempestuous, & not like to change. Therefore my obstinate purpose to see the Cities upon this coast, made me resolve to go by land. So I bought an old Brunswick thrummed hat, and made me a poor Dutch suit, rubbing it in the dust to make it seem old, so as my Tailor said, he took more pains to spoil it, then to make it. I bought me linen stockings, and discoloured my face and hands, and so without cloak, or sword, with my hands in my hose, took my place in a poor wagon. I practised as much as I could, Pythagorical silence; but if any asked me who I was, I told him that I was a poor Bohemian, and had long served a Merchant at Leipzig, who left me to dispatch some business at Stood, and then commanded me to follow him to Emden. If you had seen my servile countenance, mine eyes cast on the ground, my hands in my hose, and my modest silence, you would have taken me for a harmless young man. Many pleasant events happened to me thus disguised; wherewith I will not trouble you, only one I am tied to impart to you. When I came to Breme, I was doubtful what to do with your Letters. I thought not to deliver them, but keep them till a fitter time, or at least to send them by a messenger. But in so doing I should have broken my promise to you, have lost the fruit of your recommendation, and the opportunity to see your mother and sisters, without hope hereafter to see them. Then I thought to deliver them, and because I was disguised in base apparel, to confess who I was, and wherefore so disguised. But when I looked my face in a glass, I could not for shame take this course. At last I resolved to deliver them, and to say, I was servant to myself, (wherein I lied not, for I have ever too much obeyed my own affections,) and that my master meaning to pass from Stood by sea, for fear of the abovesaid dangers, had sent me by land, with command to stay for him at Leyden. To be brief, I went to your mother's house, where a servant opened me the door, to whom I gave your Letters; but when he scarce looking at me, would have locked the door, I took my Letters again, saying I had promised to deliver them with my own hand; and so I entered with him, and gave them into the hands of your mother and sister, who inquired much after you, and so much after my master, as I might perceive you had made friendly mention of me in your Letters. They entertained me with much courtesy, being thus disguised for my own servant; and when I went away your mother would needs give me six batzen to spend, neither would any refusal prevail, but I must needs take them. So I set a mark upon these pieces, left I should spend them; and am not out of hope, ere I die, to show them to you. To the purpose; at the door I met your brother, whom I had seen at Frankfort, and was not a little afraid left for all my disguising, he would have known me. Let it not trouble you, that I tell you another merry accident I had in the same City of Breme. Disguised as I was, I went to the house of Doctor Penzelius, desiring to have the name of so famous a Divine, written in my stemme-booke, with his Mott, after the Dutch fashion. He seeing my poor habit, and a book under my arm, took me for some begging Scholar, and spoke sharply unto me. But when in my master's name I had respectively saluted him, and told him my request, he excused his mistaking, and with all courtesy performed my desire. I will trouble you no longer, but hope by some good occasion to embrace you, & tell you all the other passages of my journey. In the mean time I go forward to Leyden in Holland, you (as you do) ever love me, and as my soul, live and farewell. From Emden the twenty one of October, 1592.  
I paid twenty four Stivers for my passage eleven miles in a wagon from Stood to Breme. And the first day after breakfast, we passed three miles to Ford, a poor City, subject to the Bishop of Breme: through wild, fenny; and woody grounds. The Town is seated in a Fen, having a long paved Causey to pass unto it; and the gate being opened to us by night, each man gave the Porter two Lubeck shillings, and by the way in a village ' each man paid, six Fenning for his person. At Ford the Bishop of Breme hath a Castle, strongly fortified with Rampires of earth, and deep ditches full of water; and here each man paid for his supper three Lubeck shillings and a half. The wagoner taking me thus disguised (as formerly I have said) for a poor Bawre; said these words to me in Dutch: Du knecht hilff zu tragen die pack high: that is Ho good fellow, help here to carry this pack; I answered, ya gar gern, yea most willingly; and smiling laid my shoulder to the burden, and groaned deeply, but helped him very little. Next morning early, by Moon light, we passed on three miles, through large and wild woods, to a Country house; and by the way my companions fell in talk of English affairs, so foolishly, as my laughter, though restrained, had often betrayed me; if twilight had not kept me from being seen. Their ignorance greatly shortened my way, with the pleasure I took in their answers to some such questions propounded by me, whereof myself had many times been forced to give an account to others. By the way they showed me a Hill called Meineidig, of certain false witnesses of old sinking there into the ground. At this Country house, each man paid for his breakfast three Lubeck shillings and a half. Then from six of the clock in the morning, till nine, we passed five miles to Breme; through an Heath, and many huge Woods of Oak; having towards the South a Fen of ten miles' length, which of the vastness and wildness, is called the devils Fen. By the way within a mile of Breme, each man paid half a Sesling tribute, to the officers of the City; and from thence we passed a winding paved Causey, to the very City. Men may also pass from Hamburg to Breme by water.  
This City is one of the Imperial free Cities, and of them which upon this Sea-coast, 
Breme.  are called Hans-steten, for freedom of traffic, and it is very strongly fortified with high walls of earth, and deep ditches filled with water: besides that the Citizens may drown the Fenny fields almost round about at pleasure. The building of this, as also of the neighbour Cities; is partly of brick, partly of stone, and very fair, but the streets here are filthy. The City is five miles distant from the sea; And the river Visurgis running from the South east to the North West, by the South west side of the City runneth all the length of the same. On the North east side, the walls of earth are broad, and there be three fair gates, with strong Rampires. Upon the South West side, being compassed all with Fens, there be no walls. In the furthest angle or corner towards the North west, where the City grows narrow; there is a strong Fort built, & the gate is within an Island, beyond which lies a plain of fair pastures. Osen-bridge lies not far hence, from which town great quantity of narrow linen cloth is brought into England. At Breme I paid half a Doller for dinner, supper and breakfast; and a stiebkin or measure of wine extraordinary.  
They had here also the custom of making strangers free, and the same ceremony of giving salt to swear by; and I confessing that I was not free, committed my fine to their censure, hoping they would deal better with me, for my poor disguised habit, but it saved me nothing; the chief man saying to me in Dutch: Gutt gesell du must gedult haben, es geit gleich bistu knecht oder here, deise gewonheit betrefft beyde zu gleich. That is, good fellow thou must have patience, it is all one whether thou be'st a servant or a master, this custom toucheth both alike.  
After dinner, taking my journey from Breme, we passed a mile upon a stony Causey, called Steinweck, that is, stony way; and there each man paid to the officers of Breme, a quarter of a Stiver. Then entering the Territory of the Grave (that is Count) of Oldenburg, we passed a mile through fair pastures, compassed with ditches of water, to a village, where each man paid a Sesling to the Count, and to this place each man paid for his Wagon five groats. Here when my companions had drunk their fill, and had slept a while in the straw, as myself did upon a bench, to shun the stinking heat of the stove; we hired another wagon for three miles, paying fifteen groats: and that we might more securely pass, we took our journey at midnight, through a heath of huge woods of Oak, and came to Oldenburge, early in the morning before the gates were open.  
The City is built of mere clay, but the Count's Castle is built in a round form 
Oldenburg.  of stone, with deep ditches of water, over which they pass by a drawing bridge, and both the Castle and the City are strongly fortified. here we had English beer, the goodness whereof made my companions speak much in honour of England, and of the Queen, with much wonder that she being a Virgin, was so victorious against the Spaniards, till in this discourse they all fell fast asleep.  
After breakfast the next morning, we having hired a wagon for eighteen groats, passed four miles in the territory of the said Count; and one mile to Stickhausen, in the territory of the Count of Emden, who had a Castle there. Then because we could get no wagon in this place, we went one mile further on foot, which being very long, and myself having some gold gulden's in my shoes, which I could not remove without suspicion; the way was very irksome to me, and we came to a country house, but we found good cheer, each man paying for his supper seven groats. Myself sitting last at the table, by reason of my poor habit, paid as much as the best, and fed on the worst, but I had more mind of my bed, then of my meat. And one of my companions after supper, having straight boots, when I had taught him to pull off one by the help of a staff, for recompense of my counsel, desired me to pull off the other, which being disguised as I was, I could not well refuse. The next morning we hired a wagon for eleven stivers, and passed along mile to Leer, a town subject to the Count of Emden, who dwelled not far off, at Dunort a strong Castle. Our way through a Fen, was so deep, as the wagon wheels being pulled off, we went good part of the way on foot.  
Here we understood that the Spanish Freebooters (called by the English Malcontents) lay at Aurick, another castle of the said Count, and being loaded with booty, had taken a bark by force, to pass over the Emsz. These cut-throats used at this time to range out of the Spanish Garrisons upon the Low-countries, & to spoil all passengers in these parts, which they did with more confidence, because the Count of Oldenburg, being offended with the Citizens of Breme, permitted these thieves to rob them, who were also very malicious against those of Breme, because they had lately taken thirty four Freebooters; and beheading them altogether, had set up their heads upon stakes. Besides the Count of Emden having been lately driven out of Emden, by the Citizens in a tumult about religion, did permit these Freebooters to lie in his Country, and spoil the Merchants of that City. The chief Captain of the Free-boaters then lying at Aurick: was Hans jacob, a notable rogue, and very malicious to the English, whom he used to spoil of their very apparel, & to handle them cruelly; mocking them with these English words; I cannot tell, and swearing that he would make them tell, both of themselves, and of their country men passing that way. Some few days before he had taken four English woollen clothes, and many Flemish linen clothes; which they divided by the length of a ditch, in stead of a better measure, and we were glad to hear that in this division they fell at variance, for when this Hans I acob would have stopped a part, for the chief Captain of the Garrison, the rest cried out in Dutch: wir woollen dein mawger kopff lieber in zwey kleiben: Stelen wir sur andern vnd hangen far uns selbs? That is, we will rather cleave thy lean pate in two. Shall we steal for others and hang for ourselves? And they used many reproaches against him and their chief Captain, saying in Dutch: Finstu was, bringt mirs, hangstu aber, habt dirs: Die judem, pfaffen, hauptleinte, vnd in hund, ver dienen ihr kost mit thr mund: That is, findest thou aught, bring it me, hangest thou, take that to thee? The Jews, Priests, Captains and dogs, earn their living with their mouth; but these cut-throats, howsoever they had passed the Emsz, yet meant presently to return, and had their spics in every town and village.  
I return to my journey. While we lay at Leer for a night, a Doctor of the Civil Law seeing me walk in the garden, and thinking my servile habit not fit for contemplation, commanded me to draw water for his horse, giving me no reward presently but only a nod; yet after when he had drunk with his friends, going out, he said to me, Knecht door hastu zu drincken, That is, Sirrah drink you what is left. After supper, having expected a bed almost till midnight, the maid at last told me I must lie upon the bench; but after, while I was washing my feet, which the gold in my shoes had gauled, she espying my silk stokings, which I wore under my linen, ran to her mistress, and procured me a very good bed. This effect pleased me well, but I was afraid of the cause, by which lest I should be discovered, I hasted away early next morning. I paid here for my supper and breakfast, fifteen Stivers, and giving the servant one for his pains, he would have restored it to me, seeming by my habit to have more need thereof then himself.  
All this night and the next day, great store of rain fell, and the wind was so tempestuous, as we could not pass by water, neither would my companions hire a wagon, besides that, the way was at this time so dirty, as no wagon could pass it. Notwithstanding since now only two miles remained of my dangerous journey, and I thought no thief would come out in such rain, I resolved to go on foot with my companions to Emden, being two miles, but of unspeakable length, and difficulty to pass. In the high way we had three passages; one upon the top of the Bank, lying upon an; arm of the Sea, or rather upon the River Emsz running into the Sea, and in this passage the tempestuous wind was like to bear us over; and blinded us with driving salt water into our eyes, besides that we went over the shoes in dirt. The second passage was on the side of the bank, from the water, somewhat fairer than the other, but in that most troublesome, that we were forced continually to lean upon a staff, which every one had in his hand lest being not stayed with the staff, we should fall into the lower way, which was intolerably dirty. The lower way, or third passage, in the bottom of the bank furthest from the water, was for the passage of wagons, but the fields round about being overflowed in winter, this passage was now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In this way we passed a very long mile, from the little City Leer, to the Village Aldernsea, from seven of the clock in the morning to twelve. We come out at first ten companions in this journey, but at the very coming out 〈◊〉 six of them left us, despairing to pass against a contrary wind in a foul rainy day and their feet sticking fast in the dirt, and they mocked at our obstinacy in going. Within a while, myself was wet to the skin, and my shoes at every step, were almost to the off, so as I was forced to bind them on with four points, neither did any of us look back at his fellow, to help him if he could not follow, and if I should have fallen into the Sea, I am confident none of them would have come back to succour me. After we had gone half a mile, one of our four companions being a young man: with a black beard, & able body, would not go one foot further, though he had but one Stiver in his purse, and was forced to borrow money of us, that he might stay in a poor Alehouse. When we came to Aldernsea, the Freebooter's spies, came to the Inn & gaped upon us, so as though I were wet to the skin, yet I durst not pull off any thing to dry, sest my inward garments better than my upper, should betray my disguise: neither durst I call for wine and spend freely lest they should think I had store of money. Each of us paid seven Stivers for his dinner. Here another of our companions left us, being so tired, as he went to bed without eating one bit. So as now I had only one companion left, called Anthony, a man of little stature, and a Citizen of Emden. We so be free of this dangerous journey, went forward, and as we came out of the Village, the Freebooter's spies came close to us, and beheld us narrowly; but seeing us all covered with dirt, they took us for poor men, and a prey unfit to be followed. We gathering up strength went on, till at last we were so weary, as having no strength to choose our way, we cast away our staves, and went almost up to the knees in dirt, in the lower way.  
At last, having gone one mile (as me thought wondrous long) from one of the 
Emdex.  clock in the afternoon to five, we came to Emden, where myself entering the gate, could not stand till the Soldiers writ our names, but had lain down on the ground if they had not given me a seat. Now being out of all danger of the Freebooters, in giving my name, I wrote myself an Englishman; the standers by not a little wondering that I had put myself to this dangerous passage. And truly this journey, if it were free from all danger; yet the ill diet and lodging would yield trouble enough, for which I appeal to Lipsius, who hath pleasantly written of the entertainment in West-Phalen, and Oldenburg. The City of Emden lies in the utmost border of the Empire, and is only divided by the River Emsz; from the united Province of netherlands, and by an Inland Sea from West Freezland, being one of them. The Country about Emden aboundeth with villages, and from a Tower at Goricome, a man may see at once upon a saire day twenty two walled Towns. Not far from this City, near 〈◊〉, is the place where the Duke of Aluna defeated the forces of Lodowick of Nassaw, his Dutchmen refusing to fight, except they were first paid. All the fields about Emden are drowned in winter, and the City lying upon the Sea; for want of fresh waters they dress most of their meat with rain water. The air is very unhealthful, but the City is fairly built of brick, and the Citizens are very courteous. On the South side the River Emsz washeth the City with his salt streams, on which side is the Haven, and the Citizens are said to have some three score ships of a hundred tons a piece, and some six hundred barks of their own. In the Churchyard on this side, many pieces of Ordinance are laid, towards Leer and Dunort the Count's Fort, and the like are laid upon the Haven, and some places of advantage: for the City hath no walls on this side. On the West side, beyond the water lieth Marish ground to the mouth of the Sea, and upon this side is a strong old Castle. On the North side the City is compassed with a wall of earth, and deep ditches full of water, and there be two strong gates, Belgar-port, and Newport, without which the fields are Fenny. On this side there is a passage by boat, to the suburbs on the East side, where the fields without the town are fair pastures in summer, but all overflowed in winter; and upon the Rampire of the wall, are many Windmills. The City is of a round form, if it were not somewhat longer from the East to the West. At Emden they pay ordinarily six Stivers a meal, three stivers for a quart of English beer, eleven Stivers for a quart of Spanish wine, thirteen Stivers a quart of Rhenish wine, and seven Stivers for French wine: myself paid for supper and breakfast twenty three Stivers.    

CHAP. FOUR Of my journey from Emden in Germany, to Leyden in Holland, and through the united Provinces of the Low-Countries.  
ON Thursday the twenty seven of October, in the year 1592., I took ship after dinner at Emden; being to sail 
Ann. 1592.  into West Freesland, one of the united Provinces, and paid for my passage ten Stivers. The same night we cast anchor near Vrspenhurn, a Fort seated beyond the Emsz, and belonging to the States of the united Provinces; and beyond this Port towards Plaunders, on the same side of the Emsz, lieth the Territory of the City Groaning, seated in an Island, rich in pastures, and at this time governed by a Spanish Garrison, which the Citizens had willingly received, though the States after besieged this City, and drove out the Spaniards, and united the City to the rest. As we lay at Anchor, two little islands lay on the North side, one subject to Emden, the other to Groaning, and beyond them lay the Germane Sea. On Friday we set sail with a scant wind, and towards night were left upon a Flat, vulgarly called Got: where the water forsaking us, we walked out of the ship upon the sand, compassed round about with the Sea, till the same flowing back again, our ship floated. On Saturday we set sail again, and towards night rested upon a like Flat, expecting the flood. Three of these Flats are in this Inland sea, and there be two like Flats in the Inland sea, beteene Freesland and Holland. At last we landed on Sunday in Freesland, at the Village Anjou, lying near the Sea shore, whether we hired a sledge for eight stivers, and were drawn thither over the ice and snow.  
After we had dined for twelve stivers each man (whereof more than half was reckoned for drink) we went in a skeut by water, in four hours space, one mile to Dockam: and each man paid for his passage four stivers and a half, we could not 
Dockam.  pass by wagon, the high way being then drowned. Nothing were more pleasant, nothing more quick, than Sea-voyages, if a man might promise himself a good wind, and a reasonable gale: but through contrariety of winds and tempests, they commonly prove tedious. This small voyage which afflicted us four days, might have been passed in six hours, if the winds had favoured us. And this hope of a short passage, caused us to make no provision of victuals, so as the Bark being governed by one Mariner and a boy, who had nothing but cheese and musty bread to live upon, and so could not much relieve us; each hour of these four days seemed a year unto us. Dockam a City of West Freesland, little in circuit, is in two places divided with water, which at this time over flowed into the very houses. The wall is strong with rampires of earth, and the houses here, as in all these parts of netherlands are built of brick. Here I paid for my supper twenty stivers, eating at an Ordinary, but the company sitting at the fire, and drinking after supper, all useth to be divided equally, whether a man drink or not.  
The first of November we went by water in six hours space two miles to Lewerden, having on each side the water, fertile pastures, and passing by two Forts, and each man 
Lewerden.  paid for his passage three stivers. The City is fair and well fortified, and William Count of Nassau, cousin to Count Maurice, and Governor of Friesland, had his residence in the same. The streets are large, and divided with water, and the houses are fairly builded of brick. The City hath no Suburbs, and is of a round form, but the waters dividing the streets, slowly or not at all moved, are in this City (as almost in all other of these Provinces) subject to stinking. In the midst of the City there is a dam tolet in water at pleasure, which in this place and two miles further is salt in taste. Passengers entering the City leave their swords with the guard of soldiers, and receive them back when they go out of the Town. The Villages hereabouts paid yearly contribution to the Spanish garrison of Groaning, left they should break in, and spoil them. Here (they say) the first sermon of reformed religion was made, in the Monastery of the jacobinet: and here I paid for my supper fourteen stivers.  
From Lewerden we went by water from eight a clock in the morning, to five in the 
Froniker.  afternoon, two-miles to Froniker, an University of Friesland, lately renewed, and one mile to the City Harlingen, and we paid six stivers for our passage. Entering this City, we left our swords with the guard of soldiers, who restored them to us when we 
Harlingen.  went away. It is a little City, and lieth in length from the East to the West, but is somewhat more narrow towards the North, where the houses are thinly built. On the west and North sides, lies an arm of the Sea, coming out of the Germane Sea, and here enclosed with the continent and islands. On the South and East sides without the gates, are fair pastures in a large plain. I lodged in an englishman's house, the chief Host of the City, who either despising England and Englishmen, or too much respecting his masters of Friesland, gave me such entertainment, as I took him for one of the old Picts: for having placed his Gentlemen of Friesland at one table, he called me to the second, and seeing that I took it in ill part, lest I should no less dislike my lodging, he entreated a gentleman of Friesland to admit me partner of his bed, but I hearing the gentleman condition with him about the cleanness of my body and linen, for very scorn would not trouble his worship, but chose rather to lie upon a bench. And it was most ridiculous, that this Host excused himself to me, as having for country's sake made bold with me, whom he had never seen before. I paid for my supper and breakfast with wine, thirty stivers, and one of my consorts drinking no wine, paid sixteen, whereof nine was for beer.  
From Harlingen I went by the said Inland Sea, vulgarly called Zwidersea, fourteen miles to Amsterdam, and paid eight stivers for my passage. Some of our passengers going only to Enchusen, paid five stivers, for by covenant between the Cities, the ships must land their passengers at Enchusen, and there receive such new passengers 
Enchusen.  as they find, and one ship at least is bound daily to make this passage. From the said Harlingen a City of Friesland, we passed in four hours sail to Enchusen a City of Holland, which is fortified with a wall of earth, and strong rampires, and lieth in length from the North to the South. The Haven lies on the East side; and the new City was then building towards the West side. This City lying between the mouth of the Germane sea, and Amsterdam, another City of Holland, and in the beginning of the war taking part with the Prince of Orange, forced Amsterdam by stopping all supply of victuals, to yield to the said Prince. Having made short stay here, we took ship again, and sailing from siue a clock in the evening, to twelve in the night, in the same Inland sea, we entered the River Tay, where we cast anchor till four in the morning, and then setting sail, passed one mile in that River before six of the clock, and landed at Amsterdam.  
Five streets of this City are divided with water the River: Tay flows like a large and calm sea on the North side, where is a safe port, the traffic being great in this 
Amsterdam  City, and at Midleburg since the passage to Antwerp was stopped. Upon the Haven lics a field or market place, called Campplata, where the Citizens use to behold their friends going to sea, and returning home. From this place towards the South lies Warmerstrat, a long and large street, between two Rivers, which part of the City is called, the new Ditch. The Merchants in summer meet upon the Bridge, and in winter they meet in the New Church, in very great number, where they walk in two ranks by couples, one rank going up, and another going down, and there is no way to get out of the Church, except they slip out of the doors, when in one of those ranks they pass by them. On the East side of the City there is a wall of stone, higher than the City, having a pleasant walk upon it. In the same place are houses for exercise of shooting in gunneo and crossbows: beyond this wall there is another of earth, and between these walls the new City was plotted out, where of few houses were then built, but since I hear it is fully finished. Likewise on the South and West sides there be two like walls, and between them the plot of the said new City, in which many fair houses were then built. The fields on all sides without the gates being fenny and drowned with water, do make the City more strong, but for this cause (they say) the foundations of the houses being laid in water, cost as much or more as the houses themselves. The River Amster (of which, and the word dam, the City is named) running from the South through three lakes, entereth this city, and passing through it, falls into the River Tay on the North side. The City hath five gates, which are shut at dinners and suppers, though the danger of the war be far from them. There be two Churches in which they have two sermons each second day, and four on sunday. The City lay in length from the North to the South, but adding the plot of the new City, it is of a round form. The streets are narrow, and the building of brick, with a low roof, showed antiquity. They have two Almshouses (called Gasthausen, that is, Houses for strangers) which were of old Monasteries. One of these houses built round, was a Cloister for Nuns, wherein sixty beds at this time were made for poor women diseased, and in another chamber thereof were fifty two beds made for the auxiliary soldiers of England, being hurt or sick, and in the third room were eighty one beds made for the hurt and sick Soldiers of other Nations: to which soldiers and sick women they give clean sheets, a good diet, and necessary clothes, with great cleanliness, and allow them Physicians & Surgeons to cure them: and most of the Cities in these Provinces have like houses. Here I lodged with an Englishman, and paid for dinner and supper twenty stivers, and for a guest invited to supper, ten stivers, and for three pints or chopines of Spanish wine, twenty one stivers.  
From Amsterdam I went in a boat three miles to Harlam, and paid for my passage four stivers: we had not passed far from Amsterdam, when we came to a dam, shutting out the flowing of the sea, for the waters are salt thus far, though the ebbing and the flowing of the sea can hardly be discerned at Amsterdam, for the depth of the River Tay; and because Inland seas show little ebbing or flowing. Our boat was lifted over this dam by ropes, and so let fall into the water on the other side, for which the Mariners paid tribute. There is another dam for greater Barks, and as by these dams they let in waters to the Land at pleasure, so they have other dams at Torgay to let them out again into the Sea, when the Land hath too much water. From hence we had the Seashore all the way on the North side, not far distant and on both sides of the water in which we passed, were fair pastures, parted with ditches of water.  
The River running from Amsterdam, from the East to the North, doth turn near Harlam towards the South, and divideth the City, which on all sides is compasied 
Harlam.  with Navigable waters. On the North side near the gate jans-port, Don Frederick, son to the Duke of Alun, pitched his tent in a meadow, when he besieged the City with the Spanish forces, and much spoiled those parts, beating down gentlemen's fair houses (dwelling frequently in that part) with his Artillery, playing into this street, having the name of the Knights of Saint john. On the same side are two other gates, Sayle-port, and Cruyse-port, and without them toward the sea, being half a mile distant, are very fair pastures, but there is no river nor ditch that leads from the City to the sea. For these Provinces have only three passages to go to sea: one between Rotherodam and Bril, a Fort of Zealand, the second at Vlishing another Port of Zealand, and the third from Amsterdam between two islands, called the Fly and Shelling. We coming from Amsterdam to Harlam, entered the City by the gate Kleine holt Port, on the East side, where the very alms-houses were beaten down, in the aforesaid siege of the Spaniards, and the walls then beaten down, were not yet rebuilt. On the South side is the fifth gate, Grote-holt Port, the street whereof is the fairest, next that of the Knights of Saint john. On this side was a wall of stone, but at this time they were building another very strong wall beyond it of earth. In the New-street is the house for exercise of shooting, and another old house for the same use, and one marketplace sweetly shaded with trees, and a second marketplace of good length for the selling of Cattle. Likewise on this side another part of the Spanish Army lay, and destroyed a most pleasant Wood, of which the gate and street have the name. And they report that the Spaniards taking the City, used great cruelty to all; but especially to the Garrison of the English Soldiers. The Histories witness, that three hundred were beheaded; and more than two hundred drowned in the Lake, called Harlam-mere. On the West side the City is compassed with a wall of earth, and there be fair pastures betweeve the City and the Sea. Among the Churches; that which is called the Great, is the fairest, and our Lady's Church, vulgarly called Vnserfraw kirk, is the next in beauty. All the sea coast of Holland, is a sandy down, in which are great store of coneys. This City makes great store of linen clothes, and hath some five hundred spinsters in it. The water here (as most of these Cities) standing, and little or nothing moving, is subject to stinking, so as they are forced to fetch water for brewing by boats. Here I paid for supper, and my part of wine twenty stivers, and for my dinner without wine, thirteen stivers. About a mile from the City is a very sweet Hil, called Weligheberg, whether the brides use to walk, and there take their leaves of the Virgins. And in the mid way towards Almer, is another Hil, where the Counts of Holland were want to be consecrated. In the marketplace, over against the Palace, they show the house of one Laurence john, whom they brag to be the first inventor of the Press for Printing; and they show two bells of the brass of Corinth, which they say were brought from Pelusium, a City in Africa upon the Nile.  
From Harlam we hired a wagon for eight stivers, and came five miles in five hours space, to Leyden, our wagoner baiting his horses in the mid way, but staying 
Leyden.  very little. In the way we had on all sides fair pastures, and passed by the Lake, or Mere of Harlam, lying towards the South, and the sea banks within sight towards the North. The high ways in these Provinces seem to be forced, and made by Art; being sandy and very dry, though all the pastures on both sides be compassed with frequent ditches of water. At the gates of Leyden, the men go out of the wagon, and only women may be carried into the City, lest (as I think) the wheels of the loaded wagons, should break the brick pavements of the streets.  
Hence I returned presently to Amsterdam, that I might receive money sent me by exchange. So I hired a wagon for eight stivers my part, from hence to Harlam, and by the way I observed, that the wagons having past more than half the way, must have the way given them by all the wagons they meet, because their horses should in reason be most weary. At Harlam I paid for supper, bed, and breakfast, twenty five stivers. Hence I went by wagon, and paid for my part of it sixteen stivers, for three miles to Amsterdam, and there receiving my money, returned to Harlam, drawn over the snow and ice (which had plentifully fallen) on a sledge: for which I paid four stivers; and I observed many marks set up in the fields, to direct the way to passengers.  
From Harlam I returned to Leyden, where I lodged in a Frenchman's house, for intending to bestow all my time in the French tongue, till by Letters I should dispose 
Leyden.  of my estate in England, and there being a famous University in this City, I found no abiding fitter for me then this. I paid for my diet and chamber in this Frenchman's house three guidens, and fifteen stivers weekly, but in the common Inns they pay ten or fifteen stivers a meal, according to the quantity of beer they drink, and ordinarily twenty stivers or more, if they drink wine. Leyden is so called of the words Legt bey de dunen, that is, lieth by the Downs (so they call the sandy banks of the Sea, as the English do likewise in Kent, Leyden is of a round form, or perhaps somewhat longer from the East to the West, where the Rhine passeth by it. It is a City of much beauty, the houses are very fairly built of brick, and be uniform. The Churches are covered with long slates (as they be almost through all Holland) and among the streets one is much fairer than the rest, in the midst whereof is a piece of ground railed in, where the Merchants meet. Many streets are divided with waters, which are passed by wooden bridges, and in deed if a man dig two foot in any part of Holland, he shall find water. I said that the Rhine passeth by this City, yet doth it not fall into the Sea, but loseth itself in many standing ditches of water, in this low part of the continent. Toward the Northwest about a mile from the City, there is the end of a ditch digged of old from the very City, & vulgarly called Malgatt, because the Citizens spent much treasure, in a vain hope to make a Haven for ships, and a navigable water to come up to the Town; for the heaps of sand daily cast up by the Sea, filled the place up, where they thought to have made the Haven, as fast as they could dig it, yet was it long before they would cease from this ill advised work. Notwithstanding salt water comes under the earth from the Sea into this ditch and they carry the same unto the City to make salt thereof. Upon the same Seashore, towards the North, and like distance from the City, is a Village called Catwicke, seated upon Mountains of sands, on the main sea. Upon the same shore further towards the North, is a place where they say the Romans of old had an Armoury, the ruins whereof (some musket shot from the shore) more or less appear, as the wind covers them with sand, or blowing from another quarter, drives away the sand, and so lays them open. Hereabouts they say that many coins of the Romans are oftentimes digged up, and near the Hoch-landish Church is a Monument built by Caligula the Emperor, which now belongs to a Gentleman of that Country. Upon the North side of this city the Villages Warmond and Nortwicke, lie upon the aforesaid Downs, but the City hath no gate that directly leads to them. Leyden hath five gates, Regenspurgport, on the West side, which leadeth to Harlam, and to Catwicke; and white port which leadeth to Hage, between which gates there is a low water-gate of iron grates, for boats to pass in and out. near White Port lies a house, where they exercise shooting with the Piece and Crossbow. On the South side is the gate Kow-port, leading into the pastures. Upon the East side is the gate Hochwertzport, more fortified than any of the rest, and it leadeth to Vberden, Gonda, and to Alphen. There is another gate Zillport, which leadeth ro Vtretcht, whither you pass by water or land. The foresaid street, which I said was the beauty of the Town, lieth from the West to Hochwertzport, on the East side, and is called Breitstrat, that is Broadstreete.  
In the spring time of the year 1593. purposing to see the Cities of the united Provinces, 
An. 1593.  I hired a Wagon for six stivers, and went from Leyden to Delft, three miles in three hours space, through corn fields and rich pastures, and having gone two third parts of the way, we passed over the water that runs from Leyden to Delft. In all these parts the high way hath ditches on both sides, and is very plain, sandy, and very dry, being daily repaired by the country people. By the way is a mill, in which they make oil of rape and line seeds mingled with walnut shells, and they have many such miles in those parts. Not far of, at Voberg, the Histories write of a holy Grove, famous for a conspiracy against the Romans.  
The City of Delft, lieth in length from the North to the South, and the falrest street called Corne-mart, lies the same way. Here (as in all the Cities of these parts) 
Delft.  the buildings are of brick, but the houses of Delft are more stately built, and seem to have more antiquity than other where. In the New Church is a Monument of the Prince of Orange, the poorest that ever I saw for such a person, being only of rough stones and mortar, with posts of wood, coloured over with black, and very little erected from the ground. near the Church is a large marketplace, and within a little Island the Senate house is built. The Haven is on the South side. The Prince of Orange dwelled here in a Monastery, and used to eat in a low parlour, whence as he ascended the stairs into the chamber, a wicked murderer gave him his death's wound, who flying by a back door, was after taken in the City, and put to a most cruel, but most deserved death. The Countess of Buren, daughter to this said Prince, now lived in this Monastery with her family. Here I paid for one meal, for myself and a guest invited by me, and two pots of Rhenish wine; three guldens, and five stivers. When the Spanish Army most pressed the united Provinces, the Prince of Orange then lying here, to shun a greater mischief from the Spaniards, broke down the banks of the sea, and let in the waters, which did much hurt to the Country, but saved them from the Spaniards, who with great fear hasted away, giving great rewards to those that guided them to the firm continent. At Delft are about three hundred Brewers, and their beer, for the goodness, is called Delphs-English; but howsoever they had Brewers, and the very water out of England, they could never make their beer so much esteemed as the English, which indeed is much bettered by the carriage over sea to these parts.  
Hence I went to Sluse, so called of the dam to let waters in and out, and came thither in two hours, paying for my wagon thirteen stivers, which I hired alone, for if I had light upon company, we should have paid no more between us. Hence I passed the River Mase, where it falleth into the sea, and came to Brill, myself and two others, paying twelve stivers for our passage: but the bark being presently to return, and therefore not entering the Port, set us on land near the Town, whether we walked on foot.  
Brill is a fortified Town, laid in pledge to Queen Elizabeth, for money she lent the States, and it was then kept by four English Companies paid by the Queen, 
Brill.  under the government of the Lord Burrowes. The Town is seated in an Island, which was said to be absolute of itself, neither belonging to Zealand, nor Holland. On the North side, the River Mase runneth by. On the East side are corn fields, and the River somewhat more distant. On the South side are corn fields. On the West side are corn fields, and the main Sea little distant. Here I paid for my supper and dinner twenty stivers, and for a pot of wine eighteen stivers.  
From hence I returned by water to Roterodam in Holland, and paid for my passage three stivers. In the mouth of the River of Roterodam, lies the City Arseldipig, and another called Delphs-Ile, being the Haven of Delft, which was then a pleasant Village; but growing to a City, and having been lately burnt by, fire was fairly rebuilded.  
Roterodam lies in length from the East to the West. The Haven is on the South 
Roterodam.  side, being then full of great ships; upon which side it lay open without walls, having many fair houses, and a sweet walk upon the bank of the water. Neither is it fortified on the sides towards the land, nor seemed to me able to bear a siege; having low walls on the North and East sides, yet compassed with broad ditches. The street Hoch-street is fair and large, extending itself all the length of the City; and lying so, as from the gate at the one end, you may see the gate at the other end, and in this street is the Senate house. In the market place toward the West, is the statue of Erasmus, being made of wood, for the Spaniards broke down that which was made of stone; and the inscription thereof witnesseth, that he was borne at Roterodame, the twenty eight of October, in the year 1467, and died at Bazel the twelfth of july, in the year 1531. In New-Kirk-street, there is the house in which Erasmus was borne, wherein a Tailor dwelled at this time, and upon the brickwall thereof, these Verses are written:  

AEdibus his natus, mundum decoravit Erasmus,  
Artibus ingenuis, Religione, side.  
The world, Erasmus in this poor house borne,  
With Arts, Religion, Faith, did much adorn.   
The same Verses also were written in the Flemish tongue, and upon the brickwall was the picture of Erasmus. Upon the same West side is the house for exercise of shooting in the Piece and Crossbow. The waters of Roterodam and Delft, being near the sea are more wholesome than the standing waters within land. here I lodged at an Englishman's house; and paid for my supper ten stivers, for my breakfast two stivers, and for beer between meals five stivers: by which expense, compared with that of the Flemish Inns, it is apparent that strangers in their reckonings, pay for the intemperate drinking of their Dutch companions.  
From hence I went by sea three miles to Dort, in two hours space; to which City we might have gone great part of the way by wagon, as far as Helmund, but then 
Dort.  we must needs have crossed an Inland sea, for the City is seated in an Island, having been of old divided from the continent of Holland, in a great flood. The form of the City resembles a Galley, the length whereof lies from the East to the West. We landed upon the North side lying upon the sea, where there be two gates, but of no strength. On the East side is the New gate, Reydike, and beyond a narrow water, lie fenny grounds. On the South side, the ditch is more narrow, yet the sea ebbs and flows into it, and upon old walls of stone is a convenient walking place. On this side is the gate Spey-port, and beyond the ditch lie fenny grounds. On the West side is the gate Feld-port, and a like walk upon walls of stone, and there is a greater ebbing and flowing of the sea. There is a great Church built of brick, and covered with slate; being stately built with Arched cloisters, and there of old the Counts of Holland were consecrated. From this part the two fairest streets Reydike-strat, and Wein-strat, lie windingly towards the North. Turning a little out of the fair street Reydike-strat, towards the South, lies the house for exercise of shooting in the Piece & Crossbow, and there by is a very pleasant grove; upon the trees whereof certain birds frequent, which we call Hearnes, vulgarly called Adhearne or Regle, and their feathers being of great price, there is a great penalty set on them, that shall hurt or annoy those birds. There is a house which retains the name of the Emperor Charles the fifth, and another house for coining of money; for the Counts of Holland were want to coin money at Dort, as the Counts of Zealand did at Midleburg. Between the fair streets, Reydike-strat and Wein-strat, is the Haven for ships, to be passed over by bridges, and there is a market place, and the Senate house; which hath a prospect into both these streets. The houses are higher built than other where in Holland, and seem to be of greater Antiquity. This City by privilege is the staple of Rhenish wines, which are from hence carried to other Cities, so as no imposition being here paid for the same, the pot of Rhenish wine is sold for twelve stivers, for which in other places they pay eighteen, or twenty stivers. For three meals I paid here thirty stivers.  
From hence I went by water to the State's Camp, besieging Getrudenberg, and 
Getrudenberg.  came thither in two hours space, but the winds being very tempestuous, we saw a boat drowned before us, out of which one man only escaped by swimming, who seemed to me most wretched, in that he over-lived his wife and all his children then drowned. The besieged City lies in the Province of Brabant; and the County of Buren, being the inheritance of the Prince of Orange, by right of his wife; and in this Month of june, it was yielded to Count Maurice, the Spanish Army lying near, but not being able to succour it.  
The Sea lying upon this part of Brabant, was of old firm land, joined to the continent, till many villages by divers floods (and seventeen Parishes at once by a famous flood) were within less than 200. years ago swallowed up of the Sea, and for witness of this calamity, divers Towers far distant the one from the other, appear in this Sea, and according to the ebbing and flowing, more or less seen, do always by their sad spectacle put the passengers in mind of that woeful event. And the Hollanders say, that these floods caused the Rhine to change his bed, as hereafter I shall show in the due place.  
From Count Maurice his Camp at Getrudenberg, I failed in six hours space to the Island Plate, and at midnight putting forth again, failed in ten hours space to the Island Tarlot, and from thence in three hours space to the City Bergenapzome, where 
Bergenapzome.  we landed. By the way we saw one of the aforesaid Towers high above the water, being a steeple of some parish Church swallowed up in the said deluge, of which there be many like sad remembrances in this Inland sea. The channel leading to the City is called Forcemer; and hath upon the bank many strong sorts, and in this channel lay a man of war to defend passengers from the bordering enemy. This City is strongly fortified, and is scented in Brabant, and had many castles of the enemy lying neerert, and it was governed by a garrison of English, not in the Queens, but in the States pay, as Ostend at that time was (whereas Virshing and Brill pledged to the Queen for money, wore kept by English Garrisons in the Queen's pay) and Sir Thomas Morgan was at this time Governor of this City. At out entrance every man gave his nameto the Guard. Without the City on the West side, many acres of land were drowned, when the Prince of Orange (as I said) let in the waters to drive the Spaniards out of those parts, which from that day to this, could never be dried and gained again. On this side I entered the City, where be many poor houses built in form of a Lutes neck, which being added to the City almost of a round form, make the whole City much like unto a Lute. On this side were three strong ravelings, and upon the neck of the said Lute is the Haven, in the channel Forcemer, which going no further into the land, endeth in a mill made of purpose to keep the ebbing water, so as the ditches may always be full. On the North side is the prison, not unpleasant for situation, and the English House, and the House of the Governor; which of old belonged to the Count of Brabant. Between the Gates wouldport and Stephenbergport, which are both strongly fortified, the River Zome falls into the Town, whereof it hath the name, yet the channel being stopped, it seems here a standing water, rather than a River. Towards the East, the City is very strongly fortified, and there is the Gate Boskport, so called (as I think) of the word Bosco, which in the Italian tongue, signifies a wood: for on this side without the gates, were many woods and orchards, till they were destroyed in the war. On this side is another Ravelin of great length, and beyond the fortifications lie fair pastures, but somewhat covered with waters. And from hence we might see Woudcastle, scarce three English miles distant, which was then possessed by the Spaniards. On the South side is a new fort, beyond a strong bulwark, and a very strong counterscarp compassing the City. And from hence was of old a most pleasant walk, under the shade of trees; to the old castle, some mile distant. On this side in a pleasant grove were many such birds, as I said to be at Dort, vulgarly called Adherne, much esteemed for the feathers they bear in their fore head, and there is a penalty set on those that hurt or drive them away. On this side also is the English Church, and upon this and the East sides the Prince of Parma in camped, when he besieged this City. There is in the midst of the City a triangular market place, and from the sharp end thereof towards the West, siue ravelings run beyond the walls. The houses are built of brick, and seem to be built of old. The Church hath a very high steeple, whence the watchmen show the coming and number of horsemen by hanging out white flags, and of foot by red. All the Villages hereabouts, though living under the Spaniard, yet pay contribution to this Garrison, lest the soldiers should upon advantage break out, and spoil them. The Citizens live of mannall arts, and the expenses of the Garrison.  
From hence I sailed to Midleburge, and at one ebb of the Sea, passed in seven hours space to Der-goese, and at another ebb in four hours space to Armaren, a City of the Island Walkern, belonging to Zealand, and I paid for my passage six stivers. From hence in half an hour I walked on foot to Midleburge, the houses whereof are stately 
Midleburg.  built, and very high, especially the new City, and are all of brick, as be the Cities of Holland, and as be the houses of Vlishing, but some of these are stately built of free stone, yet the streets are somewhat narrow. Here I paid for my supper five stivers in the English House, where the Host is only bound to provide for the Merchants and such gucsts as they invite, yet many times he admits English Gentlemen both to lodge and eat there. The House lies in the street Longdels, and howsoever the Merchant's cat there, yet they higher their lodgings scatteringly in the City, and refused an Abbey which the Senators offered them to lodge therein, perhaps out of fear, lest in any civil tumult they might more easily be wronged, if they should all lie together. This City is the Staple of all Merchandise, excepting Rhenish wine, for which by old privilege Dorte is the Staple. Therefore French and Spanish Wines are here sold much more cheap than other where, because they are free of impost in this place, and have great impositions laid on them, being carried out to other Cities. The form of the City is round, save that on the East side, the buildings of the new City being unperfected, made it to have the form of a half Moon, though the plot thereof were round Coming from Armuren, I entered on this East side, by a very fair gate, called the New Gate, where the water falling into the Town, passeth to the Burse, where the Merchants meet. There is a public House for shooting, the wall on this side (as round about the City) is of stone, and is rather adorned then fortified with some Towers. And this wall is double, upon the Inner whereof compassed with deep ditches, many Houses are built. On the West side without the gates, almost half way to Vlishing, is Rammakins Castle, kept by English Soldiers, sent from Vlishing to that purpose, being a place of great importance, because the channel going to Midleburge, runs within the command of their Artillery. On this South side is the Haven, and without the walls very fair pastures, to the uttermost part of the Island. Also on this side is a new Haven made for ships in the winter time, and the gate is called, Rammakins Port, of the said Castle. On the West side you may see Vlishing a mile off, and in a clear day, the Downs of Kent in England. On this side within the walls is a round market place, and the Senate-house of antic building, and two Gates called of the Cities to which they lead, Vlishing port, and Longe-ville port. On the North side is an Abbey, and pleasant walking, and another public House for exercise of shooting. This populous City hath only two Churches, either because the people being of many sects in Religion, and much occupied in traffic, scarce the third part comes to Church, or else because the people being much increased by strangers, coming to dwell in these parts, upon the stopping of the passage to Antwerp in the civil wars, it is no wonder that the old Churches will not receive them. The Citizens may at pleasure drowned all the fields about them. And this, one, and the chief Island of Zealand, called Walkerne, containeth siue walled Cities, besides Villages; but the air is reputed unwholesome. Midleburge is the chief place of traffic in Zealand, as Amsterdam in Holland.  
From hence I went in a long Wagon covered with hoops and cloth to Vlishing, a long mile; and paid for my passage two blanks. Ten English foot companies, one 
Vlishing.  hundred and fifty in each company, under the government of Sir Robert Sidney, kept this strong Town for the Queen of England, and under her pay; being engaged to her for money lent the States, and the ten Captains in course watched each third night. The City is little and of a round form, but very strong. It hath a narrow Sea on the West side, where, upon the last confines of Zealand and the united Provinces, is one of the three passages (whereof I formerly spoke) to the Main Sea. On this side is the Mountain of the Mill, where the Soldiers watch nightly, and beyond the Mountain is a dam to let in the Sea at pleasure. On the South. side is the Gate Waterport, strongly fortified, lying upon the Inland Sea. On this side towards the North, the Sea flowing into the Town, maketh one Haven, and towards the East another, and divideth the City into three parts, the Old, the New, and the Middle, whereof any one being taken by the enemy, yet the other are fortified for defence. Beyond these Havens or channels, is a Mountain lying over the City, upon which the Soldiers kept guards day and night, as they did likewise upon the Bridge dividing the Cities, and upon other lower hills, at all the gates of the City, and in prayer time, at the door of the English Church. This Church is on the East side, and is common to the English and Dutch at divers hours. Between the high mountain & this Church, was the governors House, belonging of old to the Counts of Zealand, and the public house for exercise of shooting, but less pleasant than the like houses are in other Cities. On the same East side lie two ways, one to Rammakins Castle, the other to Midleburge. On the North side the Downs of Kent in England may easily be seen, and there is the Hospital or Gasthouse for sick people, and for sick and maimed soldiers, of which a Mountain thereby hath the name. On this and the East sides, are two Mills to retain the water when the Sea ebbs, that the ditches round about may always be filled, and if need be to overflow the fields. These ditches are commonly a pikes depth, and can by no art or enemy be dried. The Citizens want good water, having no wells, nor any fresh water, but rain water kept in cisterns. The foresaid number of Soldiers in the Garrison was not sufficient to master the Citizens, only their courageous minds despising death, kept the Citizens in such awe, as they durst not attempt to recover their liberty by force, which they hoped to obtain by peaceable means, and the united Provinces depended upon the opinion of the Queen's aid, perhaps more than upon the aid itself, so as either failing, they were like to be a prey to the Spaniards. Since that time I heard the Garrison was diminished, so as it seems the English had less strength to keep it, if the States changing their minds, should attempt to surprise it. Being invited by my English friends, I spent nothing in this City.  
Hence I returned to Midleburge on foot, upon a paved causcy, having on each side rich corn fields, and fair pastures, with many orchards; and in the midway a Gentleman called Aldegondey, famous for his wisdom, hath his Castle, wherein he dwelled. At Midleburge I paid six stivers for my supper, and two for my bed, and providing victuals to carry by Sea, I paid for a loin of mutton twenty four stivers, as also for my washing seven stivers, and staying in the Town two days, I spent in all four guldens and four stivers.  
I took ship at ten in the morning; and between the Island Der-goese, and the Inland Sea, called Zurechsea, I saw two Towers of Villages swallowed in the foresaid deluge, and sailing by the Island Plate, and the Island of Brill, we passed certain booyes directing to find the channel. The next day in the afternoon, I landed at Roterodam in Holland, and paid ten stivers for my passage. Thence I passed in two hours space by boat to Delft, and paid two stivers for my passage. Thence in two hours space I passed to the Hage by Wagon, and paid for my passage two stivers; for which journey one man alone may hire a Wagon for seven stivers.  
At the Hage Count Maurice with his mother in law the Countess of Orange (born 
The Hage.  of the Noble Family of the chastillon's in France) and the General States of the united Provinces, and Princes Ambassadors, have their residence, which made me desirous to stay here a while, to which purpose I hired a chamber, for which, for my bed, sheets, tableclothes, towels, and dressing of my meat, I paid twenty five stivers weekly. I bought my own meat, and living privately with as much frugality as conveniently I might, I spent by the week no more than five guldens and a half, though all things were in this place extraordinarily dear. My beer in one week came to fourteen stivers, and among other things bought, I paid for a quarter of lamb thirty stivers, for a Hen seven stivers, for a Pigeon four stivers, for a Rabet three stivers. I remember not to have seen a more pleasant village than this: great part of the houses are fairly built of brick, though many of them in by-streetes be covered with thatch, and some few are stately built of freestone. The village hath the form of a Cross, and upon the East side coming in from Leyden, there is a most pleasant Grove, with many wild walks like a maze, and nearer the houses is another very pleasant walk, set round about with willows. Here is the public house for exercise of shooting in the Piece and Crossbow, which hath a sweet prospect into a large green plain, where they use to spread linen clothes in the sun, and here certain rows of trees being planted; yield a pleasant shade to them that walk therein. One of the said rows of trees called Vinareberg, leads to an old Castle of the Counts of Holland, compassed with a dry ditch, in which Count Maurice dwelled, but in the great Hall thereof were many shops of Merchants for small wares. Upon the walls of the said Castle, and upon the windows of the Church, these words were written in latin.  
To Charles' the fifth, etc. To the most invincible Caesar Charles the fifth Roman Emperor, the victorious desender of the Catholic Religion, and Augustus. The Provisors of this House have placed this, in the year 1547.  
Thereby was the statue of Charles the fifth, kneeling on his knees. In the window were painted the Arms of all the Knights of the golden Fleece. The Histories of the Country report the building of this Palace to be wonderful, in that the top of the Hall is not joined with beams, but with arches: but for my part I observed no great magnificence in the work. The second of the foresaid rows of trees, called Furholt, leads to a gentleman's house, the fairest & most stately built in this Village. In the midst of the Hage lies the market place, and the Church. On the South side is the water that leader to Delft: and round about on all sides without the Village, are fair pastures, excepting the northside, where the sandy downs of the Sea lie near to the Village. In the Church is a Monument of Count Albertus, Duke of Bauria, and another of a Count of Hanaw, with divers others, which I omit, as having no antiquity or magnificence.  
While I stayed at the Hage, I walked out in half an hours space to the village Lausdune, where I saw a wonderful monument, the History whereof printed in a paper, 
Lausdune.  the Earl of Leicester (as they said) had carried with him into England, leaving only the same in written hand, the copy whereof I will set down, first remembering that two basins of brass hanged on the wall, in which the children (whereof I shall speak) were baptised.  
The manuscript was in latin a followeth,  

En tibi monstrosum nimis & memorabile factum,  
Quale nec a Mundi conditione datum.  
Haec lege, mox animo stupefactus lector abibis.  
So strange and monstrous thing I tell,  
As from the world's frame near befell,  
He parts amazed that marks it well.   
The rest in latin is thus englished;  
Margaret wife to Hermanuus Count of Henneberge, daughter to Florence Count of Holland and Zealand, sifter to William King of the Romans, and Caesar, or Govermour of the Empire. This most noble Countess being about forty two years old, the very day of preparation called Paraseene, about nine of the clock, in the year 1276. 
This year fell in a lying and supersitious age.  brought forth at one birth three hundred sixty five children, which being baptised in two basins of brass, by Guido suffragan of Vtretcht, all the males were called john, and all the females Elizabeth; but all of them together with the mother, died in one and the same day, and lie buried here in the Church of Lausdune: and this happened to her, in that a poor woman bearing in her arms two twins, the Countess wondering at it, said she could not have them both by one man, and so rejected her with scorn, whereupon the woman sore troubled, wished that the Countess might have as many childen at a birth, as there be days in the whole year; which besides the course of nature, by miracle fell out, as in this table is briefly set down for perpetual memory, out of old Chronicles, as well written as printed. Almighty God must be in this beheld and honoured, and extolled with praises for ever and ever. Amen.  
From the Hage, myself and other consorts hired a Wagon for two guldens, and passed to Leyden, having on both sides fair pastures, fruitful corn fields, and some pleasant groves.   

CHAP. V. Of my journey out of the united Provinces, by the Sea coast, to Stood and Lubeck in Germany. Of my saving to Denmark, and thence to Dantzk in Prussen, and my journey through Poland to Padova in Italy.  
IN the end of the Month of june, and the year 1593.: having now dispatched by Letters, all my business in 
An. 1593.  England, and having seen the united Provinces, I was in doubt by what way I should return into Italy: and having already passed the two ways of Germany, that by Augspurge, and the other by the Sweitzers, and the way by France being then shut up by the civil wars, the common desire of travelers not to pass the same way twice, but to see as many new Countries as their course will permit; made me resolve to pass through the Kingdoms of Denmark and Poland, and by the fortified City of Wien in Austria. In which journey, howsoever I should go much out of my way, and was like to endure many troubles; yet I thought nothing was difficult to a willing mind. Therefore I hired a wagon from Leyden to Vtrecht, and paid for my part twelve stivers. We passed three miles and a half in three hours, by the village Alpha, where the Spaniards encamped, when they besieged Leyden; and by a little Town called Gonda, having on both sides fair pastures, but somewhat over flowed, and ditches set with willows; and we came to a little village, where the wagoner gave his horse's meat. Then in four hours space we passed four miles and a half, having on both sides fruitful corn fields, and like ditches set with willows, and so we came to Vtrecht. But a mile and a half before we came thither, we passed out of the Territory of Holland, and entered the Bishopric of Vtrecht, which is one of the united Provinces. Not far from the City we saw a cross, set up for a Monument of a Bishop dying in battle against the Hollanders. I had almost forgotten the little City Werden, which they showed us by the way, and told us, that the form thereof was like the City of jerusalem, which at that time I had not seen, and therefore mention this from their report, rather than from my judgement.  
The City Vtrecht is seated in length from Southeast, by East, to Northwest by West, and upon the end at Southeast by East, is the gate Weitefraw, where the Rhine 
V'tretcht.  enters the City. At the other end, Nothwest by West, are the ruins of an old Castle, which the Spaniards kept before the wars, to bridle the City: and there be two gates, Saint Katherine-port, and Wert-port, each of them having their suburbs. On the southwest side are walls of earth, but the ditches were almost dry. On the northeast side is the gate Olske-port, and there be three strong Ravelings, one defending the other. On this side be two streets fairer than the rest, called New-graft, and Altkirkhoffe; and there is a pleasant walk well shaded with trees, upon the bank of the River. In the midst of the City is the Cathedral Church, having a fair Tower, and a Bell, which they report to be of eighteen thousand pounds weight near to the same is the Bishop's Palace, wherein the Bishops dwelled before the union of the Provinces; but at this time there dwelled the Countess of Meurs, whose husband died in these wars. In the same part lie the market place, and the Senate house. The houses of the City are of brick, and fairly built, but lose much of their beauty by being covered on the outside with boards, and they seem to have more antiquitic, than the buildings of Holland. There be thirty Churches, but only three are used for divine service. In Saint Mary's Church, (which as I remember is the Cathedral Church) these verses are written upon a pillar.  

Accipe posteritas quod per tua secula narres,  
Taurinis culibus fundo solidata columna est.  
Posterity hear this, and to your children tell,  
Bull hides bear up this pillar from the lowest hell.   
Upon a second pillar this is written in Latin.  
A Frison killed the Bishop because he had learned of him, being drunk, and betrayed by his son, the Art to stop a gulf in this place, the year 1099.  
Upon a third pillar this is written in Latin:  
The Emperor Henry the fourth, built this Church to our Lady, because he had pulled down another Church at Milane, dedicated to her.  
And to my understanding, they showed me at this time manifest signs of the aforesaid gulf, which these inscriptions witness to have been in this place. here I paid for my supper twenty stivers, and for my breakfast six stivers.  
From hence I went to Amsterdam, five miles in three hours space, and paid for my passage in the wagon ten stivers. For half the way on both sides we had fair pastures, and saw many strong Castles belonging to Gentlemen. near Vtrecht, at the passage of a river each man paid a Doit, and before we came to the half way, we passed the confines of this Bishopric, and entered the County of Holland. Then in the space of two hours and a half, we came to Amsterdam, having in our way on both sides fair pastures.  
On Friday in the beginning of the Month of july, at five a clock in the evening, I took ship, upon the Mast whereof was a garland of Roses, because the master of this ship than wooed his wife, which ceremony the Hollanders used. And the sea being calm, we passed eight miles to Enchusen, where we cast anchor. By the way we passed a shoal, where our stern struck twice upon the sand, not without fear of greater mischief. On Saturday we'sayeld between West Freesland upon our right hands towards the East, and Holland upon our left hands towards the West, and after ten miles sailing, came to the Island Fly, which being of small compass, and 
Fly.  consisting of sandy hills, hath two villages in it. From hence they reckon twenty eight miles by sea to Hamburg in Germany, whether we purposed to go. Assoon as we cast anchor here, the Master of our ship went aboard the Admiral of certain ships, which used to lie here, to guard this mouth of the sea, with whom he spoke concerning our passage to Hamburg, and delivered him Letters, commanding that our ship should have a man of war to waste it. This Admiral lay continually in this harbour, to guard this passage into the sea, and he commanded nine ships, which were upon all occasions to waste the Hollanders to Hamburg, and defend them from the Dunkirkers, and all Pirates. But at this time there was not one of these men of war in the harbour, and the Admiral himself might not go forth. So as for this cause, and for the tempestuous weather, we stayed here all Sunday. But upon Monday, the wind being fair for us, and contrary for the men of war that were to come in, so that losing this wind, we must have expected (not without great irksomeness) a second wind to bring in some of these men of war, and a third wind to carry us on our journey: the Master of our ship (carrying six great Pieces, and having some ten Muskets) did associate himself with seven other little ships, (having only Pikes and swords) and so more boldly then wisely resolved to pass to Hamburg without any man of war.  
This Monday morning we hoist sail, but being calmed at noon, we cast anchor between the Fly, on our left hand toward the West, and another little Island Shelling on our right hand towards the East: and lying here, we might see two little barks, hovering up and down, which we thought to be Fishermen, and nothing less than Pirates of Dunkirk. Here till evening we were tossed by the waves, which use to be more violent upon the coast; but a fair wind then arising, all our ships gladly weighed anchor. At which time it happened that the anchor of our ship broke, so as our consorts went on, but our Master, according to the naval discipline, not to put to sea with one anchor, returned back to the harbour of the Fly, there to buy a new anchor, all of us foolishly cursing our fortune and the stars. On Tuesday morning while we sadly walked on the shore, we might see our consorts coming back with torn sails, and dead men, and quarters of men, lying on the hatches. We beholding this with great astonishment, took boat to board them, and demanding the news, they told us that the little barks we saw the day before were Dunkirkers, having in each of them eighty Soldiers, and some few great Pieces, and that they had taken them, & spoiled their ships, of their chief & lightest goods, and had carried away prisoners to Dunkirk all the passengers & chief Mariners, after they had first wrung their foreheads with twined ropes, & with many horrible tortures, forced them to confess what money they had presently, & what they could procure for ransom. Further, with mourning voice they told us, that the Pirates inquired much after our ship, saying that was it the bride, with whom they meant to dance, cursing it to be destroyed with a thousand tuns of devils, & swearing that if they had foreseen our escape, they would have assailed us by day, while we road at anchor. They added, that they had left no goods, but those they could not carry for weight, and had changed their ragged shirts and apparel with the poor Mariners. And indeed they had just cause to bewail the escape of our ship, being laded with many chests of Spanish rials, whereof they were not ignorant, using to have their spies in such places, who for a share in the booty, would have betrayed their very brothers. As we had just cause to praise almighty God, who had thus delivered us out of the laws of death, so had we much more cause to bewail our rashness, yea and our wickedness, that we had striven, yea and repined against his divine providence, which with humble and hearty sorrow I confess to the glory of his sacred name. In this Island I paid for my supper and bed ten stivers, for my breakfast and dinner eight stivers.  
On Wednesday we had a most fair wind, but the terror of our last escape, made us stay in the harbour. In the evening I went to lodge in the village, and paid ten stivers for my supper and bed, and there I saw great store of all kinds of shellfish, sold for a very small price.  
Since this journey by Sea, (had beside our expectation) proved so difficult, myself, though I had seen the Cities upon the sea coast of Germany, yet preferring my safety before the charge and trouble of that way, did resolve to pass to Hamburg by land, with which purpose when I acquainted my consorts; suddenly all the passengers resolved to leave the ships, and to go by land; at which resolution the Masters of the ships stormed, but when each of us had paid them a Doller for our passage from Amsterdam to the Fly, they were well pacified.  
Myself and nine consorts in my company, hired a boat for thirty stivers, each man paying three stivers: and so upon Thursday in four hours space, we sailed three miles to Harlingen a City of west Freesland, passing the aforesaid Inland sea. And the same day hiring a boat, for which each man paid six stivers: we passed a mile to the City Froniker, where is an University, and passing by water through the midst of that pleasant little City, we passed two miles further, to Lewerden, where we lodged, and I paid for my supper ten stivers. The next morning, being Friday, we passed in six hours space two long miles to Dockam, and each man paid for his boat hire three stivers. Without delay in the afternoon we entered a bark, to sail from West Freesland, one of the united Provinces, into East Freesland, a Province of the Germane Empire: but scarce one mile from the town we cast anchor, to expect the flood; and lying there, we heard from the land great noise, barking of dogs, cries of men, and sounding of bells, which proceeded from some Spanish Freebooters breaking out of Groaning, to spoil the Peasants. All the next day we sailed, and in the evening for our better safety we cast anchor near a man of war, (whereof there be some appointed to lie in this Inland Sea, to guard the friends of the States,) and early the next morning being Sunday, we set sail, and by the rising of the sun, landed in the Island of Rotermere (which is divided from the continent by this Inland Sea, and hath the main Sea on the other side,) whence soon after we parted, and were put on land in East Freesland, a Province of the Empire, and passing one mile on foot, came to the City of Emden.  
I said that the States maintained some men of war in this Inland Sea, and these used to send out in lesser boats some bodies of men, to search the Barks whether they be friends or not; which bodies of men are vulgarly called Dieiagt, that is, the hunting, of a metaphor taken from the hunting of dogs. For my passage from Dockam to Emden I paid ten stivers, and here for supper and breakfast I paid twenty three stivers, though the ordinary rate be but six stivers a meal without wine: and for a pound of cherries I paid eight stivers.  
In our journey to Stood, the first day we came in six hours space three miles, to the village Detrem, upon the confines of the county of Emden, passing through fruitful corn fields, and fair meadows; and being eight in the Wagon, we all paid fifteen stivers for the same. From hence we went a mile through wild and fenny fields, to the village Open, and each four consorts paid for their Wagon three stivers, and our Wagon was driven by a woman. Here the Grave or Count of Oldenburg hath a Castle, and each man paid for his supper seven groats. By night we passed four miles through a wild heath, to Oldenburg, and four consorts paid ten stivers for a Wagon. They have very little horses in these parts to draw the Wagons, like to the gallo way nags of Scotland. The second day we passed two miles and a half in four hours space, through a sandy heath ground and thick woods of oak, and came to a Village; where each man paid for his dinner four stivers. After dinner we passed more than a mile through a like woody Heath, and in three hours space came to Delmerhurst, where the Count of Oldenburge hath a fair and strong Castle, though it be a poor Village: and here each man paid half a stiver to the Count, and for our Wagon ten stivers. The same day we passed a mile through sandy pastures, and in three hours space came to Breme, where each man paid for our Wagon four groats, and for our supper five lubeck shillings. From Breme we passed four miles through wild fields, yielding some little corn, and thick woods, and in six hours space came to a poor house; where each man paid for dinner five lubeck shillings. Here those which carried any merchandise paid toll: and one man having a pack which a man might carry on his shoulder, paid four lubeck shillings for the same: but all that go to study in Universities, or be no Merchants, are free from this imposition. After dinner we passed three miles in five hours space to Furred, where each man paid for his supper five lubeck shillings. The next day from two of the clock in the morning to seven, we passed three miles through a heath and woods of oak, and came to Stood, where each man paid for his Wagon from Breme twenty two Lubeck shillings. At Stood I paid for my dinner in a Dutch Inn four Lubeck shillings and a half, and for a steifkin or measure of Rhenish wine, half a dolor. I briefly pass over this journey upon the sea-coast of Germany, because I formerly described the same.  
The one and twenty of july, I passed in four hours space by boat five miles to Hamburge, and paid for my passage by water three Lubeck shillings, for my supper four, and one for my bed. Early in the morning I passed six miles in six hours space, through wild fenny fields, woods of oak, and some few fields of corn, and came to the Village Altslow, seated in a bog, whereof it hath the name; where I paid for my dinner five Lubeck shillings and a half. Give me leave to tell you a ridiculous toy, yet strange and true: At Hamburge gate leading to Lubeck, we found a dog that followed us, and some passengers of credit assured me, that for many years this dog had lain at that gate, and every day without intermission, watching the first Coach that came forth, had followed the same to this village Altslow, being the baiting place at noon, and after dinner had returned back to Hamburge gate, with another Coach coming from Lubeck, for Coaches pass daily between those Cities.  
After dinner we passed four miles in four hours space, through hills more thick with woods, but in many places bearing good corn, and came to Lubeck. For my place in the Coach this day I paid twenty lubeck shillings, and this night for my supper and bed, I paid six lubeck shillings. Here I bought the fourteenth Book of Amadis de Gaul, in the Dutch tongue, to practise the same: for these Books are most eloquently translated into the Dutch, and fit to teach familiar language; and for this Book I paid eighteen lubeck shillings, and for the binding four; and for a Map of Europe to guide me in my journey, I paid fourteen lubeck shillings: Also I paid for a measure of Rhenish wine five lubeck shillings, and as much for a measure of Spanish wine. From Lubcke I passed two miles in three hours space, through fruitful hills of corn, and some woods of oak to the village Tremuren, and paid for my coach the fourth part of a Doller (which notwithstanding useth to be hired for five lubeck shillings) and for my supper I paid four lubeck shillings. I formerly showed that this village is the Haven, where the great ships use to be unladed, and from thence to be carried upto lie at Lubeck in the winter.  
Here I took ship to sail into Denmark, upon the Baltic Sea, so called, because it is compassed by the Land, as it were with a girdle. This sea doth not at all ebb and flow, or very little, after it hath passed in by the straight of Denmark, being more than twenty four miles long, so as upon the shores of Prussen, Muscaw, and Suetia, this sea seems little to be moved, and many times is frozen with ice, from the shore far into the sea; and the waves thereof once stirred with the winds, are very high, neither is the water of this sea any thing so salt as otherwhere, so as the ships sailing therein, do sink deeper at least three spans then in the Germane Ocean, as manifestly appears by the white sides of the ships above water when they come out of this sea, and enter the said Ocean. And this will not seem strange to any, who have seen an egg put into salt pits, and how it swims, being borne up with the salt water. The Master of the Lubeck ship in which I passed to Denmark, gave me beer for four lubeck shillings; for which the Dutchmen and Danes drinking more largely, paid but one lubeck shilling more, and every man had provided victuals for himself. I paid for my passage twenty four lubeck shillings, and gave four to the mariners. From Lubeck they reckon twenty four miles to Falsterboaden, and from thence seven miles to Coppenhagen, so called as the Haven of Merchants. We left upon our lefthand towards the South, a little Island called Munde, and (as I remember) the third day of August, landed at Drakesholme, being one mile from Coppenhagen, whether I passed in a Wagon through some pastures and barren corn fields; and near the City I passed over the 
Coppenhagen  Haven from one Island to another. I paid for my Wagon three lubeck shillings.  
At our entrance of the City, on the eastside, is the King's Castle, where the Court lies, especially in winter time. On this side, the City lies upon the sea, and there is the said Haven, as likewise on the northside the sea is little distant from the City. When I entered the gates, the guard of soldiers examined me strictly, and the common people, as if they had never seen a stranger before, shouted at me after a barbarous fashion; among which people were many mariners, which are commonly more rude in such occasions, and in all conversation. The City is of a round form, in which, or in the King's Castle, I observed no beauty or magnificence. The Castle is built of freestone in a quadrangle. The City is built of timber and clay; and it hath a fair market place, and is reasonably well fortified. Here I paid for three meals and breakfast eight lubeck shillings, and as much for beer. The King at this time lay at Roschild, purposing shortly to go into the Dukedom of Holst, where he had appointed a meeting of the gentlemen at Flansburge, to receive their homage there, which upon 
Roschild.  old piviledges they had refused to do unto him in Denmark.  
Therefore I went four miles in four hours space, through a wild hilly Country, to Roschild, so called of the King's Fountain; and myself and one companion paid twenty lubeck shillings for our Wagon: and though it were the month of August, yet the wind blowing strong from the North, and from the Sea, I was very cold, as if it had been then winter. Roschild hath a Bishop, and though it be not walled, hath the title of a City; but well deserves to be numbered among fair and pleasant Villages. Here they show a whet stone, which Albrecht King of Suetia, sent to Margaret Queen of Denmark, despising her as a woman, and in scoff bidding her to whet her swords therewith: but this Queen took the said King prisoner in that war, and so held him till death. Here I paid seven Danish shillings for my supper. In the chancel of the Church is a monument of black and white stone for this Queen Margaret and her daughter, and the Danes so reverence this Queen, as they have here to show the apparel she used to wear. In this Church are the sepulchres of the Kings, whereof one erected by Frederick, for Christianus his father, is of black Marble and Alabaster, curiously carved, having his statue kneeling before a Crucifix, and hung round about with sixteen black flags, and one red.  
Having seen the King and the Courtiers, myself and my companion next day returned to Coppenhagen, each of us paying for the wagon ten Lubeck shillings: and here I paid for my supper six Lubeck shillings, and three for beer.  
From hence I passed by sea, four miles in five hours space, to Elsinure, and paid for my passage eight Lubeck shillings, and for my supper eight Danish shillings. And because I was to return hither, to take ship for Dantzke, I passed the next morning three miles in four hours space; through Hills of corn but somewhat barren, and woods of Beech, to Fredericksburg, and having but one companion with me, we paid for our wagon thither, and so to Coppenhagen, each of us twenty two Lubeck 
Fredericksburg.  shillings. Here the King hath a Palace, and a little Park walled in, where (among other foreign beasts) were kept some fallow Dear, transported hither out of England, the twenty four year of Queen Elizabeth's reign. I paid for my dinner four Danish shillings, and as much for beer.  
In the afternoon we passed five miles in six hours, through barren fields of corn, and groves of Beech and hasel-nuts, to Cappenhagen, and by the way we saw a Cross, set up in memory of a wagoner, who having drunk too much, drove his wagon so fast, as he overturned it on the side of a Hil, and himself broke his neck. The wagoners have an appointed place at Coppenhagen, where they have a stable for their horses for two Danish shillings a night, but themselves buy hay and oats. And the next day by noon, they must return to their dwellings, though they go empty, when no passengers are to be found.  
From hence, myself and one companion, hired a wagon for twelve Lubeck shillings each of us, to Elsinure, being five miles, whither we came in five hours, fetching many circuits upon the sea coasts.  
This is a poor village, but much frequented by seafaring men, by reason of the strait sea, called the Sound; where the King of Denmark hath laid so great imposition 
Elsinure.  upon ships and goods coming out of the Baltic sea, or brought into the same, as this sole profit passeth all the revenues of his Kingdom. In this village a strong Castle called Croneburg lieth upon the mouth of the Strait, to which on the other side of this Narrow sea, in the Kingdom of Norway, another Castle is opposite, called Elsburg, and these Castles keep the Strait, that no ship can pass into the Baltic sea, or out of it, having not first paid these impositions. They say there is another passage between two islands (for all the Kingdom of Denmark consists of little islands) but the same is forbidden upon penalty of confiscation of all the goods. And they report that three ships in a dark fog passed this strait without paying any thing; but after, this being made known to the King's ministers, at the return of the said ships all their goods were confiscated. In respect of the Danes scrupulous and jealous nature, I did with great difficulty, (putting on a Merchant's habit, and giving a greater reward than the favour deserved,) obtain to enter Croneburg Castle, which was built four square, and hath only one gate on the East side, where it lies upon the strait. Above this gate is a chamber in which the King useth to eat, and two chambers wherein the King and Queen lie apart. Under the fortification of the Castle round about, are stables for horses, and some rooms for like purposes. On the Southside towards the Baltic sea, is the largest road for ships. And upon this side is the prison, and above it a short gallery. On the West side towards the village is the Church of the Castle, & above it a very fair gallery, in which the King useth to feast at solemn times. On the North side is the prospect partly upon the Island, and partly upon the Narrow sea, which reacheth twenty four miles to the Germane Ocean. And because great store of ships pass this way in great Fleets, of a hundredth more or less together: this prospect is most pleasant to all men, but most of all to the King, seeing so many ships, whereof not one shall pass, without adding somewhat to his treasure. On this side lie two chambers, which are called the King of Scotland his chambers, ever since his Majesty lodged there, when he wooed and married his Queen. The hangings thereof were of red cloch, and the chairs and stools covered with the same, but they said that the rich furniture was laid up in the King's absence. The Haven will receive great number of ships, and it hath Croneburge Castle on the North side, the Castle of Elsburg on the East side, and Zealand (the chief Island of the Kingdom) on the West side, and the Island Wheen on the South side.  
To which Island the long strait or narrow sea lies opposite towards the North, leading into the Germane Ocean. This Island Wheen is a mile long, and not altogether so broad, having only one grove in it. This solitary place, King Fredrick, Father to Christianus now reigning, gave to a Gentleman called Tugo-Brahe for his dwelling, who being a famous Astronomer lived here solitarily at this time, & was said to have some Church livings for his maintenance, and to live unmarried, but keeping a Concubine, of whom he had many children, & the reason of his so living, was thought to be this; because his nose having been cut off in a quarrel, when he studied in an Vniversitiy of Germany, he knew himself thereby disabled to marry any Gentlewoman of his own quality. It was also said that the gentlemen less respected him for living in that sort, and did not acknowledge his sons for Gentlemen. King Frederick also gave this learned Gentleman of his free gift, many and very fair Astronomical instruments, and he living in a pleasant Island, wherein no man dwelled but his family, wanted no pleasure which a contemplative man could desire. Besides the aforesaid instruments, this Gentleman had a very fair Library, full of excellent books, and a like fair still-house. Besides not far from his house, he had a little round house of great beauty, in which he did exercise his speculation, the cover thereof being to be removed at pleasure, so as lying with his face upward, he might in the night time fully behold the Stars, or any of them. In this little house all famous Astronomers were painted, and the following Verses were added, each to the picture, to which they belong.  

Sulueta Heroes: vetus O Timochare salve,  
AEther is ante alios ause subire polos.  
God save ye worthies: old Timocherus  
ay greet thee, more than many venturous,  
To mount the Stars and show them unto us.  
Tu quoque demensus Solis Lunaeque recursus,  
Hipparche, & quot quot sidera Olympus habet.  
And thou Hipparchus, thou didst measure even,  
The course of Sun, Moon, and all Stars of heaven  
Antiquos superare volens, Ptolomee labores,  
Orbibus & numeris promptius astra locas.  
Ptolemy, thou to pass old ages reach,  
The Numbers and the Orbs dost better teach.  
Emendare aliquid satis Albategne studebas,  
Syderaconatus post habuere tuos.  
Thou Albategnus somewhat yet to mend  
Didst strive, but wert prevented by thine end.  
Quod labour & studium reliquis, tibi contulit Aurum  
Alphonse, ut tantis annumerere viris.  
These got by pains and study, thou by gold  
Alphonsus, with such men to be enrolled.  
Curriculis tritis diffise Copernice, terram  
Innitam, astriferum flectere cogis iter.  
Copernicus, thou old said saws didst doubt,  
Thou mak'st heaven stand, and earth turn round about.   
In the best place this Gentleman Tugo Brahe had set his own picture, with the following Verses;  

Quaesitis veterum & proprijs, normoe astra subegi,  
Quantiid: judictum posteritatis eret.  
With old Rules and my own, the Stars I place,  
Which aftertimes, as it deserves, shall grace.   
Many Instruments are there placed by him, which himself invented, and he hath made a solemn dedication of the house to the ages to come, with earnest prayers that they will not pull down this Monument.  
The Danes think this Island Wheen to be of such importance, as they have an idle fable, that a King of England should offer for the possession of it, as much scarlet cloth as would cover the same, with a Rose-noble at the corner of each cloth. Others tell a fable of like credit, that it was once sold to a Merchant, whom they scoffed when he came to take possession, bidding him take away the earth he had bought. The great revenue exacted in this strait, hath given occasion to these and the like fables. And in truth, if either the King of Suetia, or the free City of Lubeck, had the possession of this Island, and were fortified therein, they might easily command this passage, and extort what they list, from the Merchants passing that way, and perhaps conquer the parts adjoining; but the possession thereof were altogether unprofitable for any Prince, whose Territories lie out of the Sound, the entrance whereof is forbid by the two foresaid strong Castles. But lest I should be as foolish as they, I return to my purpose. And first give me leave to mention, that there lies a City not far distant, in the Kingdom of Norway, which is called London, as the chief City in England is called.  
Upon Sunday, the twenty six of August, in the year 1593., I took an English 
An. 1593.  ship here, to sail into Prussen, having first bought for my victuals half a lamb for twelve Danish shillings, thirty eggs for six shillings, and some few pots of Spanish wine, for forty two Danish shillings, with some other small provisions. From Elsinure to Dantzk, they reckon eighty English miles. Assoon as we were come out of the harbour, we saw two ships sailing two contrary ways, and yet having both a forewind, which sometimes happens upon the shore, as mariners know. For of these two contrary winds, the one is airy, which holds when you are gone into the main, the other is from the earth, and in short time faileth at the very shore: which event we presently saw with our eyes, one of the ships going fairly on his course, the other casting anchor. The English ship in which I went, was called the Antilope, being of one hundred fifty tuns, or thereabouts, and one Master Bodley was the Master thereof, who showed me manifest signs, where his ship in two places had been struck with lightning; the first whereof passed into the pump, and rend it, but coming to the water, was by the nature thereof carried upward, and coming out at the top of the pump, made two little holes; then passing to the great Mast, rend it, and made a great cranny therein, from the hatches to the top. The second struck the top of the said main Mast, and again rend it, in such wise as it would scarcely bear sail, till we might come to Dantzk, where the best Masts are sold at a good rate. The first day we sailed in the Baltic sea, some five miles with a scant wind, and cast anchor near Copenhagen. With a fair wind and good gail, Mariners usually sail some three Dutch leagues in an hour. On Monday early, we sailed along the shore three miles to Falsterboden. On Tuesday early, we sailed eighteen miles to the Island Brentholm, and upon our left hands saw the land in two places, and there sounding with our plummet, sand of Amber stuck thereunto. The same day by noon, we sailed the length of that Island; and upon Wednesday, by three of the clock in the morning, having sailed thirty miles, we passed by Rose-head, being a Promontory 〈◊〉 Dantzk.  
On Thursday by eight of the clock in the morning, having sailed eighteen miles, we came to a Land called Rettell, and entered the Port of Meluin, where the water was scarce two fathom deep, our ship drawing one fathom and a half: the entry was narrow, and there were many booyes floating upon shoals & sands; and the weather being calm, we were drawn in by a boat with Oars. In like cases ships use to draw themselves in, by the casting and weighing of Anchors, with great labour, and flow riddance of way. From Kettell we passed ten miles, and came to the Port of Meluin. 
Meluin.  In the aforesaid entry of the River, on the right hand towards the West, we saw Dantzke seated not far from the sea shore, where it hath a haven, but not so safe as this: and towards the northeast in the same place a channel runneth up to Konigsberg, the Court of the Duke of Prussen. The Port of Meluin is searce ten foot deep, but our ship passed through the mud, like a plough upon land. This port is a little distant from the City, on the northside, where we entered by a fair large street, called Martgasse, lying thence towards the South. Prussen of old was subject to the order of the Teutonicke Knights, but by agreement made between the King of Poland and the Margrave or Marques of Brandeburg, Master of the said order, part of the province was given to the said Marquis and his heirs, with title of Duke, under homage to the King of Poland, with condition that for want of heir male, it should return to the Kingdom of Poland; and the other part was then united to the said Kingdom: but Dantzke and Meluin remained free Cities, acknowledging the King of Poland for their Protector, for which cause they give him many customs, and permit his Officer to abide in the City, and receive the same. Meluin is a little and fair City lately compassed with new walls, and at this time grew rich by the English Merchants, having their staple in the same. They give good fare for four grosh a meal; and he that pays for two meals in the day, may beside have meat or drink between meals, at pleasure, without paying any thing. The same evening we landed at Meluin, our Mariners staying in the ship, entertained other English Mariners coming aboard; and according to their custom, giving them a piece when they departed: it happened that the piece being of iron, brake; and therewith cut the Cook off by the middle, and rend all the prow of the ship. The English Merchants at Meluin had no Preacher, though the Citizens gave them free exercise of religion: so that how so ever they excused in, by reason that learned Preachers could hardly be drawn to come so far for means to live, yet I thought them not free of blame in this point; because our Merchants further distant in Asia, and living under the Turks Empire, found means by their bounty to have learned Preachers. Neither indeed did I ever observe in any other place (Italy excepted) that our Merchants wanted Preachers, where they held their staples.  
From Meluin I went ten miles in one day to Dantzke, and we being only two comforts; 
Dantzke.  paid each of us a Doller for our Coach. In the morning we went six miles, and by the way passed the River Begot, coming out of the river Vistula, where our Coachman paid three grosh to have his Coach carried over a dam. Beyond this river we entered the territory of the King of Poland, and passing all this way through fruitful come fields, and rich meadows, and pastures, in a Country abounding with towns and Villages, we dined in a Village where we two by covenant paying for our coachman, spent each of us eigh grosh. In the afternoon we passed the rest of the way, one mile in the-Kings territory, where we passed another dam of the river Vistula, and three miles to Dantzke in the territory of the same City. The King of Poland at this time was at the Port of Dantzke, called Der Mind, an English mile from the City, expecting a wind to sail into his Kingdom of Suecin, and had with him his Queen, and many Ladies and Courtiers. Therefore desirous to see the King and the Queen, with their train? I walked the next morning to this Port, which is barred with a mountain of sand, so as the ships must unlade in the road, before they can enter this Haven; neither is any village built there, but only one Inn, in which the King 〈◊〉 with all his train: but beyond the water there is a strong Castle of a round son. From hence after dinner I returned on foot to Dantzke. The next day the King had a good wind, but before this (as those of the Romish religion are very superstitious) the King and the Queen (being of the house of Austria) while sometimes they thought Monday, sometimes Friday, to be unlucky days, had lost many fair winds. The City of Dantzke is a very fair City, and howsoever few ages past, they had not any houses built of stone, yet at this time many were built of freestone, and the rest of brick, with great beauty and magnificence, being six or seven roofs high. And they had public gardens for sports, banquets, and exercises, which are very pleasant. They have a very fair Senate-house, called Hoff, that is, the Court; and the Citizens have a strange fashion, to put off their hats when they pass by it. From the market place being round (in which the King of Poland lodged some days) to the gate Hochethore (being richly engraved) lieth a very fair street called Longgasse) and leads up towards the Mountains hanging over the City. The famous River Vistula doth not enter the City, but passeth by it on the eastside, and running towards the North, falls into the Baltic sea, But a little brook enters the City on the Southside, and runs through it towards the North. There is a fair water conduit, vulgarly called Wasserkunst, where by a mill the waters are drawn up into a cistern, from whence they are carried by pipes into all the streets and private houses; besides that many Citizens have their private wells. The aforesaid brook drives many mills, among which, one for the grinding of corn, belongs to the Senate, and it hath eighteen rooms, and bringeth into the public treasure every hour a gold gulden, and another without any help of hands, saweth boards, having an iron wheel, which doth not only drive the saw, but hooketh in, and turneth the boards to the saw. The Garners for laying up of corn called speiker, are very fair, and very many lying together, in which the Citizens lay up corn brought out of Poland, and according to the wants of Europe, carry it into many kingdoms, and many times relieve fruitful Provinces in time of casual dearth. The Queen of Poland came in a disguifed habit to see these garners: and they have a law that no man may carry fire or a lighted candle into them. In the Church called Parkirk, the resurrection of our Lord is painted with great art, and the same again is figured under a globe of glass, which kind of painting is here in use. This City compassed with one wall, contains three Cities, governed by three Senates, out of which one chief Senate is gathered to govern the whole City; and these three Cities are called Furstat, that is, the fore City, and Alistat, that is, the old City, and Reichstat, that is, the Empire's City. The whole-City united, lies in length from the South to the North, and upon the Southside is Furstat, where the foresaid brook dividing the City doth enter, and there is the aforesaid water conduit, and without the walls a fair village or suburb called Scotland, in which there is a sanctuary, which offenders may enter, paying a gulden to the Bishop; and none but Artificers, & for the most part shoemakers, d well in this suburb. On this side, and towards the East and North, without the walls, lie plain fields, which may be drowned at pleasure. Upon the eastside within the walls, are the aforesaid garners for corn. On the Westside without the walls, great mountains hang over the City, and upon them Stephen King of Poland encamped, when he besieged the City, which hath for defence very high walls on the same side. Upon the northside in a corner lies Altstat, between which and Furstat on the Southside, lies the chief City Reichstat, in the midst whereof is the aforesaid market place, and a public armoury; besides that great Ordinance is planted upon the walls round about the City. I said that from this market place, the fair street Longgasse lieth to the gate Reichstat. Between Reichstat and Altstat, lie the foresaid two mills, to grind corn, and saw boards, both (in my opinion) very rare. The City of Dantzke, from the Roman superstition, hath the same Saint for protector of their City, which England hath; namely, Saint George, whom they carry in their flags and banners. And by the way let me remember, that the state of Genea in Italy, and the Island of Chios, vulgarly Zio, in the sea near Constantinople, carry also the same Saint in their flags. At Dantzke I paid fivegrosh, a meal and being to pass into Poland, where good meat is not in all places to be had, I carried some provision in the Coach, and paid for two hens five grosh, and for each measure of wine (all kinds being of like price) I paid ten grosh, which measure is called a stoop, and is somewhat bigger than the English guart.  
The ninth of September, after the old style (for the new style is used in Poland,) I took  
The ninth of September, after the old style (for the new style is used in Poland) I took my journey to Crakaw, and we being four consorts, hired a Coach for forty guldens. The first day in the morning we passed five miles in five hours space, through fruitful hills of corn, and only one wood, in that part of the Dukedom of Prussen, which belongs unto the King of Poland, and came to the City Diersaw, by which the river Vistula runneth. After dinner we passed three miles, through a wood and a Fen, to the Village Zunzane, inhabited by Hollanders, who having dried the Fen, made the fields much more fruitful. And from thence the same night having passed the river Vistula, we went half a mile to Gratenis, a City belonging to the Sborosky, a family of Gentlemen. The second day in the morning we went five miles, through a wood and fruitful fields of corn, to a little City Colmersea, where that day was a meeting of the neighbour Gentlemen. If you except Crakaw, and the greater Cities, the building in these parts is poor, being of mere dirt in the Villages, and of timber and clay in the better towns, the houses being covered with straw, or tiles of wood, and the gentlemen's houses be far distant one from the other, and of no beauty. After dinner we went four miles through fruitful fields of corn, to the City Toarn. Hitherto we had given money to a Hollander, one of our consorts, for the paying of our expenses, and now by his account each of us had spent three guldens and a half, for he had provided wine and such things which we could not find in Villages, to be carried in our Coach. In this City we supped at an Ordinary, and five of us paid two collars. The river Vistula passeth by this City, and for passing the same by a bridge, we paid for our Coach two grosh, and then entering Massovia, a Province of the Kingdom of Poland, the third day in the morning we passed three miles through a wood of fir, and one mile through corn fields, and I have omitted what I paid for my dinner. In the afternoon we passed three miles through a wild plain, and woods of oak to Britzoll, where I likewise omitted my expenses. The fourth day in the morning we passed five miles, through corn fields and woods of oak, to Quodonab, where I forgot my expense. I formerly said that four of us had hired a Coach from Dantzke to Crakaw, but the horses being but two, were extremely weary; so as one of our company having a letter to take post horses (if so I may call poor jades) paying a grosh for each horse every mile; which Letter is vulgarly called Podwoda-briefe. I was easily induced to leave the Coach, and bear him company; and they telling us that we had now passed more than half the way, we agreed so, as we two who left the Coach, should pay each of us six guldens for the same. But the Hollander overreached us; for we had not gone half the way, and yet paid more than half the price which we should have paid for the whole journey. This done, we two drawn upon a sledge, passed two miles through corn fields that afternoon to a poor Village, and paid for our passage two grosh. The fifth day in the morning hiring a country Wagon, and two horses at the same rate, we passed two miles through fields of hops, and sandy fields of corn, and two woods of fir, to Lonzchizcha, and from thence five miles through woods and sandy fields, to another village, and paid for our sledge half a grosh each mile, and for a horse for two miles six grosh, and for three miles seven grosh. Here we invited two polacks to dinner, yet both together spent only four grosh and a half for us and them, for we had ten eggs for a grosh, and all other victuals very cheap. After dinner we hired two horses, and a Country Wagon for eight grosh, and passed four miles through a stony way, and sandy fields of corn, to Peterkaw, where the King hath a Castle, and there we bought for ourselves, flesh, bread, and beer, for our supper, at a very cheap rate, and giving one grosh to the Hostess for dressing our meat, and for butter and fire, she was very well content with it. The sixth day in the morning we passed five miles, and in the afternoon two miles, with the same Wagon, for which we paid seven grosh, and the same horses, for which we paid fourteen grosh. And we passed through woods of high fir trees, and some few fields of corn. Our meat we bought ourselves, and as formerly our Hostess dressed it, and we fetched our beer without doors. I remember we paid three grosh for a goose, two for a partridge, two for a loin of mutton, and three for a pig. They sold a bushel of oats for two grosh, which at Thoarn they sold for six grosh. In these parts were great store of hop-yards. After dinner we passed three miles through woody hills, and corn fields, and paid for our horses and a country wagon twelve grosh.  
The seventh day in the morning, we passed to a poor village four miles, through fruitful hills of corn, and many woods of fir, and one of oak, and we hired our country wagon with two horses, for fourteen grosh. Further we went three miles to another village, through hills of corn, and a heath full of woods, and paid for one horse and a wagon, six grosh. After dinner we passed to a village three miles, through fruitful hills of corn; and by the way we might see a stately Gentleman's house, and Gentlemen hawking in the fields: and I remember not in all my long travel, ever to have met hawkers or hunters in the fields, but only here, and once in Bohemia. In this village the King hath a Castle. The eight day, in the morning, we passed forward with the same horses and wagon, which we had in the afternoon before, and went two miles to Pnecho, and we paid for our horses and wagon fifteen grosh, and gave one to the wagoner. Here the King hath another fair Castle. From hence we passed two miles to a village, through mountains and corn fields, and paid for two horses and a wagon four grosh, and gave to the wagoner procuring our horses one grosh.  
The same day we went three miles, through little mountains of corn, to Crakaw, and paid for two horses and a wagon six grosh. here we lodged with the 
Crakaw.  Fleming, consort of our journey, and had our diet after the Dutch manner, and price. Fortified Cities, are very rare in Poland, they placing their strength in their swords and horsemen, rather than in walls. Of all the Cities, Crakaw is the chief, where the King and his Council reside. It is seated in a plain, having mountains on all sides, but somewhat distant, and it is compassed with two walls of stone, and a dry ditch. The building is very fair, of free stone four roofs high, but covered with tiles of wood for the most part. It is of a round form, but somewhat longer from the East to the West. In the midst of the City is a large market place quadrangular, wherein is the Cathedral Church, and in the midst of the market place is the Senate house for the City, about which are many shops of Merchants. Upon the East side of the City is the King's Castle, seated on a hill; being fair, and high built, almost quadrangular, but somewhat more long than broad, and lying open on the South side, without any building above the wall. On the East side be the Chambersof the King and Queen, with galleries adjoining. On the North side is a fair gallery; some forty five walking paces long, where they use to feast and dance. On the West side are the chambers of the Queen Dowager; from whence are private stairs to the gate of the Castle; by which the French King, Henry the third, stole away secretly into France. On the same side is a Chapel, in the which the Kings are buried. Upon the East side of this City, where this Castle is seated, lie four suburbs; namely, the jews little City, and Cagmen, which is divided by the river Vistula, from the other two, called Stradam and the Stews. And Stradam belongs to the City, but the rest have their own Magistrates and privileges. Towards the South and southwest, lies the suburb Garbatz, belonging to the City, which of late was burnt in the civil war, by the forces of Zamosky, one of the Palatines, and Chancellor of the Kingdom, defending the Election of Sigismond now King, against Maximilian of Austria, chosen King by another party. On the North side are the suburbs Biskop, and Clepart, which have their own Magistrates.  
From hence being to take my journey for Italy, I bought a horse for eighteen gulden's, and he that sold him, according to the manner there used, caused his bridle to be put on, and so by the same delivered the horse into my hands. I paid fifteen grosh for a pair of shoes, fifty for a pair of boots, nine for spurs, two guldens and a half for a saddle, a gulden and a half for other furniture for my journey, nine grosh for stirrups, eight grosh for four horse shoes, and eight grosh for each bushel of oats. An Italian Gentleman being to return into Italy, bought likewise a horse; and with this fair companion I took my journey. The first day towards evening we road two miles through fruitful hills of corn, to a Country house, where I paid for my supper two grosh, for hay a grosh & a half, for a quarter of a bushel of oats, two grosh, and gave to the Ostler half a grosh. The second day in the morning we road three miles, through woods of fir, to a village, where I paid for my dinner two grosh, for hay half a grosh, for the third part of a bushel of oats a grosh and a half. After dinner we road one mile and a half through a great wood, having the Mountains of Hungary on our left hand, and passing the river Vistula, we road a mile through fenny fields, and woods of fir and beech, and came to a little City Opsenson, where I paid for my supper eight grosh, and for some three English pints of wine five grosh, for beer a grosh and a half, for a third part of a bushel of oats, nine grosh, and for hay and straw a grosh and a half, and this City was subject to a Gentleman of Poland.  
The third day in the morning, we road three miles and a half, through fields somewhat overflowed, but fruitful in corn, and a wood of fir, to Plesua, subject to the Barons of Promnitz, and seated in Silesia, a Province of the Dutch Empire; for after one miles riding we came out of Poland, into the said Province, which is subject to the Emperor, as likewise Moravia is, by his right as he is King of Bohemia: but in Silesia they speak Dutch, and Moravia hath his own language, little differing from that of Bohemia. Also in our way we passed the river Vistula by boat, and another arm thereof by a bridge. Here the Barons of Promnitz have a Castle, wherein they reside; and here I paid for my dinner six grosh, for beer one, for hay and a third part of a bushel of oats two grosh, and for a measure of wine (somewhat bigger than the English quart) ten grosh. After dinner we road two miles, through fruitful fields of corn, to a little City subject to the Emperor, (not by large subjection, but proper right to all the Revenues of that Territory) as he is King of Bohemia: and I paid for supper three grosh, for a third part of a bushel of oats with hay and straw five grosh. The fourth day we road two miles in the morning, being now entered into Moravia, where the miles are exceeding long, as they be in Bohemia: and we passed through most fruitful hills of corn, and some woods, and came to a little village, seated a little beyond the City Freestat, belonging to the Dukes of Tesch, and here I paid for my dinner three grosh, and as much for my horse-meat. After dinner we rodetwo miles through hills and mountains, fruitful of corn, and some woods of oaks: for Moravia is a pleasant Country, very fruitful, and full of towns and villages; and we came to Ostrenam, where I paid for my supper three grosh, for beer two, for my horse-meat four and a half. The fifth day in the morning we road three miles, through fruitful hills of corn to the village Botevisa; being very pleasant and full of orchards, and subject to a Gentleman of that Country. By the way we passed on horseback two arms of the river Odera, which hath his head three miles distant. here we dined with the Preacher (or Minister) of the Town, because the Host of the Inn was newly dead; & I paid for my dinner four grosh, for beer one grosh, and for horse-meat two grosh. Afterdinner we road two miles, through most fruitful hills of corn, to a pleasant village (as all Moravia is pleasant and fertile) and I paid for my supper five grosh, and four for my horse meat. The sixth day in the morning we road three miles, through fruitful hills of corn, having woody Mountains on both hands; and in the midst of the way, passed by the City Granitz, and came to Leipny. The Cities in these parts are built with Arches half over the streets, so as in the greatest rain, a man may pass in the streets under them with a dry foot, and such is the building of this little City, where in some thirty families of jews did dwell. Here I paid for my dinner four grosh, and for my horse-meat two grosh (hitherto I mean groshes of Poland) After dinner we road a mile and a half in a paved way, with corn fields on both hands, to the City Speron; where I paid for my supper five grosh, (I mean now, and hereafter groshes of Moravia,) and for my horse-meat three grosh: and here I paid for an Orange two grosh. In this journey through Poland, and from Cracaw to this place, we had here the first bed, having before lodged upon benches in a warm stove. The seventh day in the morning, we road two very long miles, through most fruitful hills of corn, & rich pastures, to a village, having by the way passed by the City of Creitzon (wherein many jews dwelled) & by very many villages: and here I paid for my dinner three grosh, & for my horse-meat one grosh, for a measure of wine like an English pint, three creitzers After dinner we road a mile and a half, through most fruitful hills of corn, to a place called, The jews village, beyond the Episcopal City Vascon, and I paid for my supper two grosh, and for my horse-meat three grosh and a half. The eight day in the morning we road two miles, going much out of our way, and passed through most fruitful hills of corn, and pleasant vineyards, to Nimsich, and I paid for my dinner four grosh, for my horse-meat one grosh and a half. After dinner we road half a mile, through hills planted with vines, to Tracht, and I paid for my supper six grosh, for my horse-meat two and a half, and for beer to wash my horses feet, six creitzers.  
The ninth day in the morning, we road four miles to a village, through hills of corn, and in the mid way were the confines of Morania, and of Austria into which we now entered. Here I paid for my dinner fourteen creitzers, and three for my horse-meat. The vintage being now at hand, when we came from our Inns in the morning, we used to carry bread with us, and so to break our fast with bunches of grapes gathered by the way. After dinner we road two miles, through hills and mountains most fruitful of corn and wine, to Pasdorffe, and I paid for my supper eighteen creitzers, and nine for my horse-meat. The tenth day in the morning we road two miles and a half; through hills of corn, and many woods, to a village, not far from Vlrich-kirke, and here I omitted my expense.  
After dinner we road two miles and a half through a very large plain, fruitful of corn and pasture, with many pleasant woods, and compassed round about with mountains, and came to Vienna, vulgarly called Wien. near the City on the North side the river Danow runneth by, from the East to the West, three arms whereof close 
Vienna.  together (with some ground between, which many times is overflowed) we passed by three bridges, whereof one hath twenty nine arches, the other fifty seven, and the third fifteen, each of those arches being some eighteen walking paces long. Between the second bridge, and the third next to the City, is a pleasant grove, and good part of the ground under the bridges is many times dry; but when the river riseth, it doth not only fill the all beds, but overfloweth the fields on both sides. At the gate of Wien, each man paid for his horse two pochanels; and when we came to the Inn, the Host sent our names written to the Magistrate. Wien the metropolitan City of Austria, is a famous Fort against the Turks, upon the confines of Austria, which if they should once gain, their horsemen might suddenly spoil the open Countries of Bohemia, and Morauta, and good part of Salesia. The City is of a round form, and upon the North side there is an ascent to it upon a hill, otherwise without the walls on all sides the ground is plain, except the West side, where mountains lie a good distance from the City, and upon that side the Sultan of the Turks encamped, upon the hills near the gallows, when in the time of the Emperor Rodulphua, he besieged the City, or rather came to view it, with purpose to besiege it the next summer. The streets are narrow, but the building is stately, of free stone. Two Towers of the Church are curiously engraven, the like whereof is not in Germany, except the Tower or steeple of Strashurg. The common report is, that two chief workmen had great emulation in building them; and that one having finished his Tower, found means to break the neck of the other, lest his workmanship should excel that he had done. One of the Towers some three years past, was shaken with an earthquake, and indeed the houses of this City are many times shaken therewith, and they have a Prophecy of old, that this City shall be destroyed with an earth quake. It is dangerous to walk the streets in the night, for the great number of disordered people, which are easily found upon any confines, especially where such an army lieth near, as that of Hungary, governed by no strict discipline. Ernest as and Mathias, Archdukes of Austria, and brothers to the Emperor Rodulphus, did at this time lie here, both in one house, and did eat at one table, and in the time of their meals, it was free for strangers and others to come into the room. I stayed three days a Wien to ease my weary horse, and I paid each meal twenty four creitzers, for oats the day and night eighteen, and in like sort for hay six creitzers.  
From hence we took our journey for Paduoa in Italy, and the first day after dinner werode six miles, in a plain of vineyards, pastures, and corn fields, with some woods, to a village, where I paid fifteen creitzers for my supper, and eight for my horse. The next day in the morning we road four miles, through a wild plain, by the City Newstat, and not far thence came to Newkirke, where I paid twenty four creitzers for my dinner, four for my horse, and twelve for a measure of wine, like our English quart. Henceforward we had no more beer, but only wine set on the table. After dinner we road three miles through woods and mountains, planted with vines, and a rich valley of pasture and corn, all in a stony soil, to Schwatzen. I observed that the horses we met laded with wine, had their noses covered, which they said was done, lest they should be overcome with the vapour thereof: This City is seated between most high mountains, in a narrow straight, hewn out of a Rock, and shut up with a wall of stone. Here I paid for my supper twenty creitzers, and for drinking after supper (vulgarly schlaffdruncke, that is, sleeping drink) six creitzers, and for the fourth part of a bushel of oats, nine creitzers (which before we had for four creitzers and a half) and for hay and straw three creitzers. The third day in the morning we road two miles, through woody mountains, the ascent of one of them being half a mile, and through rich pastures, to Mor thusly, and I paid for my dinner eighteen creitzers, and for my horse-meat five creitzers, oats being dearer here than before. This day near Spittle we passed out of Austria into Styria. After dinner we road two miles, through woody mountains, yielding good pastures, to a village, where I paid for my supper twenty four creitzers, and twelve for my horse-meat. The fourth day in the morning we road four miles, through mountains with pasture and woods, and valleys of corn, to the City Brucke, where I paid for my dinner fifteen creitzers, for my horse-meat five creitzers, the third part of a bushel of oats being here sold for twenty four creitzers. After dinner we road in like way two miles, to the City Lowen, and I paid for my supper fifteen creitzers, for three little measures and a half of oats, fourteen creitzers, for stable three creitzers, and four for dregs of wine to wash my horses feet. The fifth day in the morning we road two miles in like way to a village, where I paid nine creitzers for my dinner, and four for my horse meat. After dinner we road in the like way, and over mountains covered with snow, three miles and a half, to a village, not far from which, Charles of Gratz, Archduke of Austria, (uncle by the Father side to the Emperor Rodulphus, and Father to the Queen of Poland, lately married to King Sigismond,) was of late buried in a Monastery near Knettelfeld. In this village I paid fourteen creitzers for my supper, and twelve for my horse-meat. The sixth day in the morning we road one mile in like way, to judenburg, that is, the City of the jews, and I paid fourteen creitzers for breakfast. Then we road five miles in a stony way, through high mountains, to Newen-markt, and I paid eighteen creitzers for my supper, and fifteen for my horse-meat. In this Country of Styria, many men and women have great wens hanging down their throats, by drinking the waters that run through the mines of metals.  
The seventh day in the morning we road two miles to the confines of Styria, and entering Carinthia, passed by the City Freysacke, in which was a fair and strong Castle, seated upon a high mountain, and so we passed one mile further to a village, all our way having been very troublesome by reason of the stony mountains, and narrow passages, we having a coach in our company. here I paid twenty four creitzers for my dinner, and fourteen for my horse-meat. After dinner we road two miles in a plain compassed with mountains, to Sternfield; where I paid nineteen creitzers for my supper, and sixteen for my horse-meat. The eight day in the morning we road one mile, through a fruitful plain of corn, to a pleasant City, Saint Voyte. As in Styria, so here in Carinthia, the men and women have great wens upon their throats, with drinking the waters that pass the Mines. here I paid for my dinner and supper forty eight creitzers, and twenty four for my horse-meat, for we stayed here to rest our horses, and every day we took shorter journeys, because we had a Coach in our company, which could hardly pass the straits and stony ways of the Alps, and in no other part of the Alps, they use at any time to pass with Coaches, but here very seldom, in respect of the ill way. The ninth day we road three miles, through a fruitful plain of corn, to Feldkirken, where I paid nine creitzers for my dinner, and four for my horse-meat. After dinner we road about two miles, by the side of a lake on our left hand towards the South, beyond which lake Boleslaus King of Poland lies buried in a Monasbery, who having killed a Bishop, warning him to amend his life, did upon his own free will do penance there, taking the habit of a Monk, and serving in the same Cloister, as a lay brother to warm stoves: but the Polackes say, that the body of the dead Bishop did many miracles, whereupon with great expense of treasure, they of late obtained at Rome, to have him made a Saint. And so we came to a village where I paid twenty creitzers for my supper, thirteen for my horse-meat, and eight for drink after supper. The tenth day in the morning we road about a mile, through high and rocky mountains, to the City Villake, by which the River Draw runneth, and here I omitted my expenses. After dinner we road three miles, through high and rocky mountains, and a narrow way; and our Coachman by the way showed us upon the left hand towards the South, a Castle, which of old belonging to the Governors of the Province, was now demolished, and because money received of the Turks for treason, was hidden here, they say that ever since ill spirits walk in that place.  
In the villages of Carinthia (being a Province of the Dutch Empire) the Country people speak Wendish, or the tongue of the old Vandals, which I have like wise heard to be used in villages near Angsburg, and near Witteberg in Saxony, and upon the shore of the Baltic sea in Pomern, and Meckleburge, so as it seems, that barbarous nation, though scattered and losing their name, yet still liveth in those places.  
So we came to Altaporta, that is High gate, where I omitted my expenses. The eleventh day in the morning we road a mile, through high mountains and rocky, and a narrow way to the village Trenise, where the Dutchmen showed a passport, and we all had a like passport given us from the Emperor his Officers, which we were to deliver to the Venetian Officers at Pontena, left either for suspicion of infectious sickness, or any other cause, they should not permit us to enter into Italy. In the said village I paid fifteen creitzers for my dinner, and five for my horse-meat.  
After dinner we road two miles, in a stony way between mountains, to Pontena, which the Dutch call Pontafell, and by the way there was a wall of stone between the mountains, and a village called Chiusa, where there was a gate, shutting up the high way, upon which was written in Italian.  

La chiusa,  
L'Alpi chiudono i confini della famosa Italia, manon  
ponno mai chiudere l'honer del sagio Contarini.  
The enclosure or shutting up.  
The Alps close up the confines of famous Italy, but can never enclose the honour of the wise Contarini.   
The Contarini are a family of Gentlemen in Venice. Here the Venetian soldiers keeping this passage, required a benevolence of us, which we willingly gave, and out companions paid four Venetian lyres for the four horses in their Coach, but we that were horsemen paid no tribute. Here we had another passport to be showed at Venzona. I paid at Pontena thirty sols of Venice for my supper, thirty five for oats, and ten for hey.  
And give me leave to remember, that I having for the cold at Dantzke, in the beginning of September, put on a woollen wasecoat, was forced now at the entering of Italy, for great heat in the end of October, to put off the same.  
The twelfth day in the morning we road four miles (meaning Dutch miles, though we be now entered into Italy, because my Dutch companions so reckoned them.) We now had entered the Italian Province Frioly, which the Latins call Forum julij; because the Legions used to be sent from hence over the Alps, & the Venetians call Patria, that is country; because the Venetians fled from hence, into the Lakes of Venice, when Attila King of the Huns invaded Italy, by this name acknowledging it to be their country, from whence they originally came. Aquilegia the seat of the patriarchs, destroyed by Attila, was of old famous; but the Venetians by the Pope's favour, have drawn the patriarchs seat to Venice. By the way we passed seven branches of the River Tagliamonti on horseback without boats, the stream being so violent by the waters falling from the mountains, that it dazzles the eyes, if the passenger look upon the water; for which cause we passed warily, turning our eyes from the water, and having guidespassing before us, to try and show us the fords. By the way upon a bridge, this was written in Latin:  
For the carrying over of Dutch merchandise, by the streams of Ledra, S. S. Precedent of the Province, speedily built this Bridge.  
So we came through a plain somewhat wild, or less fruitful, to Spilenburg; where I paid twenty one sols for my dinner, eight for oats, and four for hay. After dinner we road two Dutch miles, through wild stony fields, to Sanuocate, where I paid thirty sols for my supper, thirty two for oats, and ten for hay. The thirteenth day in the morning, we road three Dutch, or fourteen Italian miles; through wild grounds, and stony fields of corn, and near our journeys end, by many Orchards and Vineyards, to Konian, where I omitted my expense. By the way we met a Gentleman, in his coach drawn with oxen. After dinner we road two Dutch, or eight Italian miles, and in a wild field, passed two branches of a river by a boat, in which we sat on horseback; and we paid sixteen sols for our passage, and thence we came to a village, where I paid forty sols for my supper, twenty three for oats, and ten for hay. And coming hither on Allsoules evening, which they keep with great superstition, we could not sleep for little bells tinkling all night. The fourteenth day in the morning, we road six Italian miles, through fruitful hills of corn, and by pleasant Vineyards, to Trevigi, a City little in circuit, but fortified, and built of brick, with arches hanging over the streets, under which men walk dry in the greatest rain, where I have omitted my expenses.  
After breakfast we road twenty two Italian miles, through a most pleasant plain, in which we passed over a river, and came to Paduoa. Here I sold my horse for twenty 
Paduoa.  silver crowns, which I bought at Crakaw for eighteen guldens; and by the way, I might have sold him for twenty six crowns or more, and from the place where I sold him, might easily have hired a coach or horses to Paduoa, but my foolish hope to sell him dearer, and desire to save the charge of hiring a coach, or horse, kept me from selling him by the way, whereof I repented when I came to Paduoa, where horse-meat was very dear, and the horse-coarsers finding that I must needs sell him, agreed among themselves, so craftily, sending me every day new buyers, to offer me less than before they had offered, as when I had kept him fourteen days, I must have been forced to sell my horse at their price, if I had not found an English Gentleman by chance, who returning into Germany, gave me twenty crowns for my horse. I stayed all this winter at Paduoa, in which famous University I desired to perfect my Italian tongue, where a Student may have his table at an Ordinary (vulgarly a lafoy dozena) and his chamber for eight, or at most, for ten silver crowns the month: but few live after this fashion, save the Dutch, and strangers new arrived, and having not yet got the language; but rather they hire a chamber, which is to be had for a sequin, or ten lyres the month, or at a lower rate, the Hostess being to find linen, and dress the meat you buy. My Host had a large house, with a fair court, hired yearly for forty crowns, and with him, myself and some Dutch men lodged, each having his chamber and plentiful diet, for eight silver crowns the month.  
When I went to Venice, I lodged with an Hostess, an old widow, which had a house like a Palace; for which, she paid two hundred crowns yearly, and there I paid for a chamber four silver crowns by the month, every man there buying meat at his pleasure, which the Hostess dresseth; and finds linen.  
But that the price of things may better appear, it will not be amiss particularly to set some prices down for both Cities; for howsoever strangers spend more in Venice, then in Padnoa; yet that is not by reason of diet, but for the greater price of chambers, and extraordinary enticements to spend. The prices I will briefly set down, in some few particulars, because in the due place treating of diet, I am to speak more largely thereof. It is the fashion of Italy, that only men, and the Masters of the family, go into the market and buy victuals, for servants are never sent to that purpose, much less women, which if they be chaste, rather are locked up at home, as it were in prison. Again, the small coins of brass, are very helpful to the poor, all victuals being sold in small portions, according to the smallest money, yea, the very spices, which in the shops are put up in papers, ready beaten, according to greater or the very lest coins. The Italians are sparing in diet, but particularly at Padnoa, the markets abound rather with variety, than quantities of meat. Some hundreds of turkeys hang out to be sold, for six or seven lyres each, according to the goodness. And this territory yielding better corn than other parts, they have very white bread, light, & pleasant in taste, especially that which is called Pan-buffetto. I remember I bought a pound of mutton for five sols and a half, of veal for eight, of pork for eight, a fat hen for two lyres, eight little birds for six sols, a great and fat pigeon for two lyres, a pullet for thirty five, and sometime forty sols, an Eel after ten sols the pound, krevises the pound three, and sometimes six sols, a pike the pound seven or eight sols, round cockles the hundred three sols, the long, which we call razors, the hundredth twenty sols, the skalops which they call holy cockels, twelve for a lyre, Cheverns the pound four sols, a plaise six sols, tenches the pound eight sols, sausages the pound ten sols, six eggs eight sols, butter the pound fourteen sols, piacentine cheese the pound six sols, and parmesan the pound ten or twelve sols, a measure of salt for the table four sols, rice the pound three sols, ten snails four sols, apples the pound two sols, pears & wardens the pound four sols, chestnuts the pound three sols, dry grapes the pound two sols, sometimes three; almonds the pound five sols, six oranges for one gaget, a pomegranate one sol, oil the pound ten sols, a secchio of wine thirty five sols, or the pound thereof eight sols, wax candles the ounce two sols, and ten small wax candles twenty two sols, other candles the pound sixteen sols, or fourteen if they be little, a choir of writing paper five sols. The Hostess dresseth your meat in the bargain for your chamber, and finds you napkins, tableclothes, sheets, and towels; and either in your chest or her own, will lay up the meat, and very bread you leave, more providently than any of our parts would require; and little boys attend in the market places with baskets, who for a sol will carry home the meat you buy; and dare not deceive you though you go not with them. I paid to my tailor for making a cloak four lyres, and for my doublet and hose eight lights; to my laundress for making a shirt a lyre, that is, twenty sols; for washing it two sols; and for washing four handkerchiefs one sol. And this shall suffice for particular expenses.  
The City Paduoa, was built by Antenor a Trojan, and the Heneti driven out of their Country, joined themselves to these Troyans'. These with joint force drove out the Euganei from the fertile Euganean hills near Paduoa, where Hereules left them, and these Heneti gave to their posterity the name of Venetians, to whom the Colonies of Tuscany joined themselves, than the French subdued all this Province, till at last they subjecteth themselves to the Romans, and were made Citizens of Rome. The Roman Empire declining, the Visigothes under Alaricus drove the chief Citizens of Paduoa, into the lakes of Venice. Then Attila King of the Huns spoiled Paduoa, and the Longobards burned it, which being rebuilt, and flourishing under the Germane Emperors, Acciolinus usurped the government thereof, in the year 1237. But Pope Alexander the fourth helped by the Venetians, restored it to liberty in the year 1257. In the faction of the Guelphs & Gibellines, Paduoa then & from that time hath been subject to many Princes of the Scaligers, & Cararrians, till about the year 1402. the Venetians took the City, which they held to the year 1509. when the French King Lewis made them yield to the Emperor; but the Venetians after two months recovered it, and to this day it is subject to them, who send a Magistrate called Podesta, every fifteen months to govern it. Some say Paduoa was first called Antenoria (as the Heneti gave the name of Venice to the Country) till after Antenor's death, the Heneti called it Paduoa, of a City in their Country whence they were driven. Others say it hath the name from a Greek word, upon the flying of Swans: others say it is so called of the river Po, called in Latin Padus, or of the territory lying beyond the Po, the River giving name to the territory, and that to the City. Before it was destroyed by Attila, it was seated on the eastside of the River Medoacus, but after it was built on the other side, in a fenny soil, where now the market place is, but since it hath been enlarged on both sides the water, being without the outmost walls seven miles' compass, and of a triangular form, as it seemed to me. The first angle is on the northside, where is the Monastery of the hermits of Saint Augustine, and the stately Palace Areno, in which the French King Henry the third was lodged, when he returned from Poland into France. The second angle is towards the East; where is the gate at which they take water to pass upon the River Brenta to Venice. The third angle is towards the South, where is the monastery Santo, called of Saint Anthony of Lisbon, and the monastery of Saint justina. And these angles taken away, the old City is round. On the Westside upon the walls, is built the old Palace of the old City. Paduoa is seated in a sweet plain, having no trees near the City. Of old the wall was triple, and now it is double. The inner wall is some three miles in compass; and is very high having a walk upon it round about, with pleasant shade of trees, where Gentlemen use to play at the balloon. This wall compassed round with the Brent, hath fourteen gates, with as many bridges of stone. The river Brent likewise compasseth the outward wall, which is about seven miles' compass, and hath six stately gates, but this wall is nothing so strong as the other. The River Athesis divides the territory of Paduoa, from that of Uerona, and the river Po divides it from that of Ferrara.  
Two rivers of old called Medonci, enter the City; the greater at this day called Brenta, falling from the Alps, with the right hand branch, runneth to Paduoa, and with the left hand branch to Rosta, and dividing again into two branches, one by the dirch Brentella is carried to Paduoa, the greater takes the name Bachilio, and near to the walls of Paduoa, receives the waters of Brentella, increased with a branch of Brenta. These Rivers enter the City, and with divers channels drive many mills, compass the walls, and not only make the fields fertile, but serve to carry all commodities (abounding here) from hence to Venice, and to bring from thence such things as they want, and beside do cleanse all filth of the stables and privies.  
The air at Paduoa is very healthful, and the building is with arches of stone, hanging over the streets, under which they walk dry in the greatest rain; but the streets are thereby made narrow, and in the midst are dirty. There be five market places: in the first the Gentlemen and Students meet and walk: in the second herbs are sold, in the third corn: in the fourth wood, and in the fifth straw. The aforesaid monastery of Saint Anthony, is inhabited by Franciscan Friars, and is much fairer than any other religious house; the Church whereof was of old dedicated to juno, and after to the Virgin Mary; and at last to Saint Anthony. The pavement thereof is of marble, and the building very stately, having in the top seven globes covered with lead, and three high towers. The Chapel wherein St Anthony lies, is all of marble, & round about it the miracles are engraven, which they attribute to this Saint: at whose feast day they use to present for great gifts the hallowed girdles of this St, which they tie about their loins, and attribute strange effects thereunto. Here is a statue of marble, erected to Peter Bembus; and in the large yard there is a horseman's statue of brass, which the Senate of Venice erected to Gatta Melata. In the Church of Franciscan Minorites, there is a statue erected to Roctha Benello, a Physician, sitting in his chair. In the aforesaid monastery of Saint justina, the order of Saint Benedict was first established, and from thence dispersed into Italy, and the Church thereof was of old dedicated to Concord, and after being made the Bishop's Church, was endowed with great rents. These Monks have a black habit, and in the Church they show the relics of the Martyr Saint justina, of Saint Prosdosimus a Greek, (who is said to have been Saint Peter's Disciple, and to have converted Paduoa, and to have baptised Saint justina, when she suffered Martyrdom) and likewise of Saint Maximus (both Bishops, and protecting Saints of the City,) as also of Saint Luke the Evangelist, brought by Vrius a Monk from Constantinople; but the Venetians say the relics of Saint Luke are with them. Biondus writeth, that here was a Church dedicated to jupiter, and the sepulchre of Titus Livius. In the first court yard of this Monastery, the incredible miracles of Saint Benedict are painted. In the second I found this Epitaph:  

Adoleseens tametsi proper as,  
Hoc te saxum rogat ut se aspicias;  
Deinde quod scriptum est legas.  
Hic sunt Poet a Pacwij sita ossa:  
Hoc volebam nessius ne esses: vale.  
D. M.  
Young man though thou hastest  
This stone desires thee to behold it;  
Then to read that is written.  
Here are laid the bones of the Poet Pacunius,  
This I would have thee know: Farewell.  
D. M.   
A large and pleasant meadow lies before this Monastery. There is another of the Benedictines in this City, but those Friars wear a white habit, & live with more severe rules. In the Monastery of Saint Augustine's Hermits, before named, are the sepulchres of the Princes of the family Carraria. The Cathedral Church was of old Magnifical, and to this day hath twelve Churches under it within the City. The Marble chest containing Autenors' bones, being found when the foundation of the alms-house was digged, was then brought to the Church of Saint Laurence; wherein was found a guilded sword, and Latin verses in a barbarous style, showing that the Letter A, should be fatal to the City; which they say have proved to true by Attila, Agilulsus, Accidanus, Ansedissus and Albertus: under whom the City was much afflicted. This chest is erected upon Marble pillars at the door of the Church, and upon the wall these verses are written in Latin:  

juclitus Antenor post dirutae maenia Troiae,  
Transtulit huc Henetum Dardanidumque fugas,  
Expulit Euganeos, Patavinam condidit urbem,  
Quem tenet hac humili marmore casa Domus.  
Famous Autenor, Troy's walls pulled down,  
Henets and dardan's remnant here did train;  
Expelled th' Euganeans, built fair Padnoa Town,  
Whom this low Marble house doth here contain.   
Another Epitaph of the same Antenor, seems lately written by the very name of the City, and savoureth a Transalpine wit, giving small credit to Livy, or their fabulous Antiquities:  

Hic jacet Antenor Paduanaeconditor urbit,  
Proditor ipse fuit hique sequnutur eum.  
Antenor Padoaes' founder lieth here,  
He was a Traitor, these him follow near.   
The Monument of the Trojan horse of wood, is kept in the Palace of the Capilist family, whereupon they are called the Capilists of the horse. There be eighteen Cloisters of Nuns in the City, and two of repenting or illuminate women, so they call whores entering Cloisters. About the midst of the City is a fair Palace, where the Venetian Podesta or governor dwells, the gallery whereof (in which he sitteth to judge causes) is very large, and hath a high arched roof hanging by Art, not sustained by many pillars, and the same is covered with lead, and adorned with many pictures of the famous Painter Zoto, and the length thereof is one hundred forty walking paces, the breadth forty three paces. There is the Statue of julius Paulus, Doctor of Civil Law, and of Peter Aponensis, or, d'Abano; and of Titus Livius, and of Albertuo the Hermitan, placed over the four doors. At the West end of this gallery, is a Monument of Titus Livius the Historian carved within the wall, and these verses are written upon the wall in Latin:  

Ossatuumque caput, lives tibi maxime Livi,  
Prompto animo hic omnes composuera tui:  
Tufamam aeternam Romae, patriaeque dedisti,  
Huic criens, illi fortia facta canens.  
At tibi dat Paetria hac: & simaiora liceret,  
Haec totus stars aureus ipse loco.  
Greatest Livy, thy country men have laid,  
Thy head and bones here with a ready mind:  
Thy Country, and Rome thou hast famous made,  
Here borne, while their greatest acts thou hast refined:  
Thy Country gives thee this, if more it might,  
Here all in gold thou shouldst stand shining bright.   
This Titus Livius died in the fourth year of the Empire of Tiberim Caesar, and in the sixty six year of his age. Not far from this Monument stands a brazen Image of the same Livy, with this inscription in Latin:  
The bones of Titus Livy of Paduoa, by all mortal men's consent worthy, by whose pen truly invincible, the Acts of the invincible Roman people should be written.  
Besides, they show in the City Titus Livius his house. And this Monument, orthese bones of him were brought thither from the Monastery of Saint justina. The Court where the Senate meets, lieth near to the said gallery of this Palace; where there is astone, which they call the stone of Turpitude, (that is, filthiness or disgrace:) whereupon debtors, which disclaim the having of goods to pay their debts, do sit with their hinder parts bare; that with this note of disgrace, others may be terrified from borrowing more than they can pay. They have a pesthouse called Lazaretto, & two like houses for Lepers, and one Alsmes-house for the poor strangers, another for Orphans, and a third for children cast out, or left in the streets. near the Church of Saint Luria, there is a Well, called the Devils Well; which they say was brought into the street by Art Magic, out of the court-yard of a Gentleman, denying water to his neighbours. This City hath little traffic, though it lies very fit for the same, because the Venetians draw it all to themselves.  
But Gentlemen of all Nations come thither in great numbers, by reason of the famous University, which the Emperor Frederick the second, being offended with the City of Bologna, planted herein the year 1222, or there about, some coming to study the civil Law, other the Mathemetickes, & Music, others to ride, to practise the Art of Fencing, and the exercises of dancing and activity, under mostskilful professors of those Arts, drawn hither by the same reason. And Students have here great, if not to great liberty & privileges, so as men-slaiers are only punished with banishment, which is a great mischief, and makes strangers live there in great jealousy of treason to be practised against their lives. The School where the professors of liberal Sciences teach, is seated over against Saint Martin's Church, and was of old a public Inn, having the sign of an Axe, which name it still retaineth. The promotion of degrees is taken in the Bishop's hall, near the Cathedral Church, and the Doctors are made in the chief Church. And there be eight Colleges built for poor Students of several Provinces.  
The Athestine family of the Dukes of Ferrara, and the Honorian family, of the tyrant Acciolinus, and the Carrarian family of their own Princes, had their beginning in this City, as they write. And they do no less triumph of divers Citizens borne here, namely Marsilius, Mamerdinus a Minorite who being a Divine, wrote learnedly in the year 1329, of the power of the Pope and Emperor, defending the majesty of the Emperor against the Pope: and julius Paulus a civil Lawyer, Disciple to Papinius, and living in the time of Titus Livius; and Francis Zabarella a civil Lawyer, dying in the year 1417, and Peter D'Abano a Physician and ginger, dying in the year 1312: whose body being to be burnt for suspicion of his being a conjuror, his Concubine buried, but his picture and his books were burnt by the Emperor's command: and Michael Savonarola a Physician, and Titus Livius a famous Historian: And Lucius Aruntius Stella, and Caius Valerius Flaccus, all Poets celebrated by martial: and Augelus Beoleus a Stage-player of wonderful elocution, dying in the year 1542, and Thraseas Peto a famous Soldier, hated by Nero: and Andreas Mantinia, the best Painter of his age, being knighted, and dying about the year 1517, and Augustinus Zoto a Painter, with other famous men.    

The Second Book.  

CHAP. I. Of my journey from Paduoa, to Venice, to Ferraria, to Bologna, to Ravenna, and by the shore of the adriatic Sea, to Ancona: then crossing the breadth of Italy, to Rome, seated not far from the Tirrhene Sea.  
Whosoever comes into Italy, and from whence soever; but more especially if he come from suspected places, as Constantinople, never free from the plague; he must bring to the Confines a certificate of his health, and in time of any plague, he must bring the like to any City within land, where he is to pass, which certificates brought from place to place, and necessary to be carried, they curiously observe and read. This paper is vulgarly called Bolletino della sanita; and if any man want it, he is shut up in the Lazareto, or pesthouse forty days, till it appear he is healthful, and this they call vulgarly far' la quarantans. Neither will the Officers of health in any case dispense with him, but there he shall have convevientlodging, and diet at his pleasure.  
In the spring of the year, 1594, (the Italians beginning the year the first of january) 
An. 1594.  I began my journey to see Italy, and taking boat at the East gate of Paduoa, the same was drawn by horses along the River Brenta; & having shot two or three small bridges, and passed twenty miles, we came to the Village Lizzafusina, where there is a dam to stop the waters of Brenta, lest in process of time, the passage being open, the Marshes on that side of Venice should be filled with sand or earth, and so a passage made on firm ground to the City; which they are careful to prevent, and not without just cause, having found safety in their Isles, when Italy was often overflowed by barbarous people. Besides, they say that this dam was made, lest this fresh. water should be mingled with their salt waters; since all the Gentlemen of Venice fetch their fresh water by boats from thence, the poorer sort being content with Well water. here whiles our boat was drawn by an Instrument, out of the River Brenta, into the Marshes of Venice, we the passengers refreshed ourselves with meat and wine, and according to the custom, agreed upon the price of our meat before we did eat it. Then we entered our boat again, and passed five miles to Venice, upon the marshes thereof; and each man paid for his passage a lyre, or twenty sols, and for a horse more than ordinary, that we might be drawn more swiftly from Paduoa to Lizzafusina, each man paid four sols, but the ordinary passage is only sixteen sols. We might have had coaches, but since a boat passeth daily too and fro between these Cities, most men use this passage as most convenient. For the boat is covered with arched hatches, and there is very pleasant company, so a man beware to give no offence: for otherwise the Lumbards' carry shirts of Male, and being armed as if they were in a Camp, are apt to revenge upon shameful advantages. But commonly there is pleasant discourse, and the proverb saith, that the boat shall be drowned, when it carries neither Monk, nor Student, nor Courtesan (they love them too well to call them whores,) the passengers being for the most part of these kinds. I remember a young maid in the boat, crossed herself whensoever an old woman looked upon her, fearing she should be a witch, whereat the passengers often smiled, seeing the girl not only cross herself for fear, but thrust her crucifix towards the old woman's eyes. I said formerly that two Rivers Medoaci, run through Paduoa, and that the greater by the name of Brenta, running to the village Lizzafusina, is stopped with a dam, lest it should mingle itself with the salt marshes of Venice, and that also the lesser River by the name of Bachilio, passeth through Paduoa. This lesser stream runneth thence into the ditch Clodia, and going out of it makes a haven, called the Chiozza, which lieth in the way from Venice to Farraria, and there it divideth itself into two streams; and entering the salt marshes, makes the haven of Venice, called Malamocco. Besides other Rivers falling from the Alps, through Frioli, do increase these marshes, which are salt by the tides of the sea, though the same doth very little ebb or flow in this Mediterranean, or Inland sea. And this haven Malamocco is very large and deep, and is defended with a bank from the waves of the Adriatic sea.  
The Description of Venice.  
Upon the West side of venice beyond the marshes, lies the Territory of Paduoa. On the North side beyond the marshes, lies the Province Frioli. On the South side beyond the marshes, lies partly the firm land of Italy, and partly the Adriatic sea; On the East side beyond the marshes lies the Adriatic sea, and the City consisteth all of Isles, compassed round about with the said marshes.  

A The great channel.  
B The market place of Saint Mark, seated in the first Sextary of Saint Mark.  
C The Cathedral Church of Saint Peter, the seat of the patriarchs, seated in the second Sextary, called Caestelli Olivolo.  
D The third Sextary on this side the channel, called di Canarigio.  

E The Church of Saint james lies near the bridge Rialto, and is seated in the fourth Sextary of Saint Paul, being the first of them beyond the channel.  
The rest of the City is divided into two other Sextaries beyond the channel, namely the fifth di Sta Croce, and the sixth de Dorso duro.   
F The Church of Saint George the greater.  
G And the Church of Santa Maria delle gratie, both lie in the Sextary di Santa Croce.  
H The Island Giudecca belongs to the sextary di Dorso duro.  
K The bank of the sea, vulgarly Il Lido.  
L The Island Murana.  
M The new Lazaretto.  
N Mazorbo.  
O Buran P San Franscesco del deserto. Little islands. Q Torcello. R Duo Caestelli. S La Certosa. T Sta. Helena. V Lazaretto Fecchio. —  
W Chioza.  
X Malamocco, the haven within the sea bank.  
Y Pcuegia, an Island.  
Z San' Georgiod ' Alega, in the way as we come from Paduoa to Venice, a little Island.  
〈…〉 La Concordia: a little Island.   
The Henetians of Paphlagonia, their King Palemon being dead at the siege of Troy, joined themselves to Antener, and possessing these parts, after they had driven out the Euganeans, called the country Venice, and through their great virtue were made Citizens of Rome, and their chief men Senators thereof. But when Attila King of the Huns invaded Italy, and the Empire of the West being weakened, did destroy the same, the said Henetians came out of Histria, now called Frioli, and from the Territory of Paduoa, and other Italians came from adjoining parts, into certain islands compassed with marshes, that they might be safe from those Barbarians; and about the year of our Lord, 421, began to build a City, which proving a safe retreat from the tyranny then continually oppressing Italy, in process of time by civil Arts grew incredibly. These islands were in number sixty near adjoining, and twelve more distant; which being all joined in one, have made this stately City, and the chief of them were called in the vulgar tongue, Rialto, Grado, Heraclca, & Caestello Olivolo. The Island Grado was of old the seat of the patriarchs, after that the Patriarchate of Aquilegia in Histria, was by the Pope's authority translated thither: but now the seat of the patriarchs is removed to Caestello Olivolo. At first Consuls governed the City, than Tribunes, chosen out of each I'll one, till the year 697, when the Citizens abiding in Heraclea chose them a Duke, who dwelled in the same I'll. After forty years they chose a Tribune of soldiers, in stead of a Duke, with like authority as he had, and at last in the year 742, meeting in the Island Malamocco, they chose a Duke again, and removed his seat from Heraclea, to that Island. Then Pipin reigning in Italy about the year 800, the Venetians demolished Heraclea which was built again, but never recovered the old dignity, being more notable in the seat of the Bishop, then in the number of Citizens. For most of the Gentlemen removed their dwellings into the Island Rialto, otherwise called Rivo alto; either of the depth of the marshes, or because it was higher than the other islands, and thereupon called Ripa alta. Whereupon that Island getting more dignity than the rest, the Citizens in process of time joined the sixty islands lying near one to the other, with some four hundred bridges; of which islands (as is above said) and of the twelve more distant, this stately City consisteth. Then by common counsel, the seat of the Dukes was established in this Island, who built the stately Palace which at this day we see. And now a new Dukedom arising out of these salt marshes of the sea, from that time daily grew in dignity. But the City was first called Kialto, and after, of the country from whence the Citizens came, was called Venetia, or in the plural number Venetiae: because many Dukedoms and Provinces, or many Nations were joined in one, and at this day is vulgarly called Venegia. That the City was first called Rialto, appears by old records of Notaries, written in these words: After the use of Venice. In the name of eternal God, amen: subscribed in such a year of Rivoalto, and in these words after the use of the Empire; In the name of Christ, amen: subscribed, dated at Venice. This stately City built in the bottom of the gulf of the Adriatic sea, in the midst of marshes upon many islands, is defended on the East side against the sea, by a bank of earth, which hath five (or some say seven) mouths or passages into the sea; and is vulgarly called Il Lido: and being so placed by nature, not made by Art, bendeth like a bow, and reacheth thirty five miles; and by the aforesaid passages, the ships and the tides of the sea go in and out, and the deep marshes whereof I have spoken, are made of these salt waters, and of divers fresh waters falling from the Alps, and vulgarly called, ill Tagliamonts La livenza, lafoy praac, la Brenta, Il Po, l' Adice, and ill Bacchiglione. On the West side, the City is compassed with marshes, and after five miles with the Territory of Paduoa. On the North side with marshes, and beyond them partly with the Province Frioli, partly with the aforesaid sea bank. And upon the South side with many islands, wherein are many Churches and Monasteries, like so many Forts, and beyond them with the firm land of Italy. The City is eight miles in circuit, and hath seventy parishes, wherein each Church hath a little market place, for the most part four square, and a public Well. For the common sort use well water, and rain water kept in cisterns; but the Gentlemen fetch their water by boat from the land. It hath thirty one cloisters of Monks, and twenty eight of Nuns, besides chapels and alms-houses. Channels of water pass through this City (consisting of many islands joined with Bridges) as the blood passeth through the veins of man's body; so that a man may pass to what place he will both by land and water. The great channel is in length about one thousand three hundred paces, and in breadth forty paces, and hath only one bridge called Rialto, and the passage is very pleasant by this channel; being adorned on both sides with stately Palaces. And that men may pass speedily, besides this bridge, there be thirteen places called Traghetti, where boats attend called Gondola; which being of incredible number give ready passage to all men. The rest of the channels running through less streets, are more narrow, and in them many bridges are to be passed under. The aforesaid boats are very neat, and covered all save the ends with black cloth, so as the passengers may go unseen and unknown, and not be annoyed at all with the sun, wind, or rain. And these boats are ready at call any minute of the day or night. And if a stranger know not the way, he shall not need to ask it, for if he will follow the press of people, he shall be sure to be brought to the market place of Saint Mark, or that of Rialto; the streets being very narrow (which they pave with brick,) and besides if he only know his Hosts name, taking a boat, he shall be safely brought thither at any time of the night. Almost all the houses have two gates, one towards the street, the other towards the water; or at least the banks of the channels are so near, as the passage by water is as easy as by land. The public boats, with the private of Gentlemen and Citizens, are some eight hundred, or as others say, a thousand. Though the flood or ebb of the salt water be small, yet with that motion it carrieth away the filth of the City, besides that, by the multitude of fires, and the situation open to all winds, the air is made very wholesome, whereof the Venetians brag, that it agrees with all strangers complexions, by a secret virtue, whether they be brought up in a good or ill air, and preserveth them in their former health. And though I dare not say that the Venetians live long, yet except they sooner grow old, and rather seem then truly be aged: I never in any place observed more old men, or so many Senators venerable for their grey hairs and aged gravity. To conclude, the situation of Venice is such, as the Citizens abound with all commodities of sea and land; and are not only most safe from their enemies on the land, being severed from it by waters, and on the sea being hedged in with a strong sea bank, but also give joyful rest under their power to their subjects on land, though exposed to the assault of their enemies.  
The City parted in the midst with the great channel, coming in from the sea bank near the two Castles, is of old divided into six sextaries, or six parts, vulgarly sestieri; three on this side the channel, and three beyond the channel. The first sextary on this side the channel, is that of Saint Mark; for howsoever it be not the Cathedral Church, yet it is preferred before the rest, as well because the Duke resides there, as especially because Saint Mark is the protecting Saint of that Ciry. The body of which Saint being brought hither by Merchants from Alexandria: this Church was built in the year 829. at the charge of the Duke justinian, who dying, gave by his last will great treasure to that use, and charged his brother to finish the building, which was laid upon the ruins of Saint Theodores Church, who formerly had been the protecting Saint of the City. And the same being consumed with fire in the year 976. it was more stately rebuilt, according to the narrowness of the place, the Merchants being charged to bring from all places any precious thing they could find fit to adorn the same, whatsoever it cost. The length of the Church containeth two hundred foot of Venice, the breadth fifty, the circuit 950. The building is become admirable, for the singular art of the builders and painters, and the most rare pieces of Marble, Porphry, Ophites (stones so called of speckles like a serpent) and like stones; and they cease not still to build it, as if it were unfinished, lest the revenues given by the last wills of dead men to that use, should return to their heirs (as the common report goes.) There were stairs of old to mount out of the market place into the Church, till the waters of the channel increasing, they were forced to raise the height of the market place. On the side towards the market place are five doors of brass, whereof that in the midst is fairest, and the same, with one more, are daily opened, the other three being shut, excepting the days of Feasts. Upon the ground near the great door, is a stone, painted as if it were engraven: which painting is vulgarly called, Ala Mosaica, and upon this stone Pope Alexander set his foot upon the neck of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, adoring him after his submission. The outward part of the Church is adorned with 148. pillars of marble, whereof some are Ophytes, that is speckled, and eight of them are Porphry near the great door, which are highly esteemed. And in all places about the Church, there be some six hundred pillars of marble, besides some three hundred in the caves under ground. Above these pillars on the outside of the Church is an open gallery, borne up with like pillars, from whence the Venetians at times of Feasts, behold any shows in the market place. And above this gallery, and over the great door of the Church, be four horses of brass, guilded over, very notable for antiquity and beauty; and they are so set, as if at the first step they would leap into the market place. They are said to be made to the similitude of the Horses of Phoebus, drawing the Chariot of the Sun, and to have been put upon the triumphal Ark of Nero, by the people of Rome, when he had overcome the Parthians. But others say that they were given to Nero by Tiridates the King of Armenia, and were made by the hands of the famous engraver Lisippus. These Horses Constantine removed from Rome to Constantinople, and that City being sacked, the Venetians brought them to Venice, but they took of the bridles, for a sign that their City had never been conquered, but enjoyed Virgin liberty. And all the parts of these horses being most like the one to the other, yet by strange art, both in posture of motion, and otherwise, they are most unlike one to the other. Above this gallery the Image of Saint Mark of marble, and like images of the other Evangelists, of the Virgin Mary, and of the Angel Gabriel, are placed, and there is a bell upon which the hours are sounded, for the Church hath his Clock, though another very fair Clock in the market place be very near it. The roof in form of a Globe, lies open at the very top, where the light comes in; for the Church hath no windows, and the Papist Churches being commonly dark, to cause a religious horror, or to make their candles show better, this is more dark than the rest. I pass over the image of Saint Mark of brass in the form of a Lion, guilded over, and holding a book of brass. Likewise the artificial Images of the Doctors of the Church, and others. I would pass over the Image of the Virgin Mary, painted ala Mosaica, that is as if it were engraven, but that they attribute great miracles to it, so as women desirous to know the state of their absent friends, place a wax candle burning in the open air before the Image, and believe that if their friend be alive, it cannot be put out with any force of wind; but if he be dead, that the least breath of wind puts it out, or rather of itself it goes out: and beside for that I would mention that those who are adjudged to death, offer wax candles to this Image, and as they pass by, fall prostratero adore the same. To conclude, I would not omit mention thereof, because all ships coming into the Haven, use to salute this Image, and that of Saint Mark, with pieces of Ordinance, as well and more than the Duke. A Merchant of Venice saved from shipwreck, by the light of a candle in a dark night, gave by his last will to this Image, that his heirs for ever should find a wax candle to burn before the same. Above the said gallery are little chambers, in which they lay up pieces of stone and glass, with other materials for the foresaid painting, ala Mosaica, which is like to engraving, and Painters having pensions from the state, do there exercise that Art, highly esteemed in Italy. The outward roof is divided into four globes, covered with lead. Touching the inside of the Church: In the very porch thereof is the Image of Saint Mark, painted with wonderful art, and the Images of Christ crucified, of him buried, and of the four Evangelists, highly esteemed; besides many other much commended for the said painting like engraving, and for other workmanship. And there be erected four great pillars of Ophites, which they say were brought from the Temple of Solomon. At the entry of the door is an old and great sepulchre, in which lies the Duke Marine Morosini. Not far thence is the image of Saint Geminian in pontifical habit, and another of Saint Katherine, both painted with great art. When you enter the body of the Church, there is the great Altar, under which lies Saint Mark, in a chest of brass, decked with Images of silver guilded, and with plates of gold, and Images enameled, and with the Image of Christ sitting upon a stately throne, adorned with pillars of most white Marble, and many precious stones, and curiously engraven. At the back of this Altar there is another, which they call the Altar of the most holy Sacrament, made of the best marble, with a little door of brass, decked with carved Images, and with four pillars of Alabaster, transparent as Crystal, and highly esteemed; and upon the same hang every day two lamps of Copper: but at the times of feasts there hang two of pure silver. Moreover the Organs are said to be the work of a most skilful Artificer. In the higher gallery compassing the Church, is the image of Pope Pelagius, under which is a place where the holy relics are kept, which Pope Clement the eight gave to john Delphin Knight, one of the Procurators of Saint Mark, and Ambassador at Rome for Venice, namely a piece of a bone of Philip the Apostle, a piece of the cheekebone, and four teeth of the Martyr Saint Biagius: pieces of bones of Saint Bartholomew, and Saint Thomas (forsooth) of Canterbury, and of the Apostles Saint Matthew, and Saint Mark, (whose body they say is laid in the foresaid chest) and part of the hair of the blessed Virgin, and a piece of a finger of the Evangelist Luke, and a piece of a rib of Saint Peter, with many like, which they show to the people to be adored certain days in the year. Above the Altar of Saint Clement, these verses are written, which show how they worshipped Images in a more modest though superstitious age.  

Nam Deus est quod I mago docet, sed non Deus ipse  
Hane vide as, sed mente colas quod cernis in ipsa:  
That which the Image shows, is God, itself is none,  
See this, but God here seen, in mind adore alone.   
Likewise these verses of the same Author, be in another place.  

Effigiem Christi qui transis, pronus horona,  
Non tamen effigiem sed quod designat adora.  
Esse deum ratione caret, cui contulit esse  
Materiale lapis, sicut & manus effigiale.  
Nec Deus est naec homo, praesens quam cernis Imago,  
Sed Deus est & homo, quem sacra signat Imago.  
As thou Christ's Image passest, fall the same before,  
Yet what this Image signifies, not it adore.  
No reason that it should be God, whose essence stands  
Material of stone, formal of workman's hands.  
This Image which thou seest, is neither God nor Man,  
But whom it represents, he is both God and man..   
At the entry of the Chancel, is the throne of the Dukes, made of walnut-tree, all carved above the head, and when the Dukes sit there, it was wont to be covered with carnation satin, but now it is covered with cloth of gold, given by the King of Persia. There be two stately pulpits of marble, with Histories carved in brass, where they sing the Epistles and Gospels. On the left hand by the Altar of Saint james is a place, where (if a man may believe it) the body of Saint Mark, by a crevice suddenly breaking through the marble stone, appeared in the year 1094. to certain Priests who had fasted and prayed to find the same, the memory of the place where it was laid at the building of the Church about 829. being utterly lost. I believe that the memory thereof was lost about the year 829. when superstition was not yet ripe, but that it was found in the year 1094. that age being infected with gross superstition, let him that list believe. They themselves seem to distrust this miracle, while they confess that the same body was most secretly laid under the great Altar, and never since showed to any man, but once or twice, and that after a suspicious manner. To the foresaid pulpits another is opposite, where the musicans sing at solemn Feasts, and from whence the Dukes newly created, are showed to the people, and likewise the holy relics (as they term them) are showed twice in the year. The walls in the Church are so covered with the best marbles, as the lime and brick cannot be seen: and these pieces of marble with their spots and brightness, are very beautiful, whereof two are held for admirable Monuments, which are so joined, as they lively represent the Image of a man. Here Marino Morosini first of all the Dukes hung his Arms upon the walls, whom the other Dukes after him in number forty three have followed, and there hung up their Arms. In the midst of the Church hangs a banner, given by the Citizens of Verona, in token of subjection, and two others for the same purpose given by the Citizens of Crema and Cremona. The Marble pillars setin Caves under the Church, bear up the pavement, which is made of pieces of the best marble, carved and wrought with little stones of chequer work very curiously, especially under the middle globe of the roof, and near the great door. And among the rare stones opposite to the singer's pulpit, they show one of such natural spots, as it is esteemed a jewel, which by change of colour (they say) doth show the change of weather. Moreover they show certain Images, carved by the direction of the Abbot john joachim of old time, whereof many show future events, as that of two cocks carrying a wolf upon their back, which they understand to be Lewis the twelfth, and Charles the eight, French Kings, casting Lodovico Sfortia out of his Dukedom, and in like sort, (to omit many other more hidden) that of the lions fat in the waters, and lean upon land, which they understand to be the power of Venice by sea, and the weakness by land. Besides they say the same Abbot caused the Images of Saint Dominicke and Saint Francis to be drawn upon the door of the Sanctuary, long before they lived; and the title of Saint is added to each of them, but the name is not set upon the pictures, yet they both are painted in the habit of their order. They show two like pictures drawn by direction of the said Abbot, whereof they understand one to be the last Pope, under whom shall be one shepherd and one fold: but they say it is unknown what the other signifies. Before the new Chapel of the blessed Virgin, there be two little chambers, whereof one is called the Sanctuary, in which their holy relics are kept, the other is called the jewel house, because the treasure of Saint Mark (so they appropriate all public things to Saint Mark) is there kept, and it is vulgarly called Luogo aelle groie, that is, the place of the jewels.  
The Procurators of Saint Mark, keep this treasure, and make no difficulty to show it to strangers of the better sort. In this place I saw the ducal Cap, (vulgarly ill corn, or, Beretta Ducale) which the Dukes wear at their Creation, being of inestimable value, for the multitude and price of the jewels, especially of a diamond upon the crown of the Cap, and a chrysolite sct in the midst. I saw two crowns of Kings with twelve stomachers of pure gold set with rich jewels (which the Noblewomen wore at Constantinople before the Turks took it) and twelve other Crowns all of pure massy gold; all which the Venetians dividing with the French, had for their part, when they took Constantinople, in the year 1203. I saw a sapphire of extraordinary bigness, and a Diamond which the French King Henry the third gave to this state, when he returned that way from Poland; and two whole unicorns horns, each more than four foot long, and a third shorter, and a little dish of a huge price, with innumerable vessels, which for price, rareness, and workmanship, are highly valued. They say that a Candian thief took away this treasure, which is kept with many doors and bars of iron, but that he restored it, being betrayed by his fellow.  
In a Chapel of this Church, is a Font of brass, with a brazen image of Saint john baptizing, and the Altar thereof is of a stone brought out of Asia, upon which they say Christ did sit, when he preached at Tyrus: but others say it is the stone upon which the Patriarch jacob did sleep. They show there the chair of the blessed Virgin, of stone, and two pieces of marble spotted with the blood of john Baptist, and the marble sepulchre of Duke Andrea Dandoli. In the Chapel of the Cardinal Zeno, they show the Rock struck by Moses, and distilling water, and two precious pieces of porphyry. In the upper Vestry they show the picture of the Virgin, painted by Saint Luke's hand, and the ring of Saint Mark, and his Gospel written with his own hand, and a piece of the Cross of Christ, and of the Pillar to which he was tied, and Books covered with massy silver, and candlesticks, chalice, and many vessels of silver guilded, all set with little precious stones, and the Bishop's Mitre of great price, and many rich vestures for the Priests. The chief Priest of this Church must be a gentleman of Venice, and though he be no Bishop, yet the Popes have given him great privileges, and he is to be chosen by the Duke; because the Dukes built this Church, whereupon it is ever since called the Duke's Chapel. This Church of Saint Mark, is not unworthily called the golden Church, for the rich ornaments thereof, especially for the Images thereof, painted ala mosaita, like a work engraven. For the workmen do incorporate gold with little square pieces of glass, and gild the same over; then breaking them in very small pieces, they lay them upon the pictures.  
Among the Parish Churches belonging to Saint Mark, is the Chapel of Saint Theodore, where the Inquisitors of Religion sit thrice a week: namely the Pope's Nuntio, and the Patriarch (an Inquisitor by his place, and at this time a Dominican Friar) and three Senators chosen by the Senate. Likewise the little, but most fair Church of Saint Germinian, is seated in the market place of Saint Mark, whose Priest according to the custom of Venice, is chosen by them that have unmoveable goods in the Parish, and is confirmed by the Patriarch, in which Church the most notable things are, three Images graven upon the great Altar, and the sepulchre of john Peter Stella, Great Chancellor, and the Altar of Lodonito Spinello, and the Monument of james and Francis Sansovine, famous engravers. In the Church of Saint Mary Zebenigo, the Monuments of Sebastian Fosearint, a Philosopher, and of Jerome Molini, a Florentine Poet, and the picture of the Lords Supper. In the Church Saint Vitale, the artificial statue of that Saint on horseback. In the Church Saint Angelo, built by the family of the Morosmi, the Altar of the holy Sacrament. In the Church of Saint Fantino, the Architecture, and among other Images, the head of a Crucifix, and the singular Images of the blessed Virgin, and Saint john, painted standing by the Crosse. In the Vestry of Saint Fantino (whose Monks use to accompany and comfort those that are executed) the two Altars, and in the first of them the brazen Images of the blessed Virgin and Saint john, and in the second the excellent Marble Image of Saint Jerome. In the Parish Church of Saint Luke, seated in the midst of the City, amonument of four most learned men, and another of Peter Aretine, called the scourge of Princes, are the most remarkable things. The Inquisitors worthily condemned the books of this Aretine, for the filthiness of them (howsoever they be yet commonly sold) and the common report is, that they also commanded his horrible Epitaph to be blotted out, which was set in this Church of Saint Luke, in these words;  

Qui gaice l'Aretin' Poeta Tusco,  
Chi disse mal' d'ogniun', four a che di Dio,  
Scusandosi, dicendo, is nol' conosco.  
Here lies the Aretine, a Poet of Tuscany,  
Who spoke ill of all but of God,  
Excusing himself, saying, I know him not.   
Of the same Aretine saith Ariosto:  


Echo il flagello de'i Principi,  
Il Diuin' Pietro Aretino   

Behold the scourge of Princes  
The Divine Peter Arctine.    
In the stately Church of Saint Saluatore, the Marble image of Saint jerem, another of him, and a third of Saint Laurence, and the great Altar of pure silver, are curiously engraven: and in the chapel of the holy Sacrament, the Image of Mary Magdalen; and in another chapel, the Image of Saint Augustine, praying among his Monks; and not far off two Images of the Monument erected to Duke Francis Venerio: all painted with great Art, and the Altar of the blessed Virgn equal, or to be preferred to the best in the City: the Altar of St Antony, and two Monuments of Dukes, all adorned with rare engraven and painted Images, and a fair pair of Organs. In the Church of Saint Bartholomew, the picture of Manna falling from heaven, and the brazen Images of Christ, of the four Evangelists, ' and six Angels. In the Church of Saint Giuliano, many pictures, but especially that of Christ carrying his Cross, and near the door another of Saint Jerome, and two Marble Images upon the Altar. In the Church of Saint Stephen, rich with Marble and pillars, the Marble Images of the Apostles, with the pillars whereon they stand, and the Altar engraven with brass, and the Monument of james Suriani, and another of Anthony Cornari with this inscription:  

Antenij ad Cineres viator adsta  
Hic Cornarins ille, quem salebant,  
Rerum principia & Deos docentem  
Olim Antenoria stupere Athena,  
Accitus Patrias subinde adoras,  
Ornatus titulis fascibusque,  
Doctrina venetam beavit urbem.  
At the ashes of Anthony, passenger stand,  
This is that Cornarius whom of old,  
Teaching the principles of Nature and the Gods,  
Antenor's Athens was wont to admire.  
After called home to his Country,  
Graced with Titles and Magistracy,  
With his Learning he made Venice happy.   
These things I say are in these Churches most remarkable.  
The second sextary on this side the channel, vulgarly I'll sestiero di Castello, hath the name of the Castle Olivolo, which seated towards the sea, may seem to be divided from the City, yet it is joined thereto by a long bridge. Of old it was a City by itself, and therefore the Duke's Throne being established in the Island Rialto, the Bishop's seat was made here, who is invested by the Duke, and was consecrated by the Patriarch of Grado, till that being extinguished, this was raised to the dignity of a Patriarch, in the year 1450. In the Cathedral Church of Saint Peter, this is written upon the Chapel in Latin; Who ere thou be that approachest, worship: Within these grates of Iron the cross is enclosed, that is adorned with three hairs of the beard of Christ, with a nail, the cup in which he drunk to his Disciples, and with a piece of the true Cross, etc.  
This Patriarcall seat hath two old pulpits of marble, the monuments of the Bishops and patriarchs, which with the adjoining Palace of the patriarchs, are the most remarkable things thereof. In the Church of john Baptist in Bragola, many curious pictures, the sepulchre of that Saint guilded over, the Image of Christ, the pictures of the less Altar, especially that of Christ baptized, that of Saint Helen, that of Christ's resurrection, and the lively picture of Christ sitting with his Apostles at his last supper. In the Church of Saint Mary Formosa, this inscription is read; Vincentius Capellus most skilful in Navigation, and Perfect of the Galleys, noless praised of old, who received signs of honour from Henry the seventh, King of Brittany, etc. There, upon the great and very fair Altar, the Images of the four Evangelists, and upon the top, that of Christ's resurrection, and of two Angels. In the Church Saint Marina, the statue on horseback erected by the Senate to Tadeo della volpe of Imola, and the great Altar, with the pillars of prophry. In the Church of Saint Leone, the Images of Saint Jerome, of Christ at supper with his Disciples, of john the Evangelist, and Saint Michael, all painted by the hands of most skilful workmen. In the Church of Saint Anthony, four most fair Altars (in the second whereof the Image of Christ, and in the third rich with excellent pillars, the History of ten thousand Martyrs painted, and in the fourth the espousals of the blessed Virgin, areal painted with singular Art) and a foot statue erected by the Senate to Victor Pisanus. In the Church of Saint Dominicke, the library, and pictures of the Altars. In the Church of Saint Francis di Paola, many things given upon vow, and hung upon the walls. In that of Saint Francis della vigna, a very fair and stately Church, the Altar of the Chapel belonging to the Family Grimani, and the pictures & brazen images of the same: and in the Chapel of the Family Dandoli, the picture of Saint Laurence martyred, and in the Chapel of the justiniani, being very rich, the Images of the four Evangelists and twelve Prophets. In the Chapel of our Lady, the monument of Mark, Anthony, Morosini, Knight and Procurator (famous in the war which the French King Lewis the twelfth, made in Lombardy, and thrice Ambassador from the State) also the famous library of this monastery, and the bells (which they say were brought out of England after Queen Mary's death.) In the Church of the Saints, john and Paul, (being one of the chief Churches) the situation, the architecture, the pictures, and the monuments of sixteen Dukes; and another of Mark, Anthony, Bragadini (who having defended the Island Cyprus from the Turks, when they took it, had his skin fleed off, by the command of the tyrant, against his faith, in the year 1571.) Also three horsemen's statues, one to Leonardo de Prato, Knight of Rhodes, another to Nichola Orsino Count of Pitiglia, both erected in the Church, the third for greater honour erected in the market place, to Bartholmeo Coleoni of Bergamo, for his good service to the State in their Wars; all three erected by the Senate. Also a foot statue erected by the Senate, to Deunys Naldo, a most valiant Commander of their foot, and the stately sepulchre of james de Cavallis, and the Chapel of the Rossary (magnifical in the architecture, in rare marbles, in the art of engravers, and excellent pictures, especially that of Christ crucified.) In the Church of Saint Mary delle Virgini, (a Cloister of Nuns, built by the Dukes, and belonging to them by special right) two marble sepulchres. In the Church Saint Gioseppe, the admirable monument of the Germani (with admirable Images engraven of the Duke Grimani created, and his Duchess Morosini, crowned, and the like curiously wrought:) also the Image of Christ transfigured, and another of Christ buried, are the most remarkable things. And whereas the graven images of this Church, be of rare beauty, they say that the chief of them were brought out of England, after the death of Queen Mary. In the Church of Saint Fustina (a parish Church, and yet the chief cloister of Nuns, twice rebuilt by the family Morosini,) two curious statues of marble of Paros. In the Church of the Holy sepulchre, (being a cloister of Nuns) the sepulchre of Christ like that at jerusalem, of ophites and like stones. In Saint Zachary a cloister of Nuns, the pall of the Virgin painted, another like it in the chapel, the sepulchre or Altar under which the said Saint (father to john Baptist) is laid, and at the back of the great Altar, three sepulchres of Porphry and Ophyts, the stones of the great Altar, and the stately architecture of the Church, are the things most remarkable: and the same cloister hath great revenues. In general understand that the Churches are for the most part built of brick, and some few of free stone, though they be so covered with Marbles and like stones, as the brick or free stone is scarce seen in the inside. In the Priory of St john, belonging of old to the Templary Knights, & now to the Knights of Rhodes or Malta, it is remarkable that the revenues thereof be great, and that the Priory is given by the Pope, which Paul the third gave to the Cardinal Saint Angelo his nephew (for so they call their bastards) whom Alexander the Cardinal of Farness succeeded, yet not as Cardinal, but as Knight of Malta, and after him the Pope gave it to the Cardinal Ascanio Colonna. And the most remarkable things in the Church are the pall of the great Altar, the supper of our Lord painted, the picture of Christ speaking with the woman of Samaria, and that of Herod's banquet, when he gave john Baptists head to Herodia. The Greek Church belongs to this sextary, built in Rio di San' Lorenzo. The alms-house Saint Lazero, feeds four hundred, or five hundred poor people; for all that beg are sent thither, and they have many of these houses. These are the most remarkable things in the Churches of this sextary.  
The third sextary, or sixth part of the City on this side the channel (meaning towards the gulf of Venice) vulgarly is called Ilsestiero di Canaregio, of the canes or pipes which they were wont to use in the building of ships. In the Church of the Prophet jeremy (built by three families, Morosini, Malipieri, and Runandi, the sepulchre of Saint Magnus (who built eight Churches when the City was first founded) and the Image of the blessed Virgin much adored. In the Church of Saint Marciali, the Images aswell of the great Altar, as of the Altar of Angelo Raphaeli. In the Apostles Church (where excellent sermons are made in the Lent,) the carved Image of our Lady upon the Altar, and her picture upon the same painted by Saint Luke. In the Church of Saint john Chrysostome, the pictures of three Theological virtues, & of Saint Mark, and the carved Images of the Virgin, and the Apostles. In the Church of Saint Giob, the engraving of the chapel of the Grimani, and of the Altar of the Foscari; the picture of Christ in the garden, with his Apostles sleeping, and the pictures of the next Altar, namely, that of the Virgin, Saint Sabastian, and Saint Giob. In the Church of Saint Mary de servi, the pictures of the great Altar, especially of the Virgin's assumption, and also of the Virgin's Altar, and of Saint Augustins Altar, especial that of the wise men adoring Christ, and the carved Images of another Altar, the Marble sepulchre of Duke Andrea Vendramini, being the fairest of all other in the City, and the Oratory of the banished men of Lucia, who first brought into this City the weaving of silk, and of whom many were made Gentlemen of Venice. In the Church of Saint Mary del' Orto, the huge Image of Saint Christopher, the History of Moses, and the prophicies of the last judgement painted, the painting of the arched-roof, rare for perspective Art, and i chief of that kind, the Monument of jasper, Contarini Cardinal, of the Marble of Paros, and the pillars of our Lady's Altar, with many Marble stones. In the Church of Saint Mary de Crostechieri, the ancient pictures, the notable pall of Saint Laurence, worth seven thousand crowns, and the pictures in the chapel of Lewis Vsperi. In the Church of Saint Lucia, the Monument and chapel of the Saints. In the chapel of Saint Luigi, the great Altar, fairest of those built of wood. In the Church of Saint Mary of the Miracles, the fairest of any Nunnery, for the beauty and rare stones, the walls covered with Marble, two Marble Images of two children under the Organs, (the works of famous Praxitiles,) the Images of marble of Paros, the stones of Porphery and Ophytes wonderfully carved, the great Altar of Marble, engraven with great Art, the brazen Images of Saint Peter, Saint Paul, and of Angels. These are the things most remarkable. In the Church of Saint Mary of Mercy, Sansovine witnesseth this Epitaph, (which I will set down, left any should think incredible, the like practices of Papists against Emperors, and john the King of England,) in these words: To jerom Savina, a Citizen of Venice, Prior of Saint mary's, notably learned in good Arts; but more renowned for piety, which he also showed at his death towards his enemy, who gave him poison in the chalice at the Lords Supper, by many arguments of his charity. He died in the year MDCI Also in the great school, the same is witnessed in these words: To jerom Savina wickedly killed by poison given, (O horrible villainy) in our Lord's Supper, etc.  
The fourth sextary or sixth part of the City, and first of those beyond the channel, (meaning towards the Territory of Paduoa,) is vulgarly called of the chief Church Il sestiero di San' Polo. In which Church of Saint Paul, the most remarkable things are these: the picture of Christ washing his Apostles feet, the pall of silver guilded, and the precious stones upon the great Altar; the pictures of the Altar of the holy Sacrament, and of the blessed Virgin, and the Images of Saint Andrew and the Apostles upon pillars. In the very fair market place of the same Church, of old a market was weekly held, and to the year 1292, the market was held here on Wednesday, and in the market place of Saint Mark, on the Saturday; but at this day none is held here, but both in the place of Saint Mark, for the benefit of those that dwell there, and that the houses may be more dearly let, which belong to Saint Mark. near the Church of Saint Siluestro, the patriarchs of Grado dwelled, till the Bishop of Castello Olivolo was made Patriarch. In the Church of Saint james of Rialto, narrow, but very fair, the precious stones and the pictures of great Art and antiquity, and the five Altars. In the Church of Saint Mary Gloriosa, fair and great, the Belfry stately built, the Monument of the most famous Painter Titiano, two Images of Marble near the great door, the Marble Image of Saint john, over against the Florentine chapel, the chancel paved with Marble and adorned with the graven Images of the Prophets, at the charge of the family Morosini; the rare pictures of the great Altar, the Epitaph of Francis Bernardo; who being employed into England in his young years, made peace between King Henry, and the French King Francis, which many great men had attempted in vain, and for this brave act was Knighted by both the Kings. These things in this church are most remarkable.  
The fifth sextary, and the second beyond the channel of the chief Church, is called ill Sestiero di Santa Croce: in which Church, being a cloister of Nuns, Duke Dominick Morosini lies buried, with this inscription: Here lies Dominick Morosini Duke of Venice, with Sophia his Duchess; he was a good Duke, and most wise, full of faith and truth; etc. He took the City Tyrus, and under him Istria and Pola were subdued with fifty galleys, where of were Captains his son, and Marino Gradonico. This glorious Duke died in the year MCLVI. Also the Marble pillars of the great Altar, the brazen Angels, and the brazen Images, of Christ rising from the dead, of Saint Francis and Saint Anthony. In the Church of Saint Simion Prophet, the picture of Christ's supper with his Apostles. In the Church of St. Giacomo dell' Orio, a pillar esteemed for a jewel, a Marble pulpit, one of the fairest in the City, and the Images of the chapel for christening. In the Church of Saint Eustace, the pictures of Christ whipped, of Christ carrying his cross, and of Christ praying in the garden, all of great Art. In the Church of Saint Mary Mater Domini, the great Altar of most pure silver, and the passion of Christ engraven, the Altar of the blessed Virgin with her picture; and the Altar of the holy Sacrament with the rich Porphery and Ophyte stones; and the Marble Images of Saint Mark, and Saint john the Evangelist. In the Church of Saint Andrew, the fairest of this sextary, and a cloister of Nuns, the pictures of Christ crucified, and of his supper with his Apostles, and the most fair Altars of the Virgin, Saint Anthony, and Saint Nicholas. In the Church of Saint George the greater, (giving name to the Island in which it is seated, over against the market place of Saint Mark, and the chief Church next that of Saint Mark,) the pall of the great Altar, and the brazen Images; two brazen Images of the Organs, the seats of the wal-nut three wonderfully engraven, another Altar built by Vincent, Morosini, the Altar of Saint Stephen the first Martyr; the Altar of the blessed Virgin and her Image, the Altar of Saint Lutia with her Image, and the wonderful crucifix of another Altar. In the Church of Saint Mary delle gratie, the infinite gifts hung up there upon vows. In the Church of the Holy Ghost, the Pall of the great Altar, and the marble stones and pillars, and the brazen candlesticks, and a screen of brass guilded, and the pictures of Saint Marks Altar, the candlestick of the great chapel, curiously carved, the rare Images and arched roof of the Altar of the Cratch; being all the work of the famous Painter Titiano, whose rare image also the Friars have: and in the public refectory of the Friars, the admirable pictures of the resurrection, of Samson, and especially of Christ supping with his Apostles. In the monastery of Saint Helen, (giving name to the Island, and founded by Alexander Boromeo, and being one of the fairest in the City) a cross of inestimable value. In the Church of Saint Andrew della Certosa, the monument of Austin Barbadici, who heartening the confederates to fight, was chief cause of the victory against the Turks by sea, in the year 1571. and while he lived, by fair and rough terms, kept the league unbroken, which presently upon his death was dissolved. In the Church of Saint Nicholas deal Liro, the sepulchre of Duke Dominicke Contarini, rich with porphyry and ophyte stones, and a well of fresh water, lying very near the sea, and having so full a spring, as it serveth all the ships and galleys. The alms-house of Saint Lazerus, is built for lepers. The old Lazereto is a pesthouse, where the Prior and Physicians have yearly fee to attend the sick. Not far from that, is the new Lazareto, whither they are sent who are suspected to have the plague: but as soon as they begin to be sick, they are sent thence to the old Lazareto: and hither all suspected men are sent to try their health, which if they keep for forty days, than they are set free. These things are in this sextary most remarkable.  
The sixth sextary, and the third and last beyond the channel, is of the form of the Island, called Il sestiero di dorso duro. In the Church of the Saints, Geruaso and Protese, the graven Images and pictures in the chapel of the holy sacrament. In the cloister of Saint Agnes, the Prioress bringeth up six Virgins, which being of ripe years, are either married or made Nuns, and six more of good families sent thither in their place. In the Church of Saint Gregory, there is a second monument erected to Anthony Bragadini, traitorously slain by the Turks at the taking of Cyprus. The Island Giudecca belongs to this sextary, the chief Church whereof is Saint Eufemia, it having nine other Churches. The Church of the Jesuits is called Saint Mary of Humbleness, and it hath pictured with great art the pals of the passion of Christ, of the Apostles Peter and Paul, of Christ circumcised, and of Saint Francis, and the great Altar is one of the fairest in the City. In the Church Carmini, a singular pair of Organs; the Images of the blessed virgins, four Evangelists, and Christ crucified: and upon the altar of Christ crucified, two stones shining like crystal, which are esteemed for jewels. In the Church of Saint Mary of Charity, the rich chapel of San Saluadore. In the most fair Church of the Capuchin Friars, seated in the Island Giudecca, the images of brass, and the fair screen of the great Altar. In the most fair Church of Saint Mary the greater, being a Nunnery, the rare pictures of the greater chapel. In the Church of the holy cross Della Giudecca, the monument of the Cardinal Francis Morosini, sent Ambassador to the Turk, and Nuncio to Pope Sixtus the fifth, in the French Court: and here the rest of his Family use to be buried. The Monastery of the converted is for whores repenting. Another is built for Orphan Virgins, the Church whereof hath rich screens of marble, with brass images: and in the same live some two hundred and fifty Virgins of alms, and by the work of their hands, which coming to ripe years, are either married or made Nuns. These things are in this sextary most remarkable.  
The Venetians have six fraternities or great schools, such as be also at Rome, and the Gentlemen and Citizens all give their names to one of them, as in England at London, the Citizens have companies, into which the King, Queen, and Nobles, many times vouchsafe to be admitted. And in these schools, as it were in Universities, they use to have exercises of religion. The first of them is called Saint Mary of Charity, after the rule whereof, the rest are framed, and the great Guardian thereof is chosen yearly, and wears a scarlet gown with large sleeves, which they call ducal sleeves, and he hath the title of Magnifito by privilege. These schools give dowries yearly to 1500. Virgins, and distribute among the poor much money, meal, and clothes: for besides many gifts by last testaments daily given to those uses, each of the schools hath some five or six thousand ducats in yearly revenue, and they are governed like common wealths. In the said school, the Images of the Apostles, and the pictures, especially one of the blessed Virgin, and another of the four Doctors of the Church, are very fair. In the school of Saint john the Evangelist, the passion of Christ is wonderfully figured, and Philip the second King of Spain, and his son Ferdinand, and Don john of Austria, and other Princes, have been of this fraternity. The third is of mercy. The fourth of Saint Mark. The fifth of Saint Rocco, passing the rest in ceremonies & pomp, and number of brethren. The sixth is of Saint Theodore, and each of these hath his Church and Palace, and precious monuments, and these are subject to the counsel of ten; for there be many less schools, each art having his school, and these are subject to the old justice, and out of them when need is, soldiers are pressed.  
It remains to add something of the magnifical building of this City. And in the first place, the market place of Saint Mark is paved with brick, and it consists of four market places, joined in one; whereof two may rather be called the market places of the Duke's Palace (joining to the Church of Saint Mark) the one being on the furthest side from Saint Mark, between the palace and the great channel, the other right before the palace towards the channel, four hundred foot in length, and some one hundred and thirty in breadth. The third is before the Church door of Saint Mark, and lies in length five hundred and twenty foot towards the Church of Saint Geminiano, and hath one hundred and thirty foot in breadth, which may more properly be called the market place of Saint Mark. The fourth is on the other side of the Church, towards the Church of Saint Basso. In this market place of four joined in one, are solemn spectacles or shows, and all processions made, and there on ascension day, is the Fair held, and the markets on wednesday and saturday: there they use to muster soldiers; and there the gentlemen and strangers daily meet and walk. Before the door of Saint Marks Church, are three pieces of brass carved, and for bigness like the bodies of trees, upon which at festival days three rich banners are hung, in sign of liberty, or as others say, for the three Dominions of Venice, Cypro, and Candia.  
Under the tower of the Clock, fifty foot distant from Saint Marks Church, is a passage to and from this market place; and this tower all covered with marble, bears a remarkable Clock, which showeth the course of the Sun and the Moon daily, and the degrees they pass, and when they enter into a new sign of the Zodiac, and above that the guilded Image of our Lady shineth, placed between two doors, out of one of which doors, only at solemn Feasts, an Angel with a Trumpet, and the three Wise Men of the East following, pass before our Lady's Image, and adore her, and so go in at the other door. Above that, there is a carved Image of a Lion with wings, and upon the very top, two brazen Images, called the Moors, which by turns striking with a hammer upon a great bell, sound the hours.  
The houses opposite to the Palaces of the Procurators of Saint Mark, are called the houses of the State, and they belong to the Church of Saint Mark, and having some fifty shops under the Arches of the upper roofs (where men may walk dry when it rains) they yield great rents to the Church. Opposite to these are the Palaces of the said Procurators, which are also in the said market place, which I said to be more properly called the market place of Saint Mark, and these being stately built, sixty six foot high, and the stones curiously carved, do not only adorn the market place, but in summer give a pleasant shade to passengers, besides that under the Arches of them, men may walk dry in the greatest rain, and the shops under these Arches yield great rents, and under these Palaces out of four little streets there be so many passages to and from the market place. These Palaces are built at the charge of the State, the nine Procurators being to have nine Palaces: for as yet they were not all built; but in the mean time any palace falling void, it was given to the eldest of them that had none, yet not according to their age, but according to their election.  
The steeple or belfry of Saint Mark, distant some eighty foot from the Church, and set over against it, is to be admired, not only for the foundation, strangely laid under the earth; but also for many other causes. It is built four square, each square containing forty foot, and it is three hundred thirty three foot high, of which feet the pinnacle contains ninety six, and the wooden Image of an Angel above the pinnacle covered with brass and guilded, and turning with the wind, contains sixteen feet. It is adorned with high pillars of marble, and with a gallery at the bottom of the pinnacle, made with many pillars of brass, and upon the pinnacle with great marble Images of Lions, and from the top in a clear day, men may see a hundred miles off the ships under sails; and it bears four great bells, whereof the greater called La Trottiera, is rung every day at noon, and when the Gentlemen meet in Senate with like occasions: but when a new Pope or Duke is made, all the bells are rung, and the steeple is set round about with wax candles burning. I went to the top of this steeple, which hath thirty seven ascents, whereof each hath fourteen less ascents, by which the going up is as easy, as if a man walked on plain ground, at the contriving whereof I much wondered. In the lodge of this steeple, the four brazen Images of Pallas, Apollo, Mercury, and of Peace, and above them, the figure of Venice, with the Dominion by sea and land, and the Image of Venus the Goddess of Cyprus, and of jupiter the King of Candia, present themselves, and near the great gate the Images of the blessed Virgin and of Saint john Baptist, are highly valued.  
Right over against the Duke's Palace, in the foresaid second market place of the palace, is the library, whose building is remarkable, and the architecture of the corner next the market place of the Bakers, is held by great Artists a rare work, and divers carved Images of Heathen Gods, and Goddesses in the old habit, are no less praised, as done by the hands of most skilful workmen. On the inside, the arched roofs curiously painted, and the little study of ivory, with pillars of Alabaster, and rare stones, and carved Images (in which an old breniary of written hand, and much esteemed, is kept) are things very remarkable. The inner chamber is called the study; in which many statues and half statues, twelve heads of Emperors, and other things given to the State by Cardinal Dominicke Grimani, are esteemed precious by all antiquaries. And in this Library are laid up the Books, which the Patriarch and Cardinal Bessarione gave to Saint Mark (that is to the State) by his last will, and the most rare books brought from Constantinople at the taking thereof, and otherwise gathered from all parts of Greece. Out of this Library is a passage, to the chambers of the Procurators of Saint Mark: before you enter them most fair statues, and on the inside rare pictures, draw your eyes to them.  
Not far from thence are two pillars (the third whereof in taking them out of the ship, fell into the sea, and could never be recovered) and they be of huge bigness; for the erecting whereof, as a most difficult thing, great rewards were given to a Lombard, and immunity was given to him by privilege, for all that should play at dice under them. Since it is accustomed, that all condemned men are executed between these pillars, which of old were put to death near the Church of Saint john Bragola, and upon one of these pillars stands the brazen statue of Saint Mark, under the form of a Lion, and upon the other stands the marble statue of Saint Theodor. The statue of Saint George bears a shield, in token that Venice rather defends itself, then offends others, since the right hand carries a defensive weapon.  
Behind the Library is the Mint house (vulgarly called Lafoy zecca, whereupon I think the gold coin of the Venetians is called Zecchino) in which house it is remarkable, that there is no wood in any part thereof, but for fear of fire it is all built with stone, brick, and bars of iron. Here the great statues of Giants, lifting up their massy clubs, as it were forbidding the entrance; and in the court yard the statue of Apollo, holding wedges of gold in his hand, to show that gold is made to grow in the bowels of the earth by the virtue of the sun, are things remarkable.  
From hence on the left hand is the market place, which I said to be the first of the Palace, seated between the channel the Palace. And from hence on the right hand is the fish market, in which (as likewise in that of Rialto) store of good fish is to be bought twice in the day.  
The market place in which the said Belfry and Library are built, is also adorned with the stately Palace of the Duke, all covered with Marble, and most sumptuous in the carved Images and pictures, and in the pillars of the Arched walk on the outside. The first stairs towards the second market place of the Palace, and over against the said Library, are very stately, and are vulgarly called Scala de Giganti, that is the stairs of the Giants, so called of two huge Marble statues of Mars and Neptune, which the common people call Giants. But the Palace hath many other stairs, whereby men ascend thereunto. Opposite to the aforesaid statues, are two other of Adam and Eve, but not so great as they: and not far from thence is a stone guilded, with an inscription which the Senate placed there, in memory of the French King Henry the third, whom they entertained, passing that way from Poland into France. On the left hand is the Chapel of Saint Nicholas, which is the Duke's private Chapel. Hence you ascend into a large Hall (as they call it) or a large Gallery; in the midst whereof the golden staites shine with gold, and two marble Images and rare pictures. On the left hand of the said stairs, is the passage to that part of the Palace, which is assigned to the Duke for his dwelling, and in the first chamber, called the Duke's Arms, Sala del seudo, the pictures of Christ's resurrection, and another of him crucified, are much praised, though it hath many other rare pictures. When you have ascended the golden stairs, your shall see four rare pictures. From thence the way on the left hand leads to the Chancery, where many chambers are adjoining, proper to divers Counsels of State, all adorned with graven Images and pictures of the best; namely, the chambers of the Council rich in the painting of the arched roof. That of the Pregadi, having general rare painting and carving. That called ja secreta, in which the secret writings of the State is laid up. The Chapel of the College, where the Duke and the Senators daily hear Mass, and it appears by an inscription, that the Antiquities were of old laid up there, among the pictures whereof, that of Christ's resurrection, and the Map of the Territory of Venlce, are much praised. That of the Council of ten, in which the picture of the Wisemen offering gifts to Christ is much praised, (near the same are chambers, in which many rich Armours and rare Monuments are laid up.) And that of the great Council, one hundred fifty foot in length, and seventy four in breadth, adorned round about with rare pictures, namely on the side towards the foresaid second market place of the Palace, the History of Frederlcke the Emperor, and of Pope Alexander the third is cursorily painted. Towards the foresaid first market place, lying between the Palace and the channel, the History of Constantinople, taken by the Venetians and French, is painted; and the capitulation of the voyage, made in the Church, and the rest of the Saints in heaven, are reputed rare works.  
The prisons of old were under this Palace of the Duke, but lately a new house is stately built of the stone of ay stria, for that use near the bridge Della Paglia.  
The four square market place of Rialto, is compassed with public houses, under the arches whereof, and in the middle part lying open, the Merchants meet. And there is also a peculiar place where the Gentlemen meet before noon, as they meet in the place of Saint Mark towards evening; and here to nourish acquaintance, they spend an hour in discourses, and because they use not to make feasts one to another, they keep this meeting as strictly as Merchants, lest their frinship should decay. The goldsmiths shops lie thereby, and over against them the shops of jewellers, in which Art the Venetians are excellent. There is the Palace of a Gentleman, who proving a Traitor, the State (for his reproach) turned the same into a shambles, and some upper chambers to places of judgement. The fish market lies by this shambles, a great length along the bank of the great channel, and in the same shambles and fish market, as also in the like of Saint Mark, great plenty of victuals, especially of fish, is daily to be sold. A public Palace stately built lieth near the bridge of Rialto.  
This bridge in the judgement of the Venetians, deserves to be reputed the eighth miracle of the world. The old being pulled down, this new bridge began to be built in the year 1588., and was scarce finished in three years, and is said to have cost two hundred fifty thousand Ducats. It is built of the stone of Istria, upon one arch over the great channel, and the ascent to the top hath thirty six stairs on each side, and upon each side of these stairs, are twelve little shops covered with lead: not to speak of the carved Images, of the blessed Virgin, the Angel Gabriel, and the two protecting Saints of the City, namely Saint Mark, and Saint Theodore.  
Thereby is a Palace called Il Fontico de i Todeschi, because the Dutch Merchants have it to their use.  
The Armoury built for all kind of Arms & Munitions, vulgarly called l' Arsenale, as it were the Tower of the Senate, is compassed with walls being in circuit more than two miles, where some four hundred Artificers are daily set on work about naval provisions, and they receive weekly for wages about one thousand two hundred ducats. Within the same is a several place to make cables, & within the circuit hereof and no where else in the City, they build Ships and Galleys, and there be always in the same about two hundred galleys ready for service. To conclude, the State of Venice, being not grown to full strength, did in a hundred days space, arm one hundred galleys against Emanuel Emperor of the East, and no doubt their strength hath every day grown greater to this time. In the said compass of the Armoury, lies a great boat called Il Bucentoro, because it carries about the number of two hundred; which boat hath upon it a kind of chamber which useth to be richly hung, and covered over, when in the same the Duke and Senators be carried by water at some times of solemnity, especially at the feast of the Ascension, when of an old custom, they go forth to espouse the sea, by the ceremony of flinging a ring into the same, and to challenge the command thereof, given them by Pope Alexander the third.  
The jews have a place to dwell in severally, called Il Ghetto, where each family hath a little house, and all have one court-yard common, so as they live as it were in a College, or alms-house, and may not come forth after the gates are locked at night, and in the day they are bound to wear a yellow cap.  
Though the City be seated upon little and narrow islands, in the midst of marshes and tides of the sea; yet hath it gardens in great number, and abounding with rare herbs, plants, and fruits, and water conduits, which with thecarued Images and pictures, (out of the gentlemen's courtesy) may be seen by any curious stranger.  
The public Libraries of special note are these: Di S Giovanni & Paolo: di San' Francisco: di San' Stefano: di San' Georgio Maggiore: and di Sant' Antonio. Also private Libraries may be found out by those that be curious, and will be after the same manner easily showed them, and are indeed most worthy to be sought out for the rareness of many instruments, pictures, carved Images, Antiquities, and like rare things: For the Venetians being most sparing in diet and apparel, do exercise their magnisicence in these and the like delights, and these precious Monuments, they will with great courtesy show to any strangers, or to any loving antiquities, which my self-found by experience, morespecially at the hands of Sigr. Nicolao vendramini, a Gentleman dwelling in the Island Give decca, who most courteously showed me and my friends, though being altogether unknown to him, some rare clocks, admirable carved Images, and a pair of Organs having strange varieties of sounds.  
The Palaces of Gentlemen were called houses, but are, and worthily deserve to be called Palaces, some hundred of them being fit to receive Princes. For howsoever this Commonwealth at the first founding, was tied by many laws to mediocrity, and the equality among the Citizens, yet pride hath by degrees seized upon the same. The said Palaces have one door towards the Land, and another towards the water, and most of them have gardens. The foundations are laid of Oak in the waters, and the stone of Istria is much esteemed. The flooers of the upper rooms are not boarded, but plastred with lime tempered with tiles beaten to dust. The windows are for the most part very large, the greater rooms lying almost altogether open to receive air, but the lodging chambers have glass windows, whereof the Venetians brag, glass being rare in Italy, where the windows are for the most part covered with linen or paper. And howsoever glass be common with us on this side the Alps, yet it is certain that the glass makers of Venice, dwelling in the Island Murano, have a more noble matter, & thereof make much better glass than we can. To conclude, as I said the Venctians are most sparing in diet and apparel, so not only in the building of their houses, but in the furniture thereof, the general sort passeth their degree, and many of the Gentlemen use Princely magnificence. These are accounted the chief Palaces: That belonging to the Procurators' office, near the Church of Saint Anthony. The old Palace which belonged to the Templary Knights. That of the family Gritti near the bridge Della Madonna. That of Alexander Gritti, near the market place of Saint john Bragora. That of Dandoli, near the bridge Della Paglia. The Palace near Saint Francis Church, which the Senate bought, and use to assign it to the dwelling of the Pope's Nuncio. That of the Duchess of Florence, built upon the channel of the Duke's Palace. That of the Vetturi, near the market place of Saint Mary. That of the Patriarch Grimani, near the Malipieri. That of the family Georgij, near the same. That of Francis Priuli. That of Lodowick Georgij. That of the Capelli. That of Peter Giustniani. That of those of Pesaro, near the Church of St. Benedict. That of the Loredani near Saint Stephen's Church. That of Zeni. That of Contarini. That of Silvester Valierij, near the Church of Saint job. That of the Cornari, near Saint Paul's Church. That of james Foscarini, near the Church Carmeni, That of the Michaeli, near Saint Lewis Church. That of Lewis Theophili, near the Church Della Misericordia. The chief Palaces upon the channel are these. That of the Loredani. That of the Grimani, near Saint Lucia. That of Delphini. That of the Cornari, near Saint Maurice Church, and that of the Foscarini, an old building but having the best prospect of all the rest. In which the Venetians entertained the French King Henry the third. To conclude, there be two rich Palaces in the Island Giudecca, one of the Dandoli, the other of the Vendramini.  
In this famous City are twenty thousand families, and three thousand of the Gentlemen, and no age hath been so barren, which hath not yielded worthy men for martial and civil government and learning. Of this City have been three Popes, Gregory the twelfth, Eugenius the fourth, and Paul the second, and many Cardinals of which these are the chief: Peter Morosini, Mark I andi, Anthony Corari, john Amideus, and in our age john Baptist Zeni, and Dominick Grimani. Also Peter Bembus was a Venetian, whom Pope Paul the third made Cardinal. here was borne Pantalean justinianus, Patriarch of Consiantinople when the French ruled there. And Venice hath yielded many most learned men, Andrew Dandoli, Duke Francis Barbarigi, Andrew Morosini, who wrote the History of his time in Heroic Verse. And many famous Civil Lawyers, Lodowick Foscarini, and jerom Donati. And many rare engravers, and painters, Titiano, Tenterotto, and Belino. And many Commanders in the war, john Bolari, Marino Gradinici, Dominick Morosini, (the first provisors of Military affairs,). Andrew Morosini, and Simion Dandoli, and many more famous in all kinds of virtue, to the chief whereof I have said, that the Senate erected many Statues and Monuments. Give me leave to add this of the family Morosini, namely, that among the most famous men, whose pictures were in the chamber of public meeting, before it was burnt; there were the pictures of Barbaro and Marco, and Autonia, Morosini: And that the same family hath given three Dukes, Dominico, Marino, and Michaele; and three patriarchs, and twelve Procurators of Saint Mark, (which number few families have attained, only that of the Contarini, that of the justiniani, and that of the Grimani, have a little passed it). And that myself being at Venice, found there eighty Gentlemen of this name. Let the Reader pardon this observation, which I make for the Confonancy of that name with my own, only differing in the placing of a vowel, for more gentle pronunciation, which the Italian speech affecteth; yet these Gentlemen being of one family, write their names somewhat diversity, some writing in their own tongue Morosini, others Moresini, and in the Latin tongue, Morocenus, and Maurocenus.  
Of the hiring of chambers, and the manner of diet in Venice, I have spoken jointly with that of Paduoa, in the description of that City, only I will add, that this City aboundeth with good fish, which are twice each day to be sold in two markets of Saint Mark & Rialto, & that it spendeth weekly five hundred Oxen, & two hundred & fifty Calves, besides great numbers of young Goats, Hens, and many kinds of birds, besides that it aboundeth with sea birds, whereof the Venetian writers make two hundred kinds, and likewise aboundeth with savoury fruits, and many salted and dried dainties, and with all manner of victuals, in such sort as they impart them to other Cities. I will also add that here is great concourse of all nations, as well for the pleasure the City yieldeth, as for the free conversation; and especially for the commodity of traffic. That in no place is to be found in one market place such variety of apparel, languages, and manners. That in the public Inns a chamber may be hired for four sols a day; but for the cheapness and good dressing of meat, most men use to hire private chambers, and dress their own meat. That in the Dutch Inn each man pays two lyres a meal. That no stranger may lie in the City more than a night, without leave of the Magistrates appointed for that purpose; but the next day telling them some pretended causes of your coming to the Town, they will easily grant you leave to stay longer, and after that you shall be no more troubled, how long soever you stay, only your Host after certain days giveth them account of you. To conclude this most noble City, as well for the situation, freeing them from enemies, as for the freedom of the Commonwealth, preserved from the first founding, and for the freedom which the Citizens and very strangers have, to enjoy their goods, and dispose of them, and for manifold other causes, is worthily called in Latin Venetia, as it were Veni etiam, that is, come again.  
From Venice to Farraria are eighty five miles by water and land: and upon the third of February (after the new style) and in the year 1594. (as the Italians begin the year 
Anno. 1594.  the first of january) and upon Wednesday in the evening, myself with two Dutchmen, my consorts in this journey, went into the Bark, which weekly passeth betwixt Venice and Ferrara. The same night we passed twenty five miles upon the marshes, within the sea bank, to Chioza or Chioggia, or (to speak vulgarly, the better to be understood in ask the way) a Chioza, the first village on firm land, or rather seated in an Island, where the Ditch Clodia maketh a Haven. The next morning in the same Bark we entered the River, and passed fifteen miles to the Village Lorea, and after dinner ten miles in the territory of Venice, and eight miles in the Dukedom of Fervaria to Popaci, and upon Friday in the morning twenty two miles to Francoline, where we paid for our passage from Venice thither, each man three lyres and a half. By the way on land upon both sides the River, we passed a pleasant plain, and fields of come divided by furrows, in which furrows Elms were planted, and upon them Vines grew up to the tops. Such is the manuring of Lombardy, or the Lower part of Italy towards the West, where the Vines growing high, yield not so rich wines, as in the other parts of Italy upon mountains and hills, upon the sides whereof the Vines supported with short stakes, and growing not high, yield much richer wines. By this way our Bark stayed many times in Villages, where we had time to eat, or to provide victuals to be carried with us; and we had an Ingistar, or measure of wine, something greater than our pint, for three sols of Venice: we bought bread after the weight, for they have loaves of all prices, in which a stranger cannot be deceived. It is the fashion to see the meat in the kitchen, and to agree of the price before you eat it, which if you do not, you shall be subject to the Hosts insatiable avarice, who take pleasure to deceive strangers. And the price of the meats you may understand, by the Italians, whom you shall see buy of the same. And if the decrenesse displease you, you may carry dry figs and raisins, and dine with them, the price of bread and wine being certain; but you must sup at your Hosts Ordinary, if you will have a bed. I said that we left our Bark at Francoline, where we might have hired a coach to Ferraria, for which we three should have paid twenty two bolinei, but the way being pleasant to walk, we chose rather to go these five miles on foot.  
Ferraria is a very strong City of Fiaminia, and near the City, the River Po dividing itself, hath made a long and broad Island, which now is grown to firm land. 
Ferraria.  It was compassed with walls by the exarchs of the Eastern Emperors, Lords thereof, and after it was subject to the Bishops of Raucnna; than it came into the hands of the Princes of the family of Este, the lawful heirs whereof possessed it to the year 1394, when it passed to the line of Bastards. These Princes of Este were at first Marquesses, and afterwards were created Dukes, and Hercules of Este was the third Duke, who lived about the year 1550. At this day the family of Este being extinct, the Bishop of Rome hath invaded this Dukedom. The City seated in a plain, is compassed with a fenny bank, and is of a triangular form, the three corners being towards the North, West and South. On the South side the river Po did run of old, but it hath now left his bed, which is dried up to firm land. But the less branch thereof runneth from Francoline to Chioza, where it falls into the sea, the greater making many lakes at Comatio, yields the Duke much profit by the fishing of eels. In the heart of the City is a large market place, and joining thereunto a little Island, in which the father of Hercules of Este built a stately Palace, called Belueder, and in the market place before the door of the Palace, there is a statue sitting in a chair, erected to Duke Burso, and another of a horseman, and of brass erected to Duke Nicholas. The streets are broad, and very dirty in winter, and no less subject to dust in summer. The houses are built of freestone, but according to the building of Italy, are almost flat upon the top, so as that upper roof hath neither chambers nor windows. The houses are not built one near the other, but divided with most pleasant gardens, and dispersed.  
On the North side of the City without the walls, the Duke hath a large Park for hunting, and to keep therein many strange beasts. There be two stately Palaces besides the Dukes; one of the Bentivoli, the other of Caesar, Nephew to Duke Alfonso, who being eighty years old, begot him of a Concubine; and because the Popes had intruded themselves into the succession of this Dukedom, which this holy mother the Church daily gaped to enjoy, upon the want of lawful heirs males; the Duke could not obtain by entreaty, or any money, to have the right of succession conveyed to this Nephew. And howsoever he were now eighty years old, yet the opinion of his command in miltary affairs, made the common people report, that the Pope would grant the succession to his Nephew, upon condition he should lead an Army into Hungary against the Turks. But the event showed, that the Popes thought nothing less: for this Caesar defending his possession fearfully, the Popes have since that time, and long before I wrote this, invaded this Dukedom, and united it to the Patrimony of Saint Peter. The circuit of the City is said to contain seven miles, and in the same is an University little frequented, and a fair College wherein the professors read. The Duke hath two stables, in the one, one hundred twenty horses for coaches, in the other fifty for the saddle. In the Beneventane Monastery, is the sepulchre of the Poet Ariosto, borne in this City, and it is of red Marble, with this inscription in Latin;  
To Lodowick Ariosto Poet, a Patrician of Ferraria, Augustine Musicus, to so great a man and so well deserving of him, hath caused this Monument and Image of Marble to be erected at his own proter cost, in the year of the Lord M D LXXIII, Alfonso the second being Duke: he lived LIX years, and died in the year of the Lord M D XXXIII the eighth of the Ides of june.  
The Statue of Marble is to the shoulder, and is set over his Tomb with those verses:  

Hic Ariostus est situs, qui comico,  
Aures Theatri sparsit urbanas sale;  
Satyraque mores strinxit acer improbos;  
Heroa culto qui furentem carmine  
Datumque curas cecinit, atque pralia;  
Vates corona dignus unus triplici,  
Cui trina constant, quae fuere vatibus,  
Graijs, Latinis, vixque Hetruscis singula.  
Here Ariosto lies, whose pen still feasts,  
The Civil ears on stage with comic jests,  
Whose Sayters scourged the foul sins of his time;  
Who sung the frantic worthy, in sweet rhyme:  
Great Dukes, fierce battles, and their pensive care.  
Thus hath one Poet, three crowns to his share;  
Greek Poets, Latins, Tuscans, each scarce one  
Of these attained, he hath all three alone.   
In the Monastery Certosa there is a round pinnacle, the Monument of Duke Borso. In the Church of Saint Mary of the Angels, are laid up some trophies of victory against the Venetians, which when a Citizen of Ferrara showed upon a time to a Venetian, in fashion of bragging, he answered pleasantly and wittily: to my remembrance, when you of Ferrara got this victory against us, we took the Country of Poleseno from you, and though we were overcome yet we keep that to this day. jerom Saucnorolla a Friar was born in this City, who in a late age was of great fame & authority among the Florentines, and for some opinions of religion was burnt by the Pope. Here I paid thirty bolinei for a meal, in the chief Inn, where we were well used, when in base Inns we had paid more with vile usage.  
From hence they reckon thirty four miles to Bologna. We went on foot three miles to the village La Torre della fossa, and in the midst of the way, we observed the old bed of the River Po, which was now dried up. From hence we hired a boat for four bolinei and four quatrines, and passed in a broad ditch between high reeds, to a place called Mal' Albergo, that is, the ill lodging, being nine miles; and we understood there, that four soldiers were drowned the day before in the said ditch by their own folly, playing and tumbling in the boat. We had now passed seven miles in the State of Bologno, and lodging here, each man paid for his supper sixteen bolinei. The next morning a boat went from hence to Bologna, but since they asked for each man's passage twenty two bolinei, and that the day was fair and the way very pleasant, we chose to go on foot these eighteen miles to Bologna. In the midway we came to a Country Inn,. where they demanding excessive prices for meat, we for sparing in the beginning of our long journey, and loath to be made a prey out of their opinion of our gluttony, took bread and wine of them at the known price, and dined with some provisions we had with us; namely, one pound of Raisins, for which we had paid seven bolinei, a pound of figs at the same price, and a pound of Almonds at the same price, bought at Ferraria to this purpose. After this refection we went the rest of our journey through pleasant fields, manured after the Lombard fashion, before described.  
When we entered the gates of Bologna, the soldiers demanded a courtesy of us, which we gladly gave them, perceiving they would not search our portmanteaus, 
Bologna.  which otherwise by their office they may do. This is a City of Flaminia, of old subject to the Exarchate of Ravenna, till the Eastern Emperors were cast out of Italy, by the conspiring of the Popes with the Kings of Lombardy, and so the Exarchate was united to that Kingdom, and shortly after the Popes likewise conspiring with the French King Charles the Great, against the Kings of Lombardy, and dividing Italy between them, this City fell to the Pope's share, howsoever they did not then attain the possession thereof, or at least did not keep it long: for afterwards the City was subject to many tyrants, sometimes under the viscounts of Milano, and at last invaded by the Citizens thereof; namely the Family of Bentivoli, under pretence to defend the common liberty, till the Pope about the time of the French King Lewis the twelfth, conspiring with him to invade Italy, did cast out the Bentivoli, and by little and little reducing the Citizens to obedience, and using them to the Church government, did at last set over them his Podesta, and a Cardinal Legate (both strangers) to govern them. This populous City is of a round form, and of great circuit, but the walls are round about almost fallen down. The City is seated in a large plain, and such is the whole territory, only on the Southside without the walls lie the Apennine mountains, which divide Italy almost in the midst, all the length thereof even from Genoa, to the furthest limits of the Kingdom of Naples, bordering upon: he sea towards the East. On the same Southside, are the schools of the University, and the monastery of Saint Michael, and the rich stately monastery of Saint Dominicke, in which is the sepulchre of the said Saint curiously engraven, and of white marble, and under a rich screen lies the body, which they superstitiously worship, and they show the place where the Saint gave up his last breath. Their refectory or place where the Monks eat, is fair and large, and the Cellars of wine, and their store thereof are so great, as would better become the Temple of Bacchus, than a Cloister of Monks. It hath two foursquare Court yards, with arched Cloisters to walk under, and they be pleasantly planted round about with Cedars, of which they especially esteem one, planted by the hands of that Saint, who likewise with his own hand did beautify a well of water no less esteemed by them. Their public Library is much esteemed for many books of written hand, wherein they brag to have a Bible written by the hand of Esdras. The building of this monastery is very stately, and it hath large galleries, as well below under the Arches, as round about in the upperroofe. Here is a monument of Hans (that is john) son to the Emperor Frederick the second, & they have a place given by privilege to the Dutch for burial. The building of the City is antic, and many houses seem to have been built by the Lombard's. The foundations of the houses are of free stone, and the rest for the most part of brick, built with arched Cloisters towards the street, under which they walk dry in the greatest rain. The Palaces of Gentlemen are built towards the street, stately on the inside, but with little show on the outside, and they all seem to have been built of old. The windows are not glazed (which the Venetians brag to be proper to their City, as a thing to be wondered at) but they are covered with paper, whereof part is oiled over. Towards the West side of the City, is a large market place two forked, in which is a fair conduit of water, with the Images of Neptune, and divers Goddesses pouring water out of their mouths and breasts, and all made of metal. In this market place is the Senate-house, vulgarly called Il palazo della signoria, on the one side whereof are the Courts of judgement, on the other the lodgings of the Governor. At the very entry is a statue of brass, erected to Pope Gregory the thirteenth, a Citizen of Bologna, which appears by an inscription in the Cathedral Church: and within the Palace is a statue of white stone, erected to Pope Paul the third, and another statue of a Giant. The stairs of the Palace are made winding, and rising by little and little, give so easy an ascent, as a horse may go up without difficulty: (the like staites be at Ferrara in the Duke's Palace, and at Venice in the steeple of Saint Mark, and at Torge a City of Germany.) Within the Palace is the statue of julius the second, Bishop (or rather the God Mars) of Rome, engraven to his shoulders, with aleane and longface. Upon the door of the Palace is written in golden letters, that the Emperor Charles the fifth held his Court there, when the Pope put the imperial Crown upon his head, in the Church of Saint Petronius, which Church is of the old Lombard building: and this Saint is the protecting Saint of the City. near the stately Cathedral Church of Saint Peter, is a house called the mountame of piety, where poor men may borrow money freely, bringing pawns, to avoid the oppression of the Jews usury. Among the Lombard buildings there is an old Tower, called d' Asinelli, built of brick with four hundred seventy two stairs, which they esteem one of the highest in Europe. From this Tower without the gates, all the fields are full of Palaces and Houses. At the gate of Saint Francis, is a pinnacle with this inscription. The Sepuicher of Accursius, who wrote the gloss upon the Law, Son to Francis H us. In the territory of this City is a medicinal water, found in the year 1375. very famous throughout all Italy, of which is proverbially said; Chibene l' Acqua della Porretta, O i lo spezza, o che lo netta, that is, He that drinks the water of Porretta, either it bursts him, or else it cleanseth him. The stranger's students here, call the stately Palace of Cardinal Caup: the sins of the Dutch, as built by the Fines imposed on them. We stayed in this City two days, and being three consorts, hired a chamber each man for four bolinei the day, the Hostess giving us linen, and dressing our meat, and we paid for an Eel by the pound five bolinei, (for they sell fresh water fish by the pound) for a pike the pound four bolinei, for three apples two quatrines, for a pound of raisons four bolinei, for a pound of small nuts four bolinei; for an ingestar of wine (a measure somewhat bigger than the English pint) four bolinei, for a wax candle six bolinei. It was now the time of Lent, and so we were forced to eat only fish, as the Italians did.  
In the territory of Bologna, there is a place almost an Island, called Forcelli, which was an Island of old, and Historians witness, that the Triumuiri, Augustus, Antonius, and Lepidus here divided the world between them.  
From Bologna the right way for Rome is directly to Florence, which way I never passed, disposing (as I thought) my journey more commodiously; yet for the direction of other passengers, it will not be amiss to set down the way. From Bologna to Pianore are eight miles, to Lograno six, to Scaricalasino five, to Caurez three, to Fiorenzuola twelve, to Scarperia ten, to the bridge Saint Piero two, and to Fiorenza or Florente two miles.  
At Bologna we chanced to light upon post horses, being to return twenty miles to Imola, and each of us paid five poli for his horse. By the way towards the South were pleasant hills, towards the foot of the Apennine mountains. On the left hand towards the North, were fields manured after the Lombard fashion before described, and we passed by the Castle Saint Petro, (the Italians call the walled Towns which have no Bishop's seat, by the name of Castles.) When we entered the gates of Imola, according to the custom, we delivered our swords to a boy, who was to carry them to our Host, that he might keep them till we went out of the Town; and here each of us paid two real for our supper, and half a real for our bed. The next morning we road ten miles to the City Faenza, through a sandy way, and a barren soil, yielding some few vines growing upon trees, and each man paid for his horse eight poli.  
From hence our right way to Ancona, had been to Forli Cesena, and Rimini; but our desire to see the old famous City of Ravenna, made us go out of the way twenty 
Ravenna.  miles to the said City, through a dirty way, and fruitful fields of corn; and each of us paid seven poli for his horse. Ravenna is a most ancient City, whose walls the Emperor Tiberius either built or repaired. Here of old was the harbour for the navy of Rome. Here the Emperor of the East, after the Western Empire was extinguished, made the seat of his Exarch. After, by the conspiring of the Popes, and the French Kings, Pipin and Charles the Great, all the Cities of this Exarchate fell to the Pope's share. Yet others write that the French King only added Tuseany to the Patrimony of Saint Peter; and it is most certain that these Cities for long time did not acknowledge the Pope for their Lord, till at last the Popes in like sort conspiring with the French Kings, Lewis the twelfth, and Charles the eight, had their aid to subdue these Cities, and then Pope julius the second by terror of his excommunications extorted Ravenna and other Cities from the Venetians, and casting out the Lords of other Cities, the Popes from that time, being very skilful to fish in troubled waters, have gotten possession of all the territories, from the confines of the State of Venice, to Ferraria, Bologna, and along the Coast of the adriatic sea, to Ancona. It is said that Ravenna stands not now in his old place, for at this time it is some two miles distant from the Sea: but the soil thereof is most fruitful in corn, and unfit to yield wine, and it is rich in pastures. The houses are built of brick and flint stone, and are so old as they seem ready to fall. This City having been often taken by enemies, hath lost all the ornaments which it had, from so many exarchs and Kings of Lombardy, and from the Bishops thereof, who were so powerful, as they strove long time for primacy with the Bishops of Rome. On the northside of the City lies the sea, but distant from the same, and without the walls is a wood of Pine-trees, and not far thence lie the ruins of a very old and most fair Church, Saint Mary the Round, whose roof was admirable, being of one stone, and in the same Church was the rich sepulchre of the Lombard King Theodoricus, which the soldiers pulled down with the Church, to get the metals thereof. On the eastside the sea lies some two Italian miles distant, where is the Haven for ships, so much spoken of in the Roman Histories, where the navy of Rome did winter, yet is it now neither convenient nor secure for ships; neither indeed can any but very small boats come up to the Town. On the Southside without the golden gate (built by the Emperor Claudius) lie the ruins of a stately Palace, built by the same King Theodoricus, and likewise of the City Caesaria. In a Chapel of the Cathedral Church is a most rich Font, and they report that many Kingly monuments were of old in this Church. In the market place lies a vessel of Porphry, a Kingly monument, which the Citizens in the year 1564. brought from the foresaid sepulchre of King Theodoricus in the ruined Church of Saint Mary, near the gate on the northside. In the monastery of Saint Francis, is the sepulchre of the Poet Dantes, with these verses in Latin;  

Exigua tumuli Dantes hic sort iacebas,  
Squallenti nullis cognite penè situ.  
At nune marmoreo subnix us conder is Area,  
Omnibus & cultu splendidiore nites.  
Nimiram Bembus Musis incensus Hetruscis  
Hoc tibi (quem inpri nis hae coluere) dedit.  
In a poor Tomb Dantes thou didst lie here,  
The place obscure made thee almost unknown,  
But now a marble chest thy bones doth bear,  
And thou appearest fresh as flower new blown.  
Bembus with Tuseane Muses ravished,  
Gave this to thee, whom they most cherished.   
In the year 1483. the sixth of the Kalends of june, Bernar: Bembus the Praetor, laid this at his own charge: The strength, merit, and crown of the Friars minorite covents. S. V. F. and these verses were added in Latin;  

jura Monarchtae, superos, Phlegetonta, lacusque  
Lustrando cecini, volverunt fata quousque.  
Sed quia pars cessit melioribus hospita castris,  
Actoremque suum petijt faelicior Astris.  
Hic claudor Dantes, patrus extorris ab oris,  
Quem genuit parvi Fiorentia Mater Amoris.  
The Monarchies, Gods, Lakes, and Phlegeton,  
I searched and sung, while my Fates did permit;  
But since my better part to heaven is gone,  
And with his Maker 'mongst the stars doth sit,  
ay Dantes a poor banished man lie here,  
Whom Florence Mother of sweet Love did bear.   
In the Church of Saint Vitalis the pavement is of marble, and the walls all covered with precious stones of many kinds, but unpolished as they were taken out of the mines, show great antiquity and magnificence, and do not a little delight the beholder. Also there be certain Images graven in some stones, I know not whether by nature, or strange art, which are to be admired. Among which I remember one stone had the picture of a Turk in all the apparel they wear, another the Image of a Monk in his habit, another of a Priest with his bald head, and two other, the one most like the foot the other the leg of a man. There is an Altar of Alabaster, and the Church is of a round form, whose roof is painted A la Mosaica, like engraving (of which kind of painting rare and much esteemed in Italy, I have spoken before in the description of Venice.) In this Church is a fountain of water, which by virtue given it from this Saint, (as they say) being thrice drunk off, gives remedy to the headache. Another Church of Saint Geruasive is so joined to this of Saint Vitalis, as it seemed to me but a Chapel thereof; and in this Church also is the Saint buried, of whom it hath the name: and there be also the sepulchres of Placidiae, sister to the Emperor Honorius, and of her sons and daughters, and of her nurse, with her husband. Here we paid each man three poli for his supper.  
From Ravenna we road thirty five miles to the old City Rimini (namely, ten to Savio, five to Ceruia, five to Cesnadigo, and fifteen to Rimini) through wild fenny fields, and a great Wood of Pine-trees, and by the sandy shore of the sea, between which and the Apennine Mountains (dividing Italy by the length) the Valley was so narrow, as we continually did see the snowy tops of those Mountains towards the South, and for the most part did see together with them the Adriatic sea towards the North. In the foresaid Castle Cesnadigo, the Postmaster would have forced us to take new post-horses, if he that let our horses to us, had not pleased him, by the payment of some money: for the post-horses are known by a list of fur they wear in their bridles; and if a man ride into a Town upon a Post-horse, he must either go away on foot, or take another Post-horse there, for no private man dare let him a horse, which makes passengers loath to higher post-horses of return, though many times they may be had at good rate, rather than he will return empty with them; yet if a man will walk a mile or two, he may easily higher a horse in other Towns, which are frequent in Italy. And let no man marvel, that these Prince's favour the Postmasters and innkeepers to the prejudice of strangers, because in that respect they extort great rents from them. By the way, in the Village Bel' Aria, each of us paid two bolinei for passage of a River. The Brook Rubico, now called Pissatello, by this way to Rimini, did run from the West into the Adriatic sea, and there of old was a Marble pillar, with this inscription in Latin; Here stay, leave thy Banner, lay down thy Arms, and lead not thy Army with their Colours beyond this Brook Rubico; therefore if any shall go against the rule of this command, let him be judged enemy to the people of Rome, etc. And hereupon it was, that julius Caesar returning out of France, and first stopping here, and then after he had seen some prodigious signs, passing over this Brook with his Army, uttered words in Latin to this effect; Let us go whither the prodigics of the Gods, and the sins of our enemies call us. The Die is cast.  
In the Marketplace of Rimini is a monument of the same Caesar yet remaining, where 
Rimini.  words in the Latin tongue are graven in a stone to this effect; The Consuls of Rimini did repair this pulpit, decayed with age, in the months of November and December, in the year 1555. Under that is written; Caius Caesar Dictator having passed Rubico, here in the Market place of Rimini spoke to his fellow soldiers, beginning the civil war. In the same Marketplace of Rimini is a pleasant Conduit of water. The City hath no beauty, and lieth in length from the East to the West. On the Westside is a bridge built by the Emperor Augustas, which they hold to be very fair. Towards the East is a Triumphal Ark, built by the same Augustus, with old inscriptions, and a pinackle erected, which shows the Flaminian way to Rome, and the Emilian way towards Parma.  
I said, that the Pope's territory extendeth this way as high as Ancona, and these inhabiters of Marca are accounted a wicked generation, the greatest part of the cutthroats and murderers dispersed through Italy, being borne in this Country. Our Host used us very ill, demanding of each of us a poli for our bed, and three polo for our supper; and when we desired a reckoning, demanding for a little piece of an Eel one polo and a half, and for three little Soles ten bolinei, besides that by the aforesaid privilege, he forced us (being Postmaster) to take horses of him at what price he listed.  
The next morning we road fifteen miles to the Castle la Catholica, where is a bridge dividing the territories of the Pope, and the Duke of Urbine: then we road to Pesaro ten 
Pesaro.  miles, and each man paid for his horsefoure poli, and all our way was through fruitful hills and little mountains.  
This City hath a fair round Marketplace, and a pleasant Fountain therein, distilling water at eight pipes. The air is thought unwholesome; for which cause, and the great plenty of fruit, nothing is more frequent here, than Funerals in the month of August, and the Inhabitants seldom live to be 50 years old: each of us paid a Polo for our dinner, calling for what meat we liked, and agreeing first for the price.  
From hence to Ancona ate forty five miles, and we hired three Horses for twenty five Poli, with condition, that our guide (vulgarly called Veturale, or Veturino, should pay for his horse-meat, and bring them back again. After dinner we road five miles to the little City Fano compassed with high walls of Flint, and lying upon a hill-side towards the sea, and subject to the Pope, where we did see a triumphal ark of marble, curiously engraven. Then we road fifteen miles more to Senogalita, a strong City, and subject to the Duke of Urbin. By the way we passed the Bridge Di Metro (having fourscore Arches) and the Bridge Di Marctta (having fifty Arches), both built of wood, and very low, as serving to pass over little Brooks; which notwithstanding, by reason of the Mountains being near, do often overflow. All this days journey was by the Seashore on our left hand towards the North, and fruitful hills of corn towards the South, over which hung the Apennine Mountains; whence many times the waters descend violently, by reason of the narrow valley between the sea and the said Mountains. It is proverbially said of the Magistrate of Senogallia; ill Podesta commanda & fallo stesso: that is, The Governor commands and doth it himself; whereby it seems he is little esteemed. The City is of a small circuit, but very strong, and the houses are built of brick, with a roof something flat, after the Italian fashion. The Inn is without the gate, and so the more commodious for strangers, who may come late, and depart early, which they could not do, if their lodging were within the walls. It is true, that he who buys hath need to sell; for the Duke extorting great rent from the Innkeeper, he in like sort oppresseth the passengers: for a short supper at a common table, each man paid four Poli, or Poali (a coin so called of Pope Paul). The next morning we road fifteen miles to Fimesino, and ten to Ancona, having the sea on our left hand towards the North, and fruitful mountains on our right hand towards the South. Fimesino is a Fort, and belongs to the Pope, but the Inn without the gate belongs to the Duke of Urbine: And again, when you have passed the Bridge, all the Territory to Ancona is subject to the Pope.  
The City of Ancona is compassed with three Mountains, and hath the form of a 
Anconae.  half Moon. On the North side is a Mountain, upon which the Governor dwells, and upon the East side is another Mountain, and upon the side of these two Mountains the City is built to the valley, and seaside, towards the North. On the Southside is the third Mountain, upon which is the Castle called Capoaè Monte, built in the same place where the Temple of Venus stood; and upon this side the City is narrow, there being no houses built upon the Mountain, but only in the valley upon the sea. The Pope hath soldiers in this Castle, and thereby keeps the City in subjection: for the Citizens long defended their liberty, and how soever they were subject to the Pope, yet secretly chose their Magistrates every year, to the year 1532; at which time Pope Clement the seventh built this Castle against the Turkish Pirates. but beside he used it to bring the Citizens in absolute subjection. The streets are narrow, and the ways ill paved with Flint. The Haven is of a triangular form, and is now very pleasant, as of old it was of great fame for a most secure Port, yet it seemed not to me capable of many or great ships. Perhaps it was of old fit to receive the Roman Navy of Galleys; but since they have neglected to preserve it. trajan the Emperor repaired this Haven, and adorned it with a stately triumphal Ark of marble, which remains to this day. About this Haven there is pleasant walking, and the place where the Merchants meet, called la Loggia, lying upon the sea, is as sweet an open room, as ever I saw; but narrow, and nothing answerable for stately building to the Exchange of London. It is beautified with sweet pictures, among which one of an Angel, which looks right upon you, on which side soever you behold it, is much esteemed. They have a proverb, one Peter in Rome, one Tower in Cremona, and one Haven in Ancona (for the excellency of them). near the gate of the City (to my remembrance) on the eastside, is a very sweet Fountain, pouring water out of many heads of stone.  
At Ancona, according to the custom of passengers, we agreed with a Vetturine, or letter of horses, that each of us paying him fifty five Poli, he should find us horses, and horse meat, and our own diet to Rome; and to this end his servant followed us on foot, after the fashion of the Italians, who ride slowly, and these servants are called Vetturini, or Vetturals. Now we were to cross the breadth of Italy, from the Adriatic to the Tyrrhene Sea. The first day in the Morning, we road fifteen miles to a little City, called Madonna di Loretto, through fruitful Mountains, and passing an high Promontory. By the way was an Altar, with this inscription in Latin; O passenger, go on merrily, etc. Gregory the thirteenth hath well paved the rest of the way. The like inscription is in the ascent of the Mountain, upon which the little City Loreto stands: for this way (in a fruitful Country of corn, and a dirty soil) was paved at the charge of the said Pope.  
A certain chamber hath given beginning to this City and the Church thereof, than 
I. oreto.  which nothing is esteemed more holy among the Papists; and because many gifts of great price use to be given by vow to our Lady of this Church, the City is well fortified against Pirates, who did once spoil the same, and were like again to be invited by the hope of rich spoils to the like attempt, if the Town lay unfortified. It is of little circuit, and lieth in length from East to the West, so narrow, as it hath almost but one street in the breadth, and all the houses of this street are Inns, or Shops of them that sell Beads to number prayers. On the East side, after a steep descent of a Mountain, lies a valley of two miles, and beyond that the sea. On the North side, to wards Ancons, though the sea be very far distant, yet from this City, seated upon a high Mountain, it may easily be seen. Upon the doors of this Church, famous for men's superstitious worship, these verses are written:  

Illotus tlmeat quicunque intrara, Sacellum,  
In terris nullum sanctius orbis habet.  
Enter not here vnwasht of any spot,  
For a more holy Church the world hath not.   
At the Church door is a statue of brass erected to Pope Gregory the thirteenth. As I walked about the Church, behold in a dark Chapel a Priest, by his Exorcisms casting a devil out of a poor woman: Good Lord what fencing and truly conjuring words he used! How much more skilful was he in the devils names? then any ambitious Roman ever was in the names of his Citizens, whom he courted for their voices. If he had eaten a bushel of salt in hell; If he had been an inhabitant thereof, surely this Art could never have been more familiar to him. He often spoke to the ignorant woman in the Latin tongue, but nothing less than in Tully's phrase, and at last the poor wretch, either hired to deceive the people, or (if that be more probable) drawn by familiar practice with the Priest, or at least affrighted with his strange language and cries, confessed herself dispossessed by his exorcism. In the body of the Church, a Table of written hand, in the Greek, Latin, and many other tongues, was fastened to a Pillar, setting down at large the wonderful history of the Chamber in the midst of the Church, which I confess was less curiously observed by me, abhorring from that superstition, & hastening from thence as much as I might; yet give me leave to set down the sum thereof out of the itinerary of Villamont a French Gentleman. This Chamber or Chapel (saith he) is the very house, in which the Queen Virgin of Nazaret was 
Let the Reader believe as he list. Woe to him that lelecues. Woe to him that believes.  borne, brought up, and saluted by the Angel, foretelling her of Christ's birth, and in which Christ was conceived, and in which the Virgin dwelled after Christ's ascension, accompanied with the holy Apostles, especially with Saint john by Christ's command, which the Apostles after the Virgin's death, for the great mysteries done here, turned into a Chapel, consecrated to the sacrificing of Christ, and dedicated the same, and with their own hands, made the great Cross of wood, now set in the window of the Chapel, and in which Saint Luke made with his hand the picture and Image now set above it. Let me add: This Chapel from a House became a Chamber, and of a Chamber was made a Chapel, and it is built of brick, and is thirty foot long, twelve and a half broad. In the chimney (as Villamont saith) as yet remain the holy ashes, which no man dare take away, and the Altar also, upon which the Mass is sung, was made by the Apostles hand. There is a room into which you first enter, which is divided from the Chapel by an iron grate, for no man enters the chapel without leave, but must say his prayers in the outer room; yet leave is given to any that ask it. Villamont addeth, that he found by diligent search; that this Chapel was much reverenced in the primitive Church: but the holy land being subdued by Saracens, then by Turks; he faith it happened in the year 1291. that this house was taken up from the foundations, by Angels, who in the night miraculously carried it to the Sea shore of Sclavonia, where it was made known to the people by the shining of the Virgin's Image, and then by a vision of a religious man, the Virgin herself made known the History to him. He addeth the Virgin's Oration, wherein she gives herself many titles, which in later ages were first invented, and she doth so extol her own praises with her own mouth, as he that reads the old song of the blessed Virgin, would cry out with the Latin Poet, only changing the name. O how is she changed from that Virgin, which so modestly spoke of herself.  
Villamont addeth, that messengers were sent into Palestina, who found this History to be most true: yet this Chapel did not long abide in Slavonia, but the Angels in the year 1294. took it up again, and transported it to this Sea coast of Italy, where again it was made known by the shining of the Image, and many miracles daily done; whereupon the Chapel of the Image was called Madonna di Loreto, that is, our Lady of Loreto. And because thieves lying in the wood, did spoil strangers, who daily came thither for devotion, the Angels (as he saith) the third time took it up, and set it down in a private possession of two brothers, who disagreeing in the division of the profit rising by the concourse of people, the Angels the fourth time took it up, 
This Image never rested till it came into the Pope's Territory where it is not more helpful to others, then profitable to the Pope and Church men.  and placed it in this firm seat, where now it remaineth. After it was often visited by strangers, Pope Paul the second built an other stately Church over it, Pope Leo the tenth having first fortified the little City against Pirates. Let me add, that Pope Sixtus the fifth, borne in this Marca of Ancona, established a Bishop in this Town, and so made it a City. Villamont relating the treasure of this Church, among the rest, nameth certain Maps of Cities, and Mountains, and the Images of the twelve Apostles, a great Crucifix, Candlesticks, and infinite Vessels of silver, Images, Chalices, Crosses, of gold, and many precious stones of huge value, two Crosses made all of precious stones (whereof one was given by the Archduke of Austria), and a Heart of gold set with precious stones (the gift of the Duchess of Lorraine) and a vessel of huge value, which the French King Henry: the third gave, with this inscription:  

Vt quae prola tua Mandum Regina beasti  
Et regnum & Regem prole bear velis.  
Henri. III. Franc. & Pol. Reg.  
Christianiss. M. D. LXXXIIII.  
Additaque Regni insigdia.  
O Queen who with thy Child the world hast blest.  
Let not this King and Kingdom childless rest,  
Of Henry the third, of France and Poland most Christian King, in the year 1584.  
The Arms of the Kingdom are also set upon it.   
Thus far Villamont relates,  
He remembers no gift of greater value, than this of Henry the third, yet (with leave be it spoken) this King, a very slave to the Roman Church, obtained not his petition. All these gifts are given upon vows, and myself did see in the outward reome of the 
Behold how holy these walls of brick are, which cannot abide the impure touch of Marble,  Chapel (into which all are admitted) a Galley under all salles, all of beaten gold; given by the vow of the Duke of Florence, upon the recovery of his health Villamont adds that this Chapel is compassed with a wall of white Marble, curiously engraven, but that this wall could never by any art be fastened to the Chapel, and that the Chapel is also compassed with twenty pillars, bearing the Images often prophets, and the ten Sibyls. He adds, that many miracles are here done, and first gives instance in the person of the Marquis of Baden, in the year 1584. Secondly he sets it down for a Maxim, and proves it by an example, that no man ever took any thing out of this Church, without great mischief betalling him; and that the robbers thereof are compelled to restore, as it were by infernal furies. Let me say truly (always reserving due reverence to the blessed Virgin, to whom the Scriptures teach such divine worship to be most unpleasing, as the Papists yield her), I say let me with due reverence tell a truth. Myself and two Dutchmen my consorts, abhorring from this superstition, by leave entered the inner Chapel, where we did see the Virgin's picture, adorned with precious jewels, and the place (to increase religious horror) being dark, yet the jewels shined by the light of wax candles. When we were entered, the Priest courteously left us, to give us space for our devotion: but when we came forth (as the Italians proverbially speak of the Priest's avarice, Every Psalm ends in, Glory be, etc. as if they should say, All religion to end in profit) it was necessary for us to cast alms into an iron chest behind the Altar, covered with an iron grate. Therefore my consorts, of purpose to delight the Priests ears with the sound of money, as with music, did cast into that chest many brass quatrines, but of small value, and myself being last, when my turn was to give alms, did in stead thereof, gather some ten quatirnes of theirs, which lay scattered upon the grate, and got that clear gain by that Idol. God forbid I should brag of any contempt to Religion; but since it appears, that such worship is unpleasing to God: and because Papists will have all their miracles believed, I will freely say by experience, that having gotten these few quatirnes in such sort as I said, yet after that, God of his mercy preserved me in my long and dangerous travel, and from that time to this day, by his grace, I have enjoyed, though no abundant, yet a competent estate, and more plentiful then in my former days. The fourth miracle related by Villamont (for I omit the third) is worth all the rest, which he saith hangs up in this Church, written in the Italian tongue, and also printed; namely, that a French woman possessed with a devil, came hither, and being exorcised by a holy Canon, did answer, that she had seven devils, and he casting them out, that the first called Sordo, at his coming forth blue out a torch; and that the second was called Heroth, the third Venteloth, the fourth Arcto. And while he makes them all (without torture or command) to confess their own wicted acts; and while he omitteth the other three, yet he doth not omit that the fourth told the Priest things unknown to the world, namely, that he showed him the stone, upon which the Angel stood, when he saluted the Virgin; and likewise the place where the Virgin at that time stood, and that those places were afterward no less worshipped than the Chapel itself. This Villamont relates. Of these things revealed by the devil, give me leave to say, that if the devil had been the greatest friend the Church of Rome hath, he could not have told a more profitable thing to it, and that the Roman Church is not altogether ungrateful, which believes the father of lies in so great a matter, and doth not so much as put him to his oath: but they are wise, to be of Ovid's opinion,  

Cur ego non votis blandiar ipsemeis?  
Why should I not flatter my own desires?   
I will end the rest in one word. There is incredible concourse to this place from all parts professing the Roman Religion, neither is any man in the most remote parts of Europe oppressed with any calamity, but he vows some gift to this Image. In this Church I did see fifty banished men, vulgarly called Banditi, who were banished for murders, and such like crimes, and now had their pardon, upon condition, that for some years they should serve the Emperor in Hungary against the Turks. These men abhorred in all Italy, yet (no doubt) at this time very devout, did make stiff vows, to expiate their sins, and to have happy return out of Hungary, yet they held their hands from giving any large alms. Myself and my consorts were all this day fasting, for it had been an unperdonable sin to have demanded meat in our Inn, before we had been in the Church, and would have given open occasion to suspect our Religion. At last when we returned to the Inn, our Vetturine gave us our dinner.  
The same day after a slight dinner we road fourteen miles, upon a causey paved with stone, and winding about a mountain, then through fields abounding with Olive trees, but having no vines and we came to the City Macerata, where the Pope's Legate lies, and keeps his chancery for this Marca of Ancona. Part of this Province yields rich wine, whereof they have only white wine in the Inns. The second day in the morning, we road twenty two miles to Poluertna, through a pleasant way, and fruitful fields, yielding corn and olives. And by the way near the City Tollentine, were the confines of the Marca of Ancona, and of the Dukedom of Spoleto. After dinner we road ten miles to the Castle Serevallo, through stony and barren mountains. The third day in the morning we road sixteen miles to Fuligni, through most stony and barren mountains, which are called Apennine, and divide the length of Italy, and through a large plain planted with olive trees, and compassed about with mountains. This City was built upon the ruins of the City Forum Flaminium.  
After dinner we road ten miles to the City Spoleto, through a firtle plain, but stony, yielding together in the same field, vines, corn, Almond and Olive trees, and at the end of the plain this City is seated, partly in a plain, partly on the side of a mountain, upon the top whereof is a strong Castle, built upon the ruins of an old Amphitheatre, to the which men pass over a bridge of stone, upheld by twentyfour great pillars & joining two mountains, which have a deep valley between them, but narrow and without water. In the Church of this Castle, they show a picture of the blessed Virgin painted with Saint Luke's hand, of which kind there is an infinite number among the Papists. Theodoricus King of the Goths, built a stately Palace in the City, which being ruined, Narses the Eunuch Governor of Italy under the Eastern Emperor did rebuild it. The Dukedom of Spoleto is subject to the Pope, who took it, when he cast the Eastern Emperors out of Italy, and after extorted the grant thereof from the renewed Western Emperors. And the soil of this Dukedom is most fruitful, of corn, wine, almond, and olive trees, and of most sweet fruits. Of the wine martial thus writes;  

De Spoletanis quae funt curiosa lagenis  
Malueris, quam si musta Falerna hib as.  
If with Spoleto bottles once you meet,  
Say that Falerno must is not so sweet.   
The fourth day in the morning, we road ten mills through stony and most barren mountains, and five miles through a fertile plain; wherein grew together corn, vines, and olive trees, (which trees I observed always to grow in stony ground, which soil in Italy useth to be more fertile than other,) and seven miles through a more fertile plain; in the end whereof is the City Narni, whose situation is altogether like that of Spoleto. The Italians told me that the soil of this territory, is made dirty with the sun and wind, and dusty with rain, which since I have found confirmed by learned Cosmographers. On the Southside of Narni, the River Negra falls with great noise from a steep Rock, and the Friar Leandro (who hath best described Italy) affirms that the River Velino makes a Fen, (which Cicero numbers among wonderful things,) and that this Fen endeth in a Lake, of old called Veanus, now vulgarly called Lago di pie di luco, and that between the running out of the waters, there is a Fountain of Neptune, (which Pliny hath described) and that this Lake is the Navel of midst of Italy; and lastly, that the water falling into the Lake (compassed with mountains) by steep descents, maketh noises like the groans, yell, and sighs of infernal spirits. From whence, and by other arguments, he seems to prove plainly, that the verses of Virgil in the seventh Book of his AEneados, are meant of this place, and that others are deceived, who think them meant by Tenaso in Apulia, especially since the valleys Ansancti are in this place, vulgarly called Nesanto, for Ansanto, which signifies on all sides holy, because they are fertile. The verses of Virgil are these;  

Est locus Italiae in medio, sub montibus altis,  
Nobilis, & fama multis memoratur in oris,  
Ansancti valles, etc.  
Hic specus horrendum, & saevi spiracula Ditis,  
Monstrantur, etc.  
Italtes' Centre hath great Mounts beneath  
A noble place, which is far known by fame,  
The Ansancti valleys, etc.  
A dreadful hole, whereat fierce Dis doth breath,  
Here may be seen, etc.   
After dinner, we road twelve miles to a little Town, lying beyond the River Tiber, namely, eight miles to the Castle Otricoli, through woody Mountains, and Valyes bearing Olive trees, and corn together with those trees; and from thence to the side of the River Tiber two miles in pasture fields. Here we passed to the West side of this so famous River, where of old the Emperor Augustus built a stately bridge; but now men and horse pass in a ferry-boat, which is drawn over with the force of men's hands, by a great cable fastened across the River. And lest the boat should be carried away with the swift stream, a second cable is fastened across the River by posts on each side higher than a man; and they have a third short cable, to the one end whereof the boat is fastened, and the other end hath a strong wheel, which is put upon the second high cable, upon which the boat slips forward, as it is drawn with men's hands by the first low cable: for the bed of the Tiber is broad in this place, and hath his spring not far off, among the high Apennine Mountains, and falling thence with great force, would carry away any boat rowed with oars: But from thence the bed of the River grows narrow, and is such at Rome, as it scarce deserves the name of a Brook, and nothing answers the glorious fame which Italians have given it, who always extol their own things to the sky. Hereupon it is necessary, that when any store of rain falls, or much snow suddenly meltes, those waters falling from the Mountains, should overflow the fields, and the City of Rome itself, as they have often done, with great danger of the City, the same being not far distant from this Ferrey, and these high Mountains among which the river hath his spring. But from Rome it runs in a narrow bed: 2 miles to Ostia with a slow course, and there endeth in Lakes, the mouth of the haven being so stopped, as the least Barks cannot pass to & from the sea. Here beyond our expectation, our Veturine alleged, that he had agreed with us to pay for our diet, not for our passages of Rivers; by which captious trick, each of us was forced to pay two Giulij for our passage over the River. Of the foresaid twelve miles to the little town where of I spoke two miles remained, which we road, and there lodged that might. The fifth day in the morning, we road seventeen miles to Castel' nuovo, through woody Mountains, and Valies of corn, in a way very dirty and slippery; and here our Veturine tied to pay for our diet, put a new trick upon us, saying, that he would not dine, but go on to Rome, yet if we pleased to dine, he would out of his duty stay for us, otherwise being ready to finish the rest of his journey. We smiled at the knaves craft, and each of us paid two poli and a half for our dinners.  
After dinner we road thirteen miles to Rome (of old the head-city of the World) through winding hills and pastures; and when we came to the first Gate, we did meet 
Rome.  many English men on horseback, without boots, being all Priests, going to Madonna di Loreto. I was much afraid, lest some of them being Scholars of Cambridge, should know me brought up in the same University; neither was the hearing of the English tongue, or the sight of English men, ever before so unpleasing to me. From this first Gate we road, in the way of Flaminius, by the winding bank of Tiber, and many caves under mountains and hills, to the bridge called Ponte-Mole, which uniteth the said way of Flaminius, lying on both sides the River, and there we passed to the eastside of the said River Tiber; and passing on the same way of Flaminius, we entered the City by a large Gate, vulgarly called Porta del Popolo, and by a Market place vulgarly called Fore del Popolo, in which Marketplace is the Church of S. Mary del Popolo.   

CHAP. II. Of my journey to Naples, and my return to Rome, and of the description of both Cities. Of my journey cursory to Sienna, Fiorenza, Pistoia, Lucca, and Pisa, and the description of the three last Cities.  
DEferring the view of Rome till my return, I thought best to pass on presently to Naples, lest if I had stayed longer, I might perhaps have been betrayed into the hands of the Spaniards when I should come thither, for that Kingdom is subject to the Spaniards, with whom the English then had war: besides that in like cases, delay brecds danger; into which if I should have fallen, I hoped to escape with more ease and contentment, when I had been at the furthest of my journey. Therefore according to the fashion, I agreed with a Vetturine at Rome, for forty four Giulij to give me a horse to Naples, and to pay for my diet and horsemeat. I say it is the fashion, especially in ways of danger and trouble to get meat, that passengers should agree with their Vetturine for their diet; which if they do not, they shall be subject to the fraud of Hosts, in such a journey, and hardly get so good meat as they, who daily passing, are well acquainted in all places. And in this tumultuary journey to Naples, it is most of all necessary for strangers thus to agree with their Vetturine, since the Hosts are great extorters from all men, and especially from strangers; and it would be difficult for strangers not knowing the fashion of that hasty journey and of the Country, to provide for themselves. When we went out of Rome, our consorts suddenly in a broad street lighted from their horses, and gave them to the Vetturines to hold, and so went themselves to the Holy stairs, vulgarly called Le scale sante, that they might there pray for a happy journey; at which time myself and my consorts slipped into the next Church, and going in at one door, and out at the other, escaped the worshipping of those holy stairs, and at fit time came to take our horses with the rest. They say that these stairs were the same which Christ ascended in pilate's house at jerusalem; and that they were from thence brought to Rome: and indeed at jerusalem the place of them lies void, so as I would in this mnch rather believe the Romans, then in the transportation of the Chamber at Lareto, which they would have done by the Angels, and that often and at unseasonable times, whereas in so many voyages into Palestine it was not difficult to bring these stairs from thence. Yet they being of marble, and very rich, I would feign know how such a monument could be preserved, when jerusalem was destroyed. And if they say they belonged to that house of Pilate, which they show at this day, I dare be bold to affirm that the magnificence of these stairs is nothing answerable to the poor building of that house.  
The twelfth of March we road twelve miles to Marino, a Castle belonging to the Roman Family of Colonna, and we passed through a fruitful plain of corn, having on our right hand towards the South, the ruins of old Rome, and the Castle Tusculo, where Cicero wrote his Tuseulane questions, not far from Palestrina, of old called Preneste, where Marius besieged by Scylla, killed himself, & we might often see the Tyrrhene sea: and having upon our left hand towards the North, an antic conduit, made of brick, lying all the length of the way from Rome to the Eastern mountains, in which Marino is seated, and from whence the water was so far brought to Rome, and upon the same side having a new conduit built by Pope Sixtus the fifth, when the pipes of the other were broken: but the same is much lower and less magnificent than the other, and upon this hand we had mountains not far distant. Marino was of old called Marianavilla, and from this Castle the mountains which by the way we had on our left hand toward the North, cross over to the Tyrrhene sea, towards the South, shutting up the large plain from Rome hither. And these mountains planted with vines, and having a sweet prospect into the same plain, are very pleasant. Whereupon there be very many Palaces of Roman Senators built upon these mountains, which lying high, of the fresh air, vulgarly this place is called La Frescada. Among these mountains in the Village Tivoli, the deceased Cardinal Hippolito of Este, built a Palace and a wonderful garden, which being ten mile distant from the City of Rome, the passengers for the most part having scene Rome, did in the Cardinal's time, and yet many times do pass that way. For it resembles a terrestrial Paradise, by reason of the fountains, statues, caves, groves, fishponds, cages of birds, Nightingales flying loose in the groves, and the most pleasant prospect. In this Castle Marino we made some stay, to expect some passengers which were longer detained at Rome by their business.  
And the Pope in this place gives sixty Horsemen Musqueters to accompany the Carrier, vulgarly called Il Procaccia, and to defend him from the spoiling of banished men, vulgarly called Banditi. And for this cause all passengers go in this Carrier's company, neither dare any pass alone. For these banished men lurking upon the confines of the Pope's State and the Kingdom of Naples, many times make excursions as far as these mountains, to do robberies, and the week last passed they had killed many passengers, and had robbed the Carrier, who doth not only bear letters, but leads many Mules laded with goods. The chief of these banished men was the Nephew (so they call Church-mens bastards) of the Cardinal Caietano, who having eight thousand crowns yearly reut in these parts, was banished by the Pope, and he understanding that a Roman Gentleman passed with that Carrier, who had great friends about the Pope, and hoping to make his peace by taking him prisoner, did for that cause assail that Carrier and his guard, till hearing that the Gentleman while they fought, had escaped to the next City, he withdrew himself & his men into the mountainrs. This danger from banished men, makes the journey to Naples very trouble. some; and it is not safe nor lawful for any man to leave the company of this Carrier. So as the passengers rise before day, and take horse, and so sitting all the day, yet ride not abouc twenty miles, for the slow pace of the mules, and at noon they have no rest, only when they have the Inn in sight, so as there is no danger of thieves, they are permitted to gallop before, that they may eat a morsel, or rather devour it: for as soon as the mules are past, they must to horse again, every man not only making haste for his own safety, but the soldiers forcing them to be gone, who are more slow than the rest. To conclude the mules going a very slow pace, it was very irksome to the passengers to rise before day, and to follow them step by step.  
Having dined at Marino, and our full company being come, we together with our guard of horsemen road eight miles to Velitri, through woody mountains, infamous for the robberies of banished men, and upon our right hand towards the South and towards the Tyrrhene sea, was a Lake vulgarly called Lago Nympao, which the old Romans (delighted with doing difficult things) used to fill with sea water, and therein to make naval fights. One wood by which we passed was more dangerous than the rest, where the Pope maintains forty foot to assist the Guard of horse, till they have passed the same. The descent of the last mountain near Velitri, was two miles long, yet pleasant by reason of the multitude of Vines growing upon short stakes, which use to yield the richest wine. Velitri is by writers called Belitre, an old City of the Volsci, and famous for the birth of the Emperor Augustus, and the dwelling of the Octavian Family. The second day in the morning we road thirteen or fourteen miles to Sermoneta, and in the midst of the way our guard of horseleft us, and their trumpet asked of every man a gift in courtesy, which we gladly gave, and there new horsemen meeting us, took upon them our guard. After dinner we road eight miles to a little town La casa nnova, and five miles to an old City, which Livy callesh Privernum, yet other Co'mographers write that the ruins thereof lie in a plain two miles off, whereas this is seated upon a mountain, yet growing to a City by the decay of the former, is called Privernum, and vulgarly Piperno. We passed through woody mountains, full of Olive trees on the right hand, and a fruitful plain of corn, and many Orchards of Orange trees, and like fruits, on the left hand. And among the mountains on the right hand, the most remote was called Circello, of the famous Witch Circe, and it is a Promontory hanging over the sea, where at this day they show the cup, in which Ulysses drunk the enchanted potion, and under the hollow caves of this mountain, the Turkish Pirates lurk in the summer time, and rob the Christians. The last five miles of our journey, all the passengers and soldiers were put before the Carrier and his Mules; for than we turned out of the plain towards mountains on the left hand, where (as they said) the banished men had the week before assailed the Carrier. After we had dined, the horsemen left us, and certain foot did after guide us from one City to another. The third day in the morning we had a guard of horsemen, and road twelve miles to Terracina, an old City, so called in the time of the Emperor Tiberius, and we passed through a fertile plain of corn on the right hand towards the Sea, and stony hills full of Olive trees on the left hand towards the Land, and many vineyards, and ruins of houses near the City. After we had this morning road two miles, we passed by an old Monastery called la Badia della fossa nuova, where they have a monument of Saint Thomas Aquinas, but his body was carried to the City Tolouse in France, when the Frenchmen had the Kingdom of Naples. And after we had rode ten miles our guard of horse left us, and certain foot meeting us, conducted us other 2 miles. In this way the waters in many places at the foot of the hills did stink of brimstone, but infinite Laurel trees on all sides refreshed our smell. Terracina in the flourishing time of Rome was called Anxur, and it is seated upon a mountain, as most of the foresaid Cities are, and it lieth upon the sea, which the land embraceth like a half Moon, this City lying upon one horn thereof, and the City Caieta upon the other, of which City the Cardinal had name, who did oppose himself to Luther. The floods of the sea make great noise, with striking upon hollow caves of Rocks. A soldier came out of the Tower of Torracina, and demanded of every man five baocci, which we paid, though it were only due from them, who had portmanteaves with locks. near this City we did see the ruins of a stately Theatre. After dinner we road ten miles to the City Fondi, through a stony way, being part of the old way of Appius; and upon the right hand we had a plain towards the sea, and upon the left hand rockey Mountains towards the land, where we passed by the City Monticello. At the midway, the Pope's guard having left us, we came to two old ruined walls, shutting up the way, and lying from the Mountain to the sea. This place called Sportelle, divides the territories of the Pope and the King of Naples, and is kept by a Garrison of Spaniards. I remember at our coming back, these Soldiers demanded of the passengers a gift in courtesy, and when some refused it, they stopped their passage, and only troubled them in the searching of their carriage, under pretence that they might carry some prohibited things. Those Soldiers did accompany us to the City Fondi. I call the same and some other places by the name of City, because they were Cities of old, though now they be only Villages, and have no other beauty, but the ruins of age. This old City was sacked in the year 1534 by Barbarossa a Turkish Pirate. It is seated in a Plain, having only a meadow and a field overflowed between it and the sea, and the houses are built of Flints and such little stones, but it had most pleasant Orchards, of Citrons, Oranges and Lemons. The Orange trees at one time have ripe and green fruits and buds, and are green in winter, giving at that dead time a pleasant remembrance of Summer. By our Veturines sparing, our diet was daily very short, and at Terracina we could not so much as get wine; and here our supper was so short, as we judged our Vetturines good Physicians, who persuade light suppers. The wines of Fondi and Cecubo (for the mount Cecubo is not far distant) are much celebrated by the Roman Poets, namely, by Horace. The fourth day in the morning, we road ten miles to Mola vulgarly called Nola, upon a paved Causey between stony Mountains, being part of the way of Appius, and through great woods of Olive trees, having by the way many Orchards of Oranges and like fruits, and entering near Mola into a more open air. Not only this Village, but all this sea coast is called Mola, of the Miles (as I think) driven by waters falling from the Mountains, and it is numbered among the most pleasant places of Italy. Mola is built upon the ruins of old Formia, which are to be seen in the fields round about it. Among these ruins is the house of Cicero, who speaks of his Village Formia, where Scipio and Lelius came to recreate themselves; and there is also the sepulchre of Cicero, so as it seems he was killed by Anthony in this Territory. After dinner we road eight miles through a wild field with low shrubs, upon a paved way, till we came to the River Garigliano, whose narrow and deep stream we passed by boat, and stayed long about the putting over of our horses, our company being great, and each horseman paid five baocci for passage. near this River we did see the ruins of a most fair Theatre, built of brick and flint, and of another old and round Theatre, and of a Conduit built of brick, upon a 140 arches. Not far hence among huge and snowy Mountains, is the City Traeto, which hath the title of a Dukedom, and was of old called Minturne. After we had passed the River, we road seven miles to Sesso, and three miles to a Country house, through a fruitful Plain of corn, having the Tirrhene sea so near us, as we might see it three or four times. And because the other Carrier coming from Naples to Rome, lodged with his consorts a mile before us in the Village Castellano, we were forced to lodge in this Country house. The fifth day in the morning, at the beginning of our journey, we met the said Carrier with his consorts, and we road eight miles to the Village Francolisse, in a most pleasant way, between Hills of black clay like stone, but a most fruitful Country. This Village lay on the left hand of our way towards the land, among very pleasant Hills; and the place is not far distant, where Hannibal brought into straits by Fabius, did escape by a stratagem, tying fire upon the horns of Oxen.  
After we road 8 miles to the most pleasant City Capua, through a most sweet Plain, 
Capua.  called Laborina, because it is laborious to the tiler, but it is wonderful fruitful, and aboundeth with Olive trees, and vines planted upon Elms. Here we dined, not according to our covenant at our Vetturines charge, but at our own cost, and each man had such meat as he chose, and that (as I think) because the passengers being now out of danger, and in a place abounding with all dainties, refused to be dieted at their Veturines pleasure, and chose rather to feast themselves as they list. And in deed we had excellent cheer, delicate wine most white pure bread, and among other dainties, I remember we had black Olives, which I had never seen before, and they were of a most pleasant taste. Here each of us paid two Giulij and a half for our dinner. This City is newly built, but if you go out of the Gates to Saint Mary's Church towards Naples upon the southwest side of the Town, there you shall see a Colossus, and a Cave, and many Monuments of old Capua among the Orchards: the delicacies of which City were of old so famous, as we read, that the Army of Hannibal grew effeminate thereby. This new City hath a Castle upon the northeast side, built upon the walls, wherein is a Garrison of soldiers, which keepeth the City in obedience, and the River Vulturnus runs upon the same side of the City, which they pass with a bridge of stone, near which there is an inscription, that Philip King of Spain repaired the way, and built the bridge. The City is of a little compass, but strong, and it hath a fair Senate-House, and a fair Church called l' Annonciata, with a fair Altar.  
After dinner we had no guard, neither were tied to accompany the Carrier, but it was free for every man to take his way and company, or to ride alone at his pleasure. So from Capua we road eight miles to Anuersa, a new City, otherwise called Aduersa, and of old called Attella, whence were the old satirical Comedies, which were full of bawdry, and were called Attellane. And between this City and the Mountain Veswius, now called Somma, out of the way towards the land, and near the Castle Airola, is the Valley Caudine, where Hannibal put the Romans, drawn into straits, disgracefully to pass under a pair of gallows, which were called the Caudine gallows, well known to all that have read Livy.  
The same afternoon we road further eight miles to Naples. And all this way from 
Naples.  Capua to Naples, is a most fruitful plain of corn, and vines growing high upon Elm trees, according to the Tillage of Lombardy, one and the same field yielding corn, and wine, and wood to burn, but the other wines of this Country growing upon hills and mountains, and all the other fruits, cannot be worthily praised. We entered Naples on the East side by the Gate of Capua, where the Vice-Ròies use to enter in pomp. And this Gate is stately built, and upon this side, the suburbs are long and fair, and the street of Capua within the walls, is no less fair, in which is the prison: and because we were attired like Frenchmen, the prisoners scoffed at us, and to my great marvel, the Citizens of good sort did not forbear this barbarous usage towards us.  
The description of Naples, and the Territory.  
(A) Rome far distant.  
(B) Capua.  
(D) Torre di Graco, and the Mountain Somma.  
(E) The Mountain Pausilippo.  
(F) The Island Nisita, or Nisa.  
(G) The Island Procida.  
(H) S. Martino (as I think) an Island.  
(ay) Ischia, an Island.  
(K) Caprca, or Capre, an Island.  
(L) Palmosa an Island, and beyond it the sirens Island, famous by tables.  
(M) The City Caieta.  
(N) Circello, a famous Mountain for the Witch Circe.  
(P) The Bay of bay or Pozzoli.  
(R) Linternum, now called Torre della Patria,  
(X) The Promontory Miseno.  
(Y) The Cape of Minerva.  
(Z) The old City Cuma.  
(a) The Gate of Capua.  
(b) The King's Gate.  
(c) The Church S. Clara.  
(d) The Castle of S. Ermo. (eéeee) Scattered houses.  
(f) The Haven.  
(g) Il. Molle.  
(h) The Castle devouo.  
(k) The Viceroys house.  
(l) The new Castle.  
(m) The Lake d'Agnano, compassed with the Mountain Astruno.  
(n) Grotta del can '.  
(o) Solfataria.  
(p) Pozzoii.  
(q) Tripergola.  
(r) The Lake of Avernus.  
(s) Bay.  
(t) Cento Camerelle.  
(v) Piscina mirabile.  
(w) The Elysian fields.  
From the foresaid part on the eastside of the City, where we entered by the (a) Gate of (a) Capua, without the walls, towards the land. Eight miles from the City lies (D) Torre di Graco, now called Torre d'ottauio, where Pliny, writer of the Natural history, and Admiral of the Navey of Augustus, was near the said sour choked with vapours, while too curiously he desired to behold the burning of the Mountain Vesunius, now called Somma. This Mountain Somma is most high, and upon the top is dreadful, where is a gulf casting out flames, and while the winds enclosed, seek to break out by natural force, there have been heard horrible noises and fearful groans. Therest of the Mountain aboundeth with vines, and Olives, and there grows the Greckewine, which Pliny calls Pompey's wine; and of this wine they say, this place is called Torredi Graco. The greatest burning of this Mountain broke out in the time of the Emperor Titus, the smoke whereof made the Sun dark, burnt up the next territories, and consumed two Cities, Pompeia, and Herculea, and the ashes thereof covered all the fields of that territory. It broke out again in the year 1538 with great gaprig of the earth, and casting down part of the Mountain. The Palace there, taking the name of the next Village, is called Pietra Biancha, that is white stone, which on the inside is all of marble, decked with carved work in the very Chambers, and there is an Image of a Nymph sleeping, and lying upon an earthen vessel, out of which great quantity of water flows, and falls into Marble Channels, wherein fish are kept as in ponds. This Palace was built in the year 1530 by a Counsellor to the Emperor Charles the fifth. At the foot of this Mountain, of old Decius, the first of all the Roman Consuls did by vow give himself for the Army. And at the bridge of the Brook Draco, the last King of the Goths Teius, was slain, having three Bucklers all pierced with his enemy's arrows. On the same East side coming back to Naples, (yet the said Mountain lies Northward) you shall come to a stately Palace, which the Kings of Naples have built, and called it Poggio Real, being not above a mile from Naples. There of old was seated the City Paleopolis, and it lies in a most sweet Plain.  
From the said Palace the way leads right to the Kingly (b) Gate, called Porta Real, at which only the King enters in solemn pomp, and from this Gate right to the West, lies a most fair and large street called Strada Toletana, the way whereof on both sides is raised with a fair and large pavement for men to walk upon, and it hath a fair Marketplace. When you come to the end of this street, there is the Church of Saint (c) Clara, called vulgarly San' chiara, which was built by Agnes of Spain, wife to King Robert, where are artificial sepulchres of the said Robert (coming of the French Kings) and of his wife Agnes, and of other Kings and Princes of the French family Durczzana. And there in a Chapel the Monks day and night sing with a lamentable voice, or rather groan for the rest of their deceased souls. In the Church of Saint Dominick is an Altar, which they say, cost some twenty five thousand Crowns; and in the vestry lie the bodies of nine Kings in coffins of wood, covered with pewter, & having black velvet laid over them. Among these Kings are Alphonso the first, King of Arragon, and Ferdinand his son, and Ferdinand the second. And in this place also, the Monks in like sort sing, or rather howl rest to their souls. They show a Crucifix, which they say, did speak to Thomas Aquinas in this manner; Thomas, thou hast written well of me, what reward dost them ask? And that Thomas should answer; No reward Lordbut thyself only. I have heard, that Saint Bernard knowing the frauds and impostures of the Monks, and not dissembling them, when the Image of the blessed Virgin did in like sort praise him, did with much more piety and wisdom answer out of S. Paul, 1. Cor. 14. Let women be silent in the Church, for it is not permitted them to speak.  
Not far thence are the public schools of the University, which the Emperor Frederick the second founded there In the most fair Church of the Monks of Saint Olivet, the Images of Ferdinand the first, and Alphonso the second, are so lively engraven, and do so artificially represent them, as well in the bed dying, as upon their knees praying, with the mourning of the bystanders, (the horror of Religion being increased with lamps continually burning,) as myself by chance passing by this Chapel, thought I had fallen among living Princes, not dead Images; and perhaps I have seen a more sumptuous monument, but a more beautiful did I never see. In the little Church of the Hermitane Friars, Saint john in Carbonara, is a monument of Robert King of Naples, and of joan the first his sister, of white marble, being an Altar, which the Italians think the most stately monumenr of Europe; but for my part I dare not prefer it to some in Germany, nor to many in England, nor to the monuments of the Turkish Emperors. Many tables are hung up by vow in this Church. There is a fair sepulchre of white marble erected to N. Caraccioli Martial of the Kingdom. I omit the most fair Church of Saint Mary of the Preachers, almost all of marble, and the Cathedral Church called Episcopio, and the Church of Saint Laurence.  
Upon the Northwest and by-north part of the City, is the Fort called (d) S. Eremo cut out in a high Rock, yet the ascent thereunto is so easy, as a horseman may well mount to the top. Upon this mountains top lies a plain; in which this Castle is seated, which commands the City, though it were taken by the enemy. A little beneath is the monastery of the Carthusians, and upon pretence to enlarge that monastery, the Emperor Charles the fifth built this most strong Castle, to bridle the wont petulancy and inconstancy of the Citizens; and from thence there is a most sweet prospect as well into the City, as to the bays of the sea.  
Towards the Southside is the Haven, and beyond the (f) bay of Naples lies firm land; for the Sea coming in from the West, makes this bay. Upon this side is a fortification for the safety of the haven, which is called (g) Il Molle, & it drives off the waves of the sea, and makes the Haven like an half Moon, and therein at this time were twenty galleys and ten small ships. The Armoury lies upon the Sea, from whence the galleys and ships and land forces are armed; and among other things, there is kept the rich Armour (yet without any ornament of gold) of the French King Francis the first, which he did wear when he was taken prisoner at Pavia. Thereby lies a large market place, in which is a fair fountain, with many Images casting out water. Also there is a Tower where they set light by night to guide sea men into the Haven. In the said market place is a stone, upon which many play away their liberty at dice, the King's officers lending them money, which when they have lost, and cannot repay, they are drawn into the galleys, for the Spaniards have slaves of both sexes.  
On the outside of the said Molle, or fortification upon the haven towards the west, & near to the shore, lies the most strong fort called (l) Castello nuovo, seated in a plain, and built by Charles the first of Arion, and so fortified by Alphonso the first, King of Arragon, as it is numbered among the chief forts of Europe. The inward gate is most fair all of marble, and it hath a little foursquare hall, in which the Parliaments are yearly held, and the Viceroys weekly sit in judgement. near this hall is a fair tower, in which the Kingly ornaments are laid up; namely, a sceptre of gold, with great diamonds upon the top, the sword with the haft and scabbard of gold, adorned with precious stones; the King's Crown shining with precious stones, a golden cross, an huge pot of gold set with precious stones, great Vnlcornes horns, and the chief kinds of precious stones.  
Further towards the West, (yet so near, as the garden of the Palace lies upon the ditch of this Castle), is the (k) Viceroys Palace, which hath a large and most sweet garden, and delicate walk, paved with divers coloured and engraven marbles. And in this garden are two banqueting houses, whereof one is very stately built, and hath a sweet fountain close to the table continually pouring out water. Also there is a delicate cage of birds, wrought about with thick wire, and it is as big as an ordinary stil-house, delicately shadowed round about, wherein are many kinds of singing birds, as well of Italy as foreign Countries.  
A little further within the water, is the (h) Castle of the egg, built upon a rock by the Normans, which Rock is of an oval form, and gave the name to the Castle, vulgarly called Castel' del' vuono, which at this day is ruinous; and some say it was the Palace of Lucullus; but it is certain that the Normans built it, as they did also another Castle which is old, and called the Capuan Castle, of the adjoining Capuan-gate. Naples was of old called Parthenope, of one of the Sirens there buried, whom they write to have cast herself into the sea, for grief that by no flattery she could detain Ulysses with her. The Citizens of old Cuma built Naples, and left it should grow great to the prejudice of Cuma, they pulled it down again till at last oppressed with a great glague, upon the warning of an oracle, they built it again, and changing the old name Parthenope, called it Naples, which in Greek signifies a new City. It is seated at the foot of hills and mountains, in length from the northeast to the southwest, or rather seemeth to be triangular, whereof two corners lie upon the sea, and that towards the West is more narrow than the other, and the third blunt corner lies towards the mountains. Upon the eastside there be pleasant suburbs, and upon the Westside more large suburbs; but upon the northside without the walls, there be only some few (eeeee) scattered houses built upon the sides of hills.  
The houses of the City are four roofs high, but the tops lie almost plain, so as they walk upon them in the cool time of the night, or at left in general the tops are not much erected, like other parts of Italy, and the building is of free stone, and showeth antiquity: but the windows are all covered with paper or linen cloth; for glass windows are most rare in Italy, and as it were proper to Venice. It hath three fair broad and long streets, namely, La Toletano, la Capuana and la vicaria, the rest are very narrow. There be eight gates towards land, and as many towards sea, among which the Capuan gate, since the Emperor Charles the fifth entered thereat, is decked with monuments and statues. There be in this City very many Palaces, of Gentlemen, Barons, and Princes; whereupon the City is vulgarly called Napoli Gentile: Among these, two Palaces are most stately, one of the Duke of Grevina, which the King of Spain forbade to be finished; the other of the Prince of Salerno. There be four public houses, called Seggij, in which the Princes and Gentlemen have yearly meetings, and there also is the daily meeting of the Merchants. Almost every house hath his fountain of most wholesome waters. near the market place are many Inns, but poor and base; for howsoever the City aboundeth with houses where they give lodging and meat, yet it deserves no praise for fair Inns of good entertainment. On all sides the eye is as it were bewitched with the sight of delicate gardens, aswell within the City, as near the same. The gardens without the walls are so rarely delightful, as I should think the Hesperides were not to be compared with them; and they are adorned with statues, laberinthes, fountains, vines, myrtle, palm, cetron, lemon, orange, and cedar trees, with laurels, mulberries, roses, rosemary, and all kinds of fruits and flowers, so as they seem an earthly Paradise. The fields are no less fruitful, bringing forth abundantly all things for the use of man. The King's stables without the walls are worth the seeing, for the horses of this Kingdom are much esteemed; and if any man buy a horse, to carry out of the Kingdom, he pays the tenth part of the price to the King.  
The City being seated upon the sides of hills, and by lying open to the South, being subject to great heats, and most parts of the streets being narrow, so as in walking the heat is not to be endured, and yet they cannot use Coaches, one fashion pleased me beyond measure, that at the end of many streets they had chairs, vulgarly called Seggioli di Napoli, which those that are weary do enter, and they being covered round about, and only having windows on the sides, he that is carried therein, cannot be seen of any, and yet himself may see all that pass. Two Porters carry these chairs by two long staves fastened thereunto, and lift them but little from the ground, and so for a moderate price carry the passenger to any part of the City. After I observed the same fashion at Genoa, which is in like sort seated upon the sides of hills and mountains, and in Cities so seated, I think this fashion very convenient.  
The territory of Naples hath many famous antiquities, and wonderful things to be seen, which that we might behold, we went early in the morning on foot out of the Southwest-side of the City; & having passed long suburbs & scattered houses we came within a Musket shot to the mountain (E) Pausilippo, which is wonderfully pleasant, aswell for the houses and villages built upon it, as for the excellent fruits which it yieldeth of all kinds. This mountain being hard to be ascended, extendeth itself in good length from the sea towards the land, so as the way would be very troublesome to Pozzols, either ascending the mountain, or compassing it, had they not found a remedy to this inconvenience. Therefore the Progenitors of these Citizens (which some attribute to Lucullus, as they do all magnifical things, and others to one Bassus: but Leander the Cosmographer, a witness without exception, attributes it to Coccius a Roman,) I say, their Progenitors with wonderful Art and huge expense, digged a passage under this mountain, and so made a plain way to Pozzoli and those parts. This way Strabo calls a Cave, and it is vulgarly called La grotta di Napoli, and serveth this famous City in stead of a gate, yet is it a musket shot distant, and always lies open. And the foresaid Leander witnesseth, that it is twelve foot broad, twenty four high, and two hundred long, to which length if you add 500 foot more, which at both ends was digged, but lies not covered as the rest, but in open air, this work may well be said to be an Italian mile long. Myself observed, that part of the passage under the mountain, to be nine hundred and sixteen walking paces long, and nine broad, and the height I imagined to double the breadth, yet is it in some places biger then in other. And for the breadth, it is certain, that two Coaches, or Carts may pass together, one by the other. The entrance and the going out at the other end, are like two gates, and of old light came in by many holes or windows from the top of the mountain; but the falling of earth did by little and little stop this light; and in the time of Seneca this passage was so dark, as he compares it to a prison, and at last the light was so stopped by the fall of earth, by nettles and shrubs, as there was no light at all, till Alphonso the first of Arragon, King of Naples, opened two windows towards the two ends, which only light it hath at this day to direct passengers. At the entrance of either end, the opposite gate seems no bigger than a full Moon, and a man entering there, would seem a little child. It hath no light in the midst, but like twilight, or the Ovidian light which is in thick woods, and in the twilight of morning and evening passengers use torches, & continually the carters or horsemen when they pass by the midst of the cave, use to give warning one to the other, crying vulgarly Alla marina (that is towards the sea) or Alla Montagna (that is towards the mountain) according to the side on which they come. Before we entered this cave, among other stately Palaces, one vulgarly called, Merguilino, built by james Sanazzarro, a famous Poet almost of our age, and given by his last will to a religious house, contains the sepulchre of a learned man, upon which Bembus is said to have written these verses,  

Da sacro cineriflores, hic ille Maroni  
Sincerus, Musaproximus, ut tumulo.  
These relics deck with flowers, Sincer us here  
In tomb as muse to Maro comes most near.   
Upon the mountain of Pausilippo, is the sepulchre of Virgil, showed in two places, whom Servius writes to have been buried in this way near Naples; and that these verses were written upon his sepulchre;  

Mantua me genuit, Calabrirapuere, tenet nunc  
Parthenope, cecinipascua, rura, Deuces.  
Mantuan borne, Calaber dead, me holds  
Parthenope, who sung ploughs, Dukes, sheepefolds.  
Or thus;  
Mantua gave me life, Calabry death, my grave  
Parthenope, who sung pastures, Ploughs, Captains brave.  
Or thus;  
Mantua life did lend to me,  
Calabers laid me on death's car;  
My bones lie at Parthenope,  
Who sung sheep, tillage, feats of war.   
And the best judgements hold, that he was buried in the Church of the Friars regular canons, at the entrance of the cave, as you go from Naples, & not in the Church at the going out of the Cave; and though both places show the sepulchre, yet these verses are in neither place, but the inscriptions are worn out with age: the Monk's report, that there was a statue of brass upon his sepulchre, which those of Mantua stole fro thence, & indeed, at Mantua they show such a statue, whether stolen from hence or no, let them dispute.  
When we had passed this Cave, we bent our way from the Sea towards the land, and came to the Mountain (m) Astrune, being of form like a Theatre, compassing a large Plain. Alphonso the first, King of Arragon and Naples, and his son Ferdinand, used to invite the Princes, Nobles, and People of the Kingdom, to hunting in this place, turning the dogs and beasts they hunted, into the valley, himself and the noble men sitting in a pleasant Grove upon the top of the Mountain, and the people being scattered round about the Mountain, to behold the sport. In the same plain compassed with this Mountain, is the Lake of (m) Agnano which is said to be without bottom, and to have nothing in it but frogs. And at the foot of the inside of the Mountain next to Naples, there is a venomous Cave, vulgarly called (n) la grotta del'can ', that is the Cave of the dog; because they try the poison by putting dogs into it This Cave is some eight foot high, and six broad, and goeth some four paces under the Mountain, where a sign is set, beyond which, if any living thing pass, it presently dies. Pliny writes, that this cave was called Cherone a scrobae, evaporating a pestilent air. We gave two poli to a woman (dwelling there) for a dog, to try the poison with it, which dog we fastened to a long staff, and so thrust him into the cave, holding him there, till he seemed dead, and being taken our, would not move for any blows we gave it; then according to the fashion, we cast the dog into the aforesaid Lake, and when he was drawn out, he began by little and little to move, and at last, being come to his senses, ran away, as if he had been mad. The common sort attribute this to the blessing given to the water by the Saint of which it is named but nothing is more clear, then that the sprinkling of any water will revive the spirits choked with any ill vapour. Besides, many have tried, that living things cast into that cave, and held there for longer time than is usual, could never be fetched again to life by this or any other water. They report, that a French Gentleman of Tournan trying to fetch a stone out of this cave beyond the aforesaid sign, paid for his curiosity by unrecoverable death. And that the French King Charles the eight, commanding an Ass to be thrust into this cave, the beast could never be fetched to life again. And that done john, base son of the Emperor Charles the fifth, forced a Galleyslave to go into this cave, and he falling dead, forced another slave to fetch him out, who likewise fell dead, and that he killed the third slave with his own hand, because he refused to fetch out his two dead fellows. Many cast frogs into this cave, and except they presently leap back, this vapour kills them, which is said to rise out of Mines of Brimstone and other metals. Into the foresaid Lake they cast flax, which will be sleeped in that water in 14 hours, though it lies usually two weeks in other waters. And this water, though cold to touch, yet seems to boil. The Earthquakes and flames breaking out of these Mountains, by the vapours enclosed, gave the Poet's occasion to feign, that Giants were buried under them. Not far hence are the wholesome baths, vulgarly called I bagni d'Agnano, which kind of baths are very frequent in this part. here lie the ruins of a great Village of Lucullus, and Writers affirm, that he brought the Sea water into the foresaid Lake, cutting the passage through Mountains. Here also are the ruins of the Village of Cicero, which retain the old name, and the Emperor Adrian dying at Bait, was buried here, and his successor Anthony here built a Temple to him.  
Upon the top of a Mountain near this place, is a round field like a Marketplace, vulgarly called (o) Solfataria, which Strabo calls Forum vulcani: & Pliny writes, that of old this place was called Campi Flecrci. It is of an oval form, somewhat more long than broad, having 1500 foot in length, and 1000 in breadth, being compassed on all sides with Mountains, except the entrance, lying towards Pozzoli. All the earth is hollow, and being beaten with a man's foot, soundeth like an empty vessel; and not only the earth by the Brimstone is made yellow, but it made our boots and shoes of the same colour, with walking upon it, yea, when I cast a piece of silver upon the ground, it was presently made yellow and with no rubbing could be made white again. In this oval Market place (as I may call it) there is a short and narrow ditch of water, which is almost round, and the water thereof boils, as if fire were under it. They say if any thing be cast into it, that it will be sodden in short space; but some part of it will be consumed: and Leander reports, that one cast four eggs into it, and presently took three fully sodden, but the fourth was consumed. Also he witnesseth, that this little ditch is not always in one place, but in time works itself from one place to another in this circuit, and yet is never greater, and that the old ditch is filled presently with new matter. An horseman cannot well come to this place, and as the same Leander writes, an horse man coming boldly thither, was swallowed up into the hollow earth. And that the strange heat of this water may appear, one of the viceroys Guard, a Dutchman, and coming hither, according to their fashion, to guide his Country men my consorts, told us, that one of his fellows not long before, coming in like sort as he did, to guide his Countrymen hither, either being careless, or rather (as it is most probable) having drunk too much, and not guiding his feet well, by chance stumbled into this ditch, and when one of his friends took him by the hand to pull him out, that he pulled of all the skin from his hand, and that after better advice, they pulled him out with a cloak flung about him, but that within few days he died, neither could the Physicians give him any remedy or promise any hope of his life. At the foot of the Mountain there is a hole, where the vapours with their own motion, continually cast up little stones and stinking smells; but if any man move these vapours by a staff, or any thing put into the hole, the more they are stirred, the greater stones they cast up, yea flames of fire sometimes. There be some cottages near this place, where they make Brimstone, and all these parts smell of brimstone, and if the wind blow from hence towards Naples, the stink thereof may be smelled thither. On all sides here be Baths of wholesome waters, which of old were famous.  
After we had passed huge ruins of old buildings, we came at the foot of a mountain to the City (p) Pozzoli, of old famous, and called Puteolis, to which all these ruins are said to have belonged of old, and it had the name of the Latin word Puteus, as also it hath the present name from the Italian tongue, of the wells, which are frequent. I say it hath the present name of the Italian word Pozzo, signifying a well, though some will have it named presently of Puzzo, which signifies a stink, because of the smell of brimstone in these parts: but the city being most ancient, cannot have the old name of an Italian word: and it is certain, that the Roman Princes of old used this part for the place of their recreation; for the great sweetness of the Country, and the plenty of medicinal waters, whereupon they gave it the first name. Others say that it was of old called Diciarchiam, but at this day it is called Pozzoli, or Puzzoli. Here we dined, and were forced to give our swords to the Host, there being a great penalty set upon any that carry their Arms. The City hath nothing worth the seeing, but the old Church, first built to Heathen Idols, and after by Christians dedicated to Saint Proculus, and it hath the names of the workmen that built it graven upon it, and there be showed the bones of a Giant of wonderful bigness. The Haven of this City was of old very commodious, but by negligence is grown of no use.  
Here the sea entering between two Mountains, was of old called the creak of (P) Bay, of that City seated on the opposite shore, or the creak of Pozzoli, of this City. Suetonius writes that the Emperor Tiberius consulting about his successor, and inclining more to his true Nephew, Thrasyllus the mathematician should answer, that Catus should no more reign, than he should ride over the creak of Bay. Wherefore Caius being Emperor, and hearing of this divination (not as others say, in emulation of Xerxes, who made a Bridge over Hellespont, nor to the end that with the fame of this great work, he might terrify the rebellious Germans and Britan's) did build a Bridge over this creak of the sea, being about three miles long, that he might thereupon pass from Bay to Pozzoli. Of this Bridge thirteen piles of brick may be seen near the shore at Pozzoli, and as many on the other side near the shore of Bay, and some of these piles have yet arches upon them, but ready to fall. And from these piles the Inner part of the bridge was founded upon two ranks of ships fastened with anchors, and covered over with a bank of earth, to make the passage like the way of Appius. The rest Suetonius addeth in these or the like words. Over this bridge he went to and fro for two days; the first day upon a trapped horse, having his head adorned with a Crown of Oak leaves, and bearing an Hatchet, a Sword, and a Garland, and a rob of cloth of Gold. The next day in a Coch-mans' habit, driving a Coach drawn by four famous horses, carrying before him Darius a child, one of the pledges given by the Parthians, his Praetorian Soldiers accompanying him, and his friends following him in a Coach, etc. He that desires to comprehend the magnificence of this work, must first know, that the Mediterranean sea is very calm, having little or no ebbing or flowing, and that this creak is yet more calm, and that this bridge was built in the furthest part of the creak, very near the land. These things considered, (if my judgement fail not), there is greater cause of wonder at the Bridge built by the Duke of Parma besieging Antwerp, being in like sort built upon barks fastened one to the other, and also at the Bridge of London, bearing a great ebbing and flowing of the sea, and built of free stone, upon so firm a foundation, as it beareth many great and fair houses upon it: but whatsoever the magnificence were, surely the vanity of this work was great, to spend so much upon this Bridge, the way by land being not a mile longer than by the Bridge. Give me leave to digress so far, as to remember, that the Territory of Falernum is not far from Pozzols, the wine whereof called Falernum, is so much praised by Horace. After dinner we went from Pozzoii, to view the Antiquities lying upon this creak; and first we came to the Labyrinth, a building under ground, which hath the name of the multitude of rooms, with such passages to and fro; as a man may lose himself in them; and here we had not only need of the thread of Ariadne, but of light also to conduct us. Leander thinks, that all this building was to keep fresh water: Then we came to the Amphitheatre, being of an oval form, the inner part whereof is 172 foot long, and 88 broad, the building whereof is little ruined: And Suetonius writes, that this was built for the Plays of Vulcan. Not far thence, near the shore, is a fountain of clear and sweet water, flowing plentifully out of the sea, so that for a great distance we might with our eyes distinguish the same from the sea water, which Leander thinks to have been brought by pipes under the earth, to these houses of the old Romans. near this place are the ruins of many buildings, now called Belgeimano, which the Emperor Tiberius is said to have built, when hereturned with triumph from the Germane war. Between the rocks that compass this sea, is the way Attellane, which leads those that pass to Rome, to the way of Appins, and there be many baths, for most of the waters are medicinal.  
near the Lake of Avernus upon the side towards Pozzoli, lies a Mountain, (q) which lately broke out of the earth, where of old were the baths of Tripergola, whence the dwellings in this part, and this place, are called Tripergola, and here of old were many large and stately buildings, but by reason of many Earthquakes, and robberies of Pirates, the houses were long since forsaken, and at last in the year 1538 were swallowed up by the earth. For in that year upon Michaelmas day was a terrible Earthquake in this place, which broke out with fire in great flames, casting up stones, with a great tempest of wind, and darkness of the air, so as the people thought the world's end was come. And at this time the ashes of this fire were carried by the wind to places twenty miles distant. At last after seven days, this confusion ceased, and then the aforesaid Mountain breaking out of the bowels of the earth was first seen, being three miles high, and at the bottom four miles' compass. Upon the top of this Mountain is a hole some fistie paces broad, which towards the bottom grows more and more narrow, where it seemeth round, and of little compass, having a clear water, yet giving a stink of brimstone, and this hole is like a Theatre made by art. In the foresaid fearful Earthquake, caused by the breaking out of the vapours enclosed under the hollow earth, many famous baths were lost, and no more seen. Not far hence is the Mountain of Christ, so called, because they say, that Christ with the squadrons of the Fathers, passed this way when he ascended from Hell. But the French Gentleman Villamont worthily judgeth this to be fabulous, and likewise the miracle of the Crucifex here, bearing the marks of Christ, yet doth he give too much credit to the miracles of Loreto.  
Upon the shore of the creek of (r) Bay, lies the Lake (as Virgil saith) of the foul stinking Avernus. This Lake is a natural Haven, but is not used, because the Haven of Lucrinus is between it and the sea. It is compassed with high hills on all sides, but only where the Sea enters on the Southside at a passage fifty paces broad, and the form of it is round, and the hills that compass it now seem pleasant, but of old were all covered with a thick wood, which shutting up the air, and by the shadow drawing many birds to it, was thought to be the cause that these birds stifled with the smell of brimstone, fell suddenly dead, till the Emperor Augustus caused the wood to be destroyed. And of the birds thus killed, the Lake was called Avernus. For this smell of brimstone, and the shadow of the foresaid wood, darkening the Lake, and the black colour of the water, and because the sun is shut out from the Lake by the hills, this Lake was feigned by the Poets to be one of the Lakes of hell. Leander writes of a fountain here, the water whereof no man would drink, because they thought it came from hell, derived by the heat of Phlegeton, whereupon an Oracle was built here, as in a place consecrated to Pluto, and the Cymerians living here in a Cave, entered this place when they had sacrificed to the Gods for the souls of the dead. Leander also saith, that they used to sacrifice men in this place, and nameth Elpenor sacrificed by Ulysses (for he understands Homer to mean this place,) and also Misenus sacrificed by AEneas, though Virgil write that he died here. Some will have this Lake to be the famous Fen of Acheron, of which Virgil writes;  

Tenebrosa palus Acheronte refuso.  
The dark Fen of Acheron powered out.   
This also Sernius affirms, and shows that this Lake comes from the infernal River Acheron, so called as without joy. But Leander shows that Acheron feigned by the Poets to be a river of hell, is a river of Calabria, and that there is another river of that name in Greece. They say that the water of this Lake Avernus seems black, because it hath no bottom: but Leander affirms that some by a long rope found the bottom to be three hundred and sixty fathom deep. The hills that compass Avernus are very steep, with a head long fall, whereupon Virgil saith;  

Facilis discensus Auerni.  
The descent of Avernus is easy.   
Under the hill towards the West side, is a Cave, which they call the cave of Sibylla of Cuma; and among many rooms there is one, in which she is said to have attended her devotion, but Leander thinks this place to have been a sweeting Bath. Of this cave Virgil thus writes:  

Horren daeque procul Secreta Sybillae:  
Antrum immane petit. & inferius:  
Extisum Euboicae latus ingens rupis in Antrum, etc.  
unde runnt totidem voces, responsa Sibillae.  
Of dreadful Sibyl the far distant rites  
To the vast cave he goes. And after  
An huge den cut out in the Euboyan rocks vast side, etc.  
Whence rush so many voices, Sibyl answering.   
From these hills to the neighbour City bay, they say the earth is all hollow with caves under it, and that the Cimmerians of old dwelled under an hill towards the seashore. And Leander thinks that cave to have belonged to them; and surely whether it belonged to them, or any old Prophets, or to the Prophetess Sibilla, or whose work soever it was, the wonderful Art and huge expense therein do plainly appear. These Cimmerians of old did lead strangers under the earth to the Oracle, and were diggers in mines, and reputed to have the spirit of divination; whereupon the King gave them pensions for revealing secrets unto him. These men never saw the Sun, but came abroad only in the night; whence is the proverb of Cimmerian darkness, and the fiction of the Poets, that they did lead strangers to the Court of Pluto They write, that these having deceived the King by false divination, were by him destroyed. Upon the Hills of Avernus, they show the ruined Temple of Mercury, and another Temple of Apollo, little broken down. Nero began a ditch to be made from the Lake Avernus to Ostia, to avoid the trouble of going by sea. From the said Lake there was a sluice of old into the Lake Lucrinus, by which when there was any flood of the sea, the water passed out of Lucrinus into avernus Lake: but this is now stopped since the foresaid Earthquake of Tripergula. The Lake Lucrinus is so called in Latin, of the gain made by fishes sold. Suetonius writes, that julius Caesar let in the Sea to this Lake as also into the other. For the Senate of Rome making great gain of the fish sold here, (till the Sea did once break in with such force, as the fish went out of these Lakes at the ebbing of the Sea) did thereupon command Caesar to give remedy thereunto, which he did, raising banks against the Sea, at which time he made a passage for the fish out of one Lake into another. We gave a Clown three poli for leading us through the Cave of Sibylla.  
Upon the Sea shore lies the bath, commonly called of Cicero, which the Physicians call the bath of Tritoli, of a Latin word for rubbing, the letter F being changed into T, and this Bath lieth near the ruins of the Village of Cicero, called his Academy. I know not whether this Village (or rather Palace) had the name of Academy or no; for I find in my notes a Village of Cicero in the way from Naples to Pozzoli, and likewise the mention of this bath of Cicero, and his Academy, near the Lake of Avernus. And Leander mentions a village of his, in both places: but Villamont speaks of a Village near Pozzoli, and of a Palace in this place called Academy; and these differ not much from my notes: but others confound the Village and the Bath, putting both together, so as writing of these intricate caves under the earth, myself am fallen into a Labyrinth, wherein I had much rather die, then go back to Naples for searching the truth. We entered this Bath Tritoli, and gave a Clown one Poalo for conducting us. The passage to enter was strait, and extendeth far under the Mountain, and there is a mark set, which they say no man ever passed. We did sweat extremely, yet I desired to come to that mark, till at last feeling my spirits begin to fail me, I was glad to return, and to creep upon the earth, where the air was more cold than above. They say that this bath is very healthful, and much frequented in the spring time, and that Nero had of old a Palace built over it.  
near this lie the ruins of Baulos or Boaulia, named of the oxen stolen, by Geryon, for here was the Temple of Hercules, and Servius, expounding Virgil, saith that Aeneas did here speak with Hercules. Leander writes that Hortensius did here make cisterns, wherein he kept his so much prised Lampreyes'. Tacitus and Suetonius in the life of Nero, make mention of this place. For Agrippina mother of Nero, passing by water from the Village of Piso to this Baulos, was of purpose and by the command of Nero put into a rotten boat, that she might be drowned, which boat splitting in the midst of the passage, Agrippina perceived the intent, and silently (the neight being dark) slipped into another boat, and so for that time escaped: but her waiting-maide being in great danger, and crying out that she was Mother to Nero, found death by that name, by which she hoped to save her life, being presently struck into the water by one of the conspirators. At last when wicked Nero resolved to kill his Mother he invited her to a feast, entertaining her lovingly on the Sea shore, and when she returned, out of show of duty attending her to this Baulos, lying between the Misene Promontory and the Lake of Ray; but at the same time he commanded that she should be killed, and here under the earth we did see her sepulchre in a cave, curiously carved, and one of the sinest old monuments I did ever see.  
Hence we passed to (s) Bay, an ancient City, and for the sweetness preferred to Rome by Horace:  

Nullus in urbe locus Baijs praelucet am aenit.  
No place of Rome sweet Bay doth excel.   
The situation of this City is most sweet: but all the houses near the shore are drowned, except the Baths, and the houses upon the mountain are all ruined, neither do any dwell here, but some few poor and miserable people (such as the husbandmen of Italy are commonly) yet these ruins show the pride and magnificence of that old time. This City is said to have the name of a friend of Ulysses there buried. Here be the foresaid ruins of Caligula his Bridge, which I said do lie on this side the creak. Here we did see the stately ruins of two Senators houses, where the excellent pictures did yet remain upon the highest roof. They showed us a tree (as they said) turned into a stone and the ruins of the Temples of Diana and Venus.  
From hence we walked towards the Mountain Misenus, and near the dead sea; first, we came to (t) a hill, made hollow by the building under it, which is vulgarly called of the number of the rooms Cento camerelle, that is, One hundred little chambers. Leander saith, that it was a Cistern to keep freshwater, whereof the Romans had great store in these parts, whether they came certain seasons of the year to recreate themselves; and all this Territory on both sides near this creak or Bay of the Sea, are so full of ruined Palaces, Temples, and sepulchres, as a man would say they were not several Villages, but one great City. This said building is large, and four square, and sustained by four ranks of four square pillars, into which we were let down at a hole in the earth. Round about the entrance there were many Cells, almost four square, and of an unequal bigness, parted with enteries winding about, and because the building is intricate, some think it was a Labyrinth.  
(v) The ruins of a stately building are opposite to this, into which we descended by forty stairs; it hath no windows, but all the light comes in at crannies, and it hath four ranks of foursquare pillars to bear up the arched roof. Every rank hath twelve pillars, and in all they be forty eight, and each one is twelve foot distant from the other, and twelve foot high; to which if you add the high roof of the building, the room is twenty five foot high, which I beheld not without being amazed at the magnisicence of the Romans in these buildings. This house is little broken down, and the plaster of the wall is so hard, as I could not pierce it with my dagger, and it is vulgarly called la piscina mirabile. It is certain, that the Romans of old bestowed great charge in building places for the keeping of fish, and some think this was built to that purpose by Antonia, the wife of Drusus; others say by Hortensius: but Leander saith, that it was built to keep fresh water, and he (with other Writers) doth judge it a stately monument of the Palace of Lucullus built near Bay, which he proveth out of Plutarch, who mentions one Palace of Lucullus in his foresaid village for his Summer dwelling, and another here near Bay for his Winter abode. And Tacitus saith, that the Emperor Tiberius foreseeing his death, and often changing places, at last came to this place, and here died. It were an infinite work if I should severally describe the Palaces of Marius, Caesar, and Lucullus.  
I will not omit, that our Guides (I know not how credibly) showed us certain round (with) fields, compassed round with Mountains, and at this time ploughed, which they said were the Elysian fields.  
We are now come to the (x) Misene Promontory, which hath the name of Misenus, friend to Aeneas, buried here, or rather by him sacrificed to the gods at the Lake Avernus as is aforesaid. Upon the top of this Mountain was a Tower, of old called Faro, upon which a light was hung for a sea-mark. Under the Mountain (especially where it grows narrow, and upon three sides is washed by the Sea) there be so many houses under the earth, as the pillars thereof seem only to bear up the Mountain, and among them there is one called Grotta Traconara, of the winding passages therein, which by the ruins now remaining, seems to have been a magnificent work, and this Leander thinks to have been built to keep fresh water.  
Right opposite to this mountain, is the (Y) Cape of Minerva and near that lies the Island (K) Caprea, or Capre, easy to be seen by the white and high cliffs, and famous by the cruelty, and more than goatish lusts of the Emperor Tiberius, when he withdrew himself out of the sight of the Senate and people of Rome, to live there in solitude. This Island hath no Haven, neither can little boats land there; whereupon being safe from Pirates, it was held a place of pleasure in the time of Augustus. The creak of the sea, coming in between these two foresaid Promontories, was of old called Sinus Cratera. Upon the side of the mountain Misene, lying towards Cuma, is a lake of salt water, called the dead sea, into which, water falls our of the creak of rozzols, and it was of old more large. For Suetonius writes that Augustus kept one Navy in this Lake, and another at Ravenna, to guard the upper and lower sea. And Tacitus writes that his successor Tiberius kept two Navies in those places. At this day the Lake is parted from the Sea, with a bank some fifty paces broad, and it is almost round in form, and some two miles broad; and Plutarch writes that Lucullus made this Lake to keep fishes therein.  
From this mountain Misene, we walked upon the Sea shore five very short miles, and came to the ruins of the old City (Z) Cuma, built by the Calcedons of the Greek Island Euboia, & the oldest City in all Italy, and it is said to have had the name of a good presage from the Captains of the Navy, or a woman great with child of that name. It was seated of old upon a hill near the sea shore, and yet on the side towards the land, the walls are standing, but the daughter hath devoured the mother: for the increase of Naples, was the decrease of Cuma, yet the ruins still remain, and upon the top of the hill was the Temple of Apollo, of which Virgil writes;  

At pius AEneas arces, quihus altus Apollo, etc.  
But good AEneas, high Apollees Towers, etc.   
And there is yet an ancient Temple partly ruined. A triumphal Arch is yet unbroken, but some say the foresaid Temple was consecrated to Hercules. Of old Aristodamus did lead the forces of Cuma, and after his victory they made him their Prince: and Livy writes that Tarqutnius the proud, being banished came to him, and there died. Historians write that Drusus made a Ditch from this shore towards Capua. In the hill or mountain of Cuma, there is a labyrinth under the earth, and from this hill we did see divers islands near the Land. The Poet's fable that in one of them called (F) Nisa, the Witch Calypso dwelled. That in the second called (G) Procida, the Giant Typheus' was buried, because of the flames that sometimes break out of the earth. The third is called the (H) Island of Saint Martin. The fourth is called (ay) Ischia, wherein the Kings of Naples have a strong Castle, to which the King fled for a time, when the French King Charles the eight took Naples.  
We walked along this shore of the sea, to the Tower called (R) della Patria, being sixteen miles from Naples, eight miles from Bay, and five miles from Cuma. It is seated in a pleasant place, and upon the Westside hath a Lake called by the name of the Tower, and the River Vulturnus running into the sea. On the Southside the sea is near, and upon the East and North sides, it hath pleasant fields and hills. At this day there is no building standing but the said Tower, and a poor miserable Inn to lodge passengers. But among the shrubs there be many ruins of houses, and of a bridge, and this place was of old called Linternum, whether Scipio the African retired into voluntary banishment, to fly the envy of the ungrateful Romans, and there he built him a stately Palace, and a sepulchre in which he would be buried; saying that the ungrateful Romans should not have so much as his bones. Livy in his twenty two Book calls Linternum a sandy soil, beyond Vulturnus from Rome: but Leander thinks that he spoke this of the territory, not of the place itself; and that the rather, because in his twenty three Book, he writes; that Sempronius the Consul, did lead the forces to Lintcrnum beyond Vulturnus, and there doth agree in the situation thereof with all writers; and the sharp fountain like vinegar, whereof Pliny writes, is found among these ruins, which water he saith makes them drunken that drink thereof, though others write that they have taken it moderately without any such effect. Pliny also writes, that this water moderately taken, hath the virtue to cure the headache. While Scrpio lived here in solitude, Livy and Plutarch write, that certain bold and valiant Pirates, upon the fame of his virtue, came to see the face, & hear the words of so great a Captain. Livy in his thirty eight Book, writes that he did see two sepulchres of Scipio, this at Linternum, and the other at Rome, near the gate Capena, both decked with carved Images; and that these verses were written upon his Tomb at Linternum;  

Devicto Annibale, capta Carthagine, & aucto  
Imperio, hoc cineres marmore tectus habes.  
Cui non Europa, non obstitit Africa quondam,  
Respice res hominum, quam brevis urna premat.  
Hannibal foiled, Carthage sacked, and th'Empire  
Enlarged, thine ashes in this marble lie,  
Whom Europe or afric, near made retire  
How short a chest holds? see man's vanity.   
Leander thinks that Scipio was buried in this place, aswell because Livy writes it; as for the words of Scipio related by Valerius Maximus, that his ungrateful Country should not have so much as his bones. And he thinks that the monument at Rome was either built by Scipio in the time of his prosperity, or by his friends long after, in memory of so worthy a kinse man. As we walked from Cuma to Linternum, we did see no memorable thing, but took this journey only out of desire to see the monument of this famous man, neither did we know the danger from banished men in this place, who often resort to this poor Inn; yet for that cause this way from Naples to Rome, more commodious than the other, and therefore having postmasters appointed there for public affairs, had long been forsaken by passengers. This way to Rome is thus distinguished into miles. From Naples to la Patria sixteen miles, to la Rocca fourteen, to la Fratta eighteen, to Ponte Curto, ten, to Capetano eight, to Frusalone eighteen, to Piedavani three, to val'di Montone twenty two, to lafoy Ficha fourteen, to Rome eight. There is no house at Linternum but the foresaid base Inn, and there we lodged, and found not our supper answerable to the fruitfulness of Campania, neither had we any beds, and could hardly get clean straw, which inconveniences were accompanied with the fear to be surprised by the banished men, so as we slept not one wink that night. Here we did see two Towers, one compassed with water, and near the Tower della Patria, we did see the ruins of a stately Palace, which they said was the Palace of Scipio, and that he was buried there. Also we did see a pillar, upon which were the Arms engraven of the Kings of Spain and Naples, and we did see the ruins of a bridge, which showed the old magnificence thereof. But there was nothing to be seen, that might countervail the danger we had run. Our journey the day before from Naples to Bay was very pleasant, through most fruitful hills of corn and vincs. But from Cuma to this Tower, the way upon the sea shore was wild and barren, yet not far distant within land we might fee most pleasant and fruitful hills.  
When we had passed a night without sleep at Linternum, we returned early in the morning to Naples, by the same way we came, but with a more right linc. And there I made no stay, because England then had wars with Spain, but took the next opportunity to return to Rome with the Carrier, after the same fashion I came hither; and I paid to my Vetturine fifty two poli for my horse and horse-meat, and my own diet from Naples to Rome, and beyond my covenant (to gratify him) I was content to pay for my diet the first and last meal, which I promised of my own free will, yet should have been forced thereunto, for otherwise he would have carried me fasting to Rome, and have given me slender diet at Capua, being a plentiful place; and I observed the other passengers to doè the like in these places, where they were out of danger.  
I pass over the journeys, (which I have described before, and will only say in a word, that we returned to Rome, where that I might stay with more security, to see the antiquities 
Rome.  thereof, it happened very fitly, that the Cardinal Allan an Englishman, having used to persecute the English coming thither, and therefore being ill spoken of by them, had changed his mind, since the English had overthrown the Spanish Navy, in the year 1588. and there was now small hope of reducing England to papistry, and therefore to gain his countrymen's love did not only mislike that they should be entrapped at Rome, but did himself protect them, though suspected for religion, so they would seek his favour: whereof I being advertised by the experience of others, when I had in silence, and through many dangers seen Naples subject to the King of Spain, and was now returned to Rome, I presently went to the said Cardinal, and after the fashion, having kissed the hem of his vesture, I humbly desired, that according to this his courtesy, for which he was much honoured in England, he would receive me into his protection, till I might view the antiquities of Rome. He being of a goodly stature and countenance with a grave look and pleasant speech bade me rest secure, so I could command my tongue, and should abstain from oftence. Only for his duties sake, he said, that he must advise me, and for the love of his Country entreat me, that I would be willing to hear those instructions for religion here, which I could not hear in England. I submitted myself to these conditions, and when (after due reverence made) I would have gone away, the English Gentlemen and Priests there present, overtook me in the next room. Among these was an Englishman, a Priest of Calabria, who in my journey from Naples hither, had been my consort by the way, at the table, and even in bed, whom I had often heard talking with the Italians of English affairs, but more modestly and honestly then any man would expect of a Priest. He taking myself and one Master Warmington an English Gentleman by the hands, with an aftonished look, did congratulate with me, that I, who had been his companion at bed and board, and whom he had taken rather for any countryman, was now become an English man. All the rest commended my judgement, in coming to the Cardinal, and enquiring after my lodging, promised to be my guides in Rome, and for Country's sake, to do me a good offices, and so after mutual salutations, I went from them. I well knew, that such guides would be very troublesome to me, for they (according to the manner) disputing of Religion, I must either seem to consent by silence, or maintain arguments full of danger in that place, besides that to gratify them for their courtesy, I must needs have run into extraordinary expenses. Therefore having told them my lodging, I presently changed it, and took a chamber in a vitling house, in the Marketplace, close under the Pope's Palace, where I thought they, or any else would least seek me, and so being free from that burden, and yet secure in the Cardinal's promised protection, I began boldly, (yet with as much haste as I possibly could make) to view the Antiquities of Rome.  
The description of Rome, drawn rudely, but so as may serve the Reader to understand the situation of the Monuments.  
I. Il Borgo. II. Trastevere. III. l'Isola. FOUR The Gate del popolo. V. The gate Pinciana. VI The gate Salara. VII. The gate Pia. VIII. The gate di San' Lorenzo. IX. g. Maggiore. X. g. di S. Gionanni. XI. g. Latina. XII. g. di S. Sebastiano. XIII. g. di S. Paolo. XIV. g. di. Ripa. XV g. di. S. Pancratio. XVI. g. Settimiana. XVII. g. di S. Spirito. XVIII. g. Fornac: XIX. g. lafoy portusa. XX. g. di Belucdere. XXI. g. di S. Angelo. XXII. Monte Capitalino. XXIII. M. Palatino. XXIIII. M. Auentino. XXV. M. Coelio. XXVI. M. Esquilino. XXVII. M. Viminale XXVIII. M. Quirinale. XXIX. M. Vaticano XXX. M. janiculo XXXI. M. Pincio XXXII. M. Citorio. XXXIII. M. jordano. XXXIIII. M. Testaceo. XXXV. The bridge di S. Angelo. XXXVI. b. Vaticano XXXVII. b. Sisto. XXXVIII. b. di quatro Capi. XXXIX. b. di S. Maria. XL. b. di S. Bartolomco. XLI. b. Sublicio. A. The Church of S. Giovanni Lateran '. B. C. of S. Pietro. C. C. of S. Maria Maggiore. D. C. of S. Croce in Hierosolyma. Q. The Palace of the Pope. 3. Beluedere. 4. Castel' di S. Angelo. 5. l'obelisco di Ginlio Cesare. 6. The sepulchre di Cestio. 7. Circus Maximus. 8. The Church of S. Stefano rotondo. 9 Trofei di Mario. 10. lacolonna di Traiano. 11. lafoy colonna d' Antonio. 12. The Church of S. Maria srpra la Minerva. 13. C. di S. Maria rotonda. 14. The Marketplace Nanona. 15. C. di S. Maria della consolation. 16. The Market place di Fiori. 17. C. de la Trinita. 18. C. di S. Rocco. 19 The Bath of Dioclesian. 20. le set sale. 21. The Arch of Constantine. 22. The Arch of Vespasian. 23. The Arch of Septimius Severus. 24. The Theatre of Marcellus. 25. The Palace of the Cardinal di Farnese.  
Rome being situated on the East side of Tiber, may further be distinguished into three parts seated on the West side of Tiber, whereof the first is called (ay) I'll Borgo, and it containeth the Pope's Palace, compassed with high walls by Pope Nicholas the fifth, and the Garden thereof, which of the fair prospect is called Beluedere, and the Library, and the Church of Saint Peter In vaticano, and the field or Marketplace lying before the Church, and the strong Castle Saint Angelo, all which were compassed with walls by Pope Leo the fourth, and for a time this part was of him called Leonina, but now it is called Il Borgo. The second part is called (TWO) Trastevere that is beyond the Tiber, and was called of old I anicolo, of the Mountain included therein; and also was called the City of the men of Ravenna, of the Soldiers which Augustus kept at Raucnna against Anthony, and after placed them here. And because the air is unwholesome, as the wind is that blows here from the South, it is only inhabited by Artisans and poor people. And at this day it is compassed with walls, which seem ancient, save that it lies open towards the Tiber and Rome, and it is adorned with Churches and buildings, but much severed one from the other. The third part is called (III) l' Isola, that is an Island of Tiber, which of old was called Licaonia, of the Temple of jupiter of Licaonta. When Tarqvinius the proud was of old banished from Rome, the people abhorring to convert the goods of such a wicked man to private uses, did make his ground a field for training of soldiers, and called it Campus Martius, and the Senate commanded the great store of his corn, chaff, and straw, to be cast into the Tiber, of which matter growing together, they say this Island first came. After a Temple was built in this Island, to Esculapius, brought hither from Epidaurus in the shape of a Serpent; and the Isle being consecrated to him, was then made in the form of the ship that brought that serpent, whereof there is a monument in the Garden of Saint Bartholomew, namely a stone in the form of a ship with a Serpent graven upon it. It is a quarter of a mile in length, and some fifty paces in breadth, and it is full of stately Churches and houses.  
If you draw a line from the eastside of the Mountain Capitolino (XXII) to the Gate del popolo, (IIII) lying towards the North; and from the said Mountain draw aline to the furthest part of the Bridge upon the West side of the Island of Tiber, this compass may truly be called Rome, as at this day it is inhabited; for the rest lies wild, having only ruins, and some scattered Churches and houses, and towards the South, fields of corn within the walls. They say, that Romulus did only build upon three Mountains, the Palatine, the Capitoline, and the Celian, yet others add the Esquiline, and that he compassed them with walls, and that he built the Gate Carmentalis, so called of the mother of evander, which lies under the Capitol upon the right hand between the rock Tarpeius and the River Tiber, and was also called the cursed Gate, of the 300 Fabiuses, which went out of the same to fight, and were all killed in one day. And that he built the Roman Gate lying near the Mount Palatine, towards the Amphitheatre, called Obelisco, and the Gate Pandana, so called, because it was always open. After, seven Mountains being enclosed, Rome had eight Gates, and after thirty four (as Livy writes), and at last thirty seven Gates.  
At this day the first Gate is called (IIII) delpopolo, lying on the eastside of Tiber towards the North, which of the River was of old called Flumentana, and of the way of Flaminius, to which it did lead, was called Flaminia. The second Gate is called (V) Pinciana, of a Senator of that name, and of old was called Collatina of a Palace adjoining, and it is a mile distant from the former Gate. The third Gate is called (VI) lafoy Salarta, of salt brought in that way, and was of old called Quirinalis, of the Temple, or the Mountain adjoining of the same name, and also called Agona of a Mountain, or as having no corner; and also called Collina of a Hill, and it is less than a mile distant from the last named Gate. The fourth Gate is called (VII) lafoy Pia, of Pope Pius the fourth, who repaired it, and the way without it, and it is more than half a mile distant from the last named Gate. At this day it is many times called Saint Agnese of a Church lying near it. And it was of old called Viminalis of Oseyres growing there, and also called Figulensis of Potter's dwelling there, and also called of old Numentina of a Castle. I will omit the Gate, of old called Inter Aggeres, because almost no ruins thereof remain at this day. The fifth Gate is called (VIII) di S. Lorenzo of the Church near it. It was of old called Tiburtina (though others think that Gate was nearer to Tiber on this side) and Esquilina of a place near it, and Taurina of a bulls head which still is graven upon it; and it is a mile and a half distant from the last named Gate. The sixth Gate is called (IX) Maggiore, and was of old called Nevia, and Labicana, and Praenestina. The seventh is called (X) dt S. Giovanni, and it was of old called Caelemontana of a Mountain, and Quercotulana of an Oak, and Settimia, and Asinaria. The eighth is called (XI) Latina of Latium to which it leads, and was of old called Firentina, and is more than a mile distant from the seventh Gate. The ninth from the eighth more than half a mile distant, is called (XII) di S. Sebastiano, of the Church to which it leads, and was of old called Capena of the City or River of that name; and also Camena of a Church, and Appia of the way which Appius the Censor paved, and Fontinale of the Fountains; and some write it was called Trionfale for part of the Triumphs that did enter there. And the brother of the Horatij escaping in the fight against the brothers Curiatij, did return at this Gate: without the same is the Sepulchre of Scipio the African, whereof I spoke describing Linternum near Naples (where he would be buried, far from his ungrateful Country). The tenth Gate is called (XIII) di S. Paolo of the Church whither it leads, and was of old called Trigemina of the 3 Horatij going out there, and called Ostiensis, as leading to Ostia where Tiber runs into the Sea, and it is a mile from the 〈◊〉 Gate, and as much distant from the River Tiber. The eleventh Gate lies on the West side of Tiber, in that part of the City which I said is called (TWO) Trastevere, and is distant from Tiber half a quarter of a mile, being called (XIIII) di ripa, and was of old called Portuensis, as leading to the Haven of Rome, made by the Emperor Claudius. The twelfth Gate almost a mile distant from the former, is called (XV) di S. Pancratio, and of old was called Aurelia of Aurelius the Emperor, or of the way Aurelia, and of others called Pancratiana, and it lieth near the Mountain janiculo. The thirteenth Gate half a mile distant from the former, is called (XVI) Settimiana, of the Emperor Settimius, whose name is engraven upon it, & it was repaired by Pope Alexander the sixth. Some think this Gate was called Fontinale, others Festinale, and it is the last Gate in Trasievere. The fourteenth Gate is called (XVII) di S. Spirito and it is the first in that part of the City called (ay) Borgo. The fifteenth gate is called in the map (XVIII) Fornacum, but I find it called by Writers deal Torrione, and Posterula, and to be repaired by Pope Nicholas the fifth. The sixteenth Gate is called (XIX) la Portusa, being neete to the Pope's stables. The seventeenth is called (XX) di Beluedere, lying near the Pope's Palace and (3) Garden, and it is called in some Maps Angelica, and by others Giulia, of the Pope Giulius. The eighteenth is called (XXI) di S. Angelo, and delCastello of the Castle S. Angelo, and it was of old called Enea, and more lately di Cenello. I pass over the Gate called of old la Trionfante, where the greatest triumphs did enter, because no ruins remain thereof, but only it is said to have been seated near the Triumphal Bridge. (XXXVI)  
It remains to speak of the ways leading to Rome, which I will note with the letters of the Gates leading to them. And first I will only name the ways that are within the walls.  
The first lafoy Suburra begins at the Amphitheatre, called Coliseo (20), and leads to the Church Saint Lucia in Orsia. The second la Sacra, lies from the Arch of Constantine (21) to the Arch of Vespasian (22), through Forum Romanum (23), to the Capitol (XXII.) The third la Nuova, did lead from the greater Palace in Mount Palatine (XXIII) to the Bath of Antonius in Mount Aventine (XXIIII). The fourth lafoy Trionfale, did lead from the Mount Vaticano (XXIX), to the Capitol in the Mount (XXII) Capitolino. The fifth la via retta, was in the Campius Martius, where is la colonna di Traiano (10).  
The Friar Leander describing Rome, nameth twenty nine ways within and without the walls namely, 1. Appia. 2. Latina. 3. Labicana. 4. Campana. 5. Praenestina. 6. Cumana. 7. Flaminia. 8. Cassia. 9 Tiburtina. 10. Collatina. 11. Nomentana. 12. Salaria. 13. Emilia. 14. Portuesen. 15. Cornelia. 16. Claudia. 17. Valeria. 18. Ostiensis. 19 Laurentina. 20. Ardeatina. 21. Galica. 22. Tiberina. 23. Settimia. 24. Quintia. 25. Gallicana. 26. Triumphalie. 27. Praetoriana. 28. Laticulesen. 29. Aureliana. And upon these ways he relates many stately Palaces built out of the City. Now I will note the ways without the Gates by the same letters, by which I have noted the Gates leading to them. Among these the most famous is the way of Appius, called the Queen of ways, most part of the chief Triumphs entering that way. It begins at the Gate of Saint (XII) Sebastian, and is paved to Capua, and then divided into two ways, that on the left hand leading to Brundisium, and that on the right hand leading to Pozzoli and to Cuma, having stately Palates on all sides, and it hath the name of Appius Claudius the Censor. In this way two miles from the City the Romans built a Temple in memory of Hannibal who encamping there, was forced to raise his siege with disgrace. The way of Flamintus is no less famous, which lies from the Pillar of Antoninus (11) to the Gate (IIII) deal popolo, and did lead to Rim. ni upon the Adriatic Sea, and part of it was called Quincia, and it was joined with the way called Claudia, and of old was called the large way. Where the way of Flaminius ends, there begins the way AEmilia, made by his fellow Consul AEmilius, Lepidus, leading to Bologna, and paved to the very Alps. Yet there is another way of the same name near Pisa. The way Collatina is without the Gate (V) Pinciana; the way Salaria without the Gate (VI) Salaria; the way Tihurtina without the Gate (VIII) Saint Lorenzo, the way Praenestina without the Gate (IX) Maggiore, on the left hand or eastside; and the way Labicana on the right hand or Southside of the same Gate. In the way Praenestina is the stately Conduit, or Aqueduct of Pope Sixtus Quintus, extending itself many miles upon the next Plain, where lie the ruins no less wonderful, whereof I spoke in my journey from Rome to Naples. To conclude, the way Latina is without the Gate (XI) Latina; the way Ostiensis without the Gate Saint (XIII) Paolo; the way Aurelia without the Gate (XV) Saint Pancratio; which (if I be not deceived) was called also the way Vitelia, paved from the Mount janiculo to the Sea. But who would not wonder, that from the Gate (XIX) Portusa, the way should lead into the Valley of Hell (for so it is called), close to the holy Seat of the Popes.  
Rome was of old called Septicollis, of seven Hills, or little Mountains contained within the walls, namely Capitolinus, Palatinus, aventinus, Celius, Esquilinus, Viminalis, and Quirinalis. Hereof the first and chief is (XXII) Capitolinus, of old called Saturnius, of the City Saturnia, and Tarpeius of the Virgin Terpeia, which betraying her Country to the Sabines, giving them entrance at that place, was for reward there killed by them. And at last in the reign of Tarquin the proud, it was called Capitolinus of a head digged out of the ground. At this day it is vulgarly called Il Capidoglio. It is divided into two parts, namely, the Capitolium, and the Rock Tarpeius, lying on the Northside of the hill. And it had sixty Churches, whereof the chief was of old dedicated joni Optimo Maximo, where the Triumphers used to give thanks for victory, and to offer rich spoils to jupiter. And it was adorned with the stately building of the Capitolium, and with many stately Palaces of noble men. The second Mount is called (XXIII) Palatinus, of Palantus, Grandfather to evander, (among many divers opinions following Virgil). At this day it is vulgarly called Palazzo Maggiore, and it is a mile in circuit, but is not at all inhabited. And upon the side lying towards the Circus, they show a little house in the place where Romulus dwelled, only preserved in memory of him. And upon this Mount Catilina and Catullus and Cicero did dwell. The third mountain was called (XXIIII) aventinus, of birds, by whose flight they used to prophecy, or of the King aventinus. And it was of old called Romorio, of a place in the top, where they observed the flight of the birds, and it hath two miles in compass. The fourth Mount is (XXV) Celius, of Celius King of Hetruria, and was of old called Querquetulanus, of a Wood of Oakes. And a little Mountain being part of it, is vulgarly called Celiolus, where I shall show the Church of Saint john the Evangelist to be seated. Upon this Mountain was the house of Scipio the African, near the Church of Saint George. The fifth Mountain was called (XXVI) Esquilinus, or Esquilia, of the guard of the Praetorian soldiers, or of the fragments of meat cast there to feed hawks. It reacheth from the Marketplace of trajan, to the Baths of Dioclesian, and the Gate of S. Lorenzo, and the monument of Marius, vulgarly called I Trofei. And at this day it is called Cespius, and they say, that Virgil dwelled upon this Mountain. The sixth Mount was called (XXVII) Viminalis, being long and narrow; and some say it is part of the Mount Esquiline, but all writers generally reckon it among the seven hills, and it had the name of the Church of jupiter Viminius, so called of the Oseyers growing there, and they say Marcus Crassus dwelled upon this Mountain. The seventh Mount was called (XXVIII (Quirinalis of the Quirites, or Senators dwelling there, or of the Spear of juno, and it was also called Egonus. At this day it is vulgarly called Monte Cavallo There be two other Mountains beyond the Tiber, which are seated in Toscany, not in Latium; for Leander makes all the places most near to Rome on this side to belong to Hetrurta. The first of these Mounts is called (XXIX) Vaticanus, of the crying of an infant, or of a god of that name, as Gellius writes, which god was the god of prophecies. Pope Leo the fourth compassed this Hill and the next field with walls, and called it Leonina, but at this day it is called Il Borgo. The other Mount beyond Tiber was called (XXX) I aniculus of I anus dwelling and buried there, and is now vulgarly called Mortorio. Within the walls of Rome there be some other Hills or little Mountains, but less famous. The first is called (XXXI) Pincius, and vulgarly the li hortuli, reaching to the Gate Salaria. The second was called (XXXII) Citorius, and of old Citaterius of the Tribes descending from thence to choose Magistrates, as those that were suitors to be Magistrates descended from the Mount Pincius, and went into Campus Martius. The third Mount less and more obscure, is called (XXXIII) I or danus, of the family Orsini, who at this day have their Palaces upon it. The fourth Mountlesse and obscure is called (XXXIIII) Testaceus, of earthen pots, for the Potters of old dwelled there, and the images and vessels of the Temples were for the most part of earth. And when the dead bodies were burned, the ashes were laid up in these vessels, whereupon a heap grew to a Hill, and a Hill to a Mount. Many do falsely think, that it had the name of such vessels, in which tribute was brought to Rome, and then the vessels were broken here.  
Of old eight bridges were built over Tiber, among which is reckoned Pons Miluius, vulgarly Ponte Mole, without the gate (IIII) Delpopolo more than a mile distant from Rome, and near this bridge Constantine the Great, under the sign of the Cross did overcome the tyrant Maxentius. Also this bridge was famous for the night lusts of Nero. The second bridge is called (XXXV) di Castel' Sant' Angelo, and it was of old called Elius, of the Emperor Elius Adrianus, who built it; but Pope Nicholas the fifth built it as now it stands, and set upon it the Image of Saint Peter with his keys, and of Saint Paul with his sword. The third bridge is called (XXXVI) Vaticanus, as leading to that Mount, and was also of old called Triumphalis, of the Triumphs passing upon it, and it was not lawful for the Country people to enter that way, but at this day only the ruins thereof are seen. The fourth bridge is called (XXXVII) Ponte-Sisto of Pope Sixtus the fourth, who repaired it. It was of old called janiculonsis of that Mount, and Aurelius of the way of that name, and it was built of marble by Antoninus Pius, and after being decayed, was long called Ponte Rotto, that is, the broken bridge, till the said Pope repaired it in the year 1475. and it is two hundred and fifteen foot broad, and is built upon three Arches of stone. The fifth bridge joining Rome and the Island, and next to the Capitolium, is called (XXXVIII) Ponte at quattro Capt, and was of old called Tarpeius, of the Rock Tarpcia, which is in the Mount Capitolino, and was called Fabricius of the repairer, and it is seventy foot long, and hath but one Arch of stone. The sixth bridge of a Church near it is called (XXXIX) di S. Maria AEgittiaca, and was of old called Scnatorim and Palatinus, and it is somewhat longer than the bridge Sisto. The seventh bridge of a Church near it is called (XL) di S. Bartolomeo, and it is opposite to the fifth bridge, and joineth the Island with that part of Rome called Trastevere, and of old it was called Psquilinus, and Cestius, and it is sixty foot long, having but one Arch of stone. The eight bridge at the foot of the Mount Aventine, was of old called (XLI) Sublicius, because it was built of wood, in the war with the Tuscans, that it might be more easily broken and repaired. And we read that the Tuscans being Victors, had taken Rome, if Horatius Cocles had not defended the bridge, till it was broken down behind him, which done, he saved himself by swimming. After that Emilius Lepidus built this bridge of stone, and called it Emilius; and when it was broken with floods, first the Emperor Tiberius repaired it, and then Antoninus Pius built it very high of marble, & condemned men were cast from it into the water. This bridge being the first that was built over Tiber, now is not to be seen by any ruins.  
Rome by the great power of the Emperors, and since of the Popes, hath been long most famous, and was first built in Latium upon Tiber, fifteen miles from the Tyrrhene sea, (as the greeks write) by Ascanius, Eurilantes, Romulus, and Remus, Nephews to AEneas, or (as other greeks write) by the Achivi, or (as other greeks write) by the sons of Roma, a woman of Troy, married to the Latin King of the Aborigenes, which sons were Romulus and Remus, or (as Xenagoras writes) by the son of Ulysses by Circe, to omit many other opinions of the greeks. The Latin Historians do no less vary. Some say it was built by the sons of AEneas, namely, Romulus and Remus. Others say that Ascanius built Alba, and Remus built Capua, and Romulus built janiculum, after called Rome. But I omit these divers opinions, and will follow Leander the Friar, who saith that Rome the daughter of the King in Italy, built Rome the same year that Moses was borne. And when the City had been long forsaken, for the unwholesome air of the Fens adjoining, that evander coming from Arcadia into Italy, seated himself upon the Mount Palatine, and built a City called Palantium, of his City in Arcadia, and he being dead, that Hercules coming with an Army, left some of his consorts here, who built upon the Mount of Saturnius, after called Capitolinus. Before the destruction of Troy, for the unwholesome air, Rome being again forsaken, that the Albani began to dwell there in Cottages, and seed their flocks there. For by the continual over flow of Tiber, the field was made fenny, and the air unwholesome; but Historians write that upon sacrifices made to God Vertuno, these Fens by little and little were dried up. He add that Amulius took the Kingdom of the Albani from his brother Numiter, whose daughter Rhea a Vestal Virgin being great with child by Amulius, Mars, or any other, brought forth Romulus and Remus, and Amulius left them by Tiber to perish in the waters, but a she wolf said them, and after Faustulus overseer of all the flocks and cattle of Amulius, took them home, who coming to ripe years killed Amulius, and restored their Grandfather Numitor to his Kingdom: but themselves being desirous to build a City upon the Mount Palatine, at the foot whereof they had been cast out, Romulus drew with a plough the circuit of the City, of a quadrangular form, in the 430. year after the destruction of Troy, and in the year of the World 3211. He gave Mount Celius to be inhabited by Celius King of Toseany, aiding him against the Sabines, and then taking by force the Sabine women, and they making peace between them, he gave to Tatius and his Sabines for their dwelling the Mountains Capitolinus and Quirinalis, and to his brother Remus the Mount aventinus, and kept for himself and his men the Mountains Palatinus and Esquilinus, till the rest being dead, himself alone became Lord of all. The seven rocks were of old called seven hills, having a pleasant plain between them and Tiber: and this circuit is in form of a bend bow, the Tiber standing for the string. Romu'us made the City four square, but he being dead, Ancus Martius enclosed the Mount janiculus beyond Tiber, and Servius enclosed other Mounts on this side of the Tiber. Six Kings reigned two hundred forty three years in Rome, and Torquine being banished, it became a popular State, wherein Consuls yearly chosen did govern, and eight hundred eighty seven Consuls, in four hundred sixty four years, by forty three battles obtained the Empire almost of the whole world. In the mean time the Decemuiri (that is ten men) ruled for two years, and the Tribunes for Military affairs, having Consular power, ruled forty three years, and in the time of any difficult war, a Dictator was chosen, who with absolute power ruled till that business was ended, and there were no Magistrates for four years. At last julius Caesar with the title of perpetual Dictator, invaded the Empire, which being after divided into the Oriental and Occidental Empire, and the Occidental being destroyed by the incursions of barbarous Nations, the Bishops of Rome by little and little cast their Oriental Lords out of Italy, and erected a new Occidental Empire in France, that they might invade the power of the Roman Emperors, and of the heavenly jurisdiction upon earth, under pretext of Religion, by a new monster of a Roman wit, drawn from the supremacy of the Apostle Saint Peter.  
Pliny in his time makes the circuit of Rome twenty miles, and Vopiscus in the time of the Emperor Aurelius, makes the circuit fifty miles, but he joined to Rome all the neighbour villages. At this day if you add to Rome the two parts beyond Tiber, called Trastevere and Borgo, the circuit at the most is fifteen miles, for others say thirteen or fourteen, besides that a very great part of this circuit within the walls is not inhabited: and the walls not withstanding lie not upon their old foundations, neither are built of that matter, but as it pleased those who repaired them. Among which Belisarius governor of Italy, under the Emperor justinian, built Rome demolished by the Goths, and made the circuit of the walls less; and Pope Adrian the first, a Roman, the walls being fallen, built them as now they stand, and many of his successors have since added new ornaments to decayed Rome. But the old walls (as appears by some ruins) were built of four square stone, the rest are of divers building, as it pleased the repairers, and have a brick gallery to walk upon, under which men may stand dry when it rains; and they being ready to fall with age, have many round Towers, which in like sort are ready to fall. Rome at this day is troubled with the old overflowings of Tiber, by reason of the Tiber's narrow bed, not able to receive the waters, falling suddenly from near mountains, after great rain or melting of snow. For memory whereof, these inscriptions are upon the walls of the Church of Saint Mary sopra Minerva. In the year 1530. (if I be not deceived; for the first words are razed out) the Ides of October, Clement the seventh being Pope.  

Huc Tyber ascendit, jamque obruta totafuisset  
Roma, nisi celerem virgo tulisset opem:  
Thus far came Tiber, and all Rome had drowned,  
Had we not from the Virgin, swift help found.   
And there in another place this verse is written, in the year MUD.  

Extulit huc tumidas turbidus Amnis aquas.  
Thus far this muddy brooks water did swell.   
In each place is a red mark upon the walls how high the water ascended, by which it appears, marking the seat of the Church, that all the plain was overflowed between it and the Tiber. By reason of these floods, and for that the City is built upon the caves of old Rome, (which makes the foundations to be laid with great charge) and also by reason of the vapours rising from the Baths, the air of Rome is at this day unwholesome. The Romans drink rain water, and the troubled waters of Tiber, kept in cisterns, and they brag that it is proper to the water or Tiber, the longer it is kept to grow more pure. Surely strangers do not like that water, howsoever the Romans (making a virtue of necessity) do say that it was only made good to drink at Rome, and no where else, by the blessing of Pope Gregory the Great.  
Now being to describe the antiquities of Rome, I will first set down out of order the seven Churches, famous for the indulgences of Popes, which they say were built by the Emperor Constantine the Great. Then I will set down the rest in due order, as they are seated: And because I finished in haste the view of Rome in four days, I will distinguish the Antiquities into four days journeys.  
The first day being to visit these seven Churches, by reason of their distance, and the hast we made, I and my consorts hired each of us a mule, each man for two poli, and we never found our error till the evening, when we demanding the way of a man of mean sort, he replied thus with some anger; What do you ride to heaven, and we poor wretches go on foot without shoes to visit these holy Churches. By this we found our error, and were glad that we had passed that day without further danger. In general these Churches are bare on the Inside, without any pictures, except some few about the Altars. This day we first road to the chief Church, (A) dt S. Giovanni Laterano, seated upon Mount Celius, and built by Constantine the Great, in his Palace, and it hath a stately Font, in which that Emperor was baptised; and in the Church there be four most fair pillars of brass. The Church is sustained by four rows of brick pillars, and there hang certain banners taken from the French, and near the door the Popes, Sergius the fourth, and Silvester the second, are buried in low monuments. In the Church yard are old sepulchres, and little pillars of marble. near to this Church lie those holy stairs, whereof I spoke in my journey from Rome to Naples, when our Italian consorts went to pray for a happy journey, kneeling without the grates. But they that will have the grates opened, to pray there, use to creep upon their knees from stair to stair, and upon each stair to say a pater noster, and ave Maria. These stairs are twenty six in number, divided into three rows, and they be of marble, vulgarly called Scale Sante, and were brought from the house of Pilate in Jerusalem. It is not safe for him to inquire after relics, who will not worship them: yet to satisfy the curious, I will set down the chief by beare-say. Here they show a tooth of Saint Peter; a Cup in which Saint john drank poison at the command of Demitian, and had no hurt. The cloth with which Christ dried his Disciples feet, the heads of Peter and Paul, the rod of Aaron, the Ark of the covenant, the table at which Christ supped; three marble gates of pilate's house, the Image of Christ being twelve years old, with the like. Part of these (they say) were brought from Jerusalem by the Emperor Titus, yet he was no Christian, nor like to regard the monuments of Christ. One Chapel of this Church is called, Sanctum Sanctorum, and is thought to have been the Chamber of Constantine, neither may any woman enter it. To conclude, the place is showed here, in which many counsels have been held, and the Popes long dwelled here, before the Palace in the Vatican was built.  
The Church of (B) Saint Peter in the Mount Vaticano, joins to the Pope's Palace, they say it was built by Constantine the Great. The Popes have given full remission of sins to them that pray here upon certain days, and like remission for certain years sins, praying on other days; and the remission of the third part of all sins, praying there upon Saint Peter's even. And you must understand that all these Churches have some like indulgences. Here they show the bodies of Saint Simeon, and Saint Jude the Apostle, and Saint john Chrysostome, and of Pope Saint Gregory the Great: and the head of Saint Andrew and of Saint Luke the Evangelist, and half the bodies of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and Christ's face printed upon the handkerchief of Veronica, and the head of the spear thrust into the side of Christ, and among many pillars brought from Jerusalem, one upon which Christ leaned, when he did preach and cast out Devils, which yet hath power (as they say) to cast out Devils. Always understand that in Italy Priests that cast out Devils, are most frequent, neither are they wanting in any place where the Papists can hide their impostures. Great part of these relics they say were sent by the Turkish Emperor to Pope Innocent the eight. But I omit these things, into which none but Papists may safely inquire, and return to the monuments which lie open to every man's view. The Chapel is most rich in which Gregory the xiii. lies, and the stately sepulchre of Pope Paul the third hath most fair statues. The statue of Saint Peter of brass placed under the Organs, was of old erected to jupiter Capitolinus. In the Court of the Church (for I cannot call it a Churchyard) the Emperor Otho the second lies buried, in a low sepulchre of Porphry. There is a most fair Pineaple of brass, guilded, more than five cubits high, which they say was brought hither from the monument of the Emperor Andrian, in the place where the Castle of Saint Angelo now stands, (as likewise the Peacocks were brought from the Monument of Scipio.)  
The third Church of St Paul is without the (XIII) gate of St Paul, about a mile from the City, in the way to Ostia, and they say it was built by Constantine, and it stands upon eighty eight pillars of marble, in four rows, each pillar being but one stone, and it is adorned with marble stairs, and pictures Alla Mosaica, as if they were engraven, which are only in the chancel and near the door. The Popes have given great indulgences to these Churches, as well as to others. They show here the bodies of Saint Timothy, Saint Celsus, and Sant julian, Disciples to Saint Paul, and half the bodies of Saint Peter and St Paul, and a Crucifix which of old spoke to Saint Bridget, the Queen of Suevia, and many arms and fingers of Saints. near this Church is that of Saint Anastatius, where the head of Saint Paul being cut off, made three leaps, and in the place where it fell, they say there sprang up three fountains, which are there to be seen.  
The fourth Church of Saint (C) Mary Maggiore, is upon the Mount Esquiline: I will omit hence forward the indulgences and relics, lest I be tedious. This Church is adorned with forty pillars of Marble. The rich Chapel di praesepio, (so called of the cratch in which Christ was borne, being kept here) is stately adorned with the pavement engraved, the arched roof guilded, pictures Alla Mosaica as if they were engraven, the stately sepulchre of Pope Nicholas, and his statue of white marble. The Chapel of Pius Qutntus, built for him after his death by Sixtus the fifth, is adorned with the Victory painted in golden letters, which he and his confederates had by sea against Selimus Emperor of the Turks, and is adorned with statues guilded, with four Angels guilded, and precious stones, together with the rare Art of engravers and Painters.  
The fifth Church S. Lorenzo, is without the (VIII) gate of that name, in the way to Tiburtina, something more than a mile from the City, and it is said to be built by Constantine the Great. He that goes to this Church every wednesday in a whole year, shall deliver a soul from Purgatory, if the Pope keep his promise. It is adorned with a Pulpit of white marble, and most fair ophite stones, and at the door, with a sepulchre of Saint Eustacius, of white marble curiously carved, and another sepulchre opposite to that.  
The sixth Church S. Sebastiano, is without the (XII) gate of that name, more than a mile out of the City, in the way of Appius. Here is a place called Catacombe, and there is a well, in which they say the bodies of Saint Paul and Saint Peter did lie unknown a long time, and here is a way under earth to the Church yard of Calixtus, where they say the Christians lav hid, in the times of persecution; and that there were found 174. thousand which had been made Martyrs, and that eight of these were Bishops of Rome. Here on all sides with amazement I beheld the ruins of old buildings, and the sepulchre of the Emperor Aurelius is not far from this Church.  
The seventh Church (D) di S. Croce in Gierusalem, is seated between the gate Maggiore, & the gate S. Giovanni, upon the Mount Celius or rather Celiolus, being part of it, and it is said that Constantine the Great built it. Here they show a little vessel filled with the blood of Christ and the sponge which they gave him with vinegar upon the cross, and the title which Pilate writ upon the Cross, and one of the thirty pence which judas took for betraying Christ. And no woman may enter into the Chapel wherein Helena is said to have prayed, but once only in the year upon the twelfth of March. And this Church gives the title to a Cardinal.  
The second day we began the view of Rome with the (Q) Pope's Palace, seated in the part of the City, called Il'Borgo; which Palace Pope Nicholas the third built, and Nicholas the fifth compassed with walls, and the Palace is of great circuit, and the stairs are so easy, that Horses and Mules may go up to the top of the Mountain, and with easy ascent and descent bear the Pope's carriage. At the entrance there be three galleries one above the other, whereof the two first were built by Leo the tenth, and Paul the third, and the third and highest by Sixtus Quintus, and they are all fairly painted and guilded. Upon these lie two large chambers, and beyond them is a vast and long gallery of four hundred seventy and one walking paces, in the midst whereof is the famous Library of the Popes In vaticano; and therein are many inscriptions of the Pope Sixtus Quintus who repaired it, and it is adorned with many fair pictures guilded all over. I did fee the several rooms thereof. The first one hundred forty and seven walking paces long, had three rows of Cubbards filled with books: the second was thirty nine paces long; and the third containing the books of greatest price locked up, was twenty paces long. Pope Sixtus the fourth built this Library, with the Chapel of the Palace, and the Conclave. The wall of the Chapel shineth like a glass with precious stones: where the Pope Sixtus Quintus commanded Michael Angelo to paint the day of judgement, and the common report is, that this Pope promised this famous Painter that he would not come into the Chapel, till he had finished his work; yet by some Cardinal's persuasions that he broke his promise, and that the Painter thereupon made the pictures of the Pope and the Cardinals in hell amongst the Devils, so lively as every man might know them. Between this Chapel and the Conclave, (where they choose the Popes) lies a Kingly Gallery, not un worthily called vulgarly Sala Regia, (which others call Sala del Conclave). The wall of this Gallery in like sort shineth with precious stones, and the pavement is of precious marble, the arched roof all guilded, and at the upper end I wondered to see the Massacro of Paris painted upon the wall, with the Pope's inscription greatly commending that detestable cruelty. At the same upper end the foresaid Chapel (as you come up) lies one the left hand, and the Conclave on the right hand; in which Conclave the Cardinals meet to choose the Pope, divided into several rooms, but meeting at a common table, and when they have chosen him, they lead him into a Chapel at the lower end, and near the door of the said Kingly Gallery and place him there upon a hollow seat of Marble. I know not whether this be the chair, in which the sex of the Pope is tried, but I am sure it is hollow, with a hole in the bottom. After they put a Banner out of a high window, and there make known to the people the name that the Pope hath chosen, and then his arms are hung up round about. This Chapel at the lower end of the said Gallery, hath the name of Pope Paul the third, of the Family of Farnese, and it is little, and of a round form (as I remember), but it is beautiful beyond imagination. The images of the Apostles seem to be of silver, and Paradise painted upon the arched roof, with Angels flying, being the work of Michael Angelo, seemed to me admirable. Upon the other side of the said Library is the private Gallery of the Pope, looking into the Garden (3) Beluedere, which is seated upon the side of the Mount Vatican, where Pope Innocent the eight built part of the Palace, and called it Beluedere, of the fair prospect of all Rome subject to the eye. And Pope julius the second placed in this Garden many very fair statues, namely, of the River Nilus, of the River Tiber, of Romulus and Remus playing with the paps of a she-wolf, all being placed in the open Garden, and a most fair statue of Apollo, another admirable statue of Lycaon with his children, another of the boy Antoninus, whom the Emperor Adrian loved, another of Hercules another of Cupid, another of Venus, another of Cleopatra sleeping with her arm over her face, and bearing a Serpent, being a wonderful fair statue. And these are all locked up, and not to be seen without favour.  
Hence we went to the Castle (4) of Saint Angelo of old called Moles Adriani, for it was the Sepulchre of the Emperor Adrian, upon the top whereof was the Pineapple of brass, which before I said was since placed in the open Court-yard of Saint Peter's Church. This Sepulchre of Adrian called Moles (4) was demolished by Beasarius, in the war of the Goathes, upon the ruins whereof Pope Boniface the eight built this Castle, and Pope Alexander the sixth compassed it with walls and ditches, and placed therein a guard of Soldiers, and built from this Castle to the Pope's Palace an open and a close gallery, by which upon any tumult, the Pope may pass safely from his Palace to the Castle. And after Pope Paul the third built very fair chambers in this Castle. On the outside is the statue of Pope Pius the fourth, and within is the statue of Paul the third, upon which these verses are written of the Emperor Charles the fifth coming to Rome.  

E Lybia venit Romanas victor ad arces  
Caesar, & in niveis aureus ivit Equis.  
Ille triumphavit, sed tu plus Paul triumphas;  
Victor namque tuis oscula dat pedibus.  
With victory to Rome from Africa came  
Caesar, on milk white Horses, golden all.  
He Triumphed, Paul thy triumph hath more fame,  
This Conqueror to kiss thy feet did fall.   
In this Castle they show the head of Adrtan, the statue of Saint Peter, a bunch of Grapes of brass, the place where the Cardinal Caictan escaped out of prison, and a Trap-door where prisoners are let down into a dungeon. The chambers are built in a circle round about the great chamber in the midst, which is called Salaregia, and without is a round Garden within the walls, and upon the top of the Castle, in the place of the said Pineapple, is the statue of the Angel Michael, of which the Castle hath the name. The meadows of Qutntis Cincinates lie near this Castle.  
In the (5) Market place or field before the Church of Saint Peter (where of old was Metonianus Circus), Sixtus Quintus adorning Rome with many ornaments, erected an Obeliske seventy two foot high, upon the top whereof the ashes of julius Caesar were put of old: but in the year 1586 this Pope consecrated the same to the Cross, and put upon the top of it a Cross guilded, and beneath four Lions guilded. This Obeliske is vulgarly called La Guglia di S. Pietro. The globe, in which the ashes of julius Caesar were put, is now showed in the Capitol, and in the place thereof stands the said Cross, with the Arms of the said Pope.  
In this part of the City called Il Borgo, and in the very Marketplace before Saint Peter's Church, is another Church called Saint Marie In Campo Santo, because the yard thereof is all of earth brought from Jerusalem, wherein all strangers are buried, and they say, there bodies are consumed in three days. near that lies the Church of Saint Spirito (called also Sassia of the Saxons that of old dwelled there), and this is an Hospital for the sick, and for Orphans, the rent whereof is said to have been each day seven thousand Crowns, till Pope Sixtus Quintus did alien great part thereof to other uses, and still of the surplusage at the years end, many Orphen Virgins are married. The Chapel of Saint Angelo lies close to the Castle, and was built by the Pope, who singing the Leteny there in the time of a great plague, made the Romans believe, that he did see Michael the Angel putting up a bloody sword in the sheath, and hereof the Castle hath the name. And it is a School, or Fraternity of Gentlemen, like to our Companies in London. The Church of Saint AEgidius the Abbot, hath great concourse to it in the month of September, when Agues reign in Rome; for this Saint is the Patron for Agues.  
From hence we went out of (TWO) Borgo by the Gate Saint Spirito, and entered the second part of Rome Trastevire, by the Gate (XVI) Settimtana, where under the Church of Saint Peter Montorio, is the 〈◊〉 of Nero, that is a place to represent Naval fights, and near it is the like of julius Caesar. From this Church, to the Church Saint Honorio, is a Plain, wherein was the large and long Circus or Theatre of julius Caesar. In this part of the City the Church of Saint Cecilia gives the title of a Cardinal, and so doth the Church of Saint Grisogona. The said Church of Saint Mary in this part of the City, is the same which the old Romans called Taberna Meritoria, where they show a Fountain, whence (they say) that oil did flow abundantly, and run towards Tiber, the same night when Christ was borne; and this Church also gives the title of a Cardinal, and the old Romans called it Taberna Meritoria, of the soldiers nourished there, after they were past service by age or wounds. This Church of Saint Peter is seated upon the Mount janiculus, in which there is a stately Monument erected by Pope julius the third, to his uncle the Cardinal dt Monte. The Church of Saint Pancratius hath many stones of porphry, and gives the title of a Cardinal, and the Friars of Saint Ambrose dwell in this Monastery. The Church Saint Honorio is a Monastery, and gives the title of a Cardinal. near the gate called Ripa, was of old the Romans Armoury, of great circuit, lying upon the Tiber, the vast ruins whereof yet remain, and the people of Rome serving for more than two hundred years in the wars without any pay, was wont here to take Arms at their going forth, and here to lay them up at their return. And near this place he the meadows, given by the people of Rome to Mucius Scaevola, for his valiant behaviour with King Porsena.  
Hence turning to the left hand, we came to the (III) Island of Tiber, in which the Church of S. Bartholomew (of old consecrated to AEsculapius) is adorned with 4 stately pillars of porphry, it gives the title to a Cardinal. At the foot of the bridge (XXXIX) S. Maria, as you come out of the Island and enter into Rome, is the ruined house of Pontius Pilate, and opposite to that is the most ancient Church consecrated to the Moon, and upon the other side another to the Sun. Here also is the Theatre of Marcellus, and the porch of Mercury.  
Not far thence is a marble head, called Bocca della verita, that is, the mouth of truth, of a woman (as I remember) falsifying her oath, and bewrayed thereby; but others say it is the Idol of Rbea. Here also is the Church of Saint Mary, called the Greek School, in which Saint Augustine is said to have taught, but it is shut up. At the foot of Mount Aventine. (where the jews use to fish) if you look back, you shall see the ruins of the old bridge Sublicius (XLI) Thence going to the gate of Saint Paul, among vines, you shall see the ruins of one hundred and forty garners for corn, built of old by the Romans. In the pleasant meadow wherein the (XXXIIII) mount Testaceus lies, the Romans were wont of old to keep their Olimpike games. The sepulchre of (6) Caius Cestius is most ancient, rising in a pyramid, and the inscription shows it was built in three hundred and thirty days, which the common sort falsely thinks to be the Monument of Romulus. This monument of stone is compassed with walls, and it hath an inscription in great letters, but razed out. Some also think that it is the monument of Publius Sestius. From the gate of Saint Paul we returned into the City, and under the Church of Saint Gregory, where Laundresses continually wash, they say that of old the (7) Circus Maximut), or greatest Theatre) did lie between the Mount Palatine and the Mount Aventine, being more than a quarter of a mile long, and half a quarter broad, which was built by Tarqvinius Priscus for the hunting of Bulls, and running of Horses, and after was enlarged by julius Caesar and other Emperors, so as it received 260 thousand beholders, being adorned with pillars and commodious seats, and at this day the place is called Cerchi. near this place were of late three rows of pillars, one above the other; and this monument is called Il Setti zonio di Senero, of seven soldiers engraved thereupon, and is thought to be the sepulchre of Septismius Severus, but the Pope Sixtus the fifth pulled it down. near this place upon (XXIIII) Mount Aventine lie the Baths half ruined of Antonius Caracalla, built of brick, the large chambers whereof, almost innumerable, are of exceeding height, having many stones and pillars of marble, whereby it appears to have been a most stately work. The (8) church of S. Stephano Orotando, seated in mount Celius, gives the title of a Cardinal, and is possessed by Friars of Hungary, and it was a Heathen Church of Faunus. There lie old and high walls, said to have been part of the conduit bringing water to the Capitol. I have before spoken of the Church of (A) Saint john Lateran, being one of the seven Churches, and of Constantine's Font therein, and of the Chapel called Holy of Holies, and of the holy stairs. I will add that here is an Obeliske, called la Guglia, of old consecrated to the Sun, and brought out of Egypt, which julius Caesar, or Augustus, did direct in the Circus Maximus, but Pope Sixtus the fifth brought it hither, in the fourth year of his Popedom, and the year of our Lord 1588. and consecrating it to the Cross, set a guilded cross upon the top of it. This Obeliske, if it were of one stone, were to be preferred to that of Saint Peter, near the Pope's Palace, for otherwise it is higher and more curiously carved. I have spoken before of the Church (D) S. Croce in Gicrusalem, being one of the seven Churches, seated near the gate Maggiore. At the gate of this Church they show a place where the whores keep a feast upon the twenty of August, and there of old was the Temple of Venus. The Theatre of brick which is in this Church, they say was built by Statilius Tamrus. Hence returning into the City, we passed by a place, where of old was a monument called Trofei di Marie, erected to Caius Marius, triumphing upon jugurtha and the Cymbri, and they say that the ruins thereof were admirable, but now it is all defaced. near the stairs of the Capitol, they show a ruinous heap which some say, was this monument of Marius. Passing towards the Capitol, we did see a Triumphal Arch erected to Galienus, which of the Church adjoining is called the Arch of Saint Vito, and it is little perished with age.  
Concerning the Churches lying from the Capitol to the south parts of Rome: The Church of Saint Anastatia, that of Saint Mary In portico (of old dedicated by the Heathens to Pudicitia), that of Saint john, that of Saint Paul upon mount Celius, that of Saint Mary In Dominica, that of Saint Sistus, that of Saint Sabina upon Monnt Aventine (in which they show a stone cast by the Devil at the head of Saint Dominicke, and broken by miracle,) that of Saint Prisca (of old dedicated to Hercules) that of Saint Balbina upon Mount Aventine, that of Saint john at the gate Latina (where it is said Domitian cast Saint john into boiling oil, but he escaped without hurt) that of Saint Mary in Via, without the gate of Saint Paul, towards Ostia, all these Churches givetitles to Cardinals. near the Church of Saint Alexius, is a palm tree, whereof I remember not to have seen any other at Rome. In the Church of Saint Sava the Abbot, near the other upon Mount Aventine, be the sepulchres of the emperors Vespasian and Titus his son, of white marble, and the Altar hath two pillars of porphyry.  
The third day we began our view of Rome, at the (10) pillar of the Emperor trajan, erected to him making war against the Parthians, which he never saw, dying in his return. It is seated in a little market place, and was consecrated by Pope Sixtus the fifth to Saint Peter, whose Image of brass guilded over, is set upon the top thereof, with this inscription in Latin; Sixtus the fifth dedicated it to Saint Peter, the third year of his Popedom. The victories and actions of trajan are engraven upon it, and his ashes were of old placed in the top, and here also was the horse of trajan. This pillar is said to be one hundred twenty three foot high, and it hath within, two hundred twenty three stairs to the top, and forty four windows to let in light. Hence we turned towards the City, and came to (11) Campus Martius, near the hill Citorius, which now is called piazza Colonna, of the pillar of Antoninus Pias there erected, which Pope Sixtus the fifth dedicated to Saint Paul, setting his Image on the top, and it hath about one hundred and seventy stairs to ascend, and fifty six windows, and the outside is curiously engraven with the actions of Antoninus. The foresaid Campus Martius was the field of Tarquin the proud, which the people of Rome dedicated to Mars, for military exercises. near the Church of Saint Mary liberatrice dalle pene d'Inferno, seated in Forum Rominum, and near the (23) Arch of Settimius was of old the Temple of Vesta, where her Virgins kept the sacred fire, and the Image of Minerva, and being convicted of unchaftity, were led out of the gate Salaria with silence and were buried alive, in a place there called Campus Seeleratus, being left or buried in a cave with a candle lighted, and water and milk. near this Church are most high pillars of the ruins of a marble gallery, which Caligula built from the Capitol to the Mount Palatine. The (12) Church of S. Mary Soprala Minerva, is so called, for being of old consecrated to Minerva, and it gives the title of a Cardinal. Behind the Altar, is the statue of Pope Leo the tenth, and near it another of Clement the seventh, both of white marble; and another of Paul the fourth of brass. In this Church I did see the most proud procession of the Pope, and there was such a press to kiss his feet, as I had almost been carried by force to pass them, or undergo capital danger by refusal. The Church of (13) Saint Mary Retonda, was of old called Pantheon, and the building is most ancient and magnificent, being round in form, & having no window, but all the light coming from the open roof, whence the water falling is conveyed under the pavement, and it is about seventy walking paces large every way. The porch is borne up with fifteen marble pillars, each pillar being of one stone, and all of admirable beauty and bigness. The door is of brass, the walls of brick, with the inside covered with precious stones, and the pavement is of marble and porphyry. Marcus Agrippa son in law to Augustus built this Church, and dedicated it to jupiter the Revenger, and to Ceres, and to all the gods, whereupon it was called Pantheon. Not far thence are the ruins of the Bath of Agrippa, in a place called Ciambella, und near the Church of Saint Eustace, great ruins of the Baths of Nero are yet remaining. The place of old called (14) Circus Agonius, is now called lafoy piazza Navona, and it is the largest market place of Rome, wherein markets are kept every wednesday. The Romans used it to see plays and games of old, being a large place, yet of greater length than breadth. Here lies the Spaniards Church Saint jacobo, and many of that Nation dwell there; who upon Easter even, and upon festival times of their own Nation, use to make fireworks there, with many other solemn games. It hath three fountains, but the building is poor. At one end of this market place, in a corner of a street opposite to a public Palace, is the statue of Pasquin; upon a wall of a private house, which hath neither arms nor feet, they being cut off by passengers in the night. For all libels, even against the Pope himself, use to be made in form of a dialogue, and fastened upon this statue of Pasquine, and another of Marforio (whereof I shall speak after) they two bearing the persons one of the question maker, the other of the answeret. near the Church of (15) Saint Mary de la Consolation, as we came back into the City, our guide showed us a place, where the house of Ovid did stand. Concerning the Churches lying about the Mount Capitoline; that of Saint Mary In Acquiro, seated in the market place vulgarly piazza Crapanella, gives the title of a Cardinal. In the same market place is the monastery and Church of the Jesuits. The Church of Saint Mauro hath a little Obeliske erected. That of Saint Eustaeo gives the title to a Cardinal. near it lies the Church of Saint Lew is proper to the French, (for all Kingdoms and Provinces have their peculiar Churches at Rome.) The Church of Saint Apollinaris, and that of Saint Thomas In pariont, and that of Saint Laurence In Damaso and that of Saint Angelo Inpiscaria (which of old was confecrated to Inno) and that of Saint Nicholas In Carcere, do all give the titles of Cardinals. The Church and Hospital called Saint Mary del' Anima, is proper to the Dutch Nation. The Church and Hospital of Saint Thomas, vulgarly di S. Tomaso, is built for the English, and is seated near the (25) Palace of Farnest.  
The fourth day we began the view of Rome at the Marketplace, called (16) lafoy piazza di Fieri, lying in the way from the Island of Tiber, as you go to the Bridge of S. Angelo. Here was the house of the harlot Flora, who made the people of Rome her heir, whereupon the Romans to cover her shame, made her the goddess of flowers, and yearly kept her birth day upon the third of April, of which feast I shall speak after. This Marketplace is seated in the most inhabited place of Rome, among all the chief shops of Merchants. And therein the family of Orsini have a Palace, and near the same was the Theatre of Pompey, & his court or public house, pulled down because Caesar was therein killed. And from this Market place towards the Island of Tiber, lies the street of the jews. In the way from the Church of the Trinity, to the Mount Quirinalis, vulgarly called (17) Monte Cavallo, were the famous Gardens of Salustius, and near that Church was the Naumachia (that is the place to represent Naval fights) called of Augustus. near to the Church Saint Rocco, lies the (18) Sepulchre of Augustus called Mansoleum, the ruins whereof yet remain. He built it for himself and other Emperors, of a round form, and adorned it with stones of Marble and Porphery, and like pillars and Obelisks, placing his own statue of brass upon the top, so as they daily dig up goodly Images out of the Cave and Garden near it. The Pinnacle of this Monument Pope Sixtus the fifth removed to the Church Saint Marie Maggiore, and this monument with the Grove planted about it, reached from the Church Saint Rocco, to Saint Marie delpopolo. near to the Gate (IIII) deal Popolo lies the said Church of that name, under the Adtar whereof the bones of Nero were laid, which, they say, were kept by spirits, till Pope paschal by revelation from the blessed Virgin had warning to cast the bones into Tiber. Whensoever the Plague is in Rome, this Church is made one of the seven in the place of Saint Sebastian, with all the indulgences to it belonging, and it always carries that title. Here be two fair sepulchres, whereof one is for a Chancellor of Milan, the other for Pope Sixtus the fifth sister's son, both the work of Andrew Sansovine. The yard of this Church hath an Obeliske, almost as fair as that near Saint john Lateran, which Pope Sixtus the fifth also erected. Concerning the Churches from this Gate del popolo, to the (XXII) Mount Capitolino, the Church of Saint Laurence in Lucinia, that of Saint Silvester, that of the holy Apostles, that of Saint Marcello, and that of Saint Mark, do all give titles to Cardinals. near the Church Saint Silvester is the Monastery delle Convertite, that is, of Harlots repenting, and becoming Nuns. The Church S. Marry de Rione dellapigna, is a Monastery di Sante Donne miserabili, that is, of holy miserable women, and near that is another Monastery delle mal Maritate, that is, of women unfortunately married and left in want by their husbands. The foresaid Gate delpopolo, was repaired and beautified by Pope Pius the fourth. near it lies the most sweere Vineyard of Pope julius the third, and his pleasant Fountain, casting up water two else high. Not far thence is a triumphal Arch erected to Domitian, vulgarly called Portogallo. From this gate Delpopolo, towards the (V) gate Pinciana, and near the (17) Church della Trinita, we did see the Palace of the Florentine Cardinal de Medicis (who from a Cardinal became the Duke of Florence by right of succession).  
And this Palace was rich & stately, the stairs winding so artificially, as it was a beautiful sight to look in a perpendicular line from the top to the foot, and upon the stairs was a fair statue of Apollo. Hence there was a Gallery open on the sides towards the Garden, fuil of beautiful Images, of Lions, a she-wolf, a Ram, all of white Marble, with other Images, and very fair pillars. And the first Garden had only flowers; the second in the upper part, had a sweet Grove, and the lower part was full of fruit trees. There was a Fountain with a brazen Image of Mercury upon it. Upon a Mount called Pernasso, were many Images of white Marble, of Pegasus, of the Muses, and one of Cleopatra, fairer than that I saw in the Pope's Garden, with two Images of Cerberus, and another monster. There were two large Cisterns of Porphery. And in a Chamber were the Images, of a satire, a Nymph, and a Gryphon. Lastly, in the Grove were stairs paved with carved Marble, with figures of fishes, and there was a most fair statue of Europa sitting upon a Bulls back. The outside of the Grove was all of Fir trees, which are green in winter, but the inside had most pleasant walks among rows of many other kinds of trees. In this Grove was a most sweet Arbour, having four roofs, and as it were chambers, one above the other, the first whereof is twenty stairs from the ground, whence lay a most large and most fair Gallery of stone, under which was a most pleasant solitary walk, between two walls, all set with Orangetrees, and like fruit.  
The large way leading to the City's Gate Pia, was paved by Pope Pius the fourth, and hath on each side a pleasant walk, and is also called Pia of the same Pope, as the (VII) Gate is which he built. Between this Gate and the next of (VIII) Saint Laurence was of old a large Park, in which the people of Rome kept beasts to be hunted. Hence we went towards the Mount Quirinalis, vulgarly (XXVIII) Monte Cavallo, and under the most pleasant Vineyard of the Cardinal of Ferraria, were many Caves and old ruins, and there is a field, where in honour of (16) Flora (as I said formerly describing that Marketplace) the harlots of Rome kept a yearly feast, and dwelling in the foresaid Caves, used to run from thence naked into this field, with unspeakable liberty of speech and gesture.  
From hence passing a little lane, we ascended to (XXVIII) Monte Cavallo which is so called of two Horses of Marble set there, which they write to have been given to Nero by Mithridates' King of Armenia, the one wrought by Phydias, the other by Praxitiles. The common people holds one of them for Bucephalus, and thinks that Alexander holds his bridle, and that they were wrought by the foresaid engravers in emulation one of the other. But the far different age of Alexander, and the said engravers makes this opinion unprobable. Two men are engraven, who hold the bridles of the horses, as if they should lead them, and some think that they were made for two horses of Diomedes, which did eat man's flesh, and were tamed by Hercules. The Palace of Nero was near this Mount, and from thence they show some ruins thereof. This Palace (as histories do witness) did reach from Mount Celius to Mount Palatine, and to the furthest part of Mount Esquiline, and it was compassed with a lake, having within the circuit thereof, Meadows, Vineyards, Woods, and Parks, and all the house was guilded, and thereupon was called golden; it shined with ivory, and precious stones, and the great Hall thereof did move round like the World, casting out flowers and odours. From hence Nero saw Rome burnt with joy, and all this building was burnt in the time of trajan the Emperor; and when Nero had finished this house, he said, that he began then first to dwell like a man. Upon this said Mountain of the Horses, the Pope hath a stately Palace, which a Cardinal of Ferrara built, and he being dead, Pope Gregory the thirteenth seized upon it. The stairs are very fair, each having his pillar, and the ascent is most easy. I think a fairer Gallery can hardly be seen, being one hundred and twenty walking paces long. There is a Chamber wherein Pope Sixius the fifth died. A second wherein Ambassadors are heard. A third in which Cardinals are chosen. The Pope's study is very pleasant, and so is the Garden, having many Fountains, Groves, Labyrinths, a Rock artificially distilling water, and many most sweet Arbours. Moreover, on this Mount is the most fair Fountain of Pope Sixtus the fifth, called the Happy; for hither is the water brought from the stately Conduit without the Gate Maggiore, in the way (IX) Praenestina, reaching many miles, which was built by Pope Sixtus the fifth, with Imperial magnificence, in the year 1587. And this Fountain casteth out waters from the mouths of four Lions of white Marble. Likewise upon the same is the Image of Moses, striking the Rock with his Rod; and there be two other mouths lower to cast out water, and it is all engraven with the said history of Moses.  
Descending from this Mount, we did see in a private Gentleman's house an Horse of brass, esteemed at twenty five thousand pounds sterling, which Henry the second had placed at Paris (as they said), it death had not prevented him. Hence towards the East we went forward towards the Baths of Dioclesian, and by the way at the foot of the Mount of the Horses, we did see the Baths of Constantine. A man cannot sufficiently wonder at the ruins of Dioclesian's Baths, by which it seems they were of incredible greatness; and they report, that this Emperor compelled many thousands of Christians to work upon this building for many years. Under the earth are gates and divers passages of unknown extent. Upon these Baths Pope Pius the fourth in the year 1561 built the Church Saint Mary of the Angels, and with the consent of the people of Rome gave it to the Carthusian Friars. In the rooms of this Bath Pope Gregory the thirteenth, in the year 1575. built a Granary for Corn, and the said Church of Saint Marie is beautified with fair pillars thirty spans compass, and with exquisite pictures, especially those two near the Altar, of the Emperor Maximilian and his Empress. Hence we went to the Church of Saint (C) Marie Maggiore, being one of the seven Churches, and under this Church, upon a Hill near Saint Potentiana (which gives the title to a Cardinal) of old were the Novatian Baths. And upon Mount (XXVI) Esquiline, near the Church Saint Laurence In Palesperna, (giving title to a Cardinal) were of old the Olimpike Baths. And the said Church of Saint Marie is built, where the Temple of Isis stood, highly honoured of the old Romans. Pope Sixtus the fifth brought hither in the year 1587. the foresaid Obeliske, from the Sepulchre of Augustus near (18) Saint Rocco and it is the lowest and the least of all the Obelisks. Upon this Mount Esquiline was a place for burning dead bodies, but the Romans being offended with the smoke, Augustus gave that field to Maecenas, who made most famous Gardens there. Hereabouts lies the Chapel of Saint Luke, peculiar to the Painters, and there was a grove consecrated to juno. The Church of Saint Anthony is little, but full of fair pictures, and in the Vineyard of the Hospital, was the stately Church of Diana. And the famous Church of Mars was built, where that of Saint Martin now stands (which gives the title to a Cardinal). As we went from Mount Esquiline to the Theatre of Vespasian, we saw by the way a rare Monument, built by the said Emperor, or his son Titus upon Mount Esquiline. It hath nine Cisterns under the ground, and is vulgarly called Set sale, of seven several chambers, where of each is seventeen foot broad, twelve foot high, and one hundred thirty seven foot long, and hath four doors, which so answer one another, as a man may see all the rooms at once. near the Church of Saint Clement is the wonderful Theatre of Vespasian, vulgarly called Il Coliseo, in which the people were wont to see the fight of Fencers, the hunting of wild beasts, and like games, and it received one hundred and ninety (others say eighty five) thousand persons, and the outside was of old round, but the inside of Oual form, and as high as the top of Mount Celius. I observed the building now to be of brick, and the foundation to be sixty walking paces broad, and to have four rows of seats one above the other, and the inside from the foundation of the seats to be eight walking paces broad, and one hundred thirty and five paces long. The ruins of the like Theatre, but less, built by Statilius, lie near the Church (D) San'Croce.  
The foresaid Church of Saint Clement gives the title to a Cardinal, but the walls are all ruined, and this part is not inhabited, neither is the street paved from thence to the Church (D) S. Croce, in memory (as they say) of Pope joan, which being great with child, and having gone a folemne Procession from (A) Saint john Lateran, to the said Church of the (D) holy Cross, as she returned this way, amidst her pomp was delivered of a Child.  
near to the said Theatre of Vespasian lies the Triumphal Arch erected to Constantine the great, when he had overcome Maxentius, and it is most fair and curiously carved. near that is the Church of Saint Marie the new, which gives the title to a Cardinal, and in the Garden is a monument of the idol Serapis. The (22) Triumphal Arch erected to Vespasian, and Titus when he came from the destruction of jerusalem, hath but one Arch, and is less than the former erected to Constantine, but it is no less adorned with their actions engraven. near the said Church of Saint Marie the new, lie the vast ruins of the famous Temple of Peace, the roof whereof is richly engraven. near this is a kind of Gibbet, which they called of old Tygillum Sororium, that is, the sister's rafter, because when the Horatij three brothers had killed the Curiutij three brothers, yet only one of the Horatij remaining alive, he returning into the City, and finding his sister weep for her private loss in a day of public joy, killed her with his own hands, and for show of justice, was condemned to pass under this rafter, without further punishment, in respect of his desert in that battle. Upon mount Palatine of old was a Palace, now called vulgarly (XXIII) Ilpalazzo Maggiore, in which most of the Emperors did dwell, and upon the ruins thereof the deceased Cardinal Farnese had a pleasant Vineyard. And at the foot of this Mountain, near the Chapel of Saint Theodor, they say that Romulus and Remus were cast forth and nourished by a she-wolf: for they say, that Tiber of old did run this way, though now it hath changed the bed. The Church of Saint Cosmo gives the title of a Cardinal, and there the Temple of Romulus was of old seated. Also the Temple and Palace of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and his Empress Faustina, daughter to Antoninus Pius, were in this place. In the same field of old called the (11) Roman Market-place. I said before, that the Temple of the Vestal Virgins was seated, near the Church Saint Marie Liberatrice, which was also consecrated to Venus. There also in the field called Vaccino, three pillars are yet remaining of the ruins of the Marble Gallery which Caligula built, and those pillars are very high, and not far from them was the Lake or Gulf, into which Curtius cast himself for his Country's sake. The Triumphal Arch erected to L. Septimius Severus, for his victory against the Parthians, is curiously engraven with that war, and it is the fairest Arch, next that of Constantine, and it is seated at the foot of the Mount Capitoline, in the Market place, called of old Forum Romanum (for it began at the foot of the (XXII) Mount Capitoline, and reached to the foot of (XXIII) Mount Palatine, where now is the Church of Saint Cosmo.) And therein was a Monument erected, called la Ringhiera, from whence Orations were made to the people, and it is probable, that this was the place called Rostra, where Cicero made his Orations to the people, for Antiquaries agree that it was in this Marketplace. In which also at the foot of the Capitol, of old was a Pillar, called Milliare Aureum, which showed the way to all the Gates, and whether soever a man would go. There also at this day is a Church with a brazen door, where was the Treasury of the people of Rome, the gates whereof julius Caesar broke, and took from thence infinite treasure. near this place is the statue of jupiter Panarius (others say of the River Rhine) upon the head whereof stood one of the feet of Domitian's Horse of brass, and this statue is now called Marforio, and it is of Marble, lying at length as upon a Tomb, as that (14) of Pasquin stands upright against a wall, and upon these two Images are fastened all the libels of Rome, framed in manner of dialogue. This statue of Marforio was of late taken up by Pope Clement the eighth out of the valley, and placed upon this Mount before the Capitol, as appeareth by the inscription besides that the place was to be seen whence it was taken.  
Upon this Mount (XXII) Cápitoline, of old was seated the famous Capitol, and now there is the Senate house, the building whereof hath no magnificence. Between two Senate houses is a yard, in which lies the Rock Tarpeia; from the top whereof condemned men were cast of old. In the fore-yard of the Capitol, is a horseman's statue of brass, guilded, which was erected to the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and for the engravers art is held of inestimable price. Fron this place great part of Rome lies open to the eye in a sweet prospect. The foresaid statue was set in this place by Pope Paul the 3 in the year 1538. Thereby lies a foot statue of white Marble, & the fore said monument, (9) which Pope Sixtus the fifth, in the year 1590. removed to this place from the old monument erected to Coius Marius. There also is the foresaid statue of (23) Marforio which was taken away by the Consuls of Rome from the first place, and placed here by Pope Clement the eight. Here also is the pillar of Combat, and a most pleasant fountain built by Pope Sixtus the fourth, where lie two ancient Images of white marble of two rivers Tigris and Nilus. There be also three pillars brought from the Temple of Concord (where the old Senators of Rome did meet.) Within the Capitol or Senate house itself, we did see many most fair antiquities, namely, statues erected to julius Caesar, to Octavius, to Augustus, and to Marius seven times Consul; the Image of Hercules of brass guilded over, which was digged out of the ruins of the Temple of Hercules, in the time of Pope Sixtus the fourth, also the Images of Hercules his son, of jupiter, of Minerva, and of Ceres, all of marble, a head of brass upon which was engraven junius M. Brutus; two statues of young men, whereof one standeth upright in the habit of a servant, the other being naked, hath one foot above the other knee, with a needle in his hand to pull a thorn out of it, and both are of brass guilded over, and of admirable beauty. The Image of Aventine digged out of Mount Aventine, a brazen image of a she wolf which gave suck to Romulus and Remus, and it was made of fines imposed upon usurers, a brazen statue of AEneas, a brazen statue erected to Pope Sixtus the fifth, for repressing the banished men, another of marble erected to Pope Leo the tenth. We did see in the hall of judgement within this Capitol, the statues of marble erected to Pope Gregory the thirteenth, to Pope Pavi the third, and to King Charles made a Senator of Rome. Upon the sight of these, a Gentleman told us, that by a Law he was made infamous, who should make mention of erecting a statue to any Pope while he lived. In the foreyard of the Capitol, we did see the fragments of an huge Coloffus, and upon the wall near the stairs, the Triumphs of Marcus Aurelins, engranen in square marble stones. There we did also see marble fragments digged up under the Arch of Settimius, upon which were engraven the names of Consuls, Dictator's, and Censors, and under the very porch, the head of an Emperor, the pillar of Naval fights, the sepulchre of Settimius Alexander Severus, and of his mother julia Mammea, brought hither from the field of Fabricius; the image of Minerva, certain images of brass of the Monster Sphynx; the bones entombed of Agrippina niece to Augustus, and wife to Germanicus; the Image of a Lion devouring another beast, and certain ancient vessels to keep wine. Upon this Mountain, of old were sixty Temples; but of all other the Temple of jupiter Optimus Maximus built by Tarquin the proud, was most esteemed by the old Romans. From this Mountain we ascended by 128. broad stairs of marble (brought hither from the Temple of Quirinus upon Monte Canalle) to the Church of Saint Maria Ara Caeli, built upon the ruins of the Temple of jupiter Feretrius, and of the Palace of the Emperor Augustus. And upon these stairs were two statues erected to the Emperor Constantine, and the Church itself is adorned with many marble pillars and stones, and a Pulpit of porphyry, and it hath the name of an Altar, which they show there erected to the Son of the Virgin, by Augustus, who they say had read in the Oracles of Sybilia, that a Virgin should bring forth a son. The arched roof of the Church is richly guilded, and here Pope Pius the fourth consecrated the spoils taken from the Turks in the naval victory of him and his confederates, the memory whereof is there kept by an inscription upon a pillar. Also the Senate and people of Rome, have here erected a table to Pope Paul the third, upon which is written in golden letters, that while he was Cardinal, he erected here many ancient monuments digged up in Rome at his own charge. On the other side of the Mount Capitoline, (towards the West as I remember) at the very foot of the mountain, is the Tullian prison, appointed for that use by the old Kings Ancus martin's and Tullus, in which they say the holy Apostles Peter and Paul were imprisoned; and at this day there is a Church under the earth, called Saint Peter In Career.  
The (24) Theatre of Marcellus son to the sister of Augustus, is near the Palace of the Family Savilla. Not far thence towards the fish market, was the Porticus of Octavia, sifter to Augustus, but no ruins now remain thereof. The (25) palace of the Cardinal Farnese is seated in a plain, being one of the fairest in Rome, which for the dignity of such a City, hath very few stately Palaces. Here I did see an admirable statue, cut out in one stone, of a Bull treading a woman under his feet, with the Images of two brothers standing upright, and of a hunting dog, with the figure of a high Rock. Concerning the Churches which we did see in this days journey. The (23) Church of Saint Adrian in the market place called Romanum, or Boiarium. The Church of Saint Peter and Marcellanus (between the (20) Theatre of Vespasian and the Church (A) S. Giovanni in Laterano, the Church of Saint Matthew, in the way towards (C) Saint Mary Maggiore the Church of Saint Pietro in vincula (upon (XXVI) Mount Esquiline, (where is a sepulchre of white marble of Pope julius the second, adorned with fair statues, namely, one of Moses of the rare work of Michael Angelo,) the Church of Agata, upon the same mountain, the Church of Saint Vito In Macello, the Church of Saint Eusebius (near the mounment called (9) Trofei di Mario the Church of Saint Prasside, seared near (C) S. Maria Maggiore whose chapel called Horto del Paradiso, no woman may enter), the Church of Saint Quirico, the Church Saint Susanna upon (XXVIII) Monte Cavallo, the Church Saint Vitallis: All these Churches give the titles of Cardinals. The Church Saint Costanza, is a long mile out of the (VII) gate Pis and was of old dedicated to Bacchus, where is a most fair sepulchre and large, of porphry, ten ordinary spans deep, and fifteen long, curiously engraven with boys quaffing, and bearing cups of wine, as in a Feast of Bacchus, which some think to be the sepulchre of Constantia a Virgin, daughter to Constantine, but the engraving like a Feast of Bacchus seems more ancient, and to be wrought by the Heathen Romans, and it is vulgarly called the sepulchre of Bacchus. This Church is of a round form and little, but very fair, and borne up with twelve rows of marble pillars, set in a round compass. near this lies the Church of Saint Agnese, having doors of brass, where the Lambs are kept, whereof the Pals of Archbishops are made, which the Pope so dearly sells.  
At my first coming to Rome I lodged in a public Inn, and paid three giulij each meal, then as I have written, I hasted my journey to Naples, and after returning to Rome, I hired a chamber by the day, and bought my own meat, but my haste to be gone, made me not to note my particular expenses. Only I remember that they who sold any thing in the market, used to look into the hands of the buyers to see whether they brought silver or brass coin, and thereafter made their price; whereupon many showed silver, till they had bought, and then paid in copper, which the people durst not refuse. And from hence it was, that in a solemn pomp, when the people fell on their knees before the Pope, and I thought they only expected his blessing, they all cried out; Holy Father command that we may have white bread, and that the Gentlemen may be forced to take our brass quatrines: so as it seems they refused to receive them. I scarce bought my meat one or two days in Rome: For after I had been with Cardinal Allen, I formerly said, that to shun the company of his Englishmen, I changed my lodging, and myself and two Dutch Gentlemen my consorts, took a chamber in a victualling house, close under the Pope's Palace; and each of us paid for our bed each night one or two baocci, and bought our meat in that house, agreeing for the price before we did eat it, and so being ready upon all events of danger, and having no carriage to trouble us, we hoped if need were to escape; yet still I rested much upon the Cardinal's promise, and being free from Englishmen company, and having two honest Dutch Gentlemen for my consorts, both borne in the Palatinate of Rhine, where they profess the same religion as in England, I did with more security set myself freely to satisfy my curiosity in the view of Rome.  
After being desirous to see the mouth of Tiber, where it falls into the sea, I went out of the gate of Saint Paul, and having the narrow bed of Tiber on my right hand, passed twelve miles to Ostia, through fruitful hills of corn, and a vast wood at my journeys end. Here is a strong Castle seated in Latium, and belonging to the Popes of Rome, which Pope Martin the fifth built, and Pope julius the second did more strongly fortify, but nothing remains of the stately buildings of that City, but some poor houses. Strabo writes, that King Ancus Martius first built this City, in a soil to which the River brought much dirt. It is certain that of old the ships did cast Anchor without the Haven of the City, and sent their goods to Rome in Galleys and Barks drawn up by a rope, the Haven being not so deep to bear them. The Citizens were free from Tribute, to make them dwell there, the air being then (as also at this time) very unwholesome. Now the Tiber seems to end here in a Lake, and the waters run in little channels under the paved high ways. The Haven of trajan is a mile and a half from the Town, being broad enough, but so barred with sand and like matter, as no ships can come to it; and only small Barks sometimes pass from Naples and near places to Rome, and that very seldom. The foresaid Haven was first built by Claudius, then repaired by trajan, and called of his name, of which Suetonius writes thus in the life of Claudius; He made the Haven of Hostia, drawing an arm on the right and left side, and making a bar at the entry, where it was deep, which bar, that he might make more stable, by Art, he sunk the ship wherein the great Obeliske was brought from Egypt, and upon piles heaped up, placed a most high Tower, like to the Pharo of Alexandria, out of which light was hung out by night, to direct the ships, etc.  
When trajan repaired this Haven, the City Portuensis was built on the other side of Tiber, towards the Southeast, in the soil of Toscany, the Bishop whereof is one of the seven Cardinal's assistant to the Pope. The branch of Tiber falling from Hostia and dividing itself, maketh an Island compassed with the sea, on the other side, in which are many ruins of stately houses and great stones of Marble. This Haven seeming of no use, and barred up for the security of Rome from any Naval siege, the only Port that Rome hath, is called Citta'vecchia, seated upon the shore of Tuscany between the foresaid Hostia and Ligorno, the chief Haven of the Duke of Florence. In this haven of Rome, of old called Centum Cellae, and after ruined by the Saracens, and after built again, the Popes of Rome (possessing many places in the neighbour soil of Toscany) did build a strong Castle, and called it Citta Vecchia. I returned from Ostia to Rome the same day, and paid five giulij for my Mule, and two for my dinner.  
I had purposed to see the famous Garden of the Cardinal of Ferraria at Tivoli, (whereof I spoke in my journey to Naples:) but Easter was now at hand, and the Priests came to take our names in our lodging, and when we demanded the cause, they told us, that it was to no other end, but to know if any received not the Cummunion at that holy time, which when we heard, we needed no spurs to make haste from Rome into the state of Florence.  
Only I had an obstinate purpose to see Bellarmine. To which end having first hired a horse, and provided all things necessary for my journey to Sienna; and having sent away my consorts to stay for me, with my horse and boots at an Inn in the Suburbs, that I might more speedily escape, if my purpose succeeded not: I boldly went to the Jesuits College, and Bellermine then walking in the fields, I expected his return at the gate, the Students telling me that he would presently come back; which falling out as they said; I followed him into the College (being attired like an Italian, and careful not to use any strange gestures; yea, forbearing to view the College, or to look upon any man fully, lest I should draw his eyes upon me). Thus I came into Bellermines chamber, that I might see this man so famous for his learning, and so great a Champion of the Popes: who seemed to me not above forty years old, being lean of body, and something low of stature, with a long visage and a little sharp beard upon the chin, of a brown colour, and a countenance not very grave, and for his middle age, wanting the authority of grey heirs. Being come into his chamber, and having made profession of my great respect to him, I told him that I was a French man, and came to Rome for performance of some religious vows, and to see the monuments, especially those which were living, and among them himself most especially, earnestly entreating, to the end I might from his side return better instructed into my Country, that he would admit me at vacant hours to enjoy his grave conversation. He gently answering, and with gravity not so much swallowing the praises I gave him, as showing that my company should be most pleasing to him, commanded his Novice, that he should presently bring me in, when I should come to visit him, and so after some speeches of courtesy; he dismissed me, who meant nothing less than to come again to him.  
The very same hour at ten in the morning, upon the Tuseday before Easter, I came to my consorts in the Suburbs, and presently we took horse after a short breakfast. The way from Rome to Sienna is thus vulgarly noted: A Borgetto, six miles, a l' Isole, one; a Bacchano, six; a Monterose, five; a Sutri, four; a Roneignone, three; a lago di vigo, one; a viterbo, seven; a Monte fiaschoni, seven; a Bolsena, seven; a San' Lorenzo, four; a Acquapendente, six; a Recorseto a la Paglia, twelve; a Scanciericho, four; a Buon' Conuento, seven; a Saravalle, four; a San' Michaele de la Seala, six; a Sienna, six; In all from Rome to Sienna ninety six miles. I will follow my Italian consorts in describing this journey, who do not much differ from this vulgar number of miles, each of us paid fifteen paoli for his horse from Rome to Sierra, and we had but one Vetturine, who went with us on foot, for the Italians use to ride a slow pace, and he was to bring back our horses, and to pay for their meat and for his own. The first day after breakfast we road twenty two miles to Monterose, through fruitful hills of Corn, and some wild barren fields, and Woods at our journeys end. After we had rode five miles, we came to a monument lying upon the high way, and called the Sepulchre of Nero, in the place where he killed himself, when the Senate had condemned him. And when we came to the little Town Bachano, I observed the mountains to compass it in the form of a Theatre with a Lake in the midst, like the mountain Astrumo near Naples. Out of this Lake comes a Brook called Cremera, upon the bank whereof three hundred Fabiuses with five thousand of their followers, of old were killed in one day. Bacchano of old called Campagnano, hath the name of Bacchus. And it gives the name to the Territory, and to the Wood near it, which is infamous for robberies. Monterose is subject to Pope Clement the eighth (then living) his Nephew (so they call their bastards;) and though it be seated within the old confines of Hetruria, yet now it is under the Pope's dominion. Here we supped at an Ordinary (vulgarly All pasto) and each man paid four giulij, and all the company complaining that so much was demanded for our supper, the Host so thundered among us like the bragging soldier, as he soon made both strangers and Italians glad to be quiet. The second day in the morning we road eight miles to Lago diVigo, where we broke our fast, upon reckoning (vulgarly all conto) and each man paid eight baocchis. After breakfast we road fourteen miles to a little City Monte fiaschoni, having passed by the way the City Viterbo, where Pope Celestine the third placed a Bishop, and made it a City. Of old it was governed by Princes borne in the Town, till upon civil dissension between the Family of Gatti (aided by the Roman Family Colonna) and the Family Magancesi (aided by the Roman Family Orsini), the Pope brought the City into his subjection, about the year 1446. A most high Mountain lies near Viterbo, bearing Chestnuts, and a great Wood of Oaks, infamous for robberies, where we did see many quarters of thieves hanging upon the trees. The way to Viterbo was through a fruitful Plain of corn, and beyond this Mountain were store of Olive trees & Vines. Viterbo was of old called Faliscum, and it hath 3 Cities within the walls: but we passing suddenly through it, I observed nothing markable but a fair Fountain in the Marketplace. The way from thence was through a fruitful Plain of Corn to the said little City Montefiaschoni, seated upon a high Hill, at the foot whereof begins the Lake of Bolsena, and it is subject to the Pope, having no singular thing in it, but the white and red Muskedine, one of the most famous Wines in Italy. Here we three Consorts had two beds for ten baochis, and we supped upon reckoning, and each man paid two giulij. The third day in the morning we road eight miles by the Lake Bolsena, through a Plain of Corn having woody Hills of Oaks, not far distant, with store of Chessenut and Olive trees. In this Lake there is an Island, which the Queen Amalasuenta, famous for her wisdom, was killed by the command of the King of the Ostrogothes. And in the Castle of Balsena they show a piece of bread consecrated for the Lords Supper, which being in the hand of a Priest not believing that it was the very body of Christ, did shed blood, (as they say, who have many such lying Miracles). Then we road six miles to the Castle Acquapendente, through a plain of Corn, where each man paid one giulio for his dinner upon reckoning. After dinner we road through wild Mountains bearing little Corn, twelve miles to the Brook Paglia, running under the Castle Redicofani, and dividing the States of the Pope, and the Duke of Florence, and we road further in the State of Florence four miles to a Country Inn, (as I think called Scancicricho) where each man paid three poali and a half for his supper at an Ordinary (vulgarly All pasto), having almost nothing but red Herrings and Salads to supper. The fourth day in the morning, upon the last day of April after the new style, in the year 1594, we 
Anno 1594.  road thirteen miles to a Country Inn, through high Hills of Corn, and for the greater part very fertile, where each man paid seven baochis for his breakfast.  
The same day we road eighteen miles to Sienna, through most pleasant Hills, and a fertile Plain of Corn, with store of Vines on each side, and many Palaces of Gentlemen, (so they call their houses, built of Freestone, with a low roof, and small magnificence), and most frequent dwellings of husbandmen. We came to Sienna the Friday before Easter day, and in a public Inn each man paid three real for his Supper.  
The next day I went to Fiorenza for money, and road through Woods and fruitful Hills to the Castle Poggio (walled towns being called Castles) and after through stony Mountains bearing Corn and Olives, till I came to the Village Tavernelle, being seventeen miles from Sienna, where I paid two real for my dinner upon reckoning. After dinner I road fifteen miles to Fiorenza, through stony little Mountains, bearing great store of Olives, Almonds, and Chessenuts, and many Poplar trees, and towards our journeys end, store of Cedar trees; and we passed by innumerable Palaces of Gentlemen, and a most fair Monastery called la Certosa, and a desert Rock, upon the top whereof an Eremite dwelled all alone. This Territory yields great store of Pine-trees, the boughs whereof are thick and round at the top, but the rest of the tree hath neither boughs nor leaves, and it yields a very great Nut, with very many kernels in one shell, which are pleasant in taste, and much used here in Banquets. By the way I did meet a Dutch Lady, with her Gentlewomen, and manservants all in the habit of Franciscan Friars, and not only going on foot, but also barefooted, through these stony ways; and because they were all (aswell men as women) in friars weeds, though I looked on them with some suspicion, yet I knew not their sex or quality, till upon inquiry at Florence, I understood that the Duchess of Fiorenza (or Florente) hearing that some women were passed by in friars apparel, and thinking they were Nuns stolen out of their Cloisters, did cause them to be brought back unto her, and so understood that upon penance imposed on them by their Confessor for the satisfaction of their sins, they were enjoined to go in that friars habit barefooted to Rome; whereupon she dismissed them with honour.  
I forgot to note what I paid for my horse from Sienna to Florence, whether we came upon Easter day, and there I lodged in the Dutch Inn, and paid three real each meal. But I did not at this time view the City, deferring it till my return.  
The next morning I took my journey to Pisa, that by often removing, I might shun all question of my religion, into which they use more strictly to inquire at this time of the year, when they use to observe who receives not the Sacrament: for howsoever there be less danger of the Inquisition in this State, yet the Duke using not, and scarce being able to protect those that rashly give open offence, I thought good thus warily to avoid these snares. I went this journey on foot, meaning leisurely to see the next Cities, so little distant one from the other, as they were pleasant journeys on foot, especially in so pleasant a Country. The first day in the morning I walked ten miles to the Castle Prato, through the pleasant Valley of the River Arno. This pleasant Castle (or walled Town) is of a round form, having (at the very entrance) a large Market place, wherein stands a fair Cathedral Church, adorned with many stones of marble: and here I paid twelve creitzers for my dinner.  
In the afternoon I walked ten Italian short miles to the City Pistoia, through a most pleasant plain called the Valley of Arno, tilled after the manner of Lombardy, bearing 
Pistoia.  Corn and Wine in the same field, all the Furrows being planted with Elms, upon which the Vines grow. This City is seated in a Plain, and compassed with Mountains, which on other sides are somewhat distant, but on the northside hang over the same, and here (as likewise at Prato and Florence) the streets are paved with broad free stone, most easy to walk upon. And the Cathedral Church is stately built, and the pavement is of Marble curiously wrought, like the Church of Sienna. The City hath the name (in the Latin tongue, as also in the Italian) of a plague which invaded the City, when the Troops of the Rebel Catilina being overcome, fled thither, whose posterity being seated there, hath nourished a greater plague by perpetual factions, showing thereby of what race they came. Desiderius King of Lombardy compassed the City with a wall. After the Florentines about the year 1150 subdued this chief City of Hetruria, under whose government, first the faction of the Neri and the Bianehi broke out, and defiled the City with murders, which being extinct, the faction of the Cancellieri and the Panzaditi began, which lasted almost to our time, with incredible hatred and murder. But of late times, the Duke of Florence published an Edict, that upon great penalty, no man should wear any Roses, or other signs of faction, which till that time they did bear upon the parts of their body, where they might most easily be seen. From hence I walked three miles through little Mountains to Saravale, and two miles to Povanni, where the Plain begins to open; and three miles to the Brook Pescha, where I paid a Creitzer for my passage by boat, and five miles to Borgo nuovo, through mountains full of Chessnuts and other nut trees, and eight miles in the territory of Lucca, through a large plain, to a solitary Inn, called La Moretta. By the way I paid (upon reckoning) on real and a half for my breakfast, and in this Inn I lodged, and paid (at an ordinary) three real for my Supper.  
The next morning I walked one mile to Lucca; the Emperor Charles the fourth 
Lucca.  made this City free, which hath kept the Liberty to this day, governed by Senators, but lives in perpetual fear of practices against this liberty from the great Duke of Florence. It is seated in a plain, and strongly fortified, and compassed with Mountains on all sides, but somewhat distant, and only lies open on the side towards Pistoia, being two miles in compass, and having about thirty four thousand Inhabitants. The strectes are narrow, and paved with broad free stone, most easy to walk upon. The Palaces of the chief Gentlemen are built of free stone, with a low roof after the Italian fashion, and they have many pleasant Gardens within the walls. In the corner towards Northwest by North is a strong castle, near which lies the Cathedral Church, stately paved with Marble, but very dark, as most of the Papists Churches are built, either because they think darkness increaseth Religion, or to make it an excuse for their burning candles in the day. There also lies the Senate house; and all the Inns are in one street, that they may more easily look into strangers, for any practice against their liberty; for which cause no man may wear any weapons in the city, nor so much as a knife, except the point be blunt These Citizens first spread through Italy the Art of making silk, and weaving it into clothes, and by this traffic they have very rich families Here I paid (at an Ordinary) o real for my dinner and supper. From Lucca I walked, miles through a pleasant Plain, to the Mountain of Pisa, which divides the Territories of those two Cities, and it is very high & stony, yet is full of Rosemary, Time, and sweet smelling herbs, & the passage of it is 2 miles long. After I went 3 miles through fenny ground, often overflowed with the River Arno, and came to Pisa. Arno is a little River 
Pisa.  talling from the Apennine Mountains near Florence, through which City it runs, and so passeth through a most pleasant and fruitful Plain to Pisa, through which City it also runs; and by reason of the narrow bed, and the near Mountain of Pisa, is subject to overflow upon any great rain, so as with great hurt it drowneth the fields of Pisa, and those that lie from thence to the Sea. Pisa of old famous for navigation, was made free by the Emperor Charles the fourth, about the year 1369. But long after it was the second time sold to the Florentines by Galeacius Viscount of Milan. Then they practised with the French to recover their liberty, when Charles the eight passed that way to conquer Naples, till they were the third time subdued by the Florentines; since which time the family of Medici invaded the liberty of Florence, together with that of Pisa, under the title of Great Duke of Florence, which they hold to this day. But when Pisa was thus brought in subjection to Florence, many of the chief Citizens chose rather to live at Venice, and other places, in perpetual banishment with their posterity, then to be subject to the Florentines Pisa was of old called Alpheo, of the builders coming from their dwellings near 〈◊〉 a River in Greece. The brook Arno runs from the Last to the west through Pisa, seated in a Plain, and towards the northwest by North is a Gate, and a most fair Cathedral Church, paved with Marble curiously wrought, & having a most fair pulpit In which Church, near the high Altar, is the Sepulchre of the Emperor Henry the seventh, whom Plutina and many Germane Writers affirm, to have been poisoned by a wicked Monk of the Order of the Predicants, at the Communion of our blessed Lords Supper. Upon this monument these words are written in Latin.  
In this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be despised, are contained the bones of Henry the seventh, Count of Luceburg, and after the seventh Emperor of that name, which the second year after his death, namely 1319. the twentyfive day of the Sextiles, etc. were brought to Pisa, and with great honour of funer all laid in this Church, where they remain to this day.  
The steeple is near the Church but fevered from it, which seems to threaten the salling from the top to the bottom, but that is done by the great Art of the workmen, deceiving the eye; for it is as strongly built as the Church. I ascended the same by two hundred and forty stairs of marble, in which ascent it hath seven galleries on the out side. Not far then to is a yard used for common burial, called the holy field, vulgarly Campo Santo. In which the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, returning from Hic usalem, did lay great stone of that earth, which he had used for ballast of his ships; and they say that dead bodies laid there, doe-consume in a most short time. This yard is compassed with a building all of Marble, which lies open like a Cloister, (we call it a terras) and the same is covered with lead very sumptuously, having in breadth 56 pillars, and in length 189. each distant from the other thirteen walking paces. So as (in my opinion) this yard for burial is much more stately, than that most fair yard for the same purpose, which I formerly described at Leipzig in Germany, called in Dutch Got saker. In this place is a sepulchre stately built of marble of divers colours, with this inscriptjoin Latin; Pope Gregory the thirteenth, borne at Bologna, commanded this to be made, so the most 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Lawyer john Buon' Compagno, his brother by the Father's side, deceased in 〈◊〉 the year 1544 at Pisa, where he was chief Professor of that Law. Here I did see another sepulchre with this inscription in Latin; To Matthew Curtius' Physician. Duke Cosmo made this at his own charge, in the year 1544.  
At the West corner of the City, is the Armoury, vulgarly called L Arsenalo, where they build and keep the Duke's Galleys, which were there at this time no more than seven in number; for the Duke used to send out in summer time some two or three Galleys, (and seldom any more) to spoil the Turks, which he might do more boldly, because the Florentines have no cause to fear the Turks, since they use no traffic by sea, but send out their silks and other commodities by strange ships, and only take care to entertain those Merchants well, who bring them corn and victuals by sea. At the same West corner of the City, is a bridge of brick over the River Arno, built high in the midst, with three Arches, under which the boats pass. And towards the East there be three other like bridges. near the first bridge is another gate of the City, leading towards the sea, and near the same, is the most sweet walk, that ever I beheld. It hath in breadth some five rows of trees, on each side, and a like distance of green grass between those trees, but it reacheth in length many miles; and out of the River Arno are drawn two ditches, which run all the length of it, one upon each side: so as the Citizens in summer time, use to take boat in Arno, at their doors, with a a basket of victuals; and so many Families of them, passing by the ditches on both sides the walk, sit down a good distance the one from the other, and there sup and converse with great pleasure. On the South side of the City a strong Fort lies near the wall, and there is the third gate of the City. In the midst of the City upon the bank of Arno, is the Palace of the Duke of Florence, and there is a statue erected to Ferdinando the Duke then living, who much favoured this City, in which he was borne. Not far thence is a little, but most fair Chapel, all of marble, built in the form of a Thorn, vulgarly called La Capella jesus di Spina. The pleasant seat of the City, the courtesy of the Citizens, and my desire to converse with the Professors of the University, made me spend some days in this City, where I paid by the day for my chamber and bed three creitzers, and my Host was tied to buy and dress such meat for me as I desired, wherein I spent some three Giulij by the day, and if I had purposed to stay long, I might have lived well at a more easy rate.   

CHAP. III. Of my journey to Ligorno, my return to Florence, and to Sienna, and the description of these Cities. Of my journey by Land to Lirigi, (in which again I passed by Lucca and Pisa,) and by sea to Genea, with the description of that City, and my journey by Land to Pania, to Milano, to Cremona, and to Mantous, with the description of the Cities, and of my return to Padena.  
I Hired a horse for three Giulij from Pisa to Ligorna, an Haven of this state, which Ftolomy of old called Liburuum, (of which name there is another Haven between Istria and Dalmatia), and Cicero called Labro. Not far from Pisa I passed by boat the brook Serpe, running from Lucca; and paid two creitzers for passing my horse, and one for myself. Then for three miles I road upon a paved way, and thirteen miles more through a plain of pasture, full of many woods and Lakes, which lakes and fenny grounds, lying near Pisa, make the air unwholesome some möneths of the year, and the Citizens much subject to sickness.  
So after sixteen miles riding, I came to Ligorno, which was of old fortified by the Pisans, and those fortifications were demolished by the Genoest, in the year 1297. but peace being made between them, this place returned under the command of the Pisans, and they being after subdued by the Florentines, this place came also into their hands; and when the French King Charles the eight, in the year 1494. restored the Pisans to liberty, this place followed their fortune; till the Pisans again being subdued by the Florentines in the year 1509. this place also returned to their subjection. It is said to have the name of Ligornus son to Phaeton. Cosmo de Medicis, Duke of Florence, began to fortify again this ancient Town, and to measure out the circuit and the streets thereof. And Duke Francis took upon him to go forward with this unperfected work; and he being dead, Duke Ferdinand his brother, at that time living, brought it to the form of a most strong Fort, and fair City. And at this time the streets began to be replenished with houses, for the Duke made this place as it were a sanctuary to offenders, upon whom he used to impose for punishment, either to dwell there for ever, or at least for some years, and to add one or more houses to the building: so as the City was now fair and populous, but it was filled with Citizens guilty of crimes, and of no civil conversation. Myself hearing that they were such men, perhaps out of prejudicate opinion, did think their looks barbarous, which made me look more warily to myself, and to those things I had with me. The City is seated in a plain, somewhat longer from the North to the South, than it is broad from the East to the West; and the sea lies upon it, partly on the North, and partly on the South, and altogether on the West side. And it hath one Tower on the North side, and another one the South side, reaching into the sea, out of which they hang lights by night to direct sailors: and between these Towers, full on the West side, there is a Haven for great ships further out into the sea, and also near the City and compassed with the walls thereof, are two Havens for Galleys and small Barks. The River Arno running from the East to the West, passeth by the City on the North side, and there falls into the sea; and at the corner on the North side is a strong Fort. Here I paid (upon reckoning) two giulij for my supper, and as much next day for my dinner, and returning to Pisa by water, I paid seven creitzers for my passage.  
Two weeks being thus spent, I thought good to return to Florence, that I might receive my money, which I had not received before, because for fear of the inquisition, I only stayed there Easter day in the Dutch Inn. Therefore hiring a horse for four giulij, I road forty miles to Florence, through the pleasant valley of Arno, partly tilled after the manner of Lombardy, where the same field yields corn, wine, & wood, partly divided into sweet pastures. By the way it happened that I broke a bough of a mulberry tree, to shade me from the sun, and falling into the company of an honest Gentleman, he told me I seemed a stranger, because I carried that bough, since those trees planted in the high ways, belonged to the Duke, who preserved them for silkworms, and had imposed a great penalty upon any that should break a bough thereof; so: as if I passed with this bough through any village, I should be sure to be taken & kept prisoner, till I should pay a great fine: whereupon I presently cast away this bough, with many thanks to him for his gentle warning.  
How Florence came to be subject to the House of Medici, with the title of Great Duke, I must hereafter show in the discourse of the Florentine Commonwealth. At 
Florence. vulgarly Fiorenza.  this time I will set down (as briefly as I can) the description of the City, and fields adjoining It is a most sweet City, and abounding with wealth, the Citizens are much commended for their courtesy, modesty, gravity, purity of language, and many virtues. The City is ennobled with the Duke's Court, and with stately Palaces, built within and without the walls, and for the stately buildings & sweet situation, it is worthily called Florence the beautiful, vulgarly Fiorenza la bella. It is said to have had the name Florentia in Latin, either of the Fluentini, (a neighbour people of whom they come) or of the perpetual happiness into which it grew like a flower, or of the Citizen's wealth, and the City's beauty flourishing like a flower. The pavement of the City is not of flint (as at Rome) nor of brick (as at Sienna) but of very broad and fair free stone. The houses after the manner of Italy; are built with a low roof, excepting the Palaces, which are stately built of free stone engraven. The windows (as in all the Cities of Italy (excepting Venice alone) are not glazed, but either lie altogether open, to take air, or are covered with oiled paper and linen cloth. The streets are most broad, and have an open air. In describing the City, I will begin without the walls, And first towards the North and East, it is compassed with pleasant Hills, planted with excellent fruit trees, and lying in the form of an Amphitheatre, and behind them the high Mountains of the Apennine, somewhat removed, are instead of strong walls to the City. Also on the South side, it hath like Hills, and distant Mountains, but towards the West it lies open to the most pleasant Valy of Arno, which Valy continueth as far as Pisa, and to the seaside. On all sides without the walls, Palaces of Gentlemen are most frequent, and houses of Citizens, not distant above three or four closes one from the other, whereupon the Emperor Charles the fifth beholding the City and the Country from a high steeple, affirmed, that Florence was the greatest City in the whole world; and when he perceived that the standers by 〈◊〉 doubtful of his meaning, he added, that in good earnest he reputed all the Palaces without the walls, compassed with Hills and Mountains as with walls, to be within the circuit of the City. It is seated (as it were) in the Centre of Italy, between the air of Arezzo, producing quick wits (where Peter Aretine the Poet was borne, of a sharp wit, though he abused it wanton), and the air of Pisa less pure, and yielding men of strong memory, so as it hath had by this temperature of air, many Citizens as well sharp to learn sciences, as strong to retain them. The River Arno running from East to West divides the City, but into unequal parts, the far greater part lying on the northside, and the less on the Southside; and the bridge to pass from one to the other, is almost in the very midst of the City, which is fairly built, yet is more magnified by strangers than it deserves. It hath little houses upon it, where with it is covered, and upon each side are Goldsmith's shops, which make small or no show at ordinary times: but when the Duke Ferdinando brought his Duchess (the Daughter of the Duke of Lorraine) to the City, at her entrance, those shops were furnished with vessels of silver, and many rich jewels, yet borrowed of the Citizens to that purpose. And howsoever some strangers may wonder at it, yet they who compare that bridge with the bridge of London, or those goldsmiths shops with the daily show of the Goldsmiths in Cheapside, shall find no cause to wonder thereat. The bridge hath two hundred twenty eight walking paces in length, and is built upon seven Arches. There be three other bridges over Arno, but far less in bigness and magnificence than the former; for the River is shallow, scarce covering the sand or stones, though beyond the City it be increased with other waters, and is subject to overflowing upon any great rain. The City is of a round form, and upon the walls thereof lie eight Forts, whereof the greatest and strongest lies towards the South. And the far greater part of the City on the North side of the River, lies in a Plain, but in the less part on the South side of the River, the houses towards the northeast are built upon the sides of Mountains, and the dwellings are more scattered, having many and large Gardens; and in that part there is a place vulgarly called le Ruinated, that is, the ruinous, because the houses have been often ruined by Earthquakes, and there you shall find this inscription in Latin: Duke Cosmo in the year 1533 forbade the houses of this Mountain to be rebuilt, which thrice fell by the fault of the soil. near that place lies a lane unpaved, in memory of a Virgin that dwelled there, whom a young man loved, who was borne of a Family of a contrary faction to hers, between whom many cruelties had been exercised, and they mutually loving each other, & despairing to get their friends consent for marriage, and at last being impatient of delay, resolved with what danger soever to meet together. But it happened, that the young man being to ascend into the Virgin's Chamber by a ladder, was surprised, who to save the reputation of the Virgin, confessed, that he came to rob the house, whereupon he was condemned to die, and being led to execution by the house where the Virgin dwelled, she laying aside all shame, came running out, with her loose hair about her ears, and embracing him, confessed the truth publicly, with which accident both their parents were so moved, as laying aside all former malice, they contracted affinity, and the young man delivered from the bonds of the hangman, was tied to her in the sweet bond of marriage. And of this wonderful event, the Florentines thought good to keep this memory for posterity. The Duke hath two Palaces within the City, whereof one is called Pallazzo di Pitti, seated in this part of the City, which a Gentleman of Florence by name Lucca della Casa de Pitti, began to build but falling into poverty and not able to finish it, was forced to sell the same to Cosmo de Medicis, being Great Duke of Florence, and shortly after convicted of treason, was beheaded. This is the most stately Palace in the City, in the Garden whereof, called Belueder, are many most sweet shades among pleasant Groves, together with a pleasant Cave and Fountain. They say, that one Mule did bring all the matter to this building, in memory whereof, these verses are written upon the picture of the said Mule:  

Lecticam, lapides, & marmora, ligna, Columnas  
Vexit, conduxit, traxit, & ista tulit.  
The Litter, these stones, marbles, pillars, wood,  
Did carry, lead, draw, bear, this Mule so good.   
The outward side of the Palace is of Freestone engraven, and the Ornaments within are Regal. Between the two Chambers, wherein the Duke and the Duchess lie apart, is a very fair Gallery, and in the chamber of the Duchess, is a second bed most like her own for the Duke when he pleaseth to lie there, and there is a Table wrought with silver and precious stones, valued at 3000 Crowns. In the dining room are many fair statues, and the figure of thirty Cardinals chosen at one time by Pope Leo the tenth, being of the house of Medici. In the very Court are two great loadstones. The strong Fort called Saint Meniato, lies over this Palace, and indeed over all the City, which was built by Alexander de Medicis, nephew to Pope Clement the seventh, and had lately been kept by a Garrison of two thousand Spaniards, as likewise another Fort on the other side of Arno, built in the time of the free State, was likewise kept by a Garrison of 100 Spaniards: For the Dukes of Medici advanced to their Dukedom by the Emperor Charles the fifth, did at first admit these Garrisons of Spaniards under an Italian Captain, either to show their confidence in Spain, or to fortify themselves against the Citizens, whose liberty they had invaded; but Duke Ferdinand then living (the Families of Citizens being now extinct or suppressed, who had lived in the free state, and could not endure subjection) being now confirmed in his Dukedom, had lately effected, that these Spaniards should yield the Forts to him, and depart the Country. Upon the northside of the River Arno, and upon the bank thereof, is a monument of a horse buried in the high way, with this inscription in Latin: The bones of the horse of Charles Capelli Venetian Ambassador, when the City was besieged in the year 1533. And these verses were added:  

Non ingratus herus, Sonopes memorande, sepulchrum  
Hoc tibi, promeritis haec monumenta dedit.  
Praise worthy horse of war thy thankful Lord  
Thee for thy merits doth this Tomb afford.   
The City hath divers Market-places, 1. Mercato Vecchio; 2. S. Spirito; 3. Santa Croce; 4. S. Maria Novella, 5. Plazza della Signoria, which is the fairest and largest of all the rest, and therein is the Senators Palace, and many stately statuas, one of a virgin taken by force, and of the ravisher beating her keeper, & treading him under his feet; another of Hercules, treading Cacus under his feet (for the Florentines bear Hercules in their great Seal); the third of David, all which are of white Marble; the fourth of Perseus, carrying in one hand the head of Medusa upon his Shield, and treading the bulk of her body under his feet, curiously wrought in brass. In the same Marketplace is a most fair Fountain set round about with fair statues of brass, and in the midst thereof, the statues of a Giant, and of three horses, almost covered with water, all wrought in white marble, do power the waters out of their mouths into the Cistern. In the corner of this market place is the Senators Palace, so called, because the Senate was wont to meet there in time of the free State, but now it is the Duke's palace, & the second that he hath within the City. Therein I saw a Cat of the Mountain, not unlike to a dog, with the head of a black colour, and the back like an hedgehog, a light touch whereof gave a very sweet sent to my gloves. Here they showed us (as they use to show to curious strangers) the Duke's Treasure (as they call it) namely, vessels of gold and silver, Roses hallowed by the Pope (which these Princes hold for rich presents); many chambers and galleries, having a sweet prospect upon the Arno, and adorned with pictures and statues, notable for the matter, art, and price; a most fair looking glass; a Theatre for Comedies; one table of Porphery valued at five hundred Crowns; another of jasper stone, valued at four hundred Crowns, a table then in the workman's hands unperfected, the jewels whereof they valued at fifty thousand Crowns, and the workmanship at twelve thousand Crowns. Moreover, they showed us the pictures of the Popes of the house of Medici; rich swords and hats, and a lather of silver to mount into the Coach; and many notable antiquities; and certain birds of India, with many other beautiful things, which they use to show to curious strangers, and for the same expect some reward of them in courtesy. Among other things, I wondered to see there the picture of Flizabeth our famous Queen: but the Duke of Florence much esteemed her picture, for the admiration of her virtues, how soever the malicious Papists had long endeavoured to obscure her fame, especially in those remote parts, whose slanders God turned to her greater glory. Here they did show us the great Duke's study, called Il studiol' del gran Duca, in which we did see most fair pictures; two chests of Crystal guilded over; divers statues, not of brass, but of mixed metals, shining here like silver, there like gold; a cup of Amber, a little Mountain of pearls, wrought together by the hands of Duke Francis; a Pyramid of Pearls as they grow in oyster-shels; two knives set with jewels, and a third Indian knife; a nail half turned into gold by Torneser an Alchumist, the other part still remaining Iron; a piece of gold unpolished, as it was digged out of the Mines; two pictures of Flemings, whereof one was valued at five hundred, the other at eight hundred Crowns; a clock of Amber; a piece of Amber falling upon a Lizard, and retaining the lively form thereof; a stone called Vergoara that cureth poison; the head of a Turk all of pure gold; a most beautiful head of a Turkish woman; a Table of gold, and of jasper stone, and other jewels, among which one Emerald of a perfect green colour, was highly valued, being round, and almost as big as an egg, for they that kept it, reputed it worth one hundred thousand Crowns.  
Not far thence is a Palace of the noble Family of Strozzi, and another of Alxeander great Duke of Florence, wherein is a ruined chamber, in which certain conspirator, killed him. In the stately Church of S. Maria del 〈◊〉, are many most fair statues, and the pavement and outward parts of the walls, aswell of the Church, as of the steeple, are of carved Marble. And here are kept three triple Crowns of three Popes of the Family of Medici. The tower or steeple is very high, & in the ascent are 3 galleries round about the outside, and it is all stately built of Marble, having four hundred forty and nine stairs to the first gallery. In which being most fair, and all of Marble, the Emperor Charles the fifth supped, when he came to Florence. And from this gallery to the second are fifty nine stairs, and from thence to the third sixty eight stairs, where at the very top is a wonderful hollow Globe of Brass, wherein 30 men may stand together, and upright; for it is higher than any man, and is vulgarly called la Cupula. Another most ancient Church lieth close to this, which was of old dedicated to Mars, and now is dedicated to S. john Baptist, and it is of around form, and hath a most stately Font, with the doors of mixed metal, much richer than Brass, and cutiously carved, the like whereof, they say, the World yieldeth not. And therein are to be seen the monument of Pope john the twenty three, deposed at the Council of Constantia, who before his Popedom was named Balthassar Cossa: the Statue of the same Pope of mixed metal; and divers other statues of the same metal shining like gold. To conclude, in this little, but most fair Church, are kept the monuments of the Pisanes subdued, namely, a Pillar, a Basket, and a chain, and other notable things. Not far thence is the fair Church, called S. Maria Novella, upon the wall whereof this verse is written;  

Sacrum pingue dabo, non macrum sacrificabo,  
I will give Fatlings, not lean Sacrifice.   
Which verse they observe may, by beginning with the words backward, be a true verse, and of direct contrary sense, in this manner;  

Sacrificabo macrum, non dabo pingue Sacrum:  
Sacrifice lean, not Fatlings give will I   
But the Monks will not have it understood in the last sense, unprofitable to their profession, but rather in the first, as if men were bound now to give the Clergy their best goods, as they were of old to give the fattest sacrifice to God. In the Church called L'Annonciata of the Angel's Annunciation to the Virgin; the walls are round about hung with Images of men, and of men's feet and Arms, some of wood, some of metals, which were offered to our Lady upon vow, by those that had recovered health of body, or had been cured of diseases in those parts. And as it cannot be expressed how much the Italians do attribute to the virgin, so there is more concourse to this Church, then to any other. In the Church of Saint Laurence, they keep many relics, with uncredible reverence; and show them to the people to be adored. In a Chapel of this Church are many fair statues of Marble, and one most fair erected to Duke Alexander killed by treason, by which he is made sitting with a sad countenance, his right hand laid to his mouth, and his left hand resting upon his knee. And there be two statues of Giuliano Angelo, and Michaele Angelo, two famous Painters and Engravers. In another Chapel are low monuments erected to Duke Cosmo of Medici, and to Laurence his son, who built this Church; and to the Duchess of Cosmo, and to Duke Francis, and to his lawful son deceased (for he had a base son yet living after his brother Ferdinando had succeeded him) and also to Paulus iovius, the Historian dying in the year 1574. (as I remember.) The Monument of Cosmo had this inscription in Latin; By public consent to the Father of his Country. In a stately Chapel of this Church is the Library of Pope Clement the seventh the Medici, full of rare greek and latin books, but especially they show the Commentaries of julius Caesar, a written bible, Maps of Ptolemy drawn with lines of gold, the Hierogliphica (an old manner of writing) of the Egyptians, and the Pandects in written hand, brought from Pisa subdued. I dare not say that this is the same Library, which was gathered by Lorenzo of Medici, in the year 1484. but I am most sure that I did see these books in one of them. In this Church & the foresaid Chapel, was also a monument erected to Duke Ferdinando then living. Near that is a garden, in which we did see two Ostrages, & flax of India, making most strong thread, and the herb that yieldeth this flax, much like an Artichoke, but far greater. In the monastery of Saint Mark, which Duke Cosmo built for Dominican Friars, is a Chapel proper to the Family Salviati for burial, which is very rich with divers coloured marbles, images of brass, and pictures, especially one rare picture of a red vale, which seemed two fingers distant from the wall: And in this monastery is another Library of rare Books. The Hospital of S. Maria Nova, is said to pass all others in Italy, for all necessaries to cure and nourish the sick, and for orderly attendance, whereto that purpose are ninety six beds in one room. Not far thence are two stables of the Dukes, and in both of them were some thirty two horses of price.  
The Duke kept fierce wild beasts in a little round house, namely, five Lions, five Wolves, three Eagles, three Tigers (of black and grey colour, not unlike Cats, but much greater) one wild Cat (like a Tiger) Bears, Leopards (spotted with white, black and red, and used sometimes for hunting), an Indian Mouse (with a head like our Mice, but a long hairy tail, so fierce and big, that it would easily kill one of our Cats), and wild Boars And the Keeper told us, that the Duke and Duchess, with many Gentlemen, came lately to behold them, (sitting in a gallery built round about the yard) at which time certain men were put into little frames of wood, running upon wheels, to provoke these beasts to anger; which being let loose in the Court-yard, walked without offending one the other, and to this end these men had many fireworks, from which the most fierce of them did run away, only the wild Boar rushed upon one of these frames wheeling towards him, and not only turned it over, but rend out a board with his Tusk, so as all the company were afraid left the man who lay therein should perish.  
Upon the walls of the Church S. Croce, is a monument of Arno overflowiug, with this in scription in the Italian tongue: In the year 1333. the water of Arno overflowed to this height, and in the year 1557. to this, yet higher. In this Church is the sepulchre of Michael Angelo Bonoritio, a most famous Engraver, Painter, and Bullder, whose bones were brought from Rome, at the instance of Duke Cosmo, in the year 1570, and laid here. It is most certain that he was most skilful in those Arts; and of him the Italians greatly boast, and with all tell much of his fantastic humours: namely, that when he painted the Pope's Chapel, (whereof I spoke in describing the Pope's Palace) that he first obtained the Pope's promise, that no man should come in, till the work were finished; and understanding that the Pope had broken this promise, coming in himself with some Cardinals at the back door of the vestery, that he being then to paint the last judgement, did so lively figure the Pope and the Cardinal (that tempted him) amongst the Devils, as every man might easily know them. But that is abominable, which the Romans of the better sort seriously tell of him, that he being to paint a crucifix for the Pope, when he came to express the lively actions of the passion; hired a Porter to be fastened upon a Cross, and at that very time stabbed him with a penknife, and while he was dying, made a rare piece of work for the Art, but infamous for the murder: and that hereupon he was banished Rome, and went to the Court of the Duke of Vrbino, where he was entertained with much honour. And they report also that when he was recalled to Rome with pardon of that fault, the Duchess of Vrbino being bold upon her former acquaintance, should entreat him at his leisure to paint all the Saints for her: and that he to show that so great a task should not be imposed upon a workman of his sort, should satisfy this request, or rather put it off with a rude & uncivil jest, sending her the picture of a man's privy part, most artificially painted, and praying her to take in good part the Father of all the Saines, till he could at leisure send their pictures.  
In the house of john Bolena a Fleming, and an excellent engraver, I did see yet unperfected a horseman's statue of brass, fifteen else high, the belly of the horse being capable of 24. men, whereof four might lie in the throat; and this horse was made as going in the high way, putting forward the near foot before, & the far foot behind, & standing upon the other two, which statue was to be erected to Duke Cosmo, being valued at 18. thousand crowns. Also another foot statue of white marble, which was to be erected to Duke Ferdinand then living. When I had seen these things within the walls, & about the same, I went out to near places, to view other rarities; and I and my two Dutch consorts, each of us hired a horse for a giulio & a half by the day. Early in the morning we went out by the plain lying on the west side, & came to Pratoline, the 
Pratoline.  Duke's famous garden, seven miles from the City, the conduits whereof for water if a man well consider, he may justly say of the gardens of Italy, as Monster saith of the Towns of Valesia, that their water costs them more than their wine. This garden is divided into two enclosures, compassed with stone walls. In the upper enclosure is a statue of a Giant, with a curled beard, like a Monster, some forty six else high, whose great belly will receive many men at once, and by the same are the Images of many Nimphos, all which cast out water abundantly. near the same are many pleasant fishponds, and there is a Cave under the earth leading three miles to the Fountain of water, from whence by many pipes the waters are brought to serve the works of these Gardens. There is a Fountain which hath the name of a Labyrinth close by it. And a Fountain of jupiter & Iru distilling water; the Fountain of the Bear; the Fountain of AEsculapius; and the Fountain of Bersia. I call these by the name of Fountains, vulgarly called Fontana, which are buildings of stone, adorned with many carved Images distilling water, and such are placed in most parts of Italy in the marketplaces, open and uncovered: but in this and like Gardens, these Fountains are wrought within little houses, which house is vulgarly called grotta, that is, Cave (or Den), yet are they not built under the earth, but above in the manner of a Cave. It remains I should speak of the lower Garden, which is much more beautiful than the upper: for at the first entrance, there is a Palace of little compass, but stately building, being of a round form, the midst whereof containeth the great chamber, larger than the other rooms, which round about the same are little, but beautiful, and richly furnished for private retreat. From under all the stairs of the Palace, and the pavements round about, with the turning of a cock, spouts of water rise up in great force. For in respect of the heat of the Country, they take great pleasure to wet the passengers in this sort. Under the Palace there is a Cave, vulgarly called lafoy grotta Maggiore, (which and like Conduits made as is abovesaid, I will hereafter call fountains, because they are so vulgarly called.) In the said Cave, a head of marble distilleth water; and two trees by the turning of a cock shed waters abundantly, and a little globe is turned about by Cupid, where the Images of Ducks dabble in the water, and then look round about them; and in the midst of a marble table is an instrument, which with great art and force, driveth water into any furthest part of the Cave. So many and so divers are the castings of the water, as the most wary man cannot escape wetting, where they make sport to betray all lookers on in that kind. near this, and under the Palace, is a Bath, the walls whereof shine with glistering stones, and therein is a table of Alabaster. near this is a cave strongly built, yet by Art so made, as you would fear to enter it, lest great stones should fall upon your head: and here by the turning of a pipe, certain images of Nymphs are carried by the water out of the Cave, and in again, as if they had life, no water being seen: and in this Cave seeming ruinous, are the most curious Images of many beasts that ever I did see. In the next fountain, with the turning of a Cock, the unseen waters cause a noise like thunder, and presently a great shower of rain falls. But among all the Caves or Fountains under the Palace, one is most fair and large, at the one end whereof, upon the turning of a cock, by the same motion of water unseen, the Image of Fame doth loudly sound a Trumpet, while the image of a Clown putteth a dish into the water, and taking up water, presents it to the Image of a Tiger, which dringeth the same up, and then moves his head, and looks round about with his eyes, which is as often done as they please, who have the skill to order the Cock At the other end of that Cave, is the Image of Syrinx with her fingers half turned into reeds; and right against that, is the Image of Pan sitting upon a stool, with a wreathed pipe in his hand, and Syrinx beckening to Pan, to play upon the pipe, Pan puts away his stool with one hand, then standing on foot, plays upon his pipe, and this done, looks upon his mistress, as if he desired thanks or a kiss for his pains: and then takes his stool again, and sits down with a sad countenance. I know not that any place in the World affords such rare sights in this kind; but lest I should be tedious, it shall suffice only to name the other Images and Caves. As you go down from the Palace, you shall first see the Cave of AEolus, another of Parnassus, where, with the turning of a cock, a pair of Organs doth make sweet music; and there is a head which together with the eyes in moved to and fro by the unseen water, and there is a pleasant shade with many statues (or Images) curiously carved, and there the Duke doth many times eat. The third fountain is called Il villano, that is, the Clown. The fourth la pestaria, that is, the fishpond, where a Duck of India having four wings, did swim in the water. The fifth Lafoy lavandara, the Laundress, where the statue of a woman with the turning of a Cock, beats a buck, turning the clothes up and down with her hand and the battledor, wherewith she beateth them in the water. The sixth vulgarly Caccioli, contains vessels to keep the water cold. The seventh Del Rosso. The eight Grotta Copito, and in this Cave on all sides are marble chairs, whereupon passengers willingly sit after their walking: but assoon as they lightly press some of the seats, a pail of water falls upon his head that sits upon it; besides the pavement is of marble, and therein many stones are so placed, as lightly touched with a man's foot, they cast up water into his very face and eyes. There be also well wrought Images, of a Serpent biting the finger of a Man, and of a Toad creeping to and fro, and of a Dragon's head bowing down to drink water, which presently it vomits up again. The ninth Il satiro, the Satire. The tenth La mascara, a woman with a vizard. To conclude, there is a large cage of birds, made of wire, and open to the air, in which are birds of all kinds and many Countries, not only singing to delight the ear, but of most pleasant and divers colours, to delight the eye.  
Returning from this garden, we road to the Duke's Palace, called La Petraia, where at that time he held his Court, (such as I shall in due place relate) and there we did see Duke Ferdinando, and his Duchess, daughter to the Duke of Lorraine, and the young Princes and Princesses of the house of Medici walking into the Garden.  
Thence we road in our return to Florence, to another Palace of the Dukes, called Il Castello, being two miles distant from Florence: in the Garden whereof we did see a fair Oak, called la Quercetta, to the top whereof we ascended by stairs, and there with the turning of a cock, the water sprung up on all sides. There is a Fountain, or a statue of a woman, made of mixed metal (richer than brass; called vulgarly di Bronzo,) and this statue shed water from all the hairs of the head, and there be seats which cast out water when they are set upon. Here in another Cave are divers Images of beasts of Marble, curiously wrought, namely, of Elephants, Camels, Sheep, Hearts, Wolves, and many other beasts, admirable for the engravers work. Here our guide slipped into a corner, which was only free from the fall of waters, and presently turning a cock powered upon us a shower of rain, and there with did wet those that had most warily kept themselves from wetting at all the other fountains. This Garden was full of pleasant hills and shades of Cypress trees, and had three Cisterns of Marble to keep water. Having now spoken of all the Duke's Palaces within and near the City, give me leave to relate by others report, that the Duke hath another Palace ten miles distant from Florence, called Il Poggio, which he built for the pleasure of hunting.  
This day being thus spent, we returned to Florence; and the next day we went out on foot by the South Gate, to the stately Monastery of the Carthusians, called la Certosa, having in our company Italian Gentlemen, who caused us to be well entertained there, and invited to dinner in their public Refectory, where we had great cheer of fish, Pastry, and Salads, but no flesh, which those Friars never eat, at least not publicly. I made mention of this Monastery in my journey from Sienna to Florence, at which time those that did penance about Easter, flocked thither in great troops, and now our Italian Consorts gave us the means to view the same. The Church is stately built, and the seats of the Chancel are of Nut-tree. They did show us the statue of Saint Chrisostome to the middle of silver, whose relics also they keep, and they showed us one of the pots in which they said Christ turned water into Wine in Cana of Galily, (whereof the Papists show many.) Also a statue of Saint Dennis Areopagita, of silver, and like relics kept there. These Friars profess great austerity in Religion, and are tied to keep silence, not Pythagorical for some years, but perpetual, the lay-brethrens excepted, who do the manual works of the house. They never eat flesh, for such is their rule, which if they break, yet they do it not in the public place of eating The Priest having sung Mass, doth after it many times bow down his head, and then falls prostrate on his face, praying. Each Friar hath four cells or chambers, and his private Garden planted with fruit trees, and therein a private well. They have no beds, but sleep upon straw, and eat privately In their own Cells, only eating together in the public rooms on the feast days, so as they may easily in private break this vow of not eating flesh, if they list. To conclude, they give large alms to the poor, and thus by show of holiness, getting great riches from laymens gift, they think to deserve heaven, by giving them (as the proverb is) a pig of their own sow. The seat of this Monastery is very pleasant, upon a Hill or little Mountain. Hence we returned to Florence.  
All the Cities of Italy have many houses wherein strangers may hire Chambers, called Camere locanti; and in Florence there be only three or four public Inns, all in one street for daily passengers, and three huoses like Colleges, called Albergi, for those that make long stay in the City, wherein they may hire Chambers for ten giulij the month, the host being tied, after the manner of Italy, besides their Chamber and bed, to dress their meat, and find them linen. I living after this fashion, remember these rates of things bought: for a pound of Almonds vulgarly una lira di Mandole, one giulio: a pound of great grapes dried, and called Susini six creitzers, two pigeons one giulio, that is eight creitzers; two Apricotts a quatrine; a pound of Mutton, fourteen fifteen or sixteen quatrines; a pound of Lamb twelve quatrines; two eggs five or six quatrines, a pound of Raisins or less grapes dried two baellis; and of another kind, called Passere, six baellis; two Hens forty or fifty sols; two Capons sixty sols; two Apples one quatrine, and seven Apples, one baello; an Orange two quatrines; two Citrons one baello; a pound of dry figs seven or ten quatrines; a pound of the greatest reasons, or dried Grapes called Sebibi, twelve quatrnies, and the best kind eighteen quatrines; a pound of Rice fourteen or fifteen quatrines; a vessel called boccale, of Oil, twelve crietzer or baellis (being all one); a pound of butter, containing twelve ounces, two giulij, each ounce being seven quatrines; two ounces and a half of sugar five baellis; an ounce of Nutmegs six baellis, a pound of Walnuts twelve quatrines; two little fresh cheeses, called Recotti, thirteen quatrines; a fit proportion of any herb for salads one quatrine; and little proportions of any spice one quatrine, which proportion you may increase as you list. And I being lodged in the Albergo of the golden keys, called Allechiavi d'oro nel'chiasso di 〈◊〉 Bevigliane, paid for my chamber by the month twelve giulij or real; and moreover for salt at table five Crietzeri or baelli. And in these Albergi, he that desires to live at an ordinary, without trouble to buy his meat, vulgarly In dozina, shall pay for each meal two giulij, and if he stay long, shall pay no more for two meals. And they were wont to give a stranger his chamber and diet in these houses for ten Crowns the month, each Crown being ten giulij.  
I being purposed to live in the State of Florence this Summer, especially desired to spend my time in learning the Italian tongue, reputed the most pure in those parts; to which end I resolved to return to Sienna, and live in that University: but because many Dutch and English Gentlemen lived there, which were of my acquaintance, and solitary conversing with the Italians best fitted my purpose, I rather chose to live at the Castle S. Casciano, being a pleasant seat, and lying eight miles from Florence, in the way to 
San' Casciano.  Sienna. And because I lived in a public Inn, and in a great highway, and was shortly to pass through the Duchy of Milan, subject to the Spaniards, who then had war with England, I did, for the avoiding of danger in that journey, give out that I was a Dutchman: but I stayed here much longer than I purposed, for it happened at this time, that the Roman Inquisitors pursuing an English Gentleman, who had escaped their hands at Rome, did in stead of him cast another English Gentleman into prison, who then lay at Sienna, and was not much unlike him. And howsoever the first Gentleman escaping, the second was shortly set fie, yet this chance made inee make less haste to Sienna; besides that I had my diet here at an easy rate, spending not above on Giulio each meal, and yet having such meat as I most desired, neatly dressed, and being diligently attended: but especially the most pleasing conversation of a Gentleman dwelling there, called Nicolao della Rocca, made me most unwilling to leave that Castle, and the rather because he had made me acquainted with a learned Kinsman of his Raphaele Columbano a Florentine. And I freely confess, that the courtesy and manifold virtues of this Gentleman Nicolao della Rocca, then took such impression in me, as I shall not only so long as I live dearly love him, and his memory, but be glad to do any pleasure to his least friend, or any Florentine, aswell for their general good desert, as for his sake more specially. He was my companion in viewing the pleasures of this Territory, where among other things I did see many delightful Groves (vulgarly Boschetti), Nets to catch birds (Ragnaij), Gardens for that purpose (Vccellart), all belonging to the Noble Florentine Families of Buondelmonte, and Guicciardini, having Palaces near adjoining (of which sports I shall more largely speak in the due place, treating of the Italian exercises.) And to make the delights of my stay in this place more particularly justified, and to explain some events therein mentioned, I will add two Epistles, which I then writ of this subject, the first from this place, the second from Florence, after I was departed from this Castle, and these being written in Italian, I will also turn into English.  
All' Ill re Sigr Il Sigr T. H. Nobile Inghlese mio oss more, A Pisa in Casaa di Messier T. A.  
MAndato ch io hebbi le meie lettere a la vulta di vos ' Signoria, stetti di lane fin' hora sempre in so l'occhi & l'orecchie (non senza rincrescimento della tardanza) badando le suoe. quest beanedette lettere tanto badate & hormai capitate, spieghai con tanta furia, non che fretta, che piu non hebbe may l'affamato di mettersi a tavola. E lodato sia Iddio, poiche s' e indugiato vn' pezzo, finalment il parto s'e fatto maschio, che tanti & cosi varij sono i soggetti proposti da lei, che paiano rechiedere risposta distesa. Onde io che son' scarico d' ogni impedimento, & sto sfacendato nella villa, come vn' Romito nel deserto, mi stenderò (con sopportatione però delle suoe orecchie) nel rispondere a tutti i particolari d' esse. E prima le dirò raguaglio piu minutament del caso Siennese. Sappia dunque che pochi giorni fa, il Sigr. G. M. con tutto che se fosse publicament impacciato in fatti di Stato, non dimeno per cavarsi il capriccio, travestito da Suizzero, & par troppo (come mi pareva) contrafatto, voice arrischiarsi d'andar' damn Fiorenza a Roma. Il viaggio gli riusci commoda 〈…〉 c e, pero non s'era piu presto tornato a Sienna, & di la (con suoa buona ventura) senza punto d tardanza messosi in camino la volta di Fiorenza, che dal'Inquisitori Romani sopragi●●se un mandato all Podesta di Sienna di farlo prigione. Hora avenne ch'il Sigr G. L. stando a Sienna & essendo (come sa lei) grandone, à aere allegro & havendo altri contrasegni della suoa barba & cera, fu preso day Sbirri, & per l'Inquisitori messo in prigione. Dove seppe con tal'discretione portarsi che loro awedutosi d'hauerlo pigliato cosi in escambio, gli resero la liberià, laquale gode stando a Sienna fin' hora. Ma quel mandato passando olire, arriuò fin' a Fiorenza, dove il Sig' G M. per via d'vn' amico in Corte (non dico gia ch' il gran Ducane fosse cons●●euole) essendone informato di sera in su l' Aue-Maria, died subito a le gambe, tenendo la volta di Paduoa, in tall fretta che pareva proprio volar' di la dell' Apennino senza a le Ringratiato 〈◊〉 il cielo che sia fugito a saluamento, che con tutto che a noi altri Todeschi rileva nulla, pure anch' io come un forestiero in attristo & ho vivo risentimento delle disgratie d' altri che da suoi amici & dalla patria sono lontani. Non posso tenir le risa quando m' imagino gli f●● i salti ch' egli fa sopre le montose scoglie. I contadini devono pensar' ch' egli vada a la caccia d' i Caprioli, i force non s' accorgeranno quante fiate egli rivolge gli oucchi sopra le spalle, & ad ogni passo guata, di paura a che qualche Veltro Romano non se gli aventasse adosso L'importanza, ch' egli non se faccia securo sotto qualche frasca, dove per ogni picciol' vento che soffit, protrà essere tradito: che non fermandosi per strada, vil' do saluo, inteso che gli biacchi Romani per tracciar' in Stato d' i Veneti, poco, in State d'i Veneti, poco, di la dell' Alpi, nulla vagliano. Hora che vada egli a buon' viaggio & vi dirò fuora di burla, ch'io a la prima senti gran' dispiaecre di questa percossa, finch intese le debt nuove, mi son'rihauuto. Del resto, buon' per loro, che questo gli sia accaduto nel'State Fiorentino, che altrament i Preti l'arebbino fatto vn'mal scherzo. Tal sia di questo. Hora per ristorarci, ragionamo vn' poco d' Orlando. E' quanto a la vostra gran buona lingua Toscana (respondendovi capo per capo), vedete come non è melsenza Mosche ne vostra lettra (per gratiosa che sia,) senza suoe punture & fianchate. Può far ill cielo, come si puo capitar' male per essere frainteso. Ch'io burla di voi? Dio non voglia ch'io burla d'amici miei may may may: Mi rallegro been co●●●●i tal' volta, & i volete ch' io faccia ●oi? non conoscendo altro soggetto delle lettre di trattenemento, che Cortigianie O bay. SH' io pensassi che l' oreste scritto da buon' senno, mi verrebbe talment la Senapa all naso, che sarei per cozzar' col cappo contra il muro. Ma son' chiarissimo, che conquesta brigha m' habbitate volsuto dar' la baia, per farmi montar' in bestia contra mi stesso. Dunque vi replico, che malgrado vostra mi stupiscio ancora d'i vostri Toscanismi, non ch'io pensi ch'abbiate avanzato Petrarcha Dante, Boccacio, con quelli altri maestri della ' favella volgare, ma che d'vn Novizo siate riuscito vn' gran' Dottore, havendovi fatto gran' profitto senza ch'io me n' avedesse, si non in quel tratto che me we deste saggio per le vostre tanto garbate & gentile lettere. Talment ch' il torto e vostro, d'esserui apigliato all parole non all senso mio. Doglieteni pois di voi stesso per quel' disagio ch' il scrivere nella lingua Toscana vi possa recare, ch'io in Sul' ragionar' he cavato da vostra bocca propria, che questo vi sarebbe caro, & da part mia spero coglierne frutto, dandovi occasione di segnar' le meie scorrettioni, & di farmi part di quei vostri belli passi di Lasco. Il che vi suplico far' meco a la libera, & in cito mostrarmi quanto mi vogliate been. Conquesta risposta state cheto, sinon, fò giuro d'assassino, che vi loderò tanto in sul ' viso, che vine verrà rossore. Passo inanzi, done mi motteggiate, d'haver messo quel' Oime a bella posta per far mostra eloquenza, & fat professione d' essere schifo de lo scrivere per vergogna del vostro rozzo stilo. Buona fe: Riconosco l'Ironia. Contentatevi & godetevi nel' seno senza trionfaruine, ch' io vicedo volentieri in ogni fatto d'ingegno, pure che mi sia lecito di parreggiarui d'amore. Ma per vindicarmi di vostre sferzate, & accioche none crediate ch' io cagliassi affatto per vostre bravery Toscanesche, m'ingregnerò di rivolgere la colpa i m'imputate in sum le spalle vostre. Et penso durarci poca satica, poiche voi sopra quella medesima parolina, Oime, havete fatto vn' si bel' discorso, che vi debbano hauer' una dolce invidia gli valenti Teologi, i quali però hanno il grido, poter ' d' ogni poco di soggetto ragionar' dalla levata infin' all tramontar' deal sole. Mi pair poich ' andate troppo animosament a la volta d'i Ciarletani, non curando di farui nemices quest gentaccie, a che se si aia nell' unghie senza essere ben'prouisto di Copia verborum, mi racomando, che in quanto al' menar' la lingua, non hanno pari. Davanzo la confidenza della lingua sciolta, & della prontozza d'ingegno, vitrasporta a dir' molto male contra la cosa piu garbata che altra che si sia nel mondo, cioe lettre di trattenemento. Per levarui questo errore, succintament dirò. Le cose che piu s'adoperano ci devono essere piu care. L'aere che ci nodrisce, sopra ogni cosa si pregia. Il pan' & ill vino, senza chi non si puo essere, piu si procacciano, che fasiani, tordi, O quaglie! Tali sono le lettre sopradette, ch' in ogni gentil' brigata piu si ragiona di cortesia, d'Amore, di ciancie, che del piattire, o maneggiar'il stato. Et per non fasti dirui con infiniti argomenti: l'Arte & l'ingegno del'Oratare, si mostrano nella rarità & sterilità della materia che si tratta, come nel' lodar' l'Asina, nel' dispregiar' le scienty, é cose simile. Ora per lettre di facende, non è huomo di si grossa pasta, che non le spedisca destrament: la narratione del' biosogno, un Miracomando, & bello finito. Maquelle alter, se non siano abellite con l'inuentiono, & quasi lisciate con certe stravaganzo, riescono fracide & di poca load all scrittore. E' vero, ch' i Secretarij, Notaij, & tali gente facendate, scorticandosi (per modo di dire) ne lo scrivere, & impazzan done gli ceruelli, hanno qualche pretesto di ragione, a lamentar si d'i complementi amorevoli. Ma voi scio perati, stando nelle città, & che piu importa nelli studi Toscani, doureste hor maigridare: vivano le lettre di trattenemento, piene diparole gratiose. Hora fat voi, andate, e si non vi pare ch'io v'habbia ben' acconciato, pigliatevi spasso dell' eloquenza contadienesca. In so ' l' stringere, mi date delle Signory per farmi piacere, & me not avertite ancora. O questo si. MY havete tocco a punto dove mi duo'e. Et non vedete ch' in Italia c'ha carestia d'ogni cosa delle Signory in fuora, che si danno a buona rata infino a i fachini. Tanto che si ben' io ne fosse ambitioso, tuttavia per il soverchio godere, ne restaria suogliato. Datemi allegrament del voi, senza parlar' in astratto con l' idei, che non mi terrò per affronto, anzi per Arra d' Amore. Io per me, vedendo che le signory non vi sono a grado non vi ne darò may al'auuenire, si non in escambio di quelle, che mi mandarete a me, & in quel caso vile ronderò con l'interesse. Quanto a le vostre offerte si called d'amistà, non mi basta l'animo spieghare, quanto mi son' ite a sangue. Ma forza m'e responderui in present con l'animo, fino che m'occorre farlo con l'opere: pure in quel mentre mivi impegno, & mivi dono per tutto quel che porta il mio valsente Fat di me cio i volete tenetemivi per schiavo, & si bisognasse, vendetemi a Turchi: i volete altro? Direte pois i son' bay anche quest, & non sapete ch'il Poeta sotto parole finte adombra il vero? Credetimi, se non volete ch' io usa di furiosi protestationi, perchae in ogni modo voglio che mi si creda. Parlo da senno, commandatomis a fidanza, dove posio essere buono per vostro seruitto, come io mi seruirò liberamento di voi, il che vedrete in effetto per la brigha che vi da l'inclusa. Et con quaesto vi bacio le mani, & anche le guancie (a la venetiana).  
Da San' Casciano a li vinti tree di Luglio. 1594. Desso in guisa di fratello, Fines Morysoni.  
All' Ill re Sigr il Sigr Nicolao Della Rocca mio oss more, a casa suoa in San' Casciano.  
o sia consegnata a le mani, etc.  
I possino essere consinate nelli studioli d'i Mercatanti quest fecund, (per non dir' peggio): poiche my hanno fatto, non dismenticarmi di V. S. (che questo non farebbono g●amai), ma been ' a'inaugiar' troppo a farle fede della mia dolce rimembranza di lei. Hora essendo o in su la partenza per andar' la volta di Paduoa, mi son' mosso a scriverle quest poche righe, con patto che non le manda al' Academia della Crusca per essere censurate, poiche essendo io (per dire, a Cavallo, forza e, che loro participano della confusione & del' scompiglio in che io mi ●rüouo. E pure possible ch' vn' galant' huomo suo pare manca della promessa? Io stava a vedere con che sicurtà lei procedesse meco, per pigliarne qualche saggio di suo amore, & l'a (peccava parechi giorni (dirò liberament non senza mio sconcio) per darle l' ultimi Ideij. Ma poiche, operismomoragine, o altra cagione che si sia, questo aboccamento non c'eriascito, ne manco ci resta mezo a revederci per acconciar' a bocca questa brigha Non c'ha altro remedio si non di far'pace a bell' agio per lettre. A che debito io mentre che starò a Paduoa non mancarò da part mia, & tornato che sarò in paese mio, secondo l'occorrenze, raffazzonorò quel' poco della favella Toscana, che d' vn' viaggio fra tante confusione di lingue m' avanzerà, & le chiarirò, ch' il suo amore mi sarà assai piu cresciuto, che questa non mi sarà scemati. Duoe cose mi promano. La prima e quel' carico delle suoe courtesy usate verso di me, che m'ha messo in su ' l' dosso, di tanto peso quanto lei sa: loquale il Sigr Raphaele Colombani di qua anche piu m' aggrava, chi m' ha' invitato amorevolment a casa suoa, m' ha menato a la Certosa, & in somma trattomis con tanta amoreuolezza quanta non si può dire. Io lo recevo come satto per amor' di V. S. (che non m' inganno delli miei pochi merui) & tutta io non lean ringratto altrament, perch in questi simili, fatti non c' ha pagha ai parole. Il secondo ● artello che lauorànel'mio ceruelio s' e ch' essendo, io talment tenuto a V. S. mi sento gravata la conscienza, a haverla ingannata in vn' certo particular. Il che tanto piu mi pesa quanto piu per quel' inganno mi si toglie affatto ogni speranza, di poter' mostra lene grati●udine, se per caso mi se presentasse l' occasione, (della quale quanto io sia bramoso, Dio vel' dica.) Hora per sgrauar' l' una & sgannar l' altra a vn' tratto, per questa charta (privilegiata come le maschere, di non arrossire per grand che sia la vergogna del' Patron) le fo fede ch' io son Inghlese, e non mica Todesco, come l' ho dato ad intendere fin' hora. Et accioche non ne ritragga d' essere abbatuto in qualche juntatore, o personaggio indegno di quella s●oa accoglienza che m'ha fatta sopra modo gentile, sappia che per rispetti honore no li io m' habbia in tal' guisa mascarato. Non dubito punto, i l'e gia hormai chiara l'inimicitia ch' abbiano i nostri con i spagnuoli, tanto che si l' vn' capitasse in man ' dell' altro, difatto restaria prigione infino che fosse riscattato. Hora havendo Io da passare fra pochi giorni pel' Ducato di Milano, mi pareva cosa sciocca di darmi a conoscere, spetialment stando io in vn' hosteria nella strada maestra, per dove tutti di quelle band giornalment passano. Ho firma speranza, che lei sia per farmi buona l' iscusa, o vero al manco per perdonarmi l' errore. Si ricorda che le son s●ruitore piu che may, ne posso essere piu suo che mi sono, & mantenga l' Inghlese nella suoa buona gratia per quella suoa gentilezza propria, per laquale e stata acquistata all Todesco: che degnandosi di commandarmi in persona d' Inghlese, mi rincuoro far' ogni gran' cosa per amor suo, che potrebbe far' qual si voglia Todesco. Et con questo, abbracciandola cosi da lontano, mi l' offero & racomando una volta per sempre. Et di nuovo le bacio le mani.  
Da Fiorenza a li dieci d' Aousto, l' An 1594. Di V. S. affett more. seruitore, F. M.  
To the noble Gentleman M. T. H. a Gentleman of England my most respected, at Pisa in the house of Master T. A.  
AFter I had sent mine unto you, mine eyes and ears were ever attentive to receive your answer, not without some grief that it was so long delayed. These blessed 
Thus in English,  letters so much expected, are at last arrived, which I opened in as great haste, as hungry men set down to table. And fair is our fortune, after patient expecting, at last we have got a manchild: for so many and so divers are the subjects you propound, as they seem to require a large answer. And therefore I that am as much at leisure in the Country, as an Hermit in the Desert, will enlarge myself (with your patience) to answer all the particulars. And first I will give you an account of the chance at Sienna. Know then that of late Master W. M. howsoever he had publicly employed himself here in matters of State, yet to satisfy his own humour, would needs venture to go from Florence to Rome, appareled like a Swisser, and (as it seemed to me) too much disguised. His journey fell out well, yet he was no sooner returned to Sienna, & from thence (by good adventure) gone towards Florence, but a Mandate came from the Inquisitors of Rome to put him in prison at Sienna. Now it happened, that Master W. L. lying then at Sienna, and being (as you know) high of stature, and of cheerful countenance, and having other marks of his beard and face, was taken by the Scrgiamts, and imprisoned by the Inquisitors of Sienna. Where he carried himself with that discretion, as they perceiving they had mistaken him, set him at liberty, which he now enjoys at Sienna. But the Mandate passing forward came to Florence, where Master W. M. having notice thereof in the evening about ave Marie time, by a friend in Court (I say not with the Duke's privity,) presently took him to his heels towards Paduoa, in such haste, as he seemed to fly over the Apennine without wings. And now (God be praised) he is in safety For howsoever this chance importeth not us that are Dutchmen, yet myself as a stranger, am sorry for any disaduentures happening to others, who are far from their friends and Country. I cannot hold from laughing, when I imagine with myself, what large steps he makes over the rockey Mountains. The Country people will think that he hunts for Kids, not marking how often he looks back, for fear lest some Roman Greyhound should lay hold on him behind. The main doubt is, that he think not himself safe, where he may be betrayed; for if he stay not by the way, I dare assure you of his safety; the Roman Hounds having little skill to hunt in the State of Venice, and none at all beyond the Alps. Now let him go on his happy voyage, and I will tell you without jest, that I was much astonished at this accident, till I was restored by understanding this happy event. It was well for them that this happened in the State of Florence, for otherwise the Priests would have sifted them like bran. So much for them. Now for pastime, let us talk a little of Orlando. And that I may answer you from point to point, first, concerning your excellent Tuscan language; see how there is never honey without stinging Bees, neither are your loving letters without their exceptions. How soon a man may be blamed, being misunderstood. Should I jest at you? sure I never jest at my friends, sometimes I am merry with them, and what would you have me do, knowing no other subject of idle letters, but complement and mirth. If I thought you had written this in earnest, I should take such pepper in the nose, as I should be ready to run my head against the wall: but I am most certain you have picked this quarrel with me, to make me angry with myself. Therefore I reply howsoever you take it, that I am still amazed at your Tuscan eloquence, not that I think you pass Petrarch Dante, and Baccaceo, and the other great Masters of that language, but that of a novice, you are become a Doctor, before I could perceive it, had you not given me this taste thereof by your gentle letters. So as you are in the wrong, taking my words and not my meaning; and blame yourself for the trouble you have in answering me in the Italian Tongue, since I understood from your own mouth, that you would willingly exchange such letters, which for my part will be profitable to me, giving you occasion to correct my errors, and to impart unto me the eloquent phrases of Lasco. And this I pray you do freely with me, and therein show me how much you love me. Be content with this answer, otherwise (I swear by no beggars) I will praise you so much to your face, as I will make you blush. I go forward, and come to your quip, that I began my letters with the word (Alas) to show my eloquence, and that you were ashamed to write to me for your rude style. Very good, I find the Irony: content yourself that I gladly yield to you in all points of wit, so it may be lawful for me to equal you in love. Yet to revenge this frump, and that you may not think I am daunted with your Toscan bravery, I will attempt to cast that upon your own shoulders, which you impute to me, and this I think to do with ease, since upon this one little word (Alas) you have made so fair a discourse, as you may justly be envied by our great Divines, who upon the least subject are held able to discourse from morning till night. Again, me thinks you are somewhat too bold with the Mountebanks, not caring to make them your enemies, into whose hands if you fall, without being well stored with Copia verborum, woe be to you, for you know they are most skilful Fencers with the tongue. Moreover, the confidence of your skill in this tongue, transports you to speak ill of the most gentle and delightful thing in the world, namely, of complementing letters. And to cure you of this error, I will briefly remember you. That the things of greatest use, are most dear unto us. The air that nourisheth us, is most of all dear. All men seek more for bread and wine, without which they cannot live, then for Pheasants, Blackbirds or Quails: such are letters of complement: for in every gentle company, there is more discourse of courtesy, love, and toys, then of Law or State matters. And not to be tedious with many arguments. The art and wit of the Orator is most showed in the barrenness of the subject whereof he speaks, as in praising the Ass, dispraising liberal sciences, and in like subjects. Now for letters of business, no man is so blockish that cannot easily dispatch them; when he hath told the business, and bid farewell, all is done. But if letters of complement be not beautified with invention, they are dull, and the writer deserves small praise. It is true, that Secretaries, and Scriveners, tired with writing of business, have some reason to declaim against letters of complement, but you being at leisure, and living in a City, yea, in an University of Toscany, should say with me, well fare letters of complement, full of gracious words. Go too now, and if you think I have not well fitted you, hereafter make yourself sport with our Country eloquence. Towards the conclusion, you give me many Masterships (or worships) to do me pleasure, and you remember me of it, lest I should not see it. Indeed you have now hit me just where my pain lies, yet you know nothing is so cheap in Italy as masterships, which are plentifully given to very Porters, so as if I loved them well, yet the very plenty of them, would make them irksome. Write you to me without any speaking of Mastership's in the third person, which I will take for no disgrace, ' but rather for a pledge of your love. And for my part, since these titles are unpleasing to you, I will hence forward send you no more of them, except it be in exchange of those you shall send me, in which case I will pay you with usury. Touching your affectionate offers of love to me, I cannot express how I take them to heart, but for the present I can return you nothing but words, till occasion serves to witness my love in action, and in the mean time I leave myself at the stake with you, yea, I give myself to you, all that little I am worth, do with me what you please, keep me for your servant, and if need he, sell me to the Turks: what would you have more? You will say also that this is written in jest, yet you know that Poets under feigned words shadow the truth. Believe me, except you will have me use furious protestations, for I will and must be believed. I speak in good earnest, command me with security, where I am good for your service, for myself will freely make bold with you, as in effect you may see in the trouble I give you by the enclosed. And so I kiss your hands, and also your cheeks after the manner of Venice.  
From Saint Casciano this 23 of july, 1594. The same, as your brother, F. M.  
To the noble Sigr. the Sigr. Nicolao della Rocca my most respected, at his house in Saint Casciano; or to his hands.  
LEt this foolish business (not to say worse) be confined to Merchant's counting-houses, since it hath made me, not forget you (which it can never do,) but to use too great delay in giving you testimony of my kind remembrance of you. Now being ready to take horse for my journey to Paduoa, I thought good to write these few lines unto you, with condition that you send them not to be censured in the Academy della Crusea, for myself being thus removing, they must needs participate the confusion in which I am for the present. Is it possible that a brave Gentleman like yourself should fail of his promise? I stood looking with what security you would proceed with me, to take it for an evidence of your love, and expected many days (I will say freely not without some inconvenience) to have the happiness to see you ere I went. But since either by your forgetfulness, or other reason best known to you, this our meeting hath not succeeded, and there is no more hope that we should meet to reconcile this quarrel, there is no other remedy but to make our peace at leisure by exchange of letters. In which duty (for my part) I will not fail, so long as I shall stay at Paduoa. And when I shall be returned into my Country, I will upon all occasions, scour up that little Toscane language, which after my long journey through confusion of tongues shall be remaining unto me, to make it appear to you, that howsoever my language be decreased, yet my hearty love towards you shall evermore increase. Two things lie heavy upon me; first the burden of your courtesies, wherewith you have loaded me, as you best know, and wherewith Sigr Raphaele Colombani hath newly charged me here, by inviting me friendly to his house, by leading me to the Monastery Certosa, and by entartaining me with unspeakable kindness, which I take as done for your sake, (knowing my own small desert), and yet I do not so much as thank you for it, because I know such favours can not be repaid with words. The second thing which lies heavy upon me, is that being thus bound unto you, I am ashamed to have deceived you in one point, which so much the more grieves me, because this deceit hath utterly taken from me all hope, to express my love to you hereafter upon any happy occasion, than which nothing should be more pleasing to me. Now at once to disburden myself, and to clear you for being any longer deceived, by this paper (having the privilege of Maskers vizards, which never blush, howsoever their Masters have cause to be ashamed), I let you know, that I am an Englishman, and not a Dutchman, as I have hitherto caused myself to be reputed. And lest you should thereby doubt, that you have cast your love upon a juggler, or a man unworthy your so great favours; know that for honourable respects I have thus concealed my Country. I am sure you know, that the English have war with the Spaniards, so as either falling into the hands of the other, should be lawful prisoners upon Ransom, and I being within few days to pass through the Duchy of Milan, did therefore think it no wisdom to make myself known, especially lying in a public Inn, upon the beaten highway, which all men of those parts daily pass. I am confident that you will make good my excuse, or at least pardon my error; remember that I am your servant more than ever, neither can be more yours than I am; & maintain the Englishman in your good favour, by the same gentleness, in which you vouchsafed it to me as a Dutchman: for in whatsoever you shall command me as an Englishman, my heart serves me to do you as faithful service, as any Dutchman whatsoever. And so embracing you thus far off, I offer and recommend myself to you once for all. And again I kiss your hands.  
From Florence this tenth of August, 1594. Your affectionate servant, F. M.  
I had taken my journey from Saint Casciano to Florence, that I might receive money, and now upon a sudden occasion being to return to Sienna, and from thence to Padova, I hired a horse to Sienna, but have omitted what I paid for the same, and so I returned to Sienna by the same way I came, namely, to Travernelle fifteen miles, and to Sienna seventeen, which journey for others instruction I will particularly set down.  
To Saint Casciano eight miles; to Colmo four; to Barbarino six; to Puodibonzo six; to Sienna five, being in all thirty two miles.  
The situation of Sienna is most pleasant, upon a high hill, and the form not unlike to an earthen vessel, broad in the bottom, and narrow at the mouth, which narrow part lies towards the West, where coming from Florence, you enter by the Gate Camolea. near the same is a Fort, wherein the great Duke keeps soldiers, and there without the gate is the Church of Saint Marie, whether was great concourse of people for devotion. From hence to the East gate, leading towards Rome, the streets lie even and plain, though the City be seated upon a mount; and in this part toward the East, the City is broadest, and from this gate a man may see the Castle Redicofini, forty miles distant, upon the confines of the States of the Pope and the great Duke. Between the said gates, as it were in the centre of the City, lies a most fair Marketplace, in the form of an Oyster, and lying hollow as the shell thereof is. And there is a stately Palace of the Senate, built when the City was free; in the front whereof is a statue of mixed metal, vulgarly called di bronzo, which seems to be appareled, having on the head a broad hat and this statue strikes the hour of the clock. On the Southeast side within the walls lies a large field, which was then sowed with corn, yet the City hath few or no Gardens within the wall.  
Not far from the walls on the Southside, lies the Cathedral Church vulgarly called Il Domo, and howsoever it be little, it seemed to me the fairest Church in Italy. It hath but one door, to which you ascend by long and broad Marble stairs. All the pavement is most beautiful of engraven Marble, adorned with Images of the five Sibyls; and there be in this Church some twenty Images of mixed metal, besides many other of Marble. The seats of the Chancel are of Walnut-tree, curiously carved; and all the roof of the Church is painted of sky colour, and all set with stars. Upon the inside, and in the upper part of the Church, are the Images of the Popes, wrought in stone to the shoulders, set round about, where between Gregory the fourth, and Adrian the second, I wondered to see the head of Pope joan, with the inscription naming her, especially in a City so near Rome. Having noted this at Sienna, and after my coming 
Pobe joan. This monument (as I heard) was defaced in the time of Pope Clement the eighth then living.  into England reading the same, I searched Histories to see how they agreed in this matter, which the Papists cannot hear with patience. And I found in approved Authors, that after the said Gregory the fourth, succeeded Sergius the second (confirmed by the Emperor Lotharius, in the year 844); then Leo the fourth (dying in the year 854); then Pope joan (setting two years and few months, and dying in the year 856); then Benedict the third, than Nicholas the Great (in the year 858); then the foresaid Adrian the second (in the year 867.) And if any man ask, why the heads of Sergins the second, Leo the fourth, Benedict the third, and Nicholas the great being omitted, the head of Pope joan should stand between the heads of Gregory the fourth, and Adrian the second, I leaving the curious search thereof to them that list dispute it, as a matter nothing to my purpose, can suddenly give no other reason thereof, then that I conjecture the said heads were set on the other side of the Church: for at that time I was content to note the same, without casting this doubt, and so not searching to satisfy myself therein. But I dare boldly affirm, that myself and the two Dutch-gentlemen my consorts, did see this monument in this Church near the door on the right hand as we came in. And since that time, I have conferred with divers worthy English Gentlemen, who affirmed that they did see the same. In this Church are two sepulchres, one of Pope Alexander the third, the other of Pope Pius the second. And in a Chapel of this Church, is a most fair Font.  
From this Church descending by slope and steep streets towards the southwest wall, you shall come to a most pleasant Fountain, called font Branda, without the South-gate, of which the Citizens proverbially say, that if a stranger drink thereof, he shall so love Sienna, as he shall very unwillingly and scarce at all depart from the City. But the Florentincs in scorn of the Siennesi, have a proverb, Chi de font Branda beve, diventa pazzo; He that drinks of the fountain Branda, becomes a fool. It casts out water by nine mouths of stone, and there be three places where Laundresses wash, and near the same is a pleasant grove. On the same South side towards the Sea, some few miles from the Town, lies a fenny plain called La Maremma, most fruitful in corn, but infamous for ill air; so as the place being forsaken by all Italians, is tilled by the Grisons, coming down from the Alps to this place in winter time, when the Alphes are all covered with snow, and in the spring time returning back into their own Country Sienna itself is much subject to rain, so as a Spaniard coming often thither in rainy weather, did write, or is said to have written to his friend, for a wonder, that it always reigned at Sienna. On the northeast side of the City, two large fields within the walls, are sowed with corn: All the pavement of the streets is of brick, which lasteth the longer, because there be neither carts nor coaches, but all burdens are carried upon the backs of Asses. There is a stately Palace which Pope Pius the second built, who was a Citizen of Sienna, of the Family of Picciolomini, and there in the Mount Olivet the passion of Christ is curiously graven. It is vulgarly and truly said, that Sienna abounds with Fountains, Towers, and fair Women: There is no better place to live in through all Italy, than the state of Florence, and more specially the most sweet City of Sienna. The Citizens whereof are most courteous, and they have many public meetings of the young women & Virgins to dance, where the door is open for any Citizen or stranger.  
Besides Sienna is commended for the best language, and in the same, and in all the state of Florence, men live safe from robberies, and from the murders, which are frequent in Lombardy. Add that they have delicate diet, at Florence at a reasonable rate, and in the rest of the territory at a very cheap rate. Our Hostess at Sienna gave us clean linen often changed both at bed and board, a large chamber, a good bed, a linen canopy oft changed, and did provide our meat very cleanly; for which each man paid no morethen ten giulij by the month. We bought our own meat, and I remember that the price of oil was twenty five lyres the barrel, that I paid for as much wood as an Ass would bear four baellis. They have butter, but not so good as in the valley of Arno, and they sell it twenty two sols the ounce. The Magistrate sets a price upon every thing to be sold in the market, neither dare any man sell aught, before his price be set; and upon the Butcher's stalls, a bill is set of the prices at which they must sell their meat, so as a stranger cannot be deceived. The price of wheat was 120. lyres the Moggio, containing forty eight English pecks, and each lyre is a giulio and a half. The tuscans hold Rams stones fried for a great dainty, which they call 1 a Granella, and sell it after a giulio the pound, at Sienna commonly they eat Kid's flesh for three baeli the pound, and a whole Kid for four giulij and a half, Mutton two baeli and a half the pound, a kids head three baeli, Bacon eighteen quatrines the pound, Cheese a giulio the pound, little birds a quatrine a piece, a vessel of wine containing thirty two boccali and a half for ten giulij and two baeli.  
The eighteenth of November in the year 1594, I road forty miles to Lucca, and ten 
Anno 1594 Nou. 18.  to Pisa. If any man desire to know the right way from Sienna to Pisa, I will set it down by relation of a friend, who road the same in a day and night, without intermission, being fifty miles; the first seven through mountains, thirteen miles through pleasant hills, and thirty miles in a plain, tilled after the Lombard fashion, with corn, and vines growing upon Elms, and he reported the way to be most safe by night as well as day, though a man were known to carry money. But I return to my own journey from Sienna, where I hired a horse to Lucca for fourteen giulij; and the first day in the morning I road twenty two miles to castle Fiorentine, in a narrow plain, between fruitful hills of pasture and corn. By the way I lighted at Castle Certaldo, seated upon a mount, that I might see the sepulchre of john Boccacio, upon which these verses (of his own invention while he lived) were engraven:  

Hac sub Mole jacent cineres ac ossa johannis,  
Mens sedet ante Deum meritis ornatalaboris;  
Mortalis vitae genitor Boccacius illi:  
Patria Certaldo, studium fuit alma Poesis.  
Under this Pile john's bones and ashes lie,  
His soul at rest enjoys his labours hire;  
Borne at Certald, he studied Poesy,  
Boccacio was the surname of his Sire.   
Collucius Pierius hath added more in old Lombard letters, in the year 1375, and upon the very sepulchre other writings are razed out, under which this is written in Latin: Lactantio antius Theobaldus when he was Podesta (or Governor) at Certaldo for the people of Florence, admiring his pleasant wit and quick invention, did for the renewing of his memory, erect this monument to him at his own charge, and that by fines imposed in the year 1500. Also his statue without a beard carved in marble, was set upon his Tomb. At Castle Fiorentino I paid three giulij and a half for my dinner, and one giulio for my horse-meat.  
After dinner I road fifteen miles to Ponte Capiano, where every horse of Carriers laded, and of Vetturines hired, payeth two giulij to the Duke, which tax they say the Duke imposed, to withdraw Merchants from trading that way, leading to Lucca. All the way the fields were tilled on the Lombard fashion, with corn, and vines growing upon Elms. Before we had rode two miles, I passed the River Arno, and paid half a giulio for my passage. At Ponte Capiano I paid ten baeli for my supper upon reckoning, & twelve baeli for oats for my horse, and eight baeli for hay, straw, and stable room. The second day in the morning I road through the like way, (having mountains on my right hand towards the North) seven miles in the state of Florence, and six miles to Lucca in that free state. This City I have described before; and here I paid for my dinner upon reckoning two giulij and a half. After dinner I hired a horse for two giulij, and road through like way, in a fruitful plain, five miles in the state of Lucca, and then five miles more to Pisa, passing into that state over a high mountain, and the rest of the way lying through fenny grounds. This City I have described before, and here I paid for my supper three giulij or real.  
And because the passage by sea was more dangerous from Ligorno to Genoa, I hired a horse to Lirigi for one piastro or silver crown. The first day I road twelve miles, through an open plain, to Via Regia, and there passing out of the state of Florence into that of Lucca, I road eight miles through a thick wood, where the quarters of thieves were newly hung up, who few days before had robbed and almost killed a Frenchman; and then entering again the state of Florence, I road one mile to Pietra Santa, and five miles more in the same state of Florence, and one mile and a half in the state of Lucca, and half a mile to Masso in the state of the Prince of Masso, who is a marquess of the Family of Malaspina. All this way being through a plain, tilled after the manner of Lombardy, with mountains of Chessenuts on the right hand, having in all road this day twenty eight miles.  
In this City of Masso the Postmaster stayed us from going any further, pretending to give us new horses, because those we had were hired of his man at Pisa: but the true cause was, that we might lodge in his house that night, to which my companions agreed, but myself being desirous to see the quarries of marble at Carrara, took of him half the piastro I had paid at Pisa, and so I left my horse. Then turning out of the way, I went on foot three miles to Carara, through woody mountains abounding with Chessenuts. This Town is subject to the Prince of Masso, and is famous for the marble, which is much preferred before other, as well for the exceeding whiteness of some stones, as for the length of pillars and tables digged thence, which madeit much esteemed at Rome in the time of the free state, and of the Empire; and by reason it lies near the sea, the stones are more easily conveyed to Rome, or else where. In one of the quarries called Pianella, I did see many stones digged out, which were as white as snow, and other quarries have veins of all colours: and they sell as much marble as an Ox will draw for twenty sols; but if it be carved there, the price is greater, according to the workmanship. Each quarry is proper to some private man, and if any man dig in another man's quarry, they fine him at twenty crowns, or more according to the damage. When I beheld the beauty of Men and Women in these parts, which seemed to me greater than in any other part of Italy, I remembered the Patriarch jacob, who laid party coloured rods in the watering troughs, when the Ewes were in heat, to make them bring party coloured lambs: and I thought by the same reason and force of nature, that they who digged these white marbles, might have a more beautiful race. The Inns of this Town were base, and only fit to entertain Artificers: and here I paid for a poor supper of herbs, eggs, and chessenuts, ten baeli.  
The second day in the morning, I went forward in my journey on foot, and that alone, first three miles to the confines of the Marquisate of Masso, than four miles in the Territory of Genoa, to a strong Fort belonging to that State, and seated in a plain; and I paid for my passage over the River Magra two baeli: and after I went three miles over mountains, abounding with Olive trees, and the tree Lecha yielding a fruit like the Olive, and so I came to Lirigi, a Haven Town upon the Tirrhene sea, whence we were to sail by the shore to Genoa.  
There we expected passengers and a good wind for some few days. And at the same time there was the French Cardinal of joyeuse, who was to sail into France. I paid each night four bolinei for my bed, and eating upon reckoning, I spent less than two giulij by the day. They use to make this voyage to Genoa in little Barks called Frigate, and a less kind of boats called Feluce, and each night to strike into some Port upon the Coast. I passed in a Feluca, and paid three real for my passage.  
The first day we sailed in a short space from Lirigi to Wien, a Haven not far distant, under a promontory, at the entrance into this sea, but the wind being high, and our boat little, and somewhat over loaded, and the mariners themselves showing no great confidence, we durst not put forth to sail any further. I paid a cavelotto, that is four bolinei for my bed with a companion, and six bolinei for my supper. The second day the wind being somewhat calmed, we sailed not without danger thirty miles, to Sestri another Haven. This day was the day of Saint Katherine, the Patroness of Mariners, who think that no man was ever drowned that day, but they observe that after that day the winds use to grow boisterous. I would willingly have gone by land, but this Coast being all of high Rocks, there was no good high way over them, nor commodity for passage. Yet you cannot imagine a more fruitful and pleasant place, than the narrow valleys and hills lying upon the sea side: only this coast lying upon the south sun; breathing fire out of Africa, is subject to great heat in summer time. This Territory doth so abound with fruitful trees and flowers, as the markets are furnished with them in the very month of December. It yieldeth noble wines; namely, Lavernazza, and in villages called Cinqueterre, the wine called Le lagrime di Christo, that is, the tears of Christ, which is so pleasant, as the jalians say, that a Dutchman tasting it, did greatly lament that Christ had not wept in his Country. At Sestri we had delicate white bread and excellent wine, (as likewise in all this journey) and all things at a cheap rate, and each man spent there nine bolinei.  
The third day we sailed ten miles over an arm of the sea, to Porto Fino, called of old the Haven Delfinus, now they call it Fino for the goodness thereof. On the East side of this Promontory the sea was most calm, but when we passed to the West side, the winds were so high, and the waves so troubled, as we had almost been cast away, and were by force driven upon the side of a Rock, where my consorts trusted to their crucifixes, vows, and beads, (upon which they number their prayers), and myself creeping upon hands and knees, with great difficulty first got to the top of the rock, where being in safety, the name of the Haven came in my mind, which answereth to my Christian name, and thanking God for my deliverance from this danger, I was glad that I escaped christening in this Haven of my own name. After my other consorts climbed to me, and thence we went on foot ten miles by the twilight of the evening and Moon light, to a village, where each man upon reckoning paid six bolinei for his supper.  
The next morning early before day break, we went forward on foot, our consorts of Genoa often warning us to be silent for fear of thieves, and after we had gone six miles, we came by the breaking of the day to Genoa. By the way we did see a Village 
Genoa  all ruined, and they told us that Turkish Pirates landing suddenly, had spoiled the same and burned it, and had pulled down the Churches and Altars, and among other Prisoners, had taken away a most fair Virgin from her bridegrooms side, who had married her the day before.  
The description of Genoa.  
(A) The Fort of the sea bank, (B) Statues erected to the builders thereof, (C) the Palace of Andreetta D' Auria, without the walls upon the sea, (D) the statue of Andrea d' Auria upon the wall, (E) the new Fort, (F) the new street most stately built, (G) the Cathedral Church, (K) Saint Mathewes Church, (L) the Duke's Palace, (M) the inner Haven, (N) the Tower Faro and the ruins of the Fort called La Briglia, that is, the bridle, (PPPP) three gates of the City, and the fourth leading to the Haven. On the northeast side where the sea lies (P) upon the City we entered, and at the very entrance, we did see two stately Palaces of Georgio d' Auria, and a Gentleman called Seba, and six other Palaces, but less stately. Gtnoa is seated upon the sides of mountains and hills, declining from the highest mountain on the Westside, towards the East, and to the sea side. Upon the foresaid North, and northeast side, werelong suburbs, and two gates, and without the walls a River falls from the Western mountains towards the East, and so into the Sea. On the Southside is the outward Haven, in the form of a half moon, upon the horn whereof towards the East, lies the sea bank, called La Mola, about 600. paces long, which keepeth off the waves of the sea that beat upon the City on the East side. And in the midst of this bank is a (A) Fort built to detend the Navy. There also are certain statues (B) erected to the founders of the building. And in the furthest corner of this haven towards the City, is an (M) inner haven, compassed with walls, where the galleys lie under a covered biniding. Near that is the Armoury of the City, & the chief galley in the Port called, Lafoy Real, the Regal, was about seucnty five walking paces long, and they said that four hundred Rowers belonged to the same. At the other horn of the outward Port towards the southwest, is the (N) tower Faro upon firm land, kept by certain watchmen, who by night hang out lights to direct the mariners at sea. near that lies the Fort Lahiigita, that is, the bridle, which the French King Lewis the twelfth fortified: but the Citizens: expelling the French out of the City, demolished the same. Thence as you walk towards the City, and before you enter into the gates, lies; C) the stately Palace of Andreetta D' Auria (or Doria) the building whereof, the garden, the stairs to descend to the sea, the banqueting house, and divers open galleries, are of Kingly magnificence. Not far thence upon the wall is a (D) statue erected to Andrea 〈◊〉 Aurta, late Admiral to the Spanish Fleet. Then you come to the (P) gate of the City, and not far thence within the walls, is (P) ano her gate leading to the inner Haven, where the Galleys lie. Not far thence is the most fair Cathedral (G) Church, in which is an ancient monument of metal, digged out of the adiouning valley, which hath an old inscription, showing the antiquity of the City-Not far thence is the (K) Church Saint Matthew, wherein the Prinets of the Family of 〈◊〉 have long had their monuments. near that lies the (L) Dukes Palace, not his private Palace, but public, which is kept by a guard of Dutchmen, who also have the keeping of two of the strongest gates of the City. In the Court yard of this Palace, is a foot ftatua, armed and of white marble, erected to the foresaid Andrea d' Aurta, by the Senate with the title of Father of his Country, because ne had lately restored the Citizens to their liberty. And in an upper chamber called Sala brutta, are divers statues in the habits of Senators, erected to Paulo Spinola, to Eattista Grimaldo, and Ansidio Gri. S. C. On the West side without the walls are Palaces of Gentlemen, almost innumerable and in the highest part of the City, was the new Castle (E) most strongly fortified, which the Citizens demolished to preserve their liberty. A little lower and within the walls, is the new street, vulgarly (F) La strada Nuona, lying from the West to the northeast, each house whereof is built with Kingly magnificence, neither do I think that any City in the world hath so fair a street. These houses or rather Palaces may be seen by strangers, for the gentlemen's servants keeping them; willingly show them to any desiring that favour, aswell in expectance of reward, as for the honour of their Master and Country. Myself did see the Palace of Giovan Battista d' Auria, the building whereof was very stately, and the garden not only most pleasant, but adorned with statues and fountains. And in one of the chambers were the gentlemen's Arms, whereof some were of pure silver guilded over The City hath certain inner gates, which always stand open and show that the circuit of the City is now much increased and upon these gates are chains of iron, for remembrance (as they say) of their liberty once lost.  
The whole circuit of the City, excepting the Mola, is five miles; and save that the inner Haven strikes somewhat into the City, it seemeth almost of a round form. No doubt the City is of great antiquity, which some say was built by Gianus King of Italy, and of him had the name; and that the Promontory 〈◊〉, was of old called the vineyard of Gianus. The monument in the Cathedral Church witnesseth that this City flcrished among the old Cities of Italy, about 300. years before Christ's incarnation. Others will have the City named of a Latin word, as the gate of Italy. It is fortified toward the sea with all art, and towards the land aswell by nature as art, there being but one way to come to it, and that over high and steep rocks. The streets are narrow, the Palaces are stately built of marble, and the other houses of free stone, five or six stories high, and the windows are glazed, which is rare in Italy. The streets are paved with flint, and the houses of the suburbs are almost as fair as within the City. Corals are fished in this sea towards Sardinia and Corsica islands, not far distant, and the ounce thereof is here sold for three lyres. Now in the very month of December, the markets were full of summer flowers, herbs, and fruits, whereof I shall speak more in the due place. It is proverbially said of this City; Montagne senza legni, Mar' senza pesci, huomini senza fede, donne senza vergogna, Mori bianchi, Genoa superba: That is, Mountains without wood, Sea without fish, Men without faith, Women without shame, white Moors, Genoa the proud. In good earnest, they report that the Merchants being not bound by writing, make little account to break their promise, and the French liberty of the Women makes the Italians judge them without shame, and as Florence is called the fair for the building, so I think Genoa is called the proud.  
The chairs called Seggioli, whereof I spoke in the description of Naples, are also in use here, in which the Citizens of both sexes are carried upon two Porter's shoulders, through the streets lying upon the sides of hills, the chairs being covered with a curtain drawn, and having glass windows, so as they may see all men, and themselves be unseen. Besides, in regard of the narrow streets, and the steep mountains on all sides, they use horse litters here in stead of Coaches. The men in their feasting, dancing, and free conversation, and the women in their apparel, come nearer to the French then any other Italians. Here I paid one real by the day for my chamber, and dressing my meat, which I bought myself, all things being at good rate in the City, as in the Country. There is such store of fruits, as they give a citron for a quatrine, and two Oranges for a quatrine; and to end in a word, my diet here was for the manner and price not much differing from the same at Pisa.  
They account ninety miles from Genoa to Milan, which journey I went on foot, willingly exposing myself to this trouble, partly to spare my purse in the bottom, partly to pass more safely in this disguise through the Duchy of Milan, subject to the Spaniards, who then had wars with the English. The first day after dinner, I walked all alone, seven miles to Ponte Decimo, by the bank of a river between stony mountains, but frequently inhabited. And I paid eight soldi for my supper on reckoning, and a cavellotto (that is four bolinei) for my bed. The second day I went on foot eleven miles, ascending all the way high mountains, and tired with the difficulty of the journey, only refreshed with the hope of an easy descent from the mountains: and being very hungry by the way, I chanced to meet with a begging Friar of the Order of Saint Francis, who having victuals in his bag, gave me to eat, but would receive no money for it; saying, it was against their rule to handle any money. Thence I walked seven miles down those mountains, in the territory of Genoa to Gavidon, and four miles more through a plain and dirty way, in the Duchy of Milan to Seravalle, where I paid four cavellottis (that is sixteen bolinei) for my supper and my bed. The third day in the morning, I walked fourteen miles in a dirty way to Tortona, where I paid one soldo for tribute (as all passengers pay) and seven soldi for my dinner upon reckoning. Thence I walked after dinner in a dirty way five miles to Ponte Curon, and further in a way somewhat fairer five miles to Voghera. All this way in the Duchy of Milan, was in a most fruitful plain of corn, with Elms planted in the furrows, and vines growing upon them, and such is the way in all Lombardy, and to the very City of Paduoa. At Voghera I paid three real for my supper and bed.  
And here by chance I sound an English Merchant in the Inn, who talking rashly, did voluntarily (without being examined whence he was) profess himself to be a Dutchman, and myself in disguised poor habit, sitting at the lower end of the table, and speaking to him in the Dutch language, he was forced for want of the language, to say that he was a Dutchman, but borne upon the confines of France; and knowing no no other language but the French, whereupon I speaking to him in the French tongue, he had as little skill in that, as in the Dutch; so as I might perceive that he dissembled his Country, and being not willing to press him, as having been myself often forced in like sort to dissemble my Country, did forbear to speak any more to him in the Dutch or French tongue, & we began to discourse in Italian, wherein he had spoken little before he uttered these words, jome ne repentiva: that is, Irepented myself thereof, whereas an Italian would have said, jome ne pentiva, by which fillable added by him, I presently knew he was an English man. Supper being ended, he perceiving himself to have been thus pressed by a poor fellow, sitting at the lower end of the table, took me for a spy, and feared I should betray him, and presently went into the stable, where he commanded his servant to saddle their horses, that they might ride all night towards Genoa. But I following him, and boldly speaking English to him, he was soon content to stay all night, and to take me in my homely apparel for his bedfellow.  
Having passed this night merrily, I hired a horse the fourth day for four cavellottis, and road eleven miles to Bastia, than I walked on foot seven miles to Paula, and being 
Paula.  afoote-man, I paid five foldi for my passage over the River Po. This journey hitherto was in a dirty way, having plain fields on both sides, tilled after the foresaid manner of Lombordy and many rich pastures, which are rare in all other parts of Italy. Entering Paula I passed a stately bridge, built over the River 〈◊〉, which runs from the West to the East, and after six miles falleth into the River Po. This bridge was two hundred walking prices long, and so broad as two carts might pass together, and was built of stone, and covered over the head with a roof, with open air on the sides, & supported with pillars. The City lies in length from the East to the West, and a new fair street divides it in the midst, by the breadth from the South to the North. On the West side of this street are two market places, one greater than the other. In the less is a 〈◊〉 called Regia Sole, of mixed metal, (vulgarly Dibronzo) which some write to have been made with art magic, by the Emperor Anastasius, for his own image, and to haud been placed by him upon the pillar of the soldiers at Ravenna, where he kept his Court, and after Ravenna was taken by Charles the great, that this Image being to be carried into France, was by the way left here. Others will have it the statue of the Emperor Antoninus Pias: for they are deceived who think it the statue of Odoacer King of the Lombard's, who hath another statue in this market place. On the 〈◊〉 West side of the foresaid new street towards the northside, is the Castle which john Galiacius first Duke of Milon built, and the same Duke's Library; but almost void of Books, and in this Castle lies a Garrison of Spaniards: near that is the Church of Saint 〈◊〉, in a Chappol whereof, is a stately Sepulchre, in which they say the bones of that Saint were laid; being brought thither out of the Island Sardinia. And this sepulchre is of marble curiously engraven, and worthy to be sought out and beheld. There I did read this inscription written in Latin upon another sepulchre: The French King Francis the first being taken by Caesar's Army near Pavia, the fourteenth of Febru 〈…〉, among other Lords these were Lorraine Francis Duke of Lorraine, Richard de la Poole Englishman, and Duke of Suffolk, banished by his tyrant King Henry the 〈◊〉. At last Charles Parken of Morley, kinsman of the said Richard, banished out of England for the Catholic Faith by Queen Elizabeth, and made Bishop hereby the 〈◊〉 of Philip King of Spain, ded out of his small means erect this Monument to him, etc. In a Cloister of the same Church, is a Sepulchre of this Charles Parken Bishop, decensed in the year 〈◊〉. There is another Monument of 〈◊〉, King of Lombardy; and another of the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with this inscription in Latin; Most 〈◊〉 in the Greek and Latin langues, who being Consul, was sent hither into bamshment. And with these verses,  

 
 
Hath Death 〈◊〉 aught? my goodness mounts the Skies,  
Great is my same, my work lives in men's eyes.   
On the East side of the said new street, and towards the North, lies the Church of Saint Francis, where is a monument of Baldus the Civil Lawyer, and they show his head of an extraordinary bigness. Without the walls of the City on the North side, is a piece of ground of some twenty miles' circuit, compasted with a wall in many places broken down, vulgarly called Il Barco, that is, the Park which john Galiacius Duke of Milan walled in to keep fallow Dear, Hares, and Coneys: but at this day it is divided into Pastures and ploughed fields. On the furthest side of this Park from the City, is the place where the French King, Francis the first, was taken prisoner by the Army of the Emperor Charles the fifth. Not far thence is the Monastery of the Carthusians, called la Certosa, where the building of the Church, the stones of Marble, the engraving, the top covered with Lead, part of the great Altar of Alabaster (highly valued), the Sepulchre of john Galiacius first Duke of Milan, and the revenue of the Church exceeding three hundred thousand Crowns by the year, deserve admiration. The buildings of the City are of brick, and seem to be of great antiquity. The Emperor Charles the fourth in the year 1361, at the instance of Galiacius the second, gave this City the privileges of an University. The King of Spain permits Jews to dwell here: but they may not stay in Milan above twenty four hours. This City was the seat of the Kings of Lombardy, whose old Castle is to be seen near the Church of Saint Michael. After it was subject to the Kings of Italy, and the Berengarij being overcome, it was subject to the Emperor Otho the first, by right of his wife, and successively to the Emperors, with some show of a free City, which freedom that they might more fully attain, they willingly yielded themselves in the year 254 to the Archbishop of Ravenna. After they were subject to usurping Citizens, whom the viscounts of Milan expelled, and so joined this City to their State, which together with the Dukedom of Milan came to the Spaniards hands, in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth. I lodged here in a fair Inn, but common to the base for't, the Hostess whereof was a Masculine woman, and by the night letting in Ruffians to drink, I was not a little afraid of some violence to be offered me in my chamber; whereupon I firmly resolved with myself, to lodge ever after in the best Inn, and of best fame, especially in Lombardy, infamous for murders, and here I paid for my supper and my bed three real.  
I went on foot from Pavia, going forth at the Nothwest Gate twenty miles through 
Milano.  rich Pastures, to Milan, called la grand, that is, The great, of the large circuit thereof. The City hath the name of Olanus, a Tuscan Captain; or the Latin word media lana, that is, Half wool, of those kind of stuffs made in the City. It is large, populous, and very rich, seated in a Plain (as all Lombardy lies) and that most fertile, and by the commodity of a little River brought to the City by the French, and almost compassing the same, it aboundeth also with foreign Merchandise. Of old it was the seat of many Roman Emperors: but the History of the City being contained in the History of Italy, I will only remember, that the Archbishop thereof long time challenged the Primacy in the Italian Church, never acknowledging the Bishop of Rome for superior; and that he crowned the Emperor with a Crown of Iron, after the people of Milan had approved him: That the King of the Ostrogothes had the same Crown set upon his head after his victory, which Crown (they say) was given, in sign that the Empire and the command of Milan were to be won by Iron. That the Citizens of Milan were often Rebels to the Emperors. That the viscounts made vicarij of the City, did by little and little subject the Territory, and the City with title of Duke of Milan. That the Family of viscounts being extinct in Duke Philip about the year 1447, the Dukes of Orleans by right of their Mother, and Francis Sforza by the right of his wife, challenged the inheritance of the Dukedom: but the Emperor thought the same to be fallen back to his right. That Francis Sforza was by the people first made Captain of their forces, & then chosen Duke. That the French King Francis the first, defending the right of the Dukes of Orleans, cast Sforza out of the Dukedom in the year 1449. That the Emperor Charles the sift, casting out the French in the vere 1521, first restored Sforza to the Dukedom, with some restraint of his power; but he being dead, invaded the Dukedom himself, whereupon after many contentions & battles, it came to his successors the Kings of Spain, of the family of Austria, to whom at this day it is subject.  
The City is of a round for me, and hath nine gates, the building shows antiquity, and the houses are of brick and low built excepting some stately Palaces (such as is that of the Duke of Terra Nova) the streets are broad, and the pavement of brick, raised in the midst with broad stones.  
When I came to the City on foot, I made offer to enter at the Gate called Genese on the South side: but the Guard refused me as a footman to paste into the City; and lest by my importunity I should have made them look more narrowly into my quality, (they being commonly expert men, to find out any disguised person), I went back into the Suburbs, as it I would lodge there; but as soon as I was out of sight, I walked further towards the East, compaising a great Fen, and so joining myself to some Citizens, returning from walking in the fields, I entered with them into the City, by the next Gate on the same South side, which Gate is called Lodovico, and was only kept by one soldier. A little Brook within the walls compasseth the very centre of the City circularly; beyond which Brook, on the northside within the walls, not far from the Gate Zobia, is a large Meadow, wherein are no houses: for there is the most strong Castle seated in a Plain, and kept by a Spanish Garrison, into which no Frenchman may enter. Therefore I having gotten so difficultly into the City, restrained my curiosity from attempting to view this Castle, lest I should rashly expose myself to great danger. Further towards the North without the Gate Renza, is a large Hospital for those that are sick of the plague, having more chimneys (as they say) than the year hath days. Not tar from the Gate Genese, is the Church of S. Laurence, which os old was dedicated to Hercules by the Emperor Maximinianus Erculeus buried in the same; and it hath a rare Image of the Virgin Marie, and 16 stately Marble Pillars, and the building is Magnificent. The Emperor Theodosius is said to have given to S. Ambrose Archbishop of Milan, one of the nails wherewith Christ was fastened to the Cross, and the brazen Serpent that Moses lift up in the Desert (the Image of which Serpent was of mixed metal, vulgarly called di bronzo), and they say, that S. Ambrose left these relics in the Churches of S. Tccla and of S. Ambrose; and the Altar under which the body of S. Ambrose lies, is valued at 28000 Crowns. In the Church Delle Gratte, belonging to the Been dictine Friars, not far from the Gate Zobia, is a stately Throne, and under it an unperfected monument, which Duke Lodovico Sforza purposed to have built for himself: but the French cast him out of his Dukedom, and he died in France. And in this Monastery is a notable Library, and in the place where the Friars eat, the supper of our Lord is painted with wonderful art. In the little Chapel of S. Gottard, is the sepulchre of that Saint, whose name the mountain of the Alps doth bear, which is most famous for the difficult passage. The great & stately Cathedral Church called Il Domo, is built all of white marble, and supported with some 100, marble pillars, in which at this day they sing the mass of S. Ambrose, differing from the Roman Mass, and only agreeing therewith in the words of consecration.  
From Milan to Cremona are accounted 52 miles, and I making short stay at Milan, for the danger of my abode there, hired a horse to Cremona for a Crown of gold wanting 8 soldi, and riding out at the Roman Gate, and bearing the Carrier company, of whom I hired my horse, road 12 miles the first day after dinner to Marignano, through a plain Country of rich pastures, where I paid 3 real for my supper. The second day I road 30 miles to the Castle Pizighitone, through like rich Pastures, having by the way paid 24 soldi for my dinner, and near my journeys end 3 soldi for my passage over the River Adda, and at this Castle 1 paid 30 soldi for my Supper. The French King Francis the first, taken prisoner by the Emperor, in the year 1525, was for a good space kept with much honour in the tower of this Castle. The third day in the morning 1 road ten miles to Cremoná. The Family Pallavicini (at this day chief in the City) when the Empire 
Cremona.  of Rome decayed, made themselves Lords of this City, whom Galeatius Viscount of Milan subdued, and united the City to the State of Milan, and so by the said Dukedom subdued by the Spaniards, it came into their subjection. The Cardinal Francis Sfondrato, and Eusebius the writer of the Ecclesiastical History, were borne in this City. The form of the City seems very like to a Cardinal's Hat with broad brimes, and it is seated in a Plain, one mile distant from the River Po. We entered this City by the narrow part lying towards Milan, and there is a most strong Fort built to keep the Citizens in awe, and kept by a Spanish Garrison, and seated in a plain field, wherein are no other buildings but the Fort itself. From hence going to the opposite & broader part of the City, is a large and very fair Market place, near which is a Tower or Steeple, of such height and beauty, as the Italians proverbially say, One Peter at Rome; one Haven at Ancona; one Tower at Cremona; thereby noting the excellency. This Tower is built of brick, and hath four hundred ninety and two stairs in the ascent. Near the same is a statue of a Giant, who, they say, was overcome by Hercules, the founder of the City; and the Citizens keep a feast once a year, at which time with many ceremonies they adorn this statue with rich robes. near this Tower and Market place, lies the stately Cathedral Church, and the fairest and richest Monastery is that of Saint Dominick. This City hath many stately Palaces, and the streets thereof are broad and very pleasant. Here I paid thirty three soldi (that is the fourth part of a Ducaton) for my supper.  
From hence to Mantua are forty five miles, whether I hired a horse for five lyres: The first day we road twenty two miles, where going out of the Duchy of Milan, and passing the River Oye, we entered the Duchy of Mantua, and then road nine miles to Mercaria. And by the way we passed the pleasant Castle, or rather City called Bozilia, belonging to julius Gonzaga, being of the Family of the Dukes of Mantua; which Castle was built with open cloisters or arches toward the street, under which the passengers walk dry in the greatest rain, and such are the buildings of the Cities in this Dukedom, and in many neighbour places. By the way also in a solitary Inn I paid fifteen soldi for my dinner, and at Mercaria I paid thirty four soldi for my supper.  
The second day we road fourteen miles to Mantua through most fruitful fields, 
Mantua.  tilled after the manner of Lombardy, and in a most dirty highway. The Histories report, that this City had the name of Manto, the daughter of Tiresias. It is seated in the midst of Fens or Lakes, made by the River Mencius. The buildings are partly of Brick, partly of Free stone, and the streets are large and clean. The form of this City is round, save that the foresaid Lakes on the North and East-sides enter into the City, in the form of an half Moon. Coming from Cremona I entered Mantua on the West side, by the Gate Praedella, where is a fair street called Il Borgo. On the same side towards the South, is the Gate Pistrella, which leads to the Duke's stately Palace called Teye, seated some mile out of the City, and compassed with water, where in the Giant's Chamber I did see most fair pictures, and it is built in a quadrangle only two stories high, with a low roof, after the manner of the building of Italy. On the Southside is the Gate of 〈◊〉, whence the way lies by the bank of the Lake to a Village called Petula, two miles distant from the City, in which, they say, that the famous Poet Virgil was borne, and show the house where his parents dwelled. Partly on the North, and partly on the East side, the City is compassed with Lakes, which usually are covered with infinite number of water foul; and from these Lakes there is a passage into the River Po, and so by water to Venice. On the northeast side is the Gate of S. George, whence between the two Lakes is a causey two hundred walking paces long, and beyond it a bridge of stone five hundred paces long, like to a fair gallery, covered over the head, and supported with brick pillars, having open windows, two paces distant one from the other, then passing a drawbridge, you come to another causey between the said two Lakes, which causey is two hundred forty walking paces long, before you come to firm land. On the East side of the said bridge, and within the City, the Duke's stately Palace lies upon the Lake, and to this Palace joineth the Cathedral Church of Saint Peter, where also is a pleasant Marketplace. There lie the Duke's stables, and in one of them were some hundred horses for the saddle, and in the other as many for the Coach, and he hath a third stable without the Gates, wherein is the like number of young Colts. On the northside, at the furthest bank of the Lake, is one only Gate, and a like bridge to pass into the Suburbs, and there lics the way to the chief Palace of the Duke, some few miles distant from the City, called 〈◊〉, the building whereof is only two stories hic, with a low roof, and the chief chambers were hung with guilded leather, after the Italian manner, three skins whereof were commonly sold for a Crown, and the Gardens of this Palace were exceeding pleasant. In the midst of the City Mantua is a large Market place, wherein the jews have their shops, and sell all manner of wares, for all traffic is in their hands, growing rich by the poverty of the Citizens; and being so much favoured by the Duke, as they dwell not in any several part of the City, but where they lift, and in the very Marketplace; neither are they forced (as in other parts of Italy) to wear yellow or red caps, whereby they may be known, but only a little piece of yellow cloth on the left side of their cloaks, so as they can hardly be distinguished from Christians, especially in their shops, where they wear no cloaks. Such be the privileges which the jews have gotten by bribing (especially in the Dutchéy of Savoy) through the unsatiable avarice of our Christian Princes. near this Marketplace is the large Church of Saint Andrew, and the Senate-house, in which they show two statues of Cupid (whereof one is ancient, and of much greater value than the other), and a very long unicorns horn, and a pair of Organs of Aliblaster, besides jewels, and vessels of gold and silver. Not farrethence is the third Marketplace of justice. To conclude, at the gate of Saint Francis Church is the head of Virgil, which the Neapolitans say (as in the description of that City I formerly said) was stolen from the Sepulchre of Virgil, upon the Mount Pausilip. In the Palace called dellaragione, is another statue of Virgil, sitting at a Table of brass, as if he were writing, and crowned with Laurel. I said formerly, that there is a passage from the Lakes into the River Po, and so by water to Venice, and the Duke, to take his pleasure upon the water, hath a baot called Bucentoro, because it will bear some two hundred, and it is built in the upper part like a banqueting house, having five rooms (with glazed windows) wherein the Duke and his Train do sit; and these rooms are supported upon a boat, the Mariners that row the same, sitting under the said rooms, the first and largest room whereof was fifteen walking paces long, with benches on both sides; the second was eight paces long, the third five, and the fourth likewise five paces long; the fifth was a Gallery over the other rooms forty paces long, and open, to which they mounted by stairs out of the first room. And this boat doth not only much differ from our King's barges, aswell for the bigness as the rich furniture, but also is flat in the bottom, the waters being still and calm on which it passeth. These rooms according to occasions have more or less rich hangings, when the Duke either goeth out to disport himself, or when he takes any journey therein, (as oft he doth.)  
It is unlawful to wear a sword without licence of the Magistrate, either at Milan, Cremona, Mantua, or almost in any City of Italy; only at Venice and Paduoa, and the Cities of that State, strangers may wear Swords, and only the wearing of Pistols or short guns is forbidden. At Mantua I paid three real each meal, and being to depart thence. I was forced to take a Bill of the Customers, by which they signify to the Guard at the gate, whether the passenger be to go on horseback, on foot, or by coach, and what tribute he is to pay; for which Bill a footman pays 3. soldi, another passenger six. Thus the Princes of italy having small Territories, do not only burden their subjects with taxes, but all strangers, & strictly take account from the exacters thereof.  
Being to go from hence to Paduoa, we went out of the gate Saint Ceorge, and I hired a horse from Mantua to the Castle Este for eleven lyres. The first day we passed by a Fort of the Venetians most strongly fortified upon the confines of that State, which Fort lies upon the River Athesis, and is called Lignaco, and road some twenty miles through a Plain tilled after the manner of Lombardy to Monteguiara, where I paid forty soldi, (that is two lyres) for my supper. The next morning I road nine miles to the Castle Este, whence is the Family of the Dukes of Ferraria, long flourishing, but now extinct. From thence I passed by boat 15 miles to Paduoa, and paid 22 soldi for my 
Paduoa.  passage. This day when I returned to Paduoa, was the 14 of December, after the new style, in the year 1594, which city & the rate of victuals there, I have formerly described,   

CHAP. FOUR Of the Sopulcher of Petrarch at Arqua. Of my journey to Vicenza, Verona, Brescia, and Bergnmo, in Italy), then passing the Alps, to Chur, Zurech, Solothurn, Geneva, and (in my return thence) to Berna (in Sweitzerland), thence to Strasburg (in Germany), and to Chalon, to Paris, to Rouen, and to deep (in France), and finally of my passagety 〈◊〉 Land, to London (in England).  
Whilst I expected the commodity of the Spring for my journey homewards, I went to Venice to receive money there, and retaining a sufficient proportion in my hands, I thought to make over the rest to Paris by bills of exchange, but France having been now long wasted with civil war, I could not find one Merchant of Venice, who had any the least Traffic at Paris. Therefore persisting still in my obstinate purpose to return by France, I thought at least to procure the change of this money to Geneva: And so only out of my desire to see the City of Geneva, I resolved again to pass over the Alps into Sweitzerland, though I had formerly seen those Towns. Then I bought an Hungarian horse for twenty Crowns of a Dutch Gentleman newly arrived in these parts. And while I prepared all things necessary for my journey, and expected a sit season of the year, it came in my mind to see the Monument not far distant of the famous Poet Francis Petrarch, and being willing to give my horse rest, I went on foot with certain Dutch Gentlemen thirteen miles to Arqua. By the way we did see a most fair Monastery Praia, and the Baths of Abano, the water whereof doth boil with such heat, as it would fetch off the skin being touched.  
At Arqua is the sepulchre of Fetrarch, of red marble spotted, and it hath this inscription in Latin:  
To the worthy man F. P. a Laureate Poet, his son in Law Francis Lus-debro Savo of Milan, for their inward conversation, love, affinitte and his succession, left this memory. Under that followed these verses:  

Frigida Francisci lapis hic tegit ossa Petrarchae,  
Suscipe virgo parens animam, sat virgin parce,  
Fessaque iam terris, caeli requiescat in Arce.  
This stone doth Francis Petrarches bones enclose,  
Take my soul Virgin, spare it Virgin's son,  
Tired on earth in heaven let it repose.   
Then followed letters razed out.  
MCCC 〈◊〉 XX. XVIIII.  
Then followed the third inscription in Latin, with his Image.  
To Francis Petrarch, Paulus Valdezucus admiring his Poems, and succeeding him in the possession of his house and fields, made this Image in the year MDXCVII. the Ides of September.  
There is also a Fountain, vulgarly called the Fountain of Petrarch, upon which these verses are written.  

Fonti numen inest, hospes venerare liquorem,  
unde bihens cecinit digna Petrarcha This.  
Some god dwells here, worship the sacred Spring,  
Whence Petrarch drinking, heavenly Rhymes did sing.   
Petrarch dwelled at Arqua, and here in the same house wherein they say he dwelled, the history of Petrarches' life is painted, where the owner of the house showed us some household stuff belonging to him, and the very skin of a Cat he loved, which they have dried, and still keep. Here I did see his Study, (a pleasant room, especially for the sweet prospect) and likewise a fair picture of Lucretia ready to die. No situation can be imagined more pleasant, then that of Arqua, lying in the mouth of Mountains abounding with Olive trees, and opening themselves upon a fruitful plain on the East and North sides. This plain yieldeth nothing in pleasantness, or in fruitfulness to that of Capua, famous for the corrupting of 〈◊〉 Army. But it is a 〈◊〉 work to praise the Euganian hills, which so many Poets and Writers have magnified.  
Upon Friday the third day of March (after the new style) in the beginning of the year 1593., according to the Italians (beginning the year the first of january) of the 
Ar. 1595.  end of the year 1594, according to the English (beginning the year upon the twenty five of March) I turned my face to journey towards my dear Country. And the first day I road eighteen miles to Vicenza, through a most pleasant plain tilled after the manner of Lombardy (where one and the same held yields plenty of corn, and hath Elm trees growing in the furrows, which support the vines; so that one field gives bread, wine, and wood for to burn By the way my curiosity made me turn aside two miles out of the way, that I might see a wonderful Cave, and a most pleasant parlour at Costoza, in the house of Cesario Irento a Gentleman of Vicenza. The Cave was large, and fit to receive divers bands of soldiers. The Parlour was called the prison of AEolus god of the Winds; because there were certain mills, which in summer time draw much wind out of hollow Caves, and disperse the same through all the chambers of the Paliace refreshing all that dwell there with a most pleasant cool air. And upon this Parlour this verse of Virgil was written:  

AEolus hic clauso ventorum 〈◊〉 cere regnat.  
AEolus here in the winds prison reigns:   
The City of Vicenza is a fair City compassed with a wall of brick: but the building 
Vicenza.  howsoever it be very stately, is not like to that of other Cities in these parts, in this one point, namely, that the second story of the houses hangeth over the streets, and being supported with arches, giveth the passengers shelter from rain. Here I did see a Theatre for Plays, which was little, but very fair and pleasant. In the market place there is a stately Palace, and the monastery of Saint Corona belonging to the preaching Friars, is fairly built, and hath a rich Library; and the Friars keep for a holy relic the Thorn wherewith Christ was crowned: The City is subject to the Venetians, and is seated in a plain, having mountains somewhat distant on the North and South sides. Here I paid forty soldi for my supper, and eighteen soldi for three measures of oats, called quarterolli, and for the stable (so they call hay straw and the stable room, and so I will hereafter call it) I paid twenty soldi. Here I hired a horse for fifty six soldi, for a footman that had attended me hither, and was to return to Paduoa.  
From Vicenza I road thirty miles to Verona, in a most pleasant plain (tilled after the 
Verona.  manner of Lombardy) lying on my left hand towards Italy, farther than I could see, and having fruitful nils on my right hand towards the Alps, abounding with vines, growing low upon hort stakes, and yielding rich wines. I entered Verona on the East side, by the Bishop's gate called Porta del'vescono. They write that the City was of old called Berona, by the name of the Founder thereof; but the Friar Leander of Bologna writes that the City was built by the Tuseans, and had the name of the Family Vera, and was after rebuilt by the Galli Cenomani. This most fair City is built in the form of a Lute, the neck whereof lies towards the West, on which side the River Athesis (running towards the East) doth not only compass the City, but runs almost through the centre of the body of this Lute, so as the less part of the body lies on the North side of the River. The banks of Athesis (vulgarly called 〈◊〉 Adice) are joined together with three bridges of stone, and one of marble, and are adorned on both sides with many ruins of an old Theatre, and old triumphal arches The City is compassed with a wall of brick, and is seated towards the South upon the end of a large slony plain, and towards the other sides upon pleasant hills, rising towards the distant mountains. It is not built with the houses cast out towards the streets, and supported with Arches to avoid rain, as other Cities are in those parts: but the building of the houses is stately, and the Cathedral Church is remarkable for the antiquity, as likewise the Church of Saint Anastatius for the great beauty thereof; and towards the walls the ground lies void of houses, as the manner is in strong Towns. It hath a pure air, and is ennobled by the civility and ancient Nobility of the Citizens, who are endued with a cheerful countenance, magnificent minds, and much inclined to all good literature.  
Verona was a free City under the Empire, about the year 1155, till the Family of the Scaligeri growing great in the City, about the year 1259, did by little and little invade the freedom of the City, and made themselves Lords over it. At last Anthony Scaliger killing his brother Bartholomew (partner with him of that Lordship) about the year 1381, was driven out of the City by Viscount john Galeatius, the first Duke of Milan, and he being dead, William Scaliger, helped by Francis Carrariensis, drove the Garrilon of Milan out of the City, in the year 1404. But the said Francis killing the said William by poison, and the Family of the Scaligers being then so wasted, as scarcely any one was to be found of that name; the Venetians took occasion by this detestable treason of the said Francis, to make the City subject to them: but their Army being defeated by the French in the year, 1509, by a composition made between the French King and the Emperor Maximilian, the City became subject to the said Emperor, till the Venetians recovered the same out of his hands in the year 1517, under whose subjection the City to this day flourisheth, in great abundance of all things.  
On the northside of the City without the walls, is the mountain Baldo, hanging over the City, and famous for the great plenty of medicinable herbs, and upon the side of this mountain, within the walls, are no buildings, but only a strong Fort.  
On the south side lies the way to Mantua (23 miles distant,) and upon the same side lies the foresaid stony plain, five miles long, and ennobled with many skirmishes, battles, and victories. In this plain the Consul Caius Marius defeated the Cimbri, and Odoacer King of the Heruli (who destroyed the Western Empire) was defeated by Theodoricus King of the Ostrogothes, and the Dutch Emperor Arnolphus Duke of Bavaria, was defeated by Hugh of Burgundy, then possessing Italy. Upon the same South side within the walls, is a fair market place, and the Palace of the Venetian Governor (which Governor in Italy is vulgarly called Il Podesta.) And necre the walls on this side, lies a stately Monument of an old Amphitheatre, at this day little ruined, vulgarly called Harena, and built by Luc: Flaminius, (though others say it was built by the Emperor Octavius.) It passeth in bigness all the old Amphitheatres in Italy, and the outside thereof is of Marble, and the inner side with all the seats, is of brick. It is of an oval form, and the inner yard is sixety three walking paces long, and forty eight broad, where the lowest seats are most narrow, whence the seats arise in forty four stairs or degrees (howsoever others write that there be only forty two degrees), and they so arise, as the upper is still of greater circuit than the lower. And the shops of the Citizens built on the outside, under the said increase of the inner circuit, have about fifty two walking paces in breadth, which is to be added to make the full breadth of the inside. It hath eighteen gates, and between every Arch are very fair statues, and the seats within the same, are said to be capable of twenty three thousand one hundred eighty and four beholders, each one having a foot and a half allowed for his seat. Each one of us gave two gagettis to the keeper of this monument. Alboinus King of the Lombard's, was killed by his wife at Verona. In the Monastery of Saint Zeno is a Monument erected to Pipin, son to Charles the Great, and between this Monastery and the next Church, in a Church yard under the ground, is the Monument of Queen Amalasaenta.  
Barengarius King of Italy, was killed at Verona; and this City braggeth of two famous Citizens, namely, the old Poet Catullus, and Guarinus, a late writer. The territory of this City is most fruitful, abounding with all necessaries for life, and more specially with rich Wines, particularly the Retian wine, (much praised by Pliny, and preferred to the Wine of Falernum by Virgil), which the Kings of the Goths were wont to carry with them as far as Rome. It is of a red colour and sweet, and howsoever it seems thick, more fit to be eaten then drunk, yet it is of a most pleasant taste. The Lake Bennaeus is much commended for the store of good Carp, and other good fish: besides this territory yields very good marble. Here I paid forty soldi for my supper, and sixteen soldi for the stable, (that is for hay and straw) and eighteen soldi for three measures of Oats. Certain Gentlemen bearing me company from Paduoa to this City, and being to return thither, did here each of them hire a horse, for three lyres and a half to Vicenza, where they were to pay for their horse meat.  
From hence I road fifteen miles to the Castle Peschiera, built by the old Lords of Verona, and seated upon the Lake Bennacus. vulgarly called Il Lago di Gardo, where they demanded of me two quatrines for the passage of a bridge: but when I showed them my Matricula, that is, a paper, witnessing that I was a scholar of Paduoa, they dismissed me as free of all Tributes. And in like sort by the same writing, I was freed at Paduoa from paying six soldi, and at Verona from paying eight soldi. I road from this Castle seven miles to a Village, seated upon the same Lake, famous for the pleasant territory, and the abundance of good fish: and here I paid twenty soldi for my dinner, and eight soldi for my horse meat. All my journey this day was in a most sweet plain, rising still higher with fair distances, so as the ascent could hardly be seen.  
After dinner I road eighteen miles to Brescia, which City flourished under thelold 
Brescia '.  Emperors of Italy, then was subject to the Lombard's and tyrant Kings of Italy, and they being overcome, to Charles the Great, and French Governors; then to the Western Emperors of Germany, and to the Italian family of the Berengarij. And it obtained of the Emperor Otho the privilege to be a free City of the Empire, till being wasted by the factions of the Guelphi and Gibellini, the Scaligeri, a family of the same City, made themselves Lords thereof, whom the viscounts of Milan cast out of the City: and when Philip Maria Duke of Milan oppressed the City, and would not be induced to ease the same of his great impositions, they yielded themselves in the year 1509, to the French King, who had defeated the Venetian Army. Then by the French Kings agreement with the Emperor Maximiltan, the City was given into the emperors hands; whose Nephew the Emperor Charles the fifth, restored the same to the French King Francis the first, who likewise in the year 1517, gave the same into the hands of the Venetians. The most fruitful territory of Brescia, hath mines of Iron and brass, and I think so many Castles, Villages, and Houses, so little distant the one from the other, can hardly be found else where. The Brook Garza runs through the City, which is of a round form, and is seated for the most part in a plain, and towards the North upon the side of a mountain, where a Tower is built, which hath many houses adjoining, and in this Tower or Castle the Venctian Governor dwells, who takes an oath that he will never go out of the same, till a new Governor be sent from Venice. The City's building is of brick, the streets are large, and are paved with flint. Boniface Bembus, was a Citizen of Brescia, and the Brescians; as also the Citizens of Bergamo, are in manners and customs more like the French their old Lords, than the other Italians farther distant from France, and the very women receive and give salutations, and converse with the French liberty, without any offence to their husbands, which other Italians would never endure. Here I paid forty soldi for my supper, and forty soldi for four measures of oats and for the stable.  
From hence I road thirty two miles to Bergamo: and as the territories in this part of 
Bergamo.  Italy (lying upon the South sun, which beats upon the sides of the hills and mountains, with great reflection of heat, and upon the other side defended from the cold winds of the North and East, by the interposition of the Alps) are singularly fruitful and pleasant; so for the first twenty miles of this days journey, they seemed to me more pleasant than the very plain of Capua, yielding plenty of corn, and of vines growing upon Elms in the furrows of the lands, which Elms are planted in such artificial rows, as the prospect thereof much delighteth the eye. And the other twelve miles were yet more pleasant, being tilled in like sort; and towards my journeys end, yielding most large and rich pastures. The City Bergamo after the Roman Empire was extinct, first obeyed the Lombard's, than the French; and following the fortune of Brescia, was sometimes subject to the viscounts of Milan, and other Princes (invading their liberty which they had under the Empire) and other times was subdued by divers of their own Citizens, and being oppressed by the Dukes of Milan, they yielded themselves in the year 1428, to the Venetians, whose Army being deicated the next year by the French, this City likewise submitted itself to them, and they being cast out of Italy, it was subjecteth to the Sfortian Family, Dukes of Milan, and they being extinct, and the Emperor and French King making war for the Dukedeme of Milan, this City in the year 1516, returned under the power of the Venetians, who at this day enjoy the same in peace.  
The City is seated upon a mountain, upon the southside whereof a Fort is built, and under the mountain towards the East, are two large suburbs, full of fair houses and Churches. near the market place in the Church of Saint Mary, is a stately sepulchre of marble, and in the monastery of the preaching Friars, is a rich Library. These Citizens speak the Italian tongue, but more rudely than any other of Italy. Here I paid four lyres for my supper and horse-meat, and twelve soldi for my breakfast.  
From hence I took not the right way to Geneva, but declined to the way of Chur, aswell because it was more safe from robbery, as to be freed from all dangers, by venturing again to pass through the state of Milan. When I came from Paduoa, I was not curious to find out companions for this my long journey, aswell because I hoped to find some by the way, as for that I being now used to converse with any Christian strangers, little cared to be solitary by the way: but deceived of this my hope to find company, I passed all alone, not so much as accompanied with a footman, over the high Alps, which I think very few have done besides myself.  
From Bergamo I road nine miles to Trescher, where I first entered the mouth of the Alps, and thence I road nineteen miles to Lover, passing by many very pleasant lakes, and by the way I paid sixteen gagettis, that is, thirty two soldi for four horse shoes. Being to pass from hence over the steep and snowy Alps, I caused my horse to be shod with eight sharp and three blunt nails, for which I paid six soldi, and for my supper twenty eight, and for three measures of oats twenty four, and for the stable eighteen soldi. The second day I road thirty two miles to the village Edoll, through high mountains, and there I paid three lyres for my supper and horse-meat. The third day in the morning I road ten miles to a village Auryga, over a most high and steep mountain of the same name; and now I began to freeze, for cold, though before I entered the Alps, I could hardly endure the heat of the Clime.  
Hence I went forward one mile to a little Brook, which divideth the territory of the Vene: ians, and the Grysons (which 〈◊〉 free people confederate with the Cantons of Sweitzerland), and five miles further to Villa, where I paid twenty six soldi of Venice for my dinner and horse-meat; and it being now the time of Lent, they gave us flesh to eat, whereof I was glad as of a dainty I could not get in Italy, neither would they gratify the Italians their neighbours, in providing any thing else for them; so as they were forced to eat flesh without any scruple of conscience, which this people of the reformed religion would little have regarded. After dinner I road ten miles to Poschiano, through a most pleasant valley, compassed on all sides with mountains, where I paid two berlinghottis (or two lyres of Venice) for my supper and breakfast, (for all passengers use to break their fast in going over the Alps) and one Berlinghotto for five measures of oats, and for the stable. The fourth day in the morning for twelve miles I ascended the mountain Berlina, & after road thirteen miles to Lasagna, through a valley covered with snow; where I paid four batzen for my supper, and as much for my breakfast, and six batzen for two measures of oats, and two batzen for hay, straw, and stable room.  
I formerly said that I bought a horse at Paduoa, and he being a stoned horse, & those of the territory of Venice and all Lombardy using to ride upon Mares, which they put in the same stable with horses, it happened at Verona, that the Ostler let my horse loose, that the rascal might make himself sport with his covering of the mares, which for that time I knew not, but after manifestly found, since ever after he was (contrary to custom) very troublesome to me, with neighing and curveting, when soever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by any mares. And in this days journey (as when soever I passed the narrow ways of steep mountains) he was most troublesome to me: so as this people of the Alps commonly using Mares for their carriages, whensoever I met them, I was forced not without danger to light from my horse, and though I held him by the bridle, yet he was so fierce, as I could hardly keep him from falling down most steep mountains, or from being drowned in the snow, which made me repent the buying of him, though otherwise he was richly worth my money.  
The buildings of the Grisons are of free stone, but low; and for three parts of the year, the houses are covered with snow, and the windows thereof are glazed & large, and for three parts of the year they only open a little quarry of glass, and presently shut it again: and all the windows for the most part are continually covered with windows of wood, lest the heat of the stoave should go out, or any cold enter into the same.  
The fifth day in the morning I road twenty four Italian miles, (which the Grisons account four miles) to the Town Lanzi, and having passed three high mountains, and after entering into a plain, upon the next ascent of the mountains, I might first discern the opening of them towards the North, and then began to descend the Alps into Germany. In this passage of the Alps, I did many times observe mountains of snow to fall from the high mountains into the valleys, with such noise as if it had thundered: and this noise many times preserves passengers from being over whelmed with the same, falling many times into the very high ways.  
Out of the wood near Lanzi, in the twilight of the evening; I did hear more than a hundred Wolves howling, and because it was towards night, I had hired a Country Churl to guide me unto the Town, who trembled for fear, and desired me to make ready my Carbiner to shoot at them: for he said nothing terrified them more than the smell of powder; I wished him to be of good cheer, because the Wolves seemed busy about a prey, and the Town was near at hand, promising that I would not forsake him, but if need were, let him ride behind me: but fear giving him wings, so as he went as fast as my horse could troth; within short space we came to Lanzi, where I paid sixteen batzen for my supper, breakfast, and horse-meat.  
The sixth day in the morning I road fifteen Italian miles, (which the Grysons call two miles) to Chur (a City, and the seat of a Bishop) through little mountains covered with snow. The head of the River Rhine is distant from this City as far as a footman may go in half an hour; and it lies towards the south. The City lieth in length from the Church on the northside, towards the South, and having spent an hour in viewing the same, I road further four miles of Sweitzerland, through mountains covered with snow, to Walstat; where I paid five batzen for my supper, and (to gratify my Dutch consorts) four batzen for drink after supper, vulgarly called Schlaffdrunke, that is, the sleeping cup, and three batzen for my horse-meat. The seventh day in the morning I passed two miles, (I mean always the miles of the Country) by boat upon the Lake Walsea (that is the walled sea, because it is compassed with mountains) and I road two most long miles more, over hills to the little City Rabesuele, and for the passage of myself and my horse over the Lake. I paid seven batzen, and for oats for my horse (while I expected consorts) I paid three creitzers. The foresaid little City, is confederate with the Sweitzar Cantons; and here I paid eighteen batzen for my supper, with extraordinary fare, and my breakfast and horse-meat. The eight day in the morning, after I had ridden four hours space (for the Sweitzers miles are so long, and of so uncertain measure, as they use to measure their journeys by hours riding, not by miles); I wondered to hear that we had ridden but one mile. Our way was through pleasant hills planted with vines, growing upon short stakes, as the Dutch use to plant them. Here we dined in a village, and throughout all this territory I paid about seven batzen a meal. After dinner having in three hours ridden three miles, my horse weary of this long journey without so much as a days rest, began to faint, so as I was forced in a village to give him some two hours rest, and some provender; and my way hitherto was through pleasant hills, in like sort planted with vines on my right hand towards the East, and by the side of the Lake Zurechzea, on the left hand towards the West. And the pleasantness of this Village seated among hills planted with Vines on the East side of the said Lake, made me as willing as my horse to rest there. The same evening I road further one mile to Zurech, which city I formerly described in my former passage through Sweitzerland.  
I formerly said, that for the unpossibilitie to exchange my money from Venice to Paris, I was forced to exchange the same to Geneva. For which cause, and out of my desire to view that City, famous for reformation of Religion, after some few days I took my journey thither, turning out of my high way. The first day in the morning, through a way most pleasant for the variety of Plains, Hills, Orchards, Woods, and Gardens, (wherein I passed by an ancient Castle of the Counts of Habspurg), I road in eight hours space to a Village, where I lodged, and paid a frank and a half (French money) for my supper and horse-meat. The second day in the morning, through a plain Heath, Woods, and hilly ground for pasture, I road in four hours space to a Village, and there (as in the rest of this journey), I paid about seven batzen of Dutch money for a meal.  
After dinner through like way, I road in three hours space to Solothurn an ancient City, and one of the Sweitzers Cantons, called in Latin Solidurum, and it hath the 
Solothurn.  name in both tongues, as the Tower of the Sun, or as consisting only of Towers, whereof there be many. One Tower thereof is of great antiquity, and upon it these verses in Latin are written:  

Ex this nihil est Sollduro antiqi ius uno  
Exceptis Treveris quarum ego aicta soror.  
What's older 'mongst the Celts then Solidure.  
Nothing but Treir: whose sister jam sure:   
They will have this City built in the time of the Patriarch Abraham.  
The third day in the morning I road in four hours space to Arberg, by the side of a great River called Are, passing twice over it by two bridges. After dinner I road in four hours space to Morton, through pleasant miles of Corn and Woods, and Pastures, and by the side of the Lake Mortonzra. Not far hence Charle, Duke of Burgunay was defeated by the Sweitzers in the year 1476, and there in a field lie the bones of the soldiers there killed. The Burgundians were thrice beaten in one day, and here in the last battle Duke Charles also was killed. The fourth day in the morning I road in three hours to Bitterline, through fruitful Corn fields and pastures, and after dinner in four hours space I road to Milden, and about the midst of the way did see the ruins of the ancient City Auenza, or Auenticum, which julius Caesar utterly razed, and Corn was now sowed within the old circuit of the City, whereof no memory remained, but one ruinous tower and a statue: but they say, that the Husbandmen tilling the ground, do many times dig up old Roman coins of silver and gold: Not far thence towards the West, lie the snowy Mountains, which divide the Territories of Burgundy and Sweitzerland.  
The fifth day in five hours space I road to Losanna, through Mountains covered 
Losanna.  with Snow and thick Woods. This City is subject to Berna (being one of the Sweitzers Cantons), but the Citizens speak French. It is seated on the North side of the Lake of Losanna (of old called Lacus 〈◊〉), which is compassed with Mountains continually covered with snow, which open themselves on the Eastside towards Italy. On the Eastside of the City is the head of the River Rhodanus, which fulles into this Lake, having so clear a colour, as it seems not at all to mingle with the standing water of the Lake. From hence I road by the West side of this Lake, and in two hours space came to Morgen, which Town is also subject to Berna.  
Then I road four miles in four hours space to Geneva, having the sandy bank of the said Lake on my left hand towards the East, and most pleasant Hills planted with 
Geneva.  Vines on my right hand towards the West; and by the way I did see a Village ruined in time of war, nothing there standing but a pillar erected in honour of the Papists Mass. Geneva is seated on the South side of the Lake, right opposite to Losanna, seated at the North end thereof. The East side of the Lake lies towards Savoy and Italy; and the West side towards France, on which side also the high way lies into Sweitzerland. The lower part of which City, vulgarly la bas rue, is seated in a plain, and the rest upon a Hill. The buildings are fair, and of freestone. This City being confederate with some of the Sweitzer Cantones, and more strictly with Berna, hath defended the freedom of the Citizens, and the profession of Reformed Religion for many years with great courage and piety, and through many miseries and practices to subduethem, against the pretended rights of the Bishop, and the Duke of Savoyes' ambition, and hatred he bears to the Reformed Religion. The lower part thereof on the North side, lies close to the South side of the Lake, where is a little haven for Galleys, which they have built to keep free the passage of the Lake. And on the same side is a strong Fort, and there the River Rhodanus, coming out of the Lake enters the City, and runs through the lower part thereof, having two bridges for passage. The Duke of Savoy, who hath long watched to surprise this City, possesseth the East side of the Lake: but the City is careful not to suffer him to build any Galleys thereupon; and upon the least rumour of building them, armeth their Galleys to burn the same. Therefore the way into Savoy lying upon the East South East side of the City, in a Plain between Hills and Mountains, the City hath built a Fort of little circuit, but great strength, with fortifications of earth, some Musket shot without the walls upon that way, and therein continually keeps a Garrison. Not far thence the River Arba, flowing from the Eastern Mountains, doth beyond the City fall into Rhodanus. At the South Gate is a public Churchyard for burial, and an Hospital or Pest house, which are both without the walls. On the same side within the walls, is a pleasant walk upon Hills, where of old a pillar was erected, with this inscription:  
To the Emperor Caesar M. Aurelius Antoninus Pius, by Foelix Aug. greatest Bishop with Tribunal power, Consul, etc.  
On the West side of the City without the walls, little Mountains lying not far distant, might seem dangerous for the encamping of enemies, save that on the one side they are compassed with the Territory of Berne, confederate with the City, and on the other side with the River Rhodanus, so as the enemy's passage to them is very difficult. This City was of old repaired by the Emperor Aurelius, and julius Caesar makes mention of this City in his first book of the Gauls war, so as the antiquity thereof cannot be doubted.  
Here I had great contentment to speak and converse with the reverent Father Theodore Beza, who was of stature something tall, and corpulent, or big boned, and had a long thick beard as white as snow. He had a grave Senators countenance, and was broad faced, but not fat, and in general by his comely person, sweet affability and gravity, he would have extorted reverence from those that lest loved him. I walked with him to the Church, and giving attention to his speech, it happened that in the Church porch, I touched the poor man's box with my fingers, and this reverend man soon perceived my error, who having used in Italy to dip my fingers towards the holy water (according to the manner of the Papists, lest the omitting of so small a matter generally used, might make me suspected of my Religion, and bring me into dangers of greater consequence), did now in like sort touch this poor man's box, mistaking it for the Font of holy water. I say, he did soon perceive my error, and taking me by the hand, advised me hereafter to eschew these ill customs, which were so hardly forgotten.  
When I had taken counsel with my friends, if it were safe for me to go the right way from Geneva to Paris, they being of great experience, dissuaded me from that journey, which could not but be dangerous, the Peace being scarcely concluded, and the Country being full of bands of Soldiers returning to their own home, which council after I found good by Experience, the mother of fools. And when they perceived that I was obstinately purposed to pass through France into England, they advised me rather to pass into France by the Dukedom of Lorraine, which for the time, was more free from the tumults of war, whose council I thought good to follow, so as I was now to return to Strassburg in Germany, almost the same way I came.  
Thus after noon I left Geneva, and road that day four miles to Morgen. The second day in the morning I road in two hours space to Losanna, and in five hours space to Milden, where I paid eight batzen for my dinner and horse-meat. After dinner in four hours space I road to Bitterline, and paid fourteen batzen for my supper and horse-meat. The third day in the morning I road one mile (as they call it) in four hours space to Morton, & in three hours space to Berne, one of the Sweitzers Cantons, through sandy fields of Corn, and many Woods. At Geneva many French Gentlemen and Students coming thither for the liberty of their religion, did speak pure French, and from that City all the people spoke a barbarous French till I came near Berne, where they first began to speak the Sweitzers language.  
Being to describe Berne, give me leave first for travelers sake to mention what I have 
Berne.  read in some Authors; that in the Territory of Lucerna (which I never viewed, and who are earnest Papists, and so may justly be suspected in like reports) there is a wonderful Lake, upon the bank whereof they say Pilate doth once in a year walk, anired in judges robes, and that whosoever then sees him, doth die the same year. The most fair City Berne hath the name of Bears in the Dutch tongue, because Berthold Duke of Zeringen, being to build the City, and going fourth to hunt, thought good to give it the name of the first beast he should meet and kill. And there being a Wood of Oaks in the very place where the City was to be built, the workmen cutting the same for the building of the City, did sing this Rhyme in Dutch:  

Holtz lass dich hawen gern: Die stat muss heissen Bern.  
Wood let us willingly cut thee: this City must Bern named be.   
They write, that the ground whereupon the City is built, was of old called the Sack, and that the City thereupon was built in form of a sack. This most fair City is not of any great antiquity; for Berthold the founder thereof died in the year 1175. It is built upon a little Mountain, yet seems to be seated in a Valley, because it is compassed with greater Mountains. The little Mountain whereupon it is seated, is narrow, and the full breadth thereof is within the walls, neither is it much longer than the City, lying in length from the West to the East, in which length it hath three fair and broad streets, and is fortified round about with the Valleys of this little Mountain. The houses are uniformly, and very fairly built of free-storie, having the first upper rooms of the houses cast out towards the streets, and supported with arches, under which they walk dry in the greatest rain. Round about this little Mountain the Citizens have their gardens from the fall of the same to the lowest Valleys, and upon the Southeast by South, is a most fair Church, and very pleasant for the light someness thereof, and on every side there is a pleasant place for walking. On the South side without the walls the River Arba runs from the West to the East, and is passed by a bridge at the East end of the City, whence it turneth towards the North, and so makes the City almost an Island. Here I paid fourteen batzen for my supper and horsemeate. The fourth day in the morning, I road three miles in six hours space (through fruitful fields of Corn and pasture) to Solothurn. And by the way I observed a monument of the English defeated by the Sweitzers, with this in scription in Dutch; Ritterlich erschlagen die English gùckler Anno 1425, arm jucke: That is; The English jugglers Knightly beaten in the year 1425, poor Knaves.  
The English Histories make no mention of any war with the Sweitzers. Semler a Sweitzer Historian in his first book fifty fourth leaf writes, that Leopold Duke of Austria, drew the English against the Sweitzers, and that they did much hurt by wasting the Territories, aswell of Austria as of Sweitzerland, but that they being overcome in some battles, did after the wasting of these Country's return home in the year 1376, and this he calls the first English war. Also Semler in his first book the leaf 273 writes, that the English (as it seems called from the French war) did at the instance of Duke Leopold besiege Strassburg in the year 1365: but the Emperor Charles the fourth coming with an army against them, that they retired. But neither do the words of Semler agree, since he calls the first attempt the first English war, and after mentions another of former time neither do the years set down by Semler agree with the years of this monument, neither seems it by the French Histories, that the English had any leisure to make war upon the Sweitzers in the year 1365, and less in the year 1376. To conclude, it appears aswell by the English as French Histories, that the English Conquerors in France, had so weighty a war lying there upon them in the year 1425, set down in this monument, as it is not credible they could at that time turn their forces any other way. Only the most approved French Writers witness, that the English and French having made a truce for eighteen months in the year 1443, it seemed good to the leaders on both sides, that the soldiers hating rest and peace, should be drawn out to some foreign war, and that the English serving under Lewis the Dolphin of France, the said Lewis in the year 1444 making war upon the Sweitzers, killed therein 4000 of them: but the victory was so bloody of this battle, fought in the territory of Bazel, as he that had the victory, lost some 5000 men of his own, and that the Emperor Frederick the third coming against him, he drew his men back. For my part I leave the credit of this monument to be tried by the consent of Historians, and return to my journey.  
The fifth day in the morning, I road four miles to the Town Ottmersea, and in the afternoon, through a stony Plain of Corn and some Woods, I road four miles to Besa. The sixth day in the morning I road five miles, through the like Plain, to Gerzen, and in the afternoon, through a woody heath Plain, and towards my journeys end through fruitful fields of Corn, I road four miles to Strassburg. And in all this journey I paid about seven batzen for each meal. From Solothurne to Strassburg some reckon senentene miles, others twenty two miles; for the Dutch reckon the miles diversly, according to the length of them in their own Country, and in these parts they use to distinguish their journeys by hours riding, not by miles. Not far from the foresaid Town Besa, lies the City Bazell, which I have described in my former journey through these parts, But to gratify those who love to search antiquities, give me leave to say, that Augusta Rauracorum (so called for distinction from Augusta Vindelicorum) a City of great antiquity, and at this day become a poor Village, lies distant from Bazell some mile towards the Mountain jura, and that near this ancient City are many old, monuments of the Romans, and many buildings under the earth, which myself being less curious, did not see; and that the Husbandmen there, digged up lately a coin of gold, and sold it for copper, which was after valued at nine Crowns of the old Romans.  
I say nothing of Strassburg, which I have in the foresaid place formerly described, only I will say, that I had the good fortune there, to find a French Gentleman, the Governor of Monwick with his train, in whose company I road thither. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fruitful Plain of Corn four miles to Sauerne, in which City the Papistical Canons of Strassburg have long fortified themselves under the protection of the Duke of Lorraine, against their Lords the Senators of Strassburg, and have appropriated to themselves great part of the revenues of that Bishopric, lying under their power. After dinner I road three miles through Hills yet covered with snow, to Villa Nova. Concerning my expenses, I spent each day little less than a French Crown, namely, two franckes for my supper, and commonly three French sou for my breakfast, and one frank for my horsemeate.  
The second day I road one mile to the confines of the Empire, and the Dukedom 
Monwick.  of Lorraine and some three miles further to Monwick, where so much salt is made, as the Duke of Lorraine yearly receives sixty thousand French Crowns for the same. The third day through a dyrtie way and fruitful fields of Corn, I road five miles to the City Nanzi, where the Duke of Lorraine keeps his Court, and when I was entering 
Nanzi.  the Gate, the Captain of the Guard drew towards me, to know my name and Country. I not ignorant that the Family of Lorraine (usurping great power in France, under the pretence to defend the Roman Religion) bore no good will to the English at that time, answered, that I was a Polonian, he inquired many things of the Kingdom, King and Queen of Poland, and perceiving that I answered him directly, he whispered something with some chief men of the Guard about my confidence, and so turning again to me, bade me lift up my hand, (for so the French use to take oaths.) I was much afraid lest I should be forced upon this oath to confess my Country which I had dissembled: but when I demanded the cause; he told me, that many places being infected by the Plague, I was to swear, that I came not from any of them, which (to be freed from my former fear) I did gladly assure him upon my oath. The City is strongly fortified, save that the South side, where the circuit of the City was enlarged, was not yet compassed with walls, neither were the houses on that side yet built. The houses are fairly built of free stone. The Duke's Palace was built four square, with a large inner Court all of free stone, and with a high Gallery towards the said Court-yard, and there I had the opportunity to see the Duke, and the Princes and the Princesses his children.  
Finding not here any company for my journey into France, which I hoped to find at Metz, and thinking it not convenient to stay longer than I must 
Metz.  needs, in a place for the time ill affected to the English, I road the fourth day eight French miles to Metz. In the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth, the French took this City from the Empire, and at this day it was held for Henry the fourth King of France by a Garrison of his men; and every one now talking of Peace made in France, yet it was not then proclaimed in these parts, nor upon any of the confines of France. Myself after few days stay, finding no consorts for my journey into France, was admonished by some honest Gentlemen in this City, that this journey would be very dangerous to me, in respect that the army being broken up, all France would be full through all parts of scattering troops of Soldiers, returning to their own homes. But when they perceived that I was obstinate in my purpose to pass through France into England, they persuaded me at least to sell my Horse, and go on foot; for they said, the booty of a good Horse would surely cause me to be robbed by those, who might perhaps let me pass quietly on foot, disguised in poor apparel; for they seeing me well mounted, would surely set upon me, and twenty to one kill me aswell because they that rob in France do commonly kill them they rob, as because they would imagine me to be a soldier, either on the Kings, or on the Leaguers side, and in that case, if I were on their own side, would kill me, for fear of being forced to restitution; and if I were on the adverse part; would think me well killed as an enemy. Besides that, the Marshals of the Kingdom at the end of a Civil war, used such severity of justice to suppress all disorders, as they would surely kill me, lest I should complain of them. Whereas if I passed on foot, they were like either to let me go in peace, or at least to be content with my money, without offering further violence to me, whom they would judge to be of some base condition. This their counsel I approved, and (howsoever unwillingly) sold my Horse for sixteen French Crowns. In this City I paid a frank each meal. It is a fair City and well fortified, and it is seated upon a Hill, in a fat soil fruitful of Corn, and the River Mosella running from Nancey in a Plain, passeth close by the West Gate of the City, where it is to be passed by a covered bridge.  
Being to take my journey towards Paris on foot, I hired a poor man to guide me to Chalons, and to carry my cloak, and my little baggage. The first day after dinner we went two French miles, by the bank of the said River, through a dyrtie way, and a Country fruitful of Corn, but having no Woods, not so much as a tree, and came to a poor Village. By the way I passed by Pontmolin, where of old was a fair bridge to pass over Mosella, the ruins whereof at this day are called Arches de joy. In this my journey to Paris, I spent each day for my diet about twenty four sou. The second day we went two miles to Pont, and five miles to Toul, where I paid two testoones and a half for a pair of shoes. Our way was very dyrtie, through fruitful fields of Corn, and we often heard the cries of the Country people, driving their cattle to fortified places, upon the seeing of some scattered troops of Soldiers, which made us much afraid, and that not without just cause: but God delivered us from this danger. The third day I being so weary as I could not go on foot, hired for one Frank two post horses (returning homeward) for me & my guide to ride 2 miles, & after 2 horses for three franks for us to ride three miles to Saint Aubine. The fourth day I hired two horses for us for a French Crown, and we road five miles to Bar in a fair way, through Pastures, and Hills planted with Vines yielding a rich Wine, and fruitful fields of Corne. And this day we passed by the Village Longeville, which the Country people had fortified in this civil war, to defend themselves from being spoiled by sudden invasions, though otherwise they were each night forced to lodge some troup or other. Having dined plentifully at Bar, and being refreshed with excellent wine, in the after noon we went four miles through the like way to the Village Ampton Cor, where a French Gentleman dwelled, who the same day had there proclaimed the Peace. For now we had passed the confines of Lorraine, and this was the first Village of France, in the Province of champaign. The fifth day being (after the new style) the first of May, in the year 1595, we went on foot nine long French 
Anno. 1595.  miles to Chalons. At the end of the first two miles, we came to the first house, standing alone, and called la rouge maison, that is, the red house, inhabited only by an old woman, who would give us nothing to eat or drink, and in all the rest of the way we did neither see Village, nor house, nor so much as a tree. The fields were plain, and all the Province (according to the name) was a Champion Country, and seemed apt to bear great store of Corn, but now in the time of Civil war, they lay unploughed, and the husbandmen's houses were fallen to the ground. Yea, we could not find so much as water to quench our thirst, so as my guide was forced to drink the standing water lying in the cartruts of the high way, and myself to quench my thirst, did chew the crust of a brown loaf which he had given me, whereby I kept my mouth moist, casting the crust away when I had chewed it.  
We had now scarce entered France, when suddenly the mischief fell upon me, which my friends at Metz had foretold me. When I had passed half this days journey, I met with some dozen horsemen, whose Captain demanded of me my name and Country. I answered, that I was a Dutch man, and the servant of a Dutch Merchant, who stayed for me at Chalons, whether I was then going. He (as it seemed to me) thinking it dishonourable to him, if he should himself assault a poor fellow, and a stranger, did let me pass, but before I came to the bottom of the hill, I might see him send two horsemen after me, who wheeling about the mountains, that I might not know they were of his company, suddenly rushed upon me, and with fierce countenance threatening death, presented their Carbines to my breast. I having no ability to defend me, thought good not to make any the least show of resistance, so they took my sword from my guide, and were content only to rob me of my money. I formerly said, that I could not find at Venice any means to exchange my money to Paris, the long Civil war having barred the Parisians from any traffic in foreign parts, and that I was forced to exchange my money to Geneus. This money there received, I had quilted within my doublet, and when I resolved to go on foot to Paris, I made me a base cover for my apparel, which when they perceived, they took from me the inward doublet wherein I had quilted the gold, and though they perceived that under my basecover, I had a jerkin and hose laid with gold lace, yet they were content to take only the inner doublet, and to leave me all the rest of my apparel, wherein I do acknowledge their courtesy, since thieves give all they do not take. Besides, they took not only my Crowns but my sword, cloak, and shirts, and made a very unequal exchange with me for my hat, giving me another deep greasy French hat for it.  
One thing in this misery made me glad. I formerly said, that I sold my horse for 16. French Crowns at Metz, which Crowns I put in the bottom of a wooden box, and covered them with a stinking ointment for scabs. Six other French Crowns, for the worst event, I lapped in cloth, and thereupon did wind divers coloured threads, wherein I sticked needles, as if I had been so good a husband, as to mend my own clothes. This box and this ball of thread, I had put in my hose, as things of no worth; and when in spouling me they had searched my pockets, they first took the box, and smelling the stink of the ointment, they cast it away on the ground; neither were they so frugail to take my bal of thread to mend their hose, but did tread it likewise under their feet. Then they road swiftly to their companions, and I with some spark of joy in my greater loss, took up the box and ball of thread, thinking myself less miserable, that by the Grace of God I had some money left, to keep me from begging in a strange Country.  
This Tragedy thus acted, I and my guide (very sad because he despaired of my ability to pay him his hire) went forward our journey, he wondering that I was no more dejected in the danger I had passed, and for my miserable want of money, thinking that I had never a penny left, whom he did see so narrowly searched, and yet perceived that I was in some sort merry. At last we did see the City of Challons not far distant, and upon our left hand was a fair spring, which had seven heads, to which we went to drink, being both very thirsty. Here I put into the water the hat which the thieves had given me, by unequal exchange for mine, being greasy to the very top, and deep according to the French fashion, and filling it with water thrice, drunk it up greedily. Then I filled it the fourth time, and broke into it the crumbs of the brown loaf, the crust whereof had to that time kept my mouth with some moisture, which I devoured, and thought I had never eaten better brewis; but three days sickness of vomiting and looseness made me repent this intemperance.  
Thence we went to Chalons, where my guide brought me to a poor Alehouse, and when I expostulated the wrong he did me; he replied, That stately Inns were not for men who had never a penny in their purses: but I told him, that I looked for comfort in that case rather from Gentlemen than Clowns. Whereupon he willingly obeyed me, and with a dejected and fearful countenance, brought me to the chief Inn, where he ceased not to bewail my misery, and to recount my Tragedy as if it had been the burning of Troy, till the very Host despairing of my ability to pay him, began to look disdainfully upon me. The next morning when he being to return home, and taking his leave of me, I paid him his hire, which he neither asked nor expected, thinking that I had not one penny, and likewise paid my Host for my supper and lodging, he first began to talk like a mad man, and coming to himself, professed that he knew not how I should have one penny, except I were a juggler, or an Alchumist, or had a familiar spirit. Then confounded between wonder and joy, he began to triumph with the servants, and would not depart, till he had first drunk a quart of Wine.  
The building of Chalons was low and base being of Timber and Clay, and this City hath no beauty but in the large Marketplace and strong Fort. On the West side 
Chalons.  without the walls, are pleasant islands, whether the Citizens use to pass by boat, and to walk there for recreation. I formerly said that I spent in this journey some forty two sou by the day for my diet, after which rate I paid here, and if extraordinarily I called for wine, I paid two sou and a half for a measure little bigger than our English pint.  
From hence to Paris I passed in a long waggon of Paris, and paid two French Crowns for my place therein The first day we passed in like way to the former, and in the same Province of champaign, fourteen miles to Sizan, and did scarce see two poor Villages by the way; but I was told, that some half a mile out of the high way, was the castle Chastilton, whereof the Admiral of France killed in the Massacre of Paris, and the Gentlemen of his Family have their name. The second day we were carried 12 miles to Nangi, being as vet not freed from the cries of poor people, driving their cattle from Troops of Soldiers, but for my part I made the proverb true that the passenger having nothing, sings before the thief. Yet was I not without fear of a greater mischief than robbing, by the loss of my life, having no money to redeem it from the cutthroat soldiers.  
The third day we were carried ten miles in champaign, through a Champion Country lying waist, & 4 miles more to Paris, through a fruitful plain of corn, & pleasant hills planted with vines. This Country wherein Paris is seated, is compailed with the rivers of Seyne, & Matrona, & Orsa, & is properly called the Island of France. The Parisians have their name either from Paris of Troy, or of the Parrhasij, a people of Asia, which 
Paris.  did accompany Hercules, or of the Temple of Isis neete them (according to the Greek language), for the statue of Isis was at Saint German, till it was taken away in the year 1514, and a Cross was set up in the place thereof by the Bishop of Molun. The City hath the name of Lutetia in Latin, either of dirt, for the Fens adjoining, or in the Greek tongue of Mortar there digged out, because all the floares are of plaster, and the houses plastered over. And some say that it was of old called the City of julius Caesar, who built great part thereof. It lies in the elevation of the Pole forty eight degrees, and the chief part thereof, namely, the Island or greater City, is seated in a fenny ground. For the River Seyne hath often overflowed Paris, and broken down the bridges. In the time of King Philip Augustus, the waters rose to the statues without the Cathedral Church of Saint Mary, on the northside thereof, as appears by an inscription. Also in the year 1373, for two months space, they so overflowed the City, as they passed in boats the streets of Saint Denis and S. Antoine. To conclude, omitting many overflowings mentioned in Histories, it appears by an inscription in the valley of Misery, that in the year 1496, there was a great inundation. The City of old was all in the Island, and when it could not receive the multitude increased, the City was enlarged to both sides of the continent, and first that part of the City called La ville, than the third part called the University, were esteemed suburbs, till after they were joined to the City. For the King's Court and the City still increased with buildings, so as the Subburbes were greater than the City; whereupon King Charles the fifth gave them the same privileges which the City had, and compassed them with walls, whereof the ruins yet appear. And new Suburbs being afterwards built, King Henry the second in the year 〈◊〉, made an Edict, that the houses unpersected should be pulled down, and that no more should afterwards be built. The River Seyne running from the South, and entering at the Southside, divides the City into two parts, the greater part whereof towards the East and North, lies low in a plain, and is vulgarly called La ville. The less lying towards the South and West, upon a higher ground, is seated between hills, and is called the University. Between those two parts lies the third, namely the Island, called the City, which is seated in a plain, and compassed on all sides with the River Seyne, running between the Ville and the University. And this part was of old joined to the University, with two bridges, and to the Ville with three bridges: but now a sixth called the new bridge, doth moreover join the Island aswell to the Ville as to the University. The part of the City called the Ville, is compassed on the south and west sides with the River Seyne, and upon the East and North sides with walls, rampires, and ditches in the form of half a circle. The second part of the City called the University, is compassed on the East and North sides with the River Seyne, and upon the South and West sides with walls, which they write to have the form of a hat, save that the long suburbs somewhat alter this form. For my part it seemed to me that joined with the Island, it had also the form of another half circle, though somewhat less than the former. The third part called the Island or City, is compassed round about with the River Seyne, and upon the Southeast side is defended from the floods of the River by four little islands, which are marked in the map with black ines, and lie like rampires diverting the stream from beating on the City. To this Island they pass on both sides by bridges, and in respect of the Bishop's Palace, & he King's greater Palace, it may be called the heart of the City. The old walls of the Ville, were first of less circuit than now they are; for new walls were built, which also included the Suburbs, and the inner wall is of unpolished stone, the outer wall is of earth, compailed round about with ditches, which near the River are broad and full of water, but further off towards the North and East, are narrow and altogether dry. But the old walls are either demolished, or converted to the supporting of private houses. The University is compassed with like walls, and because it is seated upon high ground, the ditches are altogether dry. And the walls of earth aswell of the Ville as the University, are so broad as three or four may walk together upon them. And round about the City (I mean the Ville and University compassing the Island) are many rampires upon the wall like so many Forts. The Island or City was of old compassed with walls, wherewith the greater Palace lying towards the North, at this day is compassed. Paris in general is subject to the King, so as it hath under him a peculiar jurisdiction, and in spiritual matters it is subject to the Bishop. In the time of King Lewis the eleventh, one hundred and four thousand Citizens were numbered able to bear arms in the year 1466, and King Charles the fifth in the year 1371, gave the Citizens the rights and privileges of Gentlemen. King Philip Augustus in the year 1090, made sheriffs to govern the City with consular authority; and he gave the City for Arms a ship adorned with Lilies, he paved the streets with flint, and compassed the City with walls. The Parisians have raised many seditions: The first in the year 1306, against rich men raising the rents of houses. The second with the King of Navarre and the English, against the Dolphin. The third in the year 1383, against the King's Treasurers, which Charles the sixth (returning with his Army out of Flanders) did severely punish. The fourth between the factions of Orleans and Burgundy. The fifth most pestilent and longest, with the Guisians against the last King of Valois.  
The building of the City is for the most part stately, of unpolished stone, with the outside plastered, and rough cast, and the houses for the most part are four stories high, and sometimes six, besides the roof which also hath glass windows. The streets are somewhat large, and among them the fairest is that of Saint Dennis, the second Saint Honere, the third Saint Antoine, and the fourth Saint Martin. And in the Island the ways to these streets are fairest. The pavement is of little, but thick and somewhat broad stones. But in the mean time the streets of the Ville, either for the low situation, or by the negligence of the Citizens, are continually dirty and full of filth. The three parts of the City, namely, the Ville, the Island, and the University, being joined together, are of a round form, (which of all others is most capable) save that the half circle of the Ville, is greater than the other half circle, which is compassed as it were with the two horns of the former. And the whole circuit of the City without the walls (excluding the suburbs) is said to be of six miles. The market places which are in the streets, are vulgarly called, Carrefours, as being foursquare, and having passage to them on all sides, and they are eleven in number, namely, four of the Butchers, (which upon a sedition raised by them, were divided into four tribes), the fifth the shambles upon the mount Saint Genovefa, the sixth built for the poor which have no shops, and for the women which sell linen, which is vulgarly called, La lingeria, well known for the cosinages of these linen sellers; the seventh of the brokers, vulgarly called, La Frippery, the eight and chief, is in the Island, called Marshes, because of the Fenny soil: the ninth is for fishes of the River, seated near the tenth, being the little bridge of Saint German of the University: the eleventh is without the gate for hogs. There be fourteen fountains, besides the fountain of the Queen, and that of the Innocents', built of stone. The Ville hath eight Hospitals, the University four, and the Island two.  
The description of Paris.  
(A) the Gate Saint Antoine, (B) the Bastile, (C) the gate of the Temple, (D) gate of Saint Martin, (E) gate of Saint Denys, (F) gate Mont-martre, (G) gate Saint Honore, (H) New gate, (I) Le L'ouure, (K) gate Saint Victoire, (L) gate Marcell, (M) gate of Saint james, (N) gate Saint Michael, (O) gate Saint Germain, (P) gate Bussia, (Q) gate Nella, (R) Cathedral Church, (S) Church Saint Bartholomew, (T) the greater Palace, (V) Pont denostredame, (with) Pont Au change, (X) Pont aux musniers, (Y) Petit pont, (Z) Pont Saint Michael, (XX) Pont neuf.  
I will begin the description of the City, with the first part thereof, called La ville, which hath seven gates from the South east to the Northwest. I will not speak of the old or inner gates of the old City, which gates since the building of the new walls are called false gates, as serving for no use: Only I will say that they were of the same number, and so called, as these new gates are; and that King Francis the first for comeliness sake caused them to be demolished. The first of these seven gates, lies towards the Southeast, and is called (A) Saint Antoine. By this gate I entered the City, when I came from Chalons, and without this gate I did then see the King's Palace, not far distant from Paris, and most sweet for the seat and building, called Bois du' Saint vincent, and then I passed the bridge called Calantoine, being without this gate, where the River Matrona falls into the Seyne, and so entered Paris, by the gate, and the Church and fair street of Saint Antoin. near this gate, Francis the first built a fort. As I came in, on the left hand, was the Tower (B) called the Bastile, well known by that name, which was begun to be built in the year 1369, by Hugho Ambriet Provost of Paris; and he being condemned to perpetual prison for imputed heresy, it came to the King's hand. On the same side is the King's storehouse for brass Ordinance, near the Monastery of the Celestines, in whose Church there be many marble sepulchres: and among the rest, one erected to Lewis of Orleans, (slain by the Duke of Burgundy) and to his Duchess Valentina, (daughter to the Duke of Milan) by King Lewis the twelfth, with learned Epitaphs. On the same side is the Church of Saint Paul, the House of the Queen, the house of the Provost of Paris, the public Senate-house, and the place called the grieve, famous by the capital punishment of offenders. For in this part of the City called Ville, there be three places for the execution of justice, (the other two parts having not one place) namely this of the grieve, and that of the Temple, lying on the left hand of the gate, called Temple, next adjoining to this, and the third called Luparia, lying on the left hand of the scuenth gate, called the new gate. And from these three places the dead bodies are carried out of the gate of Saint Martin, to be buried upon Montfalcon. And give me leave out of order to remember you, that Pierre Remy, Treasurer and governor of France, under King Charles the fair, repaired this Montfalcon, and that his enemies then wrote upon the Gallows standing there, this time in French;  

Ence gibeticy, ser à pendu Pierre Remy.  
Upon this gibet here you see, Peter Remy hanged shall be.   
And that according to the same he was in the time of Philip of Valois hanged there, for the ill administration of his office. On the right hand as you come in by the same gate of Saint Anthony, is a place for Tylting, called Tournelles. Not far thence at Saint Catherines Church in the scholars valley, is an inscription, witnessing that a house was pulled down to the ground, for an arrow shot into the Church, when the Rector of the University was there at Mass, in the year 1404, there being at that time a great sedition raised between the City and the University, about a scholar denled with dirt, and that this house by permission of the University was built again in the year 1516. Also as you come into this gate, on the right hand, in the Monastery Saint Anthony, a dried crocodile is hung up, which a French Ambassador at Venice, left there for a monument in the year 1515. And there is a sepulchre of the daughters of King Charles, being of black marble, with their statues of white marble. near that lies the Church yard of Saint john for public burial, made in the yard of the house of Peter 〈◊〉, which was as pulled down to the ground in the year 1392, because the Constable of France was wounded from thence. The second gate towards the East, is the gate of the (C) Temple, near which is the fort called Le Rastillon, on your right-hand as you come in, and this fort, or some other in this place, was built by Francis the first. On the lefthand as you come in, is the house of the Templary Knights, like a little City for the compass and from it this gate hath the name. And when this order of Knighthood was extinguished; their goods were given to the Order of Saint john. The Church of this house is said to be built like that of jerusalem, and there be the monuments of Bertrand & Peter, (Priors of France,) & the Table of the Altar is curiously painted; and here Philip Villerius, Master of the Knights of Saint john, was buried in the year 1532, to whom a statue of white marble is erected. The third gate is called (D) Saint Martin, and it lieth towards the northeast, without which gate is the Suburb of Saint Laurence, so called of the Church of Saint Laurence. The fourth gate is called (E) Saint Denis, and without the same is the Hospital of Saint Lazarus, and the foresaid Mount Falcon; and when King Henry the fourth besieged this City, he did much harm to the same, from some high places without this gate. On the left hand as you come into the broad and fair street of Saint Denys, lies a Castle which they say julius Caesar built, and the same Castle was of old the chief gate of Paris, whereupon Marcellinus calls the whole City the Castle of the Parisians. And upon the right-hand is the Nunnery of the daughters of God, which use to give three morsels of bread and a cup of wine to condemned men going to execution. Not far thence is the large Church yard of the Holy Innocents', which King Philip Augustus compassed with walls; and there be many fair sepulchres: and they say that bodies buried there are consumed in nine days. The fifth (F) gate lies toward the North, and is called Mont-Martre, so called of a mountain of the same name, lying without that gate, and having the name of Martyrs there executed. And Henry the fourth besieging the City, mounted his great Ordinance in this place. The sixth (G) gate Saint Honore, hath a suburb, in which is the market place for swine's flesh, and upon the right hand as you come in, hard by the gate, is an Hospital for three hundred blind men.  
The seventh (H) and last gate, lies upon the Seyne towards the Northwest, and is called the new gate: and within the same about a musket shot distance, is the (ay) Kings Palace, which may be called the less Palace, in respect of the greater, seated in the Island, and this little Palace is vulgarly called, Le' lewre.) This Palace hath only one Court yard, and is of a quadrangle form, save that the length somewhat passeth the breadth, and the building being of free stone, seemeth partly old, partly new, and towards one of the corners, the King's chambers (vulgarly called Il Pavillon) are more fairly built then the rest. Without the said new gate, some half musket shot distance, is the King's garden with the banqueting house (vulgarly called Les Tuilleries). And now the civil wars being ended, the King began to build a stately gallery, which should join together this garden and the foresaid Palace of the King, and I hear that this Gallery is since finished. And the hall joining this gallery with the Palace, doth pass the stately building of the rest of the Palace, being beautified with many stones of marble and of porphyry. I say that this Gallery leads from the Palace over the walls of the City, and the ditch thereof (being near the river and so full of water), and after being supported with two or three Arches, reacheth to the same garden; and all the way without the walls, from the Palace to the said Garden, being compassed with walls on both sides this gallery, the Garden seems to be so much increased.  
On the left hand, as you come into the foresaid new Gate, lies the Tower Luparia, & Alencon house, & Bourbon house, & the Coining house, and upon the right hand the chief Coining house, lying upon the River Seyne. To conclude, of the streets of this part of the City called Ville, the chief is S. Antoine; the second of the Temple; the third S. Martin; the fourth S. Denys; the fifth Mont Martre; the sixth S. Honore; (all so named of their Gates) and the seventh Luparia, upon the bank of the River Seyne. And amongst all these, the most fair are that of S. Antoine, S. Denis, S. Honorè, and S. Martinè, so called of their Gates. A. E. G. D.  
The second part of the City, called the University, hath the River Seyne on the East and North-sides, and is compassed with walls on the South and West sides, and hath seven Gates. The first (K) Gate S. Victoire, lies on the South side upon the River, and hath his Suburb, with a stately Monastery. And from the Hill adjoining to this Gate, the Army of King Henry the fourth besieging the City, much pressed the same, having their Cannon planted near the Gallows. On the right hand as you come in, towards the River, lie the Tower Nella, the upper, the College of the: Cardinal, the College of the good boys, the College and the Church of the Bernardines, which Pope Benedict the twelfth built, and the Cardinal of Telouse increased with a Libraty, and with maintenance for sixteen Scholars to study Divinity. Also there lie the house of Lorraine, the great Schools of four Nations, the Market place for River fish, and the Castle, and the little bridge which the Provost of Paris built, to restrain the Scholars walking by night, in the time of King Charles the fifth. The second gate is called (L) the port of Marcellus, or of the Stews, and it hath a Suburb, where in the Church of Saint Marcellus, Bishop of Paris, and canonised for a Saint, (which Rowland Count of Blois, nephew to Charles the Great, did build); Peter Lombardiu Bishop of Paris was buried, in the year 1164; and behind the great Altar, in a window, is the Image of Charles the Great. On the right hand as you enter the said Port, by the Mount of S. Genovefa, lie the College Turnonium, the College Bonae Curiae, the College of the Dutch, the College of Navarra, & the College Marchieum, and the College Laudunense and on the left hand the College of the Lombard's, the College Prellaum, famous for Peter Ramus, who was Master of that College, & was there killed in the massacre. The third Gate of (M) S james, lies on the southwest side, where King Francis the first built a fort; & without this Gate is a suburb, in which is a Church yard of the Monastery of Saint Marie, at the very entry whereof, is a most ancient Image of the Virgin, painted with gold and silver, with an inscription upon it. In the street of Saint james, the Jesuits had their Colleges, till for their wicked acts they were banished the City and Kingdom. And since their restitution I think they now enjoy the same. On the right hand as you enter this Gate, lie the College Lexoviense, the College of Saint Michael, or Cenate, the College Montis Acuti, (which built in the year 1490, maintains certain poor Scholars, called Capeti), the College of S. Barbera, the College of Rheines, the school of Decrees, the College Bellovaccuse, the College Triqueticum, the College Cameracense, and the College Carnovallense. On the left hand lie the College of the bald men, the College of Sorbona, (which Robert of Sorbona a Divine, and familiar with King Saint Lewis, did institute, and the same in process of time became of great authority in determining questions of Divinity), the College of Master Geruasius a Christian, the College Plexourense, and the College Marmontense. The fourth (N) Gate of the university is called Port Michael, where Francis the first built a Fort, and before the gate is a Monastery of the Carthusians, where a statue of black marble is erected to Peter Navareus, and there be two statues of white marble, without any inscription. On the right hand as you enter this gate, lie the College Cluniacense, the Palace of the Baths, (which they say was built by julius Caesar, and is so called either of the bounds of the Tributes, or of the Baths of julian the Apostata, the waters whereof are drawn from a Village adjoining), and the College of eighteen, and upon the left hand the College of Hericuria, the College of justice, the College of the Treasurers, the College Baionium, the College Scensa, and the College Turonense. The fifth Gate on the West side is called (O) Saint Germain, and without the gate is a suburb, (all suburbs are vulgarly called Faulxbourg), which is large, and was pulled down to the ground in the civil war. And there King Henry the fourth lay encamped, when he besieged the City. In this suburb is the monastery of Saint Germain, not inferior to any in wealth, and endowed with great privileges and jurisdiction, where the old Kings Childebert the second, and Ckilperit the fourth, and Clotharius the second, lie buried; and there is a chest of silver, the gift of King Eudo. On the right hand as you come into this Gate, in the Minorites Cloister, are the sepulchres of the Queens and Princes, whereof one being of black marble, with white statues, is the fairest: (my memory herein may fail me, that there is another Cloister of Minorites without the gate of Saint Marcellus). Also there lie the College Brissiacum, and upon the left hand the house Rothomagensis, the College of Burgundy, the house of Rheims, the College Mignonium, the College Praemonstratense, and the College Dinuellium. The sixth Gate is called (P) Bussia, and upon the right hand as you come in, lies the College Anthunense, and upon the left hand lies the house Nivernensis. The seventh and last Gate of the University, lies towards the northwest, & is called (Q) Nella, and without the same is the meadow of the Clerks. On the right hand as you come in this gate, lie the house Nella. the College of Saint Denis, and the house of the Augustine's, wherein is the sepulchre and lively Image of Philip Comineus. And upon the left hand, lie the lower Tower Nella, and the Western bank of the River Seyne.  
These are the fairest streets of the University, the first of Saint Victoire, the second of Saint Marcellus, the third of Saint james, the fourth of Saint Germain, the fifth of the Celestines, upon the bank of the River, the sixth of the mountain of Saint Genovefa, the seventh of Saint Michael, and the eight of the Augustine's, upon the bank of the river Seyne.  
The third part of the City is the Island, compassed round about with the River Seyn. It had of old four Gates, upon the four bridges, but seems to have had no gate upon the fifth bridge, called Pont aux musniers, (which in this description I reckon to be the third gate). In the upper part of the Island towards the Southeast, is a fenny market place; called the Marsh, that is, the Fen. Near that lies (R) the Cathedral Church of the blessed Virgin, which King Philip Augustus began to build in the year 1257, the foundations being before laid by an uncertain founder, and it is reputed the chief among the miracles of France. It is supported with one hundred and twenty pillars, whereof one hundred and eight are less, and twelve very great, being all of free stone. The Chancel is in the midst of the Church, which hath 〈◊〉 walking paces in length, and sixty paces in breadth, and all the Chancel is compassed with stone, wherein the Histories of the old and new testament are engraven. It hath forty five Chapels in the circuit thereof, which are shut up with grates of Iron. In the Front it hath two double doors, with fair statues of twenty eight Kings. Upon the sides are four Towers or belfreyes, thirty four Cubits high. The greatest bell called Marie, requires twenty four men to ring it, and the sound thereof in fair weather may be heard seven leagues of. In a Chapel towards the South, are the statues of King Lewis the fat, and of his son Philip, with the Image of a hog, because he died with a fall from his horse stumbling upon a hog. On the North side is a mark, that the overflowing of the River Seyne passed the outward statues from that of Philip Augustus. King Philip of Valois having gotten a victory against the Flemings in the year 1328, offered his Horse and armour to the blessed Virgin, and gave the Canons an hundred pounds yearly rend, to whom for that cause a Horseman's statue is there erected. Also there is a Giantlike statue, erected to Saint Christofer, in the year 1413, by Antony Dessars Knight.  
In the lower part of the Island towards the northwest, the Church of (S) Saint Bartholomew is seated, which was built by King Philip the fair, and after was turned from the King's Chapel to a Monastery by King Lotharius, in the year 973, and then became a parish Church, whereof the King (in respect of the old Palace) was the chief Parishioner, and I think is so still. It became most famous, in that the bell of that Church was sounded upon the very day of Saint Bartholomew, in the year 1572, to give a sign to the Regalists and Guisians, that they should kill those of the reformed Religion, whom they had drawn to the City under pretence of love, and could not otherwise have overcome, as they found by experience of their valour.  
near that, lies the King's greater (T) Palace, wherein the old Kings kept their Court; but it hath since been used for the Courts of justice, and pleading of Lawyers. In the great Hall hangs up a dried Crocodil, or a Serpent like a Crocodil. There be the painted Images of all the French Kings from Pharamund. There is a statue of a Hart, with the head and neck of Gold, set there in memory of the Treasurers, who in the time of King Charles the sixth, turned the money in the Exchequer into that form, lest it should be wasted.  
Here was painted upon the wall near the Tower, upon the top of the stairs of the great Hall, the Image of Engueranus Morignon, Earl of Longaville, and overseer of the building of this Palace, under King Philip the fair, with this inscription:  

Chascun' soit content de ses biens,  
Qui n'a suffisance iln' a riens.   

Be thou content with the goods thee befall,  
Who hath not enough, hath nothing at all.   
This was spoken like a Philosopher: but the same man under Lewis Hatinus was hanged for deceiving the King, and this his Image was broken and kicked down the stairs.  
In the Hall of the Palace is a Marble Table, at which Kings and Emperors were wont to be feasted. The Chamber of the Palace where verbal appeals are decided, is called, The golden Chamber; and it is adorned with stately and fair arched roofs carved, and pictures, and there the Image of a Lion, with the Head dejected, and the Tail drawn in, remembers the Pleaders of their duty.  
Lewis the twelfth did build with Regal expense this Chamber, and another called the Chamber of Accounts (vulgarly la chamber des compte.) In this Palace the Chapel built by Saint Lewis, lies upon an arched Chapel, which hath no pillars in the midst, but only on the sides; and they say, that the true Images of Christ and the blessed Virgin, are upon the lower door. And in this Chapel, the relics are kept, which Balduinus the Emperor of Constantinople engaged to the Venetians, and the King of France redeemed out of their hands. In the very Hall of the Palace, round about the pillars, are shops of small wares or trifles.  
Right against the Gate of the Palace, stood the house of john castle, which was pulled down in memory of a young man his son, brought up among the Jesuits, and a practiser of their wicked doctrine, who attempting the death of King Henry the fourth, did strike out one of his teeth.  
I have said formerly, that this Island was joined to the Ville by three Bridges, and to the University by two Bridges, and at this time is joined to them both, by the sixth Bridge. The first (V) Bridge towards Southeast, leads to the street of Saint Martin, and is called pont de nostre Dame, that is the Bridge of our Lady, and it was built of wood in the year 1417, having threescore walking paces in length, and eighteen in breadth, and threescore houses of brick on each side built upon it. But this bridge in the time of Lewis the twelfth falling with his own weight, was rebuilt upon six Arches of stone, with threescore eight houses all of like bigness built upon it, and was paved with stone, so that any that passed it, could hardly discern it to be a Bridge. The second Bridge of the Brokers (vulgarly (with) Pont au Change) is supported with pillars of wood. The third Bridge of the Millers (vulgarly called (X) Pont aux Musniers) lies towards the northwest, and leads to the street of Saint Denis, which they say did fall, and was rebuilt within three years then past. By these three Bridges the Island was of old joined to the Ville. The fourth Bridge lying on the other side of the Island towards the South, leads into the street of Saint james, and is called (Y) le petit pont, that is, The little Bridge, being rebuilt or repaired of stone, by King Charles' the sixth. The sifth Bridge is called (Z) Saint Michael, and lying towards the southwest side, leads into the street of Saint Michael, and hath a pleasant walk towards the foresaid Bridge of the millers, on the other side of the Island, and built upon pillars of wood, was repaired in the year 1547, and adorned with brick houses. By these two Bridges the Island was of old joined to the University. Since that time after the end of the Civil war, a new Bridge hath been lately built on that side of the Island, which lies towards the northwest, and it is called (XX) pont neuf, that is, The new Bridge, joining the Island both to the Ville, and to the University. The chief streets of the Island are the very Bridges, and the 〈◊〉 ways leading to the Cathedral Church, and to the greater Palace.  
The Church (or the little City compassed with walls in respect of the Church) of Saint Denis (the Protecting Saint of the French) is two little miles distant from Paris. Hither I went passing by the Gate of Saint Denis, lying towards the North East.  
Thence I passed upon a way paved with Flint, in a large Plain towards the East, having Mount Falcon on my right hand, whether I said, that they use to draw the dead bodies of those that are beheaded in the Ville, and the next way to this mount is to go out by the Gate of Saint Martin. And upon my left hand I had the Mountain of the Martyrs vulgarly called Mont Martre, and the next way from the City to this Mountain is to go out by the Gate Mont Martre.  
Upon this Mountain they say, that the Martyrs Dennis Areopagita, and Rustieus, and Eleutherius, were beheaded in the time of Domitian, because they would not offer sacrifice to Mercury. And they constantly believe this miracle, that all these three Martyrs carried each one his head to the Village Catula, which now is called Saint Dennis. And I observed by the way many pillars with Altars, set up in the places where they say the Martyrs rested (forsooth) with their heads in their hand, and at last fell down at Catula, where this Church was built over them, and likewise a a Monastery, by King Dagobertus, who also lies there buried, and hath a statue in the Cloister of the Monastery.  
Here are the sepulchres of the Kings, among which that of King Francis the 〈◊〉 is somewhat more stately than the other, being of white Marble, with the statues of that King and his Queen Claudia there buried with him. That of Lewis the twelfth and his Queen, is of white Marble, but less fair; and the third erected to Charles the eight, in a Chapel of the Church, is of black Marble, with some statues of brass. To conclude, to every three or four of the rest of the Kings, one poor monument is erected. Neither are these sepulchres of the Kings (in my opinion) any thing stately or answerable to the fame. But at the entrance of the Chancel, the representation of Christ buried, and of the three Kings or Wisemen, and of the shepherds, and others there engraven, seemed to me (who have no skill in that Art) to be of much Art and beauty. I have read other Itineraries, which relate, that here are bells of most pure Metal, that the doors are of Brass guilded over, that the Table of the high Altar is of Gold, that here is a Cross of Gold, offered by King Dagobert, that the bodies of the Martyrs are laid in a coffin of Gold, that the roof of the Church is partly of silver, and that there is a Crucifix of Gold before the Altar. But I should think, that these old ornaments are taken away, and not to be seen at this day.  
Having viewed Paris, I desired to see the French King Henry the fourth, and his Court; and because I lately had been robbed aswell of my cloak as of my Crowns, here I bought for some two French Crowns an old cloak, among the Brokers in the Market place, called the Frippery. So I took my journey towards the Court, and went by boat upon the Seyne (which boat daily passeth from Paris towards the South) nine leagues to Corbevile, and four leagues to Melune, having on both sides pleasant Hills planted with Vines, and I paid seven sou for my passage. Then I went on foot four miles over a Mountain paved with Flint to the King's Palace, called Fontain-bleau, 
Fontain-bleau.  that is, the Fountain of fair water. Beyond the same Mountain this Palace of the King is seated in a Plain compassed with Rocks. And it is built (with Kingly Magnificence) of Freestone, divided into four Court-yards, with a large Garden, which was then somewhat wild and unmanured. At this time the Civil war being ended, the King began to build a Gallery, the beginning of which work was very magnificent.  
The next day after I had seen the King, I returned on foot eight leagues to Sun. here I found post-Horses returning to Paris, and hiring one of them for twenty sou, I road eight miles through fruitful fields of Corn, and pleasant Hills planted with Vines, and so returned to Paris, entering by the Gate of Saint Victoire in the University.  
Now my Crowns which I had saved from the foresaid thieves, were by little and little spent, and I, who in my long journey had never wanted money, but had rather furnished others that wanted with no small sums, was forced to treat with unknown Merchants, for taking money upon exchange. But howsoever I had in other places dealt with noble Merchants, yet here I found myself to be fallen into the hands of base and costive Merchants, who perhaps having been deceived by English Gentlemen, driven by want to serve in the wars of France, had not the least respect of me for my misfortune among thieves, nor yet for our common Country. It happened, that at this time there were in Paris two English Knighiss brethren, namely, Sir Charles and Sir Henry Davers, who for an ill accident lived then as banished men. And to them I made my misfortune known, who like Gentlemen of their quality, had a just feeling thereof, especially for that they were acquainted with Sir Richard Moryson my brother, and they would willingly have lent me money.  
But I will tell a truth well known. These brothers upon good bonds were to have received some thousands of Crowns a few months passed in the Temple Hall (which is one of the Inns of Court of London, for those that profess the English Law). This being made known by one of the debtors, the Queen confiscated those Crowns, as belonging to banished men. Whereupon these Knights being to attend the French King to Lions in his war upon Savoy, were much driven to their shifts, to get money for that journey. Yet did they not cast off all care to provide for me, but with great importunity persuaded a starveling Merchant, to furnish me with ten French Crowns. When I had received them, I spent some few days in refreshing myself at Paris.  
They account forty eight miles from Paris to Roan, whether I went by boat, and paid a French Crown for my passage. The first day we passed eighteen miles to Poissy, a most fair and famous Nunnery, and towards the evening we passed by the King's Palace S. german. The next day we passed twenty leagues to Andale, and by the way passed by a bridge, dividing the County of France from the Duchy of Normandy, and did see the Palace Galeon, and a most fair Monastery. Then we passed four miles by water to Port S. Antoine, and one mile by land. Then we hired another boat, in which we passed five leagues to Roan, and I paid for this passage three sou. This our way was by pleasant islands, having on both sides pleasant Hills planted with Vines and fruit-trees.  
The City of Roan is seated on the North side of the River Seyne, partly in a Plain, 
Roan.  partly upon sides of Hills. The building is for the most part of Freestone, brought from the City Cane; and upon a Hill towards the North without the walls, the Fort S. Catiline was seated, when King Henry the fourth besieged Roan, and then the Fort much annoyed the quarter of the English auxiliary forces: but now this Fort was altogether demolished.  
Concerning expenses of diet in these parts, I spent at Paris in the Inns fifteen sou each meal, and at Roan twelve sou, and at some Inns by the way fifteen sou: but whosoever pays for his supper hath nothing to pay for his bed. But before the late Civil war, they paid no more at Roan then eight sou for a meal. Passengers, who stay long in the City, use to hire a chamber, which at Paris is given for two French Crowns by the month, if it be well furnished, and otherwise for less. They that at Paris higher a chamber in this sort, use to buy their meat in Cook's shops, and having agreed for it, the Cooks bring it to their chamber warm, and with pleasant sauce. And surely all things for diet were cheaper at Paris, than they use to be at London, and since they use to buy small pieces of meat, a solitary passenger shall in that respect spend the less. Other passengers agree with some Citizen for diet and chamber, which may be had at Paris in convenient sort for one hundred and fifty French Crowns by the year; and at Roan for one hundred and twenty: but before the last Civil war, it might have been had for one hundred, or eighty, and sometimes for sixty French Crowns. At Roan I now paid for my supper twelve sou, and the next day eleven sou for my dinner.  
The night following we road fourteen leagues to deep, in a most pleasant way, divided into enclosed Pastures, yielding great store of Apletrees, not only in the hedges, but also in the open fields. About midnight we took some rest and meat in a poor and solitaire Inn of a Village, but with such fear, as we were ready to fly upon the least noise. From Roan to Dieppe I hired a horse for thirty sou, and in this last Inn I paid twelve sou for my meat, and five sou for my horse-meat.  
Dieppe is a pleasant City, and the greater part thereof (especially la Rue grand, that is the great street) is seated in a plain upon the Haven, but it is compassed with Mountains, 
Dieppe.  and is divided into two parts by an Arm of the Sea. The greatest part of the building, is of Timber and Clay, like our building of England.  
I had spent at Paris most part of the ten Crowns I there received, and when I came from Roan, I perceived that I should presently fall into want of money. Being in these straits, I went to the younger Painter (one of the English Posts passing between London and Paris, and now returning in my company to London), and to him in few words I made my case known, who willingly yielded to bear my charges to London, having me still in his company for a pledge.  
At Dieppe I paid fifteen sou for each meal, and ten sou for my licence to pass over Sea, and five sou of gift to one of the Officers, and ten sou for my part of a boat, hired to draw our ship out of the Haven of Dieppe.  
After we had failed fourteen hours, upon Tuesday the thirteenth of May (after the old style) in the year 1595, early in the morning, we landed in England at Dover, and I paid a French Crown for my passage in the ship, and six English pence for my passage in a boat from the ship to that Port of blessed England. But we were fierce landed, when we were cited to appear before the Mayor and his Assistants. Where for my part the more poor I was in apparel, the more frowardly I behaved my felt towards them, (as many good minds are most proud in the lowest fortunes), so as they began to entreat me rudely, as if I were some Popish Priest, till by chance a Gentleman one of the majors Assistants ask my name, and being familiarly acquainted with my brother, by private discourse with me, understood that I had been robbed in France; whereupon he gave his word for me unto the Mayor, and so walked with me to our Inn. There he showed so much respect and love to me, and after my refusal of money from him, so frankly gave his word for me to the English Post, as he was not only willing to furnish me with what money I would, but himself and the Dutch Gentlemen my Consorts in that journey, much more respected me, though poorly appareled, than they had formerly done. Assoon as I came to London, I paid the ten French Crowns due by my bill of exchange to the foresaid French Merchant, and not only paid to the English Post the money he had disbursed for me by the way, but gave him six French Crowns of free gift, in thankfulness for this courtesy. At London it happened, that (in regard of my robbing in France) when I entered my sister's house in poor habit, a servant of the house upon my demand answered, that my sister was at home: but when he did see me go up the stairs too boldly (as he thought) without a guide, he not knowing me, in respect of my long absence, did furiously and with threatening words call me back, and surely would have been rude with me, had I not gone up faster than he could follow me, and just as I entered my sister's chamber, he had taken hold on my old cloak, which I willingly flung of, to be rid of him. Then by my sister's embraces he perceived who I was, and stole back as if he had trodden upon a Snake.    

The third Book.  

CHAP. I. Of my journey to Stoade through the United Provinces of netherlands, and upon the Sea-coast of Germany: then to Brunswick and (the right way) to Nurnburg, Augspurg, and Inspruck (in Germany), and from thence to Venice in Italy, and so (by the Mediterranean Seas, and the islands thereof) to jerusalem. In which journey I slightly pass over the places described in my former passage those ways.  
FRom my tender youth I had a great desire to see foreign Countries, not to get liberty (which I had in Cambridge in such measure, as I could not well desire more), but to enable my understanding (which I thought could not be done so well by contemplation as by experience; nor by the ear or any sense so well, as by the eyes. And having once begun this course, I could not see any man without emulation, and a kind of virtuous envy, who had seen more Cities, Kingdoms, and Provinces, or more Courts of Princes, Kings, and Emperors, than myself. Therefore having now wandered through the greatest part of Europe, and seen the chief Kingdoms thereof, I sighed to myself in silence, that the Kingdom of Spain was shut up from my sight, by the long war between England and Spain, except I would rashly cast myself into danger, which I had already unadvisedly done, when I viewed the City and Fort of Naples, and the City of Milan. And howsoever now being newly returned home, I thought the going into more remote parts would be of little use to me, yet I had an itching desire to see jerusalem, the fountain of Religion, and Constantinople, of old the seat of Christian Emperors, and now the seat of the Turkish Ottoman.  
Being of this mind when I returned into England, it happened that my brother Henry was then beginning that voyage, having to that purpose put out some four hundred pounds, to be repaid twelve hundred pounds upon his return from those two Cities, and to lose it if he died in the journey. I say he had thus put out the most part of his small estate, which in England is no better with gentlemen's younger sons, nor so good, as with bastards in other places, aswell for the English Law most unmeasurably favouring elder brothers, as (let me boldly say it) for the ignorant pride of fathers, who to advance their eldest sons, drive the rest to desperate courses, and make them unable to live, or to spend any money in getting understanding and experience, so as they being in wants, and yet more miserable by their Gentry and plentiful education, must needs rush into all vices; for all wise men confess, that nothing is more contrary to goodness, than poverty. My brother being partner with other Gentlemen in this fortune, thought this putting out of money, to be an honest means of gaining, at least the charges of his journey, and the rather, because it had not then been heard in England, that any man had gone this long journey by land, nor any like it, excepting only Master john Wrath, whom I name for honour, and more specially he thought this gain most honest and just; if this journey were compared with other base adventures for gain, which long before this time had been, & were then in use. And I confess, that this his resolution did not at the first sight dislike me. For I remembered, that this manner of gain, had of old been in use among the inhabitants of the Low-Countries, and the Seacoasts of Germany (and so it is yet in use with them.) I remembered, that no mean Lords, and Lords sons, and Gentlemen in our Court had in like sort put out money upon a horserace, or speedy course of a horse, under themselves, yea upon a journey on foot. I considered, that those kinds of gaining only required strength of body, whereas this and the like required also vigour of mind, yea, that they often weakened the body, but this and the like always bettered the mind. I pass over infinite examples of the former customs, and will only add, that Earls, Lords, Gentlemen, and all sorts of men, have used time out of mind to put out money to be repaid with advantage upon the birth of their next child, which kind of gain can no way be compared with the adventures of long journeys; yea, I will boldly say, it is a base gain, where a man is so hired to that dalliance with his wife, and to kill a man, so he may get a boy, as if he were to be encouraged to a game of Olympus.  
Being led with these reasons, I liked his counsel, and made myself his consort in that journey. And I had now given out upon like condition money to some few friends, when perceiving the common opinion in this point to be much differing from mine, and thereupon better considering this matter, and observing (as a stranger that had been long out of my Country) that these kind of adventures were grown very frequent, whereof some were undecent, some ridiculous; and that they were in great part undertaken by bankrupts, and men ofbase condition. I might easily judge that in short time they would become disgraceful, whereupon I changed my mind For I remembered the Italian Proverb, La bellezza di putana, la forza del'fachino, etc. nulla vagliano, that is, the beauty of a Harlot, the strength of the Porter, and (to omit many like) Music itself, and all virtues, become less prized in them, who set them out to sale. Also I remembered the pleasant fable, that jupiter sent rain upon a Village, wherewith whosoever was wet became a fool, which was the lot of all the Inhaitants, excepting one man, who by chance for dispatching of business, kept within doors that day; and that when he came abroad in the evening, all the rest mocked him, as if they had been wise, and he only foolish: so as he was forced to pray unto jupiter for another like shower, wherein he wetted himself also, choosing rather to have the love of his foolish neighbours, being a fool, then to be despised of them, because he was only wise. And no doubt in many things we must follow the opinion of the common people, with which it is better (regarding only men) to be foolish, then alone to be wise. I say that I did for the aforesaid causes change my mind; and because I could not make that undone which was done, at least I resolved to desist from that course. Only I gave out one hundred pound to receive three hundred at my return among my brethren, and some few kinsmen and dearest friends, of whom I would not shame to confess that I received so much of gift. And lest by spending upon the stock, my patrimony should be wasted, I moreover gave out to five friends, one hundred pound, with condition that they should have it if I died, orafter three years should repay it with one hundred and fifty pound gain if I returned; which I hold a disaduantageous adventure to the giver of the money. Neither did I exact this money of any man by suit of Law after my return, which they willingly and presently paid me, only some few excepted, who retaining the very money I gave them, deal not therein so gentlemanlike with me, as I did with them. And by the great expenses of my journey, much increased by the ill accidents of my brother's death, and my own sickness, the three hundred fifty pounds I was to receive of gain after my return; & the one hundred pounds which my brother and I carried in our purses, would not satisfy the five hundred pound we had spent, (though my brother died within the compass of the first year); but I was forced to pay the rest out of my own patrimony.  
Gentle Reader I will no longer trouble thee with these trifles: only in the behalf of them, who for a reasonable gain, and upon long journeys, and not upon ridiculous adventures, have put out their money in this sort. Give leave to me (howsoever I desisted from that course) to add this; All manners of attire came first into the City and Country from the Court, which being once received by the common people, and by very Stage-players themselves, the Courtiers justly cast off, and take new fashions, (though somewhat too curiously); and whosoever wears the old, men look upon him as upon a picture in Arras hangings. For it is proverbially said, that we may eat according to our own appetite, but in our apparel must follow the fashion of the multitude, with whom we live But in the mean time it is not reproach to any, who of old did were those garments, when they were in fashion. In like sort, many dances and measures are used in Court, but when they come to be vulgar and to be used upon very stages, Courtiers and Gentlemen think them uncomely to be used; yet is it no reproach to any man who formerly had skill therein To conclude, (that I may not trouble you with like examples, which are infinite), I say that this manner of giving out money upon these adventures, was first used in Court, and among the very Noble men; and when any of them showed thereby extraordinary strength, the most censorious approved it, but when any performed a long journey, with courage and discretion, no man was found who did not more or less commend it, according to the condition of the journey performed. Now in this age, if bankrupts, Stage-players, and men of base condition, have drawn this custom into contempt: I grant that Courtiers and Gentlemen have reason to forbear it, yet know not why they should be blamed, who have thus put out their money in another age, when this custom was approved. A man may justly say it is great injustice, that our actions should be measured by opinion, and not by reason; but when a man leaves any custom that hath been approved, left he should oppose himself to the common people, a monster of many heads, the most envious hath nothing whereat they may justly carp. And if any measure may be imposed to detractors, surely they must spare them, who undertake long voyages, full of great dangers who do not put out their money in Taverns, or at feasts to any man without distinction, but dispose of their money with their friends upon reasonable adventure of gain, (which in absence they cannot otherwise dispose to profit): Finally who being not rich by patrimony, take these journeys only for experience, and to be enabled to that expense, do condition this reasonable gain. I say the detractors must spare these, and distinguish them from others, who make cursory journeys, without any desire to better their understanding thereby, and more from those, who in these courses rather make trial of their body's strength, then of their minds ability. And most of all from those, who expose themselves to the scorn of men, by base and ridiculous adventures, or that little differ from selfe-murtherers, in undertaking desperate actions for gain.  
In the same year 1595; wherein (some few months past) I returned into England from my former journey, I now set forth again towards jerusalem, and upon the twenty 
Anno 1595.  nine of November (after the old style), I and my brother consort of my journey, went by water twenty miles (which are seventeen miles by land) from London to Gravesend, in a boat with two Oars, for which we paid two shillings six Pence. At last the wind serving us, upon the seventh of December in the evening, we set sail at an ebbing water, and upon the eighth of December in the afternoon, having passed the River Thames, we cast anchor, upon the shore of England, right before the Village Marget's.  
Then in the twilight of the evening, we put to Sea, and the ninth of December entering the narrow Sea of Zealand, upon our call a boat came out of Vlishing to us, in which we went thither, leaving our ship, which went forward to Midleburg, and each man paying a dolor for his passage. The eleventh of December we walked on foot one mile to Midleburge, where being invited by our friends (as we were at Vlishing) we supped on free cost. The twelfth day we passed by Sea in two hours space to Armuren, where we cast anchor not without fear of Spanish Pirates, who coming with small boats out of the Castle Wouda, did then many robberies upon this Sea. The thirteenth day in the morning, we sailed nine miles to the Island Plate, where a Man of war, sent out by the States against these Pirates, did lie at anchor, under the guard whereof we also lay at anchor the night following. The fourteenth day in the morning, having always a fair wind, we sailed eight milcs to Delphs haven in Holland, where we left our Bark, and each man paid twelve stivers for his passage, and myself gave three stivers to a Mariner that had attended me. From hence myself and three consorts, hired a Wagon for 18 stivers to the Hage, where I paid for my supper a Flemish guilden and seventeen stivers. The fifteenth day of December (which after the new style was Christmas day, that Feast by the old style falling on the twenty five of December) myself and three consorts hired a Wagon for two guldens, for two long miles to Leyden. From Leyden at a set hour every day, boats pass to all the next Cities, and we entering the boat that went for Amsterdam, paid each of us 6 stivers for our passage. First, we passed five miles upon the Lake called Harlam Meare, which Lake is much subject to Tempests. Our boat was then drawn by force of hands over a Dam into a Channel of water, in which we passed two miles, and so came to Amsterdam. The boats are thus drawn out of the Lake into the Channel, by a privilege granted to Harlam, because that City had spent much money in the works for conveyance of waters. And this was granted to them, to the end, that this passage being shut up to Barks of greater burden, the Merchant's wares passing by land, should be forced to come by Harlam. We lodged in a English Merchants house at Amsterdam, and paid eight stivers for each meal.  
The seventeenth of December we entered a little ship, to sail out of Holland into West-Freesland: but being almost frozen in with ice, after we had sailed two days and a night (with great danger) through huge pieces of ice, and were the second night also compassed therewith, and had been forced to lie at anchor a good space, we hardly arrived the third day at Horn in North- Holland, which City is five miles distant from Amsterdam and each man paid ten stivers for our passage, and two stivers for the use of a little cabin in the ship. The nineteenth day we would needs go on foot two miles (as long as ten English miles), to Enchnsen, because they asked four guldens and a half for a Wagon. And in the mid way it happened that we light upon a sledg, which we 4 consorts hired for 20 stivers, and therein we were all carried, but for my part I paid 5 stivers more for the carriage of my necessaries. And we could not sufficiently marvel at our first setting forth, that the Villages should be so frequent, in such an obscure Country, as we could hardly see how they were parted one from the other, for half the way at least. From hence we sailed with a very fair wind, in three hours space two miles to Stavern, a Village seated in West- Freezland, and each man paid ten stivers for his passage, four for his supper, and four for beer.  
The next day we passed on foot one mile of Freezland, (which miles are exceeding long) to Warcome, and we hired two Clowns for two guldens, to carry our necessaries, which Clowns drinking stoutly all the night, we were forced beyond our bargain to pay for their intemperance, which wrong we could not avoid, though we much repined at it. Early in the morning we passed by water one mile over a Lake to Bolsworth, and each man paid two stivers and a half for his passage, and eight stivers and a half for his dinner. In the afternoon we hired a boat for three miles to Lewerden, and each man paid six stivers for his passage, and thirty four stivers for his supper and breakfast, with wine. The next day in the morning, we might have passed to Groaning, in a common boat, each man paying twelve stivers: but because the covetous Mariners had overloaded it, and the winds were boisterous, we four consorts hired a private boat for seven guldens and a half. The first day we passed by water five miles, to Kaltherberg, that is, the cold Inn, with a very fair wind; but so boisterous, as we were in no small fear. Here each man paid twelve stivers for his supper, and seven stivers for his drink, while in good fellowship we sat at the fire after supper. The next day we passed in the same boat two miles to Groaning, in a great tempest of wind; besides that in the midst of the Lake we lost our Rudder, being thereby in great danger, had not the waves of the water (by God's mercy) driven it to us. Here we paid eight stivers each man for a plentiful dinner, but without wine. In the afternoon we passed by water two miles to Delphs I'll, and each man paid forty stivers for the hire of the boat, and twenty four stivers for supper and breakfast, and fire in our private chamber.  
From hence we sailed with a most fair wind, in two hours space two miles to Emden, the first City of the Germane Empire, seated in East- Friezland, and each man paid six stivers for his passage, and as much for his dinner. In the afternoon we passed in a boat hired for four guldens (whereof each man paid ten stivers for his part) three miles to a little City Lyre, and by the way passed by the Fort Nordlire, in which the Earl of Emden held his Court. We rested at Lyre this night and the next day, being Christmas day by the old style, and each man paid sixteen stivers for each supper, and eight stivers for one dinner. The Spanish Garrisons daily sent out freebooters into these parts, with the permission of the Earl of Emden, (for his hatred to the Citizens of Emden, who lately had shut him out of their City); and of the Earl of Oldenburge (for his hatred against the Citizens of Breme). Therefore we being here many passengers, did at last obtain of the Earl of Emden, that we might higher his soldiers to conduct us safely for some few miles. To these soldiers we gave twenty one collars, yet when at the three miles' end we came to the Village Stickhausen, and were now in the greatest danger, they (as hired to go no further) would needs return, till each of us gave them a Germane gulden, to conduct us only to the next village, being the confines of the Counties of Emdens' and Oldenburg. To which they were persuaded, not so much by our prayers as by our reward, and once by the way, to make show of danger (as it seemed to me lest we should repent us of the money we had given them, they rushed into some old houses, with such a noise, as if they would have killed all they met, but no enemy appeared, & if they had lurked there, I think they would not have fought with the Earls soldiers who favoured them, as on the other side, if they had assaulted them, I doubt whether our mercenary soldiers would have lost one dram of blood for our safety. As long as these soldiers were with us, we partly went by water, (each man paying 3. stivers for his passage) & partly on foot. They being now dismissed, we went on foot a Dutch mile, in the Territory of the Earl of Oldenburg, to the Village Aopen, where each man paid four stivers for his dinner. In the afternoon, we being many consorts, hired diverse wagons, paying for each of them twenty five stivers to Oldenburg, being four miles, and we came thither by nine of the clock in the night, and there each man paid fifteen groats for his supper and breakfast. The second day in the morning we went four miles to Dolmenhurst, and each man paid two copstucks for his Wagon. Then six of us hired a Wagon one mile to Breme for three copstucks, where each man paid fourteen lubeck shillings for his supper and breakfast.  
From hence eleven of us hired two Wagons to Stoade, for which each of us paid thirty lubeck shillings. The first day we went four miles to a poor Village, where each of us paid five lubeck shillings for our suppers. And having rested here somefew hours upon straw, we went before the break of day three miles to ford, and making no stay there, passed three miles further to Stoade.  
Hence five of us hired a Coach for five collars, to Luneburg ten miles distant, and the first day in the afternoon we went three miles to Alte-kloster, that is; the old Cloister, which was seated in the Bishopric of Breme, and the next day one mile in the same Bishopric, and six in the Duke of Luneburgs' territory, and so we came to Luneburg; but the horses being weary, and the journey long, we came so late in the night, as we were forced to lodge without the gates, where each man paid five lubeck shillings for his supper, three for his breakfast, and five for beer. The next day we entered Luneburge, where each man paid four lubeck shillings and a half for his dinner.  
From hence four of us hired a Coach for seven collars to Brunswick, being sixteen miles distant, the Coachman paying for his horse's meat, and we for his own meat. The same day in the afternoon, we passed five miles in six hours space to Sawerburg, where each of us paid (for our own supper, with our part of the Coachman's supper) seven lubeck shillings. The second day in the morning we passed four miles to Owsen, where each man paid in like sort five lubeck shillings for our dinner. In the afternoon we passed three miles to Gethurne, where the Duke of Luneburg hath a Castle (which the Dutch call Schlosse); where for ours and the Coachman's supper and breakfast, we four English consorts paid a dolor and twelve stivers. The third day in the morning, we passed four miles to Brunswick, where in like sort we four paid for our own and the Coachman's beaver, supper, and dinner, two collars and a half.  
From hence six consorts of us hired a Coach forthirty collars to Nurnberg, forty eight miles distant, and the coachman paid for his horse-meat, and we for his own meat, which hereafter divided among us I will reckon in our seureall expenses. The first day at ten of the clock beginning our journey, we passed through fruitful hills of corn one mile, where we left on our left hand Wolfenbeyten, (a City where the Duke of Brunswick keeps his Court), with a Village belonging to his brother the Bishop of Ossenbruck. And there we met with certain of the Duke's horsemen, who kept the ways safe from thieves, and at their request we bestowed on them an Ort or fourth part of a dolor. Then in the like way we passed two miles and a half to Rauchell, where each of us paid for ours and the Coachman's supper five silver groshen. The second day in the morning we passed three miles and a half to Halberstatt, where each man paid in like sort for ours and the Coachman's dinner half a dolor. Our journey this day was through fruitful hills of corn, not enclosed, and groves and woods in a fruitful and pleasant Country. The Duke of Brunswick is called the Administrator of the Bishopric of Halberstatt, and hath the rents thereof. After dinner we passed one mile to Ermersteben, subject to the Duke of Brunswick, through a plain more pleasant than the former, having no enclosures, but being fruitful in corn, and full of Villages; where we four English consorts paid twenty three silver groshen for our own and the Coachman's supper. I have omitted the quality of the soil, in places which I have formerly described, which now I mention again, because this is the first time I passed from Brunswick to Nurnburg. The third day in the morning we passed in a dirty way (but through most pleasant hills, and fruitful of corn, but having no woods, nor so much as a tree,) two miles to Mansfield.  
The Counts of Man field well known Captains in the wars of the Low-Countries and Hungary, have their name from this Castle and Village, and this territory, (having besides some twelve Castles) being not sufficient to maintain the great number of them, they were forced to seek advancement by the wars. The Citizens of Mansfield were of old very rich by the Mines of this territory, but at this time they had scarce bread to eat, the Counts having engaged these mines to the Fugari of Augsburg, and to some Citizens of Nurnburg. Some of these mines yield gold, but so sparingly, as it scarce quits the cost. Others yield silver, and the very mines of Copper in each hundred yield twenty lot (that is half ounces) of silver. Of these mines some are two hundred Clafters (that is fathoms) deep under the earth. And these mines of the mountain are borne up with pillars and buildings of wood under the earth, lest it should fall upon the workmen. They say that these mines yield yearly one hundred & forty thousand dutch guldens, besides the expenses. At this time three officers lived in the Castle, who received the profits of the mines for those to whom they were engaged, whereof one received five parts, the other three, the third only one part. Moreover here be wonderful stones in the quarries, which broken into never so many parts, have still the lively figure of divers things. Our Host showed us some of them, which had throughout the figures of divers fishes in a Lake adjoining, this stone of one fish, that of another, and so of all the kinds. And he showed us one that had throughout the figure of Christ crucified, another that had the figure of the Pope's triple Crown, and another that had the lively figure of Luther. Surely the Germans are accounted no jugglers, nor liars; and if they would have deceived us, yet I cannot see how our eyes should be deceived, seeing many of them broken, and still having the same figure. This poor Village (yet pleasant for the seat) was of old a City, and at this time the houses were covered (as they be in many parts of Germany) not with tiles of brick, but with like pieces of wood. Here each of us paid a quarter of a dolor for our own and the Coachman's dinner.  
In the afternoon we passed a dirty way; but through fruitful corn fields, four miles to Sangerhausen, where each of us in like sort paid the fourth part of a dolor and a grosh for our supper. This being the first Village of the Province Thuring, belongs to the Elector of Saxony. The fourth day in the morning we passed through most pleasant & fruitful hills of corn, adorned with some pleasant woods, (which in higher Germany are of fir, that is green all winter,) four miles in the territory of the Elector of Saxony, to a Country Inn; where having nothing but eggs for our dinner, we paid jointly ten silver grosh. After dinner we passed in the same Electors territory, and through the like soil (or Country) three miles and a half to a Country Inn, where we had to supper a pudding as big as a man's leg, and gross meat, and straw for our beds; and jointly paid fourteen grosh. The fifth day early in the morning we passed-through the like way, but more pleasant for the plenty of Vines, two miles to the City of Erfurt, where we four English consorts with our Coachman paid jointly a dolor and twenty one grosh for our dinner, with sour wine of the Country. This City is seated in a plain, and is a free City, but not an imperial City, and pays some tribute to the Bishop of Metz, and to the Saxon Duke of Wineberg. It is large, being a Dutch mile in compass, but the houses are poorly built of timber and clay, having the roofs covered with tiles of wood, and they seem to be built of old. It hath forty two Churches, but only sixteen are used for divine service: namely, eight for the Papists, (among which are the two Cathedral Churches, under the power of the Archbishop of Metz,) and eight for the Protestants or Lutherans. This is the chief City of Thuring, and of old here was an University, but time hath dissolved it. After dinner at the first going out of the City, we ascended a very high mountain, whereupon is a pleasant wood of fir. Then we passed by the beautiful little City of Armstat, I call it beautiful, for the seat in a fertile soil, having dry and pleasant walks, and for the plenty of fountains and groaves, and for the magnificence of the Castle, wherein the Count of Schwartzburg keeps his Court, finally for the uniform building of the City, which some fifteen years past was burnt to the ground, and was since rebuilded, and so coming from Erfurt, we passed three long miles to the Village Blaw, subject to the Count of Schwartzburg; where jointly we paid fourteen grosh for our supper. The sixth day we passed three miles through woody mountains, to the Village Fraw-im-Wald, (that is, our Lady in the wood), which Village is subject to the said Count; and here we paid jointly thirty seven grosh and a half for our dinner. After dinner we passed three miles through mountains covered with snow, and woods of fir to Eysfield, subject to the Saxon Duke of Coburg. For this wood of Thuring, (vulgarly called Thuringwald) hath many Lords, namely, the Elector of Saxony, the Saxon Dukes of Wineberg & Coburg, and the Count Schwartzburg The Duke of Coburg hath in this place a fair Castle, and we paid jointly for us four and the Coachman sixty four grosh for our supper and breakfast. The seventh day in the morning we passed three miles over dirty mountains, and fruitful in corn, to Coburg seated in the Province of Franconia. They say this City was of old called Cotburg, that is, the City of dirt, and the dirty streets well deserve the name. Here one of the Dukes of Saxony called of Coburg kept his Court, and our Host told us that his Duchess for adultery was then bricked up in a wall, the place being so narrow, as she could only stand, and having no door, but only a hole whereat they gave her meat. The building of the City was very base of timber and clay. Here we five paid sixteen grosh for our dinner. In the afternoon we passed two miles, to the Town Clawsen, through fruitful hills of corn, and in a most dirty way, where we five paid forty nine grosh for our supper; and the Town is subject to the Popish Bishop of Bamberg. The eight day we passed four miles to Bamberg, through a fruitful plain of corn, and pleasant hills planted with vines, and in a most dirty way. This City is the seat of the Bishop of Bamberg. By the way we passed by a Ferry the River Manus, running to Franckfort. Here we five paid thirty seven grosh for our dinner. In the afternoon we passed through a wood of fir in a sandy soil, and then through fruitful fields of corn and pleasant hills, three mile unto a Village subject to the Margrave of Anspach, (from which a City subject to the Bishop of Bamberg, is not far distant, for the Prince's dominions in these parts are mingled one with the other); and here we five paid fifty five grosh for our supper. The ninth day we passed three miles through a sandy and barren plain, and woods of fir always green, to a Village subject to the said Margrave, where we five paid forty grosh for our dinner. In the afternoon we passed three miles, through the like way, to Nurnburg, and being now free from paying for our Coachman, each of us paid here six batzen each meal, and four creitzers each day for our chamber. This City I have formerly described, and so pass it over.  
Here we hired a Coach, being seven consorts, for twelve Dutch guldens, to Augsburg, being nineteen miles distant. The first day after breakfast we passed through Nurnburg wood two miles, and in the said Margraves' territory (who is of the Family of the Electors of Brandeburg,) four miles to Blinfield; and each of us paid ten batzen for our supper, and four batzen for a banquet after supper. The second day in the morning we passed four miles to the City Monheyme, subject to the Phaltz-grave of the Rhine, and here each of us paid half a gulden for his dinner. By the way, in this morning's journey, we did see Weyssenburg, a free but not imperial City, protected by Nurnburg. The Margrave of Anspach, Lord of this territory, hath a Fort built upon a Mountain, that hangs over this free City, which when he did build, the Citizens complained to the Emperor; and they say that how soever they brought the emperors Mandate to desist from the work, yet he would not obey the same. The rest of our journey to Monheyme, was in the territory of the Baron of Papenheym, in a dirty way, through many woods. And in a village subject to that Baron, we had a guide and two fresh horses for our Coach, and for them our Coachman paid six batzen. After dinner we passed three miles through a wood, and fruitful hills of corn, to the City Donwerd, being a fair imperial City, which I have formerly described, and here each man paid six batzen for his supper. Now we were come out of Franconio, and began to enter into Suenia. The third day we passed three miles, through fruitful fields of corn, and woods of fir, to a Village, where each man paid eight batzen for his dinner. In the afternoon we passed through likeway, three miles to Augsburg, where each man paid seven batzen for each meal. I pass over this City, which I have described before.  
here we agreed with the Carrier of Augsburg, who by course that week went to Venice, that each of us should pay him seventeen Crowns, (each Crown worth twenty two batzen), and that he not only should find every man a horse, and pay for the horses meat, but also should pay for our diet. And here I gained this by my Dutch Language, that making the bargain with him for one of my Countrymen, who could not speak Dutch, when we came to Venice, and he having no money, could not pay the Carrier, I had no remedy but to pay those Crowns for him, to which the Law would have compelled me, as the maker of the bargain, if I had not rather chosen willingly to do it. See how ignorance may sometimes advantage, and skill may prejudice a man.  
We began this journey in the afternoon, and the first day through a Heath, and in the Territory of the Duke of Bavaria from the very Gates of Augsburg, we road six miles to an Inn near Landsperg. The second day in the morning, through fruitful Hills and Woods of Fir, green at this time of the year, we road four miles to Schongaw, and after dinner through Mountains covered with snow, four miles to Amberg. The third day in the morning we road two miles to the Village Warten kerken, and after dinner six short miles to Seyfeld, and in the midst of the way a Bridge divides the Dukedom of Bavaria from the County of Tyrall. At Seyfeld there is a Church built in memory of a Gentleman, swallowed up by the gaping earth (as they say) because being to receive the Sacrament, he demanded in scoff a great piece of bread. The fourth day in the morning, we road three miles to Inspruck, the chief City of Tyrall, subject to the Family of Austria, where being at the top of the Alps, the Mountains began to open towards the South, and our morning's journey was in a pleasant Plain between the highest Mountains. Passing this plain, they showed us upon a high Mountain (so high as we could scarce discern the things they showed, though of great bigness); I say, they showed us the statue of the Emperor Maximiltan, proportionable to his body, and a great Crucifix erected by him upon this occasion. One day when he hunted, and wandering from his company, lost himself, so as he had no hope to get out of those most thick woods, and most high Mountains, there appeared to him a man, or (as they said) his good Angel, who led him through wild vast Woods, till he came in safety, and then vanished away, in memory whereof, they say the Emperor erected these monuments.  
In this City of Inspruck, and in the Cathedral Church thereof, is the Sepulchre of the said Emperor, and there be many Images partly of Brass, partly of Marble erected 
Inspruck.  to the Archdukes of Austria, and eight of Brass erected to the Archdutchesses'. Among them was the sepulchre of Philippina, a Citizen's Daughter of Augsburg, whom the Archduke Ferdinand (lately buried, and lying in a Chapel without any sepulchre as then erected to him) took for his Wife, but with a coucnant (as they say) that her children should not inherit as Archdukes of Austria.  
From hence we road in the afternoon between Mountains, descending into Italy, and lying towards the South Sun, four miles and a half of most pleasant way to Lueg. The fifth day we passed the Mountain Bremer, and road two miles and a half to Sterzen, subject to the Cardinal of Brixia, one of the Family of the archdukes of Austria at Inspruck. The Mountain Bremer is more than a Dutch mile high, yet nothing steep; this way from Augsburg to Venice, being for the most part through pleasant Valleys, in the midst of Mountains, and so winding over the Mountains, as the passage is very easy. Here my brother Henry falling sick, I dealt with the carrier, that we paying him three guldins and a half for the common charge of his companies supper, he would there stay for us till the next morning, and this likewise I obtained of our consorts with more ease, because they were to diet at the Carrier's charge. The sixth day we road three miles to a Village not far distant from Brixia, where the said Cardinal held his Court, this way being all through woody Mountains. After dinner we road three miles in the said Cardinal's Territory, (through Mountains, and Hills planted with Vines, and lying towards the South Sun) to Clausy. The seventh day we road four miles (in a strait way between Rocks with pleasant Orchards of pomegranates, and other Italian fruits, lying on both sides) to 〈◊〉, which the Dutch call Pozen. And after dinner we began to leave the Alps on our back, and road three miles to Newmart, through Woods of Fir, in a Plain more and more enlarging itself, and planted after the Lombard fashion, with Elm trees set in the surrowes of cornfields, and Vines growing up high upon the Elms. The eighth day we road by the bank of the River Athesis to Trent, three miles in the County Tyroll, within the Dutch Empire, and one Dutch mile in Italy.  
The City Trent is seated in length from a Mountain on the East side, to another on the West side, and the River Athesis (which the Dutch call Esh) runs by the City 
Trent.  on the North side. The City is famous by a late Council held there, and the Archduke of Austria at Inspruck hath his Officer there, to gather Tributes belonging to him. And the Cardinal Madrucci (lame of an arm and foot, but reputed eloquent) hath some privileges in this City for the administration of justice, and otherwise: for the command of the City belongs to the Family of Madrucci, being Gentlemen. After dinner we entered the Mountains again, where we walked over a way paved with Flint (which the Dutch call Plate) and did lead our horses in our hands, the way being very slippery, and so we road one most long Dutch mile to Bersena. The ninth day we road three most long miles to Bergo, I mean Dutch miles, for I had no other companions but Dutch, who reckon the way after their own miles. This day we passed infamous places for robberies, especially one, where 5 ways lead to 5 woody Mountains; and here we did see thieves, being ourselves in safety, they having no means to come to us, in a Plain so covered with snow, that our Horses were upto the saddles therein, and could hardly pass the high way. After dinner we road two most long Dutch miles to Griguo. The tenth day we road two Dutch miles to Primolano, the first Village in the State of Venice: but from the foresaid confines of the Empire to this place, all the Territory belonged to diverse Gentlemen, neither subject to the Empire, nor to the State of Venice, but living free, only acknowledging to hold their land from the archdukes of Austria. Also beyond Primolane (subject to the State of Venice), there is a Fort built between a narrow passage of two Mountains, which Fort is very little, but hangeth over the high way, being built on the side of a Mountain, and this Fort is kept by Dutch Soldiers. It hath no Gate, but they that will go forth, must be let down by a rope, and they that will enter it, must in like sort be drawn up. Moreover before dinner we road from Primolano; one Dutch mile to Carpanella, and at our setting forth from Primolan, we passed over a Bridge, under which was little water for the present: but when the snow melts from the Mountains, or any great rain falls, the waters there are high and violent, and some month past, when the Carrier of Augspurg and his consorts could no way pass the same, they told us, that an English Gentleman impatient of delay, and trying to pass the same, was drowned, and that his body was found after somefew days, when it had been spoiled of a gold chain and store of Crowns, they being unknown who got this booty, and that he was at first buried in a Chapel, but after taken up by the Priests, and buried in the high way, when they heard he was an Englishman, and thereupon suspected him to be an heretic. For the building of this bridge each of us paid two creitzers in the next Village. In our morning's journey the way was narrow, between Mountains, and we might see and hear Mountains of dissolved snow, drawing with them huge stones, to fall with great noise into the high way before us, and into other adjoining Valleys. After dinner we road through a plane tilled after the manner of Lombardy, three Dutch miles and a half, to the Castle Franco. The twelfth day we road three Dutch miles to the City Trevigi, through a like Plain. After dinner (for I have formerly described Trevigi) we road two Dutch miles, or ten Italian miles, through a like Plain to Mestre. From hence we passed by water to Venice being five miles, first in a Ditch, each man paying one soldo for his passage, then in other boats over the Lakes wherewith Venice is compassed, each man paying three soldi for his passage. I omit to speak any thing of Venice, which I have formerly described.  
We being now to take our purposed journey into the Turks Dominions, thought it best, first to go to Constantinople, where the English Ambassador giving us a janizare 
Our journey from Venice to jerusalem.  for our guide, we hoped the rest of our journey would be pleasant, and void of all trouble. For this janizare, aswell for their wont faithfulness to those that give them wages, as for the account he was to make of our safety to the said Ambassador, no doubt would have been a faithful guide to us. But when we inquired of the way from Raguza to Constantinople by land, all the Posts and Messengers passing that way, told us, that the war of Hungary made all those parts full of tragedies and misery. Then we thought to go by Sea to Constantinople: but when we heard that no ship would be had in three months at least, that long delay was hateful to us. Too late, after my return, by experience in my journey, and conference, I found a third way, namely by Sea from Venice to Zant, and from that Island (taking the Council of the English Merchants there) to Petrasso, (seated upon the Corinthian creak of the Sea, in Peloponesus, a Province of Greece, called by the Turks Morea), then to take a janizare from the English Consul there residing, and with him to pass by land to Athens, and by Sea in little Barks from thence to Constantinople. The fourth way was not unknown to us, namely, to go by Sea to Cyprus (as we did), and in the same ship to have passed to Scanderona, and there taking a janizare from the English Factor, maintained there by our Merchants of Haleppo, to have passed under his conduct by Sea to jerusalem. Or else to have gone from Scanderona to Haleppo, and there taking a janizare of the English Consul, and obtaining letters from the Italians, to recommend the care of us and our safety to the Guardian of the Monastery of the Latin Church in jerusalem (which our Merchants would easily have obtained for us) to have passed from thence by land to jerusalem. But when we imparted at Cyprus this our purpose to the Consorts of our journey from Venice thither, who were then hiring a Bark to pass from Cyprus to joppa, whence they had but forty miles to jerusalem, they were very desirous of our company, and with great earnestness gave us confidence, that they would procure the said Guardian and Friars at jerusalem to do us all courtesy in their power, and so persuaded us to commit ourselves to their company and protection. I will add for the instruction of others, that the said janizare useth to be hired for eight Asper's a day, and if he take this charge of any man's safety from an Ambassador, or any Christian Officer of account, he will easily save a man more than his wages, in governing his expenses, and keeping him from those extortions, which the Turks use to do upon Christians, as also from all their injuries. But I return to the purpose; We lying at Venice, and while our health was yet sound, and our Crowns unspent, desiring with all possible speed to finish our voyage into Turkey, did by good hap light upon French consorts for our journey, namely, two Franciscan Friars, one Eremitan Friar, and two honest young Frenchmen, both Citizens of Bloys in France, and one of them a burghers son, the other a Notary of the City, and lastly a Fleming or Dutchman, Citizen of Emden in East Freezeland. This Fleming was a fat man, borne to consume victuals, & he had now spent in his journey to Venice thirty pound sterling, and here for his journey to jerusalem had already put into the ship full Hogsheads of Wine, and store of all victuals, when suddenly he changed his mind, for fear of a great Rheum wherewith he was troubled, or being discouraged with the difficulty of the journey, and would needs return to Emden, with purpose (if he were to be believed) to return the next Spring to some place near jerusalem, in an English ship, which he thought more commodious. He professed, that he had put much money out upon his return, and since he was old, and very sickly, and after so long a journey, and so much money spent, would needs return home, I cannot think that he ever undertook this journey again.  
Many Papists think they must have the Pope's Licence to go this journey, and Villamont a French Gentlemen writes, that otherwise they incur the censure of the Church, and affirms that the Pope writ under his licence these words; Fiat quoth petitar, that is, let that be granted which is craved, and under the remission of his sins, Fiat Faelix, that is; Let him be made happy: And he adds, that he was forced to take as much pains, and to spend as much, and to use as much help of the Pope's Officers, for the obtaining of these two suits, as if he had been a suitor for a Bishopric. But I know many Papists, that have gone from Venice to Jerusalem, who either cared not for this licence, or never thought upon it; and how soever it may give some credulous men hope of fuller indulgence or merit, surely it will serve them for no other use. Among our consorts I never heard any mention thereof, neither did the Friars at jerusalem inquire after it. When I first began to think of undertaking this journey, it was told me that each Ascension day, a Venetian galley was set forth to carry Pilgrims to jerusalem. But it seems that this custom is grown out of use, since few are found in these days who undertake this journey, in regard of the Turks imposing great exactions, and doing foul injuries to them. For the very Friars, which every third year are sent into those parts, to do divine duties to the Papist Merchants there abiding; (the Friars formerly sent being recalled), use to pass in no other than common Merchant's ships.  
In the end of March we had the opportunity of a ship passing into Asia, (which at that time of the year is not rare). This ship was called the less Lion, and the Master, (whom the Italians call Patrono) was Constantine Coluri a Grecian, (as most part of the Mariners are greeks, the Italians abhorring from being sea men): Concerning diet, some agreed with the Steward of the ship (called Ilscalco) and they paid by the month four silver crowns, (each crown at seven lyres), and I marked their Table was poorly screwed. For our part we agreed with the Master himself, who for seven gold crowns by the month paid by each of us, did courteously admit us to his Table, and gave us good diet, serving each man with his knife and spoon, and his fork (to hold the meat whiles he cuts it, for they hold it ill manners that one should touch the meat with his hand), and with a glass or cup to drink in peculiar to himself. He gave us wine mingled with water, and fresh bread for two or three days after we came out of any harbour, and otherwise biscuit, which we made soft by soaking it in wine or water. In like sort, at first setting forth he gave us fresh meats of flesh, and after salted meats, and upon fasting days he gave us eggs, fishes of divers kinds, dried or pickled, salads, sod Rice, and pulse of divers kinds; Oil in stead of butter, Nuts, fruit, Cheese, and like things. Also we agreed that if our journey were ended before the month expired, a rateable proportion of our money should be abated to us. Each of us for his passage agreed to pay five silver crowns of Italy. And howsoever, I think they would not have denied us wine, or meat between meals, if we had been dry or hungry; yet to avoid troubling of them, myself and my brother carried some flagons of rich wine, some very white biscuit, some prunes and raisins, and like things. And to comfort our stomachs in case of weakness, we carried ginger, nutmegs, and some like things; and for remedies against agues, we carried some cooling sirops, and some pounds of sugar, and some laxative medicines. Also we carried with us two chests, not only to lay up these things, but also that we might sleep and rest upon them at pleasure, and two woollen little mattresses to lie upon, and four quilts to cover us, and to lay under us, which mattresses and quilts we carried after by land, or else we should have been far worse lodged in the houses of Turks: besides that many times we lay in the field under the starry canopy. In stead of sheets we used linen breeches, which we might change at pleasure.  
Howsoever all Nations may use their own apparel in Turkey, yet the clothes of Europe, and especially the short cloaks, are most offensive to them, so as the wearer provoketh them thereby to do him injuries. Therefore myself and my brother bought each of us a long coat, of as course stuff as we could find, & a long gown of a course and rough freeze. Our swords, dagger's, and European garments, we left in our chests, with a Flemish Merchant lying at Venice, to be kept against our return and howsoever he falling banckerout, left the City before that time, yet our goods were by the public Officer laid apart, and readily delivered to us at our return.  
Whereas we left our swords at Venice, know that no Turks, (and much less Christians) carry any Arms, except when they go some journey, and that we were not ignorant, that howsoever Christians may defend themselves from thieves by the high way, yet it was hard to distinguish between the Turks violent extortions, with the injuries of them, and the janizares by the high ways, and flatrobberies by thieves, and that whosoever should draw a sword or a knife against these men, or any Turk scoffing and defpising him, should be sure to die an ill death by public justice (which notwithstanding I know not how any man carrying Arms could have the patience to endure). Therefore since the Turks journeying in great troops, were sufficiently armed against thieves, and in all events are unfaithful fellow soldiers to a Christian joining with them, (excepting the janizares, who how soever they make a show of fear of thieves, that they may seem better to deserve their wages, yet have seldom or never been assaulted by them). For these and other reasons we left our swords at Venite, (which reasons it would be tedious to urge), and chose rather unarmed then armed to suffer injuries, which there cannot be avoided.  
Myself and my brother Henry, (who died this year in the month of july) spent four hundred and eighty pounds sterling, in this journey from England to jerusalem, and thence to Haleppo; and in my particular journey (after his death) to Constantinople, and return into England. If any say we spent lavishly, let him know that my dearest brothers death, and my necessary stay thereupon, and a desperate sickness into which I fell upon grief, very much increased the said expenses. Add that I being pressed with these miseries, had now spent all the money we brought in our purses, and then suffered great loss, by the money taken upon exchange to be paid in England, and being weak after my sickness, was forced much to increase my charge, by taking a servant to wait upon me. From which extraordinary mischiefs, God deliver all that undertake this journey, and yet I am deceived if the ordinary burdens will not seem more then enough heavy to them.  
But I return to the relation of my journey. It is the Mariner's fashion that being to go to Sea, they will affirm they set sail presently, that the Merchants and passengers may bring their goods on board, which done, they will not easily take them out again, though that ship after long delays should go last out of the Haven. Therefore we kept our goods in our lodging, still enquiring after the Scrivano, who dwelled hard by us; and when he professed seriously, that he would take ship the next day, than we presently shipped our provisions. So on Friday the 19 of April (after the new style) in the year 1596, we together with the Patron (our Master) went aboard. And the Patron returned that night to Venice, but we lodged in the ship. The Patron 
Anno 1596.  had some monethspast promised me and my brother, that we should set our chests (upon which we were to rest) above the hatches, hard by the stern, where (the ship being great) we had commodity to set them in a place covered over the head, but open on the side towards the prow, and this place was close at the other end, lying at the very door of the Patron's cabin, where he slept, and laid his private goods. And this place seemed to me very pleasant, and fit to rest in, since we were covered from rain; and the winds blew commonly upon the stern, while we were at sea, (for we sailed commonly with a fore wind, the winds being more constant in that sea; at set seasons of the year, then in our seas), and for the time of our abiding in Havens, and otherwise in that calm sea, if the winds were contrary, yet in summer time, and in a clime so near the equinoctial line, we could receive no hurt, but rather pleasure by their coolness. Besides, being thus parted from the Mariners, we were free from louse, and all filthiness, wherewith the Frenchmen our consorts were much annoyed; who slept under the hatches, and that the rather, because they wore woollen stockings, we silk, (drawn over with linen); and they slept in their apparel, we only in our doublets, and linen breeches and stockings; which doublets of ours were lined with taffety, wherein lice cannot breed or harbour: so as howsoever I wore one and the same doublet till my return into England, yet I found not the left uncleanliness therein. And give me leave to joy in my good fortune, (as the common sort speak). Namely that the taffeta lining of my doublet, being of green colour, which colour none may wear upon great danger, but only they who are of the line and stock of Mahomet, (of whom I could challenge no kindred), yet it happened that by sleeping in my doublet aswell by land as by sea, no Turk ever perceived this my error. Neither did I understand by any Christian, no not by our English Merchants at Haleppo, in what danger I was for the same, till I came to Constantinople, where our English Ambassador told me of the strict Law forbidding the use of this colour; and that a poor Christian some few days before had been beaten with cudgels at Constantinople, and was hardly kept from being killed, because ignorantly he wore a pair of green shoestrings. Whereupon I was yet in fear when all danger was almost past, yet would I not cast off my doublet, but only more warily kept the lining from sight, till I entered the Greek ship wherein I passed thence to Venice, and so was free from all danger.  
I return to my purpose. The Patron of our ship (as I said) returned to Venice; but we stayed in the ship, to dispose all our provisions fitly for the journey. The next day, being the twentieth of April (after the new style), the Patron, Scrivano, and all the Merchants came aboard, and the following night being clear, our ship was drawn out of Malamocco the Venetian Haven, by little boats fastened to the ship by ropes, and making their way with oars, (for great ships use no sails to go out of this Haven.)  
Upon Sunday the 21 of April, in the year 1596, being thus put to sea, we set 
April, Anno 1596.  sail with a fair wind. Then all falling on our knees, we prayed unto God for a happy Voyage, kneeling above the hatches, but praying every man privately and silently to himself. Some write, that in the Ships of Venice, they use to pray publicly in Latin every day after the Roman fashion; and some days to celebrate Masses: but in this our ship the Patron and most of the Mariners were Greeks, and only the Scrivano (that is, Scribe) with some Merchants were Italians, and of the Roman Religion. Therefore every day a Bell was rung at prayer time, but each man prayed privately after his own manner. There were beside in the ship many Eastern Christians, of divers Sects and Nations, and Turks, and Persians, yea, very Indians worshipping the Sun, all which, at the ringing of this bell to prayer, went under the hatches. Myself and my brother willingly prayed with them above the hatches, after the foresaid manner, whereof we thought no scruple of conscience to be made, since greeks prayed with us, as well as Italians and French, whose difference in Religion was well known to themselves, so as this our private prayer was void of all dissimulation. And we were glad that no profession of our Religion was imposed upon us, in regard of our consorts, with whom we were to go to jerusalem, and of the Italians, who after our return might perhaps meet us in Italy.  
Prayers being ended, they used a ceremony, which I liked well: for the sub-Patron giving the sign with his silver whistle, all the Mariners bareheaded, and turning their faces to the East, cried with a loud voice Buon' viaggio, Buon' viaggio, (that is, a good voyage), and the same sign given, did cease, and again cried so three times. Upon Tuesday, the Patron with the Scrivano standing by him, stood upon the Castle of the ship, and made a solemn Oration to the sub-Patron and the Mariners, standing upon the lower hatches, whom he admonished how they should behave themselves, and especially to refrain from swearing, blasphemy, and sodomy, under great penalty. Then he wrote the names of the Mariners, and gave every man his charge. And lastly turning himself to the passengers, exhorted them to behave themselves modestly.  
And I must truly witness, that the Patron, the Scrivano, and the sub-patron, used all passengers courteously, yet so kept their gravitic, as they had due respect at all times, particularly at the Table, where they did first set down, others expecting till they came, than the Friars did sit down, and lastly the Laymen in due order. Neither do any sit or walk upon the highest hatches, save only they who did eat at the Table of the Patron, but the rest and all the Eastern people (whom he never admits to his Table) were on the middle Hatch, or at the Prow.  
Upon Wednesday in the morning, we did see upon the shore of Italy, the Mountains of Ancona, which are two hundred Italian miles distant from Venice. Upon Thursday, the five and twenty of April, we sailed by the Island or Mountain Poma (or Pamo), seated in the midst of the Gulf of Venice, which was a high Rock, rising sharp at the top, and uninhabited, where in the Autumn they take Falcons: and we sailed by the Island Saint Andrea, (distant one hundred miles from Ancona) on the North side, and the shore of Italy on the South side. And the same night we sailed by the Island Ischa, and the next morning being Friday, by the islands Buso, Aulto, Catsa, and towards the evening, by the islands Cazola, Augusta, and Palaofa: for in this Gulf of Venice be many islands, whereof the most are subject to Venice, and the rest to Raguza, and other Lords, and some towards the North-shoare to the great Turk.  
here great store of Dolphines followed our ship; and the voice of the Mariners (as they use to do), and they playing about us, did swim as fast as if they had flown. Then we did see the Island Liozena, being all of Mountains, subject to Venice, and inhabited by Gentlemen, where the Venetians had built a strong Fort upon the Haven for their Galleys. And after five miles we did see the Island Curzola, subject to Venice, and having a Bishop. And the wind being high, we cast anchor near Curzola, but the wind soon falling, we set sail again.  
From the fix and twenty of April, to Thursday the second of May, the Southeast wind (which the Italians call Syrocco) did blow very contrary unto us. The third of May being Friday, towards the evening, we were driven upon the Northern shore, and did see the Fort Cataro, built on a Mountain upon the continent, against Turkish Pirates, and distant eighteen miles from Raguza, the chief City of Selavonia, which is free, yet pays tribute to the Venetians and Turks, their powerful neighbours. Not far thence the Turks also had a Fort, built against the Venetians. Raguza is some 
Raguza.  one hundred miles distant from the Island Andrea, and some four hundred miles from Venice.  
Upon Saturday we sailed by the Promontory of Saint Mary on the North side, and Otranto a City of Apulia in Italy on the South side, seeing them both plainly: for now we were passing out of the Gulf of Venice, into the Mediterranean sea, by this Strait, some sixty miles broad, and some two hundred miles distant from Raguza.  
Here we did overtake a ship of Venice, called Ragazona, and that we might enjoy one another's company, the Sea being calm for the time, our ship being the less (yet of some nine hundred Tons), was fastened to the Stern of the other ship by a Cable, and towards the evening upon the Greek shore towards the North, we did see Vallona.  
Now we were come forth of the Adriatic Sea, otherwise called the Gulf of Venice, which hath in length some six hundred Italian miles, and the breadth is divers, sometimes two hundred miles, sometimes less, between Ancona and the opposite Haven Valdagosta seventy miles, and in the Strait we now passed sixty miles broad. On Sunday the fifth of May we did see the Mountain Fanon, (and as I remember an Island) three miles distant from the Island Corfu, and upon the Greek shore beyond the Island, we did see the most high Mountains called Chimerae, inhabited by the Albanesis, who neither subject to the Turks nor Venetians, nor any other, do upon occasion rob all; and the Venetians, and the Kings of France, and especially of Spain, use to hire them in their wars. The sixth of May we sailed by the Promontory, called the Cape of Corfu (the description of which Island I will defer till my return this way.) On Tuesday the seventh of May, we sailed by the Island Paro very near us, and the Island Saint Maura joined by a bridge to the continent of Epirus, and subject to the Turks, and the Island Ithaca (vulgarly called by the Italians Compare) also subject to the Turks, and famous for their King Ulysses, and some four miles distant from the Island Cepholania, which towards evening we did see, being distant some one hundred miles from Corfu.  
On Wednesday early in the morning, we entered a narrow Sea, some two 
Cephalonia.  miles broad, having Cephalonia the less on the North side, and the greater Cephalonia on the South side, and we cast anchor near a desert Rock (where of old there was an University), and many of us, in our boat (sent with Mariners to cut wood, and take fresh water), did go on land in the greater Cepholania, to refresh ourselves, and to wash our bodies in the Sea water: but we durst not go far from our Mariners, lest the inhabitants of those woody Mountains should offer us violence. Both the islands are subject to Venice, and abound with wines and small Currends, and in time of war the Inhabitants retire to a Fort, built there by the Venetians, to be safe from the Turks. The Venetians every third year choose some of their Gentlemen, to be sent hither for Governor and Officers.  
The same Wednesday the eight of May, towards the evening, we set sail, and before dark night passed by the Promontory, called the Cape of Cepholania, and did see on the North side the islands Corsolari some ten miles distant, where the Navy of the Pope, King of Spain, and Venetians confederate, having Don john of Austria, base brother to King Philip of Spain for their General, obtained a noble Victory in the year 1571 against the Navy of the Turks, the Christians hiding there many of their Galleys, that the Turks coming out of the Gulf of Corinth (now called the Gulf of Lepanto) might despise their number, and so be more easily drawn to fight. In the mouth of the said Gulf, upon the West shore, is the Castle of Toran (or Torneze) seated in Peloponesus, a Province of Greece, which the Turks call Morea, and in the bottom of the Gulf, Petrasso is seated in the same Province, and Lepanto in the Province of Achaia, and of these Cities this Gulf of Corinth, is in these days called sometimes the Gulf of Lepanto, sometimes the Gulf of Petrasso. In the City of Petrasso the English Merchants live, having their Consul, and they traffic especially for Currands of Corinth. near Cepholania great store of Dolphins did again swim about our ship (which they say do foretell, that the wind will blow from that quarter, whether they swim, and the same day in the main Sea, greater Dolphins, and in greater number, did play about our ship.  
On Thursday in the morning we did leave on the South side the Island Zante, subject 
Zante.  to the Venetians, and seventy miles distant from Cephalania (the description of which Island I defer to my return this way), and so we sailed close by the shore of Peloponesus (or Morea) on the North side.  
Peloponesus is almost an Island, joined on the North side to Achaia by a narrow neck of land, which many of old have attempted to cut, and to make that Province an Island, and it containeth large Counties or Territories of Greece: We sailing along the South side of this Province, did see the Cities, Coron, Modon, and Navarin, and somewhat lower towards the South, was a little Island called Strivalli, which is barren and inhabited by Grecian Monks called Caloiri, who came out to us in a boat to beg alms, and the Patron of our ship in honour of our Lady (or Virgin Marie) of Strivalli, saluted the Island with some pieces of Ordinance. Upon Friday the tenth of May we sailed by the foresaid City Modon, seated in Greece, and one hundred miles distant from the Island Zante. The eleventh day in the morning we sailed by the Promontory called the Cape of Modon, and within six hours sailing, were out of the sight of any part of Morea.  
But in the evening we came to the Cape of S. john the first Promontory of the Island 
Candia.  Candia, distant some one hundred and fifty miles, (I always understand Italian miles, being now amongst the Italians) from Modon, the foresaid City of Morea, and these high Mountains of Candia were yet covered on the top with snow. We sailed on the South side of Candia, and towards evening passed by the middle part of the Island, and the thirteenth day by nine of the clock in the morning, we sailed by the Cape of Solomon, being towards the East the furthest part of Candia, (the description of which Island I defer to my coming back that way.)  
At this time our Mariners, aswell Greeks as Italians, were greatly offended with one of our French Consorts, a Lay man, because at dinner time, according to the negligent fashion of the French, he turned the clean side of his trencher upward: for of all men the Mariners, and of all Mariners the greeks and Italians are most superstitious; and if any thing in the ship chance to be turned up-side down, they take it for an ill sign, as if the ship should be overwhelmed. Otherwise I never observed, that either the chief or inferior Mariners ever used the least disrespect to any passenger, being rather loving and familiar to them in conversation. And I remember that my brother Henry using to walk upon the highest hatches, the Patron, and Scrivano, and others, did with smiling observe his fast walking and melancholy humour, yet howsoever it was troublesome to them, did only once, and that courteously reprove him, or rather desire him that he would have respect to the Mariners, who watched all night for the public safety, and were then sleeping under the hatches. Always understand that a man may not be so bold in another man's house as in his own, and may yet less be bold in a ship of strangers; and that an unknown passenger must of all other be most respective. And whereas Mariners are held by some to be thievish, surely in the Haven at the journeys end, (where thieves easily find receivers), it is good to be wary in keeping that belongs to you: but at sea no place is more safe than a ship, where the things stolen, are easily found, and the offenders severely punished.  
On Sunday the nineteenth of May, we came to the first Promontory of the Island 
Cyprus.  Cyprus, towards the West, and after eight hours sailing, we came to the old City Paphos (or Paphia), now called Baffo, and the wind failing us, and gently breathing upon this Castle of Venus, we hovered here all the next night, gaining little or nothing on our way. This place is most pleasant, with fruitful hills, and was of old consecrated to the Goddess Venus, Queen of this Island; and they say that Adamants are found here, which skilful jewellers repute almost as precious as the Oriental. A mile from this place is the Cave, wherein they feign the seven sleepers to have slept, I know not how many hundred years. The twenty one of May towards the evening, we entered the Port of Cyprus, called Le Saline, & the two & twentieth day obtaining licence of the Turkish Cady to go on land, we lodged in the Village Larnica, within a Monastery of European Friars. Here some of us being to sail to joppa, and thence to go by land to jerusalem, did leave the Venetian ship, which sailed forward to Scanderona. The Turks did conquer the Island Cyprus from the Venetians, in the year 1570, and to this day possess it, the chief Cities whereof are Nicosia, (seated in the midst of the Island) and Famogosta (seated in the furthest part of the Island towards the East). The Turkish Bassa, or Governor, useth to choose Famogosta for his seat, (though Nicosia be the fairer City), because it hath a good Haven, and a most strong Fort, which the Venetians built. The Island lieth two hundred & forty miles in length from the west to the East, and hath some eighty miles in breadth, & six hundred miles in compass. This Island is said to be distant some four hundred miles from the Island of Candia, (which is some two hundred and thirty miles long: but I speak of the next Promontories in both of them), and from Venice some two thousand two hundred and twenty miles, from Alexandria in Egypt, some four hundred and fifty miles, from Alexandretta (at this day called Scanderona), the Haven of Caramania, eighty miles, from Tripoli of Syria, ninety miles, and from joppa a Haven in Palestina, about two hundred and fifty miles, speaking of the uttermost Promontories on all sides.  
This Island yieldeth to no place in fruitfulness or pleasure, being enriched with Corn, Oil, Cheese, most sweet Porkes, Sheep, (having tails that weigh more than twenty pound) Capers (growing upon pricking bushes) Pomegranates, Oranges, and like fruits; Canes or Reeds of sugar, (which they beat in mills, drawing out a water which they seeth to make sugar), with rich wines, (but gnawing or burning the stomach) odoriferous Cypress trees, (whereof they make siers,) store of Cotton, and many other blessings of nature. near the Promontory Del'Gatto, so called of Cats that use to kill Serpents, they take Falcons, which Hawks the Governors are commanded to send to Constantinople. They sow corn in the month of October, and reap it in April. I know not how it comes to pass, that in this Island of Venus, all fruits taste of salt, which Venus loved well. And I thought that this was only proper to the place at which we landed, where they make salt, till many Islanders affirmed to me, that the very earth, the sweet herbs, the beasts feeding there, and the fountains of waters, had a natural saltness. The houses are built after the manner of Asia, of a little stone, one roof high, and plain in the top, which is plastered, and there they eat and sleep in the open air.  
By the assistance of a Venetian Merchant, seven of us hired a ship of a Greek dwelling in Cyprus, for twenty eight zechines to joppa (now called jaffa, or Giaffa), with condition that he should stay at joppa fifteen days to expect our return from jerusalem, and should thence carry us to Tripoli in Syria. The most part of these zechines we left in the hand of the Venetian Merchant, to be delivered to the Master of this ship at his return, if he brought our testimony under our hands, that he had performed all covenants with us: for we also conditioned with him, that he should stay longer than fifteen days at joppa (if need were) for our return, we paying him a sequin for every day above fifteen, which he should stay there for us. We might have hired a ship or Bark for ten zechines directly to joppa, without these conditions of staying there, and carrying us to Tripoli. And because the Turkish Governors of Cities use to impose great tributes upon Christians driven into their Havens, & sometimes by tricks of fraud to bring them in danger of life, only to spoil them of their money, some of our Consorts would have added another condition, that the Master should not carry us to any Port, but that of joppa, had not the rest judged it unreasonable, to tie him for performance of that, which was only in the power of God, according to the winds, which might force him to take harbour. Myself did familiarly know an English Gentleman, who shortly after coming to Scanderona, and there taking ship to pass by this shore to joppa, and so to jerusalem, if an honest man had not forewarned him, had by the treason of a janizare in the way been sold for a slave to the inland Turks, whence he was like never to be redeemed, being far removed from Christians, who only trade upon the Coasts. And he was so terrified with this danger, as he returned into England without seeing jerusalem, to which he had then a short journey, only carrying with him a counterfeit testimony and seal that he had been there, because he had put out much money upon his return.  
I formerly said, that we lodged at Cyprus in a Monastery, whence being now to depart, the Friars of our company, and also the Laymen, gave each of us eight lyres of Venice to the Guardian of the Monastery, and one lyre to the Friar that attended us, in the name of gift or alms, but indeed for three days lodging and diet.  
Upon Friday the twenty four of May, we seven Consorts (namely, two Franciscan Friars, one Erimitane Friar, and two Lay men, all Frenchmen, and myself and my brother) hired a boat in the Haven for four lyres of Venice, to carry us to the Cyprian Bark we had hired, and we carried with us for our food, a cheese costing four Asper's, a jar of Oil costing six Asper's, and a vessel of Wine (called Cuso, somewhat bigger than an English barrel, and full of rich Wine, but such as fretted our very entrails) costing one Sequin, and four soldi of Venice, and two Turkish aspers; and eggs costing twenty three aspers, beside Biscuit which we brought out of the Greek ship. In twilight (for the nights use not here to be dark) we set sail, and were forced to go back towards the West, along the shore of Cyprus, to the Promontory called Capo di Gatti, that is, the Cape of Cats, that we might from thence (according to the Mariners experience) fetch a fair wind. So we sailed that evening thirty miles (of Italy I mean) and the next day twenty miles to a Village of Cyprus called Lemisso (where Christians ships use to put in.) Here we cast anchor, & all the six & twenty day of May expected a wind, which we got at midnight following. joppa is no more than two hundred fifty miles from Cyprus, and may easily be run in two nights and a days sail with a fair wind, yet how soever the wind was most favourable to us, we could see no land till Wednesday thetwenty nine of May, at which time we found ourselves by the ignorance of the Mariners to be upon the Coast of Egypt, near the City Damiata, which we might see seated upon the bank of Nilus, and they said it was some six miles from the Sea. Now our Mariners seeing the shore, knew better to direct our sailing, and the night following we lay at anchor near this shore. Upon Thursday we coasted the land of the Philistines, and first did plainly see the City Gaza, and after thirty miles' sail the City Ascolon, near which we cast anchor for that night.  
Upon Friday being the last of May, after two miles' sail, we entered the Haven of joppa. From hence we sent a messenger hired for fourteen meidines, to the Subasha 
joppa.  of Ramma, entreating him that he would give us leave to pass to jerusalem, and send us a soldier to protect us. The foresaid shore of the Philistines, seemed to be a wild narrow and sandy plain, near the sea, with mountains pleasant and fruitful, towards the East upon Palestine. The City of joppa, mentioned in the scriptures, had some ruins of walls standing, which showed the old circuit thereof, but had not so much as any ruins of houses; only we did see the exactors of tribute come out of two ruinous Towers, and some ragged Arabians and Turks, lying (with their goods) within certain caves, who also slept there, or in the open air. These goods are daily carried hither and from hence, upon the backs of Camels, whereof we might see many droves laded both come and go. For this cause we would not land, but thought better to lie in our ship, especially since the place afforded no entertainment for strangers, and our Mariners brought us eggs and fruits, and we had with us wine and biscuit, which notwithstanding we did hide, left the Arabians or Turks should take it from us, if they came to our Bark. The Haven is of little compass, but safe for small Barks, and was of old compassed with a brick wall, the ruins whereof still defend it from the waves of the sea. The situation of joppa is pleasant, upon a hill declining towards the sea, and the fields are fertile, but were then untilled. Here the Prophet jonas did take ship, as it were to fly from God, and the Machabei (as appears in the first book and twelfth chapter) here burned the ships: and the Apostle Peter lodging in the house of Simon, was taught the conversion of the Gentiles by a vision; and here he raised up Tabytha from death, as the Holy Scriptures witness.  
Upon Monday the third of june, at nine of the clock in the morning, the Subasha of Ramma sent us a Horseman or Lancyer to guide us, and with him came the Atalla, (that is, interpreter, whom the Italians call Drogomano, who was a Maronite Christian, that used to guide strangers) They brought us Asses to ride upon, (which they use there in stead of Horses, excepting only the soldiers), and with them came a Muccaro (so they call those that hire out Asses, Mules, or Camels). We presently landed about noon, and when my brother leapt upon land, and according to the manner, bended down to kiss it, by chance he fell, and voided much blood at the nose: and howsoever this be a superstitious sign of ill, yet the event was to us tragical, by his death shortly after happening. Here for our carriage (namely our shirts, for the rest we had left in the Bark;) we jointly paid five meydines for cafar, (that is Tribute) and the Officers of joppa extorted from each of us for his person, half a Spanish Real; neither would they be pleased, till each of us gave them two meydines in gift. Then we jointly gave fix meydines to our Muccaro for his dinner, and five of free gift. Our Asses had panels in stead of saddles, ropes for bridles, and ropes laid cross the panels, and knotted at the ends in stead of stirrups. The same Monday in the afternoon, we road ten miles to Ramma, through a most pleasant plain, yielding time and hyssop, and other fragrant herbs, without tillage or planting, growing so high, as they came to the knees of our Asses. By the way on our left hand, not far out of the high way, lay the ruins of the City Lydda, where Saint Peter cured one sick of 
Lydda.  the palsy; and Saint George is said to have suffered martyrdom, and that his head is yet kept in a Greek Church. We also passed by a Village, having a moschee or Turkish Church; and being full of pleasant Orchards of Figge-trees, Olive-trees, Pome-granates, (bearing buds of flesh colour, and being like a Barbery tree, by little and little covered with a green rind) and many kinds of fruits; the abundance whereof in these parts, we might easily guess, when we bought in the Port of joppa more than a thousand Apricots for six Asper's, at which time, left we should surfeit on such daintays, (the untemperate eating whereof we had read to have often killed many Europeans) we durst not eat them raw, but Iod the most part of them. Now upon the third of june they had almost gathered in their Harvest, and all the fields were full of Cotten, growing like Cabbage two foot high, and yielding a round Apple, out of which they gather the Cotten. This Cotten is sowed in April, and gathered in September, and great quantity thereof is carried from hence into Europe.  
At Ramma we were brought into a house, where Pilgrims use to be lodged, and it 
Ramma.  was of old great & strong, but at this time more fit to lodge beasts then men. Some say it was the House of joseph of Arimathia, others say it was Nicodemus his house, and there was a fountain of water, and a Court yard to walk in, but the rooms were full of dust, and we hardly got straw to lie upon. There were yet some marbles and ruins of building, that showed it to have been a fair house. The Maronite Christians brought us victuals, and they sold us a pound of biscuit for six meidines, twelve eggs for one meidine, a Cheese for one, Rice for two, some two English quarts of wine for five, a salet for one, and twelve Cakes, (they having no leavened bread) for four meidines. We that were Laymen gave each of us six Zechines, and each of the Friars five, into the hands of our Interpreter, to be given to the Subasha for tribute, or rather for our safe conduct. I know that favour is done to Friars, especially by these Ministers belonging to Monasteries, and we committed the ordering of our expenses to one of the Franciscan Friars, who had best experience, so as it may be the Interpreter restored to the Friars their money, or part of it: but I am sure these my eyes did see them pay so much. One in the name of the Subasha, brought us for a present some flagons of a medicinal drink, made of cooling herbs, and sold in the Taverns, as we sell wine. We jointly gave five meidines to a watchman, appointed to keep our door, and protect us from wrong, who being a man of very great stature, was called Goliath, and he walked all night at our gate, where he did sing or rather howl with his hoarse voice continually. Some write that there is only due, one Sequin to the Subasha, another to the Captain of the Arabians, and twenty five meidines for Cafar (or Tribute), and half a Sequin to the Muccaro, who let out their Asses to Pilgrims, and that the guide deceives the Christians of all the rest. I am sure that the guide being of experience, delivers the Christians from many injuries offered them by the Arabians and others, for which favour they cannot sufficiently require him; and if any deal sparingly with him, he complains of them to the Guardian of the Monastery at jerusalem, who never suffers him to be sent away discontented, neither wants he power himself to deceive the Christians at his pleasure, if he bear that mind. At Ramma we jointly gave one Sequin to our Muccaro, of whom we hired our Asses.  
And the fourth of june, having him only to conduct us, we took our ioutney before day towards jerusalem, being thirty miles distant, (I mean of Italy). As we road before day, our Muccaro warned us to be silent, lest we should waken the Arabians, Turks, or Thecues, who then slept, and were like if they awaked to offer us violence, or at least to extort some money from us. The Arabians are not unlike the wild Irish, for they are subject to the great Turk, yet being poor and far distant from his imperial seat, they cannot be brought to due obedience, much less to abstain from robberies. After we had rode ten miles, we did see upon a hill not far distant, on our right hand, the ruins of the House (or Palace) of the good Thief crucified with our Saviour, which ruins yet remain, and show that the house was of old stately built; as 
The house of the good thief.  if he had been a man of some dignity, banished for robbing of passengers: and when he was brought to the Magistrates hand, had been condemned to death for the same. From hence to the very City of jerusalem, the Mountains or Rocks do continually rise higher and higher, till you come to the City, our way hitherto having been in a pleasant plain, rich in corn and pasture. These mountains which we after passed, seemed stony and barren, but yielded fragrant herbs, and excellent corn growing between the great stones, and some valleys were pleasant, as the valley of hieromia, (as I think the Prophet), where of old was built a stately Church, which as then stood little ruined; and near it is a pleasant fountain, where the passengers use to drink and to water their Asses. They say that the said Prophet was borne there, and that the place was of old called Anatoth. I said that excellent corn grows between the great stones of these Mountains or Rocks, neither are they destitute of Vines, and many fruits. In the said valley of Hieromy, certain Arabians which seemed to be mowers of corno, flew upon us like fierce dogs, yet our Muccaro sent them away content with the gift of a biscuit, and in like sort in another narrow passage of the mountains, he paid some meidines for cafar, which he never demanded of us, being content with the money we had paid him at Ramma. Upon a high Rock we did see the ruins of the Castle Modon, where the Maccabees were buried. Then wediscended 
Modon.  into the Valley of Terebintho, (so called of a Tree bearing a black fruit like an Olive, & yielding a kind of oil), where we passed over a Torrent by a bridge of stone, and 
David and Goliath.  this is the place famous for the victory of David against Goliath.  
We had now some two miles to jerusalem, yet in the very Haven, we wanted little of perishing. For it happened that a Spachis (or Horseman under the great Turks pay) riding swiftly, and crossing our way, suddenly turned towards us, and with his spear in his rest, (for these horsemen carry spears & bucklers like Amadis of Gaul) he rushed upon us with all his might, and by the grace of God his spear lighting in the panel of the Ass, never hurt the Frenchman his Rider, but he did much astonish both him and us, till our Muccaro inquiring the cause of this violence, he said, why do not these dogs light on foot to honour me as I pass; which when we heard, and knew that we must here learn the virtue of the beasts on which we road, we presently tumbled from our Asses, (for we had no other stirrups then knotted ropes), and bended our bodies to him. Neither did we therein basely, but very wisely: for woe be to that Christian who resists any Turk, especially a Soldier, and who bears not any injury at their hands. We had but one mile to jerusalem, when we did sec large ruins (on this West side of the City) of an old City or Village. Somewhat after noon the fourth of june, we entered jerusalem upon the West side, at the Gate of joppa, (written jaffa, Giaffa, and Zaffa, by divers Nations). At this gate we stayed, till two Friars came out of the Latin Monastery, and likewise the exactors of Tribute came to us, and to them we paid each man two zechines for tribute due to the great Turk, or at least extorted from us, which done, the two Friars being Italians, did lead us to the Monastery of the Latins.   

CHAP. II. The description of the City of jerusalem, and the territory thereof.  
I Am unskilful in Geography, and much more in the 
jerusalem.  making of Maps: but according to the faithful view of my eyes, I will first draw the situation of jerusalem, and after explain it, as well as I can. And first I think good to profess that by my journey to this City, I had no thought to expiate any least sin of mine; much less did I hope to merit any grace from God; but when I had once begun to visit foreign parts, I was so stirred up by emulation and curiosity, as I did never behold any without a kind of sweet envy, who in this kind had dared more than myself. Thus affected, I thought no place more worthy to be viewed in the whole world, than this City, where howsoever I gave all divine worship to God, and thought none to be given to the places, yet I confess that (through the grace of God) the very places struck me with a religious horror, and filled my mind prepared to devotion, with holy motions. In like fort I profess, that I will faithfully relate the situation of the City, and the description of the monuments made to me by the Friars, making conscience not to add or detract, but as near as I can to use their own words. Yet do I not myself believe all the particulars I write upon their report, neither do I persuade any man to believe them. But for many monuments, the scripture gives credit to them, and it is not probable in so great difference and emulation, (whereof I shall after speak) of Sects of Christians there abiding, and being most apt to note errors one in another, that any apparent fictions could be admitted: as on the contrary, it is most certain, that some superstitious inventions (wherewith all the sects are more or less infected) have in time obtained, to be reputed true, and religiously to be believed. Howsoever he that confers the situation of the City and of the monuments, with the holy Scriptures, and with the old ruins of Rome, and other Cities, shall easily discern what things are necessarily true or false, and what are more or less probable.  
And it will notoriously appear, that the City is now seated in the same place, in which it flourished when our Saviour lived there in the flesh. Neither let any man object to me the prophecies of the fatal and irreparable ruin thereof, which all Divines understand of the Temple to be utterly demolished; and for my part, I would rather admit (if necessity require) any figurative speech, than I would be so wicked or so blockish, as not to believe the holy Scriptures, or that which I did see with these eyes. Upon the West side, the City could never have been more enlarged then now it is, since Mount calvary (without all doubt) was of old without the walls, which now is enclosed within them, so as rather it appears the City hath been so much enlarged on that side. In like sort on the East side, the City is so compassed with the Valley of jehosephat, and the famous Mount Olivet, as it appears the City could not that way have been larger than now it is. On the North side I did never read nor hear any, that described this City to have been larger than now it is, yet in respect of huge ruins still remaining there, upon a large Plain of the highest part of the City, if any should confidently affirm that they belonged to the old City, for my part I could not gainsay it. From the Plain of this highest part of the City it declines by little and little (if you except some little Hills within the walls) from the North to the East (where the Temple of Solomon is seated upon the lowest part of Mount Moriah) and likewise it declines from the North to the South Gates, whereof the one is called Sterquilinea, of the filth there carried out, the other Praesentationis, because the Virgin Mary entered there, when she presented Christ to the Priest in the Temple, which gates (as the whole City) are seated upon Mountains, yet lower than any other part of the City. Upon the higher part of Mount Zion, on the same South side towards the West, lie many ruins of houses, and it is most certain, that the Tower of David, and other famous houses there, which are now without the walls, were of old enclosed within them, and that the City extended somewhat further towards the South, than now it doth. Yet the Hill of Zion is so compassed with known Valleys, and those Valleys with high Mountains, as this extent could not be great.  
jerusalem was of old called Moria (where they write that Adam was created of red earth), & is seated upon Mount Moriah, upon the top whereof towards the Northwest is Mount calvary (where they say that Abraham was ready to sacrifice his son Isaac, and where without doubt our Saviour Christ suffered), and in the lowest part of this Mountain, the Temple of Solomon was seated. The City was after called Salem, and thirdly, jebus, and fourthly jerusalem, and at this day the Turks have named it 〈◊〉. It is compassed with stately walls (the like whereof I did never see) of red and black stone more than an Elle long, and about half an Elle broad. I call them stately, for the antiquity, wherein for the most part they much excel the Roman walls. I numbered seven Gates. The first of Damascus, (of old called the Gate of Ephraim) on the North side. The second of Saint Stephen on the East side (which of old had the name of the beasts for sacrifice brought in that way.) The third the golden Gate, also on the East side (which at this day is shut and bricked up.) The fourth the Gate of presentation on the Southside, leading into the Temple of Solomon, but at this day shutvp. The fifth Sterquilinea also on the South side, so called of the filth there carried out. The sixth, the Gate of Zion also on the South side, near that part of Mount Zion, which at this day is without the walls, but this Gate hath been newly built. The seventh of joppa towards the West also newly built. In general, the Gates are nothing less than fortified, only as it were to terrify the Christians, who enter at the Gate of joppa, they have braggingly fortified the same, and planted great Ordinance upon it. And howsoever the City seems strong enough against sudden tumults, yet it is no way able to hold out against a Christian Army well furnished, neither do the Turks trust to their Forts, but to their forces in field.  
The houses here, and in all parts of Asia that I have seen, are built of Flint stone, very low, only one story high, the top whereof is plain, and plastered, and hath battlements almost a yard high, and in the day time they hide themselves within the chamber under this plastered floor from the Sun, and after Sunset, walk, eat, and sleep, upon the said plastred floor, where as they walk, each one may see their neighbours sleeping in bed, or eating at table. But as in the heat of the day, they can scarce endure to wear linen hose, so when the Siren or dew falls at night, they keep themselves within doors till it be dried up, or else fling some garment over their heads. And with this dew of the night all the fields are moistened, the falling of rain being very rare in these parts towards the Equinoctial line, and in this place particularly happening only about the month of October, about which time it falls sometimes with great force by whole pales full. The houses near the Temple of Solomon, are built with arches into the street, under which they walk dry, and covered from the Sun, as like wife the houses are built in that sort, in that part of the City, where they show the house of Herod, in both which places the way on both sides the street is raised for those that walk on foot, lying low in the midst for the passage of laded Asses. In other parts the City lies uninhabited, there being only Monasteriesof divers Christian Sects, with their Gardens. And by reason of these waste places, and heaps of Flint lying at the doors of the houses, and the low building of them, some streets seem rather ruins then dwelling houses, to him that looks on them near hand. But to them who behold the City from eminent places, and especially from the most pleasant Mount Olivet (abounding with Olives, and the highest of all the Mountains), the prospect of the City, and more specially of the Churches and Monasteries (which are built with elevated Glòbes covered with brass, or such glistering metal) promiseth much more beauty of the whole City to the beholders eyes, than indeed it hath. The circuit of the walls containeth some two or three Italian miles.  
All the Citizens are either Tailors, Shoemakers, Cooks, or Smiths (which Smiths make their keys and locks not of Iron, but of wood), and in general poor rascal people, mingled of the scum of divers Nations, partly Arabians, partly moors, partly the basest inhabitants of neighbour Countries, by which kind of people all the adjoining Territory is likewise inhabited. The jews in Turkey are distinguished from others by red hats, and being practical, do live for the most part upon the seacoasts, and few or none of them come to this City, inhabited by Christians that hate them, and which should have no traffic, if the Christian Monasteries were taken away. Finally, the Inhabitants of jerusalem at this day are as wicked, as they were when they crucified our Lord, gladly taking all occasions to use Christians despitefully. They esteemed us Princes, because we wore gloves, and brought with us shirts, and like necessaries, though otherwise we were most poorly apparelled, yet when we went to see the monuments, they sent out their boys to scorn us, who leapt upon our backs from the higher parts of the street, we passing in the lower part, and snatched from us our hats and other things, while their fathers were no less ready to do us all injuries, which we were forced to bear silently and with incredible patience. Hence it was that Robert Duke of Normandy, being sick, and carried into jerusalem upon the backs of like rascals, when he met by the way a friend, who then was returning into Europe, desiring to know what he would command him to his friends, he earnestly entreated him to tell them, that he saw Duke Robert carried into heaven upon the backs of Devils.  
The description of the City and the Territory.  
Now follows the explication of the City described: and first the small Line drawn within the present walls on the West side of the City, shows the old walls thereof, before Mount calvary was enclosed within the walls by the Christian Kings, for now there remain no ruins of the old walls, this line being only imaginary.  
(1) Mount Zion without the walls, for part of it is yet enclosed with them.  
(2) The fair Castle, which was built by the Pisans of Italy, while yet they were a free State, and the building is not unlike to the Italian Castles. It was now kept by a Turkish Agha and Garrison, having great store of short Iron Ordinance of a huge boar, lying at the Gate for terror of the people. I remember that when we walked (after Sun set) upon the top of the Latin Monastery (as those of Asia walk upon their houses), this Agha sent a soldier to us, commanding us to go from beholding the Castle, or else he would shoot at us, whom we presently obeyed. Thus they suspect Christians, and suffer them not to enter this City with Arms, but narrowly search their baggage.  
(3) The Gate of joppa (Zaffa, or Griaffa) in some sort fortified, where for terror to the Christians, they have planted some Ordinance, for the other Gates have none, neither are fortified at all, and all the Christians enter at this Gate.  
(4) The Gate of Mount Zion, no whit fortified, and newly built (as it seems) by the Turks, as also that of joppa is.)  
(5) The ruins of the house or Palace of the High Priest Caiphas, where they show a place with a pillar, upon which the Cock crowed when Peter denied Christ; and a place where the fire was made, at which Peter warmed himself; and a tree in the place where he denied Christ; finally, a narrow prison, in which Christ was shut up till the day broke, and so he was led to Pilate. And the Sect of the Armenian Christians keeps this monument.  
(6) The old Monastery of the Latin Christians, called ill Santo Cenacolo, which the Turks have taken from the Christians, and turned to a Mahometan Mosche or Church, and no Christian may enter this place, kept by the Santons or Turkish Priests, except he will give an unreasonable reward, which given, yet he is not free from danger, if other Turks see him enter. Here Christ did wash his Apostles feet, did eat his last Supper with them, did appear to them after his Resurrection, the doors being shut, and again after eight days appeared to Thomas doubting. Here the holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles, and the Apostle Matthew was chosen by lot. The Italian Monastery (noted with the figure (33) hath all these representations painted, and to these pictures the Pope hath given as large indulgences for Papists, as if they had seen the other places, from which the Turks keep them as unwashed dogs. The Sepulchre of David is not far from this place, kept by the Turks, forbidding entry to the Christians. And here they show the ruins of the Tower of David, or of his Palace, on the South side of the Churchyard given to Christians of Europe for burial, in the same place where David of old drove out the jebuzites. In like sort on the South side of this old Monastery, is the place where they say the Virgin Mary died. (7) Here they show a place where the jews strove in vain to take the body of the Virgin Mary from the hands of the Apostles, as they carried it to be buried in the Valley of jehosophat.  
(8) The Cave wherein they say Peter used to bewail the denying of Christ.  
(9) Here they say the Apostles hid themselves, whilst Christ suffered on the Crosse.  
(10) Here they show the field Acheldamus, bought by the jews for a burial place, with the thirty pence judas brought back to them. And here looking into a huge cave of the Mountain, we did see infinite whole bodies embalm of dead men, and standing upright. And this place is given for burial to the Christians of Asia.  
(11) the Gate Sterquilinea, at which the filth of the City is carried out, and cast into the Brook Cedron. And Christ betrayed by judas, was brought into the City by this Gate (as they say), which Gate is old, and nothing less than fortified.  
(12) The Gate by which the Virgin Marie entering into the outer Temple, is said to have offered Christ then an Infant to the hands of Simion, which Gate they say, in honour of our Redeemer, was shut up by the Christian Kings, and so remains to this day. (13) The outer Temple where they say Christ was exhibited to Simion, and the Italians call it the Temple of the Presentation.  
(14) In this large circuit compassed all with walls, of old the Temple of Solomon stood. At this day it was overgrown with grass, and in the midst thereof the Turks had a Mosche for their wicked worship of Mahomet, neither may any Christian come within this circuit, much less into the Mosche, either being a capital offence, which they say some curious Christians had tried with loss of life, after they had been drawn to enter into it by some Turks vain promises.  
(15) The golden Gate at which Christ entered on Palme-Sunday, shut up by the Christian Kings, and so remaining.  
(16) Probatica Piscina without the Gate of the Temple, where the Angel troubling the waters, the first diseased man that entered them was healed. It was at this time dried up.  
(17) The beautiful Gate where Peter and john made the man walk, who was lame from his mother's womb.  
(18) Salomon's house, of old having a Gate leading into the Temple, and it is now inhabited by the Turkish Cady, who hath an Episcopal office. Here I did see pleasant Fountains of waters, and did look into the circuit where the Temple stood, through an Iron grate, when the said Magistrate called us before him. And I remember we were bidden put off our shoes before we entered in to him, where he sat upon a Carpet spread upon the ground, with his legs crossed like a Tailor, and his shoes of (as the Turks use.)  
(19) This Gate of old had the name of the Droves of cattle brought in for sacrifices: but at this day is called the Gate of Saint Stephen, because the jews drew out that Protomartyr by this Gate, and so stoned him.  
(20) here they say was the house of Anna, wherein she bore the Virgin Marie.  
(21) The Gate of Damascus, of old called the Gate of Ephraim.  
(22) The house of Pontius Pilate, in which the Turkish Sangiaco (who is the military Governor of the City and Province) did then dwell, so as no Christian might come into the house without giving a reward. The Friars say that in this house are heard noises, whip, and sighs, nightly to this very time, and each man the more superstitious he is, the more incredible things he tells thereof. They say that the stairs upon which Christ ascended, when he was brought to Pilate, were long since carried to Rome, and these be the stairs which I said the Romans call Holy (vulgarly Scale Sante), and do worship with great superstition. They be of marble, but for my part let every man believe as he list, whither they were brought from thence, and be the same stairs that Christ ascended or not. Only I am sure that here they show the place void in the very street, where stairs have been of old; yet must I needs say, that marble stairs ill befit the poor building of this house. Here the Soldiers spoilt our Redeemer of his garments, and in scorn attired him with purple.  
(23) The Arch of Pilate, which is a gallery of brick, built over the street, from one wall to another, whence Pilate showed Christ to the people, saying; behold the man, do with him what you will.  
(24) Here they say the Virgin Mary fell down fainting, when Christ was led to Mount calvary.  
(25) Here they say that Christ fainting, the jews took his Cross, and laid it upon Simon of Cyren. (26) The Palace of King Herod.  
(27) Here they say Christ uttered these words; Daughters of Zion weep not for me, weep for yourselves, etc.  
(28) Here they say the rich glutton dwelled, and not far hence they show the house where Mary Magdalen washed Christ's feet with her tears, and dried them with the hairs of her head.  
(29) Here they say Veronica dwelled, and that this woman gave her white handkerchief to Christ when he did sweat blood, who wiping his face therewith, left the lively print of it therein: about which handkerchief the Romans and the Spaniards contend, both saying that they have it, and showing it for an holy relic to the people.  
(30) The Gate of old called judicial, now not extant, by which Christ was led to Mount calvary to be crucified, for this mountain now enclosed within the walls, was then without the walls. And the way from the house of Pontius Pilate (noted with the figures 22) to this gate, is called the dolorous way by the Italian Christians, because Christ was led by it to his passion. (31) The prison from whence the Angel brought Peter, breaking his chains, and opening the iron door, and it is seated under the ruins of the Palace, which since that time belonged to the Knights of jerusalem.  
(32) The Church which the Christians built over the Sepulchre of Christ, of which I will after write more largely, making a rude Map thereof, as I have done of the City.  
(33) The Monastery of the Franciscan Friars, in which we did jodge, being seated on the highest part of Mount calvary, which since hath been called the Mount of our holy Saviour. And this is called the new Monastery, in respect of the old (noted with the figure 6) and only hath the monuments of the old painted, to the visiting whereof, the Pope hath given large indulgences. The Franciscan Friars conducting us, showed us some other monuments within the walls. And not far from the gate of Zion, (noted with the figure 4) they showed us (34) the house of the High Priest Anna, where Christ was examined by the pharisees, and there they showed us an Olive tree, (which must needs be old), to which they say Christ was bound. (35) The Church of the Apostle Saint james, whom the Spaniards call Saint james of Gallicia, and worship for their protecting Saint, who was called james the greater, and they say was here beheaded. This Church is stately built, for the poverty of the Armenians, who built it, and maintained there an Archbishop, to keep it, and to perform there the rites of their religion.  
(36) The place where they say Christ appeared to the three Maries dwelling together, upon the very day of his resurrection, where the Christians built three Churches, which the Turks have converted to 3 Mosques, yet bearing no reverence to the place, because they believe not that Christ died, and much less believe that he rose again.  
(37) The house of the Evangelist Saint Mark, mentioned in the twelfth Chapter of the Acts. This is the house of Mary the Mother of john, surnamed Mark, whither Peter came when the Angel delivered him out of prison, into which Herod had cast him, (noted with the figure 31). At this day there was an obscure Church, kept by the Syrian Priests.  
(38) Here they show the Iron gate, which Peter found miraculously opened, and by the same entering into the other City, came to the house of Saint Mark.  
We going out at Saint Stevens Gate towards the East, descended into the valley of jehosaphat, and here they say (39) the bridge stood, by which the Queen of Saba passed over the Brook Cedron, and that the Cross of Christ was made of the wood of this bridge.  
(40) In this place they say the Protomartyre Saint Steven was stoned. (41) This small line without the Eastern gates, shows the bed of the brook Cedron, (or Kidron) which is very narrow, having not at this time one drop of water, so as we passed over the stony bed with dry feet. But of old when jerusalem flourished, and had many conduits of water drawn to it, than it is probable that it was filled with water. And at this day, when any rainefals, the water runs swiftly from the mountains on the North side, according to this black line, through the most pleasant valley of jehosaphat. This valley extendeth itself on both sides of this brook, some two Italian miles in length, but is very narrow, and it hath on the West side the walls of the City, where Salomon's Temple stood upon the lower part of the Mount Moriah, and it hath upon the East side the most high Mount Olivet, and it hath on the North side mountains somewhat (but not far) distant from the City, and upon the Southside mountains a little more distant. Many interpret the Prophet joel, in his third Chapter and second verse, as if God's Tribunal at the day of judgement should stand in this valley, and thereupon the jews when they die in remote parts, will be brought to be buried in this valley, for the expedition of their trial. But the best Divines do teach, that the word jehosaphat signifies the judgement of the Lord, and that the Prophet may be interpreted figuratively, namely, that as the Lord often defeated with great slaughters the enemies of his Church in this valley, so in the day of judgement he will strike the wicked with like confusion.  
(42) Beyond the Brook is a stately Sepulchre for the most part under the earth, into which we descended by some fifty stairs, and about the middle descent, on the left hand towards the City, under an Altar, lie the bodies of joseph, and joachimus, and on the right hand the body of Anna (namely, of the Husband, Father, and Mother of the Virgin Marie.) In the bottom is a Church, in the middle whereof, under a stone raised some few feet from the ground, they say the Apostles buried the Virgin Mary. This Church (so they call all places where they have Altars to sing Masses) is very dark, having no light but by one window or vent, made through the earth, and upon this monument lies part of the bed of the Brook Cedron On the right hand the Turks (who greatly reverence the monuments of Christ while he lived), have made themselves an Oratory. But for the monument itself, the Franciscan Friars of the Latin Church have alone the privilege to keep the same, and the Altar thereof, for their singing of Masses.  
(43) Here is a Cave, at the foot of Mount Olivet, in which they say Christ used to pray, and did sweat blood.  
(44) Here they show a place where they say (believe it who list), that S. Thomas after the Virgin's burial, did see her both in body and soul assumed into heaven, and that she casting her girdle to him, gave it for testimony thereof, that all others might believe it. In my opinion they did well to make Saint Thomas see it, for otherwise he would never have believed it.  
(45) The place where they say the Virgin was wont to rest, when she visited the places frequented by her Son in the time he lived here, and where she beheld the stoning of Saint Stephen, and prayed for him.  
(46) The stone where Christ, leaving Peter, james, and john, said, that his soul was heavy unto death, and went aside to pray, warning them to watch.  
(47) Here is a little circuit enclosed with a low wall, where they report the Garden to be, at the foot of Mount Olivet, where Christ used to pray, and was betrayed by judas with a kiss.  
(48) The place where they say, the Village of Getsemany was of old seated. Round about this place the Turks do bury their dead (as they do also in a field on the North side without the walls); for they never bury within Cities, excepting only the monuments of their Emperors.  
(49) Here they say Saint james the less did lie hidden, till he heard that Christ was risen again the third day after his Passion.  
(50) Here be two old sepulchres, almost of a round form, built of Freestone, or rather cut out of the living stone, whereof the one is called the Sepulchre of Absalon, the son of David, the other of King Manasses (or as others say, of the King Ezektas.) And considering the antiquity, they seem no Plebeian sepulchres, but stately and fit for Princes, being four else from the ground in height.  
(51) Here is the top of Mount Olivet, the highest of all the Mountains that compass jerusalem, and here, in a Chapel, they show in stone the print of Christ's feet when he ascended into Heaven. And this Chapel is kept by a Turkish Zanton, that is a kind of their Priests, and the Turks give such reverence to the monuments of Christ living on earth, as they are much offended with Christians, if they creep not on their knees, and with their shoes off to this and like monuments. To the keeper hereof we gave a few meidines for reward.  
(52) Here they say Christ did weep over the City and rich Temple of Solomon, and in this place is the fullest prospect to view the City and Temple.  
(53) Here they show the ruins of the house, wherein the Apostles assembled did write the Creed.  
(54) Here they say Christ taught his Disciples to pray in the form ever since received, and here was a Church built by the Christians of old.  
(55) Here they say Christ foretold the signs of the day of judgement.  
(56) Here they say the Angel foretold the Virgin she should die at three days end.  
Upon Thursday the sixth of june, we being to go to Bethania, hired each of us an Ass for four meidines, that place being scarce two Italian miles from the city. Of our company we were four Laymen, and because the Friars our consorts pleaded themselves to be free from such expenses, we were content to yield to them, and gave jointly into the hands of the Friar our guide two zechines, wherewith he was to give small rewards, and to pay the Muccaro, who furnished us with Asses: for we meant not to eat till our return, the place being no further distant, and there being no dwellings, but only the ruins of houses. What our guide spent I know not; for he never offered to give us account, and because he was a Friar, we would not trouble him in demanding it. We went out by the Gate Sterquilinea (noted with the figure (11) on the South side.  
(57) First, we came to the Fountain Siloe, to which Christ sent the blind man to wash his eyes, and there we found Turkish women washing, who beat us away with stones.  
(58) Here they show a monument of the Prophet Elia, but what it was I remember not.  
(59) Here they show a Fountain, where they say, the Virgin washed Christ's clothes when he was an infant.  
(60) The Mount of Offence, opposite to Mount Zion, which Mount lies beyond the Brook Cedron, and extendeth Eastward towards Bethania, and upon the top thereof they show the ruins of the Palace which Solomon built for his Concubines and of the Altar, upon which he sacrificed to Idols. Between this Mount and that of Mount Zion. they show the Valley of the sons of Hinnon towards the West, and there they show a place, wherein the jews offered their children to the Idol Molech, (that is, Saturn); yet we read, that this Valley lies by the entry of the East-Gate, jeremtah, chap. 19 vers. 2.  
(61) Here they say, the Prophet Isaiah was cut in pieces with a Saw, at the command of King Manasses.  
(62) Here is a bridge over the Brook Kedron, or Cedron of one Arch, & built of stone, whereby they pass when the bed of the Brook is filled with water, which now we passed dry footed. And here they show a place, where they say Christ fell upon the stones of the bed where the brook should run, when he being betrayed by judas, was drawn into the City in a great press of the jews. And upon these stones are the prints of hands and feet (as they say, his.)  
(63) The way leading to Bethania over Mount Olivet.  
(64) The place where they say judas hanged himself, and burst; after he had betrayed his Lord. Not far hence they show a fig tree, which they say Christ cursed, because it had leaves without fruit.  
(65) Here descending from Mount Olivet towards the East, we did see far off the valley jordan, to which the Mountains decline by little and little. And now we were come to Bethania, where we did see the House of Simon the Leper, not yet ruined, and inhabited by a Moor, to whom we gave a few meidines.  
(66) Here they show stately ruins of a Palace, which they say belonged to Lazarus. And not far thence is a Chapel, built over the stately sepulchre of Lazarus, the key whereof the Friars our guides had with them. For the Turks putting great religion in reverencing this place, have an Oratory near it, and enter into the Sepulchre by another way. Here they say Christ raised Lazarus out of his grave. At our going forth, we were forced to give some few meidines to certain Turks and Arabians, (I know not whether they had the Place in keeping, or no).  
(67) The House of Mary. (68) The House of Martha her sister.  
(69) The stone upon which they say Christ did sit, before he did see the sisters of Lazarus bewailing his death, and it is some half mile from Bethania.  
(70) This small line showeth the bed of the River jordan, running through a most pleasant valley, which River we did see some ten Italian miles distant. On the northside of jerusalem, (I cannot say whether beyond jordan or no), we did see many Towers, having globes of glistering metal, and that very distinctly, the day being clear: also we did see the walls of a City near the River jordan, and they said, that it was jeriche. Further towards the North they showed us from far off a place, where they say our Saviour was baptised by john. And they affirm upon experience had, that the water of jordan taken in a pitcher, will very long keep sweet, and that it corrupted not, though they carried it into foreign parts. This water seemed very clear, till it fell into a Lake, where they say Sodom with the other Cities stood of old, before they were burnt by fire from Heaven. And the day being clear, we did plainly see, and much marvel that the clear and silver stream of jordan, flowing from the North to the South, when in the end it fell into the said Lake, became as black as pitch.  
The Friars our guides seriously protested, that if any living thing were cast into this Lake of Sodom, it could not be made to sink, whereas any heavy dead thing went presently to the bottom. Also that a candle lighted cannot be thrust under the water by any force, nor be extinguished by the water, but that a candle unlighted will presently sink. I omit for brevities sake, many wondrous things they told us, of the putrefaction of the air, and other strange things with such confidence, as if they would extort belief from us. We had a great desire to see these places, but were discouraged from that attempt, by the fear of the Arabians and Moors: for they inhabit all these Territories. And I said before, that the Arabians, howsoever subject to the Turk, yet exercise continual robberies with all liberty and impunity, the Turks being not able to restrain them, because they are barbarous, and live far from their chief power, where they can easily fly into desert places. Yet these Barbarians do strictly observe their faith to those that are under their protection. And all the Merchants chuseone or other of the Arabian Captains, and for a small pension procure themselves to be received into their protection, which done, these Captains proclaim their names through all their Cities and Tents (in which for the most part they live), and ever after will severely revenge any wrong done to them, so as they pass most safely with their goods. All other men they spoil, and make excursions with their leaders, and sometime with their King, to the sea side, as far as joppa, and much further within Land, spoiling, and many times killing all they meet.  
When we returned from Bethania, we declined to the North side of Mount Olivet, and came to the ruins of (71) Bethphage, where Christ sent for the Colt of an Ass, and riding thereupon, while the people cried Hosanna to the Highest, and laid branches and leaves under his feet, did enter into jerusalem. Upon Friday the seventh of june to wards the evening, we took our journey to Bethlehem juda, and we four lay consorts, (the Friars by our consent still having the privilege to be free from these expenses) delivered jointly four zechines to the Friars ours guides, for our charges, whereof they gave us no other account, than they did formerly, yet they only disbursed some small rewards, since we went on foot, and were otherwise tied to satisfy the Friars of the Monastery, under the name of gift or alms, for our diet there: but since they used us friendly, we would not displease them for so small a matter.  
We went out of the City by the gate of joppa, on the West side, and so along (72) this line passed by a paved causey beyond Mount Zion, and then ascended another Mountain to Bethlehem.  
(73) Here they show the Garden of Wia, and the Fountain wherein Bersheba washed herself, which at that time was dry. And from the place where the Tower of David was seated upon Mount Zion, (noted with the figure 6), is an easy prospect into this garden.  
(74) Here they show the Tower of Saint Simion.  
(75) Here is a Tree of Terebinth, which bears a fruit of a black colour, like unto an Olive, yielding oil; and under this tree they say the Virgin did rest, when she carried Christ to be presented in the Temple. For which cause the Papists make their beads of this tree, and esteeming them holy, especially when they have touched the rest of the monuments, they carry them into Europe, and give them to their friends, for great presents and holy relics.  
(76) Here they show a fountain called of the Wisemen of the East, and they say that the star did here again appear to them, after they came from Herod.  
(77) Here they show the ruins of a house, wherein they say that the Prophet Habakcuk dwelled, and was thence carried by the hairs of the head to feed Daniel in the Lion's Den at Babylon.  
(78) Here they show the Fountain of the Prophet Elias, and the stone upon which he used to sleep, upon which they show the print of his head, shoulders, and other members, which prints have some similitude, but no just proportion of those members. From a rock near this place we did see at once both jerusalem & Bethlehem.  
(79) Here they show a Tower and ruins, where the Patriarch jacob dwelled, and here again we did see both Cities.  
(80) Here is an old stately Sepulchre, in which they say Rachel, Jacob's wife was buried. It is almost of a round form, built of stone and lime four foot high, having the like cover above it, borne up by four pillars. There be two other sepulchres, but nothing so fair, and all three are enclosed within one wall of stone.  
(81) Here they show the Fountain, for the water whereof David thirsted, yet would not drink it, when it was brought with the hazard of blood.  
(82) Here the City Bethlehem is seated, which then was but a Village; having no beauty but the Monastery.  
(83) Here the Monastery is seated, large in circuit, and built rather after the manner of Europe, than Asia, which the Italian Franciscan Friars, (called Latins, and more commonly Franckes) do possess: but other Christian sects have their Altars in the Church by special privilege, and the Turks themselves coming hither in Pilgrimage, do lie within the Church: for the Turks have a peculiar way by a door of Iron, (made of old, and kept by them) to enter into the Chapel, where they say Christ was borne. This Monastery seems strong enough against the sudden attempts of the Turks or Arabians, yet the Friars in that case dare not resist them, living only in safety by the reverence which that people bears to this place, and by the opinion of their own poverty. The greater Church is large, and high, in which I numbered twenty four pillars, but my consorts being more curious, observed that the pillars were set in four ranks, every rank having eleven pillars seven foot distant one from the other, whereof many were of porphyry, and had beautiful spots The highest roof of the Church on the inside, is painted with Histories of the Scripture, with a rich painting that shineth with gold and glass as if it were enamelled, (called in Italian Alla Mosaica), and the pavement is rich, with stones of marble, porphyry, and jasper.  
From the less Church called of Saint Katherine, we entered a Cave under the earth, where the Friars gave every one of us a lighted wax candle in his hand. Let them place what religion they will therein, I am sure the Cave was so dark, as we could not have passed it without a light. In this Cave we did first see the bones of the Infants killed by Herod, than the sepulchres of Eusebius, and of Saint Jerome in his Chapel, for they hold that he long dwelled there. Then they did lead us into a more dark place, where they say he did live an austere life fifty years space, and translated the Bible out of Hebrew into Latin, and wrote many volumes. But the place seemed to me more fit to dull the brain, then to yield such fruits of wit, by reason it was dark, and digged deep under ground.  
From this Cave we ascended by ten marble stairs into a Chapel, all covered with marble, and lying in length from the West (at which end we entered) to the East. And from this West end, as well Turks as Christians of all sects, go upon their knees to 
Christ's birth.  the Eastern end, and there kiss a marked stone in the pavement, in which very place they say the Redeemer of the World was borne. By this stone on the Southside lieth a little Chapel, having two doors only divided with a pillar. In which Chapel at the right hand or Westside, is a manger, raised from the ground, and all of marble, in which they say Christ was laid after his birth: and in the wall they show a stone having (as they say) the lively picture of Saint Hierome. In the said little Chapel on the left hand or East side, they show a place, where they say Christ was circumcised, and shed the first drops of his precious blood for the saving of mankind: And there they fhewed another place, where they say the Wisemen of the East adored Christ, and offered to him their gifts. The walls of both Chapels, the pavements, and all things, are covered with marble. The roof on the inside, is painted with the foresaid rich pictures, glistering likeenamelled work. To conclude, all things are stately and rich, and remain so under the Turkish tyranny, yet more rich in the Chapel of Chrsts birth, then in the greater Church, where all things than began to fall to ruin, because the Turks believe not that Christ died. The Turks do so reverence this monument of Christ's birth, as they creep groveling upon hands & knees to kiss the said stone; yet in the mean time they despise the monuments of his death, because they believe not that he died.  
From hence going Back the same way we entered, they show upon the right hand, a hole in the highest roof of the Church, by which they say the star that conducted the Wisemen, fell from above into the bowels of the earth. Can he forbear laughter who considers the bigness of the stars, yea, even of Comets, as some write that was, specially finding no mention of this falling of the star to be made in the holy scriptures. The City or Village of Bethlehem, is distant from jerusalem some five miles, (in Turkey I always understand Italian miles), and we came hither from the Western gate of jerusalem, through a fair way, and mountains planted with Vines, Olives, and fruitful Trees. Bethlehem is seated upon Mountains, and hath pleasant hills on the East and Southsides, a pleasant plain on the northside, ending in great mountains towards jerusalem.  
(84) As we went out of Bethlehem to visit the Monuments, here they showed us the field, in which the Angel made known the birth of Christ to the Shepherds, and the Cave wherein they did lie by day, to shun the heat of the Sun.  
(85) Here they say the Patriarch Let planted the first Vine.  
(86) Here beyond pleasant Hills, we did distinctly see the Plain of jordan, and the dead Sea, with the situation of Sodom and Gomorra.  
(87) Here they say Bethalia was seated of old.  
(88) Here we did see the ruins of a house, in which, they say, joseph the Virgin's Husband did dwell.  
(89) Here they say the Virgin hid herself from the tyranny of Herod.  
(90) Here they say that King Solomon had his Garden. The Franciscan Friars sent out of Italy each third year into these parts, did courtcously entertain us at Bethlehem, and at our first coming, in imitation of Christ, they washed our feet. It happened that my brother fell sick here of an Ague, and so when our consorts upon Saturday in the evening returned to jerusalem, we were forced to stay here that night. But the next day in the evening we came to them at the Monastery of jerusalem. And because they made haste to return homeward, we went forth the next day, being Monday the tenth of june early in the morning to see the Mountains of judea. And that day it happened, that I was troubled with looseness of body, whereof I made good use, as I shall hereafter show, which makes me name it.  
We went out of the City at the Gate of joppa on the West side, and upon our right hand they showed us (91) this place, where they say that Solomon was anointed King.  
(92) Thence we went right forward to a Fountain in the Desert, where they say, Philip the Apostle did interpret the Scriptures to the Eunuch of Candace, Queen of Ethropii, and baptised him.  
(93) Here they say is the Desert, in which john Baptist preached, and they showed us his Cave cut out of a Rock, and a long stone therein, upon which he used to lie, and a pleasant spring issuing out of the Rock, where he used to drink, and another stone upon which he used to sit.  
(94) He e we came to the Mountains (or Mountainous places) of judea, and here they say the Prophet Zacharias dwelled, where a woman of the Moors kept the Church of old built there.  
(95) From hence a Musket shot, or little more, is another house, which, they say, belonged to Zacharias, and in one of these houses, he pronounced the Song, Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, etc. And when the Virgin visited Elizabeth, the Babe here sprang in her womb; and the Virgin here pronounced the Song, My soul doth magnify, etc. And john Raptist was borne here.  
(96) From this place, they say, the Tree was taken, upon which the Cross of Christ was made, and Greek Friars keep the Church that was here built. This place is two miles distant from jerusalem, whether we returned the same way we came out, and entered the City by the West Gate of joppa.  
The Church built upon Christ's Sepulchre of old by the Christians at jerusalem, is formerly noted by the figure (32); and we entered the same upon Tuesday the eleventh of june towards the evening, at which time the Turkish Cady sent us his Officer to open the door of it, to whom we paid for tribute after the door was opened each of us nine zechines, and beside gave the Officer or janizare a small reward for himself. But it is the custom, that he that hath once paid this tribute, may any time after enter this Church, without paying any thing, if he can watch the opportunity of other Christians entering the same.  
The rude, but true figure in plain of Christ's Sepulchre and the Church built over it at jerusalem.  
(a) By this one and only door being of brass, and on the South side of the Church, entrance is given into the said Church. They say there was of old another door not far from this towards the East, but now it was not extant.  
(b) This mark shows where the Belfry stands, which is of ancient building, and now in great part was ruined, while the Turks admit no use of any Bells.  
(A) A Marble stone called the stone of Unction, where they say the body of Christ was embalm, before it was buried. And it is compassed with grates of Iron, having above it nine Lamps continually burning, maintained by the nine Sects of Christians.  
(B) The Sepulchre of Godfrey King of jerusalem, to which other less sepulchres are adjoining, erected to Kings and Queens of his Family. And this Sepulchre hath this Epitaph in Latin:  
Here lies worthy Godfrey of Bullon, who conquered all this Land to the worship of Christ, whose soul may it rest in peace. Amen.  
(C) The Sepulchre of Baldwine his brother, and successor in the Kingdom, with this Epitaph in Latin:  
King Balduinus another judas Machabeus, the Hope of his Country, the Life of the Church, the strength of both.  
These verses added:  

Quem for midabant, cui Dona, Tributa ferebant,  
AEgipti caesar, Dan, ac homicida Damascus.  
Whom Egypt, Dan, Damascus' homicide,  
With gifts and Tributes gladly pacified.   
(D) Here is Mount calvary, and the stairs to ascend thereunto, the walls of all the building upon it, the Altars, and the pavements, all shine with Marble, the roof on the inside glisters with the foresaid rich painting, which seems to be enamelled. And divers Altars are proper to divers Nations or Sects, for their Rites of Religion. To these Altars upon the Mountain, we ascended by some twenty stairs; and there they showed us three holes, wherein the three Crosses of Christ and the two thieves were erected. And at the figure (1) (where they say the Cross of Christ stood) they showed us stones rend, or the rending of the Mountain, when Christ died. Under this Mountain in the corner towards the door of the Church, they bade us look in at a little window, and there they showed us a skull, which they say was the skull of Adam, of which they say the Mountain was called Golgotha. (2) Without the door of the Church we ascended to a Chapel above this Mount, where they showed us an Altar, upon which they say Melchisedeck offered sacrifices. (3) Also a Chapel, where they say Abraham would have offered Isaac. (4) The Altars of Mount calvary. (5) A place in the way to the Sepulchre, where they say, that Christ laid down his Cross, and where the Virgin Marie and john the Enangelist stood while he was crucified.  
(E) Here they show a stone, which they call Noli me tangere, that is, Touch me not; because Christ appearing here to Marie Magdalen, used those words. (6) And in this place they say Marie Magdalen stood.  
(FFF) Here is a retreat of certain Chambers and Chapels, under the keeping of the Latin or European Friars. For they continually send two or three of their Friars to be locked weekly within this Church for the performance of the Rites of their Religion, whom they recall at the weeks end to their Monastery in the City, sending new in their place to attend that service. And this retreat hath only a door to pass into the Church, but none into the street.  
(G) The Chapel of Apparition, so called, because they say Christ there appeared to the Virgin Marie after his Resurrection.  
(H) The pillar of whipping, so called, because they say, Christ was bound to it, when he was beaten with rods.  
(h) This Altar they call the Altar of the holy Crosse.  
(ay) A most narrow prison, in which they say Christ was shut up for a little time.  
(K) The Chapel where they say, that the Soldiers divided Christ's garments.  
(L) Here we descended some fifty stairs into a cave under the earth, which they have made a Chapel, and here they say, the Empress Helena found the Cross of Christ, and thereupon built this Chapel, in which they say, four pillars many times make a sound of groaning and sighing, and they show the very place where the Cross of Christ, and where the Crosses of the two thieves were found.  
(N) After Christ was beaten, they say he was forced to sit here, till they crowned his head with Thorns.  
(P) The Chancel of the Church.  
(p) A hole in the pavement of this Chancel, which the greeks (having the Chancel to keep) hold to be the midst of the World.  
(q) This place lies open over head, having the Sepulchre on the West side, and two little Marble walls raised some two foot on the North and South sides, within which walls the place is paved with Marble. The walls are so high, as a man cannot conveniently sit upon them. And in this place they use to pray, before they enter the Sepulchre.  
(r) The outward Chapel or Porch of the Sepulchre, (as I may so term it) where the Angel is said to have appeared to the women. And therein lies a foursquare stone, fitted to the little door of the Sepulchre, upon which stone roled from the door, they say the Angel did sit, after Christ was risen.  
(ss) These be seats on both sides of this outward Chapel, in which seats they use to pray. (t) In this Chapel (so they call the Sepulchre itself), and under the stone noted with black, they say the body of Christ was laid. And this stone is raised as high as an Altar, and covered with Marble, as all the walls be. The little door by which they enter this Chapel or Sepulchre, is scarce 3 foot high, and a broad, so as they enter it with difficulty, bending down their bodies, as if they crept into a cave. The very stone covering the Sepulchre (or place where Christ's body did lie) is somewhat raised from the ground, and hath seven foot in length, and some six in breadth. This Sepulchre lies under the first Globe of the Church, as the Chancel lies under the second, and it lies under the middle of that Globe; neither hath the Church any window, but the Globe hanging over the Sepulchre, is open in the roof, and so giveth light to all the Church. And in the very Sepulchre, the burning Lamps give light, besides that the doors lie open. And because rain must needs fall from the open Globe, the Sepulchre hath a cover borne up with pillars of Marble, and laid over with Lead to receive the rain. The Sepulchre within and without is beautified with marble, and was cut out of a Rock before the Church was built. The Franciscan Friars are for the most part Italians, but are vulgarly called Francs, of the French who are in league with the Turkish Ottoman, and they have the privilege of singing their Masses in the Sepulchre (not of free grant, but because they are best able to pay for their, privileges); yet it is free for any of the Christian Sects to come into the Sepulchre. They say, that from the situation of this Sepulchre, the custom came among Christians, to be buried with their feet & face towards the East, as expecting the resurrection.  
(V) A Chapel kept by the Sect of the Gofti.  
(X) The sepulchres of joseph of Arimathea, and of Nicodemus.  
(Y) The Chapel of the jacobites.  
(Z) The Chapel of the Abyssines.  
(X) The Chapel of the Armenians.  
(X X) The Chapel of the Georgians.  
Some write, that this Church hath the form of a Cross, and if the retreat or chambers of the Italian Friars with the Chapel of Aparition on the North side, and the two Towers of the Belfry on the South side, be jointly considered with the Church, (which seem rather-fastned thereunto then of the same building), a superstitious man may feign to himself the figure of a Cross; but shall river plainly demonstrate it to others. Above the roof of the Church on the outside, are two fair Globes, whereof the greater covered with lead, lies over the Sepulchre, and the less, all made of stone, is over the Chancel. And this greater Globe, on the inside of the Church is beautified with engraven. Cedar trees, and borlie up with pillars of Marble, and the less hath fair pictures of the foresaid rich painting; shining like enamelled work. The breadth of the Church under both Globes, contains seventy paces, and the length 140 paces and in general as well within as without it retains only the shadow of the old magnificence.  
We entered the Church on Tuesday in the afternoon, and were locked there in all the night following, and almost all the next day, to fulfil our devotions. But I formerly said, that the Italian Friars have chambers of retreat within the Church, in which we did eat and rest at our pleasure. Yet these chambers and the like retreats (wherein the Priests of other Sects with their wives, children and family do lodge, and eat, and perform the rites of their Religion), have not any one door into the street, but all enter the Church, and go forth by the foresaid only door of the Church towards the South, and the key of this door is kept by the Turks; who open it at set times, to admit strangers, and once every week, to let the friars return to their Monasteries, and to receive new Friars into the Church, which are sent from thence, to perform the feveral rites of Religion. And this door hath a grate or little window, at which the enclosed Friars may talk with their friends without, and receive meat sent them from their Monasteries.  
Nine sundry Sects of Christians have their Monasteries within this City, by whom 
Nine Sects of Christians.  the great Turk and his officers have great profit, and the Turks themselves repute all the monuments and places holy, which Christ in his life frequented but this monument of his death, and other like they despise, and keep them only for their profit. From the said Monasteries, Friars are weekly sent to perform their several rites, and at the weeks end they are recalled to the Monasteries, and new sent in their place, which custom I think they take from the jews. For when David divided the twenty four Families of the sons of Aaron into twenty four courses, that each of them might one after the other in due order perform the holy offices in the Temple, josephus writes, that these courses, or Families in order one after the other lived in the Temple from Sabbath to Sabbath, to perform those duties.  
Of these nine Christian Sects, each hath privileges to keep this or that monument within the City, and in the field, in which places they perform the rites of their Religion. And according to the number of the Sects, they maintain nine Lamps continually burning in the foresaid common Church upon the stone of Unction, as many upon the Sepulchre, and as many upon Mount Caluarie. The nine Sects are thus called; Franks (namely, the Italians), Georgians, greeks, Sorians, Costi, Abyssines, Armenians, Nestorians, and Maronites.  
The Religion of the Frankes (namely, Papists) is so well known, as I will omit it here, and refer it to his due place. I will only say, that they have the keeping of the 
1. The Frankes.  Sepulchre, the Chapel of A parition (and therein of the pillar of whipping) and of one Altar upon Mount Caluarie, for the performance of their rites.  
The Georgians are a warlike Nation, inhabiting Media, and the Caspian Mountains, 
2. The Georgians.  and have their name of Saint George, whom they have chosen their protecting Saint. They have a King, and making war valiantly sometimes upon the Turks, sometimes upon the Persians, could never be conquered by either. Yea, if they be oppressed by either, they easily find help from the other, out of their mutual hatred. Therefore they pay no tribute to the Turks, but by singular privilege freely enter into jerusalem armed, and with banner displayed. Neither dare the Turks offer them the least injury, lest when they return home, they should revenge it upon the Turks lying near them. Their very women are warlike, like the Amazons, and carrying bows, show valour both in countenance and behaviour. The men wear long hair on their heads and beards, save that they all are shaven like Clerks upon the Crown of the head, the Laymen in a foursquare, the Priests in a round form. They expressly follow the Religion, Rites, and Ceremonies of the greeks, and in their Divine service use the Greek tongue, otherwise speaking their own language (as I think chaldean.) These in the Church of jerusalem have the keeping of Mount calvary, and the Altar there built over the place, where they say the Cross of Christ stood, and in the City they keep the house of the High Priest Annas.  
Of the greeks Religion I must speak at large in his due place. Now I will only 
3. The greeks.  say, that in the Church they keep the Chancel, and therein show a hole in the pavement compassed with Marble, which they say is the very middle point of the world. Against which opinion I argued with them, and objected, that the earth is round, and that in a Globe the centre is in the midst, all centres in the outside being but imaginary, and to be placed wheresoever the measurer will. Also that in measuring (after their manner) the outside of the earth, Palestina was far distant from the Equinoctial line, which divideth the World into equal parts. And if Palestina were just under that line, yet that all the countries having the same Meridian, should be the midst of the World, as well as Palestina. They answered, that David saith in his Psalms; In the midst of the World I will work their salvation. To which I replied, that the midst of the World was there taken for the face, and in the sight of the World, so as none should be able to deny it. Whereupon they grew angry, and said, that the Scripture must be believed, in spite of all Cosmographers and Philosophers. It had been vain to dispute further with them, there being not one learned man among these greeks at jerusalem. And to say truth, (if you except the Greek islands under the Venetians), they have few or no learned men. For my part, I never found in all the vast Empire of Ottoman any learned Greek, but only one, called Milesius, who was after made Patriarch of Constantinople. And these greeks, as in this point, so in all other, follow the literal sense of the Scriptures. For which cause they also believe the corporal presence of Christ in the Sacrament. And whereas Saint Paul saith, Let the Bishop be the husband of one wife, etc. they so interpret it, as if the Priest's wife die within few days after his marriage, yet he may never marry again.  
The Sorians are so called of Syria, in which Province they live, having their own 
4. The Serians.  Patriarch, neither could they ever be brought to consent to the Roman faith: for whatsoever the Romans challenge due to the Seat of S. Peter, that they say rather belongeth to them, in respect Saint Peter was Bishop of Anttoch. They agreed with the greeks in many things, they deny Purgatory, they fast four Lents in the year, they permit their Priests to marry, they use the Greek tongue in their Divine service, and otherwise speak their own language (which I take to be the Arabian tongue.) In jerusalem Church they keep the sepulchres of joseph of 〈◊〉, and of Nicodemus, and in the City they keep the house of Saint Mark, noted with the figure (37.)  
The Costi are Egyptians, dwelling about Numidia. They retain the heresy of 
5. The Costi  Arrius, and follow the Ceremonies of the Abyssines. This I write upon the report of the Italian Friars, who are to be blamed if it be not true. These in the Church keep the Chapel, wherein Godfrey and his Regal Family lie buried, and the Cave under Mount calvary, where they say the skull of Adam lies, and have also their proper Altar upon Mount Caluarie.  
The Abyssines inhabit the South parts of afric, and they are subject to their King 
6. The Abisines.  Preti-Giani. They received the Christian faith of the Eunuch baptised by Philip, and themselves are baptised not only with water, but with the sign of the Cross printed in their flesh with hot Iron, gathering that fire is as necessary to Baptism as water, out of those words of S. john Baptist; I baptise you with water, but he shall baptise you with the Spirit and fire. Also they use the jews and Mahometans circumcision, like wary Notaries, who fearing to fail in their assurance, never think they have used words enough; yet do they greatly hatë the jews, and think their Altars defiled, if they do but look upon them. They give the Sacrament of our Lord's Supper to very children, and they (as all the rest excepting the Franks, that is, Papists), give it in both kinds. When they sing Mass or Psalms, they leap and clap their hands, and like the jews use Stage-Players actions. They use their own, that is, the Egyptian tongue, in Divine service, and observing a Lent of fifty days at one time, do greatly maccrate their bodies. In the Church they keep the Chapel adjoining to the Sepulchre, and the pillar where they say Christ was crowned with thorns.  
The Armenians are so called of the Province Armenta, which they inhabit, and 
7. The Armenians.  they call their chief Bishop Catholicon, whom they reverence as another Pope. They disagree with the greeks, and rather apply themselves to the Franks, yet they keep not the Feast of Christ's birth, but fast that day. They keep the Roman Lent, but more strictly, abstaining from Fish, and very Oil (which they use for butter), but upon some Holidays in that time, they eat flesh. They mingle no water with the Wine of the Sacrament, as the Papists do, but with them, they lift up the bread, (yea and the Cup also) to be worshipped. Of old, with reservation of customs, they joined themselves to the Roman Church; but finding the Pope to give them no help against their enemies, they quickly fell from him. The very Lay men are shaved like Clerks upon their heads, but in the form of a Cross, and their Priests keep the hair of their heads long, in two tusts, placing therein great Religion. In the Church they keep the pillar, where they say the garments of Christ were parted, and lots cast upon his Coat, and in the City, the place where they say Saint Iames was beheaded, and the house of the High Priest Caiphas, upon Mount Zion.  
The Nestorians are so called of the Monk Nestorius, who infected the Persians, 
The Nestorians.  Tartars, and jews, with his heresy. They give the Sacrament of the Lords Supper in both kinds, and that to children as well as men. They use the chaldean tongue in divine service, and otherwise the Arabian. In the Church they keep the prison, wherein they say Christ was shut up.  
The Maronites inhabit Phanicia, and the Mount of Libanus, and they use the Syrian 
9 The Maronites  tongue in their divine service, namely, (as I think) the Arabian. And they said, that these men for poverty were lately fled from jerusalem. Some make mention of a tenth sect, namely, the lacobites. (named of jacob, Disciple to the Patriarch of Alexandria), who live mingled among Turks & Tartars, inhabiting partly Nubia in Africa, partly the Provinces of India. I remember not to have seen any such at my being there, neither yet to have heard any mention of them; yet others write that they admit circumcision as well as baptism, and beside print the sign of the Cross by an hot Iron, in some conspicuous part of their body, that they confess their sins only to God, not to their Priests, that they acknowledge but one nature in Christ, that in token of their faith they make the sign of the Cross with one finger, and give the Sacrament of our Lord's Supper in both kinds, yea, to Infants, as well as to those who are of full age.  
I cannot omit an old Spanish woman, who had for many years lived there, locked up in the Temple, lodging every night at the door of the sepulchre, and having her diet by the Friars alms. She said that she came to jerusalem to expiate her sinnesby that holy pilgrimage, that she had then been there seven years, and in that time had always lived in the Church, and that she would not refuse any opportunity to go back into Spain, but otherwise would die there, & thereby thought to merit much of God. Neither do I think she lost the hope of this vain merit, since it was not easy to find a man who would carry an old woman, and bear her charges so long a journey.  
The stone of unction in the Church, is common to all the nine Christian sects, neither do the Keepers of any other monuments refuse any Christian to enter into them, but only by privilege keep their Altars private to themselves. Most of the sects have their Monasteries in the City, and (as I formerly said) each of them hath the privilege to keep some monuments, as well within as without the walls. But some of the sects only come to jerusalem at solemn feasts, and dwelling near the City, easily maintain a Friar or two, to keep their monuments, and so are freed from the necessity of building a monastery in the City.  
Upon Wednesday the twelfth of june towards evening, the Turks did open the Church to let us out, and each of us Laymen gave the chief Turk thirty meidines, and the Doorkeeper twenty of free gift; and for the wax candles burnt the night before in the Church, each gave sixty meidines to one of our Italian Friars. This done, we returned to the Monastery, where we lodged, with great joy that we were presently to go back to joppa.  
I formerly said that the Franciscan Friars with whom we lodged, were of Europe, whether at three years end they were to be recalled, and some fifty new Friars to be sent hither in their place, which still each third year use to be changed. And these Friars are called the Family of Frankes, for the great Turk permits them as French to live there, and forbids the coming of any Spanish or Roman Friars: yet are they for the most part of Sicily, Naples, or Rome; but denying their Country, affirm that they are Venetians, and if they were known to be subjects to Spain or Rome, they should incur great danger. Of them some few are indeed Venetians, and at this time some two were Frenchmen. All these live of the aims of the Merchants in the East of their Religion, who for the most part are Italians, and especially Venetians: yet hath the Monastery also some rents of Lands given to it of old in Sicily and in Spain; and from thence they bring with them every third year at their first arrival, a present of great value to the Turkish Ottoman. I said formerly, that of old the Venetians yearly sent a galley to carry Pilgrims to the Holy Land, till the Christians were so oppressed by exactions of the Turks, as they rarely undertook that journey, and so the Venetians also left that custom. From that time this Family of Frankes, (so these Friars are called) useth to pass in a Venetian ship to Cyprus, and from thence to joppa, in the Holy Land, hiring there a Grecian bark to that purpose; and in like sort the old Family upon the arrival of the new, returns into Italy. And as soon as this family arriveth, they disperse themselves, the greater part abiding at jerusalem and Bethlehem, and some single men or couples being sent to do the office of Priests at Cayro (or Babylon) in Egypt, at Haleppo in Asia, (where most part of their Merchants reside) and at Scanderona, (of old by all, and still by Christians called Alexandretta). These Friars thus dispersed, are not only maintained by the Merchants to whom the are sent, but they also send from them large alms to the rest at jerusalem, and they often change places, that all may equally bear these burdens.  
We being now to take our journey from jerusalem, many Christians and jews brought us divers toys, to buy and carry with us, being of no worth, save only that they were far fetched, namely, beads for Papists to number their prayers, and also crosses, both made of the earth whereof they say Adam was form, or of the Olive trees of Mount Olivet, or of Terebinth, (under one of which trees they say the Virgin Mary rested, when she carried Christ an Infant to be presented in the Temple,) and round stones called Cornioli, of yellow colour, and others of white, called the Sea-water of India. Also girdles of the Virgin Mary, & glistering stones of little price (as all the rest are.) Among which they attribute to the stone of Indea, the virtue to provoke urine, to the Eagle stone called Aquilina, the virtue to expel poison, to facilitate the birth of children, to heal the falling sickness, to restore woman's milk, and so to divers stones, divers and incredible virtues. Besides, our Franciscan Friars gave each to his friend and the Guardian to us all, Agnos Dei, Dust and little stones taken from the foresaid monuments, for a great treasure to be carried to our friends at home. Moreover they gave to each of us freely and unasked (as it seems of custom) as well to us Laymen as to the Friars, a testimony under the seal of the Monastery, that we had been at jerusalem, and for better credit, they expressed therein some markable signs of our faces and bodies.  
Now there remained nothing but the Epilogue of the Comedy, that we should make some fit present to the Guardian of the Monastery, in satisfaction for our diet, and the courtesy of the Friars towards us, which myself and my brother thought very fit to be done: but two of the Friars our consorts, either wanting money, or used to eat of free cost, did not only refuse to give any thing, but persuaded the French Laymen to join with them in denial thereof. The third Friar our consort, and for his experience used by the other as a conductor, hearing this, did vehemently reprove them, using these words in French; Que voules vous doncques payer en blanch? (that is, what will you then pay them in white?) which phrase they use when a man requites a courtesy in words, or fair written promises, not really. They on the other side, no less angry, answered that it was unfit and irreligious for Friars to extort gifts from Christian Pilgrims. Myself and my brother laughed to ourselves hearing this difference, for we found now, and had often heard, that these Friars were most deate Hosts, and that as they in England, who refer their payment to pleasure, are always over-paid, so these Friars ask nothing for diet, yet under the title of gift or alms, expect more than any the most greedy Host could demand: yet lest we should provoke them, either to hinder our departure, or to do us any shrewd turn, as they most easily might do: yea, left they should surmise myself and my brother to be authors or partners of this conspiracy, I persuaded the French Laymen our consorts, that howsoever the Friars still remained obstinate to give nothing, yet we four should present the Guardian some six zechines. This effected, the Guardian, dismissed us for good sons, yet in truth we were well contented with this fair occasion to restrain our gift, which howsoever it were far from bounty, yet was it free from base sparing, since we gave at Bethlehem for our diet another present to those Friars, and while we visited the monuments of jerusalem, being daily abroad, and commonly dining in Villages, we were only beholding to these Friars for some ten suppers, besides that we had always professed poverty (most safe to strangers). To which may be added, that in this Province, (whether for abundance of all things, or want of money) all things were sold at cheap rates for when we went out to see the mountains or hill Country of Indea, and dined in a Village, I remember we bought twenty eggs for a meidine, and a pound of mutton for five meidines, four cakes for one, and a hen for two meidines and a half. In the Monastery they gave us enough of mutton: hens and salads, and of good wine, but some what sharp; & the Friars our consorts did eat continually with the Friars, and we Laymen by ourselves, the Friars only once inviting us to eat with them in the public Refectory.  
If this discourse makes any surmise that we did some things against our conscience while we lived in this Monastery, let him read the four and twenty Precept of Dissimulation in the Chapter of Precepts, the third Part, and the first book, wherein I have explained my opinion of the outward reverence of the body showed in time of the Papists Divine service. And for the rest, let him know, that I now confess (as I did formerly) that we therein erred, that we did not first go to Constantinople or Haleppo, from whence having a janizare to guide us, chosen by our Ambassador or Merchants, we might have escaped many of those troubles, which now we endured being alone, and that with no greater charge than now we were at, since these troubles increased our charge; and might also easily have obtained any courtesy at these friars hands, or at least have seen jerusalem safely, though they were ill affected to us. But since many things diverted us from this course, and now we were fallen into these Italian Friars hands, we thought best to bring ourselves out of this danger by discretion and moderation in our deeds and words. Also I confess, that in those days my conscience was not so tender, as since (by the grace of God) I have found it, yet was it never so insensible, as it could have passed over the worshipping of an Idol, or the denying of my faith. If I had here gone to Mass, it would seem no wonder to our English Gentlemen, who have lived any time in Italy; and I am confidently of opinion, that no man returns home with more detestation of the Papists Religion, than he who well instructed in the truth, hath taken the liberty to behold with his eyes their strange superstitions, which one of experience may well see, without any great participation of their folly. For my part, as I had always been unwilling to be present at their Mass, so I abhorred: from the receiving of the Lords Supper with them. And this was the highest mischief, which we could be forced to incur at jerusalem. Now for the Communion of our Lord's Supper, except it be in great sickness and danger of death, they never impose it so earnestly on any man, as he may not with discreet answers put it off till another time, without all suspicion of contrariety in Religion. For their Masses, they never sing or mumble them, but in the mornings, and that fasting. Now we came the fourth of june in the afternoon to jerusalem, and the fifth and sixth days we went abroad before full day, to see the Monuments, and returned not to the Monastery till night, at which time the greatest offence to our conscience that could happen, was to hear them sing Psalms in their Chapel. Upon Friday the seventh of june we took our journey to Bethlehem, where my brother falling sick, we had scarce leisure to satisfy our curiosity, much less to be present at any unpleasing rites of their Religion. Upon Saturday, the eight of june, our consorts returning to jerusalem, we took, occasion by my brother's sickness to stay at Bethlehem, and came not to jerusalem till Sunday at night. On Monday the ninth of june we visited the Mountains or Hill Country of judea, at which time my brother was so ill disposed, as our Consorts themselves doubted his death, and for my part, I was all the day troubled with a weakness of body. And because the greatest danger of our participating with them in their Rites, was like to be, when we should be locked with them in the Church of the Sepulchre, which only remained to be seen by us, I made such use of this my brothers and my own weakness, as increasing their opinion of his danger, and myself taking many occasions to make them think my sickness the greater: it happened that in the evening, our Consorts burning with desire of returning homeward, appointed the next day for the visiting of the Sepulchre: but I in respect of my own and my brother's weakness, desired to have it deferred some few days, till the very Friars our consorts, impatient of delay, and yet unwilling to incur the blame of leaving us behind them, made free offer to us of that which we most desired, saying, that in their chambers within the Church, they had beds for us to rest upon, and that they would provide us meat, and all necessaries, which we could have staying in the Monastery. We gladly took this condition, and so being locked up in the Church of the Sepulchre upon Tuesday the eleventh of june in the afternoon, after we had satisfied our curiosity, we laid us down upon the beds, and only forbearing meat for avoiding of suspicion, we rested there till Wednesday the twelfth of june in the afternoon, when we came forth, and returned to the Monastery. The thirteenth day we had no thought but of making us ready for our return, and the next day early in the morning, we departed from jerusalem. So as in all this time, the Friars themselves our consorts, had no leisure to be at a Mass, but only the Sunday when we were at Bethlehem, and in the Church of the Sepulchre, when upon pretence of sickness we rested on our beds. Otherwise we professed ourselves Catholics, as the Papists will be called, yet enemies to the King of Spain, as the enemy of our Queen and Country. And when our superstitious consorts, being now to leave jerusalem, had gathered great heaps of stones from the monuments, to carry into their Country, and had received of the Guardians gift, for great treasure, holy beads, Agnus Dei, and like trash, we so refused to take any such burden, as still we bewailed our mistortune, that we being not to return the right way home, as they did, but to pass to Constantinople, could not carry such relics with us, left they should fall into some Turks hands, who might abuse them. And when our consorts at Bethlehem printed the sign of the Cross with ink and a penknife upon their arms, so as the print was never to be taken out, we would not follow them in this small matter, but excused ourselves, that being to pass home through many Kingdoms, we durst not bear any such mark upon our bodies, whereby we might be known. Besides, it was some advantage to us, that the Frenchmen our consorts were of their King's party, and professed no less hate against Spain then ourselves.  
To conclude, the Friars of our consorts told me and my brother, that the Guardian would make us Knights of the Sepulchre, so we would crave that honour, which was never granted to any but them that craved it, in which case they offered to be intercessors for us. I well knew that they had offered this honour (as they termed it) to a Plebeian Frenchman our consort, and had heard, that the Friars used this art to get money from Pilgrims, making no difference to whom they gave this title. And for my part, I never affected titles, thinking better to be of an interior condition with plenty, then of high degree with want. Therefore I so answered them, as giving due thanks for their courtesy, yet I professed, that if I were worthy of that title, I might not crave it, nor receive it offered, in respect of the oath imposing military duties upon me, and the profession of service to the King of Spain, the public enemy of our Country; besides that, I should be tied thereby, to hate and prosecute all of the reformed Religion, which many of my friends and kinsmen professed. It is true that if we had had a janizare to guide and protect us, we might have lodged in Terusalem with some Christian, who would have showed us the monuments, without troubling the Italian Friars, And it is well known, that the great Turk gives liberty to all Religions. But the other Sects of Christians being poor, and these Friars being full of money, as well the Christians as Turks depend greatly upon them, so as if they would, they might easily have brought us into danger, neither could we have had such convenient diet and lodging with any other as with them. And howsoever by our Merchants help we might have obtained letters from the Italian Merchants at Haleppo, for our entertainment and good usage in this Monastery, yet since for the foresaid reasons we had at Cyprus committed ourselves to the protection of the Friars our consorts, we had now no means but honest dissembling to free ourselves from danger. For it had been easy for these Friars secretly to have drawn us into danger of life, and we knew that Papists make no conscience, or rather think it meritorious to use like practices against those of our Religion. And if they would not practise against our lives, yet we knew that they might have cast us into many dangers, both here and in our return through Italy, if we should have provoked them to wish us ill. Therefore this our foresaid dissembling may well be excused, especially since thereby we did not in any sort wound our consciences to my best remembrance.  
Now that this dissembling might prove more profitable and honest, it behoved us thoroughly to know our consorts, and so to apply ourselves to them. Of which the two French Laymen were young, and of no experience in the World; and one of the Friars was more simple than simplicity itself, so as small art was required to deceive these. The second Friar had been a Soldier in the war of France, and had made himself Friar after the peace, only to escape the private revenge of some, whose friends he had killed, for they never seek revenge of those that put on a religious habit, and to gain this man's love, it was sufficient to use good fellowship towards him. The third Friar had a sharp wit, joined with the wisdom of experience, so as all the rest chose him for their guide, and to govern their expenses. And because he might easily incense our consorts, and the Friars at jerusalem against us, we thought good to gain his good will, by all good respects to him; so as howsoever we were not ignorant to manage our own affairs, yet joining ourselves to the rest, we made him also governor of our expenses, to witness our confidence in his love, and cared not to bear some loss, so we might bind him to us under the title of friendship, which we easily effected with him, being of a courteous disposition. To conclude, I did often experience his good will, and howsoever I found him lovingly and courteously to make us respected, as well of our consorts as the Friars at jerusalem, yet I perceived by many and clear arguments, that he thought us to differ from him in religion. For in particular when I refused (for the foresaid reasons, and with due modesty) the Friars offer to make me Knight of the Sepulchre, he smiling, said to me, (alluding to my name) in the French tongue; Enverité vous estes fin, etc. That is, in truth you are crafry as your name imports, but I will endeavour to make the Guardian interpret your excuse to the best. Besides his friendship, it was no small advantage to us, that our stay at jerusalem was so short, as the time permitted them not to inquire after our religion. By the aforesaid art we freed ourselves from all danger, yet would I not advise any by imitating us to incur the like, who can have the foresaid better commodities of performing this journey, since it would be hard for any so to disguise their condition, who have not first had good practice and acquaintance with Friars in Italy, as myself had. Besides that, all our skill was sharpened to greater wariness, by a late Tragical example of others, the memory whereof was daily and hourly before our eyes.  
For we beheld upon the wall in the chamber where we lodged, the names written of Henry Bacon, and Andrew Verseline, (two English Gentlemen), of Abraham Serwenterb Frederichson, and Henry Vonwildt, Peterson Van Narden, (two Flemings), whose names were written there upon the fourteenth of August, 1595, and lay before us, both sleeping and waking, warning us like so many prodigies or visions to take wary bead to our steps. These four coming in company to jerusalem, had been received into this Monastery, and when they had seen the monuments within and near jerusalem, they went to Bethlehem, where it happened that upon a health drunk by the Flemings to the King of Spain, which the English refused to pledge, they fell from words to blows, so as two of them returned wounded to the Monastery of jerusalem. Then these Italian Friars, (according to the Papists manner, who first make the sick confess their sins, and receive the Lords Supper, before they suffer Physician or Apothecary to come to them, or any kitchen physic to begluen them): I say the Friars pressed them to confess their sins, and so to receive the Lords Supper, which when they refused to do, it was apparent to the Friars, that they were of the reformed Religion, (whom they term heretics): Whereupon the Friars began to neglect them (I will not say to hate them): and while the two which were wounded stayed for recovery of their health, and so detained the other two with them; it happened that the third fell sick. So as none had their health now, but Master Verseline, who lovingly and like a servant more than a friend, provided all necessaries for his companion Master Bacon, till at last himself also fell sick, and was the first of them that died. Then within eight days space, all the rest died, either for that they were neglected by the Friars, (which I think sufficient in that Country to cast away any in their case), or by their too much care, namely by poison (as some suspect): for the Friars have one of their order, who is skilful in physic, and hath a chamber furnished with cooling waters, sirops, and other medicines most fit for that Country. When they were dead, the Friars gave into the Turks hands, the bodies of the two Flemings and Master Verseline, (who had little store of crowns, which belonged to the great Turk, as heir to all strangers), and the Turks permitted them to be buried upon Mount Zion without the walls, in the Church yard proper to the Christians of Europe: But Master Bacon, overliving the rest, and now seeing his life to depend upon the Friars care of him, showed a Novice Friar long bracelets of pieces of gold twined about his arm, and promising to give them all to him, and greater rewards if he would go with him into England, so as he would take care of him in his sickness, he had persuaded the young Friar to go with him into England, and to promise him faithful service there: yet when this Novice at his confession made this known, and after verified as much to the Guardian and chief Friars, I know not whether the hope of this booty made him die sooner, but I am sure he lived very few days after. And give me leave to tell the truth, these Friars either to gain his money, (which was due to the Great Turk), or for fear that inquisition should be made by the Turks after the cause of his death, appearing by manifest signs upon his body (as others suspected and reported), I say these Friars buried this Gentleman in a yard of their Monastery secretly, which if the Great Turk or any of his Magistrates had known, no doubt they would gladly have taken this occasion to extort much money from the friars, since by the like forged accusations, they use sometimes to oppress them; the very Turks having at other times themselves buried dead bodies within the circuit of the Monastery, and after caused them to be digged up, as if they had been casually found; and then crying that their Ottoman was deceived, put the Friars to pay large ransoms for redeeming of their lives. And let no man wonder that these hungry Governors of Cities and Provinces in Turkey, should use like frauds to entrap Christians, (as they do very frequently,) since they buy their Offices, and many times are recalled, before they be warm in their seats, if any man at Constantinople offer larger sums for their employment.  
So as this one Province of Palestine, and one City of jerusalem, (though having small or no traffic), hath had in one years space four Zaniacci, the old being recalled to Constantinople, assoon as his successor had outbribed him there. And this is one of the greatest mischiefs in this Empire, since starveling flies suck much more, than those that are fully gorged. The foresaid Zaniacco is chief Governor for military and civil affairs of all Pallestine, and lies at jerusalem in the house of Pontius Pilate. His Substitute or Lieutenant is called Catake, who cast one of our consorts for a time into prison, because he complained of the Turkish exactions, and his own poverty. The third Magistrate is called Cady, who governs ecclesiastial matters, and dwelled in Salomon's house (as they call it) at jerusalem, near the yard of the old Temple of the jews, (in which now a Turkish Mosche was built); and of this man we had our leave to enter the City, and to see the sepulchre, and being called before him, we were commanded to put off our shoes, he sitting cross legged (like a Tailor) on the ground upon a Turkey Carpet. The fourth Magistrate was called Agha, who kept the Castle of jerusalem, and when we walked one evening on that part of the roof of our Monastery, whence we had the fairest prospect into the City, he sent a messenger to command us to retire from beholding the Castle, or otherwise he would discharge a piece of Ordinance at us.   

CHAP. III. Of our journey from jerusalem, by land to Haleppo, by Sea to Tripoli in Syria, by land to Haleppo and Scanderona, and of our passage by Sea to the Island Candia.  
Upon Friday the fourteenth of june, in the year 1596 we went out of jerusalem, and by the same way, and in the same 
june 14. Ann. 1596.  manner as we came, road back to Ramma, delivering to our guide as many zechines as before, to pay for the Turkish exactions, and to our Muccari for their Asses which we had hired. Neither did any memorable thing happen to us by the way, save that when we came near to Ramma, and by chance road over the place of burial for the Turks, where some women were then mourning for their dead friends, they thinking it a reproach that we should ride over their graves, did with enraged countenances fling stones at us, till we appeased them by dismounting from our Asses. The fifteenth of june we came back to joppa, where our guide gave three meidines to a janizare, that he would beat with a cudgel certain Arabians, who had offered us wrong by the way, which he did readily and roundly. Then without delay we went aboard our little Greek Bark, which (according to our bargain at Cyprus) stayed here for our return. For the Master thereof was further tied to transport us from hence to Tripoli in Syria, neither had he yet received full payment for transporting us hither, the money being left in Cyprus with an Italian Merchant, who was to pay it him at his return, if he brought a testimony under our hands, that he had performed his bargain to us. This condition we made providently, and by advice of experienced men, for otherwise the Master of our Bark, upon any profitable occasion, would have left this port before our return from jerusalem, and we should hardly have found another Bark here, in a place not much frequented with ships. Besides that the restraint of the money, not to be paid but upon a testimony brought under our hands, was a good caution, that he should not use us ill, nor any way betray us. The sixteenth of june upon Sunday by twilight of the morning, we set sail from joppa, and coasting the shore of Asia, had the land so near us every day, as we might easily distinguish the situation of the Cities and Territories. And first we passed by the City called Caesaria Philippi, seated in a Plain, and 
Casaria.  twenty five miles distant from joppa, which of old was a famous City, but now for the most part ruined, and become an infamous nest of Turks, Moors and Arabians. Here Christ raised to life the daughter of jairus, and healed the woman, which for twelve yeetes had a flux of blood. And here Saint Peter did baptise the Centurion Cornelius, and Saint Paul in the presence of Foelix disputed with Tertullus. Here Titus the son of Vespasian landing, when he came to destroy jerusalem, cast great multitudes 
Antipatris.  of jews to wild beasts to be devoured. In the right way to Tripoli, Antipatris was not far distant, which Herod did rebuild, and thither the soldiers did lead Saiint Paul, by the command of the Tribune Lysias, but we could not see this Village. Next, we did see the Pilgrim's Castle, now called Tortora. Then we sailed by the Promontory (hanging far over the Sea) of the Mountain Carmelus, made famous by 
Carmel.  the abode of the Prophet Elias. Then we passed within sight of the old City Ptolemais, after called Achon and Acri, seated in a fair plain within a creak of the sea of 
Achon.  the same name, and compassing the City. And such affair plain lies all along the Coast from joppa to Tripoli. This City was famous by the armies of Europe, passing to conquer these parts, and at this day it hath a large circuit, compassed with walls, and a commodious Haven, and is thirty five miles distant from Caesaria. From hence falling twenty miles, we passed by the City Tyrus, then called Sur, the ruins whereof 
Tyrc.  witness the old magnificence. The seat thereof seemed most pleasant, being built upon a low Rock, in the form of a Peninsule, which Rock was part of a high Promontory hanging over the sea. And it may appear how strongly it was fortified of old by Quintus Curtius, relating the difficulties with which Alexander the Great took and subdued the same. When we had sailed some ten miles further, we did see the ruins of Sarepta, where the Prophet Eleas lodged with a widow, in the time of a great 
Sarepta.  famine. After we had sailed some twenty miles further, we did see and passed by the City Sydon, now called Saetta, seated on the North side of a Promontory, and lying 
Sydon.  towards the West and South, to the very sea side. These most pleasant Territories are inhabited by wicked people, but God sent us a fair wind, by which we escaped from them, into whose Ports if we had been driven, they would have taken all lust and unjust occasions to extort money from us, if they did us no worse harm. Mention is often made in the Holy scriptures of Sydon, Tire, and these Territories, as well in the old as new Testament, the particulars whereof I omit. Here first we did gladly see the hills and high tops of Mount Lybanus, being a very pleasant and fruitful mountain, 
Lybanus.  the wines whereof are carried as far is Haleppo. The Castle Barutti is some two miles distant from the Promontory of Saetta, and it is seated upon the northside of 
Barutti.  a hill, hanging over the sea. Here they say that Saint George delivered the King's daughter, by killing a Dragon: And to this place, as also to tire and Sydon, there is great concourse of Merchants, who have their chief traffic at Damaseus, and especially at Haleppo. From hence we passed ten miles to Biblis; then after ten miles' sail, we passed by 
Biblis.  〈◊〉, and again after ten miles' sail by a Promontory, which the Italians call Capo Peso.  
Lastly we passed ten miles sailing by a most pleasant plain, and so upon Thursday the seventeenth: of june landed at Tripoli of Syria, (so called for difference from 
Tripoli.  Tripoli in Africa), The Haven is compassed with a wall; and lies upon the westside of the City, whereif were many little Barks, and some Ships of Marsiles in France. The Haven is fortified with seven Towers, whereof the fourth is called the Tower of Love, because it was built by an Italian Merchant, who was found in bed with a Turkish woman; which offence is capital as well to the Turk as Christian, if he had not thus redeemed his life. Upon the Haven are built many storehouses for Merchants goods, and shops wherein they are fet to sail. The City of Tripoli is some half mile distant from the Haven, to which the way is sandy, having many gardens on both sides. In this way they show a pillar fastened upon a hill of sand, by which they say the sand is enchanted, lest it should grow to overwhelm the City. Likewise they show other pillars, under which they say great multitudes of Scorpions were in like sort enchanted, which of old wasted all that Territory; and they think that if these pillars were taken away, the City would be destroyed by the sand and Scorpions. The length of the City somewhat passeth the breadth, and lieth from the South to the North, seated upon the side of an hill, so cut by nature as it conveys a brook into the streets. Upon the West side of the City, towards the South corner, is a Castle upon a high hill, which the French men built of old to keep the Citizens in subjection, and therein the Great Turk to the same end keeps a garrison of Soldiers, under his Agha or Governor of the City. Upon the East side are two bridges over the foresaid brook, whence many pleasant fountains spring, which running from the South to the North, pass through the streets of the City, and then water the gardens. Beyond this brook are fruitful hills, and beyond the hills Mount Lybanus lies; so high as it hinders all further prospect, which mountain is very pleasant, abounding with fruitful trees, and with grapes yielding a rich wine. Upon the North side without the gates, are many most pleasant gardens, in which they keep great store of silkworms: for the Turks sell their raw silk to the Italians, and buy of them the stuffs woven thereof. The building of Tripoli and of these parts; is like to that of Cyprus and jerusalem. The street that leads to the way of Haleppo; is broad, the rest narrow, and the air and waters are unhealthful Mount Lybanus (as I formerly said) is incredibly fruitful, and the plain of Tripoli reaching ten miles, is more fruitful than can easily be expressed, bearing great store of pleasant fruits, whereof one among the rest is called Amazza-Franchi, that is kill Frankes (or French), because the men of Europe died in great numbers by eating immoderately thereof. The plain of Tripoli did of old yield two hundred thousand crowns yearly to the Count thereof, as Historians write. And how soever the old traffic of Tripoli, is for the most part removed to Damascus and Haleppo, yet the City of Tripoli still yields four hundred thousand crowns yearly to the Great Turk.  
It may seem incredible, but it is most certain, that here and throughout Syria, they have sheep of such bigness, as the very tails of them, hanging in many wreaths to the ground, do weigh twenty five pounds, and many times thirty three pounds.  
A Christian who useth to entertain the French, did very well entreat us here: and when I did see a bed made for me and my brother, with clean sheets, I could scarcely contain myself from going to bed before supper, because I had never lain in naked bed since I came from Venice to this day, having always slept by sea and land in my doublet, with linen breeches and stockings, upon a mattress, and between coverlets or quilts, with my breeches under my head. But after supper all this joy vanished by an event least expected: For in this part of Asia great store of cotton grows (as it were) upon stalks like Cabbage, (as I formerly said in my journey from joppa to jerusalem); and these sheets being made thereof, did so increase the perpetual heat of this Country, now most unsupportable in the summer time, as I was forced to leap out of my bed, and sleep as I had formerly done.  
My Host told me a strange thing, namely that in Alexandria of Egypt, seated upon one of the mouths of the River Nilus, there was a Dovecote, & that also at Cairo (or Babylon,) far within the Land of Egypt, there was another Dovecote; and because it much concerns the Merchants, to have speedy news of any commodity arriving, he assured me that they used to tie letters about the necks of the Doves at Alexandria, and so to let them lose, which Doves having formerly bred in the Dovecote at Cayro, did fly thither most swiftly, and the Keeper of them there taking the Letters they brought, used to deliver them to the Merchants. This I believed not, till I came to Haeleppo, and telling it for a fable to the English Merchants there, they seriously affirmed the same to be true: Moreover the Host of Tripoli told me news from Constantinople, namely, that the greeks had burnt great part of the City, (which he thought to be false, and only invented to oppress them in other parts); and that the janissaries had raised a great tumult against the Subasha of the City, who used great severity towards them, by restraining them from drinking wine, and from keeping harlots; and that some one hundred of these seditious janissaries were drowned in the Heaven, and the rest were daily sought out to be punished. Moreover that Halil Bassa the Admiral of Turkey, was parted from Constantinople with sixty Galleys, having taken many Greek and Armenian Christians by force, to row in his Galleys; besides that, for want of Mariners, he had left there twenty Galleys, which were prepared to keep that narrow sea. Finally, that the Great Turk was presently to go with his Army into Hungary, but was not yet departed from the City.  
Now the Frenchmen our consorts went aboard a ship of Marsiles to return into France. But myself and my brother being to go by Land to Haleppo, agreed to give our Muccaro nine piastri, for two Asses to ride upon, and their meat; and for three tributes (called cafarri) which he was to pay for us by the way, (coming to some twenty meidines). They call him Muccaro, who lets out Mules, Asses, or Horses; and they call him Malem, who conducts the Merchant's goods. Moreover we were forced to give a sugar-loaf to the value of a Sequin, to the Governor of the City, and a Piastro to the Scribe or Clerk of the City, for the privilege to go without a janizare to conduct us, (so they pretended, omitting no occasions to extort from Christians). But we covenanted not to pay the nine piastri to our Muccaro, till our journey was ended, only giving one piastro into his hands for earnest, and pretending that we would pay the rest at Haleppo, where we were to receive money; left they thinking that we had store of crowns with us, should practise any treason or oppression against us. This Piastro we gave him in hand, to buy meat for his beasts, and the other eight we paid after at Haleppo, and beside gave him of free gift a sequin for his faithful service to us by the way. We were to take our journey with the Caravan going from Tripoli to Haleppo. The Turks call a Caravan the company of Merchants, passengers, and drivers of loaded Camels, keeping together, for safety against thieves, and using to lodge in the open field. For in Turkey they make journeys in great troops, neither did I ever see any ride alone, but only a horseman of the Army, and that very rarely.  
Upon Saturday the two and twenty of june, we went out of Tripoli at the North Gate, and passed over a Bridge of the foresaid Brook, and from eight of the clock till Noon, we passed along the Sea-shoare, and over high Mountains, then over an untilled Plain, seeing not one Village, nor so much as the least house by the way. Then at last coming to a little shade of Figtrees, we rested there the heat of the day, and fed upon such victuals as we had, while our Muccaro and the rest gave meat to their beasts. At three of the clock in the afternoon we went forward in the like way, and late in the evening we came to a Village, near which we lodged in the open field, in a pleasant plot of grass, near the bank of a River, planted with some trees. Upon Sunday we rose early, and for two hours space passed a Promontory of the Sea; then turning towards the Land, we passed through wild and untilled Hills and plain fields, and at Noon we rested under the shadow of some Brambles, refreshing ourselves with meat and sleep, and giving meat to our Asses. At three in the afternoon we went forward, and passed by the Castle Huss, in which some say job dwelled, and which they say was possessed by the French, while they had the Kingdom of jerusalem. 
Huss.  Also we passed by a Monastery of Saint George, then possessed by Christian Friars, and seated in a pleasant Valley, yielding trees of Figs and Olives. And towards evening, we encamped (as I may term it) in the open field at the foot of a high Mountain. They say job did of old possess this Territory, and that not far hence in the way leading to Damascus, there is a City now called Hemps, and of old called Huss, which the Christian Inhabitants to this day call the City of job, and the Valley not far distant the Valley of Huss, and the Turks have built a Mosche or Church in this City, which they think to be built upon the very ruins of the house wherein job dwelled, and that his body was carried from hence to Constantinople. Others object, that according to the Scriptures, job could not dwell here, because they write, that he dwelled among the Idumeans, and was robbed by the Sabeans. I dare not affirm that he dwelled here, but I dare boldly say, that I know more than Socretes did, even two things, whereas he knew but one: first, that the Arabians to this day make excursions into these parts, robbing the Caravans that go from Haleppo to Tripoli, so as if job were alive, and had an hundred thousand head of cattle, they were as like to rob him here, as in any other place. Secondly, I know that we passed a sad night in this place, and never had more need of job his patience then here.  
For it happened that one of the women (which the leaders of the Caravan use to have for their attendance) lighting a fire to make ready their supper, by chance some spark or flame broke out of the stones wherewith it was compassed, and set the dry herbs of the field on fire, which being neglected at the first, did spread itself for a great compass Whereupon the Governor of the Province dwelling upon the Mountain, and beholding the fields on fire, sent to us one janisary, armed only with a cudgel, who fell upon the men of our Caravan, being some hundred in number, beating them with his cudgel, till they fell upon the fire with the upper long garments they use to wear, and so extinguished it. In the mean time myself and my brother went aside, lying out of his sight, by the advantage of a high ground between him and us, where we were astonished to see one man armed only with a cudgel to beat a hundred men (and the very Zantons or Priests) armed with swords and many Callivers. The fire being put out, we thinking all safe, joined ourselves to the company again, but soon espied our error: for the janizare drove us all before him like so many Calves, to appear before the Governor, and satisfy him for this damage. And if at any time we went slowly, he wheeled his cudgel about his head, and crying Wohowe Rooe, presently struck them that were next him. My brother and myself treated with him by the way, to give him a reward that he would dismiss us: but when he gave this warning, we were the first to run from him, with laughter to see our men thus driven like beasts, and commending to ourselves the honesty of the man, who first gave warning before he struck. Then presently assoon as we did see the Gentleman pacified, we returned again to him, with our Muccaro to interpret our words, and told him, that we were the servants of a Christian Merchant, and had no goods in the Caravan, nor any thing to do with them, and offering him a reward, so he would let us return. For we knew that the Turks would take any occasion to oppress us as Christians, and that the Governor would have dealt worse with the Caravan, if he perceived that Christians were with them. Thus we often fled from him when he gave the said sign of anger, (for howsoever we offered him a gift, yet we could not otherwise escape his blows), and often we returned to him being pacified offering him a gift to dismiss us, which at last we obtained, giving him a sequin. When we were dismissed, we were in no less fear of some violence, while we returned alone and unarmed, to the place where our baggage lay: but going forward between hope and fear, at last we came safe thither, and there hid ourselves till our consorts should return, who after an hours space returning, told us, that the chief of the Caravan, being the cause of the fire making, had paid ten piastri for the damage: and the Governor swore, that if the fire had gone over the Mountain into the plain field of Corn, he would have hanged us all upon the highest trees, on the top of the Mountain. This Tragedy ended, we refreshed ourselves with meat and sleep.  
Upon Monday early in the morning, we set forward, and spent eight hours in ascending the Mountain, which was very high, but the way easy, with many turnings about the Mountain, which of itself without manuring yielded many wild, but pleasant fruits, seeming to pass in pleasantness the best manured Orchards. Upon the top of the Mountain we met some horsemen of the Army, not without fear of some violence to be offered us, till we understood that they were sent out to purge the high ways of thieves. They were armed with Lances, Shields, and short broad Swords, so as a man would have said, they had been the Knights of Amades de Gaul. Neither is it unprobable, that those fictions came from the horsemen of Asia, since we did see some mile from Tripoli, a Bridge called the Bridge of Rodomont, and a Fountain near Scandarona, called the Amazons Fountain, and many like monuments in these parts. When we had passed the foresaid high Mountain, we came into a very large and fruitful Plain of Corn, which was yet uncut-downe. Here we refreshed ourselves and our beasts with meat, resting near a Fountain (for the Turks require no better Inn for their beasts and themselves, than a Fountain of clear water.) After dinner we went forward in this Plain, and did see some Villages, which in this vast Empire are very rare, and near one of these Villages we did sit down at night, supping and resting in the open field. Upon Tuesday early in the morning, we took our journey, and for six hours passed in the same Plain, having not so much as the shadow of one tree, and came to the City Aman (which in the Scripture the second of the Kings, the seventeenth Chapter, is called Hamath) being some three days journey from Damascus. 
Hamath.  This City is of large circuit, and pleasantly seated upon two Hills, (for the third Hill of the Castle hath nothing but ruins), having a River running by it, and abounding with Orchards of Palms and fruitful trees, and near the same were six Villages in sight. Here we rested part of this day, and the next night, the Master of our Caravan having business in the City, neither imported it where we lodged; for they have no public Inns, nor beds in any house, nor Cooks, but every man buys his meat, and can dress it. But to the end we might be ready to go early with the Caravan in the morning, most of us lodged in poor houses of the Suburbs. Myself and my brother being to sleep in the yard upon our own quilts, and the yard declining from the house to the bottom, where our beasts were tied, we laid ourselves down upon the top of the Hill, but in the morning found ourselves tumbled down between the feet of the Asses & Camels, when I could not remember the English Inns without sighing. This City hath great traffic, and aboundeth with necessaries to sustain life, and here our Muccaro bought for us, sour Curds (vulgarly called Mish Mash) for two meidines, a cheese for six, three hens for three meidines, twenty eggs for four meidines, Cucumbers for three, milk for five, Aqua vitae (which they call Harach, and drink as largely as Wine) for ten meidines, four pounds of wine for one sequin, Biscuit (for the Turks have no other bread but cakes baked on the hearth) for thirty meidines, which things we provided for our Supper, and to carry with us by the way, yet might we have bought, and did buy most things by the way, excepting Wine and Bread, which are hardly found, and must be carried by those that will have them. The guide of our Caravan was detained here by his business most part of the next day, being Wednesday, and in the mean time it fortunately happened, that a Turkish Bassa, returning with his train from his Government, and being to go our way, rested here, so as his company freed us the rest of our journey from fear of thieves.  
Upon Wednesday in the afternoon we setforward, in the company of this Bassa, and journeyed all night in this Plain, wherein there was not the shadow of one tree, and at eight of the clock the next morning, we did sit down in the open field, resting under the ruins of old walls. Here the janissaries of the Bassa inquired curiously after the condition of me and my brother, so as our Muccaro advised us to give them half a piastro, which they receiving, promised to defend us from all injury, but in the mean time they did so swallow our wine, as when it was spent, we were forced to drink water, to which we were not used. Upon Thursday at three of the clock in the afternoon, we set forward, and about midnight we came to the City Marrha, where our Muccaro and divers others paid each of them ten meidines for cafar or tribute, and at the City Gate a man was hanged in chains (also the next day we did see another impaled, that is sitting and rotting upon a stake fastened in the ground, and thrust into his fundament and bowels.) Upon Friday before day we set forward, and passing a stony barren way, but full of Walnut trees, upon which many birds did sit and sing, we came in four hovers space to an Hospital, which they call Caon, and it was stately built of stone, in a round form, with arches round about the Court-yard, under which arches each several company chose their place to eat and rest, both which they must do upon the ground, except they bring Tables and beds with them. Neither were any victuals there to be sold or dressed, but every man bought his victuals in the Village adjoining, and dressed it after his manner. The same Friday at four in the afternoon, we went forward, and riding all night, did upon Saturday early in the morning sleep an hour in the open field, while meat was given to our beasts.  
Then going forward, we came by Noon, the same day being the nine and twenty 
june 29. Haleppo.  of june, (after the Pope's new style, which I have followed hitherto, being in company of Italians and Friars), to the famous City of Haleppo, where the English Merchants living in three houses, as it were in Colleges, entertained my brother and me very 〈◊〉. And George Dorington the Consul of the English there, led us to the house, wherein he lived with other Merchants, and there most courteously entertained us, with plentiful diet, good lodging, and most friendly conversation, refusing to take any money for this our entertainment. And howsoever we brought him only a bill of exchange for one hundred Crowns, yet when we complained to him, that we now perceived the same would not serve our turns, he freely lent us as much more upon our own credit. Yea, when after my brother's death myself fell dangerously sick, and was forced to go from those parts before I could recover my health, so as all men doubted of my return into England, yet he lent me a far greater sum upon my bare word, which howsoever I duly repaid after my coming into England, yet I confess, that I cannot sufficiently acknowledge his love to me, and his noble consideration of poor and afflicted strangers.  
The City Haleppo is said to have the name of Halep, which signifies milk, because the Province is most fruitful, or of the word Aleph, as the chief City of Syria, and to have been called of old Aram Sohab (mentioned the second of Samuel, the eight Chapter and third verse), or at least to be built not far from the ruins thereof. The Traffic in this place is exceeding great, so as the goods of all Asia and the Eastern islands are brought hither, or to Cayro in Egypt. And before the Portugals found the way into East India, these commodities were all brought from these two Cities. And the Venetians and some free Cities of Italy solly enjoyed all this traffic of old. But after that time, the Portugals trading in East India, served all Europe with these commodities, selling them, yea and many adulterate Drugs; at what price they listed, cutting off most part of this traffic from the Italians. At last the French King making league with the great Turk, the Merchants of Marsiles were made partners of this traffic, and in our age the English, under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, obtained like privilege, though great opposition was made against them by the Venetians & French Merchants. And the Turkey company in London was at this time the richest of all other, silently enjoying the safety and profit of this traffic, (understand that when I wrote this, the traffic into the East Indies was nothing at all or very little known to the English or Flemings.  
This City lies within Land, the Port whereof (called Alexandretta by the Christians, and Scanderona by the Turks) I shall hereafter describe. The building of this City (as of all houses in Syria) is like to that of jerusalem, but one roof high, with a plain top plastered to walk upon, and with Arches before the houses, under which they walk dry, and keep shops of wares. The City is nothing less than well fortified, but most pleasantly seated, having many sweet gardens. The air was so hot, as me thought I supped hot broth, when I drew it in; but it is very subtle, so as the Christians coming hither from Scanderona, (a most unhealthful place, having the air choked with Fens), continually fall sick, and often die. And this is the cause, that the English Factors employed here, seldom return into England, the twentieth man scarcely living till his prenticeship being out, he may trade here for himself. The Christians here, and the Turks at the Christians cost, drink excellent wines, where of the white wines grow in that territory, but the red wines are brought from Mount Libanus. Moreover all things for diet are sold at cheap rates, and indeed the Turks want not good meat, but only good Cooks to dress it. The English Merchants can bear me witness, that these parts yield sheep, whereof the tail of one wreathed to the ground, doth weigh some thirty or more pounds, in fat and wool. In one of the City gates, they show the Sepulchre of Saint George, where the Turks maintain Lamps continually burning: for among all the Christian Saints, they only reverence Saint George. In a garden of the suburbs I did see a Serpent of wonderful bigness, and they report, that the male Serpent and young ones, being killed by certain boys, this she Serpent observing the water where the boys used to drink, did poison the same, so as many of the boys died thereof; and that the Citizens thereupon came out to kill her, but seeing her lie with her face upward, as complaining to the Heavens that her revenge was just, that they touched with a superstitious conceit, let her alone: finally that this Serpent had lived here many ages, and was of incredible years. Moreover they show a well near to the City, in which they report, that a chest of treasure was of old cast, so as it might be seen by passengers, and that some attempting to take it out, were assaulted and affrighted with Devils.  
In this City myself and my brother Henry lay sick some few days, but by the help of a jew Physician, we soon recovered our health, and for fear of wanting money, and especially out of our desire to return home, we made too great haste to begin our journey for Constantinople. If we would have expected eight days, the Cassenda, (so they call a troup of Horsemen, guarding the great Turk's treasure), was in that time to go for Constantinople, in whose company we might safely and swiftly have performed this journey, namely in sixteen days, whereas those who followed the slow pace of Camels, scarcely arrive there in thirty days. But this Province being extremely hot in this time of summer, and we being scanted of money for our long journey, all mention of longer staying was most unpleasing to us. Moreover Master George Dorington, (never to be named by me without mention of love and respect), did at this time send a Caravan, (that is, Camels loaded with goods) of his own to Constantinople, and being to make a present to a Cady, returning from his government to Constantinople, that he would take his Caravan into his protection, and to pass in his company, and lovingly making offer to us, to recommend us in like sort with his goods to the same Cady, we were easily persuaded to take this journey presently, in the company of his servants, and of a courteous English Merchant, called Master jasper Tyant, being then to go for Constantinople. This our conclusion proved greatly to the loss of Sir john Spencer, Merchant of London, whose goods these were which Master Dortngton sent with us. For my brother dying by the way, and the great Turk being heir to all Christians and strangers, dying in his Empire, the Turks either thought, or fraudulently pretended that these goods belonged to my brother, and so took them into the great Turk's storehouses, and kept them there, till they had unjustly extorted good sums of money from Master Dorington, besides the great loss which was sustained by the servants and Camels hired in vain.  
Being now to enter this journey, we hired for seventy one piastri, a Camel to carry our victuals, an ambling Mule for my brother, and a horse for myself, and so much we presently gave into the hands of our Muccaro, with covenant that he should pay for the meat of the beasts. Moreover we presently laid out one hundred and twenty piastri for divers necessaries, namely, two long chairs, like cradles covered with red cloth, to hang on the two sides of our Camel, (which chairs the Turks use to ride in, and to sleep upon Camels backs, but we bought them to carry victuals), for biscuit, and a tent wherein we might sleep, and for like provisions. But behold, when all this money was laid out, and the very evening before the day in which we were to begin our journey, my brother Henry fell sick of a flux. Being amazed with this sudden chance, we stood doubtful for a time what to do, till the consideration of the great sums of money we had laid out, and of the difficulty to get more, made us resolve to take this fatal journey, yet with this purpose, when we came to Scanderona, some four days journey distant, to go no further, except in that time he recovered his health, propounding this comfort to our miserable estate, that there we might have commodity of convenient lodging with an Englishman, there abiding factor for our Merchants.  
Upon Thursday the last of june, (that I may now follow the old style, taken here 
The last of june.  from the English, and generally used in Turkey, among the very Christians, howsoever hitherto I have followed the new style, taking it from the Venetian ship in which I came, and from the Friars at my abode in jerusalem); I say the last of june we went out of Haleppo, passing over stony hills, and by the Village 〈◊〉, where the jews say the Prophet jeremy was buried. Then riding forward all that night, at last we sat down at eight of the clock in the morning, and pitched our Tents near a Village, where I did see a pillar erected to Pompey, and here we rested and refreshed ourselves the heat of the day. This kind of journeying was strange to us, and contrary to our health: for we began our journey at four in the afternoon, to shun the heat of the day past, and road all night, so as we not used to this watching, were so sleepy towards the Sunnerise, as we could not abstain from nodding, and were many times like to fall from out horses. To which mischief we could find no other remedy, then to ride swiftly to the head of the Caravan, and there dismounting, to lie down and slumber, with our horses bridle tied to our legs, one of us by course walking by us, to keep us from injuries, and to awaken us when the last Camel passed by, lest we should there be left a prey to thieves. And we having some two hundred Camels in our Caravan, did in this sort pass the sleepy hours in the morning, till seven or eight of the clock, at which time we used to pitch ourtents, and rest. Moreover this greatly afflicted us, that spending the morning till ten or eleven of the clock in pitching our Tent, preparing meat, and eating, we had no time to rest, but the extreme heat of the noon day, which so pierced our tents, that we could no more sleep, then if in England upon a Summer's day we had lain near a hot seacoal fire. And how soever we lessened this heat, by flinging our gowns over our Tent, between the sun and us, yet for my part I was so afflicted with want of sleep, and with this immoderate heat, as I feared to fall into a Lunacy, what then should a man think would become of my sickly brother in this case?  
Upon Friday the first of july, towards evening, we took up our Tents, supping while our Muccaro loaded our beasts, than we road over Mountains all night, and the next morning again pitched our Tents near a poor Village. And our Muccaro bought us some fresh victuals in the Village, according to the manner of Turkey, where the very Cities yield no Inns. Upon Saturday towards evening, we set forward, and road that night over a large Plain, and next day after Sunne-rise we came to Antioch, a city of Asia, famous for the Patriarchate, and by Histories sacred and 
Antioch.  profane. Upon the eastside, and upon the top of a high Mountain, lie great ruins of the old walls and houses, whence the seat of the city declineth to the Plain on the West side. In which Plain our Caravan rested the heat of this day, near the pleasant and large Fountain of water, wherein the Scriptures record so many to have been baptised together, as first in this place the faithful had the name of Christians. This Fountain hath fair building, and seems of old to have been very stately, and here we pitched our Tents in the midst of the Gardens of this Plain within the walls. For howsoever the ruins of the walls show, that of old the circuit of the city was very large, yet scarce the hundredth part thereof was now filled with houses. Upon the West side without the walls, the city is all compassed with a River, and a great Fen, and upon the eastside with Mountains, which situation makes it naturally strong. Here first wretched I perceived the imminent danger of my most dear brother's death, which I never suspected till this day, much less had any just cause to fear it. A Turk in this Caravan troubled with the same disease of a Flux, went to the ground more than twenty times each night's journey, and yet lived; whereas my brother only three or four times descended from his Mule to that purpose, which filled us with good hope. But here first I learned by miserable experience, that nothing is worse for one troubled with the Flux, then to stop or much restrain the course thereof. For my brother stopping this natural purge, by taking Red wine and Marmelat, experienced men did attribute (all too late) his death to no other thing. I could not hire a horselitter by any endeavour of our Muccaro, nor for any price, though I offered an incredible sum for that, or like commodity to carry him, and we thought it very dangerous to stay here among the Turks, after our Caravan departed, especially since Scanderona was but five and twenty miles distant, where we should have the commodity to lodge with an Englishman, and so to get all necessaries for his recovery. Therefore upon Sunday in the evening, we put all our provisions in one of the foresaid covered chairs or cradles, carried by the Camel, and made my brother a bed in the other cradle, where (as we thought) he might commodiously rest. And I promised the Muccaro half a piastro for every time my brother should descend from the Camel to ease himself, for we were to ride before with the horsemen, and he was now to come behind with the Camels. So we set forward, and myself twice in the night, and once towards morning, left the horsemen, and road back to my brother, to know how he fared, and when he gave me no answer, I returned to the horsemen, thinking that he slept. Then towards morning I was so afflicted with my wont desire of sleep, as I thought an hours rest worth a King's ransom. Therefore myself and Master jasper Tyrant our loving consort, road a good pace to the Village Byland, 
Byland.  where we were to pitch our Tents, that we might make all things ready to receive him.  
But within short space our Muccaro running to our Tent, and telling me, that he had left my brother ready to give up his last breath in the first house of the Village, seemed to say to me. Go quickly and hang thyself. With all possible speed I ran to this house, embraced my dying brother, and confounded with sorrow, understood from his mouth, how far the events of our night's journey had been contrary to our hope. For whereas myself advised him to leave his Mule, and lie in the chair upon the Camels back, he told me that he was shaken in pieces with the hard pace of the Camel. And whereas I had offered the Muccaro half a piastro, for each time he should light to ease himself; he told me that he had often asked this favour of the Muccaro, but could never obtain it, he excusing himself by fear to be left behind the Caravan, for a prey to thieves. And whereas the Camels hinder parts being higher than the fore parts, I had laid my brother's head towards the hinder parts, and raised it as high as I could with pillows and clothes, for his better ease, it happened (which I being ignorant of the way could not foresee) that we all the night ascending mountains, his feet were far higher than his head; whereupon he told me, that most part of the night he had lain in a trance, which was the cause that he could not answer me, at such times as I came to inquire of his health. Thus mischief lighted upon mischief, to make my wretched state most miserable: Why should I use many words in a case, from the remembrance whereof my mind abhorreth. Therefore I will say in a word; My most dear brother Henry upon Monday the fourth of july, (after the old style), the year of our Lord 1596, and of his age the seven and twentieth, died in my 
july 4. Anno 1596.  arms, after many loving speeches, and the expressing of great comfort in his Divine meditations.  
The Turks presently snatched all things that were his, as belonging to the Great Turk; yea, myself cast his shirts, with many other things of good value, and whatsoever I could see that was his, out of the Tent into the Turks hands, and as a man half out of my wits, could endure to see nothing that might renew the bitter remembrance of him. The Turkish Officers in the Great Turk's name seized upon all the goods of Sir john Spencer, which Master Dorington sent with us, as if they had belonged to my brother, neither could they be released, without great bribes, after the contrary was proved. Presently I sent for the English Factor lying at Scanderona, who scarcely obtained with the paying of five zechines, to have my brother's body buried in the open fields: beside, the janizares, Turks, and Moors, came in several swarms to me in this miserable case, threatening to hinder his burial, or to dig him up after he was buried, except I would satisfy their insatiable extortions. And had not the foresaid English Factor taken upon him to satisfy these people, and taken up my purse full of zechines, which I cast among them in a rage, surely for my part I had willingly given myself and all that I had with me, to them for a prey. One thing above measure afflicted me, (which I think job himself could not have suffered), namely, that while myself and my brother were in our last embraces, and mournful speeches, the rascal multitude of Turks and Moors, ceased not to grin & laugh at our sighs and tears; neither know I why my heartstrings broke not in these desperate afflictions: but I am sure from that day to this I never enjoyed my former health, and that this hour was the first of my old age.  
Towards the evening the same fourth day of july, we descended with the said English Factor, (taking care to have our baggage carried) from the mountains towards Scanderona, 
Scanderona.  little distant from this place, in the furthest Northern part of the valley upon the seashore. From hence jasper Tyant our loving consort in this misery, returned back to Haleppo; but myself not knowing what to resolve, nor having power to think of disposing myself, remained at Scanderona in the English Factors house. The next night while I lay waking. I heard multitudes of Wolves, (as I thought) howling upon the mountains of Byland, and in the morning I understood by the English Merchant, that a kind of beast little bigger than a Fox, and engendered between Foxes and Wolves, vulgarly called jagale, used to range upon these mountains in troops, and many times to scratch the bodies of the dead out of their graves; whereupon I hired an Ass to carry me, and a janizare to accompany me, and went to see the place of my brother's burial, from which part I thought to hear those howl: And there beyond my expectation, I found that they had scratched up the earth almost to his body, and the Turks made no doubt, but that these beasts hiding themselves from day light, would according to their manner, return the next night to devour his body. Therefore I hired many poor people to bring stones, whereof I made such a pile round about his body, as I preserved that prey from their cursed jaws, which done, I returned to Scanderona (so called by the Turks, which the Christians call Alexandretta.  
This is a poor Village, built all of straw and dirt, excepting the houses of some Christian Factors, built of timber and clay in some convenient sort, and it lies along the sea-shoare. For the famous City of Haleppo having no other Haven, the Merchants doc here unload their goods, but themselves make haste to Haleppo, staying as little here as possibly they can, and committing the care of carrying their goods thither upon Camels to the Factors of their Nation, continually abiding here. The pestilent air of this place is the cause that they dare not make any stay here: for this Village seated in Cilicia (now called Caramania), is compassed on three sides with a Fenny Plain, and the fourth side lies upon the Sea. In the way to Haleppo (as I remember) towards the East, there is in this Plain a Fountain of clear water, some mile distant from this Village; and howsoever all other waters falling out of the Fen are most unwholesome, yet the goodness of this Fountain is so much prized, as the Merchants use to carry their meat thither, and eat there under a pleasant shade. Not far from this Fountain, there stands an old Castle at the foot of the mountains, which they call the Castle of Penthesilea, Queen of the Amazons. On the same side, beyond the Fen, is a most high mountain, which keeps the sight of the Sun from Scandarona, and being full of bogs, infects the Fenny Plain with ill vapours, and beyond this mountain, my dearest brother lies buried. On the other side towards the North (as I remember) in the way leading to Constantinople, the like Fenny Plain lies, and the mountains, though more remote, do bar the sight of the Sun, and the boggy earth yielding ill vapours, makes Scanderona infamous for the death of Christians.  
On the same side, Asia the less stretcheth itself into the sea towards the West, and in the next shore thereof, is a pleasant Village, now called Bias, which of old was called 
Tarsus.  Tarsus; where Saint Paul was borne, being six miles from Scanderona, and seated in the same Province of Cilicia, and abounding with fruits, silkworms, and all things necessary to sustain life.  
Scanderona on the South side towards Palestina is also compassed with the like fenny 
Scanderona  Plain, but far more large then on the other sides. Finally, on the West side, towards the Sea and Italy, is a safe Haven in the furthest part of the Mediterranean Sea, towards the East. And into this Sea the Prophet jonas was cast, and preserved miraculously by a Whale, was in this part cast upon the shore, they say, that the Owes of the Sea do here much increase the malignity of the air, yet the Sea men use to sleep in their ships, and seldom to come on land, till the Sun be risen above the mountains hiding it, and hath drawn up the ill vapours. The foresaid mountains of Cilicia are held for part of Mount Taurus, which in Scythia is called Caucasus, and in these parts Amanus. I have formerly said, that these parts near the Equinoctial Line have seldom any rain, but the earth is commonly moistened with the dew falling after Sunset. But while I stayed here, a great tempest fell of thunder, hail, and rain upon the seventh of August, and the rain did not fall by drops, but by pailefuls, as we read it falls, but much more violently, towards West India, and near the Equinoctial Line, and as no violent thing is perpetual, so this tempest soon passed.  
Shortly after I came to this unhappy Village Scanderona, the grief of my mind cast me into a great sickness, so as I, who in perfect health had passed so many Kingdoms of Europe, at this time in the very flower of my age, first began to wax old. This sickness brought the first weakness to my body, and the second, proceeding of another grief after my return into England, took from me all thought of youthful pleasures, and demonstratively taught me, that the Poet most truly said, Cura facit canos, that is, Care maketh gray-headed.  
While I languished here in a lasting sickness, it happened that upon occasion, I looked upon the two testimonies, given to my brother and myself at jerusalem, of our having been there, and I was not a little astonished, to see that they being both at the same time cut out of the same skin of parchment, and written with the same hand and ink, yet that of my brother was in all parts eaten with worms, when mine was altogether untouched. And after I did more wonder, that to this day the same Testimony given to my brother is no more eaten with worms, then at that time it was, and mine still remains unperished.  
My foresaid sickness was so vehement and so long, that all men doubted I would never recover so as my friends in England, after they had heard of my brother's death, were advertised within few weeks that myself also was dead. But for my part, though my nightly dreams, that I was walking in the caves and sepulchres of Italy, might have somewhat discouraged me, and though I had no other Physician, than the Barber-Surgean of a ship, yet could I never doubt of recovering my health, but my mind still presaged that I should return home. Yet when divers times I began to 〈◊〉, and presently by the heat of the clime, and ill air of the place, had been cast down again, I resolved to follow their counsel, who persuaded me to try if the air of the sea would strengthen me. Therefore my dear friend Master George Dorington having sent me one hundred zechines for my expenses, the great sums of money which I had being all spent, by the accidents of my brother's death, and my sickness (the particulars of which expense I omit, because in this grief and weakness I had no mind to note them, only for a taste remembering, that I paid a piastro each day to a poor man, who continually cooled my heat with a fan.  
Master Dorington, I say, having sent me money, and I having provided all necessaries 
Octo. 19 An. 1596.  for my journey, at last upon Thursday, the tenth of October (after the new style) and in the year 1596, I was carried aboard a French Ship of Marsiles, partly by the help of Porters, partly in a boat, being so weak as I could not stand. This ship was called john Baptist, and the Christian name of the Master was Simon, with whom I had covenanted, that I paying him thirty piastri (or ducats) for myself and my servant, he should set us on land in some good Haven of the Island Candia, and if it were possible, in the chief City thereof, called Candia, and lying on the North side of the Island, whence I was now resolved to take my journey to Constantinople, leaving all thought of going by land. Upon Friday the eleventh of October, we sailed prosperously: but after, the winds grew so contrary, as we were driven to the South of Candia. Therefore the French Mariners murmuring against us, as heretics causing their ill passage, and there being no hope left with those winds to set us on land at Candia the chief City, the Master of our ship sent us in his boat with some few Mariners which he least esteemed, that we might sail to land, being fifty miles distant.  
Thus upon Thursday the three and twentieth of October, having sailed eight 
The Island of Candia.  hours in great danger, towards the evening we landed under a Promontory of Candia, where there was neither city, village, house, nor cottage, so as plenty of rain falling that night, yet we were forced to lie in an open boat, where my companion (or servant) not knowing our danger slept sound, but myself durst never close mine eyes, fearing lest these Mariners (being Marsilians, who at that time little loved the English), should offer us violence to gain our goods. This consort (or servant of mine was an English man, and by profession a Cook, and was come into these parts to serve Master Sandy, who being sent from London to be the English Consul at Haleppo, as he passed from Constantinople thither, died in Asia Minor, of the same disease whereof my brother died, and in the same month. This servant being (after his Master's death) to return into England, I took to attend me, that I might by his company avoid solitude, and mitigate some part of my sorrow. He was no sooner entered into the French ship, but he presently fell sick, and not able to serve himself, could not give me the expected comforts, much less do me any service, but greatly increased my charge, spending all upon my purse, & much troubled me, having not himself the least skill in any foreign language, so as he recovering not till we came to Venice (where being among Christians, I had small use of his help), he was rather a burden then a comfort to me. When I was to enter the French ship, I laid in provisions of Hens, Eggs, Damask Prunes, and other things: but my languishing stomach not desiring not being able to digest any other then salt meat, these provisions fell to the share of my sick servant, and myself being nothing but skin and bone, as one that languished in a Consumption, my blood and humours renewed with these salt meats, could not but weaken my future health, so as I having been always very lean, after (by decay of natural heat) became very fat, and having lost the retentive faculty of my stomach, so as I continually cast all that lay upon it, so soon as in the morning I came into the air, I had no remedy against this weakness, but the taking of Tobacco.  
The French Mariners, who brought us to the shore of Candia, parted from us on Friday the twenty five of july (after the new style) early in the morning, and when I 
The Island of Candia.  had well rewarded them for their pains; then first they showed me above the wild Rocks, called Calisminiones, a Monastery of the Greeks, some three miles distant, and called Santa Maria Ogidietra. We being left alone, and staying there fasting till noon, at last espied, and called to us two men passing by upon the Mountains, but they thinking us to be Pirates, fled away as fast as they could. Presently behold, my man coming out of the Wood, and bringing with him an Ass, which he had found there, who persuaded me to lay my baggage on that beast, and so to walk softly towards the Monastery. I willingly tried my strength, and leaning upon our two swords for want of a staff, and yet often falling, went forward like a snail, till despairing of going further, I fell upon the ground. After an hours space, a Shepherd passing by, and I showing him gold, and naming Monastery, which word he understood, he swiftly ran to the Monastery, and telling the Monks (called by the greeks Caloiris) our state and condition, they presently sent a servant to us, who in the Italian tongue telling us the great danger wherein we should be, if we stayed upon those Mountains till night, advised us to make haste to the Monastery. Thus driven with fear, and encouraged by his company, I tried again to go forward, and with great trouble passed one mile over the Mountains. For leaning, as I said on two swords, and upon the passage of any steep Mountain, by reason of the lightness of my head, creeping upon hands and feet, with great difficulty I went so far. And now being not able to go any further, no not to save my life, behold a boy, who came to water his Assears Fountain adjoining, to whom the servant of the Monks gave a piastro, and so whether he would or no took his Ass, and set me upon it, and so at last we passed the other two miles (longer than three English miles) and came to the Monastery. The Caloiri or Monks received us courteously, and gave us such victuals as they had, namely, Pomegranates, Olives, Bread, and sharp Wine, which were no good meats for sick men, having fasted almost two days. Also they conferred lovingly with us, but still desiring us to keep aloof from them. At bed time they gave us a straw mat, to lay upon a plastred floor for our bed; but we were better provided of Matterasses and quilts of our own, and though lying upon the ground, yet slept sound, because we were in safety.  
The Italians in regard of their clime, are very curious to receive strangers in a time of plague, and appoint chief men to the office of providing for the public health, calling the place where they meet, the Office of Health. Also without their Cities (especially in the State of Venice) they have public houses, called Lazaretti, and for the most part pleasantly seated, whether passengers and Merchants with their goods, must at their first arrival retire, till the Providers for Health have curiously inquired, if they come from any suspected place, or have any infectious sickness. And here they have all things necessary in abundance, but may not converse or talk with any man, till they obtain the grant of free conversation (called lafoy prattica), or if any man speak with them, he must be enclosed in the same house, and because they stay forty days there, for the trial of their health, this trial is called far'la Quarantana. Moreover, they that go by land in Italy, must bring a Testimony of Health called Boletino, before they can pass or converse. The Venetians are more curious in this, than any other using this trial when there is no Plague, I know not for what reason, except it be that the City of Constantinople is seldom or never free of the Plague, whence many of their ships come, or for that some mystery, for the good of traffic, or of the Commonwealth, lies hidden under the pretence of this custom. For no man dares enter the City, and converse there, till he have gotten licence of these Provisors, neither dare any Merchant dispose of his goods, till they are brought to this house, and there searched by the Officers, if they see cause. This Preface I make, because the Island of Candia is subject to the Venetians, and the Prior of this Monastery would in no sort give us free conversation, till by Letters we had signified our state to the Provisors of health, residing at the chief City Candia, and till they should send some answer back unto us. In the mean time they shut us up in a garden house, where we had pleasant walks, and store of Oranges and like fruits, and the Country people bringing us Partridges and many good things to eat, and my man having skill to dress them, and the Monks furnishing us with such necessaries as we could not otherwise buy, we wanted here no conventence, to make the time of our abode seem shorter, but only good beds. Thus I was forced to write this following Letter in the Italian tongue, and to send a messenger with it to Candia the Chief City.  
All'Illustr more & Excel more Sigr il Sigr Nicolao Donati, Proveditore & Inquisitore Generale nel regno di Candia.  
mio offeru more:  
SA Sig ria Illustr ma se degna intendere, ch'io fines Morysoni Inghlese, con vn'mio luome, si siamo partiti a li tree di questo mese, d'Alessandretta, per venir'a la volta di Candia: Et che in quel'paese tutti i contorni sono sani, come porta la mia Patente netta, sigillata col'solito sigillo di San' Marco. Il Patron'della Nave Francese, in chi di la è imbarcato 〈…〉 non mantenendoci la suoa parola di metterci in terra in qualche buona villa di questa Isola, ci mando con la suoa fregata a Calisminiones, doveti lascio'solettis. Diego là ' con gran'disagio (domandando la strada da i villani) arrivammo a i vinti cinque del present, a San' Maria Ogidietra: dove i. Frati, fin'che conoscano la volontà di vostra Eccellenza, non ci vogliono dar'prattica in moda nessuno; Et in quel' mentre c'hanno rinchiso in una casa a part. Il viaggio mio è di passar'piu inanzi fin'a Constantinopoli, per i fatti dell' Illust more Ambasciatore d'Inghilterra. Il perch humilment suplico che suoa Eccell za se degna d' haver rispetto d' vn'pouero forestiero, anche nativo d'vna Natione molto affectionata a la suoa: et che (per suoa gratia) mi manda libera prattica, accio che io possa seguitar'il mio viaggio, che di qua, oltre il rincrescimento della solitudine, anche ogni cosu mi da noia. Con questo assicur andomi che vostra Eccell za haurà compassione d'vn suo seruitore, con disagis grandissimi per mar' & per terra battuto, priegho Iddio per l' accrescimento del suo honore. Et le bascio humilment le mani.  
Da San' Maria Ogidietre, ai vinti cinque d'Ottobre (all' uso nuovo) l' An. 1596. Divos. Sig ria Illust ma Humil more servi re fines Morysoni.  
Of these Letters I received the following answer.  
Al molto mag co Sigr il Sig re Fie Morysoni, suo come fratello.  
Molto mag co Sigr come fratello. Per le vostre lettre scritte alli 2●, deal present (all uso nuovo) all ill more Sigr Generali, et da ss. ss. Eccell za mandate qui all'officio nostro, habbiamo veduto il suo bisogno, & desiderando fauorir'et agiutarla in questaoccasione, con il riguardo anco della salute pub ca, Mandiamo duoi stradiottis per accompagnarla con il suo huomo, et condurla di qua, dove sarà ben'trattata, & li si darà commodità, di poter, con l'occasione di qualche vassello, seguitar' il suo viazzo, usate prima le debite ca●tele, per assicuration' delle cose di questo off. Però, S. S. senza pratticar' altr te, seguitarà questa guida che le mandiamo, & vegnerà di qua con animo consolato di trouar' Christiani & amici, obedendo per adesso, & esseguendo l' ordine da noi dato a dettis stradiotti, come cirendiamo certi che farà. Et. a. V. S. c' offeriamo.  
Di Candia. Alli 20. a'Ottobre (all' uso vecchio) 1596.  
Perierà con essa, la suoa fede, sine patente.  
Diu. S come frat lli li proveditori alla Sanita '.  
These Letters follow translated into English.  
To the most Illustrious and most excellent Lord, the Lord Nicholas Donati General, Previsar and Inquisitor in the Kingdom of Candia,  
my most respected  
MOst Illustrious, etc. Your Excellency may please to understand, that I fines Morison an Englishman, with my servant, the third of this month set sail from Alexandretta, to sail into Candia, and that those parts are free from all infectious sickness, as appears by my testimoniali sealed with the wont seal of Saint Mark. The Master of the French Ship in which I passed, broke his covenant with me, in that he did not land us in the Haven of Candia, the chief City of this Kingdom; but sent us in his boat to the wild Promontory Calisminiones, landing and leaving us there, in a place altogether disinhabited. From thence we ask the way of the Country people, did with much trouble at last come to the Monastery Saint Maria Ogidietra, upon the five and twenty of this present (after the new style), where the Friars, till they may know the pleasure of your Excellency, will in no sort give us liberty to converse; but in the mean time have shut us up in a solitary garden house. My journey lies further to Constantinople, for the affairs of the Lord Ambassador of England there abiding: Wherefore I humbly pray that your excellency will vouchsafe to have favourable respect of a poor stranger, borne of a Nation well affected to that of your Excellency, and that by your favour licence may be sent me freely to converse, and to take my journey to the City of Candia, since my solitary living here, all delay, and many other things in this place, are irksome unto me. Thus assuring myself that your Excellency will have compassion of his servant, tired with many misfortunes by Sea and Land, I beseech God for the increase of your honour, and so humbly kiss your hands.  
From San' Maria Ogidietra this five and twenty of October (after the new style) in the year 1596. Your Excellencies humble Servant. fines Moryson  
The Letters sent me in answer thus follow;  
To the noble Gentlemen Master fines Moryson, dear to us as a brother.  
NOble Sir, dear to us in place of a Brother. By your Letters dated the five and twenty of this month (after the new style) and directed to the Illustrious Lord General, and by his Excellency sent to our Office; we have understood your request, and desirous to favour you in this occasion, with due respect to the public health, we have sent you two Horsemen, who shall guide you and your servant hither, where you shall be courteously received, and shall not want the opportunity of a Bark, to finish your journey, after we have taken due order according to our Office) for the preserving of the public health. Therefore without conversing with any man, follow these guides we have sent you and come hither with a cheerful heart, as to Christians and friends. But fail not to follow the order which we have given to these guides, whereof we doubt not, and so tender ourselves to you.  
From Candia the twenty of October (after the old style) in the year 1596.  
Bring with you the testimony of your health.  
Yours in place of brethren the Provisors for health.  
This testimonial above mentioned, I took from the Venetian Consul (who knew my disease free from all infection) when I parted from Alexandretta, fore knowing the necessity thereof. The foresaid two horsemen being arrived, which with great courtesy were sent to conduct me, I parted from the Monastery to go in their company to the City of Candia, eight & thirty miles distant, being to pass almost the whole breadth of this Kingdom in the very middle part thereof. The breadth of the Island contains five and forty miles, the length two hundred and thirty miles, and the circuit. (as Ortelius writes) five hundred & twenty, (others say six hundred or seven hundred miles) the ancient and modern writers reckoning diversly. This Island is distant from the Cape of Otranto in Italy, five hundred miles; (others write five hundred and thirty): From Alexandria in Egypt four hundred and fifty miles (others write five hundred), from the next shore of Africa two hundred and fifty miles, from joppa in Palestine six hundred and sixty miles, (others write six hundred and forty): from Tripoli in Syria seven hundred miles, from the Island Cyprus four hundred miles, from Venice 1500 miles, and from Constantinople seven hundred and twenty miles.  
We began our journey in the afternoon, and as we road, our guide showed us not far out of the high way, the Monument famous for the love of the King's daughter Ariadne to Theseus', called the Labyrinth of Crete, (for so Candia was called of old, 
The Labyrinth.  and Saturn the first King thereof, begat Radamanthus, Minos, and Sarpedon, of Europa the daughter of Agenor, as they write). Also our guides told us that not far out of the way to the city Candia, there was a monument of the cave of Minos, which the Candians call the sepulchre of jupiter: but my former adversities had taken from me my wont desire to see antiquities, so as we kept the high way, and passing that day by a City of the jews, lodged that night at a Village, not in any Inn, but in the very Church, upon straw and our own bedding, being content with such victuals as our guides brought us, namely, cheese, fruits, and good wine. It is probable, that if we had had free conversation, we might perhaps have found good lodging in the Village, yet did we justly doubt thereof, because we could buy no better meat, nor get any provender for our beasts. The next day in the morning we set forward, and came to a pleasant village, where we dined in a fair Church, but could get no meat for our horses, except they would have eaten pomegranates or like fruits.  
The same day in the afternoon, we came to the City of Candia, where we stayed at 
The City Candia.  the gate, till we knew the pleasure of the Provisors for health. They could not be ignorant that our sickness was free from all infection, yet imagining (as after I perceived) that we should be Merchants, & have some rich lewels, they sent us to the Lazaretto, where in a weeks space, when their spies (according to their manner) had inquired after our state, and found that there was no hope of gain by our imaginary lewels, and it then falling out, that other Merchants being landed with goods, were to be lodged in our chamber; at last the General Sigr Nicolao Donato (called General for his commanding in the war, and Provisor of health by the said Office, and chief inquisitor for Religion, which Office is sparingly executed in the State of Venice, yet being not the chief Commander of the Island; for Ill Sigr Marc' Antonio Venerio, was then Lieutenant to the Duke of Venice in this Island, with limited authority as the Duke himself hath). I say this general Provisour for the health, sent unto us a Gentleman of that office, Il Sigr Vicenzo Cornaero (who used us nobly and courteously) and the Scrivano, (that is, Clerk or Secretary) of that office, called Il Sigr Giovanni Papadapolo with authority to give us free conversation. These Gentlemen (according to the custom, such as the state of no passenger can be hidden from them) caused ropes to be hanged across our chamber, and all things we had, yea, our very shirts, to be severally taken out, and hanged thereupon, and so perfumed them with brimstone, to our great annoyance, though they well knew we had no infectious sickness, which done, they gave us freedom to go into the City, and wheresoever we would. To the Scrivano I gave a sequin, desiring him to take it in good part, as the gift of a poor gentleman, and nothing less than an Indian Merchant, as they suspected. This house called Lazaretto, was built of free stone, with Cellars for the laying up of goods, and had pleasant walks both in the yard and garden, and the Keeper of this house had furnished me with a bed and all necessaries, and for the seven days past, had bought us our meat in the City, which he would likewise have dressed, but that my servant was a Cook, and for this service he had done, I gave him also a sequin.  
Then we went into the City, & lodged with an Italian, who had often brought us meat and necessaries to the Lazaretto, and with him myself and my servant had convenient beds, and plentiful diet, for which I paid six lyres each day. But the horsemen who conducted us to Candia came often to me, and for that service I gave to each of them a sequin, and by them I understood the prices of the Market for diet. So as all the Candians speaking Italian, aswell as their natural Greek tongae, and I finding the rate of our expenses to be excessive, I determined to higher a chamber, and to buy my own meat in the Market. But it happened, that at the same time an English Merchant landed, who was a Factor to buy Muskedines of Candia (whereof, and especially of red Muskedint, there is great plenty in this Island), and this Merchant called Richard Darson, being well acquainted with the best courses of living in Candia, had hired a little house, and a woman to dress his meat, and at my entreaty he was content to give us a chamber in his house, and to higher us two beds, that so we might diet together, where he used us very courteously, and our diet was as plentiful as before, at a far lower rate, dividing our expenses into three parts, whereof he paid one, and myself two, for my own and my servant diet. There was at that time great dearth of Corn, so as white bread was hardly to be got, though the Italians, making their meals for the most part of bread, use to have it very white and good. Here we bought a Bocale of rich Wine, containing two English quarts and a half for a lyre of Venice; a Pigeon for 7 soldi; a Partridge for a lyre, or 16 soldi; a pound of veal for 7 soldi, of mutton for some 5 soldi, & we had plenty of fruits for a small price. The Beef in Italy useth to be lean, and is seldom eaten, and such beef they had here; for by the Law, called Foscherini, it is commanded, that no man shall kill a beef, till it be unfit to draw in the Plough, and to do like service. Here I paid four lyres for a pair of shoes, the rest of my expenses I omit for brenitie sake, those sufficing, to give a passenger some guess at what rate he may live. Only I will add, that the work of Porters and labouring men, as well in Italy as here, is had for small wages, because there is great number of poor people, and they abhor from begging, so as one soldo contents a Porter for bringing your victuals from the Market.  
When I went to jerusalem and sailed by the Island of Candia, I made some mention thereof, and I have now formerly set down the length, breadth, and circuit, and the distance thereof from other Provinces, and have showed that Candia is subject to the Venetians, and have also named the chief Governors thereof for that time. I will now briefly add, that this Island is defended by a Venetian Garrison against the Great Turk, to whom all the adjacent Countries are subject. That it hath great plenty of red Muskedines, where with England for the most part is served. That it hath great plenty of all kinds of Corn, of all manner of Pulse, of Oil, of all kinds of flesh, of Canes of sugar, of Honey, of Cedar trees, of all coloured Die of Cypress trees, (where of many sweet smelling Chests are made, and carried into foreign parts), and of all necessaries for human life. Neither is any venomous beast found in this Island, but it hath store of medicinable herbs, especially upon the famous Mountain Ida.  
The Cities of this Island were of old one hundred, and in the time of Pliny forty; but at this day there be only three, namely, Canea at the West end of the Island, near which lies the Fort Sonda, with a Haven capable of a thousand Galleys. The second called Retbino by the Italians, seated on the Southside of the Island, (upon which side the Italians add a fourth City called Settia), and the third called Candia, the Metropolitan 
The City Candia.  City of the Island, which is fair and large, built of stone, with a low roof, after the manner of Italy, and the streets thereof are fair and large. It is strongly fortified (as need requires) by the Venetians against the Turks, and to that purpose hath a strong Castle. From this City a large and pleasant Plain leads to the foresaid cave of Mines, (which the Candians call the Sepulchre of jupiter), near which is the most famous Mountain Ida, which they hold to be seated in the midst of the Island, being higher than any of the other Mountains thereof, and it aboundeth with Cypress trees. Finally, I remember, that when I lodged in the Monastery San' Maria Ogidietra, the Caloiri (or Monks, who for the most part are unlearned, and till the ground, and labour like laymen), assured me that each measure of corn sowed in their fields the year past, had yielded ninety five measures.   

CHAP. FOUR Of my journey from Candia (partly by land, partly by Sea) by the sea shores, and by the islands of the AEgean Sea, Pontus, and Propontis, to the City of Constantinople. And of my journey thence by Sea to Venice; and by Land to Augsburg, Nurnberg and Stood (in Germany.) And of my passage over Sea into England. And of my journey through many several Shares, of England, Scotland and Ireland.  
Upon Monday the twenty of December (after the old style) 
December 20.  at three of the clock in the afternoon, we went aboard a little Greek Bark loaded with Muskedines, and with tons of Lemons juice (which the Turks drink like Nectar), and with Onions, and ready to sail for Constantinople, where I paid for my passage five zechines, and as much for my servant. The night following was very bright with Moonshine, yet we stayed all the night in the Haven (compassed with walls), either because the Governor of the Castle would not let the Bark go forth, till the Master had satisfied him, or because the Master pretending that cause of stay, had some business to dispatch. The next morning early, being the one and twenty of December, we set sail, and the same day we sailed close by the Island Zantorini, more than one hundred miles distant 
Zantorini.  from Candia. They report, that this Island; and another of the same name (both of little circuit) were in our age cast up in the midst of the Sea, with an eruption of flames and of Brimstone, and that they are not inhabited, but are commonly called the devils islands, because many ships casting anchor there, and fastening their Cables upon land, have had their Cables loosed by spirits in the night, and so suffered shipwreck, or hardly escaped the same. The night following we sailed in the midst of many islands which made that Channel very dangerous, and for my part I was more afraid of the danger, because our Candian Merchant growing acquainted with an harlot in the ship, was not ashamed to have the use of her body in the sight of the Mariners that watched, and much blamed him for the same. Upon Wednesday the two and twenty of December, we sailed by the Island Paros; celebrated by Poets for the fine Marble 
Paros. Naxos.  growing there, and so we came to the Island Naxos; two hundred miles distant from Candia. Naxos and the adjacent islands had their own Duke of old, but now are subject to the Turk, as the other islands be for the most part. And our Mariners dwelling in this Island, and landing to see their wives, we also landed with them, where I did see upon a Hill like a Peninsul near this chief Village, two Marble images erected to Theseus' and Ariadne. Here I observed, that when any stranger or Inhabitant lands, the beggars flock to the doors of the houses or Inns where they eat, and having formerly observed in the Greek Church at Venice, that when they gave their Alms to beggars, they not only suffered them to touch their garments with their lousy rags, but also took them familiarly by the hands, I knew not whether I should attribute this fashion to their charitable affection in time of their bondage, or to their seldom feasting, and the multitude of beggars.  
In the evening we loosed from Naxos, and sailing over a channel no less dangerous than the former, for the multitude of islands, upon the three and twenty of December we passed close by the shore of the Island Zio, called Chios of old. It is inhabited 
Zio.  by Greeks (as the other islands are) and is famous for the pleasantness and fertility of the situation and soil. It yieldeth great store of Mastic, and the country people keep flocks of rain Partridges; as of Hens other where. They brag, that Homer lies buried upon the Mountain Helias, and this Island hath Saint George for their protecting Saint, and bears his Cross in their Flags, as England doth. Here we might distinctly see the shore of Asia, in that part, where of old the seven Churches stood not 
Seven Churches.  far distant, to which Saint john writes his Revelation. And the Island Pathmos is not far distant, where Saint john lived in exile. Towards the evening we cast anchor 
Pathmos.  near the Island Metelene, which is seated (as Zio) in the Egean Sea, and is no less pleasant 
Metelene.  and fertile. Of old it was called Lesbos, than Issa, and after Pelasgia, and therein were borne, Pythagoras, the Poet Alceus, Antimenides, Theophrastus, Phanius, Arion, and Tersandrus, and the famous woman Poet Sappho, Zio is distant one hundred and forty miles from Naxos and Meteline, ninety miles from Zio.  
The four and twenty of December, (being Christmas even, after the old style used among the greeks, and in all Turkey), early in the morning we weighed anchor, and with a fair but gentle wind, sailed close by the shore where the City of Troy stood 
Troy.  of old, seated in a plain, and upon pleasant hills near the Sea, and at this day the ruins of Ilium the Castle of Priamus are seen upon a hill, and the ruins of the walls in the plain, yet show the circuit of the City. The Poets said truly;  

Hic seges est ubi Troia fuit,  
Corn grows now where Troy once stood.   
Yet the ploughed fields have very many ruins of buildings. On the North side of these Trojan ruins, a neck of Land lies towards the Sea, where they say the greeks encamped, and left their fatal Trojan Horse. Right over against this Land lies the Island Tenedos, scarce ten miles distant, in the Haven whereof we cast anchor for an 
Tenedos.  hour, under a little Castle, and this Tenedos is sixty miles distant from Metelene. From hence sailing some eighteen miles, we passed by two necks of Land, one of Greece on the Westside, the other of Asia the less, (now called Anatolia) on the eastside, and after twelve miles' sail, we entered the straight of Hellespont, now called the two Castles, 
Sestes & Abides.  the description whereof I will defer till my return this way.  
The Greek Mariners have a custom here to demand a gift of all Merchants & passengers in their ship, for joy of their happy voyage, and they say, (which I believe not) that if any refuse, they tie a rope to his feet, and draw him up to the top of the mast, till he yield to this custom: but howsoever, we all obeyed this ridiculous custom, not to offend them who had used us well.  
This channel running from the black sea, called Euxinus, into Propontis, and so by Constantinople to these said two Castles, and from hence into the AEgean sea, from the North towards the South, is always contrary to those that sail from the mediterranean sea to Constantinople, especially after they enter this straight of the two Castles, and near Constantinople it runs with such force towards the South, as they that sail to the City, (whereof we had experience) with the best winds, yet sail very slowly. This violence of the Channel is attributed to great Rivers violently falling into the black Sea.  
The foresaid Christmas even we landed at Gallipolis a Greek City, seated in Thrace, 
Gallipolis.  having the name (as it seems) from the French, and eight and twenty miles distant from the two Castles. On Saturday the five and twenty of December, being Christmas day, after the old style, we set sail; but the winds drove us back to the Haven of Gallipolis, where being detained some few days, though I stayed in the ship for fear of some fraud from the Turks, yet once I went on Land with our Mariners. The City lieth in length upon the shore of Propontis, from the South to the North, and it hath without the walls towards the West, great number of Windmills, the buildings are of slint or little unpolished stones, one or two stories high, and the roof is low and tiled, (not plain and plastered to walk upon, as they be in Syrea and Cyprus); and this roof is so low as it hath no windows, so as the buildings of these parts are very like those of Italy. The Haven is on the East side, and upon the opposite shore of Asia towards the East, are the ruins not far distant of Nice, a City of Bithynia, famous for the holy Council held there of old. Upon Saturday the first of january, we sailed sixty miles in this strait of Propontis, to the Island Marmora, not without fear of Turkish Pirates, 
Marmora.  the Haven of Camera being near us, where the great Turk's Galleys lie. By the way they showed me a Castle towards the East, upon the shore of Asia the less, which they say stands upon the confines of the Trojan Dominion, and thereof hath the name to this day. The Island Marmora is so called (as I think) of themarble wherewith it aboundeth. The second of january we set sail from Marmora, and being by contrary winds driven back (as I think, or little advanced) we came to the Island Aloni some ten miles 
Aloni.  distant from Marmora (and so called of the form of a yard, in which Oxen used to grind Corn, or beat it small.) After the beginning of the new year (which the greeks, as most of Europe, begin the first of januarie) the first Wednesday (being the 
janua. 1. Anno 1597.  fourth of that month), the Grecian Mariners have a custom retained from old times, to baptise the Sea, (as they term it), which done, they think the Floods and Winds to grow more calm then formerly. The Island Aloni hath a Port on all sides compassed with islands, and that very large and safe, where while we passed some stormy days, we heard of many Barks and Galleys cast away. While I walked here upon the shore, a wild-headed Turk took my hat from my head (being of the fashion of Europe not used there), and having turned it, and long beheld it, he said (to use his rude words) Lend me this vessel to ease my belly therein; and so girning flung it'on the dyrtie ground, which I with patience took up. These and like wrongs of speech, even threatenings of blows I sometimes endured in Turkey, but never had the disaster to have any blow given me by any of them, which many good Christians notwithstanding have suffered and daily suffer, and myself if they had fallen to my share, must have suffered with patience, except I would by resistance have incurred shameful and cruel death. On Thursday the thirteenth of january, at last we set sail with a fair wind, and after twenty miles sailing we passed by the City Palormo seated upon the shore of Asia the less, and famous for the white Wine it yieldeth (the best that ever 
Palormo.  I tasted), and having sailed ten miles further, we sailed by the City Heraclea, seated on 
Heraclea.  the shore of Greece (whereof in my return this way I shall have cause to speak more at large.)  
Towards evening we thought we were come to one of the corners of Constantinople, called the seven Towers, yet by reason of the foresaid swift channel running from the black Sea full against us, with a most fair wind we could not land in the Haven of Constantinople till midnight, having that day sailed one hundred and twenty miles in all from the said Isle Aloni. This voyage was more tedious to us, in that howsoever landing we had sometimes good diet, yet while we were at Sea, we had no good victuals in the ship. For the Greek Mariners feed of Onions, Garlic, and dried fishes, (one kind whereof they call Palamedes, and the Italians call Palamite) and in stead of a banquet, they will give you a head of Garlic roasted in the ashes, and pleasantly call it a pigeon. With this and Biscuit they content themselves, and these we were forced to eat, having omitted to provide any dried or salted meats at Candia, because we hoped to find those in our Bark, and knowing that it was in vain to provide any fresh meats, because they would not suffer a fire to be made in so small a Bark, wherewith we might dress them. But after we had eaten Biscuit and dried fishes, we had an unknown comfort or help to digest them. For in our private cabin, we had the head of a tun of Muskedine lying under our heads when we slept, in stead of a bolster, and our ship being bound on the upper part of the sides with bundles of Reeds, to beat off the force of the waves, we taking one of the long Reeds, found means to pierce the vessel, and get good Wine to our ill fare, and drunk so merrily, that before we came to our journeys end, our former Reed became too short, so as we were feign to piece it with another.  
Having cast anchor (as I said) in the Port of Constantinople, behold, as soon as day 
Constantinople.  began to break, many companies of Turks rushing into our Bark, who like so many starved flies fell to suck the sweet Wines, each rascal among them beating with cudgels and ropes the best of our Mariners, if he durst but repine against it, till within short space the Candian Merchant having advertised the Venetian Ambassador of their arrival, he sent a lanizare to protect the Bark, and the goods; and assoon as he came, it seemed to me no less strange, that this one man should beat all those Turks, and drive them out of the Bark like so many dogs, the common Turks daring no more resist a soldier, or especially a janizare, than Christians dare resist them. And the Sergeant of the Magistrate having taken some of our Greek Mariners (though subject to the State of Venice) to work for their Ottoman in gathering stones, and like base employments, this janisary caused them presently to be released, and to be sent again into their Bark, such is the tyranny of the Turks against all Christians aswell their subjects as others, so as no man saileth into these parts, but under the Banner of England, France, or Venice, who being in league with the great Turk, have their Ambassadors in this City, and their Consuls in other Havens, to protect those that come under their Banner, in this sort sending them a janizare to keep them from wrongs, so soon as they are advertised of their arrival.  
Myself lodged in the house of Master Edward Barton, the English Ambassador, who gave me a janizare to guide and protect me, while I went to view the City, round about the whole circuit whereof I went on foot and by boat in four hours space, the form of the City being triangular, and containing nine miles by Sea towards the North and East, and five miles by land towards the West. I profess myself to have small skill in the art of Geography, yet will I adventure (though rudely) to set down the form and situation of this City, so plainly, as I doubt not but the Reader may easily understand it, howsoever in the same (as in other cities formerly described) I acknowledge that I use not the rule of the scale, in the distance of places, nor other exquisite rules of that Art, having no other end, but to make the Reader more easily understand my description.  
The description of the City of Constantinople, and the adjacent Territories and Seas.  
The great lines or walls show the form of the City, and the single small lines describe the Teritory adjoining. (A) In this Tower they hang out a light of pitch and like burning matter, to direct the Sailors by night, coming to the City, or sailing along the coast out of the Sea Euxinus (which they say is called the Black Sea of many shipwrecks therein happening.) And this Tower is sixteen miles distant from the City.  
(B) Here is a marble pillar erected upon a Rock compassed with the sea, which they call the pillar of Pompey, and therein many passengers (for their memory) use to engrave their names. And here are innumerable flocks of Sea foul and of many kinds, wherewith he that is skilful to shoot in his Piece, may abundantly furnish himself.  
(C) Here is the Euxine or black Sea.  
(D E) Here lie two strong Castles, one in Europe, the other in Asia, some eight miles distant from the City, built to defend the Haven from the assault of the enemies by Sea on that side, and the Garrison there kept, searcheth the ships coming from the City, that no slaves or prohibited goods be carried therein, neither can any ship pass unsearched, except they will hazard to be sunk. Finally, the great Turk sends his chief prisoners to be kept in these strong Castles.  
(F) Here great ships use to cast anchor at their first arrival, till they be unloaded, and here again they ride at anchor to expect winds, when they are loaded and ready to depart.  
(G) All along this bank and the opposite side for a large circuit, the greatest ships use to lie when they are unloaded, and they lie most safely and close by the shore, fastaned by cables on land.  
(H) Here lies the old City built by the Genoesi of Italy, called Gallata by the Turks, and Perah by the greeks (of the situation beyond the Channel) It is now accounted a Suburb of Constantinople, and is seated upon a most pleasant hill, wherein for the most part live Christians, aswell subjects as others, and the Ambassadors of England, France, and Venice, only the emperors Ambassador must lie within the City, more like a pledge of peace, than a free Ambassador, and very few Turks live here mingled with the Christians. The situation of Gallata (as I said) is most pleasant. Formerly the Ambassadors of England were wont to dwell upon the Seashore in the Plain, and their Palace is not far distant from this note (K): but Master Edward Barton the English Ambassador at this time dwelled upon the top of the hill, in a fair house within a large field, and pleasant gardens compassed with a wall. And all Gallata is full of very pleasant gardens, and compassed with pleasant fields, whereof some towards the land furthest from the Sea, are used for the burial of Turks.  
(ay) Here a little creak of the Sea is compassed with walls and buildings, within which the Galleys of the great Turk lie in safety, and there be fit places to build Galleys, and storehouses for all things thereunto belonging.  
(K) Here is the chief passage over the water called Tapano, where a man may pass for two aspers. All along this Sea bank lie very many great Guns (as upon the Tower Wharfe at London), and here the fisher's land, and sell their fish.  
(L) Here the Megarenses of old built Chalcedon, a City of Bethinia, famous for a Council held there, by the ruin of which City, Constantinople increased. At this day there is only a Village, or rather some scattered houses, and it is commonly called Scuteri, or Scudretta.  
(M) Here the Great Turk's mother then living, had her private Garden.  
(N) Hither the Heir of the Empire is sent, as it were into banishment, under pretence to govern the Province Bursia, assoon as he is circumcised, and so being made a mussulman (that is, a circumcised Turk) first begins to draw the eyes of the Army and janizares towards him.  
(O) Here is the Palace or Court of the great Turk, called by the Italians Seraglio, and vulgarly Saray, and it was of old the Monastery of Saint Sophia. Mahomet the second first compassed it with walls, and the buildings together with the large and pleasant gardens are some three or four miles in circuit. I entered the outward Court thereof by a stately Gate kept by many janizares called Capigi of that office. The court yard was large, all compassed with building of free stone two stories high, with a low and almost plain roof tiled, and without windows, after the manner of the building of Italy, and round about the inside, it was cast out with arches like the building of Cloisters, under which they walked dry in the greatest rain. And in this Court is a large pulpit or open room, where the great Turk vieth to show himself to the janizares to satisfy them when they make any mutiny.  
(P) Here is a banqueting house, vulgarly called Chuske, the prospect whereof is more pleasant than can be expressed, beholding four Seas at once, and the land on all sides beyond them.  
(Q) Here is the Church of Saint Sophia, opposite to the Court Gate, of old built by the Christians after the form of Salomon's Temple, and endowed with the annual rent of three hundred thousand Zechines, now made a Mosche or Mahometan Church. And howsoever the Turks cannot endure that unwashed Christians (so called by them, because they use not Baths so continually as they do) should enter their Mosches, or pass over their sepulchres, yet myself entered this Church with the janizare my guide, trusting to his power to defend me, yet he willed me first to put of my shoes, and according to the Turks custom to leave them in the porch, where they were late till we returned. The Church is of a round form, and built of brick, and supported with fair pillars, and paved with Marble (over which the Turks laid Mats to kneel, and prostrate themselves more commodiously upon them.) The roof is beautified with pictures of that rich painting, which the Italians call alla Mosaica, shining like enamelled work, which now by antiquity were much decayed, and in some parts defaced. Round about the Church hung many Lamps, which they use to bury in the time of their Lent (called Beyram), and every week upon Thursday in the evening, and Friday all day, which they keep holy after their fashion for their Sabbath day. Round about the upper part of the Church are large and most fair Galleries. And here I did see two Nuts of Marble of huge bigness and great beauty. Moreover I did see the great Turk when he entered this Church, and howsoever it lie close to the Gate of his Palace, yet he came riding upon a horse richly trapped, with many troops of his chief horsemen, standing in rank within the Courts of his Palace, and from the Court Gate to the Church door, between which troops on both sides, he passed as between walls of brass, with great pomp. And when a Chaus (or Pensioner) being on horseback did see me close by the emperors side, he rushed upon me to strike me with his mace, saying, What doth this Christian dog so near the person of our great Lord? But the janizare, whom our Ambassador had given me for a Guide and Protector, repelled him from doing me any wrong, and many janizares (according to their manner) coming to help him, the Chaus was glad to let me alone, and they bade me be bold to stand still, though I were the second or third person from the Emperor. near this Church is the stately Sepulchre of Selimus the second, and another Sepulchre no less stately, and newly built for Amurath lately deceased, where he lay with those male children round about him, who according to the manner were strangled by his Successor after he was dead. Not far thence is the Market place having some one hundred marble pillars about it, and adorned with a Pyramid or pinnacle, erected upon four Globes, and with a pleasant Fountain of water, together with other ornaments left (as it seems) by Christian Emperors.  
(R) The wonderful Mosche and Sepulchre of Solyman, numbered among the miracles of the World.  
(S) Two houses for the same use, as the Exchange of London, where the Merchants meet, namely, for the selling of fine wares, but no way to be compared to the same for the building. They are called the great and the less Bezestan, and use to be opened only certain days of the week, and for some six hours, at which times small and more precious wares are there to be sold, as jewels, Semiters (or Swords), set with jewels, but commonly counterfeit, pieces of Velvet, Satin, and Damask, and the like. And the Market place is not far distant, where Captives of both sexes are weekly sold, and the buyers if they will, may take them into a house, and there see them naked, and handle them (as we handle beasts to know their fatness and strength.)  
(T) Here is a Fort that is fortified with seven Towers, called by the Turks jadicule, and by Christians the seven Towers, where a garrison of Soldiers is kept, because the Emperor's treasure is there laid up, and chief Prisoners use to be kept there. The treasure is vulgarly said to be laid up there, but the great Turk seldom goes thither; and since it is true, that where the treasure is, there is the mind, I think it probable (which I have heard of experienced men) that most of the treasure lies in the Seraglio, where the great Turk holds his Courr.  
(V) Here be the ruins of a Palace upon the very walls of the City, called the Palace of Constantine, wherein I did see an Elephant, called Philo by the Turks, and another beast newly brought out of Africa, (the Mother of Monsters) which beast is altogether unknown in our parts, and is called Surnapa by the people of Asia, Astanapa by others, and Giraffa by the Italians, the picture whereof I remember to have seen in the Maps of Mercator; and because the beast is very rare, I will describe his form as well as I can. His hair is red coloured, with many black and white spots; I could scarce reach with the points of my fingers to the hinder part of his back, which grew higher and higher towards his foreshoulder, and his neck was thin and some three else long, so as he easily turned his head in a moment to any part or corner of the room wherein he stood, putting it over the beams thereof, being built like a Barn, and high (for the Turkish building, not unlike the building of Italy, both which I have formerly described) by reason whereof he many times put his nose in my neck, when I thought myself furthest distant from him, which familiarity of his I liked not; and howsoever the Keepers assured me he would not hurt me, yet I avoided these his familiar kisses as much as I could. His body was slender, not greater, but much higher than the body of a stag or Hart, and his head and face was like to that of a stag, but the head was less and the face more beautiful: He had two horns, but short and scarce half a foot long; and in the forehead he had two bunches of flesh, his ears and feet like an Ox, and his legs like a stag. The janizare my guide did in my names and for me give twenty Asper's to the Keeper of this Beast.  
(W X) Here be two Castles or Forts, divided by the Hollespont, one seated in 〈◊〉, the other in Asia, whereof I made mention in my sailing to Constantinople, and of which I shall speak more largely at my going from this City.  
Constantinople built (six hundred sixty three years before Christ was borne), by 〈◊〉 a Lacedaemonian, was first called Bizantiam, till Constantine the Great in the year of the Lord 315, did rebuild it, after it had been destroyed by the Emperor 〈◊〉, and called it by his name. The Turks under Mahimet the second, first took this City, in the year 1453, from the Christians, with destruction of great multitudes of them, and at this day it is called (of the great circuit) Stimbals by the Grecians, and Stambalda by the Turks. It is seated in Thrace (also called Romania) and is built in form of a Triangle, whereof two sides towards the North and East, lie upon two seas, and the third side towards the West, lies upon the continent of Greece. For many causes this City is famous, and in two respects may be justly preferred to any other in the World known to us, namely for the pleasantness of the situation, and the largeness and safety of the Haven. The form thereof formerly set down, doth in part show the pleasantness of the situation, but the fruitfulness of the fields, the sweetness and beauty of the flowers, and the variety and goodness of the fruits cannot sufficiently be praised. The fishes in the winter season flying from the cold of the Euxine or black Sea, falldowne in great numbers into the Sea Propontis, passing close by the walls of the City, and again in Summer time, not enduring the heat of the Mediterianean sea, return back in like numbers the same way. This City hath a thousand pleasant creeks of the Sea within sight. To conclude, the Country is no less pleasant than the Inhabitants are wicked.  
The Haven will receive an huge number of ships, and upon both the banks of the City and Gallata, ships of 300, 〈◊〉 or greater once unloaded, may so lie with their cables fastened on the Land, as they 〈◊〉 from the ships to Land without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for the excellency of the Port, the City itself is called the Port by the Turks, and Ovid calls it the Port of two Seas, for the two channels of Propontis, and the Euxine Sea. Of old the City had eleven gates called, Aurea, Pargea, Romana, Carthasez, Regia, Caligaria, Kilma, Harmagona, Phara, Theodosia, and Spilica. At this day the slender wall of brick towards the Sea, hath thirteen gates not worth the naming. The wall towards the Land is of brick, and is said to have been much ruined in the year 1509, by an Earthquake; yet still on that side are three walls which are broad enough for a cart to pass, of which the outmost towards land is little higher than the foundation of the second, nor that much higher than the foundation of the third, the fields on that side being plain, yet in like sort rising higher and higher as they be nearer to the walls of the City, save that near the foresaid Palace of Constantine, some hills lie without the walls.  
This City (as Rome) is said to contain seven Hills or mounts within the walls, whereof some to me seemed imaginary, but I will reckon them as they do, and first begin with the hill, upon which stand the ruins of Constantine's Palace. The second hath the stately Mosche (or Turkish Church) built upon the Palace, which of old belonged to the Grecian Patriarch. Upon the third stands the stately Mosche and most richly built Sepulchre of Mahomet the second; with an Hospital built by the same Emperor, where all Turkish Pilgrims have their lodging and diet freely for three days, and it hath one hundred and fifty chambers built for the poor of the City, and the yearly rents thereof are valued at two hundred thousand zechines, yea the Court or Seraglio of the Great Turk pays each day an hundred Asper's to this Hospital. The Sepulchre of Selimus takes up the fourth hill, and the sepulchre of Bajazet, the fifth hill. Between the fifth and the sixth hill, is the old Palace of the Great Turk, (which the Italiatis call Seraglio vecehio), where the Concubines of the deceased Emperor, and the present emperors sisters and a great number of his concubinet, (for the fairest and dearest to him are taken to live in his Court), are kept by eunuchs within this old Seraglio, which is of great circuit, containing many houses and gardens compassed within one wall. Upon the sixth hill stands the foresaid wonderful Mosche and Sepulchre of Solyman, noted with the letter (R). Lastly, the seventh hill contains the chief Palace of the Great Turk, and the Church Saint Sophia, now made a Mosche noted with the Letters O. Q.  
The tops of the sepulchres and Mosches, being of a round form and covered with brass, and the spacious gardens of Cypress and Fir trees, make show of more beauty and magnificence to the beholder from any high place, or without the walls, then in deed the City hath. The sepulchres are no doubt very stately built, having upon the top one two or more round globes covered with lead or brass. On the inside they seem like lightsome Chapels with many windows, and they being built in a round form, the dead Emperor is laid in the midst or centre of the Sepulchre, in a chest or coffin raised some three foot from the ground, having the Tulbent which he wore upon his head in his life time laid upon his Tomb, being see forth with the jewels he most esteemed, (which Tulbent is made of some twenty or more yards of pure and fine white linen, folded in many folds, in the form of a half globe). Next the Emperor lies the Sultana or Empress, in her Coffin, (so they call his Concubine, Mother of his Heir and Successor), provided always that she have had a letter of dowry by which she is made his wife; for otherwise she is not buried with him. And round about the Emperor and Empress in Coffins lower than theirs, lie the bodies of his male children, which (according to their manner) are strangled by his Successor assoon as he was dead, and upon their Coffins likewise their Tulbents are laid severally. These children are laid in little Coffins of Cypresle: and this middle part wherein the dead bodies lie, is compassed with a grace, so as between the bodies and the windows there is a gallery round about, which is spread with Turkey carpets, and upon them the Priests that keep the Sepulchre, do lie by night, and sit cross legged by day, neither is the room at any time without some of these Keepers, so as the Emperors are attended even after death.  
The buildings of the City have no magnificence, being partly of a matter like brick, but white, and (as it seems) unhardened by fire, partly of timber and clay, excepting some few palaces which are of free stone, but nothing so stately built as might be expected from the pride and riches of the great Turks chief servants. And these houses (as those of the adjacent territories of Europe) are built only 2 stories high, with a low roof without any windows, after the manner of Italy, whereas the houses of Asia have a plain and plastered roof to walk upon, especially in Asia the greater. The streets of this City are narrow, and shadowed with pentises of wood, and upon both sides the way is raised some foot high, but of little breadth, and paved for men and women to pass, the midst of the street being left low and unpaved, and no broader, then for the passage of Asses or beasts loaded. In many places of the streets lie carcases, yea sometimes the bodies of dead men, even till they be putrefied, and I think this uncleanliness of the Turks (who otherwise place Religion in washing their bodies, and keeping their apparel, especially their Tulbent pure and clean) is the chief cause that this City, though most pleasantly seated, yet above all the Cities of the world is continually more or less infected with the plague. They say, that job, famous for his piety and patience, is buried in this City: but I did not see his monument, and think it probable, that the same and all like Christian monuments, were defaced by the Turks when they took the City.  
The worthy English Ambassador, Master Edward Barton most courteously entertained me with lodging and diet so long as I stayed in this City, so as for them I spent not one Asper: but I pass over the due praises which I owe to the memory of this worthy Gentleman, being hereafter to speak more of him, I will only add, that I attended him once to the great Turk's Court, and when I had nothing satisfied my curiosity in viewing the City by occasions casually happening, that he commanded a janizare to guide me round about the same, till I had taken full view thereof. And with this guide the first day I viewed the foresaid monuments within the walls, and the second day compassed the City without the walls, beginning at the passage over the water called Tapano, and noted with the letter (K), and so passing by water (in a boat, vulgarly called Pyrame, and hired for forty aspers) to the Castle of the seven Towers, noted with the letter (T), then passing by land to the Palace of Constantine, noted with the letter (V.)  
And by the way as we passed by land, an old woman meeting us, and taking me for a Captain to be sold, demanded my price of the janizare; who for mirth entertained her offer to buy me and another Gentleman, servant to the Ambassador, whom he had sent to bear me company: but because I was very slender and lean after my long sickness, he could not induce her to give more than one hundred aspers for me, though she offered four hundred aspers for the other Gentleman in my company, as the janizare told me in the Italian tongue, when he had entertained this discourse with her to pass away the time in our long walk. From the foresaid Palace of Constantine we hired a boat for eight aspers, and so by water returned to the passage Tapano, from whence we set forth, having gone by land and water the full circuit of the City, being nine miles by water, and five by land. Thence we returned to the ambassadors house, where I gave the janizare my guide fifty aspers for his pains.  
A Venetian ship called the great Lion was now ready to set sail from Constantinople to Venice, which commodity of my speedy return I thought good to take, and having agreed with the Patron or Master of the ship, and being promised by the chief of the Mariners (whom I had bound unto me with some curtisies) that they would without fail call me before they were to set sail, I passed the time in the sweet conversation of this worthy Ambassador, more securely than I should have done, till one evening I heard a great piece of Ordinance discharged, and thereupon suspected (as indeed it fell out) that this ship ready to set sail, gave this warning piece to call aboard the Mariners and passengers. And so I made all the haste I could to the water side; but when I came thither, saw that my labour was in vain, the ship being under sail, and gone out of the Haven. Myself, my servant, and a Gentleman, the ambassadors servant, and sent by him into England with letters to the Queen from the great Turk, being thus left behind, presently took one of the Ambassadors janizares for our Guide, and upon the last day of February (in the end of the year 1596 according to the English computation, or in the beginning of the year 1597, according to the computation of most Kingdoms, beginning the year 
Ann. 1597.  the first of january) hired a boat (called Pyrame) for one thousand Asper's to Gallipoli, in hope to overtake the great ship sailing slowly, before it could pass the strait of Hellespont. And the same evening in which the great ship set sail, we in our little boat sailed by the shore of Thrace forty miles to Selebris, a town of Thrace, not without great fear and far greater danger of being cast away. For when we found 
Selebris.  the little boat unfit to pass the great waves of the Sea (though much calmer than other Seas), and therefore willed our Mariner to sail close by the shore, he told us, that there was greater danger from thieves upon the shore, then from the waves of the sea, and so easily persuaded us to imitate the Prophet David, committing ourselves rather to the hands of God by sailing in the deep, then into the hands of men by coasting the shore. When we had passed the dark night without sleep in this obscure harbour, the next morning early being Tuesday, and the first of March, we sailed twenty miles to Erylis, seated upon the same shore of Thracia, not without extreme 
Erylis.  danger of being cast away, which we often and justly feared, and our janizare no less, who either for fear, or repentance of his sins, shed abundance of tears. Erylis was of old called Heraclea, famously known by having been the seat of the Greek Patriarch and many Christian Emperors. Here we left the boat which we had hired at Constantinople, having found it unfit for this passage: but howsoever we had hired it to Gallipoli, yet the Mariner would remit nothing of the covenanted price. From hence to Gallipoli we hired for eight hundred aspers a greater Bark called Cayke. The second of March, notwithstanding the rage of the winds and the waves, we set sail, and landed at the Island Marmora after fifty miles' sail, in which Island I had formerly been, 
Marmora  and to the mention thereof formerly made, let me now add, that it is inhabited only with Greeks, and these Greek; fearing lest our janizare (after their manner) would pay them nothing for our necessaries, and he being a young unexperienced man, and so not carrying himself with such authority as other janizares do, we could not get lodging nor diet in any house, till at last ourselves promising to pay honestly for all we took, we were received into a house (where as we were wont) we slept upon our own bedding, they having no convenient beds, and we paid for two Eggs one asper; for a Caponet five and twenty aspers; for our fire five and twenty aspers; and for the use of the house five and twenty aspers; as likewise in other places where we landed, we paid commonly sixteen aspers or thereabouts, each night for our lodging, and the use of the house. The third of March we set sail after midnight, and having sailed sixty 
Gallipolis.  miles, came before break of day to Gallipolis, and the same day hiring a boat with two Oars for two hundred aspers, we passed eight and twenty miles, and found the great ship of Venice at anchor, but not daring to go aboard in the night, we slept in our little boat fastened to the shore, with no little inconvenience, because it reigned all night. The fourth of March we gave the janizare our guide three hundred twenty eight aspers for his pains, and to bear his charges back, which was a small sum for so great a journey: Yet after some repining he was satisfied therewith, because he served the English Ambassador. Then we went aboard the Venetian ship, called the great Lion, and when I remembered, that the ship wherein I sailed from Venice to jerusalem was called the little Lion, I was stirred up to give praise and humble thanks to the great Lion of the Tribe of juda, who through so many dangers preserved me in this voyage. This Venetian ship was forced here to expect the pleasure of the Turkish Searchers and Customers, namely, at the two Castles upon the entry of the Strait 
Two Castles  of Hellespont, whereof I made mention in my sailing from Candia to Constantinople, and in the description of that City have noted them with the letters (W) and (X). For the ships that come from Constantinople, use to be detained here some three days, to the end that in case they carry away private men's slaves, the Masters may have time to follow after them; and in like case if they carry away any prisoners or offenders, the public Magistrates may have means to bring them back. Besides, these searchers and Customers look, that they carry no prohibited wares, neither can the ship, nor any passenger be suffered to pass these Castles, except they bring the Passport of the great Turk, which the chief Visere or Bassa useth to grant unto them. Thus when no ship without the knowledge of the chief Visere can either pass these Castles leading to the Mediterranean Sea, or the two Castles above leading into the Euxine Sea, noted with (D E), surely these four Castles are the greatest strength of Constantinople by Sea.  
I said, that these Castles, where we found the Venetian ship, are in the description of Constantinople noted with the letters (W) and (X), and they are now commonly called the Castles of Gallipolis: but of old that noted with the letter (W) was called Sestos, being a City in Thrace, in which the most fair Hero was borne and dwelled; and the other noted with the letter (X) was called Abydos, being a City of Asia the less, in which Leander dwelled, famous for his love to Hero, and these Castles are divided by the Hellespont some two miles broad, at least so narrow, as Leander is said often to have swam over it to his beloved Hero. The Castle of Sestos more specially is seated in a most fertile soil; for Nairo, the next adjoining town, yields excellent Wines and all necessaries to sustain life plentifully. Howsoever the ships ought, and use to be stayed here for three days, yet a very fair wind blowing, and all duties being performed, the Patrons of the ships by a large gift to the Officers, sometimes obtain leave to depart sooner. They say, that each passenger by Pole payeth here one sequin for tribute: but perhaps this belongs only to Merchants, for myself, my servant, and the English Gentleman in my company, having given between us one sequin to the substitutes of the Venetian Bailiff (so their Ambassador is called), we were dismissed upon their motion, yet we moreover gave forty aspers to a janizare, and fifty aspers to a Chiauslar for the fees of their offices.  
It being unwholesome to sleep above the hatches of the ship at this time of the year (though in summer time I made choice to sleep so, when I sailed from Venice to jerusalem), we three, namely, myself, the English Gentleman and my servant, gave for each of us three zechines to the Pilot to be partners with him in his cabin, which by his Office he had proper to himself in the Castle of the ship; and to the Patron or Master of the ship for our diet, we paid each of us after the rate of five zechines and a half by the month, as well at Sea, as in Harbours; and for our passage we jointly paid ten ducats of Venice, (so as I still paid two parts of three in all expenses); beside that, we brought with us some hundreds of Eggs, and a vessel of excellent Wine of Palormo, which our Ambassador at Constantinople gave us.  
Upon Monday the seventh of March (after the old style used in Turkey by all Christians and others) in the afternoon we set sail, and passed the strait of Hellespont, and the same night sailed by the foresaid Island of Tenedos. This Sea is called Pontus of the adjacent Province of Asia the less, named Pontus, which Province contains 
Tenedos.  Colchis (famous by the old Argonauticall expedition), Capidocia, and Armenia. The eight of March, early in the morning, we did see tha Island Lemnos (famous for a kind 
Lemnos.  of earth there digged, and in Latin called Terra Sigillata) upon our right hand, and the 
Metelene. Zio. Smirna.  islands Metelene, and Chios (now called Zio), and the City Smyrna (upon the continent of Asia the less) upon our left hand, (to omit Ephesus, not far distant upon the same continent.) And being now entered into the AEgean Sea (now called Archipelagus of fifty islands standing like Arches, and not far distant one from the other, which are called Cyclades, or Sporades), the ninth of March, having now sailed eighty miles, and being to sail by the Island Saint George of Skyra, the winds were so contrary, as we were forced to strike sails, and lie at hull (that is, tossed to an fro by the waves.) The 
Andros.  same day we set sail, and left the Island Andros (one of the Cycladeses) and the Island Tyno (subject to the Venetians) on our left hand, or towards the East, and the Island Negropont (lying close to the continent of Attica, and right over against the ruins of famous 
Athens.  Athens) on our right hand, or towards the West. The tenth and eleventh of March, we sailed 100 miles in the same Sea full of islands, and sailed by the islands Gia and Makarone. But towards night contrary winds rising high, and we fearing to be cast upon some shore of many adjacent islands, again we struck sail and lay at hull, tossing to and fro, but making small or no progress. The twelfth of March, early in the morning, we set sail, and sailed by the Island Milo (of old called Miletum), where Saint Paul landed, Acts 20. 15), and a near Island Sdiles (of old called Delos, and most famous for the Oracle of Apollo), and the Promontory of Morea (of old 
Delos.  called Peloponesus, containing many Provinces of Greece), which promontory is called Capo Malleo. The thirteenth of March, having sailed one hundred and ninety miles, we passed by the Island Cerigo, not subject to the Turks (as most of the islands are), but to the Venetians, who in a Castle on the South side keep a Garrison of soldiers. It is one of the Cycladeses, seated at the entrance of the Archipelagus towards the South, scarce five miles distant from Morea (the foresaid continent of Greece) and some one hundred and fifty miles from Candia, the chief City of the Island Candia, and was of old called Scotera, also Porphoris, of that precious kind of Marble there digged, and also Cytherea, of which as her chief 
Cytherea  seat Venus is often so called. And to this day there are seen the ruins of a Temple dedicated to Venus, and of a Palace belonging to Menelaus the husband of Helena. From the thirteenth to the seventeenth of March, the winds were so contrary or scant, as we only sailed one hundred and twenty miles, and took harbour in the Island Zante, subject to the Venetians (whereof I made mention in my voyage from Venice to jerusalem.) Here some English Merchants continually reside, and the Haven 
Zante.  being commodious, and most ships that trade in these Seas using to put into this Harbour, the goods that are diversly transported thence, are vulgarly, but falsely, esteemed the native commodities of the Island. It hath scarce sixty miles in circuit, and the Mountains round about upon the Seaside, enclose a pleasant and fruitful Plain. The Haven is like an half Moon increasing, and the chief Town called Zante, lies in a little Plain upon the innermost part thereof in length. The buildings of the houses are two stories high, with a tiled, but low roof without any windows (according to the building of Italy) but are poor and base for the matter, so as the only beauty of the Town lies in the Castle built at the East end upon a high Hill, being of a large circuit, and containing many houses and Churches within the walls thereof. In which Castle the Governor (called il Podestà) and the other Venetian inferior Magistrates dwell, and give Law to the people of that Island.  
The Turkish Pirates of Saint Mauro in Morea, having lately set upon and taken a huge Venetian ship, did lad seventeen of their little barks with the most precious goods thereof, namely, clothes of Gold, Damasks and Grogerans, to the value of a thousand thousand zechines (as the report went), and setting the ship on fire, took away the mariners for slaves. And the very time of my being in this Island, seven Turkish Galleys lay upon this coast, and robbed all the Venetian ships falling into their hands, so as howsoever they had peace then with the Turkish Ottoman, yet their ships durst not stir out of this haven. Whereupon they having now occasion to send out ships for Corn, the Magistrate forced the Master of an English ship then harbouring there, to waste these ships, though much against his will, when there were some 20 Venetian ships in the same Haven, whereof divers were of 400 or 500 tuns. Also at this time it happened, that a Spanish ship of Catolonia was driven into this Harbour, and the Magistrate calling our Merchants before him, would have forced them to give caution, that the English ships then lying there, should not assail the same, though between England & Spain war had now long time been proclaimed: but they contesting against this course as injurious to them, yet could not be dismissed, till they gave their words, that our ships should not assail the same by day or night, so long as it lay in this Haven. And this Spanish ship for long time not daring to go forth, at last upon occasion of Venetian Galleys landing there, was wafted by them, and so escaped. Upon the robbing and burning of the foresaid Venetian ship by Turkish Pirates, the Venetian Baliffe, (so they call their Ambassador) lying then at Constantinople, had obtained the great Turk's Mandate, that these Pirates galleys being burnt, they should presently be sent in bonds to his Court, and this Mandate was brought by a Chiauss, (or Pencioner) who came in the same ship with us, whereupon the Pirates being more enraged against the Venetians, did at this time take and spoil another Venetian ship of some four hundred and fifty Tons, called the Sylvester, and not content with the most rich booty, did cast into the Sea many Mariners yielding to mercy, and could hardly be persuaded by the intercession of Turks passengers in the same ship, to spare the lives of some twenty chief Mariners yet alive, and to forbear the burning of the ship. The Italians of best judgement, did not expect that the great Turk would duly punish these outrages, but rather were of opinion that himself and his chief Visere would draw the greatest part of the prey to their own hands, and that the Turkish Governors enticed by like participation, would endeavour to free these Pirates, and do their best to nourish them, yea, that this very Chiauss now sent with a Mandate to suppress them, would be induced by bribes, to return to Constantinople, with relation that the Pirates could not be found, so they did (as no doubt they would) for a time hide themselves, and in conclusion, that the Venetians after having spent much money in obtaining new Mandates for their apprehension, should find no other remedy, but to repel force by force.  
Upon Wednesday the thirtieth of March, (after the old style) in the beginning of 
March 30. Ann. 1597.  the year 1597, we set sail, but by contrariety of winds, were again driven back into the Haven of Zante. Upon Friday the first of April after dinner, again we set sail, and the second of April sailing by the Island Cefalonia, (whereof I spoke in our voyage 
Cefalonia. Corfu.  from Venice to jerusalem), we cast anchor in the outward Haven of the Island Corfu, because the Master of our ship was sick, and this his sickness increasing, we set sail to return back to the chief City of that Island, the Haven whereof we entered the sixth of April. From Zante to Cefaloniae are seventy miles, and from thence to Corfu are 120 miles.  
This Island Corfu inhabited by greeks is very fertile, yielding plenty of fruits, corn, wines, and Currands, and this Haven is fortified with two Forts cut out off a Rock, namely, the old and the new Fort, (which is more than a mile in circuit), both being very strong and held unexpugnable, so as this Island is worthily reputed one of the chief Keys of Christendom. The Master of our ship having recovered his health, we set sail upon Tuesday the twelfth of April, and returned again to the foresaid outward Haven of Corfu Island, where an old woman a passenger died, and her kinsmen carried her body to be buried on Land. Here again we were forced to stay; the winds being contrary.  
Atlast upon the nineteenth of April towards evening, with a fair wind we joyfully set sail, and the twentieth day we sailed over the straight Sea, between Greece and the Province of Apulia in Italy. Upon Friday the two and twentieth of April towards the evening, having sailed some two hundred miles from the said straight, we were carried by the shore of the City Raguza, with a fair gale of wind, and had the 
Raguza.  wind been never so contrary, yet our Master knowing some late difference risen between the Raguzeans and Venetians, would not willingly have landed in that Haven. The blame of which difference some imputed to the Raguzeans, in that they favoured the Scocchis, a Neighbour people upon the shore of Sclavonia, who being subject to the Emperor and Christians, yet rob all kinds of ships passing these Seas, and had lately spoiled and burnt a Venetian Galley in the Port of Rovinge. But other alleged a more probable cause thereof, namely, that some Venetian Gentlemen for some venereous in solencies there committed, had jately been slain in a tumult. Raguze of old called Epidaurus, and the chief City of Selavonia, is four hundred miles distant from Venice, built at the foot of an high mountain, upon the Sea shore, and hath great traffic by those Seas, and huge ships, which the Kings of Spatne have often hired, and joined to their Navy. The government is popular, and this City to the wonder of many, doth to this day maintain the liberty, though it be seated between the very jaws of the two powerful States of the great Turk and Venetians, to one of which all other near Towns islands and Countries are subject. For the Venetians are loath to drive them being Christians to such despair, as they might be forced to yield themselves to the great Turk, and the City is very strongly fortified towards the sea, whence the Venetians can only assail them: beside, that they pay great customs of their traffic to the State of Venice, for which reason that State attempts nothing against the freedom of the City. Again, the Turks knowing that if they should besiege the City by Land, the Citizens would with all their best movables fly into Italy by Sea, and receiving also a great yearly tribute from the traffic of this City, (where the great Turk hath his own Officer called Chiaussagha to gather the same,) are also content not to molest them by war, especially since they know that the Pope, the King of Spain, and the State of Venice, would assist the Raguzeant against them, and no way endure that the Turkish Ottoman should make himself Lord of that Haven.  
Upon the three and twenty of April towards evening, we sailed by the little Island Augusta, (being yet of a good large circuit, and populous, and subject to the Raguzeans, but the Coast is dangerous for ships arrival, by reason of the Rocks called the Augustine's,) and by the little Island Corsolavi. Some islands in this Sea are subject to the Raguzeans, and some near to the Northern continent, have the Great Turk for their Lord, but the rest are subject to the Venetians, and are very many in number, but little, and good part of them little or not at all inhabited. The Italians our consorts, told us of an Island not far distant, called Pelaguza, and lying near the continent of Italy, upon the Coast whereof the famous Turkish Pirate of Algiers, (a Haven in Africa) was lately wont to hover and lie hidden, and made rich booties of the Venetian and Italian Merchants. Upon Sunday the four and twenty of April, we had in sight, and little distant, the little islands, Catza and Lissa, and in the afternoon on our left hand towards Italy the Island Pomo, and in the evening towards Dalmatia, two islands, and upon the continent the City Zaga, being some two hundred miles distant from Venice. And the night following we sailed over an arm of the Sea some thirty miles broad, lying between Dalmatia and Istria, called Il Cornaro, which we passed without any 
Il Cornaro.  appearance of danger, though otherwise it be generally reputed so dangerous, as the Venetians offended with any Mariner, use this imprecation; Maledetto sia il Cornaro che t'ha lasciato passare; that is: Cursed be the Cornaro for letting thee pass. Upon Monday the five and twenty of April, as we sailed by the Coast of Istria, one of the Mariners aged, and (as we thought) honest, and of some authority among the rest, privately admonished me, that I should safely lock up our goods in our chests, left the inferior Mariners should steal our shirts, or any other thing they found negligently left, which they used to do, especially at the end of any voyage. Upon Tuesday the six and twenty of April, we cast anchor beyond Pola, in the continent of Istria, a City now ruined, and upon the seven and twenty day we entered the Haven of Rovinge in Istria, subject to the Venetians, where the ships use to take a Pilot for their own safety, or else are tied so to do by some old privilege of that City. Here the Provisors for health gave us liberty of free conversation, (as they had formerly done at Zante), seeing no man in our ship to be sick or sickly. And I did not a little wonder, when I observed each second or third person of this City to halt and be lame of one foot, which made me remember the Citizens of Islebe in Germany, and in the Province of Saxony, where almost all the men have wry necks; whereof I knew the cause, namely because they used daily to dig in mines, with their necks leaning on one side: but of this common lameness of the Inhabitants in Rovinge, I could not learn any probable cause, except it were the foul disease of lust, reigning in those parts, which I rather thought likely, because the lameness was common to women as men.  
Now the sailing in our great ship was like to be more trouble some, dangerous, and slow, whereupon five of us joining together, did upon the thirtieth of April (after the old style) higher a boat of six Oars, for seven Venetian Ducats to Venice, where we 
Venice.  arrived the next day towards evening, and stayed in our boat upon the wharf of the Market place of Saint Mark, till the Provisors of health sitting in their Office near that place, came unto us, and after some conference, understanding that we and our ship were free of all infection or sickness, gave us free liberty of conversation. We stayed three days at Venice to refresh ourselves, and paid each man three lyres for each meal in a Dutch Inn.  
Then having received money of a Merchant, I went to the Village Mestre, and there bought of Dutchmen newly arrived in Italy, two horses for myself and my man, the one for thirty, the other for twenty ducats. These horses I sold at Stood in Germany after my journey ended, at, or about the same rate. He that hath the Dutch tongue, and either knows the ways of Germany himself, or hath consorts skilful therein, being to travel from Stood, or those parts into Italy, shall find more profit in buying a horse in those parts of Germany, for so he shall save great sums usually paid for coaches, and at the journeys end, or rather by the way towards the end of his journey, may in Italy sell his horses with good profit. In the Village Mestre, each of us paid each meal fifty soldi, that is, two lyres and a half.  
From hence we took the right way to Augsburg in Germany, to Nurnberg, Brunswick, and to Stood, an old City lying on the Northern Sea of Germany. The particulars of which journey I here omit, having in my journey to jerusalem passed the very same way from Stood to Venice.  
So as it shall suffice to add some few things in general. Within the confines of Italy, each man of us paid for each meal forty, and sometimes fifty Venetian soldi, and for hay and stable for his horse commonly at noon four soldi, at night twelve soldi, and for ten measures of oats given each day to each horse fifty soldi.  
After we entered Germany, each man paid each meal commonly twenty creitzers, at Inspruch twenty four, and sometimes twenty six creitzers, for hay six creitzers a day, or thereabouts, and for ten measures of oats, serving one horse for a day we paid fifty creitzers. In the middle Provinces of Germany, each of us paid for each meal commonly sixteen creitzers, that is, four batzen, and in the parts upon the Northern sea some four Lubeck shillings. And from the City Armstat (seated between Augsburg and Nurnberg) to the said Northern sea side, we had a new measure of oats called Hemmed, one of which measures was sold for some ten Lubeck shillings, and served three horses for our bait at noon, and another was almost sufficient for them at night.  
From Stood seated upon the Germane Sea, we passed in a boat to the outmost Haven, where we went abroad an English ship upon the fourth of july (after the old style) being Tuesday. The sixth of july early in the morning we set sail, and the eight of july we came upon the most wished land of England, and cast anchor near Orford, a Castle in Suffolk. Upon Saturday the ninth of july (after the old style) we landed at Gravesend and without delay with the night-tide passed in a boat to London, where we arrived on Sunday at four of the clock in the morning, the tenth of july, in the year 1597, 
july 10, an. 1597.  our hearts beingfull of joy, that our merciful God had safely brought us thither. This early hour of the morning being unfit to trouble my friends, I went to the Cock (an Inn of Aldersgate street) and there appareled as I was, laid me down upon a bed, where it happened, that the Constable and watchmen (either being more busy in their office then need was, or having extraordinary charge to search upon some foreign intelligence, and seeing me appareled like an Italian) took me for a jesuit or Priest (according to their ignorance; for the crafty Priests would never have worn such clothes as I then did. But after some few hours when I awaked, and while I washed my hands, did inquire after my friend's health, dwelling in the same street, the Host of the house knowing me, dismissed the watchmen that say to apprehend me, and told me how I had been thus mistaken.   

CHAP. V: Of the journey through England, Scotland and Ireland.  
HE that desires to see the Cities and Antiquities of England, Scotland and Ireland, let him read the Chapter of the usual manner of all kingdoms to journey, and to hire Coaches and horses, and also the Chapter, wherein these Kingdoms are Geographically described out of Camden, or if he list, rather let him read Camden himself of this point: and lastly let him in the same last named Chapter peruse the diet of these Kingdoms, and the entertainment in Inns; Touching the distances of places by miles: first, for England he shall easily find a little printed book particularly setting down the same. For Scotland I will briefly set down my journey therein. And for Ireland, the Cities being rare and far distant, he must have a guide, who may without great trouble inquire them out. Only give me leave for the help of strangers to add this one thing, namely, how they being curious to search antiquities, and loath to omit the light of things worthy of observation, may to this purpose best dispose of their journeys, which all other men may fit to their ends and purposes. First, let them pass out of Normandy to Rhye, an English Haven in Sussex, then let them visit such of the five Kentish Ports as they please, let them see Cânterbury, famous for the Seat of the Metropolitan Archbishop; then the Castle of Qüinborrough, in the Island of Shoppey, and the Regal Navy; then let them pass by Rochester (a Bishop's Seat), the Regal Palace at Greenwich, and Depford the Naval storehouse, and not far thence see the broken ribs of the ship, wherein famous Sir Francis Drake compassed the World, and so let them come to London. When they have viewed the Monuments of London and Westminster, and seen the King's Court, they may take a cursory journey to view such antiquities in Middlesex, Surry, and Berkshire, as upon the reading of Camden they shall most desire to see, and especially all, or the chief Palaces of the King. Again, from London they may take a cursory journey to see the University of Oxford, and so by Worcester return to London. In their journey to the confines of England and Scotland, they may see the University of Cambridge, and view the most choice antiquities mentioned by Master Camden in Harfordshire, Northamptonshire, Lincolnsheire, Yorkshire, Durham and Northumberland.  
Myself upon occasion of business in the month of April, and the year 1598., took a journey to these said confines, namely, to Barwick, a Town then very strongly 
April. Ann. 1598.  fortified by the English, to restrain the sudden incursions of the Scots, and abounding with all things necessary for food, yea with many dainties, as Salmon and all kinds of shellfish, so plentifully, as they were sold for very small prices. And here I found that for the lending of sixty pound, there wanted not good Citizens, who would give the lender a fair chamber and good diet, as long as he would lend them the money. Being to return from Berwick, I had an earnest desire, first, to see the King of Scots Court. So from hence I road in one day forty miles to Edenborrow the chief City of that Kingdom. And in this said days journey after four miles riding I came to Aton, a Village where the Lord of Hames dwells, whose Family was powerful in those parts. After sixteen miles more I came to Dunbar, which they said to have been of old a Town of some importance, but than it lay ruined, and seemed of little moment, as well for the poverty, as the small number of inhabitants. After the riding of eight miles more, on the left hand towards the West, and something out of the high way, the pleasant Village Hadrington lay, which the English, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, took, and kept against the French, who drawn over in the time of faction, kept the Town of Dunbar, and fortified the same. When I had ridden five miles further, I came to the ancient and (according to the building of that Kingdom) stately Palace of the L. Seton, beautified with fair Orchards and Gardens, and for that clime pleasant. Not far thence lies the Village Preston-graung, belonging to the Family of the Cars, powerful from these parts to the very borders of England within land. After I had ridden three miles more, I came to the Village Fisherawe, near which beyond a Brook lies the Village Musselborow in a stony soil, famous for a great Victory of the English against the Scots. On the left hand towards the West, and something out of the high way, the Queen of Scots than kept her Court (in the absence of the King) at the Village Dawkeith, in a Palace belonging to the Earl of Murray.  
From the said Village Fishrawe, I road the rest of the way, being four miles, and so 
Edenborow.  in one days journey (as I said) came to Edenborow, seated in Lodovey, (of old called Fictland) the most civil Region of Scotland, being hilly and fruitful of corn, but having little or no wood. This City is the seat of the King of Scotland, and the Courts of justice are held in the same. Of old according to the changeable fortune of war, it was sometimes in the possession of the Scots, sometimes of the English inhabiting this Eastern part of Scotland, till the English Kingdom being shaken with the invasions of the Danes, at last about the year 960. it became wholly in the power of the Scots. This City is high seated, in a fruitful soil and wholesome air, and is adorned with many noblemen's Towers lying about it, and aboundeth with many springs of sweet waters. At the end towards the East, is the King's Palace joining to the Monastery of the Holy Cross, which King David the first built, over which, in a Park of Hares, Coneys, and Dear, an high mountain hangs, called the chair of Arthur, (of Arthur the Prince of the Britanes, whose monuments famous among all Ballad-makers, are for the most part to be found on these borders of England and Scotland). From the King's Palace at the East, the City still riseth higher and higher towards the West, and consists especially of one broad and very fair street, (which is the greatest part and sole ornament thereof), the rest of the side streets and allies being of poor building and inhabited with very poor people, and this length from the East to the West is about a mile, whereas the breadth of the City from the North to the South is narrow, and cannot be half a mile. At the furthest end towards the West, is a very strong Castle, which the Scots hold unexpugnable. Camden saith this Castle was of old called by the Britain's, Castle meyned agnea, by the Scots; The Castle of the Maids or Virgins, (of certain Virgins kept there for the Kings of the Picts), and by Ptolemy the winged Castle. And from this Castle towards the West, is a most steep Rock pointed on the highest top, out of which this Castle is cut: But on the North & South sides without the walls, lie plain and fruitful fields of Corne. In the midst of the foresaid fair street, the Cathedral Church is built, which is large and lightsome, but little stately for the building, and nothing at all for the beauty and ornament. In this Church the King's seat is built some few stairs high of wood, and leaning upon the pillar next to the Pulpit: And opposite to the same is another seat very like it, in which the incontinent use to stand and do penance; and some few weeks past, a Gentleman, being a stranger, and taking it for a place wherein Men of better quality used to sit, boldly entered the same in Sermon time, till he was driven away with the profuse laughter of the common sort, to the disturbance of the whole Congregation. The houses are built of unpolished stone, and in the fair street good part of them is of free stone, which in that broad street would make a fair show, but that the outsides of them are faced with wooden galleries, built upon the second story of the houses; yet these galleries give the owners a fair and pleasant prospect, into the said fair and broad street, when they sit or stand in the same. The walls of the City are built of little and unpolished stones, and seem ancient, but are very narrow, and in some places exceeding low, in other, ruived.  
From Edenborow there is a ditch of water, (yet not running from the Inland, but rising 
Lethe.  offsprings) which is carried to Lethe, and so to the Sea. Lethe is seated upon a creek of the Sea, called the Frith, some mile from Edenborow, and hath a most commodious and large Haven. When Monsieur Dessy a Frenchman, did fortify Lethe, for the strength of Edenborow, it began of a base Village to grow to a Town. And when the French King Francis the second had married Mary Queen of the Scots: again the French, (who now had in hope devoured the possession of that Kingdom, and in the year 1560. began to aim at the conquest of England) more strongly fortified this Town of Lethe: but Elizabeth Queen of England, called to the succour of the Lords of Scotland against these Frenchmen, called in by the Queen, soon effected that the French returned into their Country, and these fortifications were demolished.  
Erom Leth I crossed over the Frith, (which ebbs and flows as high as Strivelin) to the Village King-korn, being eight miles distant, and seated in the Region or Country called Fife, which is a Peninsule, that is, almost an Island, lying between two creeks of the Sea, called Frith and Taye, and the Land yields corn and pasture and seacoales, as the Seas no less plentifully yield (among other fish,) store of oysters & shell fishes, and this Country is populous, and full of noblemen's and gentlemen's dwellings commonly compassed with little groves, though trees are so rare in those parts, as I remember not to have seen one wood.  
From the said Village King-korn, I road ten very long miles to Falkeland, than the King's House for hunting, but of old belonging to the Earls of Fife, where I did gladly see I ames the sixth King of the Scots, at that time lying there to follow the pastimes of hunting and hawking, for which this ground is much commended; but the Palace was of old building and almost ready to fall, having nothing in it remarkable. I thought to have ridden from hence to Saint Andrew's a City, seated in Fife, and well known as an University, and the seat of the Archbishop: But this journey being hindered, I will only say, that the Bishop of Saint Andrew's, at the intercession of the King of Scotland james the third, was by the Pope first made Primate of all Scotland, the same Bishop and all other Bishops of that Kingdom having formerly to that day been consecrated and confirmed by the Archbishop of York in England. Likewise I purposed to take my journey as far as Strivelin, where the King of the Scots hath a strong Castle, built upon the front of a steep Rock, which King james the sixth since adorned with many buildings, and the same hath for long time been committed to the keeping of the Lords of Eriskin, who likewise use to have the keeping of the Prince of Scotland, being under years. And from thence I purposed to return to Edenborow, but some occasions of unexpected business recalled me speedily into England, so as I returned presently to Edenborow, and thence to Berwick, the same way I came.  
I add for passengers instruction, that they who desire to visit the other Counties of England and Ireland, may pass from Edenborow to Carlisle, chief City of Comberland in England, and so between the East parts of Lancashire and the West parts of York, and then through Darbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Warwickshire, Staffordshire, and Chesshire, may take their journey to the City Westchester, whence they shall have commodity to pass the Sea to Dablin in Ireland, and while they expect this passage, they may make a cursory journey into Flintshire, and Caernaruenshire in North-wales, to see the antiquities thereof, or otherwise may go directly to Holy Head, and thence make a shorter cut to Dublyn in Ireland. From Dublyn they may pass to see the Cities of the Province Monster, whence they may commodiously pass to the South parts of Wales, and there especially see the antiquities of Merlin, and so taking their journey to the West parts of England, may search the antiquities of these several Counties, and easily find commodity to passeinto the West parts of France: And all this circuit beginning at London, may (with ordinary favourable winds according to the season of the year) be easily made, from the beginning of March, to the end of September. Always I profess only to prescribe this course, to such as are curious to search all the famous monuments and antiquities of England, mentioned in Camden's complete description thereof.   

CHAP. VI Of the manner to exchange Moneys into foreign parts, and the divers moneys of divers parts, together with the divers measures of miles in sundry Nations, most necessary for the understanding of the former journal.  
THE travelers most commodious course, is to deliver into the hands of some Merchant those kinds of gold or silver coins, which are of greatest value in those parts to which he takes his journey, with covenant to deliver him by his Factor the same, both in the Species or kind, and in the number, or to send them in that sort to him by a trusty messenger. But the first course is not in use, besides that, it is a difficult task, to find such divers kinds in any particular place, except it be from the Exchangers and Usurers, who use not to serve another man's turn for profit or otherwise, without their own gain; and being most expert in such affairs, are like to draw all the hoped profit to themselves. And the second course threatens many dangers, by robberies, by confiscations of the transmitted Coins, and by the doubtful credit of the messengers. Particularly in England and France, he that is known to carry great sums of money about him, shall run great danger to be robbed, and in England the Law forbids any traveler upon pain of confiscation, to carry more money about him out of the Kingdom, then will serve for the expenses of his journey, (namely, above twenty pounds sterling). As likewise in France, the like Law restrains the exporting of money, allowing an Horseman from Lions to Rome, eighty crowns, from Turine to Rome fifty, and no more, for his expenses; all greater sums found about him, being subject to confiscation: yet I confess that many wary travelers have exported greater sums out of England into France, and out of France into England; and thereby with these hazards, have made great gain: But upon the confines of Italy, and the several principalities thereof, yea, at the gates of each City in Italy, most crafty Officers so curiously search into the breach of these Paenall Statutes, and so narrowly pry into all men's carriage, never winking at any delinquent, as there is no hope upon breach of the Law to escape the penalty: for these searchers are tied to more strict attention in this business, that (according to their Office) they may beware lest their Princes be defrauded of their Tributes. And since very jewels, and the least toys carried about passengers, are subject to frequent Tributes (according to the frequent Principalities) these good fellows leave nothing unassaied, in the wished discovery of these frauds, yea, where they have no just suspicion of fraud; yet cease they not to trouble passengers in this kind, till they have extorted some bribe or gift from them. Behold here a two horned danger, (as I may term it of the captious argument, called Dilemma) which travelers cannot possibly escape in Italy, who carry about them jewels or great sums of money, where they are in danger of confiscation, if they hide them warily, and of thieves, if they show them, and pay due tributes for them. For thieves (namely, men banished for notorious crimes) lie continually upon the confines of Princes (very frequent in Italy), and more specially of the Kingdom of Naples and of the Pope's territory. In Germany, Bomerland, Sweitzerland, the Low-countrieses, Denmark, Poland, and Turkey, passengers may carry sums of money about them with more security, neither have I there observed any great danger therein, so that the passenger affect not solitariness, and be so wary as not to boast of his plenty.  
Touching the divers kinds of Coins to be transported, I forewarn the Reader, that the gold Coins of England and of France, and aswell the silver as gold Coins of Spain, are in general spent abroad with greatest gain: but even the gold and silver Coins of other Princes, are rarely currant out of their own Dominions, and can hardly be exchanged among Merchants without some loss. Again, that he who exports any gold coins, must take care to have them of just weight, for such he may disburse with gain, but shall bear loss in others that are lighter, because they want the help of their Prince's Prerogative, where no man can be forced to receive them. Now I will briefly show, which kinds of foreign coins are most valued in divers states. In England the gold and silver coins of Spain and French Crowns are highly valued. In Scotland the same coins, and as well in Scotland as Ireland; moreover, the gold and silver coins of England are valued. For Germany: at Stood the English angels, and all the gold coins of England, France and Spain are most esteemed: but if you pass into the upper parts of Germany, you must for your expenses there change these coins at Stood into the Rhenish gold guldens, and silver collars of Germany. But at Vienna and the confines of Hungary, the Hungarian ducats are most currant. In Bohmerland the Rheinish gold guldens, the silver collars of Germany, and the Hungarian ducats. In Sweitzerland, first, the French Crowns of gold, than the gold guldens and silver collars of Germany. In Denmark the silver and gold coins of England. At Dantzk in Prussen, and throughout all Poland, the gold coins of England, and the gold guldens and silver collars of Germany, and especially Hungarian ducats. In France upon the Sea coasts, the Angels and gold coins of England are currant: but for your journey further into the land, you must change them into French Crowns, and the silver coins of that Kingdom, and the gold coins of Spain are very currant in all the Cities even within the land. In the Low Countries, all coins are currant, they being most cunning exchangers, and wanting many things, yet drawing to them abundance of all foreign commodities, so as they have skill to draw gold out of the dung (as he said of Ennius.) Yet they most esteem the coins of England, Spain, and France. In Turkey the gold zechines of Venice are most current, and preferred even before their own Sultanones of gold. The coins after them most esteemed and to be spent with most gain, are the silver rials of Spain (which the Italians call Pezzi d'otto, and Pezzi di quattro, pieces of eight, and pieces of four, and the Turks call piastri, and half piastri.) In Italy generally the gold coins of Spain are spent with most advantage. In the next place, and more particularly at Venice and Naples the French Crowns are esteemed, but in Italy more than any other place; you must have care they be of just weight. In general, all gold coins may be put away with gain at Venice, but they being in other parts of Italy less valued, or not currant, he that travels higher, must change them there into silver Crowns of Italy, and lest the weight of them should be burdensome, and he should chance to fall into the hands of thieves (called Banditi, banished men), he shall do well to carry no more about him then will suffice for the expenses of his journey, and to deliver the rest to some Venetian Merchant of credit, taking his bills of exchange, or letters, by which he may receive them in any other City or Cities, as his occasions require.  
But in respect of the foresaid difficulties to export coins In specie, that is, in the kind, the traveler shall do better who takes the second and most usual course, taking care to have his moneys delivered to the exchangers (or Merchants) by the hands of some trusty friend, to be exchanged over (according to the exchange variable in respect of the time, and the place to which it is to be made) and sent to him in foreign parts for his expense (by several sums, and at set times of the year.) This exchange is so variable upon many usual accidents, as a constant manner of so unconstant a thing cannot be prescribed. But the rate & course thereof may be inquired in the Burse (or public meeting place for the Merchants.) For the alteration thereof is weekly made known particularly to the Merchants, that by letters they presently may certify the same to their several Facters beyond the Seas. Now this daily alteration of the exchange cometh, partly of the quantity of moneys for the present to be exchanged to the Princes or Merchant's uses, and of the greater or lesser number of those that desire moneys in exchange. For when small sums are to be exchanged, either by the Prince for payment of his Army, or by the Merchants for their traffic, and when many desire moneys upon exchange, than the rate thereof is raised, and the traveler made a Motion that some of this House might be sent to their Lordships with request that the said Mr Popham being a Member of this House might forthwith be remanded and restored to this House again, which some thought not needful to be done before the Election, and others again denying that he or any other could be Chosen Speaker except he were present himself. The Clerk was Commanded to read the said Precedent again of choosing Mr Onslow in the said eighth year of her Majesty's Reign (which said Precedent see on Monday the 16th day of this instant foregoing) and thereupon that course being agreed upon to be followed, the said Mr Treasurer and others were sent up to the Lords to demand the restitution of the said Mr Popham, and brought Answer again that their Lordships had resolved he should be sent down, the rather because he was a Member of this House, and this House possessed of him before he was Solicitor, or had any place of Attendance in the Upper House. Upon relation whereof a Motion was presently made, that it was not meet or convenient to choose a Speaker by persons that were not of the House, and withal it was thought of some that diverse persons being newly returned in the places of others yet living, were not, or ought not to be accounted Members of this House. Whereupon to avoid length of Argument and the impediment of the Election, the said Mr Treasurer by the Assent of the House pronounced an Admonition, that all such as were newly returned in the places of others yet living should forbear to repair to the House till their case were further considered. Then immediately Mr Anderson the Queen's Sergeant at Law, and Sir Gilbert Gerard Knight her Highness' Attorney General, brought from the Lords the said Mr Popham her Majesty's Solicitor General, one of the Citizens for the City of Bristol, and restored him to this House as a Member of the same, and so departed. And then was a Motion made by Mr Lewkenor for Prayer to be used before the Election, that it might please God both in that and in the residue of the Proceedings of this House, to direct them with his Holy Spirit; and a form of Prayer was then read to the House by the Clerk. And then afterwards the House proceeding to the Election of a Speaker, the said Mr Treasurer first speaking did for his own part name and commend the said Mr Popham, alleging many good reasons and causes moving him thereunto, but still leaving nevertheless liberty without prejudice to the residue of the House to name whom they would or thought good. And thereupon the whole House with full consent of Voices agreed upon the choosing of the said Mr Popham; who standing up and much disabling himself in dutiful and reverend wise, and alleging for himself many reasonable causes and excuses, besought them humbly to proceed to a new Election, whereof the House did not allow; and so then was he forthwith by the said Mr Treasurer and Mr controller brought up and placed in the Chair, and order thereupon given that the House should the next day Assemble together, both to understand her Majesty's Pleasure for presenting of the Speaker, and also to determine of the case of the said persons newly returned into this House in the places of others yet living.  
On Thursday the 19th day of January the House again Assembled, the Speaker Elect sitting in the Chair.  
The matter began to be debated touching the said Burgesses, of whom question was made the day before; and the Case was opened by Mr Norton a Citizen of London to the effect following, viz.  
That there be Members of this House absent in her Majesty's Service, as in Embassage, or in her affairs in Ireland, in whose place new be returned.  
Item, some persons be sick of durable Diseases, as Agues, etc. and new be returned in their places.  
Item, one Mr Flowerden was the last Session Burgess for Castle-Rising in Norfolk, and in the Vacation was sick: Upon suggestion of which sickness a Writ went to choose a new. Whereupon Sir William Drewry is Chosen and returned for Castle-Rising, who now appeareth, and Mr Flowerden also. In the same Vacation one Beamond a Citizen for Norwich is sick of the Gout, upon suggestion whereof a Writ went out to choose a new for Norwich; Mr Flowerden is chosen, returned and newly sworn for Norwich. Vide March 18th Saturday postea.  
The Questions are whether such as be returned in places of persons sick, or of persons absent in the Queen's Service, be Burgesses, and the old discharged. Mr Norton thought the old Burgesses remained, and that the said causes of sickness and service are good excuses for their absence, but no causes to remove them and to choose new. And for this he alleged diverse Precedents, as of Doctor Dale Ambassador in France, and of Sir Henry Sidney Deputy of Wales, who having been formerly both of them Members of the House of Commons, and absent by reason of both their said Employments, yet when their case was once made known unto the House and there questioned, they were still retained as Members of the said House, and no new chosen, or admitted. But however although such absent Members by reason of sickness or Foreign Employment might be removed, yet that ought not to be done upon a suggestion in the Chancery, but by the Judgement of the House of Commons upon information thereof.  
Mr Sergeant Flowerden, Mr Robert Snagg, Mr Seintpoole, and Mr Serjeant Fleetwood controller argued to the contrary, and said, that in all these cases new are to be chosen, and the old discharged. And that it needeth not to have discharge by the Judgement of the House, but it sufficeth to make suggestion in the Chancery, and to procure a Writ thereupon for a new Election. And to question this was to discredit the Lord lie, to be paid, at sight, at usance, at half usance, and at double usance; which word usance being not English, I take to be borrowed of the Italian word usanza, signifying a manner or custom. The word (at sight) imports present payment; at half usance a fortnight after the date; at usance; a month; at double usance, two months. And thus to him that goes from London to Hamburg in Germany, it is all one, whether his bill of exchange be paid at sight; or at half usance, since hce can hardly arrive there in less space than a fortnight. But touching the exchange from London to Venice farther distant, by the word usance three months are signified, and by double usance six months. The Turks Empire is so far distant, and the journey sare so uncertain, as our Merchants use no certain rate of exchange thither, neither indeed use they to give any bills of exchange, but only letters of credit, to receive set sums of money, or at large, as much as the traveler shall want, (of which third kind of receiving money in foreign parts, I shall hereafter speak.) By the foresaid bills of exchange, according to the foresaid opportunities, the traveler commonly loseth, and sometimes gaineth. For myself am familiarly acquainted with a Merchant, who took up one hundred pounds at London, to be paid by his Factor at Stood in Germany, which Factor again took up the same hundred pounds at Stood, to be paid by his Master at London, and at four months end, he paid the same, having by these bills of exchange made use thereof all this time, without one penny loss. But in general, when great quantity of money is to be made over to any place from London, the traveler shall lose after five in the hundred by the year; and when small quantity is to be made over, he shall lose after the rate of fifteen in the hundred by the year, and ordinarily he shall lose about the rate of ten in the hundred by the year.  
By reason of the aforesaid uncertainty in receiving money by bills of exchange, as well by the slow sending of them, as by the delay which Factors use to make in paying them, as also by the usual negligence of the travelers friend, who is to make over his money, or by his want of ready money at the time. I say for this uncertainty, lest the traveler should lose the season of the year fit to take journeys, by the expecting of his money, a third course of receiving money in foreign parts hath grown in use; namely, that the traveler should take with him letters of credit, from some Merchant of great trade to his Factor, to furnish him from place to place of money, either according to his want, or for a certain yearly sum. I confess it is a more frugal course, that he should first pay his money at home, and after receive it beyond the Seas, then that he should first receive it there, and after repay it at home: but I would advise him to make over his money after the foresaid manner by bills of Exchange, and withal to carry these letters of credit for abundant caution of all events, so as upon any cross accident, he may rather incur a small loss of money, than the unrecoverable loss of time. Yet even in money taken by letters of credit, reckoning the time of the repayment, Merchants use not to exact greater gain, than ten in the hundredth by the year, especially if they be honest men, or have any bond of friendship with the traveler, or his friends at home, and be confident of repayment, without any doubt, arising either by the travelers sickness or by his friends ill keeping of their credit.  
It remains that I add somewhat in general out of my experience, of the rate at which myself received money by the foresaid bills of exchange, or letters of credit. And first I will confess my negligent omission, in noting the rates of my exchanges, whereof (as a matter of moment) I much repent me; but for this reason the Reader must bear with me, if I set the same down more briefly than were fit for his instruction. Our of England into Scotland, and Ireland, a traveler shall have many opportunities to carry moneys Inspecie, (that is, in kind), or to exchange them without any loss. The exchange out of England, to Stoade or Hamburge in Germany, useth to bear this rate, for a pound, (or twenty shillings sterling) to receive there five and twenty Hamburge shillings and six pence. Myself delivered forty pounds in England, and after the rate of twenty four Hamburg shillings and eight pence, for each English pound, or at the rate of an imperial dolor, valued at four shillings six pence English, I received at Stoade forty nine Hamburg pounds six shillings and eight pence. Hereof I kept in my purse ten collars, (that is, two Hamburg pounds and fifteen shillings), the rest I left in a Merchant's hands, who sent me at divers times to Leipzig, first nine and thirty collars, (that is, ten Hamburg pounds fourteen shillings and six pence), & at another time threescore collars, (that is, sixteen Hamburg pounds ten shillings) and the third time seventy collars, (that is, nineteen Hamburg pounds five shillings) These joined together with two shillings, paid to the Carrier for my letters, make the foresaid sum of forty nine Hamburg pounds six shillings eight pence, received upon bill of exchange for my forty pound first paid in London. Again, I took up an Stood from an English Merchant, seventy collars upon my letters of credit, and rating each dolor at four shillings eight pence English, I gave him a bill of sixteen pound sterling, to be paid him by my friend in London. From these parts in Germany, a traveler must carry with him the foresaid kinds of moneys most currant in Germany, when he takes his journey to the upper parts of Germany, to Bohemia, and to Sweitzerland, or the confines of Hungary. The exchange out of England into the Low-Countries, usually rateth an English pound sterling, first paid in England, at four and thirty Flemish shillings, wanting two stivers, to be paid after in the Low-Countries. In Denmark travelers seldom make any long abode, and the trade of our Merchants is more rare in that Kingdom, wanting native commodities; so as there is no usual exchange from London thither. From London to Dantzk in Prussen, the exchange of an English pound sterling, first paid in London, useth to be rated at four and twenty Hamburg shillings and six pence, to be paid there. Myself by letters of credit received fifty collars at Dantzk, and after the rate of four shillings six pence English for each dolor, I gave my bill for the payment of eleven pound five shillings English, to be repaid by my friend at London. And at Dantzk the same Merchant for the same fifty collars gave me one and thirty Hungarian ducats of gold, and fourteen grosh in silver, being the fittest money for my journey to Crakaw in Poland, and to Vienna in Oestreich (or Austria). Out of England to Venice in Italy, the exchange of four shillings and six or eight pence English, useth to be rated at a Venetian Ducat. Myself took no bills of exchange from England to Venice, but had letters of credit, to receive money of a Venetian Merchant, to be repaid in London upon my bill, after the rate of four shillings three pence for each Venetian ducat. And at first being to take my journey for Rome and Naples, I took up two hundred silver crowns, most fit for that journey, which at Venice were rated at two hundred five & twenty ducats, and nineteen grosh, and I gave my bill for three and fifty pound sterling, twelve shillings and six pence English, to be repaid by my friend in London. Then I retained with myself as many of those crowns, as were necessary for my journey, leaving the rest in the hands of a Venetian Merchant, who gave me a bill to receive so many crowns In specie, (that is, in kind) at Florence, where I purposed to make my abode for some few months. Out of England into Turkey, I formerly said that for the uncertainty of the journey, upon the great distances of places, there is no certain value of exchange, neither use our Merchants to send bills of exchange thither, but to give letters of credit, first to receive money there, either at large according to the passengers wants, or for a certain yearly sum, to be after repaid in England, upon the passengers bill. And the Merchants there, for each sequin of gold of Venice, delivered at Haleppo, use to exact nine or ten shiliings English, to be repaid in London, to the passengers great loss, which he that will avoid, may exchange his money to Venice, and there receive zechines of gold, or silver moneys of Spain, to carry with him In specie, (that is, in kind). From London into France, the exchange of six shillings English, useth to be rated at threescore French sou, or three French pounds, which make a common French crown (but a French crown In specie, and of just weight, is valued there at threescore and four sou, (as in England an Angel of gold is worth more than ten shillings silver among the Exchangers, though in expenses it is giveri out for no more than ten shillings) and not only bills of exchange into France are given at the foresaid rate for moneys first received in England: but he that hath a merchant to his friend or acquaintance, may easily compound to receive money, first, in France upon his letters of credit, and to repay it in London after the rate of six shillings English, for sixty French sou.  
To this I will add two general cautions, most necessary for travelers; first, whereas in Germany and Italy, the Territories of absolute Princes are frequent, and of small extent, and each of these Princes doth coin small pieces of brass money, it behoveth the passenger to take heed, that he spend each Prince's brass moneys within his Territory, or else that upon the confines he change them into brass moneys currant in the next Territory; which if he neglect, the subjects of the new Prince, howsoever they be neighbours to the former Prince, and may daily change these coins for their own, yet they will not receive them without great gain, they being of themselves little worth, and only by the prerogative of each Prince, currant among their own subjects. Secondly, the passenger must take special care, to leavea faithful friend at home, to pay the bills readily, which he sends over to his Merchant, for so doing, he shall never want in foreign parts (at least among Christians, and known places of traffic), yea, out of his good report he shall be furnished with more money, then is warranted by his letters of credit: but on the contrary, if his friend deny or delay payments, he shall not have credit to borrow a penny upon his occasions, more than that for which the Factors shall have warrant by bills of exchange, or letters of credit; and if he fall into any misfortune, he shall not find a friend to deliver him from penury and shame.  
These things being said in general, nothing remains now, but to set down the particular moneys of several Kingdoms, and the value of them, at the time when I lived beyond Seas, which value is subject to change, at the pleasure of each absolute Prince. And in this discourse I think most fit to begin with the moneys of England, being more familiarly known unto me.  
Being to write of the Standard, weight, and value of English moneys, I think fit 
Of the divers moneys of England.  first to give some few admonitions to the Reader.  
First, that the purest gold contains four and twenty caracts in the ounce, and four grains make a caract.  
Secondly, that the purest silver contains twelve ounces in each pound Troy weight: And that Edward the first, King of England, keeping the Feast of Christ's Nativity at Barwich, in the year 1300, did upon Saint Stevens day decry the value of base silver moneys, and after did altogether forbid the use of them, and shortly after commanded sterling money to be coined, so called of the Easterlings, who first coined silver money of that Standard, which is of eleven ounces two penny weight.  
Thirdly, that the English pound, as well of gold as silver (meaning the pound of the Ballence, not the pound of twenty shillings commonly spent) contains twelve ounces Troy weight. And that each ounce of silver is worth five shillings of the currant money, and each ounce of Angel gold is worth three pound five shillings (or sixty five shillings) of Queen Elizabeth's silver money, and each ounce of Crown gold is worth three pound (or sixty shillings) of the same coin.  
Fourthly, that the Mintmaster gave account before the Queen's Examiner's for the money they coined, as well by the tale (or number of the pieces) as by the shear: for it being not possible to coin moneys of the just prescribed weight, yet the Mintmaster was held to have performed his contract with the Queen for the standard prescribed by her, so the silver were not more than 2 penny weight in the ounce heavier or lighter, than her standard prescribed: and in like sort for the coining of gold, a certain proportion of some eight grains in the ounce, was allowed to the Mintmaster in this account by the shear.  
Fiftly, that 20 penny weight makes an ounce, and 24 grains make a penny weight.  
Now I return to the discourse in hand. Queen Elizabeth in the year 1600, contracted with the Mintmaster, that of gold of the standard of twenty three caracts three grains and a half, he should coin pieces of Angels, half Angels, fourth parts of Angels, pieces of an Angel and a half, & of 3 Angels. Now this Angel was of three penny weight and 8 grains, and this gold was commonly called Angel gold Also she contracted with him, that of gold of the Standard of twenty two caracts, he should coynepieces of twenty shillings, and pieces of ten shillings, and pieces of five shillings; and the piece of ten shillings was three penny weight fifteen grains. And this gold called Crown gold, was almost two caracts base than the former, and two caracts after the rate of this standard, are worth five shillings of Queen Elizabeth's silver. Lastly, she contracted with him, that of silver of the standard of eleven ounces two penny weight, he should coin shillings, half shillings, fourth parts of shillings, and pieces of two pence, and of one penny, and of half pence. And the shilling was four penny (or ninety six grains) weight. The same Queen not long before her death, reduced her silver to the Standard of eleven ounces, which was twopenny weight base than the former in each ounce, and the Mint Office was said to have gained thereby one halfpenny in each ounce, or about five in the hundredth.  
King james in the year 1604 published a Proclamation, whereby new pieces of gold were to be coined, of a standard uniform to the standards of other Nations: for it appears by the Proclamation, that the gold coins of England, were not of a just proportion between gold and silver, according to the proportion used by all Nations, so as the English coins of gold, being given in England for less, than indeed they were worth, it came to pass, that they were transported into foreign parts, where they were esteemed at higher rate; which mischief his Majesty desired to take away by this uniform standard, published in the same Proclamation; for the better understanding whereof, this following Table was joined to the same.  

It is to be remembered, that the pound weight English, being twelve ounces Troy, doth over-poix the pound weight of Scotland four penny weight, and mine grains ENglish: Whereupon this Table is made to distinguish every several pieces of Gold and Silver Coin, according to the true weight of both Nations.  

English Weight.  
B.   Pennyweight 20. Grains 24. Mites 20. Droits 24. Periots' 20. Blanks 24.  Pieces of Gold. of xx. s. 06 10 16 18 10  Of these 37. li.4.w. make a pound weight Troy. x.s. 03 05 08 09 05  u.s. 01 14 14 04 12 12 iiij.s. 01 06 09 08 10  ij.s. uj d. 00 19 07 02 06 06 Pieces of Silver of u.s. 19 08 10 08   Of these 3. li. 2. s. make a pound weight Troy. ij.s. uj.d. 09 16 05 04   xii. d. 03 20 18 01 10  uj.d. 01 22 09 00 15  ij. d. 00 15 09 16 05  j.d. 00 07 14 20 02 12 ob. 00 03 17 10 01 06  

Scottish Weights,  
C.   Deniers 24. Grains 24. Primes 24. Seconds 24. Thirds 24. Fourths 24  Pieces of Gold of xx. s. 07 21 07 01 09 19  A Of these 36. li. 10. 3.d.q. make 12. oz. Scottish. Or 48 li. 3. s. 8.d. x.s. 03 22 15 12 16 21 ½ u.s. 01 23 07 18 08 10 ¼ iiij.s. 01 13 20 14 16 08 ¾ ij.s.uj.d. 00 23 15 27 04 05  Pieces of Silver of u.s. 23 15 22 05 00 13 B Of these 3. li. 10. d.q. or 4. li. 1. s. 1. d.ob.di.q.di di.q. ij s uj.d. 11 19 22 14 12 06 ●/● xii. d 04 17 13 20 0●   vi. d. 02 08 18 22 00 12  two d. 00 18 22 07 08 04   i d. 00 09 11 03 16 02  ob. 00 04 17 13 20 01    
King james in the year 1609, contracted with the Mintmaster, that of gold of the Standard 〈◊〉 three and twenty caracts, three grains and a half, he should coin pieces of thirty shillings, called Rose rials; pieces of fifteen shillings, called Spur rials. And the foresaid Rose Ryall was nine penny weight and five grains. Also he contracted with him, that of gold of the Standard of two and twenty caracts, he should coin pieces of twenty shillings called Unites; pieces of ten shillings, called double Crowns, pieces of five shillings, called Briton Crowns, pieces of 4 shillings, called Thistle crowns, and pieces of 2 shillings 6 pence, called half Briton crowns; and lastly, that all these pieces should be proportioned to the foresaid Table. But the first Standard of this year 1609 was lighter than the Standard of the year 1600 by ten pence in each Angel, and the second standard of the year 1609, was lighter in like proportion, than the second standard of the year 1600. Moreover, the Goldsmiths of this time said that of old a wedge of gold (or any gold uncoined) being brought into the Mint, was coined there for six silver shillings in each pound of gold, whereas at this time the Mint exacted thirty silver shillings for the same, whereupon the Merchants carried their wedges for the most part into Flaunders to be coined, and few of them being brought into England, the Goldsmiths could not procure any of them for the exercise of their trade, but were forced to melt coined gold and silver for that purpose. In the same year 1609, the King contracted with the Mintmaster, that of silver of the standard of 11 ounces, he should coin divers pieces above mentioned in the former Table, according to the rule therein prescribed. To conclude, Caesar in his Commentaries, mentions brass coins of the Britain's, but the Kings of England have now for many ages, cast out of England all use of brass or copper moneys, using none but coins of gold and silver, and that of a pure allay. 
Of the divers moneys of Scotland.   
King james in like sort as he did for the English coin, did also join to his foresaid Proclamation the foresaid Table of the Scottish weights, whereby the correspondency of the Scottish money to the English, and the just value, weight and pureness thereof may be distinguished; to which end I have also formerly joined those tables.  
The Scots also coin a silver money of 13 pence half penny, and another piece of half the same value, and both these pieces of money are of the same pureness & value with the English silver. And the Scots of old called 20 English pence, a pound, as we in England call 20 silver shillings a pound. And in like sort thirteen pence half penny English, was by the Scots called a Mark, as in England thirteen shillings four pence is so called. Also the Scots have of long time had small brass coins, which they say of late are taken away, namely, Bahees, esteemed by them of old for 6 pence, whereof 2 make an English penny; also Placks, which they esteemed for 4 pence, but 3 of them make an English penny; also Hard-heads, esteemed by them at one penny halfpenny, whereof eight make an English penny.  
The Irish Histories report, that a Bishop, justice of Ireland under john King of England, 
Of the divers moneys of Ireland.  did coin moneys in Ireland, of the same pureness and weight with the English. And the Irish had a Mint-house at the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. But in our memory the Irish have not enjoyed any privilege of coining moneys, but have continually received them from the Mint of England. And for the most part of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, they had the same coin with the English, save that the Irish shillings were stamped with a Harp, the Arms of the Kingdom, and being called Harpers, were only worth 9 pence English. But civil war having set all Ireland in a combustion, the same Queen more easily to subdue the rebels, did take silver coin from the Irish, some few years before her death, & paid her Army with a mixed base coin, which by Proclamation was commanded to be spent and received for sterling silver money (for no pieces of gold were at any time expressly coined for the Irish. And this base mixed money had 3 parts of copper and the fourth part of silver, which proportion of silver was in some part consumed by the mixture, so as the English Goldsmiths valued a shilling thereof at no more than 2 silver pence, though they acknowledged the same to be worth 2 pence half penny. At last the civil war being appeased immediately before the Queen's death, King james her successor in the year 1605 took away this mixed coin, & restored their old silver harpers to the Irish. Moreover in the happy beginning of King james his Reign, the Irish had the under written old coins, which Sir George Carey Knight, at that time Lord Deputy, and yet continuing Treasurer at wars for that Kingdom, did so gather up, as at this day none of them are to be found. These coins were thus called; First, they had silver groats, called broad faced groats, which of old were coined for four pence, though some of them were now worth eight pence. Also they had silver groats, called crosse-keele groats, stamped with the Pope's triple Crown, likewise coined for four pence, but being of more value. And these groats were either sent hither of old by the Popes, or for the honour of them had this stamp set upon them. Lastly, they had silver groats of like value, called Dominus groats, of the Kings of England, then called Domini (that is, Lords) of Ireland. Also they had Rex groats, so called of the Kings of England, after they had the style of Kings of Ireland, which were coined for four pence, but by the mixture of copper were only worth two pence. Also they had white groats, which were coined for four pence, but of such base allay, as nine of them were given for an English shilling. They had little brass pence, and pence of a second kind, called Harpers, being as big as an English shilling. They had also brass farthings, called smulkins, whereof four made a penny. Lastly, there were lately found brass coins by ploughing up the earth, whose stamp showed, that the Bishops of Ireland had of old the privilege of coining. And of all these moneys aforesaid, some were coined at London, some at the Mint at York, and some at the Mint at Bristol in England.  
Being to write of the divers moneys of Germany, I think fit first to set down some 
Of the divers moneys of Germany.  Laws of the Empire about coining of moneys. In the Diet (or Parliament) at Augsburg in the year 1551. it was decreed by the Emperor, together with the Electors, Princes, States, the Counsellors of those that were absent, the Ambassadors, and Substitutes; that in the greater pieces of coins to that piece included, which is worth six creitzers, the Mint-masters, of a mark of Colen pure silver, should make eight gold guldens and a half, with half a creitzer (the gold gulden being esteemed at seventy creitzers) making in silver ten guldens, twelve creitzers and a half, (the silver gulden being esteemed at sixty creitzers.) And that hereafter in the sacred Empire, the under written pieces of moneys should be coined; namely, the great silver piece, and two halves of the same, answering in value to a gold gulden. Also pieces of twenty creitzers, twelve, ten, six, three, and one. Also that the States, according to the conditions of their Countries, should coin for common use certain pieces of small moneys, with pence and half pence. That the Rhenish guldens of the Electors, and the guldens answerable to them, should be worth seventy two creitzers. And that all collars being worth sixty six creitzers (and so half collars) should be admitted by the Counsellors, but for the rest, that they should certify the Emperor the true value of each, to the end he might prescribe how each coin, according to the value made by them, should be received and spent or prohibited. And left the Empire should by frauds suffer loss, in the carrying out of uncoyned silver, and bringing in of foreign moneys, it was in the means time decreed, that no man should carry out of the Empire any uncoyned silver, and that those who had the Regal privilege of coining, should not fallen the same to any other, but useit themselves, with this condition, that hereafter, of a silver mark of Colen weight, they should make ten silver guldens, with twelve creitzers and a half (the gulden being esteemed at sixty creitzers), so as in that sum there should be found a silver Mark of the said weight, excepting always the charges of coining for the smaller pieces of moneys. And this to be done upon penalty of losing that privilege. Moreover, it was decreed, that upon pain of burning, all men should abstain from clipping, and washing of coins, or any abasing of them with like frauds. Lastly, it was decreed, that the States having the privilege of coining, should not hereafter, upon penalty, bring any collars, guldens, groshes, or half, or fourth parts of groshes to the mint, excepting those who had mines of their own, who were not sorbidden to coin as much gold and silver as they had in their own mines, so they coined according to the foresaid decree; and that no other should coin any other gold, then according to the value and weight used by the Emperor, and the Princes of the Empire upon the Rhine. In the Dieta at Spire, in the year 1557, it was decreed, that hereafter the stipends should be increased to the Assessors of the Imperial Chamber, so as a Gulden having been given hitherto for 16. Batzen, or sixty four Creitzers, should hereafter be paid from the calends of April, in the year 1558, for seventy seven Creitzers.  
Likewise in the Dieta at Augsburg, in the year 1558, it was decreed, that the following stipends should be paid to the judge and Assessors of that chamber. Namely, that the judge, being an Earl, or Baron, should have 2000 guldens, and if he were a Prince, his stipend should be increased. That an Assessor being an Earl or Lord, should have seven hundred guldens, a Doctor licentiate, or a gentleman, should have five hundred gulden's, an Advocate in Exchequer causes, should have three hundred guldens, each Gulden being esteemed at sixteen batzen, till agreement were made for equal money in the Empire. The Princes and divers States, and free Cities, have from old times by the gifts of Emperors, the privileges of coining. The Electors and Princes of Austria, do stamp their Coins upon one side with their own Image, having the imperial apple over their heads, and upon the other side with their own arms: but the Coins of other Princes and free Cities, are stamped with the Imperial Eagle. The Coins that are not of just value, are prohibited by Imperial Edicts, but the greatest gain which the Princes and Cities make by their Privilege, is by the coining of small brass pieces, which pieces are not of any value out of the Territory where they are coined, and cannot be spent upon the confines without loss. As these privileges of Coining are derived from the Emperors, so were they subject to the emperors ceusure, while their power was yet unbroken. For I find these words, under the emperors name, in the abstract of the Imperial laws, (vulgarly called Keichs Abscheydt.) Let every one which hath the privilege of coining, send their Counsellors to me at Nurnberg, etc. In the mean time let coining cease in all places, upon penalty of losing that privilege. In the same Book by an imperial Edict, with the consent of the Princes and States, in the year 1559, the weights and stamps of all Coins are prescribed, and it is decreed, that none should coin more small moneys then for the necessity of their Subjects, and that these moneys increasing, they should presently be forbidden to coin any more. By like Edicts divers Coins are either decried for the value, or altogether taken away, and the bringing in of foreign moneys, and transporting the Coins of Germany, are for the time forbidden. Otherwise each Prince may convert foreign moneys into the Coins of Germany for the use of his subjects. The transporting of uncoyned Gold or Silver into the Low-countrieses is there forbidden for the time. Great punishments are decreed therein, to be inflicted on those, that use frauds to abase the Coins. Likewise it is decreed, that Goldsmiths should not use any coined moneys in the exercise of their Art, except uncoined wedges were not to be had, in which case they are restrained to melt no more coune than necessity requires. Lastly, therein decrees are made, that for the time none should sell or lay to gauge their privilege of coining, and that hereafter like privilege should not be granted to any, without being subject to the prescribed laws, and that a silver mark should be worth fourteen half ounces, (which weight the Germans call Loath, being half an ounce); and that Goldsmyths offending herein, should be punished, according to the quality of the fraud.  
Now I will set down the divers moneys of Germany, with the several values of them. And first I will forewarn the Reader, that most reckonings of Germany are made by common silver guldens, yet is there no such coin in the Empire; and these gulden's are esteemed at fifteen batzen in Germany, near the value of three shillings four pence English. Also that in reckoning of payments, the Germans use to make them by marks of Colen and Lubeck, yet is there no such money at all coined. Now I return to the purpose. The Gold Rhenish gulden's of Germany, are almost of the same standard with the Crown Gold of England: but the difference of the value shall 
Generally.  hereafter appear. The Gold ducat of Hungary, is of the purest gold of twenty four Caracts, and it is two penny weight and six grains, (for I will apply all values to the English Coins); and in England they are worth seven shillings and two pence. The silver Doller of the Empire (called Reichs Doller) is of the standard of ten ounces or thereabouts, and is eighteen penny weight sixteen grains. And at this time in England a Doller is worth four shillings and five pence, which of late, before the reducing of our money, was given for four shillings four pence. The Phillips Doller, is of the standard of nine ounces ten penny weight, and it is an ounce half quarter weight, & at this time in England it was worth four shillings ten pence.  
At Stoade, Hamburg, and Lubeck, the Gold Rhenish Gulden was worth eight and 
At Stoade and those parts.  twenty silver Mizzen Grosh, and a half, and a fourth part of a Grosh. And the Imperial Doller was worth four and twenty Grosh. The same Rhenish gold Gulden, was worth six and thirty Lubeck shillings and a half, and the Imperial Doller was worth three and thirty Lubeck shillings, though in all reckonings it were accounted but two and thirty shillings. A common silver Gulden was worth eight and twenty Lubeck shillings. A French Crown of Gold was worth four and forty. An English Angel of Gold was worth two collars, with the fourth part of a Doller and two Lubeck shillings, (or otherwise it was worth twelve Flemish Shillings, and four Lubeck shillings). Seven Lubeck shillings and a half, made an English Shilling sterling, and six Lubeck shillings made a Flemish Shilling, and likewise a shilling of Hamburg. The Hamburgers coined a piece of Gold called a Portegue, which was worth foure-pounds and eight shillings of Hamburg, or three and thirty Marks of Lubeck, (a Mark being esteemed for two shillings eight pence of Hamburg). At Stoade the silver shilling of England was worth seven stivers, and the Groats of England, being of the same standard, yet were currant for two stivers and a half, because seven stivers in that money could not be divided into three equal parts. Whereupon it fell out, that he who bought any thing for an Hamburg penny, if he paid three English groats, had an English shilling given him back, and so had the thing bought for nothing. At Emden upon the confines of the Empire and the Low-countrieses, a 
At Emden.  silver Gulden of Emden was worth twenty stivers, an Imperial Doller five and forty (which since that time is worth seven and forty) a Doller of Emden was worth thirty stivers, (for Princes and City's coin gold and silver gulden's, which often in their value differ from the Imperial, as likewise collars In specie, (that is, kind) differ in value from collars, as they are esteemed in contracts), a French crown was worth three Flemish gulden's and six stivers. Now six stivers (as also six Lubeck shillings) make one Flemish shilling. At Breme and Oldenburg, they have these small money's 
At Breme, Oldenburg, and those parts.  currant, namely, Groats, and pieces (of the stamp) called Copstucks, and a Doller was there worth four copstucks and a half, ot five and fifty Groats. A French crown was worth six Copstucks, and one Copstucke was worth ten stivers, or twelve groats or there about. A Groat was worth little more than an English penny. A Sesling was worth half a Lubeck shilling, and they have also half Seslings in these parts. At Brunswick a Doller was worth six and thirty Maria Grosh, which are of equal value with four and twenty silver Mizzen Grosh, and also nine Maria Grosh; make eight 
At Brunswick.  Lubeck shillings. The same Doller was worth eighteen spitz-groshen, whereof each was worth two Maria Groshen. Here also I changed six collars into five Rhenish Gold gulden's and nine Grosh. At Magdeburg, Leipzag, Mizzen, and in all the Electorate of Saxony, and in the Neighbour Territories, to the confines of Bohemia, a Doller was 
At Mizzen and those parts.  worth sour and twenty silver Groshen, which are as much worth as eighteen spitz-groshen, or as six and thirty Maria Groshen. A Rhenish Gold Gulden was worth seven and twenty silver Groshen, and the silver Phillips Doller, was of the same value. A common silver Gulden was esteemed at one and twenty silver Groshen, a French Crown at three and thirty, a Spanish pistolet at two and thirty, an half Milreise at six and thirty, the short and long Crusado, at five and thirty, the Hungarian Ducat at thirty silver Groshen. The Rose Noble was esteemed at three collars and a half, the English Angel at two collars, and little more than an Ort, or fourth part of a Doller. And the silver Grosh is worth more than two pence, less than 2. halfpenny English. And for the small Coins, a Grosh was worth four drier, & one drier was worth two Dreyhellers, and one Dreyheller was worth a pfenning and a half, and twelve pfenning made a Grosh, and two schwerdgroshen made one schneberger. In general, through all the upper parts of Germany, a dolor was esteemed at eighteen 
In upper Germany  batzen, a silver Gulden at fifteen, a Phillip's dolor at twenty, a Rhenish Gold Gulden at twenty, a French Crown at four and twenty and a half, a Gold Crown of Italy was esteemed at Heidelberg and at Strassburg at four and twenty batzen, at Augsburg a silver Italian Crown at two and twenty batzen and a half. And the silver Grosh of Mizzen being carried out, & currant in all Germany, a Rhenish gold Gulden through higher Germany was worth seven and twenty silver Mizzen Grosh, a silver Gulden there (as in Saxony) was esteemed at one and twenty Grosh. The Batz is worth three English pence, and four Creitzers make a Batz, four pfenning make a Creitzer, and three Creitzers make a Zweluer, and twenty zweluers make fifteen batzen, which is a common silver Gulden.  
More particularly know, that in all Prince's Territories, new and divers small moneys are found. At Nurnberg eight pfund (that is, Pounds) with twelve pfenning, make a silver Gulden, thirty pfenning make one pfund, two haller make one pfenning, five pfening make one finfer, seven pfening make a Maria Grosh, thirty six Maria Grosh make a silver gulden. In Austria two haller make one pfening, four pfening one creitzer, seven Creitzers and a half make a shilling, eight shillings make a silver Gulden. At Augsburg seven haller make one creitzer, eight pfening make one Bemish, three creitzers make one plappart, twenty plappart (as also six and twenty Bemish with 2 pfening) make a silver Gulden. In Franconia, six pfening (whereof twelve make nine pfening of Mizzen) make one gnack. In Suevia and Bavaria towards the Rhine, three Creitzers make one shilling, or one plappart, and twenty plappart make a silver gulden. At Lindaw, and from thence to Costnetz, three pfening of Costnetz make one creitzer, twelve pfening make a batzen, and there be also half batzen. From thence to Basil, these moneys are spent before named. At Strasburg and Spira, four pfening of the Phaltz, (that is, Palatinate) make one Creitzer, and at Heydelberg, and so to Francfort, two Strasburg pfening, make one Creitzer. At Francfort seven and twenty weispfening make a silver Gulden, and eight haller make a weispfening. At Wien (that is, Vienna) and upon the confines of Hungary, four pfening make a creitzer, thirty pfening (or seven creitzers and a half,) make a shilling, and one shilling makes a pfund (or pound).  
Always let the Reader understand, that the value of these moneys is subject to change in divers Provinces, and more at divers times. And let him know, that an Imperial 
In general.  Doller is now in Germany worth nineteen batzen, which at my being there was given for eighteen batzen; and that a Phillip's dolor is now worth twenty two batzen, which then was given for twenty, and that a Rhenish Gold Gulden is now worth three and twenty batzen, which then was given for twenty. Likewise that in the Territory of the Elector of Saxony, a dolor is now worth six and twenty Mizzen Grosh and a half, which then was given for four and twenty. Also that the great Coins of Germany, are now worth more in England, than they were at that time, in respect of our silver somewhat debased. And if any object, that our English coins of silver are now worth more in the Low-countrieses, than they were at that time when they were more pure, let him know, that all great Coins, as well of silver as Gold, as well foreign as domestical, have since that time been increased in value in the Low Countries; yet he that will change an English Angel into collars, or great silver Coins in the Low-countrieses, shall gain no more at this time then formerly, since now they esteem a dolor at seven shillings six pence, which formerly was given for five shillings four pence, and all the gain which this raising of the Coins seems to promise a passenger, is by changing his great Coins into stivers and small brass moneys, which being of none or small value in themselves, are despised by Merchants, who are to receive great sums. But I will refer the change of the value of Coins in the Low-Countries, to the proper place, and return to the value of Coins, increased in Germany: Wherein no man is to wonder, that the great Coins still remaining of the old standard, yet are given for more of their own small moneys, then formerly they were, since divers reasons thereof may be readily brought. Either for that the Merchants, being to receive great sums, desire rather with loss to receive great Coins, then with gain to receive the base, and brass Coins. Or perhaps for that the small Coins are now either more abased, or altogether made of brass: And most of all, for that foreign Merchants do more carry out the moneys of Germany for their wares, than any native commodities thereof, so as the increased value of Coins in Germany, turns only to the loss of strangers, and to the gain of the Empire.  
Bohemia now long subject to the Family of Austria, having long held the dignity of 
divers moneys of Bohemta.  Emperors, doth admit all the great Coins of Germany, in the same value as the Germans held them. And as well the Bohemians, as the Hungarians, in the year 1551 gave consent, that thenceforward their moneys should be made agreeable to those of the Empire, in weight, matter, and value. Touching the small moneys in Bohemia, and upon the confines of Hungary and Poland, I remember that three potschandels or pochanels made one creitzer, and nine creitzers with a pochanell made four weissgrosh, and that thirty Grosh of Moravia (or weissgrosh) made a dolor. And that in Bohemia they had a kind of Grosh, which answered in value to the Grosh of Polonia. Lastly, that Merchants reckoned two hallers for a pfenning, and six pfenning for a grosh, and sixty grosh for a shock, and forty grosh for a mark.  
The Commonwealth of the Sweitzers consisting of divers Cities and Villages, 
divers moneys of Sweitzerland.  and Territories, doth also admit divers moneys. The privilege of Coining is granted in common to Zurech, Basil, and Schaphusen, and each of these Cities hath his peculiar mint, with Officers to oversee that the moneys stamped with the marks of the Cities, be of just weight, and due mixture: but each of these Cities hath their peculiar moneys. They of Basil, with the Neighbour towns of Alsetz, do coin a piece of money, which of a Crow stamped upon it, is called Reppen Múntz, whereof five and twenty pound Troy weight, (called in Latin, Assis) make a common gold gulden, esteemed at sixty creitzers. They of Schaphusen, do coin money of the same mixture and value, together with the usual money of the Empire. They of Zurech coin collars and half collars, after the value of those in the Empire; but they have a less money of their own, whereof forty pounds Troy weight, (called in Latin Assis) make a common gold Gulden. They also coin Batzen, whereof sixteen make a gold Gulden. More particularly to explain the value of these moneys: Six Rappen of Basil, make a plappart or three creitzers, and twenty piappart or sixty creitzers, make a common Gulden. And as I formerly said in the discourse of Germane moneys, from Lindaw to Costnetz, three pfenning of Costnetz make a Creitzer. Now I add that the money of Schaphusen and Costnetz is spent to the confines of Schaphusen, and the money of Basil is spent from thence to Basil. At Zurech six pfenning make a shilling, (worth a penny English), and three pfenning make a Sicherling. Two great finfers of Basil, and one little finferlin, make a batz of Basil, and in like sort five finferlin make a batz, and five finfers make two batzen, and these moneys are spent to Strassburg, and so to Spire in Germany. Bern, Frtburg, and Solothurn, have a peculiar money, whereof two and forty pounds Troy weight (in Latin Assis) and twice four ounces (in Latin Trientes) make a gold Gulden. Besides they (and especially those of Solethurn in great quantity) coin a piece of money, which the Sweitzers call Dickenpfenning, & the French call Testoome, but it is less worth by the tenth part then the Testoone of France. Those of Bern did first coin Batzen, so called of a Bear, the Arms of the City, (for the words Baren, and also batzen, signify Bears in the Sweitzers tongue), and the Cities of Suevia, imitating them, drew the same money and word into Germany. At Bern sixteen batzen are esteemed for a rhenish gold Gulden. The money of Lucerna, is like to that of Basil, but only six ounces Troy weight more base, and fifty of these moneys make a Rhenish gold Gulden. As the French gold is spent with gain in Sweitzerland, so in all places upon these confines of France, the French silver Coins called Francs are commonly spent. In the Cantons dwelling scattered in Villages, (namely, the Sweitz, those of Vnderuald, the Tugians, those of Glarona, and Abbatiscella), a pound is a dolor. In Rhaetia (or the Grisons) the Bishop and the Citizens of Chur coin money, and the Abbot of Disent hath an old privilege of coining. And here sixty creitzers make a common gulden, four Angster make a Creitzer, and twelve Angster make a Behmisch. But in this Province confining upon the State of Venice, the Lyres or Berlingots, and the gagets of Venice, are vulgarly spent, and I remember that when I came out of the state of Venice into this Province, I spent Crowns of Italy; and I find in my notes, that at Lasagna I changed a silver crown for eight and twenty batzen: but since seven batzen of Germany make two lyres of Venice, and a gold crown of Italy, is there given for eightlires; I think that either it was a gold crown that I changed, or that the batzen of this Province are of less value than those of Germany. For a gold crown of Italy, and the French crown are both of a value, and I said before, that at Strassburg I changed each of these Crowns for four and twenty batzen: yet to the contrary I find, that passing forward in this Territory of the Grisons, I exchanged at Lanzi a silver crown of Italy for seven and twenty batzen, and that three batzen were there esteemed at fourteen creitzers, which in Germany are only worth twelve creitzers. So as I am doubtful, and cannot determine the value of the Italian coins, in the small moneys of the Grisons.  
In the foresaid Imperial Dieta (or Parliament) held at Augsburg, in the year 1551. 
Of the divers Coins of the Low-countrieses.  these words are added to the Imperial Edict. We will that this our Edict shall be propounded to our Hereditary States of the Low-countrieses, and we will take care that they apply themselves thereunto, as much as they possibly can. The States of the Low-countrieses, coin divers pieces of gold, as Archiducall Angels and Crowns. And the Angel is of the standard of twenty two Caracts, and of three penny weight seven grains. Also they coin gold Lions, called Riders, whereof each is worth four Flemish gulden's and a half. The Noble of Gant, is of the same standard with the French Crown, and in England it is worth thirteen shillings four pence. They spend commonly Phillip's collars, the value whereof I have set down with the moneys of Germany. To conclude, they coin any piece, of which they can make gain, yea, the Merchant's report, that they coin the great moneys of Spain, England, and all Dominions, stamped with the same Image and Arms, and for such utter the same in their traffic with the Indians. But they coin little gold or silver of their own, having a singular Art to draw all foreign coins when they want them, by raising the value, and in like sort to put them away, when they have got abundance thereof, by decrying the value. And when their Exchequer aboundeth with any money, & they are to pay their Army, than they increase the value thereof; but having abundance of the same coin, and being to receive their revenues, than they decry the value thereof. And while they thus raise the value of foreign great coins, in their small moneys, it falls out, that they have plenty of gold and silver, with the only loss of base stivers and brass moneys. And indeed, as well the art, as industry of this Nation, hath in our age become wonderful to all other Nations. For they have no woods, yet by the commodity of their rivers and ditches, they are become terrible to their enemies in the strength of their Navy. They have not corn to suffice their own wants, yet by fetching it from other parts, they relieve therewith all Nations that want corn. Of late, when they had no skill in traffic, the Italians trading at Antwerp, did rashly take their children to write their letters, and be their cashiers, and they too late complain, that when these children grew to age, they did not only take all foreign traffic from them, and send them back into Italy, but also followed them thither, and living dispersed through all the Cities of Italy, and spending at a low rate, did also draw all that traffic to themselves. In like sort they have no mines of gold and silver, yet by their singular wit, and rare industry, do abound both with gold and slluer. To conclude, as they are most practical in all kinds of business, so are they most subtle in the art of the mint, and money matters. But I will return to the moneys of the Low-countrieses. At this day the English Angel being esteemed at five Flemish guldens and two blanks, two English Angels (or twenty shillings) are there worth sour and thirty Flemish shillings, wanting 2 stivers, and a hundredth pounds Flemish make sixty English pounds sterling. Two English shillings are three shillings four pence. Flemish, and make a Flemish silver gulden, twenty Flemish shillings make a Flemish pound, twenty stivers make a Flemish gulden, six stivers make a Flemish shilling, two blanks make one Flemish stiver and a half, four orkees (or doights) of brass make a Flemish stiver. A French crown was given for three Flemish guldens, and four stivers. (but in Holland only three stivers, and in some places but two stivers more than three guldens.) An Imperial dolor was given for forty five stivers, a Spanish pistolet for three flemish guldens, and two or three stivers, a gold Rhenish gulden for two Flemish guldens and nine stivers, and a Phillip's dolor of silver for two Flemish guldens and eight stivers, or very little more.  
The mark of Denmark was esteemed at 16 Lubock shillings, and two shillings 
Of the divers moneys of Denmark  of Denmark made one Lubeck shilling, and thirty three Lubeck shillings were given for an Imperial Doller, yet two and thirty of Lubect, or sixty four shillings of Denmark made a common Doller in contracts. The gold of England was commonly spent in Denmark, and they esteemed an English Angel at two collars, and little more than the fourth part of a Doller; and they esteemed the English Rose Noble of that time at three collars and a half (which coin they had almost drawn altogether into Denmark, by the exacting the same for the tributes of ship-masts, and other Merchandizes, passing the narrow strait of their Sea.  
The Polonians coin gold Ducats of the same value with the Hungarian Ducats 
Of the divers moneys of Poland.  (whereof I have spoken among the moneys of Germany), and these Ducats at this day are given for seventy Polish grosh, which of late were worth no more than sixty five. Venceslaus King of Bohemia was crowned King of Poland about the year 1300, who first brought silver money into Poland, namely, Bohemian groshen (I mean those of silver, not the white grosh), which to this day are currant in Crakaw, and those parts. For before that time the Polonians did traffic with little pieces of uncoined silver, and with exchange of skins and other commodities. At this day the Polonians, aswell as the Germans, make all contracts by silver guldens, but have no such coin stamped. Thirty Polish grosh make a silver gulden, and a dolor at this day is worth forty Polish grosh, at the least, which not long since was worth no more than thirty five grosh, but to this day in contracts thirty six Polish grosh make a dolor, howsoever a dolor in specie (that is, in kind) be worth forty grosh at the least. Three Pochanels make a Creitzer, and seven pochanels make a Polish and Bohemian groshen of silver. At Dansk in Prussia (of old a Province of Germany, but lately annexed to the Crown of Poland) they coin Hungarian ducats of gold (as they do in Poland), and they have two coins of gold, called Milreis, and half Milreis. And I received of a Merchant there, each Hungarian ducat, and each half milreiss, for a dolor and a half with one sesling, and each milreiss for three collars and two seslings. And thirty six Polish grosh did there make a dolor. But I remember, that I did there change an Hungarian ducat for fifty six Polonian grosh, which value passeth the former about a grosh and a half. For a sesling 〈◊〉 Hamburg makes a Danish shilling, and that is little more worth than a half Polish grosh. The Muscovites Empire lies upon this Province, and therefore I will add a word of their coins. They make all contracts by a money called Rubble, which is altogether imaginary, for they have no such coin, and it is esteemed in England at thirteen shillings four pence sterling, and in the Muscovites money, it is rated at thirty three altines and two Diagoes. And six single or three double diagoes make one altine.  
The Italian Crown of gold, and the Spanish pistolet, and double pistolet (being 
Of the divers moneys of Italy. In general.  there current), are of the same standard, allay, and value, with the after mentioned French Crown, save that the double pistolet contains two French Crowns. The Venetian zecchine is of the same standard, fineness, and value as the Hungarian ducat, above mentioned in the moneys of Germany. The Pope's giulij of silver, and so likewise the poali, are of the same standard fineness and value with the English six pence, but the lyre of Venice being worth about nine pence English, is of a little base standard. The Spanish coins of silver are currant in Italy, and they are called Pezzi d'otto, pieces or rials of eight, and they be of the standard of 11 ounces and two penny weight, and are three quarters of an ounce and a half weight, and in England each of them is worth four shillings four pence half penny, this Spanish money being two and twenty pence in each twenty shillings English, more worth than the English silver. All Crowns of gold are currant in Italy, and all at one rate, excepting the French Crowns, which at Venice and Naples are esteemed somewhat higher than other, though in all the other Cities of Italy, it is more commodious to spend Spanish pistolets or crowns, than French crowns. In general, the Italian silver crown, given for seven lyres of Venice, is worth almost five shillings English, and the Italian gold crown vulgarly called d'oro, given for seven lyres, and about fifteen sols of Venice, is worth almost five shillings six pence English, and the gold crown, vulgarly called d'oro in oro del sole, given for eight lyres, and some odd sols of Venice, is currant in England for six shillings. To conclude, greater sums paid in little brass moneys, are in Italy delivered by weight, not by tale or number. And more particularly to explain the values of moneys. At Venice a sequin of Venice is given for ten lyres, and 
At Venice.  ten or twelve sometimes more sols. A double pistolet of Spain, called Dublon ', is there given for seventeen lyres. A French crown is given for eight lyres, and eight, or sometimes ten sols. An Italian crown of gold is there given for eight lyres, and some for seven lyres sixteen sols (for the weight of Venice being heavier than in other parts of Italy, the light crowns are less esteemed.) The Spanish piastro of silver is given for six lyres, the silver ducat for six lyres and four sols, the silver crown for seven lyres, the iustino for two lyres, the mutsenigo for a lyre, and four sols. Besides, the Venetians have silver pieces of 4 lyres, of eight soldi (or sols), and of six soldi, and a piece of two soldi called Gagetta, which are of a base standard. Touching the brass moneys, twenty soldi make a lyre, two soldi or three susines make a gagetta, two betsi or three quatrines, make a soldo or marketta, and four bagatines make a quatrine. In the Dukedom of Ferrara, the silver crown is spent for seven lyres of Venice, and in the 
At Ferrara.  money of the Dukedom twelve bolignei make a Venetian lyre, three susines make a boligneo, and two bolignei make one amoray, seven make one Saint Georgio, four make one cavalot, four and a half make one berlingasso, nineteen make one carli, and ten bolignei make one bianco, and two brass quatrines make a sufine, six make a boligneo, seven make a gagetta of Venice. At Bologna, a silver crown is given for ten. 
At Bologna.  poali, and a French crown of just weight for thirteen poali. The poalo, and the giulio in other parts of Italy are both of one value, but here the giulio is given for six bolignei and four brass quatrines, or for forty brass quatrines, and the poalo is given foreight bolignei, or for forty eight brass quatrines. Also he that changeth any crown, shall have more gain, if he change it into bolignei (which are good for expenses there), then if he change it into poali (because the poali are currant in other parts, but the bolignei only in the territory of Bologna.) At Pesaro, and in the Dukedom of Vrbino, a gold crown is spent for twelve poali, and fifty two brass quatrines make a 
At Pesara.  poalo: but if you will change your gold crown into brass quatrines, which are not 〈◊〉 out of the Territory, you may have 182 quatrines for the crown, which make fifteen poali, which is a fifth part more than it is worth in silver. At Ancona, 
At Ancona.  and in the Marci of Ancona, a gold crown is given for eleven poali and a half, or in the value of twelve poali, if you receive it in brass quatrines, and there sortie quatrines of brass make a giulio, forty three make a poalo. A silver crown is given for ten poali, and if you receive brass quatrines for poali, they will give seven baocci more, and ten baocci make a poalo. At Rome a gold crown is sometimes given for eleven poali and a half, sometimes for twelve, sometimes for twelve and a half, according 
At Rome.  to the abundance and want of gold, and all gold crowns are of one value. And a silver crown is given for ten poali or giulij, and ten baocci make one giulio or poalo, and four brass quatrines make a baocco. Lastly, at Rome more than any other where, he that changeth crowns into quatrines, which cannot be spent out of that State, shall in appearance make great gain: but in the Market those which sell, use to look into the buyers hands, and if he have quatrines therein, they hold the thing to be sold at a higher rate, if he bring silver, they sell cheaper. And I remember, that the Gentlemen of Rome refusing to take quatrines for their rents, the people, when the Pope came abroad, falling on their knees before him, in stead of ask his blessing, did with humble cries crave a remedy for that oppression. At Naples a gold Spanish crown, or a 
At Naples.  French crown of just weight, was given for thirteen carlini, an Italian gold crown for twelve carlini and a half, a silver crown for ten carlini, and nine carlini make eight real, or giuli, or poali, and five carlini make one paraque, and forty brass quatrines make one carlino, ten quatrines make one sequin, three quatrnies one turnas, & two cavali make one quatrine. In the Dukedom of Florence, a gold crown is given 
At Fiorenza.  for twelve giulij (or real, or poali, for they be all of one value) and for half a giulio more. And a silver crown called Piastro (which is most commodious to be carried for expenses in all Italy, and especially here) was given for ten giulij and a half. Touching smaller moneys, ten brass deners make a quatrine, three brass quatrines make a soldo, five quatrines make a baello (or creitzer, which is a little coin of silver), and eight baellis make a giulio or carlino, and forty giulij make twenty shillings sterling English. At Genua and in Liguria, a gold crown of just weight (aswell Spanish, as 
In Liguria.  French, Venetian, Florentine, Neapolitan, and that of Genoa) is given for four lyres and a half of Genoa. A silver crown there called ducaton, is given for three lyres of Genoa, fifteen soldi or bolinei, and somewhat more. And a chanfron of Naples for one and thirty soldi. Fifteen lyres of Genoa make twenty shillings sterling English, twenty soldi or bolinei of Genoa make a lyre of Genoa, and twelve soldi of Genoa make a lyre of Venice, seven soldi and a half of Genoa make a real, four soldi make a cavalotto, six quatrines make a soldo, or bolineo, and two deners make a quatrine. Also at Genoa they coin a silver piece of eight real, which is given for three lyres and one or two soldi. Likewise they coin a piece of four real, and another of two real. Also they coin silver pieces, of one, two, and four lyres, and a silver piece of ten soldi or bolinei. Lastly, they coin brass pieces of four soldi, called cavalotto, of one soldo or bolineo, of eight deners, of four deners, and of one denere. In the Dukedom of Milan, a gold crown of Italy being of just weight, is given for one hundred twenty 
At Milane  one soldi. A Spanish dublon of just weight, is given for two hundred and sixty soldi, and more sometimes. A dublon of Milan for two hundred and fifty soldi, a light gold crown for one hundred and seventeen soldi, a silver crown called ducaton for one hundred and fourteen soldi. And twenty soldi make a lyre, two lyres of Genoa make about three lyres of Milan, four brass quatrines make a soldo, nine soldi make a bianco, ten quatrines make one parpoyolle, forty quatrines make a terso. Myself at Milan changed a gold crown for six lyres and six soldi, and at Marignano, hiring a horse for six lyres, and giving a gold crown, I received back eight soldi. In Piedmont, a French crown is given for ten florines somewhat more, a silver crown for eight florines. And twelve grossi make a florine, four quatrini make a grosso, four soldi 
In Piedmont.  make a bianco, seven quatrines make a soldo, six soldi and six quatrines make a florino, twelve quatrini make a cavalotto, and four cavalottis make a florino. Lastly, in the Dukedonie of Mantua, a zecchine of Venice is given for eight lyres and twelve soldi, a gold crown of Mantua for seven lyres, a silver crown for six lyres and four soldi. 
At Mantua  Four trantis make a soldo, two soldi make a parpayollo, six soldi make a Barbarino, ten soldi and a half make a giulio, twelve soldi and a half make a Spanish rial, 20 soldi make a lyre, 2 trantis make a susine, and 3 deners of Mantua make a trantis.  
The great Turk coins a piece of gold called Sultanon', and it is of the same standard, 
The divers moneys of Turkey.  fineness, and value with the Hungarian ducat, above mentioned among the moneys of Germany. In Africa, those of Barbary have a gold Ducat, commonly current among Christians, which is so rare in Turkey, as I do not remember to have seen any piece there of spent there. Neither have the Africans any mines of gold, but they carry salt to Ganger, and thence bring this gold. And this Barbary ducat of gold is of the standard of three and twenty caracts, and the fourth part of a grain, and three penny weight wanting two grains, and at this day in England it is given for nine shillings two pence sterling, which of late was worth no more than eight shillings four pence sterling. To conclude, the gold sequin of Venice, and the Spanish pieces of silver, of four and eight Real, and the very silver of Venice, are so commonly spent in Turkey, as the gold and silver of Turkey seems despised, or at least is seldom spent. But because this vast Dominion hath large circuit, it will not be amiss to name the money's currant in divers places. And first I forewarn the passenger, that in all places, he is in danger, who shows his money, but most of all among the Turks, where to be rich, is more dangerous than the greatest crime can be objected, either in respect of the covetous judge in public, or the ravenous nature of each man in private, neither doth any thing more provoke the Turks to lay snares for the un wary passenger. So as howsoever it be not improvidently done, to carry sums of gold or silver by sea, & in Barks of Christians; yet I would advise a passenger to be wary how he show them among Christians, and much more among Turks, and advise him rather to make show, to draw his money from a little purse, hiding his greater store, then in payments to pull it out by heaps. The Greek Island Zante, subject to the Venetians, hath Venice. 
At Zante.  money, and a gold sequin was given there for eleven Lyres, and two gagets.  
Likewise the Greek Island Candia, subject to the Venetians, hath the moneys of Venice, 
At Candia.  where a gold sequin was given for eleven lyres, and to the Turks (landing there) at a higher rate. The silver crown called piastro, was there given for six lyres, and about four soldi. And here I found a silver piece, which I never found to be spent in the State of Venice, namely, a perper, worth eight soldi, and eight baggatini of Venice.  
The Greek Island Cyprus, subject to the Turks, spends the Venetian gold and silver 
At Cyprus.  lyres, but receives not the pieces of eight soldi, nor the lesser moneys of Venice, neither are the Venetian lyres currant any further than this Island, though perhaps they may be spent with some loss upon the Coast adjoining. At Cyprus the gold sequin was given for eleven lyres of Venice, and for 120, aspers of Turkey; and the silver crown called piastro, or a piece of eight Real Spanish, was given for seventy Asper's, and the gold Sultanon of Turkey, was of the same value with the sequin of Venice: yet the very Subjects more willingly received the zechines. The Turkish Asper is a little piece of silver, which at Haleppo in Syria was worth some three farthings English: and eight aspers at Cyprus made one scahy (a Turkish money which the Italians call Seya) being esteemed at little more than six pence English, and fifteen scahy made a sequin, twelve scahy made a French or Spanish Crown, ten scahy made a piastro or Spanish piece of eight Real. And sixteen brass Mangouri made one silver Asper, neither can any money of Cyprus be spent in Palestine without loss.  
At jerusalem and through all Palestine, and those parts, the gold zechines of Venice 
At jerusalem.  are more esteemed (as in all Turkey,) then any other pieces of gold, and the very Turks more willingly receive them then the Turkish Sultanons. At jerusalem a sequin was given for five and forty meidines of Cairo in Egypt, the Spanish piece of eight Real called plastro, was given for eight and twenty meidines; and half a piastro at the same rate, neither have they any Asper's there, but these meidines only, where of each is worth three Asper's, so as the five and forty meidines given for the sequin, are worth 135, Asper's, and the eight and twenty meidines given for the piastro, are worth eighty four aspers. The gold crowns of France and Spain, are not spent here without loss, but the silver ducats of Italy are commodious to be spent here. At Tripoli in Syria, and at Haleppo, and in the territories adjoining, the foresaid silver aspers 
At Tripoli.  are commonly spent. The gold sequin of Venice is there worth ninety meidines, and the Spanish piastro worth sixty; but these meidines of Tripoli, differ from the other of Cayro in Egypt, for those of Tripoli are each worth one asper and a half, but those of Cayro are each worth three Asper's. At Constantinople all contracts are made by aspers, howsoever the foresaid pieces of gold and silver be there also currant. And in small 
At Constantinople.  contracts they pay aspers by the weight, because they cannot easily number them, but in great contracts they reckon by Ass' loads of aspers, as the English do by hundred and thousand pounds. Lastly, at Constantinople, I exchanged gold zechines each at 125, aspers, a French Crown at one hundred aspers, and a dolor of Germany at 75, aspers.  
The gold French Crown is of the standard of two and twenty caracts, and is two 
Of the divers moneys of France.  penny weight, four grains and a quarter. The silver piece called Quartfield d'escu, that is, the fourth part of a crown, is of the standard of eleven ounces, and is six penny weight four grains, and is worth two Venice Lyres, or eighteen pence sterling English. The piece of Silver called Francke, is of the standard of nine ounces ten penny weight, and eighteen penny weight sixteen grains, and is worth two shillings English. The French Crown is exchanged for three Franckes, or for four Quarts d'escn, or for little more than four testoones. For fourteen sou and a half make a testoon, fifteen sou make a Quart d'esca, and twenty sou make a frank, and sixty sou make a French crown, and twelve deniers make a sou. Yet a gold French crown In specie, (that is, in kind) is changed for sixty five sou. As in like sort in England, a French crown is worth no more than six shillings, and the English Angel is worth no more than 11. shillings in common estimation, yet he that brings a weighty a French crown In specie to the Goldsmyths, they will give him six shilling six pence for it, and he that brings to them an old Angel of gold, they will give him 11. shillings and six pence, or more for it. And in the last civil war, the value of the French crown was raised to 120, sou, till the King reduced the same to the old value after the war composed. The same King Henry the fourth since that time raised the value of gold crowns, to the end he might draw back his gold which was carried into foreign parts. Myself passing through Lorraine, before the French civil war was fully appeased, did at Monwicke, upon the confines of Lorraine and German, exchange a French crown for four franckes and nine grosh, and shortly after coming to Shallons, exchanged a French crown for no more than sixty sou, so as I guess that either the Franckes of Lord aine differ from the Franckes of France, or that the tumult of the war, and the making of peace shortly after, made this difference.  
Of the divers measures of miles, through divers parts of the world.  
further being to write of the divers measures of miles, through the divers parts of 
The difference of miles.  the World, it seemed good to me to add the measure of miles, vulgarly received, namely that five. Italian miles, or three French, or two and a half English, make one Dutch mile, and that one Dutch mile and a half makes a mile of Sweitzerland.  
It remains now that according to my own experience, I should speak something of the divers kinds of miles. And in general, this my opinion hath respect to the difficult or easy passages of the way, since even in England, the miles seem, and indeed are more short, near London, where the ways are fair and plain, and frequently inhabited, as they seem, and indeed are more long and tedious, through the desert places of the North, over mountains, and through uninhabited and difficult passages.  
The Romans of old held a thousand paces for a mile, and such are the miles of Italy. 
Italian.   
A common English mile makes one & a half Italian, but towards the North, & in some particular places of England, the miles are longer, among which the Kentish 
English.  mile (being a Southern County) is proverbially held to be extraordinarily long.  
The Irish miles among the English, and the Irish-English are answerable to the English; 
Irish.  howsoever for the solitary and disinhabited ways, and many foards often overflowed they are more troublesome to pass.  
In like sort the miles of Scotland, answer to the Northern miles of England, save that the frequent climbing of mountains, and the unbeaten ways, make them seem 
Scottish.  longer, and indeed require more time for the passage.  
Villamont a French gentleman in the book of his travels witnesseth, that one French 
French.  mile contains two Italian miles.  
The common german mile, being for the most part in plains, makes more than three English, or five Italian miles; but in some places the solitude of Woods, and the 
German.  ascent of Mountains, make the miles of Germany seem much longer, and Suevia extraordinarily hath long miles, though it be a plain Country. The miles of Sweitzerland, being over continual Mountains, are so long, as passengers distinguish their journey more by the spaces of hours, then by the distances or numbers of miles. And I remember, that finding no horse to be hired, I went on foot from Scaphusen to Zureth, which journey I was going ten hours, being accounted but four miles. And in Rhaetia among the Grisons, upon the confines of Italy, one mile is held for six Italian miles. And upon the foot of the Alps towards the North, one mile is accounted for seven miles and a half of Italy, where having a good horse, I could ride with an ordinary pace no more than one Dutch mile in four hours space. By which appears, that the measure of miles is very uncertain among the Sweitzers, who for the most part reckon their journeys by hours riding, or going with an ordinary pace, and not by miles.  
The miles of Bohemia and Moravia are no less tedious, and I remember, that my 
Bohemia,  self passing there on horseback, did commonly ride no more than four miles in a days journey. And howsoever the length of the Sweitzers and Bohemian miles may in part be attributed to the climbing of Mountains, and bad ways, yet no such reason can be given for the miles of Moravia, which Country is either a plain, or little pleasant Hills, and the ways fair, and the Country well inhabited.  
The Low-country miles are of a middle length between the Germane and French miles. But in the very Country of Holland they differ much one from another, 
Flemish.  since four miles of great Holland make six miles of little Holland. And I remember, that about the City Horn, I esteemed each mile longer than three English. Also next to the Holland miles, those of Freesland are longer than the rest.  
A mile of Denmark is somewhat longer than three English miles, and answereth to 
Danish.  the common mile of Germany.  
The miles of Poland generally are like the miles of Denmark, but they differ 
Polonian  in length one from the other. For I remember, that in Prussia each days journey I passed by coach some seven miles, and in middle Poland nine or ten miles, but in upper Poland towards Germany I commonly road on horseback no more than five miles or thereabouts each day, in my passage from Crakaw to Moravia. In Russia among 
〈◊〉  the Moscovites confining upon Poland, a mile is called a fierce, and answers to five Italian miles, or one common mile of Germany.  
In Turkey those that guide Christians, having the Italian tongue, do in my opinion 
Turkish.  number the miles to them, much after the Italian manner.     

THE REBELLION OF HUGH EARL OF TYRONE, AND THE APPEASING THEREOF; WRITTEN IN FORM OF A JOURNAL. PART II.  

BOOK I.  

CHAP. I. Of the Induction or Preface to my Irish journal, and a compendious narration, how CHARLES BLOUNT, Lord Mountioy (my Lord and Master of happy memory) was chosen Lord Deputy of Ireland; and of this worthy Lords quality, as also of the Counsels in generali, by which he broke the Kebels hearts, and gave peace to that trenbled State. Together with his particular actions in the end of the year 1599  
AT my return from Scotland about the month of September in the year 1598., I retired myself to Healing (my dear Sister Faith Mussendines house, being situate near the South bank of Humber, in the County of Lincoln.) In which place (and my dear sister jane Alingtons' house near adjoining) whilst I passed an idle year, I had a pleasing opportunity to gather into some order out of confused and torn writings, the particular observations of my former Travels, to be after more delibrately digested at leisure. After this year spent in Country solace, the hopes of preferment drew me into Ireland. Of which journey being to write in another manner, than I have formerly done of other Countries, namely, rather as a Soldier, then as a Traveler, as one abiding in Camps, more than in Cities, as one lodging in Tents, more than in Inns; to my former brief discourse of the journeys through England and Scotland. I have of purpose added there, out of my ordinary course, the like of Ireland, only for travelers instruction.  
I am now to treat of the famous and most dangerous Rebellion of Hugh, Earl of Tyrone, calling himself, The Oneale, (a fatal name to the chief of the sept or Family of the Oneales'), and this I will do, according to the course of the former Part namely, in this place not writing Historically, but making only a journal, or bare narration of daily accidents, and for the rest referring the discourse of Ireland for all particulars to the several heads, wherein each point is jointly handled, through all the Dominions of which I have written. Only in this place for the better understanding of that which I principally purpose to write, I must crave leave to fetch some short remembrances (by the way of preface) higher than the time of my own being in Ireland, in the Lord Mountioy his Government.  
About the year 1169 (not to speak of the kind of subjection which the Irish are 
Ann. 1169.  written to have acknowledged, to Gurguntius, and some Briton Kings), Henry the 2 being himself distracted with French affairs, gave the Earl of Strangbow leave by letters Patents, to aid Dermot Morrogh King of Lemster, against the King of Meath. And this Earl marrying Eva, the daughter of Dermot, was at his death made by him heir of his Kingdom. Shortly after King Henry himself landed at Waterford, and whilst he abode in Ireland, first Dermott Mac Carthy, King of Corcke, and the South part of Monster, and Dunewald Obzian King of Limrick, and the North part of Monster, then Orwark King of Meath; and Roderick King of Connaght, (by singular privilege over the rest, called the King of Ireland), and the above named King of Lemster yet living, did yield themselves vassals unto King Henry, who for the time was saluted Lord of Ireland (the title of King being first assumed by act of Parliament to King Henry the eight many years after.) In the said Henry the seconds reign, Sir john de Courcy with four hundred voluntary English soldiers sent over, did in five battles subdue Ulster, and stretched the bounds of the English pale as far as Dunluce in the most Northern parts of Ulster.  
About 1204, john Courcy of English blood, Earl of Ulster and Connaght, did rebel, and was subdued by Hugh Lacy. About 1210 the Lacies of English blood rebelling, were subdued by King john, who after some three months stay returned back into England, where the Lacies found friends to be restored to their Earldom of Ulster. About 1291 O-Hanlon & some Ulster Lords troubling the peace, were suppressed by the English Colonies. From 1315 to 1318 the Scots made great combustions in Ireland to whom many Irish families joined themselves, and both were subdued by the English Colonies. In the year 1339 general war was between the English Colonies 
Anno 1339  and the Irish, in which infinite number of the Irish perished. Hitherto Ireland was governed by a Lord justice, who held the place sometimes for few years, sometimes for many. In the year 1340, john Darcy, an Englishman, was made justice for life, and the next year did exercise the place by his own Deputy (which neither before nor after I find to have been granted to any, but some few of the Royal blood.)  
About the year 1341, the English-Irish (or English Colonies), being degenerated, first began to be enemies to the English, and themselves calling a Parliament, wrote to the King, that they would not endure the insolences of his Ministers, yet most of the justices hitherto were of the English-Irish (or English, borne in Ireland.)  
About the year 1361, Leonel, Duke of Clarence, was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and sometimes left his Deputy to govern it. This Duke being Earl of Ulster and Lord of Connaglit by the right of his wife, came over with an Army of some 1500 by pole, and quieted the borders of the English Pale in low Lemster. Hereformed the English-Irish, grown barbarous (by embracing the tyrannical Laws of the Irish, most profitable to them, which caused them likewise to take Irish names, and to vie their language and apparel.) To which purpose good Laws were made in Parliament, and great reformation followed, aswell therein, as in the power of the English, for the leaven years of his Lieutenancy, and after, till the fatal wars of Turk and Lancaster Houses. And hitherto most of the justices were English-Irish.  
About the year 1400, Richard the second, in the eighteenth year of his Reign, 
Ann. 1400.  came with an Army of four thousand men at Arms, and thirty thousand Archen, fully to subdue the Irish: but pacified by their submissions, and no act of moment otherwise done, he returned with his Army into England. After, to revenge the death of the Earl of March his Lieutenant, he came again with a like Army: but was suddenly recalled by the arrival of Henry the 4 in England. During the said Kings Reign, Ireland was governed by his Lord Lieutenunts, sent from England, and in the Reigns of Hen. the 4, and Hen. the 5, by justices for the most part chosen of the English-Irish, only the Lord Scroop for 8 years was Deputy to Thomas the second son to Hen. the 4, who was L. Lieutenant of Ireland.  
This I write out of the Annals of Ireland printed by Camden. In which, from the first Conquest of Ireland, to the following wars between the Houses of York and Lancaster in England, I find small or no mention of the Oneals greatness among the Irish Lords. And I find very rare mention of any seditions in Ulster, especially among the Northern Irish, so as that Province, from the first Conquest to these civil English wars, doth thereby seem to have been one of the most peaceable and most subject to the English. Neither read I therein, of great forces or sums of money lent out of England into Ireland, (except voluntaries, and the cursary journeys of King john and King Richard the second); but rather that for the most part all seditions as well between the English-Irish, and the mere Irish, as between the English-Irish themselves, were pacified by the forces and expenses of the same Kingdom.  
During the said civil war between York and Lancaster, for England, most of the Noble Families were wasted, and some destroyed; whereupon the English Irish, which hitherto had valiantly maintained their, Conquest, now began to repair into England, partly to bear out the factions, partly to inherit the Lands of their Kinsmen, of whom they were descended: And the mere Irish boldly rushed into the possessions, which the other had left void in Ireland. And from that time, under the government of English Lieutenants and Deputies, seditions and murders grew more frequent, the authority of the English Kings became less esteemed of the Irish, then in formertimes, and the English Pale had sometimes larger, sometimes straighter limits, according to the divers successes of the Irish affairs at divers times.  
After the appeasing of the said bloody war, I find some 1000 men sent over by Henry the seventh to suppress Perkin Warbeck, an English Rebel, and 500 men sent by Henry the eight to suppress the Geraldines of English race, rebelling against him. Otherwise the said Annals mention no great or general rebellion in Ireland, especially such, by which either much blood of the English was spilled, or much of our treasure exhausted, till the happy reign of Queen Elizabeth. For in this only age, Religion rather than Liberty first began to be made the cloak of ambition, and the Roman Locusts, to maintain the Pope's usurped power, breathed every where fire and sword, and not only made strong combinations against those of the reformed religion in all Kingdoms, but were not ashamed to proclaim and promise Heaven for a reward, to such cut throats as should lay violent hands on the sacred persons of such Princes, as opposed their tyranny. Amongst which, this famous Queen being of greatest power, and most happy in success against them; they not only lest nothing unattempted against her sacred person, and her Crown of England, but whither encouraged by the blind zeal of the ignorant Irish to Popery, or animated by an old prophesy.  
He that will England win, Must with Ireland first begin.  
Did also raise two strong and dangerous rebellions in Ireland, the one of the Earl of Desmond, & the other of the Earl of Tyrone, (not to speak of the troubles made by Shane Oneale, the easy settling whereof shall be only mentioned in the treating of Tyrones' Ancestors.) How beit the wont general peace seems to have continued till after the 19 year of the Queen's reign, being 1577: at which time the Lords of Conuaght, and Ororke, for their particular, made a composition for their lands with Sir Nicholas 
Anno 1577  Malby, Governor of that Province, wherein they were content to yield unto the Queen so large a rent, and such services, (both of labourers to work upon occasion of fortifying, and of horse and foot to serve upon occasion of war), as it seems the Popish combinations had not yet wrought in them any alienation of mind from their wont awe and reverence of the Crown of England.  
Touching the rebellion of Gerald Earl of Desmond: john Gerald the son of Thomas 
The rebellion of the Earl of Desmond.  (whose Progenitors of English race, had long behaved themselves valiantly in subduing the Irish) had Kildare given him by King Edward the second, with title of an Earl. And this Family of the Fitz gerald's, or Geraldens, (as they are now called) long flourished, (not only keeping Ireland in obedience to the King; but infesting the sea coasts of the Welsh, not yet united to the Crown of England,) and never raised arms against England, till Thomas Fitz Gerald, the son of Gerald Fitz Gerald, Earl of Kildare, and Lord Deputy of Ireland, under King Henry the eight, (whom the King had called into England, and there brought in question for his ill Government), hearing by light and fall rumour that his father was executed, rashly took Arms against the King, inviting the Emperor Charles the fifth to invade Ireland, which he in the mean time wasted with fire and sword. This Thomas and five of his Uncles were shortly after hanged, the father being before dead of grief. But Queen Marie restored this Family to honour and lands, though they never after recovered their former dignity. Of these gerald's most of the greatest Lords in Monster are descended, (though for divers causes, many of them have taken other Surnames) and particularly the Earls of Desmond.  
Maurice Fitzthomas a Geraldine was first created Earl of Desmond by Edward the third. Of whose posterity many excelled in wealth, virtue, and honourable reputation, far extending their power. But james invaded his nephews inheritance by force, and imposed heavy exactions on all depending upon him, whose son Thomas following his father's steps, was by the Lord Deputy beheaded in the year 1467: his sons were restored, and the Earldom remained in his posterity, till Gerald Earl of Desmond in the year 1578 rebelled against Queen Elizabeth. To whose aid certain 
Ann. 1578  bands of Italians and Spaniards, sent by Pope Gregory the twelfth, and Philip King of Spain, landed at Smerwic, who besieged by the Lord Arthur Grey, than Lord Deputy, in a Fort they had built, and called the Fort deal over, shortly after yielded themselves, in the year 1583, and were put to the sword, as the necessity of that State, and their manner of invading the land, was then said to require. And the Earl of Desmond flying into the Woods, was there in a cottage killed, and his head cut off, (being, as they say, betrayed by his own followers, wherein the Ulster men challenge an honour of faithfulness to their Lords, above those of Monster; for in the following wars none of them could be induced by fear or reward, to lay hands on their reverenced Oneale.) Thus with an Army of six thousand men, whereof some fourethousand were newly sent over at divers times, this Rebellion of Desmond in Monster was soon appeased. The Earldom of Desmond was by authority of Parliament adjudged to the Crown, and made a County, with Sheriffs appointed yearly to be chosen by the Lord deputy.  
Upon the attainter of the said Earl of Desmond and his confederates, all the lands falling to the Crown, were in Acres of English measure about 574628 Acres:  
Hereof great part was restored to the offenders, as to Patrick Condon his Country, to the White Knight his Country, to some of the Geraldines, and to other their confederates no small portions. The rest was divided into signiories, granted by letters patents to certain English Knights and Esquires, which upon this gift, and the conditions whereunto they were tied, had the common name of Undertakers.  
In Kerry and Desmond, by patent, to Sir William Harbert, to Charol Harbert, to Sir Valentine Browne, to Sir Edward Denny, besides an uncertain portion to George Stone and john Chapman and their heites, were granted 30560 Acres with yearly rents five hundred four and twenty pound six shillings eight pence sterling. In Limerick by Patent to Sir Henry Billinsley, to William Carter, to Edmund Mannering, to William Trenchard, to Sr. George Bourcher, to Sr. George Thornton, to Richard Fitten, to Robert Annesley, to Edward Barkley, to Sir Henry Vthered, to Sir William Courtney, to Robert Strowde, and to their heirs, were granted 96165 Acres, with rents nine hundred three & thirty pound four shillings half penny, sterling. In Cork, by patent to Vane Beacher, to Henry North, to Arthur Rawlins, to Arthur Hide, to Hugh Cuffe, to Sir Thomas Noris, to Warham Sentleger, to St Thomas Stoyes, to Master Spencer, to Thomas Fleetwood, and Marmaduke Edmunds, and to their heirs were granted 88037 Acres, with rents five hundred twelve pound seven shillings six pence half penny sterling.  
In Waterford and Tripperary by Patent to the Earl of Ormond, to Sir Christopher Hatton, to Sir Edward Fitton, to Sir Walter Raleigh, and to their heirs were granted— 22910 Acres with rent three hundred and three pound, three pence sterling.  
These Undertakers did not people these signiories granted them and their heirs by Patent, (as they were bound) with well affected English, but either sold them to English Papists, (such as were most turbulent, and so being daily troubled and questioned by the English Magistrate, were like to give the most money for the Irish land) or otherwise disposed them to their best profit, without respect of the public good: neither did they build Castles, and do other things (according to their covenants) for the public good, but only sought their private ends, and so this her majesties bounty to them, turned not to the strengthening, but rather to the weakening of the English Government in that Province of Monster.  
Touching the Rebellion of the Earl of Tyrone, the worthy Antiquary Camden mentioneth 
Tyrones' Rebellion.  Neale the Great, tyrannising in Ulster, and great part of Ireland, before the coming of Saint Patrick into that Kingdom, about the year of our Lord 431, adding that this Family notwithstanding lived after more obscurely, not only till the English entered to conquer Ireland, about the year 1169: but after that, to the time that the Scots under Edward Bruce, attempted to conquer that Kingdom, about the year 1318. In which turbulent time, Donevaldus O Neale started up, and in his letters to the Pope styled himself King of Ulster, and true Heir of all Ireland. Further, Camden addeth, that after the appeasing of these troubles, this new King vanished, and his posterity lurked in obscurity, till the Civil wars of England, between the Houses of York and Lancastar. The seed whereof was sown by Henry the fourth of Lancastar Family, deposing Richard the second of York Family, and usurping the Crown, though Henry the fourth and his son Henry the fifth by their valour so maintained this usurpation, as no Civil war broke forth in their time, nor so long as the noble Brothers of Henry the fifth, and Uncles to Henry the sixth lived. After, between Henry the sixth of Lancaster Family, and Edward the fourth of York Family, this bloody war was long continued, but ended in the death of the next successor Richard the third, a double Usurper, both of the House of Lancaster, and the Heirs of his Brother Edward the fourth of the House of York. After, in the marriage of Henry the seventh with the Daughter and Heir of Edward the fourth, both these Houses were united; and so this bloody war well ended. From this time, behold the Pedigree of the Omales.  

Owen Oneale.  
Hugh mac Owen. 

Art mac Hugh. 

Neale Moor mac Art. 

Hugh Mac Neale Moor. 

Owen Mac Hugh Neale Moor, offered to serve against traitor Hugh. 

Four sons, Tirlogh, Hugh, Bryan, and Henry, living when Hugh Oneale rebelled.        
Phileme Roc mac Art. 

Henry Mac Phelime Roc. 

Turlogh Mac Henry of the Fuse, Rebel with Hugh. 

Five sons then living.            
Henry Mac Owen Oneale married the Daughter of Thomas Earl of Kildare a Giraldine. 

Con More (or Great) married the Daughter of Gerald, Earl of Kildare his Mother's Niece, whose Father and himself waxing bold upon the power of the Earls of Kildare, tyrannized over the people, and despised the titles of Earls, Marquises, Dukes, or Princes, in regard of that of Oneale. 

Con, Surnamed Bacco (or Lame), succeeded Oneale, who cursed his posterity, if they should learn English, sow Corn, or build houses, to invite the English. His power being suspected of Henry the eight, and the King's power, after the suppression of the Earls of Kildare, being feared of him, who had rebelled with the Earl, he failed into England, and renouncing the name of Oneale, and surrendering his Inheritance held by the Irish Law of Tanistry (by which a man is preferred to a boy, and the Uncle to that Nephew, whose Grandfather overlives the Father, and commonly the most active Knave, not the next Heir, is chosen), had his land regraunted to him from the King, under the great Scale of England, as to his Vassal, with title of Earl of Tyrone. Thus in the three and thirty year of Henry the eight, an Act of Parliament was made in Ireland, with consent of the three Estates of that Kingdom, whereby the usurpation of the title of Oneale was made capital to this Family, and King Henry and his successors (the former style of Lords being changed) were styled Kings of Ireland, and the Laws of England were received to be of force in that Kingdom. 

Phelime Hugh eldest son. 

Turlogh Brasilogh. 

Six sons at least then living, and able to serve the Queen.      
Shane (or john) Oneale succeeding his Father, by killing his Brother Matthew, and vexing his Father to death, was cruel and barbarous, and tyrannically challenged the neighbour Lords to be his subjects, as Mac Gennys, Mac Guire, Mac Mahown, O really, O Hanlon, O Cahon, Mac Brien, O Hagan, O Quin, Mac Cartan, Mac donnel Galloglasse. And when Henry Sidney expostulated this (being Lord justice in the absence of the Earl of Sussex, Lord Deputy), he offered to prove by writings, that his Ancestors, had this authority over them, denying that his Father had any power to resign his lands to the King; (which he held only for life by Tanistry Law), without the consent of the people, being to choose Oneale (that is, the chief of the name.) He made war against O really, and imprisoned Collogh Mac donnel. But when Thomas Earl of Sussex, L. Deputy led the English forces against him, he by the counsel of the Earl of Kildare, sailed into England, and submitted himself too Q. Elizabeth, and after for a while conformed himself to obedience and civility. But when he tirannised over the Irish Lords, and they craved succour of Henry Sidney Lord Deputy in the year 1565, he leading an Army against him, seng Edward Randolph with seven Companies of Foot, and a troup of Horse by Sea to Derry and Loughfoyle, to assault the Rebel on the back. Against whom the Rebel turning all his forces was so defeated, as he fled for succour to the Scots, whose brother he had killed, and they at first entertaining him well, after fell to words, & killed him in the year 1567. After in a Parliament at Dublin, he was condemned of treason, and his lands confiscated, and a Law made, that no man should after that presume to take the name and title of Oneale. 

He had three sons, Henry, Con, and Tirlogh, cast in prison by Hugh the Rebel.    
Matthew Okelly till 15 years age reputed the son of a Black Smith at Dudalke, given Con O Neale by a Smith's wife at her death. This Bastard he appointed to succeed him by the King's letters Patents, at which time he was created Baron of Dungannon: but he was killed in his Father's life time by Shane, the legitimate son of Con, whose bastard this Matthew was. 

Brian killed by Odonnel, at the instance of Shane O Neale.  
Hugh preserved by the English from Shane, married the Daughter of Tirlogh Linnogh Oneale, whom he put away by divorce, and after proved an Arch-rebel. 

This Hugh, son to the Bastard Matthew, (borne of a Smith's wife, and reputed the Smith's son till he was fifteen years of age) lived sometimes in Ireland, and 
Hugh Earl of Tyrone.  much in the Court of England, and was supported against Turlogh Linnogh Oneale, with the title of Baron of Dungannon, by his father's right. He had a troup of horse in Queen Elizabeth's pay, in the late wars of the Earl of Desmond, in which and all occasions of service he behaved himself so valiantly, as the Queen gave him a yearly pension of one thousand Marks. He was of a mean stature, but a strong body, able to endure labours, watching, and hard fare, being with all industrious, and active, valiant, affable, and apt to manage great affairs, and of a high dissembling subtle and profound wit. So as many deemed him borne, either for the great good or ill of his Country. In an Irish Parliament he put up his petition, that by virtue of the letters Patents granted to his Grandfather, to his Father & his heirs, he might there have the place and title of the Earl of Tyrone, and be admitted to this his inheritance. The title and place were there granted to him, but the inheritance (in regard the Kings of England by the attainder of Shane, were thereof invested) was referred to the Queen's pleasure. For the obtaining whereof, Sir john Perrot then Lord deputy, upon his promise of a great rent to be reserved to the Crown, gave him his letters of recommendation into England, where he so well knew to humour the Court, as in the year 1587. he got the Queen's Letters Patents under the great Seal of England, for the Earldom, of Tyr-Oen without any reservation of the rent he had promised to the I Deputy, wherewith, though his Lordship were offended, in that the Patent was not passed in Ireland, and so the said rend omitted, yet in reverence to the great Lords, who had procured this grant in England, he did forbear to oppose the same. The conditions of this 〈◊〉 were, that the bounds of Tyrone should be limited; That one or two planet (namely, that of Blackwater) should be reserved for the building of Forts, and keeping of Garrisons therein; That the sons of Shane and Tirlogh should be provided for; and that he should challenge no authority over the neighbour Lords bordering upon Tyrone, or any where out of that County. And such were his endeavours in the Queen's service, such his protestations of faith and thankfulness, as Tirlogh Linnogh, by the Queen's intercession, was induced (upon certain conditions for his maintenance) to surrender the County, and all command in those parts unto him. 
〈◊〉     
Cormoe preserved from Shane by the English, now rebelling with Hugh.      
Neale Conuelagh. 

Turlogh Lynnogh took the title of Oneale after Shane: he was aged, and so loved quietness, the rather for fear of the children of Shane and of Matthew the Bastard. He was obedient to the Queen, but made war upon Odonnel, & the Island Scots, of whom he killed in the field Alexander Oge, who murdered Shane Oneale. 

Sir Arthur O Neale Knight, living in this Rebellion. This Sir Arthur served the Queen against Hugh the Arch-rebel, who had two of his sons in prison, but two or three other sons were with their father at Laughfoyle among the English.           
The Spanish (forsooth) invincible Navy, sent to invade England, in the year 1588., being dispersed, and proving nothing lessethen invincible, many of them were wrecked 
Ann. 1588.  on the Coasts of Ireland, whereof some were harboured by the Earl of Tyrone, with whom since he was thought to have plotted the following mischiefs.  
And shortly after (in the end of this year, or beginning of the next) Sir john Perrot 
Anno 1589 Sir William Fitz-williams Lord Deputy.  being revoked, Sir William Fitz-williams, was sent Lord Deputy into Ireland. I have heard that he having been formerly. Lord Deputy, when he returned and sued for recompense of his service, a great Lord should answer him, that such employments were preferments, and not services to challenge reward: And therefore, it in this new employment any shall think that he followed this counsel, seeking to make it a preferment to him and his family, I do not much marvel thereat. This I write of hearsay, but as in the general relation following, I purpose to write nothing which is not warranted either by relations presented to the Queen, by the principal counsellors of Ireland, or by Letters interchanged between the States of England and Ireland, or like authentical writings; so for the particular of the above named Lord Deputy, if perhaps some may think any thing observed by me to derogate from him, I protest, that whatsoever I write is in like sort warranted, and may not be omitted without the scandal of Historical integrity, being objections frequently made by the Rebels, for excuse of their disloyalty, aswell in all their petitions, as treaties of peace: But howsoever I cannot but mention these imputations, yet I advise the Reader to judge of them, as objections of the Rebels, who in their nature are clamorous, and could no way make their excuse so plausible, as by scandalising the chief Governor. And I further protest, that as I shall in the due place once mention an honourable answer of this L. Deputy, to part of the chief complaints made by the Irish against him, so I would most willingly, have inserted his full justification, if any such memorial had come to my hands.  
Sir William Fitz-williams, being Lord Deputy of Ireland, Sir john Norreys was Lord Precedent of Monster, (who made his brother Sir Thomas his Vicepresident), and Sir Richard Bingham was Governor of Connaght. This Lord Deputy now again entering the government of Ireland, that Kingdom was in the best estate that it had been in of long time, not only peaceable and quiet, (so as any the greatest Lord called by letter or messenger, readily came to the State there, and none of them were known to be any way discontented), but also most plentiful in corn, cattle, and all manner of victuals. But within three months after his taking of the sword, some Irish informed him, that the above named Spaniards, last year wrecked on the Coasts of Connaght and Ulster, had left with the Inhabitants, (in whose hands they fell) great store of treasure and other riches. This the Lord Deputy (as the Irish say) did greedily seek to get into his hands, but surely he pretended the Queen's service, as may appear by a commission, by which he first assayed to seize the same. This not taking any effect, he took a journey himself into those parts, with charge to the Queen and Country (as they said) and that in an unseasonable time of the year, after Allhallontide. Where altogether failing of his purpose, he brought thence with him as prisoners, two of the best affected Gentlemen to the State in those parts, whom he deemed to possess the greatest part of those riches, namely, Sir Owen mac Tooly (father in law to the Earl of Tyrone, who had long enjoyed a yearly pension of one hundred pound from the Queen, and had kept Odonnel in a good course of opposition against Tyrlogh Lynnogh Oneale) and Sir john Odogherty, (of Ulster Lords best affected to the English.) Whereof the first refusing (as they object) to pay for his enlargement, continued prisoner till the beginning of Sir William russel's government, who in pity discharged him, but the old gentlemen's heart was first broken, so as shortly after he died. The second was released after two years restraint, not without paying for his liberty, (as the Irish say). At this hard usage of those two Ulster gentlemen, all the great men of the Irish, (especially in those Northern parts) did much repine.  
In the month of May 1590., the Earl of Tyrone came into England, where he was after an easy manner restrained of his liberty, because he came without the Lord Deputies 
Ann. 1590.  Licence, which fault repaired by his submission, he was freed of his restraint. In the month of june, the Earl agreed before the Lords, to enter bonds with good sureties of the Pale, to keep peace with all his Neighbours, namely Sir Tirlogh Lynuogh (who since the renouncing the title of Oneale, and yielding at the Queen's intercession, the government of those parts to the Earl, was Knighted); and at his return to put in pledges, to be chosen by the Lord Deputy and Counsel, for more assurance hereof, and of his loyalty, as also the performance of certain Articles signed by him: Provided that the pledges should not lie in the Castle, but with some gentlemen in the Pale, or Merchants in Dublyn, and might be changed every three months, during her majesties pleasure.  
The Articles were to this effect: To continue loyal and keep the peace: To renounce the title of Oneale, and all intermeddling with the Neighbour Lords: That Tyrone should be limited, and made a shire or two, with gaols to be built for holding of Sessions: Not to foster with any neighbour Lord, or any gentleman out of his Country not to give aid to the Island and Irish-Scots, nor take any of them: That if for his defence he needed forces, he shall levy none out of his Country without special licence of the State, in which case he might have English bands. To conclude, with the Lord Deputy within ten months, about acomposition of rents and services to her Majesty for all his Country, according to the above mentioned composition of Connaght, made in the year 1577. Not to impose any exactions without licence of the State on his Country above ordinary, except it be for necessary forces for his defence, and that also with licence: Not to make any roads into Neighbour Countries, except they be within five days after a prey taken: That none of the Country receive any stealths from Neighbour-countries', nor steal from them, but he to bring forth the thieves, or drive them out of Tyrone: That he execute no man, except it be by Commission from the Lord Deputy, under the broad seal for martial law, and that to be limited. That his troup of 50 horse in her majesties pay, be kept complete for her service; and that beside he answer arising out at every general hosting. That he meddle not with spiritual livings, nor lay any charge on them. Not to maintain any 〈◊〉 or Friars in his Country: Not to have intelligence with foreign traitors. That he take no black rent of any Neighbours. To cause the wearing of English apparel, and that none of his men wear glibbes (or long hair): That he answer for his brother Tyrlogh Mac Henry, Captain of the Fewes: That in time of necessity he sell victual to the Fort of Blacke-water. These he promised to perform upon his honour before the Lords in England, and that his pledges to be put in, should lie for performance of them, to his power. And order was given, that all the Neighbour Lords should be drawn to like conditions, that so they might not spoil Tyrone.  
In the month of july 1590., Con mac Shane, (that is, the son of Shane O neal,) accused 
Ann. 1590.  Hugh Earl of Tyrone, of many practices, to make himself great in the North, and that after the wreck of the above named Spaniards, he conspired with those which fell into his hands, about a league with the King of Spain, to aid him against the Queen. These Articles the Earl answered before the Lords in England, denying them, and avowing the malice of Con to proceed of her majesties raising him to be Earl of Tyrone, and Cons desire to usurp the name of Oneale, as his father had done, which name be laboured to extinguish. He could have spoken nothing more pleasing to this State (as he well knew), and therefore his answer was approved: But the event showed his dissembling; for within two or three years, Sir Tyrlogh Lynnogh died, and then the Earl took this title of Oneale to himself, (which was treason by act of Parliament in Ireland,) still excusing himself subtly that he took it upon him, left some other should usurp it, promising to renounce it, yet beseeching that he might not be urged to promise it upon oath. Camden affirms that Hugh ne-gavelocke, bastard to Shane O neal, exhibited these Articles against the Earl, who after got him into his hands, and caused him to be hanged, (hardly finding any, in regard of the general reverence borne to the blood of the Oneals, who would do the office of hangman,) and that the Queen pardoned the Earl for this fact. I doubt not but he writes upon good ground, and I find good warrant for that I write the same to be exhibited by Con mac Shane, and both may be reconciled by the exhibiting of the petition by Hugh, in the name of Con.  
Sure I am that the Earl durst never enter into rebellion, till he had gotten the sons of Shane Oneale to be his prisoners. Two of them, in this time of Sir William Fitz-williams his government, were now in the Castle of Dublyn, and if they had been fastly kept, they being true heirs of Tyrone before their father's rebellion, would have been a strong bridle to keep the Earl in obedience: But they together with Philip Oreighly, (a dangerous practiser), and with the eldest son and heir of old Odonnel, (both imprisoned by Sir john Perrot, in his government), shortly after escaped out of prison, being all prisoners of great moment, whose enlargement gave apparent overture to ensuing rebellion. Neither did the Irish spare to affirm, that their escape was wrought by corruption, because one Segar, Constable of the Castle of Dublin by Patent, having large offers made him to permit the escape of Oreighly, and acquainting the Lord Deputy therewith, was shortly after displaced, and one Maplesdon, servant to the Lord Deputy, was put in his place, in whose time those prisoners escaped To return to the orderly course of my relation.  
The Earl on the last of August, and the same year 1590., did before the Lord Deputy and Counsel of Ireland, confirm the above mentioned Articles, sent thither out of England, faithfully promising by word and under his hand, to perform then. But still he delayed and put off the performance, by letters unto both States, entreating that equal security might be taken of Sir Tyrlogh Lynnogh, and in general of all the bordering Lords, (which he knew at that time most difficult to effect), and by many subtle shifts, whereof he had plenty.  
About this time Mac Mahown, Chieftain of Monaghan died, who in his life time had surrendered this his Country, held by Tanistry the Irish law, into her majesties 
Ann. 1590.  hands, and received a regrant thereof, under the broad seal of England, to him and his heirs males, and for default of such, to his brother Hugh Roe mac Mahowne, with other remainders. And this man dying without heirs males, his said brother came upto the State, that he might be settled in his inheritance, hoping to be countenanced and cherished as her majesties Patentee, but he found (as the Irish say) that he could not be admitted, till he had promised to give about six hundred Cows (for such and no other are the Irish bribes). After he was imprisoned (the Irish say for failing in part of this payment), and within few days, again enlarged; with promise that the Lord Deputy himself would go to settle him in his Country of Monaghan, whither his Lordship took his journey shortly after, with him in his company. At their first arrival, the gentleman was clapped in bolts, and within two days after, indicted, arraigned, and executed, at his own house, all done (as the Irish said) by such Officers, as the Lord Deputy carried with him to that purpose. The Irish said, he was found guilty by a jury of Soldiers, but no gentlemen or freeholders, and that of them four English soldiers were suffered to go and come at pleasure, but the other being Irish kern, were kept strait, and starved, till they found him guilty. The treason for which he was condemned, was because some two years before, he pretending a rent due unto him out of the Ferney, upon that pretend, lovied forces, and so marching into the Ferney in warlike manner, made a distress for the same, (which by the English law may perhaps be treason, but in that Country never before subject to law, it was thought no rare thing, nor great offence). The greatest part of the Country was divided, between four gentlemen of that name, under a yearly rent to the Queen, and (as they said) not without payment of a good fine under hand. The Marshal Sir Henry bagnol had part of the Country, Captain Henslowe was made Seneschal of the Country, and had the gentleman's chief house, with a portion of land, and to divers others smaller portions of land were assigned, and the Irish spared not to say, that these men were all the contrivers of his death, and that every one paid something for his share Hereupon the Irish of that name, besides the former allegations, exclaimed that their kinsman was treacherously executed, to entitle the Queen to his land, and to extinguish the name of Mac Mahowne, and that his substance was divided between the Lord Deputy and the Marshal, yea, that a pardon was offered to one of the jury for his son, being in danger of the Law, upon condition he would consent to find this his kinsman guilty.  
Great part of these exclamations was contained in a complaint exhibited, against the Lord Deputy after his return into England, to the Lords of her majesties Council, about the end of the year 1595, in the name of Mac Guire, and Ever Mac coolly (one of the Mac Mahownes, & chief over the Irish in the Ferny.) To which Sir William Fit & Williams, then sick at his house, seen his answer in writing. There first he avows to the Lords, that the fact of Mac Mahowne, was first adjudged treason in England, and that his calling in question for it was directed from thence, and for the manner of proceeding herein, not prescribed, that it was 〈◊〉, and contrary to their calumnious allegations, who complained against him. He further answered, that the most part of the Country was not bestowed on the Marshal Sir Henry Bagnall, but that seven of the chief in that Country had the greatest part of it, that three hundred Freeholders were raised to her Majesty, with eight hundred pound yearly rend, and that all the Country seemed then glad of his execution, and joyfully received the English Laws. The rest of the complaint he denied, and for the bribe of Cows in particular, did 〈◊〉 that Ever Mac Goodly, one of the 〈◊〉, offered him seven thousand Cows to make him chief of the name, when he might have learned, that his mind was not so poor, to prefer Cows or any bribes before the Queen's service.  
To return to our purpose, certain it is, that upon Mac Mahownes execution, heart-burnings and loathe of the English government, began to grow in the Northern Lords against the State, and they shunned as much as they could, to admit any sheriffs, or any English to line among them, pretending to fear like practices to overthrow them.  
The sixteenth of july 1591., the Earl of Tirone wrote unto the Lords of England, excusing himself, that Sir Tyrlogh Lynnogh was wounded by his men, while he sought 
Ann. 1591.  to pray his Country. In the same month he suffered his Country of Tyrone to be made Shire ground, being by certain Commissioners bounded on every side, and divided into & Baronies, and the Town of Dungannon made the Shire Town, where the Goal should be. In the month of October he wrote again to the Lords, justifying himself against the complaint of the Marshal Sir Heury bagnol, avowing that he had not stolen his sister, or taken her away by force, but that after her brothers many delays, she willingly going away with him, he married her. And that he had no other wife, being lawfully divorced from her, whom the Marshal termed his wife. He complained against the Marshal, that he reaped the benefit of all that in Ulster, which by his endeavouris had been brought to her majesties obedience. That he had obtained under the great Seal a superiority over Ulster, which he exercised over him. About this time the Northerno Lords are thought to have conspired, to defend the Romish Religion (for now first among them Religion was made the cloak of Treason), to admit no English sheriffs in their Countries, and to defend their liberty and rights against the English.  
In the month of August 1592., the Earl of Tyrone by his letters to the Lords in 
Ann. 1592.  England, justified himself against the complaint of Sir Tyrlogh Lynnogh, apparently showing that his son Con Oneale did not disturb the Commissioners sitting in Monaghan, but that they, having one hundred Foot for their guard, were afraid of two Horsemen; which they discovered. He wrote further, that he had brought Odonnel into the State, (who since his abovementioned escape out of prison, had stood upon his defence), and that he would persuade him to loyalty, and in case he were obstinate, would serve against him as an enemy. And further craftily entreated the Lords, that he might have the Marshals love, that they being neighbours, might concur the better for her majesties service, and that their Lordships would approve of his match with the Marshal's sister, for whose content he did the rather desire his love.  
In the beginning of the year 1593., or about this time, a Northern Lord Mac Guire, 
Ann. 1593.  began to declare himself discontent, and to stand upon his defence upon the execution of Mac Mahowne, and the jealousies then conceived by the Northern Lords against the English. This Mac Guire, Chiestaine of Fermannagh avowed, that he had given three hundred Cows to free his Country from a Sheriff, during the Lord Deputies Government, and that not withstanding one Captain Willis was made Sheriff of Fermannagh, having for his guard one hundred men, and leading about some one hundred women and boys; all which lived on the spoil of the Country. Hence this barbarous Lord taking his advantage, set upon them, and drove them into a Church, where he would have put them all to the sword, if the Earl of Tyrone had not interposed his authority, and made composition for their lives, with condition that they should depart the Country. Whereupon the Lord Deputy Sir William Fitz Williams sent the Queen's forces into Fermannagh, won Mac Guires Castle of Exiskillen, and proclaimed him Traitor. And the Irish avow, that the Lord Deputy there let fall threatening speeches in public against the Earl of Tyrone, calling him Traitor.  
These speeches coming to the Earls hearing, he ever after pretended, that they were the first cause that moved him to misdoubt his safety, and to stand upon his defence, now first combining himself with Odonnell, and the other Lords of the North, to defend their Honours, Estates, and Liberties. When Tyrone first began to plot his Rebellion, he said to have used two notable practices. First, his men being altogether rude in the use of Arms, he offered the State to serve the Queen against Tyrlogh Lynogh with six hundred men of his own, and so obtained six Captains to train them (called by our men Butter Captains, as living upon Cease) and by this means (and his own men in pay, which he daily changed, putting new untrained men in the room of others) he trained all his men to perfect use of their Arms. Secondly, pretending to build a fair house (which our State thinks a tie of civility) he got licence to transport to Dungannon a great quantity of Lead to cover the Battlements of his house: but ere long employed the same only to make bullets for the war. But I return to my purpose.  
Sir Henry bagnol Martial of Ireland, had formerly exhibited to the State divers articles of treason practised by the Earl of Tyrone, who now would not come to the State without a protection. To these articles the Earl answered by letters, saying, that the Marshal accused him upon envy, and by suborned witnesses, and that he together with the Lord Deputy, apparently sought his overthrow. Further complaining, that the Marshal detained from him his sister's portion, whom he had married, and that (according to his former complaint) he usurped jurisdiction over all Ulster, and in particular exercised it over him. Yet these articles of treason against the Earl were believed in England, till he offered by his letters to stand to his trial either in England or Ireland. And accordingly he answered to the said Articles before the Lord Deputy and Council at Dundalke, in such sort as they who had written into England against him, now to the contrary wrote, that he had sufficiently answered them. Whereupon the Lords of England wrote to the Earl of Tyrone, in the month of August of the following year, that they approved his answers, and that in their opinion 
Ann. 1594  he had wrong, to be so charged, and that publicly before judges, and especially, that his answers were for a time concealed. Further, they commended him for the token of loyalty he had given, in dealing with Mac Guire to submit himself, exhorting him to persist in his good course, and charging him (the rather for avoiding his enemy's slander) not to meddle with compounding of Controversies in Ulster out of Tirone, without the Lord Deputies special warrant. At the same time their Lordships wrote to the Lord Deputy, taxing him and the Marshal, that they had used the Earl against Law and equity, and that he the Lord Deputy was not indifferent to the Earl, who offered to come over into England to justify himself. Thus was the Earl cleared in show, but whether through fear of his enemies, or the guiltiness of his conscience, he showed himself ever after to be diffident of his own safety.  
In the beginning of the year 1594 Mac Guire broke into open Rebellion, he entered with forces into Connaght (where the Burkes and Orwarke in Letrim, commonly called Orwarkes Country, for disobediences to the State, had been prosecuted by Sir Richard Bingham, Governor of that Province.) This foretunner of the greater conspirators (shortly after seconded by Mac Mahowne) was persuaded to enter Connaught by Gauranus a Priest, whom the Pope (forsooth) had made Primate of all Ireland, and was encouraged thereunto, by his ominating of good success. But by the valour of Sir Richard Bingham the Governor, Mac Guire was repelled, with slaughter of many of his men, among whom this pretended Primate was killed.  
Against this Mac Guire, the Earl of Tyrone served with the Queen's forces, and valiantly fight, was wounded in the thigh, yet this Earl providing for his security, about this time imprisoned the above mentioned sons of Shane Oneale, who had escaped out of Dublin Castle, and if they had been there kept, would have been a sure pledge of his obedience, neither would he restore them to liberty, though he were required so to do, but still covering his treacherous heart with ostentation of a fear conceived of his enemies, he ceased not daily to complain of the Lord Deputies and Marshals envy against him, and of wrongs done him by the Garrison soldiers. Thus the fire of this dangerous Rebellion is now kindled, by the above named causes, to which may be added, the hatred of the conquered against the Conquerors, the difference of Religion, the love of the Irish to Spain (whence some of the are descended), the extortions of Sheriffs and sub-Sheriffes buying these places, the ill government of the Church among ourselves, and the admitting Popish Priests among the Irish, and many such like. And this fire of rebellion now kindled, shall be found hereafter to be increased to a devouring flame, by slow & slender oppositions to the first erruptions, before they had liberty to combine and know their own strength; by not laying hands timely on suspected persons of quality, to prevent their combining with the rest (especially in Monster, being as yet quiet): by entertaining and arming of Irish men (a point of high oversight begun by Sr joh. Perrot, & increased by Sr Will. Fitz. Williams, the present L. Deputy, who at the first sending of forces into Formannagh, gave power to certain Irish men to raise companies, which they did of their own Country men, so as this ill custom being after continued, it both furnished the enemy with trained men, and filled our Bands with such false hearted soldiers, as some doubted, whether we had not better have them enemies than friends): By a Treaty entertained at the very entrance of the Rebellion, before any blow was strucken, which made the traitors proud, and daunted the hearts of good subjects; By ensuing cessations, long cotinuing and giving liberty to the Traitors to strengthen their combination, and to arm themselves in foreign parts and at home, whereupon all idle and discontented people had opportunity to draw into Tyrone, and the Traitor Earl of Tyrone had means to oppress the bordering Lords of Countries adjoining, whereof many feeling once his power, some for fear, some for love, joined with him. Besides that, the Army in the mean time was not only an excessive charge to the Queen, but lay idle, and in stead of hurting the enemy, oppressed the subject, thereby daily driving many into Rebellion. Lastly (for I will not more curiously search the causes, being not suitable to so brief a narration as I intent), the Rebellion was nourished and increased by nothing more, then frequent Protections and Pardons, granted even to those, who had formerly abused this mercy, so as all entered and continued to be Rebels, with assurance to be received to mercy at their pleasure, whereof they spared not to brag, and this heartened the Rebel no less, than it discouraged the subject.  
This present year 1594, about the month of August, Sir William Fitz-williams, 
Anno 1594 Sir William Russel Lord Deputy.  the Lord Deputy being recalled into England, Sir William Russell took the sword. About this time Ulster men in open hostility distressed her majesties forces, and Tyrone (so I will hereafter call him, deserving no addition of title), having long absented himself from the State, was undoubtedly reputed a party in their rebellion, when his sudden & voluntary appearance before this new Lord Deputy at Dublin, in the very first month of his government, made many hope better of him. He most assuredly promised all humble obedience to the Queen, as well before the State at Dublin, in his own person, as to the Lords in England by his letters, and making his most humble submission to her Maresty, besought to be restored to her former Grace, from which he had fallen by the lying slanders of his enemies, not by any his just desert. The Marshal Sir Henry bagnol was then ready to prove before the Lord Deputy Articles of high treason against Tyrone, and to avow that he sent mac Guire with his Primate into Connaght. That he had secret intelligence with the Traitors Mac Guire and Odonnell, and had communicated counsels with them, and gave them aid in the wasting of Monnaghan, and the besieging of Eniskellin, by his brother Cormac mac Baron, and by Con his own base son; and that he by threats had drawn the Captains of Kilulto and Kilwarny from their faith and allegiance to the Queen. It was in Council debated, whether Tyrone should be stayed to answer hereunto; and the Lord Deputy was of opinion he should be stayed: but most of the Counsellors, either for idle fear, or inclination of love to Tyrone, thought best to dismiss him for that time, and the counsel of these, as more in number, and best experienced in Irish affairs, the Lord Deputy followed. This much displeased the Queen, since this Foxes treasonable practices were now so apparent, and herself had forewarned, that in case he came to the State, he should be stayed, till he had cleared himself of all imputed crimes. And the Lords in England by their letters thence, sharply reproved the Lord Deputy, for so dismissing him, which might give the Rebels just cause to think that they durst not charge him with treason, for fear of his forces, and their Lordships professed to doubt, that Tyrones' performance would not be such, as might warrant this act.  
The Lord Deputy shortly after took the field, and leaving for martial causes the Earl of Ormond, for civil causes the Lord chancellor, to govern Lemster and those parts in his absence, drew the forces into Fermannagh, that he might relieve Eniskellin, and expel mac Guire out of his Country. This winter following, it seems there was some negotiation on both sides about peace. For in the month of February, the Lords of England wrote to the Lord Deputy, of her majesties dislike of certain writings sent over from Odonnel and Sir Arthur Oneale, namely that in their petitions, they included the pardon of mac Guire, and Orwarke (commonly called Orurke). That they indented with the Lord Deputy, that he should come to Dundalke within a month, and especially that the Lord Deputy by Sir Edward More should desire a fortnight more for his coming thither. Their Lordships also signified, that the Queen sent over 2000 old soldiers, which had served under General Norreys in Britanny; (giving order that they should be divided into hundreds, and so many Captains) besides that 1000 soldiers were levied in England, to be sent thither. And because their Lordships judged, that all the practices of the Northern Lords, came out of Tyrones' school, (how soever he grossly dissembled the contrary), their Lordships advised the Lord Deputy to offer Odonnel pardon, so as he would sever himself from Tyrone: And that the rather, because he was put into rebellion by Sir john Perrots imprisoning him without any cause.  
Tyrone hearing that supplies of soldiers, & namely the old soldiers of Brittany, were coming for Ireland, and that Garrisons of English were to be planted at the Castles of Ballishanon; and Belike, lying upon the Lake Earn, thought it no longer time to temporise. Wherefore about this time of this year ending, or the first entrance of the year 1595, he drew his forces together, and in open hostility, suddenly assaulted the Fort of Blackwater, built upon the passage into Tyrone on the South side, and taking 
Ann. 1595.  the same, razed it, and broke down the Bridge. And now the Northern Rebels with Banners displayed, entered the Brennye. Yet at this time Tyrone subtly made suit for pardon, and promised the Treasurer at wars, Sir Henry Wallop, that he would continue his Allegiance to the Queen. At this time likewise Feagh Mac Hugh, Walter Reagh, and many Lemster men, began to enter into actions of hostility against the English.  
The Lord Deputy, who saw this storm of Rebellion would lie heavy on his 
L. Deputy L. General together.  shoulders, in his letters to the I, ords in England had let fall a request, that some olderperienced Commander might be sent over to him, for his better assistance, meaning (no doubt) such a Captain as should be commanded by the supreme authority of the Lord deputy. But the Lords either mistaking his intent, or because they so judged it best for her majesties service, sent over Sir john Norreys, a great Leader, and famous in the wars of the Low Countries and France, giving him the title of Lord General, with absolute command over military affairs, in the absence of the L. deputy. This great Commander was not like to be willingly commanded by any, who had not borne as great or greater place in the wars than himself. So as whether through emulation, growing between him and the Lord Deputy, or a declining of his Fortune, incident to the greatest Leaders, howsoever he behaved himself most valiantly and wisely in some encounters against Tyrone, and the chief rebels, yet he did nothing against them of moment. About the beginning of june, the L. deputy and the Lord General drew their Forces towards Armagh, and now Tyrone had sent letters of submission to them both (entreating the Lord General more specially for a milder proceeding against him, so as he might not be forced to a headlong breach of his loyalty.) These letters should have been delivered at Dundalke, but the Marshal bagnol intercepting them, stayed the messenger at the Newrye, till the Lord Deputies return, at which time because in this journey Tyrone had been proclaimed Traitor, he refused to receive them, in respect of her majesties Honour.  
Yet shortly after at Tyrones' instance, Sir Henry Wallop Treasurer at Wars, and Sir Robert Gardner chief justice of Ireland, were by Commission appointed to confer with him and his confederate Rebels. Tyrone in this conference complained of the Marshal for his usurped jurisdiction in Ulster, for depriving him of the Queen's favour by slanders; for intercepting his late letters to the Lord deputy, and Lord General, protesting that he never negotiated with foreign Prince, till he was proclaimed Traitor. His humble petitions were, that he and his might be pardoned, and have free exercise of Religion granted (which notwithstanding had never before either been punished or inquired after.) That the Marshal should pay him one thousand pound for his dead Sisters, his wives portion. That no Garrisons nor Sheriffs should be in his Country. That his troup of fifty horse in the Queen's pay might be restored to him. And that such as had preyed his Country, might make restitution.  
Odonnell magnifying his Fathers and Progenitors services to the Crown, complained that Captain Boyne, sent by Sir john Perrot with his Company into his Country, under pretence to reduce the people to civility, and being well entertained of his Father, had beside many other injuries, raised a Bastard to be Odonnel, and that Sir john Perrot, by a ship sent thither, had taken himself by force, and long imprisoned him at Dublin. And that Sir William Fitz Williams had wrongfully kept Owen O. Toole above mentioned seven years in prison. His petitions were for pardon to him and his, and for freedom of Religion. That no Garrisons or Sheriffs might be placed in his Country. And that certain Castles and lands in the County of Sligo might be restored to him.  
Shane Mac Brian Mac Phelime Oneale, complained of an Island taken from him by the Earl of Essex, and that he had been imprisoned till he surrendered to the Marshal a Barony, his ancient Inheritance. Hugh Mac Guire complained of insolences done by Garrison soldiers, and by a Sheriff, who beside killed one of his nearest Kinsmen. Brian Mac Hugh Oge, and Mac Mahowne (so the Irish called the chief of that name surviving), and Ever Mac coolly of the same Family of Mac Mahownes, complained of the abovementioned unjust execution of Hugh Roe Mac Mahowne, in the Government of Sir William Fitz Williams.  
The Commissioners judged some of their petitions equal, others they referred to the Queen's pleasure. But when on the Queen's part, they propounded to the Rebels some Articles to be performed by them, they were grown so insolent, as judging them unequal, the conference was broken off, with a few days Truce granted on both sides, when the Queen, for sparing of blood, had resolved to give them any reasonable conditions.  
This Truce ended, the Lord Deputy and the Lord General, about the eighteenth of july, drew the Forces to Armagh, with such terror to the Rebels, as Tyrone left the Fort of Blackwater, burned the Town of Dungannon, and pulled down his House there, burned all Villages, and betook himself to the Woods. They proclaimed Tyrone Traitor in his own Country, and leaving a Guard in the Church of Armagh, they for want of victuals, returned to Dublin, and by the way placed a Garrison in Alonaghan. And when the Army came near to Dundalke, the Lord deputy according to his instructions from England, yielded the command of the Army to the Lord General, and leaving him with the Forces in the Northern Borders, returned to Dublin. The third of September Hugh Earl of Tyrone, Hugh O Donnel, Bryan O Rourke, Hugh Mac Guire, Bryan Mac Mahowne, Sir Arthur Oneale, Art Mac Baron, Henry Oge Oneale, Turlogh Mac Henry Oneale, Cormac Mac Baron (Tyrones' Brother), Con Oneale, Tyrones' base Son, Bryan Art Mac Brian, and one Francis Mounfoord, were for form of Law indicted, though absent, and condemned judicially of Treason in the County of Lowthe, near the Borders of the North.  
From this time the Lemster Rebels began to grow very strong: for Feegh Mac Hugh of the Obirns, & Donnel Spanniah of the Cavanaghss, when they were declining, & in want of munition, were not prosecuted, but upon feigned submission were received into protection, and so had means to renew their Forces, and supply their wants, so as this year, about this month of September, they began to oppress all the subjects, from the Gates almost of Dublin, to the County of Wexford (the most ancient English County, and ever much cared for by the Queen), which they spoilt, wanting forces to defend it, and so deprived the English soldier of great relief he might have found therein. The like may be said of the Oconnors in Ophalia.  
General Norris being left by the Lord Deputy on the Northern Borders, with full command of the Army, the Winter passed without any great exploit. There was in many things no small emulation between the Lord deputy and him, and no loss in Tyrones' particular. The Lord deputy seemed to the Lord General, to be unequal and too tharpe against Tyrone, with whom he wished no treaty of Peace to be hold, (which he wisely did, having experienced his false subtlety, and knowing that he sought delays, only till he could have aid from Spain.) But the Lord General (whether it were in emulation of the Lord Deputy, or in his favour and love to Tyrone) was willing to reclaim him by a Gentle course (which that crafty Fox could well nourish in him.) And it seems some part of the Winter passed, while this project was negotiated between them.  
For in the beginning of the year 1596, a Commission was procured out of England, whereby her Majesty, though justly offended with Tyrone and his associates, about 
Ann. 1596.  their demands, in the former conference with Sir Henry Wallop, and Sir Robert Gardner, yet in regard of their letters of humble submission, since that time presented to her, doth signify her gracious pleasure to Sir john Noreis Lord General, and Sir Geoffrey Fenton, her majesties Secretary for Ireland, giving them authority to promise pardon of life, and restoring of lands and goods to the said Lords, seeking with due humility her Royal mercy, and to hear them, with promise of favourable consideration in all their complaints. And thus much the Commissioners signified to Tyrone and Odannell, by Captain Sant Leger, and Captain Warren, sent of purpose unto them, with instructions dated the eleventh of April, this present year 1596, and with reference of other particulars, to a meeting appointed to be at Dundalke. The twenty of the same month Tyrone at Dundalke before these Commissioners craved the Queen's mercy on his knees, signing with his hand a most humble submission in writing, vowing faith in the presence of Almighty God, who seeth into the secrets of all men's hearts, and (to use still his own words) most humbly craving her majesties mercy and pardon on the knees of his heart. His first petition for liberty of Religion, was utterly rejected. For the second, touching freedom from Garrisons and Sheriffs, he was answered, that her Majesty would not be prescribed how to govern. In the third, interceding for Orelyes' pardon, it was disliked that he should capitulate for others, yet giving hope of his pardon upon his own submission. For the fourth, concerning the jurisdiction of Armagh, the answer was, that her Majesty would reserve all the Bishops right. For the fifth, concerning the freeing of Shane Oneales' sons, it was referred to her majesties further pleasure. Finally, he promised to 〈◊〉 from aiding the Rebels, and from intermeddling with the neighbour Lords. To make his Country a Shire: to admit a Sheriff. To renounce the title of Oneale. To confess (upon his pardon) all his intelligences with foreign Princes, and all his past actions, which may concern the good of the State. To rebuild the Fort and Bridge of Blackwater, and to relieve the Garrison for ready money at all times. To deliver in sufficient Pledges. To dismiss all his Forces, & to pay such reasonable fine to her majesties use, as should be thought meet by her Majesty. Hugh Odonnel at the same time did agree to divers articles, for the good of his Country, and made his like humble submission. The like did Hugh mac Guire, Bryan mac Hugh, Ever Oge Roe mac coolly, Bryan Orewark (called Ororke), Shane Mac Bryan, Philip O Reyly, and others. To each one was given (under the Commissioners hands) a promise of her majesties pardon, upon putting in of Pledges. And Proclamation was made to give notice hereof to all the Queen's subjects; that in the meantime no acts of hostility might be done against any of those, who had thus sub mitted themselves.  
Thus the Ulster Rebels, by a submission too honest to be truly intended by them, whilst Pledges were expected, and Pardons drawn, were freed from the prosecution of the Queen's Forces this Summer. And even at this time did Tyrone solicit aid in Spain, and two or three messengers came secretly to the rebels from thence, by whom many of them (as Ororke, Mac William, etc.) sent a writing signed, to the King of Spain, covenanting, that if he would send sufficient Forces, they would join theirs to his, and if he would at all relieve them, in the mean time they would refuse all conditions of Peace. But Tyrone, though consenting, yet was too crafty to sign this Covenant, yea, craftily he sent the King of Spain's answer to the Lord deputy, whilst he notwithstanding relied on the promised succours. I find nothing of moment done this Summer by the Forces with the General, being restrained by the last agreement at Dundalke; only about the end of August, he wrote out of Connaght unto the Lord deputy complaining of divers wants, and desiring more Forces to be sent him. To whom the Lord deputy answered, that his Lordship had warrant to supply some of his wants in the Country, and denied the sending of any Forces to him, because himself was to go into the Field.  
By this time the rebels of Lemster were (as I formerly mentioned) grown strong, Feogh Mac Hugh breaking his protection entered into acts of hostility, and he together with the O Mores, O Connors, O Birneses, O Tools, the Cavenaghs, Butlers, and the chief names of Connaght, animated by the success of Ulster men, combined together, and demanded to have the barbarous titles of O and Mac together with lands they claimed, to be restored to them, in the mean time spoiling all the Country on all sides.  
About the month of january, Sir Richard Bingham, Governor of Connaght, who had valiantly beaten Ororke out of his Country and prosecuted the Bourks, and other Rebels, was called into England, upon complaints of the Irish, and Sir Conyer's Clifford was sent to govern Connaght. This Gentleman complained off by the Irish, was valiant and wise; but some of our English Statesmen thought him too severe, and that he had thereby driven many into rebellion, howsoever himself very well experienced in the Country, and those who best understood the Irish nature, found nothing so necessary for keeping them in obedience, as severity, nor so dangerous for the increase of murders and outrages, as indulgence towards them. His answers to their complaints could not be so admitted as for the time some discountenance fell not on him, which reward of services he constantly bore, till in short time after, to his great grace, the State thought fit again to use his service, in a place of great command in the Army.  
Sir john Norreys Lord General, Sir George Bourcher, Master of her majesties Ordinance, and Sir Geoffrey Fenton her majesties Secretary for Ireland, being by Commission directed to treat again with Tyrone, did by their letters dated the twenty of januarie remember him of the favour he had received at the last treaty at Dundalke, and charged him (as formerly he had been charged) with high ctimes since that committed by him, to the violation of the Articles then agreed on, therefore advising him, that since they were for her majesties service to draw to the Borders, he would there testify to them his penitency for offences done since his pardon, by such an humble and hearty submission, as they might recommend into England from him. Tyrone by his answer of the two and twenty of januarie, acknowledged under his hand her majesties mercy therein extended to him, and confessed offences and breaches of the Articles there signed, withal desiring them, to examine the wrongs and provocations, by which he had been driven thereunto, and protesting his sorrow for these offences. The same day he met the Commissioners near Dundalke, where he being on the one side of the Brook, they on the other, he put of his hat, and holding it with great reverence in his hand, said to them. That he was come thither, not only to show his duty to them, as her majesties Commissioners, but his inward desire to be made & continued a subject. When he would have remembered the wrongs since his late Pardon provoking him to disloyalty, they cut him off by remembering him of all the benefits, and that of his last pardon, received from the Queen, which should have counterpoised his wrongs, and have kept him in duty. He confessed this, with show of great remorse, and protested before God and heaven, that there was no Prince not creature, whom he honoured as he did her Majesty; nor any Nation of people that he loved or trusted more, than the English. Protesting further, that if her Majesty would please to accept of him again as a subject, and to take such course as he might be so continued, (thus still he reserved pretence of wrongs to shadow his future disloialties), than he doubted not but to redeem all his faults passed with some notable services. Besides, he gave answers to divers questions, and signed them after with his hand. First, asked what messages and letters had passed between Spain and him; he answered, never to have received any, but encouragements from Spain, and assurances of an Army to aid him: that he never had further contract with the Spaniards, and that he had sent the King of Spain's letter above mentioned to the Lord deputy and Counsel: that he never received thence any money or aught of value, nor any of his confederates to his knowledge. Only Odonnel had some fifteen barrels of powder, whereof he should have had a portion, but never had it. Secondly, for the late Submitties, Pardons, and Pledges, he undertook that with all speed the Pledges should be sent to Dublin, with Agents to sue out the Pardons granted in the last Treaty at Dundalke. Thirdly, for his making O kealy, he vowed that the Gentlemen of the Country made him, and that he would hereafter never meddle in the causes of the Brenny. Fourthly, for the Rebels of Lemster and the Butlers, he answered, that he never had confederacy with any but Feogh Mac Hugh, and for the Butlers, he never had any thing to do with them. Fiftly, for Agents in Spain, he denied to have any, or to know any his confederates had. Sixthly, for his jealousy of the State, he avowed it to be upon just causes, which he would after make known. This done, he desired Captain Warren might come over the Brook to him, and then by him he requested that himself might come over to the Commissioners, in token of his faithful heart to her Majesty, which granted, he with great reverence saluted them, and with hat in hand, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, desired God to take vengeance on him, if (her Majesty vouchsafing to make him a subject, and to cause the Articles of Dundalke to be kept to him) he would not continue faithful, and desired never to see Christ in the face, if he meant not as he spoke. He confessed, that the Spanish ships lately arrived in the North, had brought Odonnel the King's letter, signifying that he heard the Earl of Tirone to be dead, and the Irish to have received a great overthrow, desiring to be advertised of their State. And that Odonnel before his coming had given answer, that if the King sent an Army, he would take his part, and hoped the like of the other Irish. But at his coming, that the Spanish Captain excusing that the King had not written to him, he only told him, that promise had not been kept with him by the English, and therefore he would not refuse the Kings promised aid. And with many execrations swore, that the Captain left neither Munition nor Treasure with him, and that he never received any thing from the King of Spain, but that letter ahove mentioned, which he sent to the Lord Deputy. And that he never wrote but three letters into Spain, all about one time, and (as he thought) all intercepted. Lastly, he vehemently denied to have incited any Monster men to rebellion, since his last pardon. So with like reverence as formerly, he took his leave.  
Upon advertisement hereof into England, the Commissioners received ample power to conclude all things with Tyrone. Thus much they made known to him by letters, sent to him by his old friend Captain Warren, the ninth of March, with instructions to appoint the second of April the day of meeting at Dundalke, which Tyrone accepted, with show of joy to be received to her majesties mercy, the sweetness whereof he had often experienced, and of fear to be pursued by her forces, which he professed himself not able to resist. But by his letters the fifteen of March, he made doubt of meeting, pretending that his pledges were not changed according to covenant, nor restitution made him by those that had preyed his Country, and that his confederates could not come so soon. The Commissioners replied by letters the two and twenty of March, that these were but delays, since the pledges at the meeting (upon his putting in his eldest son for pledge) should be restored, and he in all things reasonably satisfied, protesting that if he refused this occasion, they could do no more for him, since her Majesty would be no longer abused by his fair promises and delays: Adding, that he must conform himself to the directions they had, and could not alter. Master Secretary wrote out of England unto the Commissioners the two and twenty of March; That her Majesty was displeased to have the treaty thus delayed, and charged to have the meeting in a Town, as a submission of the Rebels, not in the field as a parley. That her Majesty prepared for the war, resolving not to have any more treaties, if this took not effect. Lastly, desiring them to acquaint the Lord Deputy with all their directions, and the issues, and to excuse his not writing to his Lordship, thinking that the Commissioners were not at Dublyn with him.  
Upon the tenth of April, in the year 1597, the Commissioners again pressed Tyrone by letters, not to slack his own greatest good by delays, and appointed for 
An. 1597.  the last day of meeting, the sixteenth of that present month, and that his confederates not able then to come, should draw after as soon as they could, protesting that this was the last time that they would write unto him. Tyrone on the seventeenth of April, sent his reasons of not coming: First justifying his relapse into disloyalty by the truce not observed to him, and because restitution was not made him of preys taken from him, which was promised. Then excusing his not meeting, because his pledges, by the truce being from three months to three months to be changed, were still detained, yea, his pledges the second time put in, were kept together with the first; And saying, that he durst not come to the Lord General, because many promises by him made, being not kept, he knew it was much against his honourable mind, and so could not be persuaded, but that the Lord General was overruled by the Lord Deputy, so as he could not make good his promises without the Lord Deputies consent, who showed malice to him, and was no doubt the cause of all the breaches of such promises, as had been made unto him. Again, in regard he heard that the Lord Bourgh was to come over Lord Deputy, who was altogether unknown to him, he protested to fear that the acts of the Lord General with him, would not be made good, wishing that rather the Lord General might be continued in his command, for than he would be confident of a good conclusion. Finally, he desired a meeting near Dundalke the six and twenty of April, but this appointment for the day being against the last final resolution, and for the place against her majesties directions, there was no more speech of this treaty.  
In the mean time Sir William Russell Lord Deputy, by the managing of those and like affairs, finding himself not duly countenanced out of England, in the place he sustained, had made earnest suit to be called home, and accordingly about the end of May he was revoked, and the Lord Bourgh, (so he himself writes, others write Burke, and Camden writes Borough) came over Lord Deputy. The ill success of the treaties 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  and small progress of the wars, together with this unexpected change of the Lord Deputy, coming with supreme authority, as well in martial as civil causes, broke the heart of Sir john Norryes' Lord General, a leader as worthy and famous as England bred in our age. Of late (according to vulgar speech) he had displeased the Earl of Essex, than a great favourite in Court, and by his merits possessed of the superintendency in all martial affairs: For Sir john Norryes had embraced the action of Breast Fort in Brittany, and the wars in those parts, when the Earl himself had purpose to entertain them, and prevailed against the Earl, by undertaking them with less forces, than the Earl desired for the same. And it was thought that the Earl had preferred the Lord Bourgh, of purpose to discontent him, in regard the said Lord Bourgh had had a private quarrel with the said General in England, and that besides the superior command of this Lord, (though otherwise most worthy, yet of less experience in the wars then the General had), could not but be unsupportable to him, esteemed one of the greatest Captains of his time, and yet having inferior command of the Presidentship of Monster in the same Kingdom. Certainly upon the arrival of this new Lord Deputy, presently General Norryes was commanded to his government of Monster, and not to stir thence without leave. When he came thither, this grief so wrought upon his high spirit, as it apparently broke his brave and formerly undaunted heart, for without sickness or any public sign of grief, he suddenly died, in the embrace of his dear brother Sir Thomas Norreys, his vicepresident, within some two months of his coming into Monster.  
The Lord Bourgh at his entry into the place of Lord Deputy, found all the North in Rebellion, except seven Castles, with their Towns or Villages, all but one lying towards the sea, namely Newry, Knockfergus, Carlingford, Greene-Castle, Armagh, Dondrom, and Olderfleet. And all Connaght was likewise in Rebellion, together with the Earl of Ormonds' nephews the Butlers, in Monster.  
In this month of May, Ororke was sent into England, by the King of Scots, and there executed. This Ororke seems to have been expelled his Country, when Sir Richard Bingham was Governor of Connaght, but those of his name, and the chief of them, usurping the Country of Letrym, still continued Rebels.  
Tyrone hitherto with all subtlety and a thousand sleights abusing the State, when he saw any danger hanging over him, by feigned countenance and false words pretended humblest submission, and hearty sorrow for his villainies; but as soon as opportunity of pursuing him was omitted, or the forces were of necessity to be drawn from his Country, with the terror of them all his loyalty vanished, yea, he failed not to mingle secretly the greatest Counsels of mischief with his humblest submissions. And these courses had been nourished by the sloth of our Leaders, the frugality of some of our counsellors, and the Queen's inbred lenity: yet of all other, he had most abused the late Lord General's love to him, and his credulity, which specially grew out of his love. Now of this new Lord Deputy, by letters he requested a truce or cessation, which it seemed good to the Lord Deputy to grant for a month, in regard of the conveniency of her majesties present affairs, not any way to gratify the Rebel, for he had no purpose to entertain more speech of his submission, or to slack the pursuit of him and his confederates, to which he was wholly bend. He saw the lamentable effects, which these cessations, together with protections, had hitherto produced, and among other evils, did specially resolve to avoid them.  
Therefore assoon as the month of truce was expired, the Lord Deputy aswell by his first actions, to give lustre and ominous presage to his government, as because he judged it best for the service to strike at the head, presently drew the Forces towards Tyrone. The Irish, in a fastness near Armagh, (so they call strait passages in woods, where to the natural strength of the place is added the art of interlacing the low bows, and casting the bodies of trees across the way) opposed the passage of the English, who made their way with their swords, and found that the Irish resolutely assaulted, would easily give ground. Then the Lord Deputy assaulted the Fort of Blackewater, formerly built by the English upon the passage to Dungannon, whence the Eurle at his: first entering into rebellion had by force expelled the English, as carefully as he would have driven poison from his heart. This Fort he soon won, and repairing the same, put a company of English soldiers into it, to guard it. But 〈◊〉 the Lord Deputy with the whole army were rendering thanks to God for this good succesle; the 〈◊〉 showed themselves out of the thick woods near adjoining on the northside of the Fort, so as the prayers were interrupted by calling to arms. The English entered 〈◊〉, and prevailed against them, driving them to styeinto the thickest of their dens. In this conflict were killed Francis Vaughan, brother to the Lord Deputies wife; and Robert Turnour, Sergeant Mastor of the Army, and two foster brethren to Henry 〈◊〉 of Kildare, who with his troup of Horse valiantly served upon the Rebel, and took the death of his foster brethren so to heart, (after the education of the Irish) as he shortly after died. Many also were wounded, among whom Thomas Walker was of chief name.  
When the Lord Deputy first resolved to draw up to Blackewater, he sent directions to Sir Conyers Clifford to come up with the Connaght forces by the way of Ballyshainnon, and to meet him there, which he in like sort attempted, but being over matched by the Rebels lying in his way, could not pierce so far, but was forced to retire, and by that retreat won great reputation to himself and the men under him: for having with him some six or seven hundred foot only; of which part was of the old Britan Soldiers; and being assailed by more than 2000 Rebels, during thirty miles' march he valiantly repelled them, and safely retired to the garrison.  
The Lord Deputy leaning the Fort at the Blacke-water well guarded to the charge of Captain Thomas Williams, withdrew the Forces towards the Pale. Now the Rubels tossed between hope, fear, and shame, resolved to besiege the Fort, and Tyrone thought his reputation lost, if he recovered it not, and so with joint force they compassed and assay led the same. Whereof the Lord Deputy being advertised, with all possible expedition gathered the forces, to lead them to the relief of that fort, and the Rebels hearing of his Lordship's approach, quitted the siege of the Fort, and retired into their strengths. Whereupon the Lord Deputy marched forward and having passed the Blackwater Fort, and purposing to enter and pass the pace leading to Dungannon Tyrones' chief House, he fell suddenly sick, and being carried back in his horse litter to Armagh; and thence to the Newry, died in the way, to the great joy of the Rebels, dejected with his sharp prosecution and bold adventures, and to the no less grief of the English, erected with hope of good success. Howsoever many of good judgement held his purpose of passing to Dungannon very dangerous, and altogether fruitless, since no garrisons being planted to gain ground, no other issue could be hoped in the best event, than a brag of courage in passing to Tyrones' chief feat, which no other Deputy had yet attempted. And as they greatly commended the Lord Deputies valour in these actions, so they feared the engaging and loss of the Queen's Army, by this or some like bold attempt.  
After his death, Sir Thomas Norreys, Lord Precedent of Monster, was under the great seal of Ireland provisionally made Lord justice of the Kingdom, (as the customeiss 
Lord Justice  in such sudden changes) who repaired to Dublin, and there executed his place for one month (as I think of September) and no longer, for he being sick & cast down in mind by the great sorrow he had conceived for the late death of his worthy brother, made great suit to the Queen and the Lords in England, to be eased of this burden of being Lord justice, and to have leave to retire himself to his government of the Province of Monster.  
And so Adam Loftus Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and Lord Archbishop of Dublin 
Lord Lieutenant, and Lords Instices.  and Robert Gardner chief justice of Ireland, by letters out of England, the thirteen of October were made Lords justices for the civil government, and the Earl of Ormond with title of Lord Lieutenant of the Army, was authorized to command in chief for all martial affairs. Tyrone after his old custom, flies unto the Lord Lieutenant, with protestations of loyalty, and complains of wrongs, enforcing his disloyal courses, which his Lordship advertising into England, received authority from thence, to treat with Tyrone about his submission, having Sir Geoffrey Fenton Secretary of Ireland joined with him for an assistant. Hereupon ensued a meeting at Dundalke on the 22 of December, where Tyrone made his most humble submission in writing, acknowledging her majesties great mercy in giving him and his Associates their pardons upon former submissions, and upon the knees of his heart (as he writes) professed most hearty penitency for his disloyalty, and especially his foul relopses thereinto, humbly befeeching the Lord Lieutenant to be a means to her sacred Majesty for his pardon, withal making known his grievances, which how soever they could not justify his offence, yet might in some measure qualify the 〈◊〉 thereof. And till these might be booked, to be sent over with his Submission, most humbly craving of his Lordship to grant a truce or cessation of Arms for eight weeks following. And further, to the end it might appear that his submission proceeded from his heart, promising that for the time of this cessation, there should be no impediment given to her majesties Ministers bringing victuals to Blackwater Fort, yea, that for a poor token of his humblest duty, he would voluntarily give to the hands of the Captain forty beeves, and suffer the soldiers to cut and fetch in wood, or any other provisions. For his performance whereof he offered presently to give Pledges to his Lordship.  
The same day he subscribed the following articles, propounded to him by the Lord Lieutenant. First, he promiseth for him and his associates, faithfully to keep her majesties Peace during the cessation. Secondly, that he will presently recall all Ulster men sent by him into Lemster, leaving those who should not obey his directions to the Lord Lieutenants discretion. Thirdly, it any during the Truce shall break into Rebellion, he promiseth not to aid them, so as none depending on his Truce, be in the meantime taken in by the State without his consent. Fourthly, he agreeth to a general Liberty, of buying necessaries for his men in the Pale, and for the Queen's subjects in Ulster, and nothing to be forcibly taken on either side. Fiftly, that upon pretended wrongs no revenge be taken, but restitution be made within ten days after complaint. Sixthly, that during the Truce he shall have no intelligence with the King of Spain, or other foreign Prince, but acquaint the State with any message he shall receive, or project he shall hear. Seventhly, that he shall presently draw a book of his grievances, such as he can prove, without mention of frivolous matters unworthy her sacred majesties view Eightly, that he will deliver into the Fortforty beeves, and give safe conduct to her majesties Ministers to victual the said Fort of Blackwater, and suffer the soldiers to cut and fetch wood on the Southside of Armagh, and for all other necessaries permit them to agree with the owners, so as they come not of themselves into his Country, but have his men with them in company. Ninthly, that any prey being tracked into his Country, he shall make restitution, and deliver the thieves to be executed, and if any be stopped from following of his tract the stopper shall answer the goods so tracked; which course the Lord Lieutenant promised likewise to hold towards him and his associates.  
The four and twenty of December, Tyrone advertised the Lord Lientenant, that he served the Fort with forty beeves, but the Captain had refused ten of them, wherein his discretion was taxed by the Lord Lieutenant, since they were of voluntary gift. Yet Tyrone promised to send ten other of the best he had in am of them.  
The eighteenth of February Brian Oge Orwarke (commonly called Ororke) Lord of Letrym (commonly called Ororkes Country) submitted himself in a great assembly on his knees to her Majesty, before Sir Conyers Clifford Governor of Connaght, subscribing further to these Articles. First, that he and his followers promised in all humbleness to perform all duties to her Majesty, as becometh good subjects. Secondly, that he will receive her majesties Sheriffs, and yield them all due obedience. Thirdly, that he will pay to her Majesty her composition or rent, and yield to her Highness all services, according to his new Patent to be granted. Fourthly, that he shall send out of his Country all strangers to their owned welling places. Fifthly, that he will apprehend all Rebels, thieves or Malefactors coming into his Country, sending them and their goods to the Governor. Sixthly, that he will deliver Pledges for his Sept (or Family) and the chief Septs with him, within twenty days. Hereof Sir Conyers Clifford advertised the Lords justices, praying that in regard of the strength and fastness of Ororke Country, he might not be discontented, with having Becues takes from him for relief of the Army, without payment of ready money for them, since that course had already grieved all the Submitties. Further, he showed that the Country of Ororke was most necessary to be defended. For howsoever it was held by Sir Richard Bingham the last Governor as by Conquest (upon expelling of the above mentioned Ororke), yet than it was all waste, so as the Rebel could make little use of it whereas now it was most replenished with cattle, and therefore like to be assaulted by Tyrone and Odennel, incensed against Ororke by reason of this his submission. Besides that, the Queen's forces could lie no where so fitly for service, as upon the Earn, nor there be relieved but by Ororke, nor receive relief with his contentment but by paying ready money. Lastly, he showed that all the people upon the Earn, and in those parts, excepting Mac William, had submitted themselves to her Majesty, and delivered Pledges for their Loyalty, being glad to live under her majesties Laws, and only terrified with the burden of relieving the soldiers, without payment for their cattle. Therefore he desired that two of the privy Counsel might be sent over, to take knowledge of such grievances, as the Submitties should present unto them, and to take order for their satisfaction. These goodly submission, had all the same issue, as followeth in that of the famous Faith-breaker Tyrone.  
Since the last meeting of the Lord Lieutenant with Tyrone at Dundalke, his Lordship had sent over into England Tyrones' humble submission, and the Book of his grievances, and had received authority from her Majesty, to make a final conclusion with the Rebels, and now at another meeting in Dundalke, on the fifteen of March, the Lord Lieutenant signified to Tyrone, that her Majesty by his humble submission had been induced again to receive him to mercy, and to give him and all the Inhabitants of Tyrone her gracious pardon, upon conditions following. First, that he renew his humble submission to the Lord Lieutenant on her majesties behalf in some public place. 2. That he promise due obedience of a Subject, and not to intermeddle with the Irish, nor his adherents, not only hereafter, but now, leaving them to themselves, that they may become humble suitors for their own pardons, in which case it is promised them also. 3. That he dispierce his forces, upon receipt of his pardon, and dismiss all strangers, Irish, Scots, or others. 4. That he renounce the name and title of Oneale. 5. Not to intermeddle with her majesties Vriaghtes, (so the Irish call the bordering Lords, whom the Ulster Tyrants have long claimed to be their vassals). 6. That he build up again, at his own charges, the Fort and Bridge of Blackewater, and furnish the soldiers with victuals, as formerly he did. 7. That he deliver to the Lord Lieutenant the sons of Shane Oneale, who were her majesties prisoners; till breaking out they fell into his hands, and were imprisoned by him. 8. To declare faithfully all intelligence with Spain, and to leave it. 9 That he receive a Sheriff for Tyrone, as all other Countries do. 10. That he put in his eldest son for pledge, and at all times come to the state being called. 11. That he pay a fine in part of satisfaction for his ofsence, according to her majesties pleasure. 12. That he aid no Rebel, nor meddle with the Inhabitants on the East side of the Ban, yet so as he may enjoy any lands or leases he hath there. 13. That he receive not any disloyal person, but send such to the chief Governor.  
To the first and second Articles Tyrone agreeth, so as time might be giveu for the other Lords his associates to assemble, that they might herein lay no imputation on him. To the third he agreeth, craving a general passport for all such strangers. To the fourth he agreeth. For the fifth, he saith that he desireth nothing of the Vriaghts, but such duties as they yielded, since his Grandfather's time. To the sixth he agreeth. The seventh he refuseth, because he had not those prisoners from the State. To the eight he agreeth. To the ninth he agreeth, according to the statute appointing a gentleman of the Country to be chosen, yet craving for 〈◊〉 for a small time. The tenth be refuseth, for the pledges (in particular) 〈◊〉 the eleventh he agreeth to a 〈◊〉 of five hundred Cows, yet praying the Lord Lieutenant to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to her Majesty for the remittall thereof. To the twelfth he agreeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last he agreeth, provided that he would deliver no man to the State, who came to him for cause of conscience 〈◊〉 Finally, in regard Odonnell and other of Tyrone 〈◊〉, did not then appear, and in that respect the Lord Lieutenant, had been pleased to grant him further day 〈◊〉 for tenth of April following, he promised upon his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by his hand writing, that in case they or any of them should not then appear, and submit themselves; yet he at that time would 〈◊〉 submission, and humbly crave and receive her majesties gracious pardon, and go 〈◊〉 with all things requisite for a perfect conclusion, and to deliver in two pledges of his faith, to be chosen out of a schedule presented to the Lord Lieutenant, the same to be changed according to the agreement, and if the Moors and Conners, for whom he had obtained protection, should violate this 〈◊〉, that he would no way give aid or assistance to them. Hereupon at the instance of the Lord Lieutenant, the Lords justices caused Tyrones' pardon to be drawn, and sealed with the great seal of Ireland, bearing Date the eleventh of April, in the fortieth year of her majesties Reign, and of our Lord the year 1598.  
Tyrone received his general pardon; but continuing still his distoyall courses, never 
An. 1598.  pleaded the same, so as upon his above mentioned 〈◊〉, in September 1595. you shall find him after 〈◊〉, in the year 1600.  
The Irish kern were at the first rude soldiers, so as two or three of them were employed to discharge one Piece, and hitherto they have subsisted especially by treacherous tenders of submission, but now they were grown ready in managing their Pieces, and bold to skirmish in bogs and woody passages, yea, this year and the next following, became so disastrous to the English, and successful in action to the Irish, as they shaked the English government in this kingdom, till it tottered, and wanted little of fatal ruin. Tyrone wanted not pretences to frustrate this late treaty, and to return to his foremen disloyalty, and the defection of all other submitties depending on him, followed his revolt.  
First he sent aid to Phelim mac Feogh, chief of the Obirnes, the son of Feoghmac Hugh, (killed in Sir William russel's time), to the end he might make the war in Lemster against the English: And because the English Fort of Blackewater was a great eye sore to him, lying on the chief passage into his Country, he assembled all his forces, and assaulted the same. But Captain Thomas Williams, with his company under him, so valiandy repelled the great multitudes of the assailants, with slaughter of many and the most hardy, attempting to scale sort, (which was only a deep trench or wall of earth, to lodge some one hundred Soldiers), as they utterly discouraged from assailing it, resolved to besiege it a far off, and knowing they wanted victuals, presumed to get it by famine.  
This Captain and his few warders, did with no less courage suffer hunger, and having eaten the few horses they had, lived upon herbs growing in the ditches and walls, suffering all extremities, till the Lord Lieutenant in the month of August sent Sir Henry bagnol Martial of Ireland, with the most choice Companies of foot and horse troops of the English Army, to victual this Fort, and to raise the Rebel's siege. When the English entered the Pace, and thick woods beyond Armagh, on the East side, Tyrone (with all the Rebels forces assembled to him) pricked forward with rage of envy and settled rancour against the Marshal, assailed the English, and turning his full force against the Marshal's person, had the success to kill him, valiantly fight among the thickest of the Rebels. Whereupon the English being dismayed with his death, the Rebels obtained a great victory against them: I term it great, since the English from their first arrival in that Kingdom, never had received so great an overthrow, as this commonly called, The defeat of Blackewater; Thirteen valiant Captains, 
The defeat of Blackewater.  and 1500. common Soldiers, (whereof many were of the old companies which had served in Britain under General Norreys) were slain in the field. The yielding of the Fort of Blackwater followed this disaster, when the assaulted guard saw no hope of relief: but especially upon messages sent to Captain Williams, from our broken forces retired to Armagh, professing that all their safety depended upon his yielding the Fort into the hands of Tyrone, without which danger Captain Williams professed, that no want or misery should have induced him thereunto.  
Shortly after Sir Richard Bingham (above mentioned) late Governor of Connaght, and unworthily disgraced, was sent over to succeed Sir Henry bagnol in the Marshalship of that Kingdom.  
By this Victory, the rebels got plenty of Arms and victuals, Tyrone was among the Irish celebrated as the Deliverer of his Country from thraldom, and the combined Traitors on all sides were puffed up with intolerable pride. All Ulster was in Arms, all Connaght revolted, and the Rebels of Lemster swarmed in the English Pale, while the English lay in their Garrisons, so far from assailing the Rebels, as they rather lived in continual fear to be surprised by them.  
After the last years naval expedition out of England into the islands, certain old Companies of one thousand and fifty foot, drawn out of the Low Countries, were appointed to Winter in the West parts of England, To these, nine hundred and fifty new men were added this Summer, and the command of these two thousand Foot, and of one hundred Horse, was given to Sir Samuel Bagnol, who was appointed to go with them to Loughfoyle, in the North of Ireland: but after the defeat of Blackwater, they were countermanded to go into Lemster, to strengthen the Queen's Forces in the heart of the Kingdom.  

The old Companies.  Sir Samuel Bagnol, Colonel 150 1050 Foot. Captain john jephson. 100 Captain josias Bodley 100 Captain john Sidney 100 Captain Foulke Conway 100 Captain Nicholas Pynner 100 Captain Edward Blaney 100 Captain Tobey Calfeild 100 Captain Austin Heath 100 Captain Owen Tewder 100 To these were added new men, partly under old Captains, as Captain Francis Roe, Captain Charles Egerton, Captain Ralph Bingley, and partlyunder new Captains 950 Foot Besides, Sir Samuel Bagnol the Colonel had the command of a troup of Horse new raised 100 Horse  
After the defeat of Blackwater, Tyrone sent Only Mac Rory O More, and one Captain Tyrel (of English race, but a bold and unnatural enemy to his Country, and the English), to trouble the Province of Monster. Against whom Sir Thomas Norreys Lord Precedent opposed himself: but assoon as he upon necessary occasions had withdrawn his forces to Cork, many of the Monster men now first about October 1598., broke into rebellion, and joined themselves with Tyrones' said forces, spoiled the Country, burned the Villages, and pulled down the houses and Castles of the English; 
Anno 1598.  against whom (especially the female sex) they committed all abominable outrages, And now they raised james Fitzthomas a Geraldine to be Earl of Desmond, (which title had since the wars of Desmond been suppressed), with condition, that (forsooth) he should be vassal to Oneale. The Monster Rebellion broke out like a lightning, for in one months space, almost all the Irish were in rebellious Arms, and the English were murdered, or stripped and banished. Thus having inflamed Monster with the fire of Rebellion, and leaving this sedition to be cherished and increased by this new Earl of Desmond, and other Rebels of that Province; the Ulster forces returned back to Tyrone: The infection which Monster men had drawn from the corrupted parts in Rebellion, did more and more spread itself, so as the old practices long held by the Arch-traitor Tyrone to induce them to a revolt, now fully attained their wished effect. To the working whereof in the hearts of the seditious, there wanted not many strong motives, as the hatred which the Geraldines bore to those English Undertakers (of whom I formerly spoke, in Desmonds' war), which possessed their Ancestors lands; also the encouragement they received by the good success of the Rebels, and no less the hope of pardon upon the worst event. And to speak truth, Munster undertakers above mentioned, were in great part cause of this defection, and of their own fatal miseries. For whereas they should have built Castles, and brought over Colonies of English, and have admitted no Irish Tenant, but only English, these and like covenants were in no part performed by them. Of whom the men of best quality never came over, but made profit of the land; others brought no more English then their own Families, and all entertained Irish servants and tenants, which were now the first to betray them. If the covenants had been kept by them; they of themselves might have made two thousand able men, whereas the Lord Precedent could not find above two hundred of English birth among them, when the Rebels first entered the Province. Neither did these gentle Undertakers make any resistance to the Rebels, but left their dwellings, and fled to walled Towns; yea, when there was such danger in flight, as greater could not have been in defending their own, whereof many of them had woeful experience, being surprised with their wives and children in flight. Among the Monster Rebels were the Viscount Mountgarret, the Earl of Ormonds' near Kinsman, and the Baron of Cahir, a Butler, and of the Earl's Kindred. Both these pretended their discontent and malice against the said Earl, for cause of their revolt. But more dangerous causes were suspected, and excepta Royal Force were quickly opposed to the Rebels bold attempts, a general revolt was feared.  
May you hold laughter, or will you think that Carthage ever bred such a dissembling faedifragous' wretch as Tyrone, when you shall read, that even in the midst of all these garboils, and whilst in his letters to the King of Spain he magnified his victories, beseeching him not to believe that he would seek or take any conditions of Peace, and vowing constantly to keep his faith plighted to that King, yet most impudently he ceased not to entertain the Lord Lieutenant by letters and messages, with offers of submission. This he did, but not so submissively as before, for now the Gentleman was grown higher in the instep, as appeared by the insolent conditions he required.  
Ireland being in this turbulent State, many thought it could not be restored but by the powerful hand of Robert Earl of Essex. This noble Lord had from his youth put himself into military actions of greatest moment, so far as the place he held in 
Earl of Essex Lord Lieutenant.  Court would permit, and had of late years won much honour in some services by Sea and Land, so as he had full possession of a superintendency over all martial affairs, and for his noble worth was generally loved, and followed by the Nobility and Gentry. In which respects the Queen knew him fit for this service. He had long been a dear favourite to the Queen, but had of late lain so open to his enemies, as he had given them power to make his embracing of military courses, and his popular estimation so much suspected of his Sovereign, as his greatness was now judged to depend as much on her majesties fear of him, as her love to him. And in this respect he might seem to the Queen most unfit for this service. But surely the Earl was persuaded, that his honour could not stand without embracing this Action; and since he affected it, no man durst be his rival. Besides that, his enemies gladly put for. ward this his design, that they might have him at more advantage by his absence from Court. Finally, the vulgat gave ominous acclamations to his enterprise, but the wiser sort, rather wished then hoped happy effects, either to his private or the public good, in regard of the powerful enemies he left in Court, (whence all seconds were to come to him), and of his own distracted ends (though inclined to the public good, yet perhaps, in aiming at the speedy end of this war, and some other particulars, not fully concurring with the same.)  
The Earl of Essex, when he first purposed to entertain the managing of the Irish wars, advised and obtained, that two Regiments of old soldiers should be transported out of the Low-Countries into that Kingdom: namely,  

The first Regiment.  Sir Charles Percy Colonel— 200 1050 Foot. Captain Richard Moryson Lieutenant Colonel— 150 Sir Oliver Lambart— 150 Captain Henry Masterson— 150 Captain Randal Bret— 150 Captain William Turret— 150 Captain Turner— 100 
The second Regiment.  Sir Henry Dockwra, Colonel (and Conductor of all)— 200 950 Foot. Captain john Chamberlin Lieutenant Colonel— 150 Captain Edmond Morgan— 150 Captain Edward Michelburne— 150 Captain Walter Floyd— 150 Captain Garret Haruy— 150  
These Regiments landed in Ireland before the Earls coming over, and were then dispersed by the Earl into divers Regiments of new men, to season them, and to replenish them with sufficient Officers.  
The Earl's Patent was granted with title of Lord Lieutenant, and with more ample authority, than many other Lord Deputies had formerly granted them: for whereas others had power to pardon all Treasons, Felonies, and all offences, except such treasons as touched her majesties person, her heirs, etc., and the counterfeiting of money. This exception was by the Earl's importunity left out, which he extorted with wise providence, since the Lawyers held all Treasons to touch the Prince's person. And whereas other Lord Deputies had power to bestow all Offices excepting the chief reserved to the Queen's gift, his Lordship had power to bestow some of the chiefest, and to remove all Officers not holding by Patent, and to suspend such as held by Patent. Besides his Lordship had power in many things, which never had been formerly given to any: as to make Martial Laws (he being Lord martial of England), and to punish the transgressors. And to let the lands of Tyrone and other Rebels named, to any persons whatsoever, and to their heirs Males, reserving due rents to her Majesty. To command the Ships already sent, and to be sent into Ireland, except the Lord Admiral were sent forth to Sea, and commandment were given of joining the said ships to his Fleet. And lastly to issue the Treasure according to the two establishments, with liberty to alter that which was signed by the Lords in England, with the advise and consent of the Counsel of Ireland, so as he exceeded not the sum of the Establishments. He had an Army assigned him, as great as himself required, and such for number and strength, as Ireland had never yet seen.  
The establishment was signed by the Queen the four and twenty of March, being the last day (after the English account) of the year 1598. It contained: first, the 
The Establishment.  pay of the chief Officers in the Army: the Lord Lieutenant General ten pound a day. The Lieutenant of the Army three pound a day. The General of the Horse forty shillings a day: the Marshal of the Camp thirty shillings a day: the Sergeant Maior twenty shillings a day: the Lieutenant of the Horse twenty shillings a day: The Quartermaster twenty shillings a day: the judge Martial twenty shillings a day: the Auditor General thirteen shillings four pence a day: the controller general of the victuals ten shillings a day: the Lieutenant of the Ordinance ten shillings a day: the Surveyor six shillings eight pence: two Clerks of Munitions each five shillings a day: four Corporals of the field six shillings eight pence a day a piece: one Commissary of victuals eight shillings, and three other, each six shillings a day: The Carriage Master six shilling eight pence a day: and twenty Colonels, each ten shillings a day; whereof the total in the year amounts to thirteen thousand one hundred twenty seven pound sixteen shillings eight pence.  
It contained further the pay of thirteen hundred Horse, divided into six and twenty Bands, each Band having a Captain at four shillings a day, a Lieutenant at two shillings six pence a day, a Cornet at two shillings a day, and fifty horsemen each at fifteen pence a day, whereof the total in the year amounts to one and thirty thousand four hundred eight pound five shillings.  
It contained further the pay of sixteen thousand footmen, distributed into one hundred and sixty Bands, each Band having a Captain at four shillings a day, a Lieutenant at two shillings a day, an Ensign eighteen pence a day, two Sergeants, a Drum, and a Surgeon, each at twelve pence a day, and ninety four soldiers, and six dead pays (allowed to the Captain) at eight pence each by the day; whereof the total in the year amounts to two hundred twenty eight thousand two hundred forty six pound thirteen shillings four pence.  
Lastly, it contained an extraordinary supply of six thousand pound to be allowed by concordatum, for Spies, Guides, Messengers, Barks hiring, keeping of Prisoners, buildings, reparations, rewards, and like charges; the total of the Establishment by the year amounts to two hundred seventy seven thousand seven hundred eighty two pound fifteen shillings.  
Besides her Majesty was at great charge for many things not contained in the establishment as followeth. First for Officers general. The Lord Lieutenant for his ordinary entertainment by the year, one thousand three hundredth pound. His Lordship's Band of Horse by the year, one thousand five hundred thirteen pound two shillings six pence. His Lordships fifty footmen by the year, six hundred eight pound six shillings eight pence.) Both these bands of horse and foot being not of the Army, I take to be allowed him for his followers, and the servants in his family, besides his company of horse and foot in the Army); the Treasurer at wars by the year six hundred eight and thirty pound fifteen shillings. The Marshal of the Army by the year one hundred four pound eighteen shillings and nine pence. The Master of the Ordinance for himself by the year four hundred fifty pound three shillings four pence, and for Clerks, Gunners, and Ministers of the Ordinance by the year, four hundred fifty nine pound five shillings ten pence. The Muster-Master general by the year two hundred nine pound seventeen shillings six pence. Secondly for chief Officers newly erected. The Governor of Loghfoyle, by the year three hundred sixty five pound. The Governor of Caricfergus by the year one hundred eighty two pound ten shillings. The Governor of Dundalke as much. The Commander of the Forces at Rathdrum and Wickelow as much. The Commander of the Forces in Ophaly as much. The Commander of the Forces at Cavan as much.  
These payments being made in sterling money, do amount to six thousand five hundred fourscore ten pound nineteen shillings seven pence.  
Observe that all these above named Officers (excepting the Muster-Master) as also the Lieutenant of the Army, The General of the Horse, The Sergeant Maior, And likewise the Governors of Provinces and Garrisons, have all beside their fees, the command of a band of Horse, or of Foot, or of both. Thirdly for Officers in the four Courts and certain Pattentees: In the Exchequer the Earl of Ormond Lord Treasurer of Ireland hath for his fee, forty pound. The Treasurer at wars, threescore six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence. The chief Baron threescore and eleven pound ten shillings, and in augmentation fourscore eight ponnd seventeen shillings and nine pence. The Chancellor fourteen pound. The second Baron four and thirty pound. The Auditor General two hundred pound. The Surveyor General fourscore pound. The Remembrancer forty pound. The Sergeant at Law seventeen pound six shillings and eight pence. The Attorney General one hundred forty nine pound six shillings eight pence. The Solicitor one hundred forty nine pound six shillings eight pence. The Escheator six pound thirteen shillings and four pence. The second Remembrancer ten pound ten shillings. The chief Engrosser fourteen pound. The second Engrosser nine pound six shillings and eight pence. The chief Chamberlain thirteen pound six shillings and eight pence. The second Chamberlain six pound thirteen shillings and four pence. The Clerk of the first fruits ten pound. The keeper of the Records thirteen pound six thillings and eight pence. The Usher of the Court three pound six shillings and eight pence. The Clerk of the Common Pleas three pound six shillings eight pence. The Transcriptor fifty three shillings four pence. The Deputy Auditor eleven pound. The Vicetreasurers' Deputy eleven pound. The Somoniter one hundred six shillings eight pence. The Marshal of the Court one hundred six shillings eight pence. A Messenger four and forty shillings five pence farthing. Two Pursiuants each eighteen pound five shillings fee. In the King's Bench the chief justice four hundred pound. The second justice one hundred three and thirty pound six shillings eight pence. The Clerk of the Crown ten pound.  
In the Common Pleas the chief justice threescore seven pound ten shillings, and in augmentation fourscore eight pound seventeen shillings nine pence farthing. The second justice forty pound, and in augmentation twenty pound. The Prothonator ten pound. In the Chancery. The Lord Chancellor four hundred and fifteen pound six shillings eight pence. The Master of the Rolls fifty pound, and in augmentation fourscore eight pound seventeen shillings nine pence. Two Ministers each seven & twenty pound thirteen shillings four pence. The Clerk of the Crown six pound thirteen shillings four pence and in augmentation six & twenty pound thirteen shillings four pence. The Clerk of the Hamper fourteen pound. divers Officers in the starchamber six and fifty pound thirteen shillings four pence. divers Ministers of the Ordinance holding by Patent one hundred thirty five pound thirteen shillings five pence farthing. The Constable of the Castle of Dublyn and his warders with divers other Constables and Porters three hundred thirty five pound thirteen shillings two pence farthing.  
For Officers of the State: The Secretary one hundred six pound thirteen shillings four pence. The Clerk of the Counsel threescore and two pound thirteen shillings four pence. The Surveyor of the victuals one hundred forty three pound six shillings eight pence. The King at Arms thirty five pound six shillings eight pence. The Sergeant at Arms eighteen pound two shillings two pence half penny farthing. The Pursuivant at Arms thirteen pound six shillings eight pence. The Irish Interpreter seven and twenty pound seven shillings six pence. Officers about the Custom forty pound. For Creation money to Noble men; the Earl of Ormond thirty pound. The Earl of Kildare twenty pound. The Earl of Clanrickard forty pound. The Earl of Thomond twenty pound. The Baron of Kaher fifteen pound. divers annuities & procurations two hundred fourscore & nineteen pound nineteen shillings three pence half penny. For Parchment, Paper, Ink, Bags, etc. In the Exchequer, King's Bench, and Common Pleas, two hundred fourscore two pound, ten shillings eight pence: For other payments by warrant two hundred six and twenty pound two shillings four piece In the County of Wexford, the justice of the liberties twenty pound. The Senescall five & twenty pound. The Receiver twenty pound. The Marshal forty shillings.  
The total of these being paid in Irish money, is four thousand six hundred fifteen pound thirteen shillings half penny; which reduced to sterling money, makes three thousand four hundred threescore one pound thirteen shillings nine pence. Fourthly for Officers in Lemster, the Lieutenant of the Queen's County one hundred twenty one pound thirteen shillings four pence. The Provost Martial of the Army threescore and seventeen pound eleven shillings three pence. The Provost Martial of Lemster one hundred and two pound thirteen shillings one penny half penny. These paid in sterling money, amount to three hundred one pound sixteen shillings eight pence half penny.  
Fifthly, for Officers in Monster, the Lord President one hundred three and thirty pound six shillings eight pence. His diet with the Counsel allowed at his table, five hundred twenty pound. His Retinue of twenty foot with the Officers, and of thirty Horse, eight hundred and three pound. The chief justice one hundred pound. The second justice threescore six pound thirteen shillings four pence. The Queen's Attorney thirteen pound six shillings eight pence. The Clerk of the Council twenty pound. The Clerk of the Crown twenty pound. The Sergeant at Arms twenty pound. The Provost Martial two hundred five and fifty pound ten shillgs. The total being paid in sterling money, is one thousand nine hundred fifty one pound sixteen shillings eight pence.  
Sixtly, for Officers in Connaght, the chief Commissioner (or Governor) one hundred poundshiss diet with the Counsel at his table, one hundred fourscore two pound ten shillings. An allowance to himself forty pound. The justice one hundred pound. The Queen's Attorney twenty pound. The Clerk of the Crown twenty pound. The Clerk of the Counsel twenty pound. The Sergeant at Arms twenty pound, the Provost Martial two hundred threescore and four pound, twelve shillings six pence. An increase of pay to the present chief Commissioner, two hundred fourscore two pound ten shillings.  
The total being paid in sterling money, is nine hundred forty nine li. twelves. fixed.  
Seventhly, certain bands of Irish kern, five hundred threescore nineteen pound eight shillings nine pence.  
Eightly, for warders in several Provinces, three thousand five hundred threescore and seventeen pound two pence half penny.  
Ninthly, for Commissaries of Musters, five hundred threescore seventeen pound eighteen shillings four pence.  
Tenthly, Pensioners of all sorts, as well recorded in the Office of Musters, as those holding by Patent, and recorded with the Auditor, some holding for term of years, some during life, some during good behaviour, some during pleasure, three thousand two hundred forty nine l nine d.  
Lastly, Almes-men, fourscore eight l. nineteen s. four d. ob.  
The total of the above named charge not contained in the establishment, is twenty one thousand three hundred twenty eight l. eight s. seven d. ob.  
Add to this the establishment, two hundred threescore seventeen thousand seven hundred fourscore two pound, fifteen shillings.  
The total of the yearly charge, is two hundred fourscore and nineteen thousand, one hundred eleven pound three s. seven d. ob.  
To which if you add the great charge of all sorts of Munitions, with the like extraordinary expenses, and do also consider that the thirteen hundred Horse, and sixteen thousand Foot, by new supplies were made fully twenty thousand: the heavy burden of this years war in Ireland will appear.  
The Earl of Essex had in special charge from the Queen, to bend all his forces against the chief Traitor Tyrone, (and the Ulster Rebels his confederates), and withal to plant Garrisons at Loughfoyle and Balishannon, to the end they might at the same time assail him (and them) at the back (both which courses his Lordship had in all counsels persuaded, and often taxed the omissions of them). Thus with happy acclamations of the people (who to so worthy a General in the head of so strong an Army, did ominate nothing but victory and triumphs), yet with a Sunshine thunder happening (as Master Camden notes for an ominous ill token): This noble Lord (accompanied with the flower of the English Gentry, and conducted on his way with many of the Nobility), took his journey from London towards Ireland, in the end of the month of March, and the beginning of the year 1599, and though crossed 
An. 15999.  with tempestuous weather, (wherein the Earl of Kildare, and some gallant gentlemen accompanying him in a little bark, chosen of purpose for speed, were unfortunately cast away), landed within few days at Dublin, where according to the manner of other Governors, he received the Sword.  
Upon his Lordship's demand to be advertised from the Counsel of the present state of that Kingdom, a Collection thereof, debated and agreed upon in Counsel, and signed by the Counsellors, was presented to his Lordship the seventeenth of Aptill, being to this effect. First, for the Province of Lemster, in the County of Dublin, all the Mountainers were in actual rebellion, as Phelim Mac Feagh, and his brother Redmond, with their Sept (or name) of the O'yrns, and Phelim Mac Feagh with his Sept of the Otooles, and Walter Mac Edmond chief of the Galloglasses, with his Sept of Mac Donnels; only two Castles, Newcastle and Wickloe, Sir Henry Harrington held for the Queen, and all the rest of the Country continued loyal. The Rebels thereof were in number four hundred eighty Foot, and twenty Horse. In the County of Kildare james Fitzpierce a Geraldine, two Geraldines, base brothers to the late Earl of Kildare, some of the Delahides, some of the Odempsies, and some of the Eustaces (of which Sept was the late Viscount Baltinglasse attainted), all in action of Rebellion, were in number two hundred and twenty Foot, and thirty Horse. All the rest of the Country being wasted by the Rebels, yet held for the Queen. In the County of Carlogh, being little and all wasted, the Castles of Carlogh and Laughline, and her majesties house of Fernes, held by the Queen's Wards, and six Castles belonging to the Earl of Ormond, held for the Queen; but the Cavanaghss, and Keytons, were in Rebellion. In the County of Wexford being wasted, all the Castles held for the Queen, and Sir Thomas Calclough, Sir Richard Masterson, and Sir Dudley Loftus, the only English there inhabiting, held for the Queen. But Donnel Spaniagh (alias Cavanagh) with all that Sept, the Omorroghs, Macony More, all the Kinsellaghes, Dermot Mac Morice, and divers others with their followers, were all in rebellion, and in those two Counties the Rebels were in number seven hundred and fifty Foot, and fifty Horse. In the County of Leax, called the Queen's County, lately all English, now usurped by the Rebels Owny Mac Rowry Omore, and all the Sept of O Mores, and the chief of the Galloglasses in that County, of the Sept of Mac Donnel, the Sept of O dempsy (except Sir Terence O Dempsey) the Sept of O doynes (except Teig Oge O Doyne), were all in rebellion, and the base son of the Earl of Kildare, a Geraldine, lately came in upon protection. The Rebels were in number five hundred seventy Foot, and thirty Horse. Master Hartpol, Master Bowen, and Master Pygot, were the only English Inhabitants, by whom and some others, certain Castles were kept for the Queen, besides the Fort of Mariaborough kept by the Queens Garrison. In the County of Ophalye, called (of Philip King of England) the King's County, lately English, the Fort of Phillipstowne was kept by an English Garrison, Sir George coley, Sir Henry Warren, Mast. john Moor, and Mast. Phillip's, held their Castles for the Queen, the rest of the Castles were kept by the sept of the Oconners than rebels, and all the land was wasted, the Sept of the Omollyes and Odonners were likewise in rebellion, and they were all in number four hundred sixty and eight Foot, and twelve Horse. In the County of Kilkenny, the Viscount of Mountgaret, a Butler, of the Earl of Ormonds' Family, and son in Law to Tyrone, was in rebellion, with his brethren, and with some of his sons, and with his followers, being in number one hundred and thirty Foot, and twenty Horse, and held the Castles of Balliragge and Colekil; the rest of the Castles, and the whole County were held by the Earl of Ormond for the Queen. In the County of Meath, the son and heir of Sir William Nugent was in rebellion, and the County lying in the heart of the Pale, was greatly wasted by the Ulster Rebels, and many Castles lay waste without inhabitants, but no Rebels possed either Town or Castle therein. In the County of Westmeath, lying for the most part waste; the Omollaughlines, and the Magoghegines, many of the nugent's, and the Geraldines were in rebellion, being in number 140 Foot, and twenty Horse, besides Captain Tyrel (a Rebel of English race), who had of Ulster men and other strangers two hundred Foot. In the County of Lowthe, Sir Edward Moor and Sir Francis Stafford were the only English housekeepers, all the lands were wasted by the Ulster rebels; but the Lord of Lowthe, an English-Irish Baron, and all the Towns and Castles stood firm for the Queen. In the County of Lonford, all the Ofarrols were in rebellion, except two chief men of that Family, and the Castle of Longford was held by an English Ward, and the Rebels were in number one hundred and twenty Foot. The whole number of the Rebels in this Province of Lemster was three thousand forty and eight Foot, and one hundred eighty two Horse.  
Secondly, for the Province of Ulster (consisting all of Irish Septs, except the Scots possessing the Rout and Glinnes), those of Lecale, and the little Ardes held for the Queen, but overawed by Tyrone, were forced to give way to him to tyrannize in their Countries. Dundalke the frontier Town between the Pale and Ulster, vnd Knockfergus (or Carickfergus) a frontier Town towards Scotland, were kept by English Garrisons, as likewise the Newry, Carlingford, Green Castle, and Narrow water (all near Dundalke), and the Castle of Ballinecargie in the Brenny, the rest were all in Rebellion. Neale Brian Fertough in the upper Clandeboyes, had in number eighty Foot and thirty Horse. Shane Mac Brian in the lower Clandeboyes had eighty foot and fifty Horse. The Whites Country (or the Duffery) had twenty Foot. Mac Arten and Sleaght Mac Oneale had one hundred foot, and twenty horse. Mac Rorye Captain of Kilwarlin had sixty foot, and ten horse. Cormack Mac Oneale, Captain of Kilultogh had sixty foot and ten horse. Hugh Mac Murtagh bevond the Min water had forty foot. Shane Mac Brian Carogh upon the Ban side, had fifty foot, ten horse. Sir james Mac Surleyboy, and his Scots, possessing the Rout and the seven Glynnes, had foure-hundred foot, and one hundred horse. The Island of Magee, belonging to the Earl of Essex, was altogether waste. Mac Guire in Fermannagh had six hundred foot, one hundred horse. Mac Mahowne in Monaghan, and Ever Mac Coolye in the Ferney, and others of that name in Clankaruil, had five hundred foot, one hundred and sixty horse. The Oreylyes in the Brenny (or the County of Cavan) had eight hundred foot, hundred horse. Ocane in his Country had five hundred foot, two hundred horse. two Sir Art Oneale in Sleught Art had three hundred foot, sixty horse. Henry Oge in his Country had two hundred foot, and forty horse. Turlough Mac Henry Oneale in the Fues, had three hundred foot, sixty horse. Ohagan in his Country had one hundred foot, thirty horse. Oquin in his Country eighty foot, twenty horse. The Donelaghes in their Country one hundred foot, sixty horse. Mac Can in Clancan one hundred foot, twelve horse. Tyrone the arch-traitor in Tyrone seven hundred foot 200 horse. Carmack Mac Baron his brother, in his Country had three hundred foot and sixty horse. Mac Gennis in Yuogh (or Mac Gennis Country) had two hundred foot, forty horse. In Tyrconnel O donnels Country, Sir john O dogherty for his Country had three hundred foot, and forty horse. O donnels son in the Conologhs Country one hundred and fifty foot, and fifty horse. Mac Swine for his Country five hundred foot, and thirty horse. Oboyle for his Country one hundred foot and twenty horse. O Donnel himself in the County of Donnegal two hundred foot, sixty horse. O Gallohore for his Country (in which his chief house is Ballashannon) had two hundred foot, forty horse. Sleught Rorie for his Country one hundred foot, and fifty horse. The forces of the Rebels in Ulster are in all one thousand seven hundred and two horse, and seven thousand two hundred and twenty foot.  
Thirdly, for the Province of Monster, In the County of Tipperary. The Lord Baron of Cahir a Butler, with his brother and followers, had three hundred foot twelve horse. Edmond Fitzgibbon called the White Knight (this nick name given to one for his grey hears, coming as hereditary to his posterity), in his Country four hundred foot, thirty horse. Richard Pursell Baron of Loughwey 200 foot, 6 horse. The Omulrians three hundred foot, six horse. The Omaighirs sixty foot, three horse. The Okennydayes five hundred foot, thirty horse. The Burkes in the Lord Burkes Country, two hundred foot, four horse. In the County of Cork, james Fitzthomas, the supposed Earl of Desmond, two hundred and fifty foot, thirty horse. The Lord of Dewallough two hundred foot, eight horse. Barry Oge, and the Lord Barryes' brother in the Muskerye, one hundred and twenty foot, three horse. Davy Burke in the Carbrye five hundred foot. In the County of Limrick, Pierce Lacie, with divers septs, had three hundred foot, and fifteen horse. In the County of Kerry, the Lord Fitz Morrice, Thomas Oge, john Delahyde, with others, five hundred foot, thirty horse. In the County of Desmond, called Oswyllivan Bear, and Oswillivan Moor's Country, Dermod Mac Owen (usurping the name of Mac Arty Moor) had five hundred foot, six horse. In the County of Waterford, the Rebels had two hundred foot, and ten horse. In all the Rebels of this Province of Monster were strong five thousand thirty foot, and two hundred forty two horse. This number the Earl of Ormond judged to be the least, and thought the horse one hundred more in number. Observe, that all the Cities and Port-townes, and almost all the Castles in this Province of Monster, and many great Lords and Gentlemen, held for the Queen.  
Fourthly and lastly, for the Province of Connaught; In the County of Roscommen, the Castles of Roscommen, Athlone, Tulske, boil, and Ballinestawe, were kept at her majesties charge, and the Rebels of divers septs had five hundred foot, fixtie horse. In the County of Sligo, O Connor Sligo, and divers septs of rebels, had three hundred foot, and thirty horse, and only the Castle of Calony held for the Queen. Orworke in Leytrim (called Ororkes Country) had six hundred foot, sixty horse, and not any Castle was kept for the Queen. In the County of Maio, some three Castles lately held for the Queen, but were thought to be rendered up to Mac William, who with his followers had six hundred foot, sixty horse. In the County of Galloway, the town of Galloway, of Atheurie, and the Castle of Milech, held for the Queen, but many septs of the Country were in rebellion, who had some four hundred ninety foot. In the County of Clare, the Earl of Thomonds' brother (who first was upon suspicion committed to prison by the said Earl, and after released), with the Obryans, and Mac Marres, and other septs, had six hundred foot, fifty horse, and not one Castle was there kept for the Queen. In all, the rebels of this Province of Connaught were strong three thousand and seventy foot, two hundred and twenty horse. And the Rebels in all the four Provinces were strong eighteen thousand two hundred forty six foot, and two thousand three hundred forty six horse.  
The Earl of Essex in the month of April dispatched two letters to the Lords in England; by the first whereof he advertised them of this strength of the rebels; and by the second, that Tyrone had in counsel resolved, first, to hearten his confederates, and strengthen them in their dependency on his protection; then to make two heads against the Queen's forces, the one in Ulster, of some six thousand horse and foot, under his own command, and the other in Connaght of some four thousand horse and foot under Odonnells command: and further advertised their Lordships, that many in Monster had taken a solemn oath at a public Cross in that Province, to be steadfast in their rebellion. And that no traitor sought pardon, but used such insolent behaviour, as might well show they had no such thought. That the minds of the very subjects were so alienated from the English, as well for Religion as Government, as some who could bring one hundred horse, and three hundred foot into the field upon private revenge, would protest not to be able to serve the State with six horse or foot. That every active borderer had a solliciter with the Rebels, and almost every one of the greatest in the State had some Rebel or other to his Client. Concluding, that small or no assistance could be promised from the Irish, so as howsoever the Queen's Army was great, yet he durst boldly say, that the plaster would do no more than cover the wound.  
After few days of rest, good part of the English forces being drawn together, this noble Lord Lieutenant gave entrance to his first actions, from which the progress commonly receiveth a kind of ominous lustre or stain. And therein he attempted not the head of the Rebellion, according to his own advise in England, and the Queens express command, but was induced by some of the Counsel in that State, aiming at their own private interest, more than the public good, to lead his forces against some few Rebels in Monster, where he took the Castle of Cahir, belonging to Edward Butler, Baron of Cahir, and making a great prey of the rebels cattle in those parts, he cast the terror of his forces on the weakest enemies, whom he scattered and constrained to fly into Woods and Mountains, to hide themselves.  
The fifteenth of june, while the Lord Lieutenant was yet in this Monster journey, he received advertisement from a Captain, whom he had employed by sea into the North, to spy out Tyrones' actions, that two ships lately come from Spain, had put confidence in Tyrone, who went from Dungannon to Loughfoyle about that business, but they brought only munition, not any treasure. That Tyrone had given forces to Brian Mac Art, son to Art Mac Baron, that he might take pledges, and watch over Neale Mac Brian, whom he suspected, and had charged Mac Genis to do the like over Mac Cartan, also suspected by him, so as there was no possibility to parley with them, according to the instructions given by his Lordship. That Tyrone kept his great pledges, Shane Oneales' sons, in an Island, within a strong fastness, but as yet had neither gathered at home, nor received from foreign parts any treasure. That both Tyrone and Odonnel had their Agents in the out Isles of Scotland, to solicit the Redshankeses to assist them for pay. That the King of Spain had promised them aid of men, which they would not have landed in Ulster, but in some Port of Monster, or at Galloway in Connaght. That Scots daily carried Munition to them, which traffic might be hindered by two Galleys with Oars, but no ship using sails could stop their passage. That the gross of the Northern Rebels in Ulster, and part of Connaght drawn together, would be nine thousand foot, and one thousand four hundred horse. That they were confident to draw the war into such a length, as should be unsupportable to the State of England. To which end Odonnel had hired a Mass of Redshankeses, who were to be cessed in Connaght and Monster, because Tyrone, having deadly feud with some of the chief Leaders, durst not trust them in Ulster. Besides that upon arrival of foreign treasure, great multitudes of those Scots were like to flock unto them. And to the same end Tyrone had made strong fastnesses or entrenchments, as well upon the passages of Loughfoyle and Ballishanon, (where he left forces to resist the English Garrisons to be sent thither), as at the Blackewater, and Ballinemoyree, himself purposing to meet the English Army in the woods of Ballinemoyree, between Dundalke and the Newry, where he hoped to make some of the best to drop, and after to fall back at his pleasure to like fights of advantage, which he had prepared at the Blackewater. So as the only means suddenly to break those rebels, was to higher 4000 Redshankeses, to break in upon them, (by advantage of their rowing boats) into the heart of Tyrone, between these entrenchments, where they might easily take from him all his wealth, consisting in cattle, and there entrench themselves, and in despite of all Tyrones' forces, be supplied with all necessaries from the Scottish islands. And indeed to this purpose, the Lord Bourgh, if he had not been prevented by sudden death, had contracted with those Scots, promising 4000 men for the first months pay, 1200. pound, the chief Leader a Colonel's pay, and certain Captains the pay of a Captain of 100, men. After which month, their Septs were to be cessed for their victuals, upon such countries, as they must have fought with the Rebels for every morsel: Namely, the sons of Agnus mac connel with their Sept, upon the Rout, the Glinnes, and North Clandeboy, who for the pretence they had to inherit that Country, would prosecute james mac Surley, the possesser thereof to the uttermost. Donnel Groom and his Sept, upon Yuogh, being Mac Genis his Country. The Mac Lanes and their Sept, upon the South Clandeboy, and the Duffren. All which Septs were to put in pledges to the Lord Bourgh, not to pray any under the Queen's protection, and to depart the Kingdom, when his Lordship should please no longer to make use of their service.  
The five and twenty of june, during the said Monster journey, the Lord Lieutenant wrote unto the Queen this Letter following.  
WHen this shall come to your majesties hands, I know not; but whensoever it hath that Honour, give it leave (I humbly beseech your Majesty) to tell you, that having now passed through the Provinces of Lemster and Monster, and been upon the Frontier of Connaght, (where the Governor and the chief of the Province were with me); I dare begin to give your Majesty some advertisement of the state of this Kingdom, not as before by hearsay, but as I beheld it with mine own eyes. The people in general have able bodies by nature, and have gotten by custom ready use of arms, and by their late successes boldness to fight with your majesties troops. In their pride they value no man but themselves, in their affections they love nothing but idleness and licentiousness, in their rebellion they have no other end, but to shake off the yoke of obedience to your Majesty, and to root out all remembrance of the English Nation in this Kingdom. I say this of the people in general, for I find not only the greater part thus affected, but that it is a general quarrel of the Irish, and they who do not profess it, are either so few, or so false, that there is no account to be made of them. The Irish Nobility and Lords of countries, do not only in their hearts affect this plausible quarrel, and are divided from us in religion, but have an especial quarrel to the English government, because it limitteth and tieth them, who ever have been, and ever would be as absolute Tyrants, as any are under the Sun. The Towns, being inhabited by men of the same religion and birth as the rest, are so carried away with the love of gain, that for it, they will furnish the rebels with all things that may arm them, or enable them against the State, or against themselves. The wealth of the Kingdom, which consisteth in cattle, oatmeal, and other victuals, is almost all in the Rebels hands, who in every Province, till my coming, have been Masters of the field. The expectation of all these Rebels is very present, and very confident, that Spain will either so invade your Majesty, that you shall have no leisure to prosecute them here, or so succour them, that they will get most of the Towns into their hands, ere your Majesty shall relieve and reinforce your Army. So that now if your Majesty resolve to subdue these Rebels by force, they are so many, and so framed to be Soldiers, that the war of force will be great, costly, and long. If your Majesty will seek to break them by factions amongst themselves, they are covetous and mercenary, and must be purchased, and their Jesuits and practising Priests, must be hunted out and taken from them, which now do sodder them so fast, and so close together. If your Majesty will have a strong party in the Irish Nobility, and make use of them, you must hide from them all purpose of establishing English government, till the strength of the Irish be so broken, that they shall see no safety but in your majesties protection. If your Majesty will be assured of the possession of your Towns, and keep them from supplying the wants of the Rebels, you must have garrisons brought into them, able to command them, and make it a capital offence for any Merchant in Ireland, to trade with the Rebels, or buy or sell any arms or munition whatsoever. For your good subjects may have for their money out of your majesties store, that which shall be appointed by order, and may serve for their necessary defence, whereas if once they be tradable, the Rebels will give such extreme and excessive prices, that they will never be kept from them. If your Majesty will secure this your Realm from the danger of invasion, assoon as those which direct & manage your majesties intelligences, give notice of the preparations and readiness of the enemy, you must be aswell armed, and provided for your defence: which provision, consists in having forces upon the Coast, inroled and trained, in having Magazines of victual in your majesties West and Northwest parts, ready to be transported; and in having ships both of war and transportation, which may carry and waft them both, upon the first alarum of a descent. The enrolling and training of your subjects, is no charge to your majesties own coffers: The providing of Magazines, will never be any loss, for in using them, you may save a Kingdom, and if you use them not, you may have your old store sold, and (if it be well handled) to your majesties profit. The arming of your majesties ships, when you hear your enemy arms to the Sea, is agreeable to your own provident and Princely courses, and to the policy of all Princes and states of the World. But to return to Ireland again, as I have showed your Majesty the dangers and disadvantages, which your servants and Ministers here shall and do meet withal, in this great work of reducing this Kingdom. So I will now (as well as I can) represent to your Majesty your strengths and advantages. First, these Rebels are neither able to force any walled Town, Castle, or House of strength, nor to keep any that they get, so that while your Majesty keeps your Army in strength and vigour, you are undoubtedly Mistress of all towns and holds whatsoever. By which means (if your Majesty have good Ministers) all the wealth of the Land shall be drawn into the hands of your subjects, your soldiers in the winter shall be casefully lodged, & readily supplied of any wants, and we that command your majesties forces, may make the war offensive and defensive, may fight and be in safety, as occasion is offered. Secondly, your majesties Horsemen, are so incomparably better than the rebels, and their foot are so unwilling to fight in battle or gross, (howsoever they be desirous to skirmish and fight loose); that your Majesty may be always Mistress of the champion Countries, which are the best parts of this Kingdom. Thirdly, your Majesty victualling your Army out of England and with your Garrisons burning and spoiling the Country in all places, shall starve the Rebel in one year, because no place else can supply them. Fourthly, since no war can be made without Munition, and munition this Rebel cannot have, but from Spain, Scotland, or your own Towns here, if your Majesty will still continue your Ships and Pinnaces upon the Coast, and be pleased to send a Printed Proclamation, that upon pain of death no Merchant, Townsman, or other Subject, do traffic with the Rebel, or buy or sell in any sort any kind of Munition or Arms, I doubt not, but in short time I shall make them bankrupt of their old store, and I hope our Seamen will keep them from receiving any new. Fifthly, your Majesty hath a rich store of gallant Colonels, Captains, and Gentlemen of quality, whose example and execution is of more use, than all the rest of your troops; whereas the men of best quality among the rebels, which are their Leaders, and their horsemen, dare never put themselves to any hazard, but send their Kern, and their hirelings to fight with your majesties Troops; so that although their common soldiers are too hard for our new men, yet are they not able to stand before such gallant men as will charge them. Sixthly, your majesties Commanders being adviled and exercised, know all advantages, and by the strength of their order, will in all great fights beat the rebels. For they neither march, nor lodge, nor fight in order, but only by the benefit of their footmanship, can come on, and go off at their pleasure, which makes them attend a whole day, still skirmishing, and never engaging themselves. So that it hath been ever the fault and weakness of your Majesty Leaders, whensoever you have received any blow. For the rebels do but watch and attend upon all grosle oversights. Now if it please your Majesty to compare your advantages and disadvantages together, you shall find, that though these Rebels are more in number then your majesties Army, and have (though I do unwillingly confess it) better bodies, and perfecter use of their Arms, than those men which your Majesty sends over; yet your Majesty, commanding the walled Towns, Holds, and Champion Countries, and having a brave Nobility and Gentry, a better Discipline, and stronger order than they, and such means to keep from them the maintenance of their life, and to waste the Country, which should nourish them, your Majesty may promise yourself, that this action will (in the end) be successful, though costly, and that your Victory will be certain, though many of us your honest servants must sacrifice ourselves in the quarrel, and that this Kingdom will be reduced, though it will ask (besides cost) a great deal of care, industry, and time. But why do I talk of victory, or of success? is it not known, that from England I receive nothing but discomforts and souls wounds? Is it not spoken in the Army, that your majesties favour is diverted from me, and that already you do boadil both to me and it? Is it not believed by the Rebels, that those whom you favour most, do more hate me out of faction, then them out of duty or conscience? Is it not lamented of your majesties faithfullest subjects both there and here, that a Cobham, or a Kaleigh (I will forbear others for their places sake) should have such credit and favour with your Majesty, when they wish the ill success of your majesties most important action, the decay of your greatest strength, and the destruction of your faithfullest servants? Yes, yes, I see both my own destiny, and your majesties decree, and do willingly embrace the one, and obey the other. Let me honestly and zealously end a wearisome life, let others live in deceitful and unconstant pleasure; let me bear the brunt, and die meritoriously; let others achieve and finish the work, and live to erect Trophies. But my prayer shall be, that when my Soneraigne looseth me, her Army may not loose courage, or this Kingdom want physic, or her dearest Self miss Essex, and then I can never go in a better time, nor in a fairer way. Till then, I protest before God and his Angels, that I am a true Votary, that is sequestered from all things but my duty and my charge; I perform the uttermost of my bodies, minds and fortunes abilitte, and more should, but that a constant care and labour agrees not with an inconstant health, in an unwholesome and uncertain climate. This is the hand of him, that did live your dearest, and will die,  
Your majesties faithfullest servant Essex.  
Towards the end of july his Lordp. brought back his forces into Lemster, the soldiers being weary, sick, and uncredibly diminished in number, and himself returned to Dublin. All that his Lordp. had done in this journey, besides the scattering of the Rebels weak troops, was the taking of Cahir Castle, and receiving the L. of Cahir, the L. Roche and some others into her majesties Protection, who after his departure did either openly fall again to the rebels party, or secretly combine with them. While his Lordp. was in this journey, some 600 men left in the Glinnes, by the unskilfulness of some young Captains and soldiers, and the ill affection of some Irish Officers, received a disgraceful blow from the Obirns, whereupon his Lordp. now severely punished their fault, disarming the soldiers, and executing the tenth man, calling the Captains to a Martial Court, and discharging them, and condemning to be shot to death an Irish Lieutenant, who had parleyed with the Rebels, and was thought to have animated them. Then his Lordp. understanding that the Queen was much offended with this Monster journey, he cast in his letters the fault on the Counsel of Ireland, whose advise, by reason of their long experience in those wars, he thought fittest to follow, at his first entry, but withal gave her Majesty full assurance that he would presently lead the Army into Ulster against Tyrone himself. Yet these letters were scarce delivered, when by others he signified a necessity of a journey into Ophalia and Leax near Dublin, against the Oconnors and Omores, whom he broke with ease, himself leading some 1500 into Ophalia, & sending Sir Christopher Blunt the Marshal into Leax with 1000 men under the command of Sir Charles Percy and Sir Richard Moryson. Then at his return, taking a view of the Army, he found it so weakened, as by letters signed by himself and the Counsel there, he desired a supply of 1000 foot out of England, to enable him presently to undertake the Ulster journey.  
Thus resolved to march Northward, he commanded Sir Conyors Clifford, Governor of Connaght to draw his forces up to Belike, that he might force Tyrone to send some of his forces that way, while he assailed him on the other side. Sir Conyers Clifford accordingly marched this way with one thousand four hundred foot by Pole, and the Earl of Southamptons' Troop of one hundred horse, under the leading of Captain john lephson, with some other Irish horse: & coming to the Curlew mountains he left the munition and carriages under the guard of the horse, till he passing forward with the Foot had tried the passage. He had not gone far, before Ororke and other rebels with him, upon the advantage of Woods, bogs, and a stony causey, assailed our men, who at the first valiantly repelled them, till the rebels finding the munition our men had about them beginning to fail, renewed the charge with greater fury than before; at which time our men, discouraged with the want of powder, (almost all they had about them being spent, and their store being behind with the carriage), as also wearied with a long march they had made before the skirmish, began to saint, and take themselves to flight, whom the rebels pursued, & killed some one hundred and twenty in the place, among which the Governor Sir Conyers Clifford, and a worthy Captain Sir Alexander Ratcliff, were lost, beside as many more hurt, whereof the greatest part recovered. And no doubt the rest had all perished, if the Horse had not valiantly succoured them. For the Lord of Dunkellyn (who that day had most valiantly behaved himself) sent word to Captain john jephson of their distress, who presently charged upon the causey, and to the very skirts of the Wood, with such resolution, as the rebels either thinking Horse could not have served there, or expecting advantages upon them in that boggy place, stood gaping on them, and gave way, without any resistance for a good space, in which our men had leisure to retire over a Ford, into the Plain, where the carriages were, and thence to the Abbey of the Boil, being very near the place. Afterwards the rebels began to charge our Horse, but their powder being almost spent, Captain jephson safely retired, with the loss of some few horses. In a Consultation, some were earnest to have marched forward the next day: but the Lord of Dunkellin, Sir Arthur Savage, Captain john jephson, and many of the best judgement, considering the Governor was lost, our troops utterly dismayed, and Odonnel come down with all his forces into those parts, thought fit our men should retire to their Garrisons. So Captain jephson all that night kept the Ford, while our Foot in the silent night retired, and in the morning when they were in safety, he with the Horse under his command went softly after them to the Castle of Athlone. It is strange, the rebels then present being but some two hundred, and most of our men being old soldiers, how this defeat could be given, but small accidents in military affairs, are often causes of strange and great events: for I have heard this mischance fully attributed to an unorderly turning of the whole body of the Van; which though it were toward the enemy, yet being mistaken by some common soldiers for a flight, it caused a general rout.  
In the mean time the foresaid supply of one thousand foot was sent out of England to the Lord Licutenant, according to his and the Counsel is request. But few days after, his Lordship signified by his letters into England, that he could do no more this season of the year, then to draw thirteen hundred Foot, and three hundred horse to the borders of Ulster. Whether he came about the Ides of September, and Tyrone two days together showed himself and his troops upon distant hills, to the English. Then Tyrone sent Hagan to the Lord Lieutenant, to entreat a Parley between his Lordship and him; which his Lordship refused, answering, that if Tyrone would speak with him, he should find him next day in Arms, in the head of the Army. The next day, after a light skirmish, one of Tyrones' horsemen cried with a loud voice, that Tyrone would not fight, but would speak with the Lord Licutenant, and that unarmed, and both withdrawn aside from the forces. The next day, when his Lordship marched forwards, Hagan met him again, and declared to him, that Tyrone besought the Queen's mercy, and that he would vouchsafe to speak one word with him, which granted, he would in all humbleness attend his Lordship at the ford Balla-clinch, near the chief Town of the County of Louth. His Lordship sent some before, to view the ford, who found Tyrone there, and he assured them, that howsoever the waters were something risen, yet they might easily hear one another from each side. His Lordship being come thither, Tyrone leaving a troup of horse upon a hill not far off, came down alone, and putting his horse up to the belly in the water, with all humbleness saluted his Lordship standing on the other bank, and there they passed many speeches. Then Tyrone called his brother Cormack, Mac Gennys, Mac Guire, Ever Mac Couley, Henry Ouington, and O Quin, to the ford, the Lord Lieutenant having first called the Earl of southhampton, Sir George Bourcher, Sir Warham Sant Leger, Sir Henry Davers, Sir Edward Wingfeld, and Sir William Constable, to come down. Tyrone very Courtly saluted each one, and after short conference, it was concluded, that the next day Commissioners, should meet to treat of Peace, and they made a mutual Truce from that day for six weeks, and so from six weeks to six weeks, till the calends of May, with caution, that it should be free to either side, upon fourteen days warning first given, to renew the war. And if any of the Earl of Tyrones' confederates should not assent hereunto, he left them to be prosecuted, by the Lord Licutenant.  
By this time the Queen had received his Lordship's last letters above mentioned, signifying that he could only for this winter, draw to the confines of Ulster, with one thousand three hundred foot and three hundred horse; At which time, to justify his resolution, he sent the judgement of the chief Commanders of the Army, subscribed with their hands, dated the one twenty of August, that for that time more could not be enterprised for these reasons; that the Army was unwilling to be drawn towards Ulster, so as many ran away from their Colours; that many were sick; that no Plantation could be made this year at Loughfoyle, nor any course taken to divert Tyrones' forces; that the Connaght Army was defeated; that his Lordship's Army had not above four thousand able men at the most; that these were unable to stand against the rebels, being six thousand shot, and lying within strong entrenchments; that much less any strong Garrisons could be left in the North, and a safe retreat made; And lastly, that those Garrisons, if they could be left there, would more endanger the English (being continually to supply them with victuals in winter time) then annoy the rebels. Her Majesty being highly offended, that so royal an Army, maintained with her excessive charge, had in six months effected nothing, and now gave no hope of any important service to be done against the rebels, wrote a sharp letter to the Lord Lieurenant, and the Counsel of Ireland, as followeth.  
Elizabeth Regina.  
By the Queen.  
RIght trusty and right well beloved cozen and Councillor, and trusty and well-beloved We greet you well. Having sufficiently declared unto you before this time, how little the manner of your proceedings hath answered, either our direction, or the world's expectation. And finding now by your letters by Cuffe, a course more strange if stranger may be, we are doubtful what to prescribe you at any time, or what to build upon by your own writings to us in any thing. For we have clearly discerned of late that you have ever to this hour possessed us with expectations, that you would proceed as we directed you. But your actions show always the contrary, though carried in such sort, as you were sure we had no time to countermand them.  
Before your departure, no man's counsel was held sound, which persuaded not presently the main prosecution in Ulster, all was nothing without that, and nothing was too much for that. This drew on the sudden transportation, of so many thousands to be carried over with you, as when you arrived we were charged with more than the list, or which we resolved, to the number of three hundred horse; Also the thousand which were only to be in pay during the service in Ulster, have been put in charge ever since the first journey. The pretence of which voyage as appeareth by your letters was to do some present service, in the Interim, whilst the season grew more commodious for the main prosecution; for the which purpose, you did importune with great earnestness, that all manner of provisions might be hastened to Dublin against your return.  
Of this resolution to defer your going into Ulster, you may well think that we would have made stay, if you had given us more time, or it we could have imagined by the contents of your own writings, that you would have spent nine weeks abroad. At your return, when a third part of july was passed, and that you had understood our mislike of your former course and making your excuse of undertaking it only in respect of your conformity to the Counsels opinions, with great protestations of haste into the North, we received another letter, of new reasons to suspend that journey yet a while, and to draw the Army into Ophalia. The fruit whereof was no other at your coming home, but more relations of further miseries of your Army, and greater difficulties to perform the Ulster war. Then followed from you and the Council a new demand of two thousand men to which if we would assent, you would speedily. 
Camden saith only one thousand.  undertake what we had so often commanded. When that was granted, and your going onward promised by divers letters, we received by this bearer now fresh advertisement, that all you can do is to go to the frontier, and that you have provided only for twenty days victuals. In which kind of proceeding, we must deal plainly with you & that Council, that it were more proper forthem, to leave troubling themselves with instructing us, by what rules our power & their obedience are limited, & to bethink them, if the courses have been only derived from their Counsels, how to answer this part of theirs, to train us into a new expense for one end, and employ it upon another; to which we could never have assented, if we could have suspected it should have been undertaken, before we heard it was in action. And therefore we do wonder how it can be answered, seeing yourattempt is not in the capital traitors Country, that you have increased our list: but it is true as we have often said, that we are drawn on to expense, by little and little, and by protestations of great resolutions in generalities, till they come to particular execution. Of all which courses, whosoever shall examine any of the arguments used for excuse, shall find, that your own proceedings beget the difficulties, and that no just causes do breed the alteration. It lack of numbers, if sickness of the army be the causes, why was not the action undertaken, when the Army was in better state, if winter's approach: why were the summer months of july and August lost? if the spring was too soon, and the summer that followed otherwise spent, if the harvest that succeeded was so neglected, as nothing hath been done, then surely must we conclude, that none of the sour quarters of the year will be in season for you and that Counsel, to agree of Tyrones' prosecution; for which all our charge was intended. Further we require you to consider, whether we have not great cause to think, that the purpose is not to end the war, when yourself have so often told us, that all the petty undertakings in Lemster, Monster, and Connaght, are but loss of time, consumption of treasure, and waste of our people, until Tyrone himself be first beaten, on whom the rest depend. Do you not see, that he maketh the war with us in all parts by his Ministers, seconding all places where any attempts be offered: who doth not see, that if this course be continued, the wars are like to spend us and our Kingdom beyond all moderation, as well as the report of the success in all parts hath blemished our Honour, andincouraged others to no small proportion. We know you cannot so much fail in judgement, as not to understand, that all the World seeth, how time is dallied, though you think the allowance of that Counsel, whose subscriptions are your Echoes, should serve and satisfy us. How would you have derided any man else, that should have followed your steps? How often have you told us, that others which preceded you, had no intent to end the war? How often have you resolved us, that until Loughfeyle and Ballishannon were planted; there could be no hope of doing service upon the capital Rebels? We must therefore let you know, that as it cannot be ignorance, so it cannot be want of means, for you had your ask, you had choice of times, you had power and authority more ample than ever any had, or ever shall have. It may well be judged, with how little contentment, we search out this and other errors: for who doth willingly seek for that, which they are so loath to find, but how should that be hidden which is so palpable? And therefore to leave that which is past, and that you may prepare to remedy matters of weight hereafter, rather than to fill your papers with many impertinent arguments, being in your general Letters, savouring still in many points of humours, that concern the private of you our Lord Lieutenant; we do tell you plainly, that are of that Council, that we wonder at your indiscretion, to subscribe to Letters which concern our public service, when they are mixed with any man's private, and directed to our Counsel Table, which is not to handle things of small importance.  
To conclude, if you will say, though the Army be in list twenty thousand, that you have them not, we answer then to our Treasurer, that we are ill served; and that there need not so frequent demands of full pay: If you will say the Muster-master is to blame, we much muse then why he is not punished, though say we might to you our General, if we would Ex jureproprioiudicare, that all defects by Ministers, yea though in never so remote Garrisons, have been affirmed to us, to deserve to be imputed to the want of care of the General. For the small proportion you say you carry with you of three thonsand five hundred foot, when lately weaugmented you two thousand more. It is to Us past comprehension, except it be that you have left still too great numbers in unnecessary Garrisons, which do increase our charge, and diminish your Army, which We command you to reform, especially since you, by your continual reports of the state of every Province, describe them all to be in worse condition, than ever they were before you set foot in that Kingdom. So that whosoever shall write the story of this years action, must say, that We were at great charges to hazard Our Kingdom, and you have taken great pains to prepare for many purposes, which perish without understanding. And therefore because We see now by your own words, that the hope is spent of this years service upon Tyrone and O Donnel, We do command you and our Council, to fall into present deliberation, and thereupon to send Us over in writing, a true declaration of the State to which you have brought our Kingdom, and what be the effects which this journey hath produced, and why these Garrisons which you will plant far within the land in Brenny and Monaghan, as others whereof We have written, shall have the same difficulties.  
Secondly, We look to hear from you and them jointly, how you think the remainder of this year shall be employed, in what kind of war, and where, and in what numbers, which being done and sent Us hither in writing with all expedition, you shall then understand Our pleasure in all things fit for our service, until which time, We command you to be very careful to meet with all inconveniences; that may arise in that Kingdom, where the ill affected will grow insolent upon Our ill success, and the good subjects grow desperate; when they see the best of Our preserving them.  
We have seen a writing in form of a cartel, full of challenges that are impertinent, and of comparisons that are needless, such as hath not been before this time presented to a State, except it be done now with a hope to terrify all men, from censuring your proceedings. Had it not been enough to have sent Us the testimony of the Counsel, but that you must call so many of those, that are of slender experience, and none of Our Counsel, to such a form of subscription. Surely howsoever you may have warranted them, We doubt not but to let them know, what belongs to Us; to you, and to themselves. And thus expecting your answer, We end, at Our Manor of nonesuch the fourteenth of September, in the one and fortieth year of Our Reign, 1599  
The Lord Lieutenant being nettled, or rather galled with this letter resolved to 
Lord's Instices.  leave Adam Loftus the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir George carry Treasurer at Wars, to govern the Kingdom in his absence, and presently sailing into England posted to the Court, where altogether unlooked for, he arrived the eight and twenty of September, and presented himself on his knees to the Queen, early in the morning, being in her private chamber, who received him not with that cheerful countenance, which she was wont to show him, but after a brief conference, commanded him to retire to his chamber, and there to stay, until he knew her further pleasure; from whence his Lordship's next remove, was to the Lord Keeper's house, in state of a prisoner.  

The list of the chief Officers of the Kingdom, and the Army, and the disposal of the forces made in September, 1599, when the Lord Lieutenant left the Kingdom.  

Officers and Governors.  
Lord Lieutenant the Earl of Essex Lord Precedent of Monster void by the death of Sir Thomas Norreys. Place of chief Commissioner of Connaght void or provisional. Lieutenant of the Army Earl of Ormond. Treasurer at wars Sir George Carey, The Marshal's place of Ireland void. Master of the Ordinance Sir George Bourcher. Martial of the Camp provisionally Sir Oliver Lambert. Lieutenant of the Horse Sir Henry Davers. Sergeant Maior Sir Arthur Chichester.   

Colonels of Horse.  
Sir William evers.  
Sir Griffin Markham.   

Colonels of Foot.  
Earl of Kildare. Earl of Thomond. Lord of Dunkellin. Lord Audley. Lord Dunsany. Sir Edward Denny. Sir Matthew Morgan. Sir Charles Piercy. Sir Henry Dockwra. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence. Sir john Bolles. Sir Edward Harbert. Sir Charles Wilmott. Sir Henry Power. Sir Arthur Savage.  
Four Corporals and a Provost-marshall of the Army.    

The disposal of the forces.  

Horse in Monster.  
The Earl of Thomond, 25. Sir Anthony Cook, 50. Sir Warham Saint Leger, 25. Captain Thomas White, 50.   

Foot in Monster.  
Earl of Thomond, 200. Master Treasurer, 100 Sir Henry Harington, 100 Sir Henry Power, 200. Sir Edward Denny, 150. Sir Anthony Cook, 100 Sir Charles Wilmott, 150. Sir Francis Barkley, 100 Sir john Dowdal, 100 Captain William Power, 150 Captain Clare, 150. Captain Browne, 100 Captain Kearnys, 100 Captain Bostock, 100 Captain Brooke, 100 Captain Rande, 100 Captain Flower, 100 Captain Diggs, 100 Captain William Tirwhit, 150. Captain Parken, 100 Captain William Hartpoole, 100 Captain Francis Kingesmil 100   

Horse in Connaght.  
Earl of Clanrickard, 50. Provost Martial, 10. Sir Theobald Dillon, 15. Captain George Blunt, 12.   

Foot in Connaght.  
Earl of Clanrickard, 100 Lord of Dunkellyn, 150. Sir Arthur Savage, 200. Sir Thomas Bourke, 100 Sir Gerrald Haruy, 150. Sir Hugh O Connor, 100 Sir Theobald Dillon, 100 Captain Badbye, 150. Captain Richard Pluncket, 100 Captain Mostian, 100 Captain Tibot ne long, 100 Captain Walter Floyd, 150. Captain Thomas Roper, 150. Captain Oliver Burke, 100 Captain Thomas Burke, 100 Captain David Bourke, 100   

Horse at Carickfergus.  
Neale Mas Hugh, 30.   

Foot at Carickfergus.  
Sir Arthur Chichester, 200. Sir Richard Percy, 150. Captain Eington, 100 Captain Norton, 100   

Horse at the Newry.  
Sir Samuel Bagnol, 50.   

Foot at the Newrie.  
Sir Samuel bagnol, 200. Captain Edward Blaney, 150. Captain Freckleton, 100 Captain josias Bodley, 150. Captain Francis Stufford, 100 Captain Toby Cawfeild, 150. Captain Leigh, 100   

Foot at Dundalke.  
Captain Egerton, 100 Captain Bingley, 150. Captain Basset, 100   

Foot at Atherde.  
Sir Garret Moor, 100 Captain Roe, 100   

Horse at Kells and Navan.  
Lord of Dunsany, 50. Sir Garret Moor, 25.   

Foot at Kells and Navan.  
Lord Audley, 200. Lord Dunsany, 150. Sir Fulk Conway, 150. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 200. Sir Henry Dockwra, 200. Sir john Chamberlain, 150. Captain john Sidney, 100 Captain Ralph Sydley, 100 Captain Roger Atkinson, 100 Captain Heath, 150. Captain Nelson, 100 Captain Hugh Rely, 100   

Horse at Trim.  
Sir Grisson Markham, 50.   

Foot at Trim.  
Sir Charles Piercy, 200. Captain Roger Orme, 100 Captain Alford, 100   

Foot at Leax and the Barow side.  
Sir Warham Saint Leger, 150. Sir Francis Rush, 150. Captain john Fitz-Piers, 150. Master Hartpoole, 10.   

Foot at Eniscorthy.  
Sir Oliver Lambert, 200. Sir Richard Masterson, 150.   

Horse in and about the Nasse.  
The Earl of Kildare, 50. Captain Richard Greame, 50. Captain Thomas Gifford, 2. Captain George Greame, 12. Captain Thomas Lee, 12.   

Foot in and about the Nasse.  
Earl of Kildare, 150. The Earl of Southampton, 200. Sir Matthew Morgan, 150. Sir Thomas Loftus, 100 Captain Walter Mac Edmond, 100 Captain Edward Loftus, 100 Captain Thomas Williams, 150. Captain Thomas Lee, 100 Captain William Eustace, 100 Captain Esmond, 150. Captain john Masterson, 100 Captain Ellys Flood, 100 Captain R. Trevor. 100   

Foot at Mullingar.  
The Lord of Deluin, 150. Captain Thomas Mynne, 100 Captain William Stafford, 100 Captain Lionel Guest, 100 Captain William Windsor, 100 Captain Thomas Couch, 100 Captain Garret Dillon, 100   

Foot in Ophaly.  
Sir Henry coolly, 20. Sir Henry Warren, 100 Sir Edward Fitzgerald, 100 Sir George coolly, 20.   

Horse at Kilkenny.  
The Earl of Ormond, 50. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25. Sir Walter Butler, 50. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 30. Captain Garret Fleming, 25. Captain William Taffe, 50.   

Foot at Kilkenny.  
The Earl of Ormond, 200. Sir Carew Reynel, 150. Sir Henry Follyot, 150. Captain Richard Croft, 100 Captain Henry Sheffeild, 100 Captain Nicholas Pinner, 100   

Foot at Ballymore, and O Carols Country.  
Captain Francis Shane, 100 Captain Edward Lister, 100 Sir Charles' O Carrol, 100   

Horse and Foot at Newcastle.  
Sir William Warren, 50 horse. Sir William Warren, 100 foot.   

Foot at Athboy and Phillipstown.  
Sir Richard Moryson, 200. Sir George Bourcher, 100   

Foot at Dublin.  
Sir Henry Foulkes, commanding the Lord Lieutenants Guard, 200.   

Horse at Fingall, and the Navan.  
Sir William evers, 100 The Earl of Southamptons' troup, commanded by Captain john jephson, 100 Sir Henry Davers, 100   

Horse in the County of Dublin.  
Sir Hen. it Harrington, 25. Sir Edward Herbert, 12. Sir Gerald Aylemer, 13. Morrogh Mac Teig Oge, 10.   

Foot undisposed.  
Sir john Talbot, 22.  
total of Horse, one thousand two hundred thirty one.  
total of Foot, fourteen thousand four hundred twenty two.  
The foresaid Lords justices being left to govern Ireland, upon the Lord Lieutenants sudden departure, did easily rule the unwieldy Helm of this Kingdom so long, as the Sea was caline, by the continuance of that truce formerly mentioned to be made, between the Lord Lieutenant and Tyrone, which was then concluded for six weeks, and so from six to six weeks, till the Calends of May, except either of them should give fourteen days warning of their purpose to break the same. But about the beginning of December, Tyrones' party entering into acts of hostility, the Lords justices sent Sir William Warren, to expostulate with him the cause of this breach. He answered, that he had not broken the Truce, having (according to the condition thereof) given them fourteen days warning. And that he had so done, because the Earl of Essex being imprisoned in England, in whom he had placed all the confidence of his life and estate, he was resolved not to rely on the Council of that Kingdom, who had formerly dealt deceitfully with him therein. Finally, that he could not now renew the truce, though he never so much desired it, since he had already sent Odonnel into Connaght, and divers of his confederates into other parts to renew the war.  
Thus much their Lordships advertised into England, by letters full of diffidence, professing that they feared the rebels would presently assault the English Pale. Likewise some ill affected to the Earl of Essex, advertised, that among the Rebels a common rumour was spread, and that no doubt from Tyrone, that England would shortly be in combustion within itself, which increased the suspicions already conceived of the foresaid conference had between the Earl and Tyrone, to the great prejudice of the Earl being in durance.  
Now her Majesty receiving these advertisements, and further understanding, that the rebels daily increased in number and courage, that the mere Irish aspired to liberty, and that the English Irish, if perhaps well affected, yet were daunted by the ill success of the Queen's affairs, (whose great expenses, and Royal Army they had seen vanish into smoke), and were beside exasperated with an old grief, to be excluded themselves from the Government, while English Deputies were daily sent to command them. And having intelligence, that Tyrone full of pride, did every where boast himself as Champion of the jish Liberty and Romish Religion (every where receiving to his protection, and cherishing all seditious persons, helping the weak with succours, confirming the diffident with strong hopes), and that he was grown confident to root out the English Government, aswell by former successes, as by the succour of the King of Spain, (who already had sent him some munition and a little money, with bragging promises of greater supplies), and by the fair promises and large indulgences sent from the Pope, with a Crown of Phoenix feathers (perhaps in imitation of Pope Vrban the third, who sent john, the son to King Henry the second, than made Lord of Ireland, a little Crown woven of Peacock's feathers.)  
Her Majesty (I say) having these advertisements, & finding thereby, that it was high time, to make strong opposition to this rebellious monster, made choice of Charles 
Charles Blonnt, L. Mountioy, L. Deputy.  Blonnt, Lord Mountioy to be Deputy of Ireland, whom her Highness had the last year purposed to employ in that place: At which time, the Earl of Essex, though linked in near friendship with him, yet secretly opposed this her majesties determination, alleging that the Lord Mountioy had small experience in martial affairs, save that he had gained in the small time he served in the Low-Countries, adding that he was too bookish, and had too few followers, and too small an estate, to embrace so great a business. So as the Earl not obscurely affecting this employment himself, (to the end he might more strongly confirm that dependency which all military men already had on him) and his enemies willingly giving second to this his ambition, (that by his absence they might have better advantages to hurt him, and to benefit themselves), at that time the said Earl easily drew this fatal government on his own shoulders, which was one of the first steps, and not the least cause of his ruin.  
Being now to write of this Honourable Lord Mountioy, my deceased Lord and Master, I do faithfully profess, and pray the Reader confidently to believe, (which I hope most easily to obtain of those, who best know me), that as in the duty of a servant I will not omit any thing I remember, which may turn to his Lordship's Honour, so in my love to truth, I will be so far from lying and flattering, as I will rather be bold modestly to mention some of his defects, whereof the greatest Worthies of the World cannot be altogether free. To which I will only add, that as I esteem lying and flattery by word of mouth, among the living, to be unfallible notes of basenesle and ignorance, so I judge these vices infamous and sinful, when they are left in print to deceive posterity. Since the first may detect falsehood by enquiring the truth, but the latter have no means to rectify their misinformed judgements.  
Thus I return to proceed in my former narration; and first I will delineate (after my best skill) the true portraiture of this worthy Lords body and mind, than I will collect the Counsels, by which he tamed this Monster of Rebellion; and lastly, I will descend by order of time to his Lordship's particular actions. But ere I take my pencil in hand to figure this Noble Lords person, I must acknowledge my weakness such, as I cannot fully apprehend his complete worthiness, and therefore desire, that those of greater judgement to discern the same, will impute all defects to the unskilfulness of the workman, and that with others, to whom his Lordship was less known, my, rude Pen may not derogate any thing from his due praise Again, give me leave to remember, that which I received from his mouth, that in his childhood when his Parents would have his picture, he chose to be drawn with a Trowel in his hand, and this Mot; Adreadificandam antiquam Domum, To rebuild the ancient House: For this noble and ancient Barony was decayed, not so muchby his Progenitors prodigality, as his Father's obstinate addiction to the study and practise of Alchumy, by which he so long laboured to increase his revenues, till he had almost fully consumed them. Now to the purpose, let us observe how he fulfilled this ominous presage, in rebnilding that Noble House, till by his untimely death, the same was fatally eclipsed again.  
He was of stature tall, and of very comely proportion, his skin fair, with little hair on his body, which hair was of colour blackish (or inclining to black), and thin on his head, where he wore it short, except a lock under his left ear, which he nourished the time of this war, and being woven up, hid it in his neck under his ruff. The crown of his head was in his latter days something bald, as the forepart naturally curled; he only used the Barber for his head, for the hair on his chin (growing slowly) and that on his cheeks and throat, he used almost daily to cut it with his scissors, keeping it so low with his own hand, that it could scarce be discerned, as likewise himself kept the hair of his upper lip something short, only suffering that under his hither lip to grow at length and full; yet some two or three yecres before his death, he nourished a sharp and short pikedevant on his chin. His forehead was broad and high; his eyes great, black, and lovely; his nose something low and short, and a little blunt in the end; his chin round; his cheeks full, round, and ruddy; his countenance cheerful, and as amiable as ever I beheld of any man, only some two years before his death, upon discontentment, his face grew thin, his ruddy colour failed, growing somewhat swarthy, and his countenance was sad and dejected. His arms were long, and of proportionable bigness, his hands long and white, his fingers great in the end, and his legs somewhat little, which he gartered ever above the knee, wearing the Garter of Saint George's order under the left knee, except when he was booted, and so wore not that Garter, but a blue ribben in stead thereof above his knee, and hanging over his boot.  
The description of his apparel may be thought a needless curiosity, yet must I add some few words thereof, be cause having promised the lively portraiture of his body, aswell as his mind, the same cannot otherwise be so lively represented to the imagination, besides that by his clothes, some disabilities of his body to undertake this hard war may be conjectured, and especially thë temper of his mind may be lively shadowed, since the Wise man hath taught us, that the apparel in some sort shows the man. His apparel in Court and Cities was commonly of white or black Tafetaes' or Satins, and he wore two (yea sometimes three) pairs of silk stockings, with black silk Grogran cloaks guarded, and ruffs of comely depth and thickness (never wearing any falling band) black beaver hats, with plain black bands, a taffeta quilted waistcoat in summer, a scarlet waistcoat, and sometimes both in winter: But in the Country, and specially keeping the Field in Ireland (yea, sometimes in the Cities), he beware jerkins and round hose (for he never ware other fashion then round) with laced panes of russet Cloth, and cloaks of the same cloth lined with Velvet, and white Beaver hats with plain bands, and besides his ordinary stockings of silk, he wore under boots another pair of woollen or Worsted, with a pair of high linen bootehose, yea three waistcoats in cold wether, and a thick ruff, besides a russet scarf about his neck thrice folded under it. So as I never observed any of his age and strength to keep his body so warm. He was very comely in all his apparel, but the Robes of Saint George's order, became him extraordinarily well.  
For his diet, he used to far plentifully, and of the best, and as his means increased, so his Table was better served, so that in his latter time, no Lord in England might compare with him in that kind of bounty. Before these wars, he used to have nonrishing breakfasts, as panadoes, and broths; but in the time of the war, he used commonly to break his fast with a dry crust of bread, and in the Spring time with butter and sage, with a cup of stale beer, wherewith sometimes in Winter he would have sugar and Nutmeg mixed. He fed plentifully both at dinner, and supper, having the choicest and most 〈◊〉 meats, with the best wines, which he drunk plentifully, but never in great excess; and in his latter years (especially in the time of the war, aswell when his night sleeps were broken, as at other times upon full diet) he used to sleep in the afternoons, and that long, and upon his bed. He took Tobacco abundantly, and of the best, which I think preserved him from sickness, (especially in Ireland, where the Foggy air of the bogs, and waterish foul, plenty of fish, and generally all meats with the common sort always unsalted and green roasted, do most prejudice the health), for he was very seldom sick, only he was troubled with the headache, which duly and constantly like an ague, for many years, till his death took him once every three months, and vehemently held him some three days, and himself in good part attributed, aswell the reducing of this pain to these certain and distant times, as the ease he therein found, to the virtue of this herb. He was very neat, loving cleanliness both in apparel and diet, and was so modest in the necessities of nature, as myself being at all hours (but time of sleep) admitted into his chamber, and (I think) his most familiar friends, never heard or saw him use any liberty therein, out of the privilege of his private chamber, except perhaps in Irish journeys, where he had no withdrawing room.  
The tender using of his body, and his dainty fair before the waries, gave Tyrone occasion, upon hearing of his coming over, to jest at him, as if all occasions of doing service would be passed, ere he could be made ready and have his breakfast, but by woeful experience he found this jesting to be the laughter of Salomon's Foole. His behaviour was courtly, grave, and exceeding comely, especially in actions of solemn pomps. In his nature he loved private retiredness, with good fare, and some few choice friends. He delighted in study, in gardens, an house richly furnished, and delectable for rooms of retreat, in riding on a pad to take the air, in playing at shovelboard, or at cards, in reading playbooks for recreation, and especially in fishing and fishponds, seldom using any other exercises, and using these rightly as pastimes, only for a short and convenient time, and with great variety of change from one to the other. He was undoubtedly valiant and wise. He much affected glory and honour, and had a great desire to raise his house, being also frugal in gathering and saving, which in his latter days declined to vice, rather in greedy gathering, then in restraining his former bounties of expense. So that howsoever his retiredness did alienate his mind from all action, yet his desire of Honour and hope of reward and advancement by the wars, yea of returning to this retiredness after the wars ended, made him hotly embrace the forced course of the war; to which he was so fitted by his wisdom, valour, and frugality, that in short time he became a Captain no less wise, wary, and deliberate in counsel, then cheerful and bold in execution, and more covetous in issuing the public treasure, then frugal in spending his own revenues. And his care to preserve his Honour, and maintain this estate, made him (though coldly) entertain the like forced course of a State Counsellor at home after the wars. To the managing of which affairs, he was no less enabled by the same valour, wisdom, and many other virtues, had not the stream of his nature, prevailed to withdraw him from attending them, further than to the only obtaining of these his own private ends. But surely these dispositions of nature (besides others hereafter to be mentioned), and these his private ends, made him of all men most fit for this Irish employment, wherein the Queen and State longed for an end of the war, and groaned under the burden of an unsupportable expense.  
Touching his affecting honour and glory, I may not omit, that his most familiar friends must needs observe, the discourses of his Irish actions to have been extraordinarily pleasing to him: so that, howsoever he was not prone to hold discourses with Ladies, yet I have observed him more willingly drawn to those of this nature, which the Irish Ladies entertaining him, then into any other. And as he had 〈◊〉 that commendable, yea necessary ability of a good Captain, not only to fight & manage the war well abroad, but to write and set forth his actions to the full at home, so I have seldom observed any omission of like narrations in him, whereof he used to delate the more weighty seriously, and to mention the smallest, at least by way of a jest:  
Touching his studies or bookishness, (by some imputed to him in detraction of his fitness to embrace an active employment), he came young and not well grounded from Oxford Vniver sity; but in his youth at London, he so spent his vacant hours with scholars best able to direct him, as besides his reading in Histories, skill in tongues, (so far as he could read and understand the Italian and French, though he durst not adventure to speak them), and so much knowledge (at least in Cosmography and the Mathematics) as might serve his own ends; he had taken such pains in the search of natural Philosophy, as in divers arguments of that nature held by him with scholars, I have often heard him, (not without marveling at his memory and judgement) to remember of himself the most material points, the subtlest objections, and the soundest answers. But his chief delight was in the study of Divinity, and more especially in reading of the Fathers and Schoolmen: for I have heard himself profess, that being in his youth addicted to Popery, so much as through prejudicate opinion no Writer of our time could have converted him from it, yet by observing the Father's consent, and the Schoolman's idle and absurd distinctions, he began first to distaste many of their opinions, and then by reading our. Authors, to be confirmed in the reformed doctrine, which I am confident he professed and believed from the heart, though in his innated temper he was not factious against the Papists, but was gentle towards them, both in conversation and in all occasions of disputation. And I will be bold to say, that of a Layman, he was (in my judgement) the best Divine I ever heard argue, especially for disputing against the Papists, out of the Fathers, Schoolmen, and above all, out of the written Word, (whereof some Chapters were each night read to him, besides his never intermitted prayers at morning and night). Insomuch as I have often heard him, with strange felicity of memory and judgement, discover the Papists false alleagings of the Fathers, and Texts, or additions, & omissions in them, and to urge arguments strongly, and (as much as beseemed him) scholarlike, as well in discourses with Jesuits and Priests in Ireland, (more specially at Waterford, where he made the very seduced Irish ashamed of them); as upon divers occasions with other Papists his friends.  
Further, in his nature he was a close concealer of his secrets, for which cause, lest they should be revealed, and because he loved not to be importuned with suits, a free speaker, or a popular man, could not long continue his favourite: He was sparing in speech; but when he was drawn to it, most judicious therein, if not eloquent. He never used swearing, but rather hated it, which I have seen him often control at his Table with a frowning brow, and an angry cast of his black eye. He was slow to anger, but once provoked, spoke home. His great temper was most scene in his wise carriage between the Court factions of his time: He was a gentle enemy, easily pardoning, and calmly pursuing revenge; and a friend, if not cold, yet not to be used much out of the high way, and something too much reserved towards his dearest Minions; besides that, the strength of his judgement made him so confident, as they had more power in seconding his Counsels, then in diverting or altering them. To his servants he was mild, seldom reproving them, and never with ill words: for his look of displeasure was sufficient to check them, and the best sort nearest him, did so well know him, as they served and observed him, as much almost by his looks as his words. He made no servant partner of his secrets, further than his place necessarily gave him knowledge thereof, neither could any of them lead him, or if any did, it was more by art to know his humours, than power to sway them. I cannot say that he was bountiful to them, some of their places drew profit, which could no more be stopped, than the Miller can stay the draining of his water through his dam gates; otherwise his gifts to them were rare and sparing, so as if it were above an hundred pound, it was no morsel for a servant, yet still he kept their hopes so green, as might continue their diligence, and at his death he gave a thousand pound by will, to be divided by his executor's discretion among them. They who had his care, might easily season him with good or ill opinion of his servants and strangers, by reason he drank in their speeches, without uttering them, only his judgement was excellent, to discern the truth of the relation, aswell out of the informer's passions, as observing the others actions. He kept his word in public affairs inviolably, without which he could never have been trusted of the Irish: but otherwise in his promises, he was delatory and doubtful, so as in all events, he was not without an evasion. Lastly, in his love to Women, (for as wanton peace succeeds bloody war, so in the last period of his life, after the Irish wars, grief of unsuccessfull love brought him to his last end): He was faithful and constant, if not transported with self-love more than the object, and therein obstinate.  
This worthy Lord Mountioy was he, whose known valour, sound wisdom, grave constancy, and singular temper, two old Counsellors of Ireland well observing, did on their death bed, (as it were by divining faculty) pronounce to be the man, by whom Tyrones' fatal rebellion (in which their thoughts and endeavours had long been wearied) was to be suppressed, if ever the English were to recover the helm of that government. Neither did their presage deceive us herein: for like another Fabius, he did by the ensuing deliberate and slow counsels, restore his Country's declining power.  
1. He entertained & cherished (especially at his first entering the government, when he was yet unskilful in the affairs of that State and war) all active spirits, whose endeavours he saw like to be of good use in that great action; and this he did, rather with a pleasing familiarity, then with any large bounty.  
2. The hearts of the English common soldiers broken with a currant of disastrous successes, he heartened and encouraged, by leading them warily, especially in his first actions, being more careful, that our men should not be foiled, then that the rebels should be attempted with boldness. To this end also, and that he might be ever at hand, as well to encourage and direct them fight; as to second them by any accident dismayed, he bravely adventured his person, more than in the opinion of Military wise men, a General should ordinarily hazard himself (howsoever I must confess, the nature of the Irish fights, maintained upon passages, by sudden eruptions of hidden rogues, doth more expose the General to these dangers, than any other war.) And such was his forwardness, as his Lordship's servants may without offence boldly say, they were a small part of this great action. For howsoever we had neither stipend in the wars with the soldier, nor pensions with them after the war ended, yet by reason of this our Lords extraordinary forwardness to put himself into danger, and for that the Rebels use most commonly to assault-upon Woody paces; and difficult passages, where every man must needs be in danger, and they most who ride in the best troup, it could not be but that we should have our share in the adventure of our persons. And lest I should sceme to arrogate that to myself and my fellows, which is not due to us, the event may clear this point. Since in this short war (not to speak of many less dangers), my Lord himself had his horse shot under him, his Galloglasse carrying his helmet, had the same bruised with the grazing of a bullet upon it, yea, his Lordship's very Grayhound, likewise using to wait at his stirrup, was shot through the body. Among his Lordship's Chaplains, Doctor Lattwara was killed, and Mast. Ram had his horse shot under him. Among his Lordship's Secretaries, Master Cranmer was killed, and myself had my thigh bruised with a shot I received in my saddle. Among the Gentlemen of his Lordship's Chamber, Master Chidley had his horse killed under him, Master Done was shot in the leg, and Master Saint john, a Gentleman attending near his Lordship, was killed. I have heard a pleasant report of a General in our age, who on the contrary was so sparing to hazard himself: as a Gentleman his follower, hearing some marvel at a cold piece of service performed by his Mast merrily replied for his own excuse, that he went to follow his General, and not to go before him. But I will boldly say, that if our noble. Lord's followers did well attend his person, they found danger enough without seeking it. But enough (and I fear too much) of this point, I will now return to this worthy Lords Counsels, by which he effected this great work.  
3. The Rebels being swollen to the height of pride by their full numbers, and much more by continual success in their actions, he proceeded in like sort with them, as formerly with his own men, at the first warily tasting them with light skirmishes, yet he so prudently and bravely pursued his attempts, as he still carried what he atempted.  
4. The wise distribution of the forces availed him much: for first he planted Garrisons upon the chief rebels Countries, as likewise he compassed Tyrone on every side with them, which kept the rebels at home, so as they could not second one another, for fear of losing their own goods.  
5. And whereas other Deputies used to make some two or three journeys in a Summer against the rebels, and then did lead a great Army with them. And whereas this kind of service never tooko any good effect, as well because the bruit thereof came long before to the rebels, as because these great forces could not long be kept together. So as the rebels hearing the bruit of any such journey, took victuals with them for certain days, and assembling themselues-together, did lie upon the bogs and hard passages, where without danger to themselves, they were able to annoy, the greatest Army could be led against them. This noble Lord Mount-ioy on the contrary (as I said) by Garrisons keeping them at home, himself kept the field with some thousand foot and two hundred horse (whereof myself have many times observed the greater part to be English Irish), and not only was able to affront Tyrone himself (specially since the Garrisons lying upon his Country drew towards him at the same time, on all sides together), but also (by reason of his singular secrecy, in keeping his purposes unknown, and casting out false reports of them to deceive the rebels) had the opportunity to assail and spoil any one of the rebels on the sudden, while he kept all the rest like dared larks in continual fear, aswell of himself, as of the Garrisons adjoining.  
6 Again, where other Deputies used to assail the rebels only in Summer time, this Lord prosecuted them most in the Winter, being commonly five days at least in the week one horseback, all the Winter long. This broke their hearts; for the air being sharp, and they naked, and they being driven from their lodgings, into the Woods bare of leaves, they had no shelter for themselves. Besides that, their cattle (giving them no milk in the Winter) were also wasted by driving to and fro. Ad that they being thus troubled in the Seed time, could not sow their ground. And as in Harvest time, both the Deputies forces, and the Garrisons, cut down their Corn, before it was ripe, so now in Winter time they carried away, or burnt, all thest oars of victuals in secret places, whether the Rebels had conveyed them.  
7 Again, he had a special care to cut down and clear the difficult passages, that so our forces might with more safety meet together, and upon all occasions second one another.  
8 For protections and pardons (the easy obtaining whereof had formerly encouraged the rebels, aswell to enter into rebellion, as to break their faith after submissions, in hope to be again received to mercy), although it was necessary for the State in this general rebellion, like a mother, to open her bosom to her children, lest being driven to despair, they should plunge themselves into all mischiefs, yet he never received any to mercy, but such as had so drawn blood on their fellow rebels, and were themselves made so poor, as there was small danger of their relapse. To which end he forbade all conferences and parleys with the rebels, by pretence whereof many treacherous plots had formerly been drawn, by the falsehearted subjects, and many corruptions had been practised by some covetous commanders. But to such as were received to mercy, (that he might take away the diffidence they had long conceived of the State), he kept his word inviolable.  
9 And whereas these rebellious people, are by nature clamorous (which made them tedious in complaints), and also use great oppression under the shadow of justice, (which made them continually importunc the Governors with petitions, which being signed by them, gave those Irish Lords a shadow of authority to oppress the people, by showing the governors hand, and concealing the matter to which he subscribed. This worthy Lord Deputy, for their encouragement in the first, used singular patience in hearing their tedious complaints, and for the second, gave them such delatory ansivers, as might well hearten them in obedience, but could no way strengthen their tyranny over the poor people.  
10 To conclude, nothing furthered this noble Lord more in his designs, than his singular temper, not so much in secrecy, and in sparingness of speech (though many great Captains have hindered their proceedings by letting fall rash speeches), as more specially in Court factions: for he used in such sort the familiar love of the Earl of Essex, in his doubtful courses, as he not only kept him from entertaining dangerous counsels, so long as he lived with him in England, but demeaned himself towards his enemies with such moderation, as he little provoked their envy, yea, rather gained an inclination of their good affection towards him. So as they at this time governing all the affairs in England, were ready to give all possible seconds to his ends, which (as I formerly showed) did aim at nothing but the speedy end of this war, By these counsels this worthy Lord restored the declining State of Ireland, from the desperate terms wherein he now found it.  
I have before set down, in the Earl of Essex his Government, the power of the rebels, through all the Provinces of Ireland, and have showed, that at his Lordship's leaving that Kingdom, the same was nothing abated, and from that time, the rebels were 
The Rebel's strength.  in all parts increaled. The Mountain rebels in the County of Dublin, than 480 foot 20 horse, now by the going out of the Walshes and Harrols were increased 100 In the County of Kildare, the rebels then in number 220 foot, and 30 horse, were now more than doubled, by the going out of the Briminghams', all the Leynaghs, & many of other Septs. In the two Counties of Catherlough and Wexford, the rebels then 750 foot and 50 horse, were now increased an hundred. In the County of Ophaly, five strong Castles then held by the English, were now betrayed, & above 468 foot, & 12 horse than were in rebellion, but now Mac Coughlan was gone out with 200 more, and the Oaoines with 100 more, were now in rebellion. In the County of Meath the rebels were increased in number 150; by the Delahides, the Rochfords', Hussies, and Daeys. And beyond the River, Capt. john O Roly, having then 100 foot in her majesties pay, well armed, was now revolted. In the County of Westmeath, the rebels then 140 foot and 20 horse, were now increased 100 at least, by the revolt of the eldest son of William Nugent, second brother to the Lord of Deluin, with divers of the Pettyes and Daitons. In the County of Longford, the rebels then 120 foot; were now increased 180: so the rebels in Lemster being then in the whole number 3048 foot, and 182 horse, were now increased 1280, and made in all 4510.  
For the Province of Monster, Tyrone in his present journey thither, taking pledges of almost all the Irish Lords and Gentlemen, he number of the rebels were now there increased beyond estimation.  
For the Province of Connaght, the rebels were increased three hundred, by the revolt of O Conner Sligo, besides the uncertainty of Tybot ne Long, who had one hundred Irish men in her majesties pay.  
So as at this time, I may boldly say, the rebellion was at the greatest strength. The mere Irish puffed up with good success, and blooded with happy encounters, did boldly keep the field, and proudly disdain the English forces. Great part of the English-Irish were in open action of rebellion, and most part of the rest, tempofised with the State, openly professing obedience, that they might live under the protection thereof, but secretly relieving the rebels, and practising with them for their present and future safeties. Among the English, the worthy Generals of this age, partly by this fatal war, partly by the factions at home, were so wasted, as the best judgements could hardly find out any man fit to command this Army 〈◊〉 hiefe. The English common soldiers, by looseness of body, the natural sicknosse of the Country, by the poverty of the war, in which nothing was to be gained but blows, and by the late defeats, wherein great numbers of them had perished, were altogether out of heart. The Colonels and Commanders; though many in number, and great in courage and experience, yet by these considerations of the Army's weakness, were somewhat dejected in mind. Yea, the very Counsellors of State were so diffident, as some of them in late conferences with Tyrone, had descended (I know not upon what warrant) to an abject. Entreaty for a short cessation. Not to speak of the General distraction of the hearts of all men in England, and much more of the soldiers, by the factions of this age between the worthy Earl of Essex now imprisoned and his enemies, able to ruin a great Kingdom much more to divert the success of any great action. And the general voice was of Tyrone among the English, after the defeat of Blackwater, as of 〈◊〉 among the Romans, after the defeat of Cannae; Thou knowest how to overcome: but thou knowest not how to use victory. To conclude, not only the remote parts, but the very heart of the Kingdom now languished under the contagion of this rebellion, Leax and Ophalia being possessed by the O Mores, and the O Conners; and the Glynnes or Mountainous, Country on the southwest side of Dublin, being in the hands of the 〈◊〉 and O 〈◊〉 and more remotely of the Cavanaghss), who nightly made excursions to the very Gates of the City, giving alarm of war to the long ground Senate, and (as it were) to the chair of Estate. In this miserable estate was Ireland, when the Lord Mountiey, like a good Planet, with a fortunate aspect began to shinethereon, whose happy actions I will now set down particularly, yet as briefly as I can.  
The tenth of january, towards the end of the year 1599, the Lords of England signified 
An. 1599  by their letters, to the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir George Carey Treasurer at wars, which were then Lords justices of that Kingdom, that from that day forward, the entertainment due to them as Lords justices, should cease, and be conferred on Charles Blount Lord Mountioy, whom her Majesty had made Lord deputy.  
And now Tyrone (who hitherto had contained himself in the North, only making short excursions from thence into the Pale), being proud of victories, and desirous to show his greatness abroad, resolved with his forces to measure the length of Ireland, and to the end he might, by his presence strengthen, and increase the rebellion in Monster (which in absence by practices he had raised), under the religious pretence of visiting a piece of Christ's Cross, kept for a holy relic in the Monastery of the holy Cross in the County of Tipperary, he entered this journey about the twentieth of januarie. On the three and twenty the rebels of the Brenny met him in the Cavan, from whence he marched forward, taking the rebels of Lemster in his company, and leading with him some two thousand five hundred foot, and two hundred horse, leaving the rest of his forces, & the Gentlemen of the North to guard those parts. The intent of his journey, was to set as great combustion as he could in Monster, and so taking pledges of the rebels, to leave them under the command of one chief head.  
This month of january, her Majesty signed that warrant, which is vulgarly called the great Warrant for Ireland, whereby authority is given to the Lord Treasurer and Chamberlain of the Exchequer in England, that according to an Establishment, after signed by her Majesty the first of February, and to begin that day, (wherein the Army is reduced to twelve thousand foot, and one thousand two hundred horse), they should pay to the Treasurer at wars for Ireland such sums, as should be signed by six of the privy Counsel of England, the Lord Treasurer, the Principal Secretary, and the under-treasurer always being three of them. Secondly, above the four thousand pound for extraordinaries therein mentioned, to pay him such sums as should by the same be signed. Thirdly, to pay in like sort according to an Establishment or list of Officers and others not contained in the former Establishment, it not exceeding yearly fifteen thousand pound, which List was then to be signed by the Lords of her majesties Counsel. Fourthly, to pay in like sort divers Officers payable out of the revenues, in case the revenues extended not to pay them. Fifthly, to pay in like sort all sums for reinforcing the Army, for leavyes of men, for conducting, transporting, and victualling them at Sea, according to the rates of the first Establishment.    

The Establishment signed by her Majesty, the first of February, 1599  
The Lord Deputies entertainment to be paid according to the List after following, which List was to be signed by the Lords. Officers of the Army: Lieutenant of the Army per diem threell. Sergeant Maior per diem twenties. controller General of the victuals per diem ten. Four Commissaries of victuals, whereof three at six: per diem, and the fourth at eights. per diem. Twelve Colonels, each at ten. per diem. A Provost Martial for Loughfoyle, another for Ballishannon, each at four shillings per diem.  
Summa per annum, four thousand four hundred fifty three pound.  
The pay of three hundred horse, divided into six Bands, each Band consisting of fifty, viz, the Captain four shillings per diem; Lieutenant two shillings six pence per diem; Cornet two shillings per diem; and fifty Horsemen at eighteen pence per diem a piece. The pay of two hundred Horse, divided into four Bands, each Band consisting of fifty, viz. Captain foures. per diem; Lieutenant two. six d. per diem. Cornet two. per diem, and fifty Horsemen at fifteen d. a piece per diem. The pay of seven hundred Horse, divided into fourteen Bands, each Band consisting of fifty viz. Captain, four shillings per diem. Lieutenant, two shillings six pence per diem, Cornet two shillings per diem. Fifty horsemen at twelve pence a piece per diem.  
Summa per annum twenty nine thousand two hundred threescore thirteen pound.  
The pay of twelve thousand footmen, divided into 120 Bands, each Band consisting of a hundred heads, viz. Captain four s. per diem. Lieutenant two shillings per diem, Ensign eighteen d. per diem, two sergeant, a Drum, and a Surgeon, at twelve d. a piece per diem, and fourscore fourteen Soldiers, and six dead pays, at eight d. a piece per diem.  
Summa per annum one hundred threescore eleven thousand one hundred fourscore and five pound.  
Extraordinaries, viz. for sending of letters, hiring of Barks, for passage of packquets, for gifts and rewards, for espies from abroad or at home, carriage of treasure, victual, or munition, and the like, etc. for a whole year, four thousand pound.  
Summa totale per annum, two hundred eight thousand nine hundred and eleven pound.  
The Lord Mountioy hastened away from Court, did not stay for the Lords signing of the above mentioned second establishment, as a thing of ordinary course continued for many years, with little or no alteration. And being now in this journey towards Ireland, the tenth of February he wrote to Master Secretary from daintry, entreating him, that whereas her Majesty, not withstanding the contrary opinion of all admitted to that consultation, had reduced the Army to twelve thousand foot, and that he found by letters from the Counsel and other Commanders in Ireland, a general concurring in opinion, that these forces were not sufficient (especially since the Plantation of Loughfoyle and Ballyshanon Garrisons were presently to be made, and that Tyrone was now Master of the field, having led his forces in person as far as Monster), he would move her Majesty to give him power, to retain one or two thousand in List, of those English, which otherwise he was to cast.   

The above mentioned second Establishment, or List of divers Officers and Servitors, not contained in the former Establishment, which list was signed by the Lords the eleventh of February, the end of the year 1599  
THe Lord Deputies ordinary entertainment per mensem one hundred pound, per 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉  annum thirteen hundred pound. To him for a Band of horsemen in his family four pound four shillings per diem. To him for fifty footmen in his family, eight pence a man per diem. The Treasurer at Wars per diem thirty five shillings. The Marshal at five shillings nine pence per diem. The Master of the Ordinance per diem three and twenty shillings eight pence. Note that the above named, as also the chief Governors of Provinces vndernamed, had beside in the Army the command of a Band of foot, or horse, or both. divers Ministers of the Ordinance per diem twenty five shillings two pence. Mustermaster two shillings eight pence per diem.  
Summa per annum five thousand three hundred seven 〈◊〉. seven shillings eleven d.  
The Lord President per annum one hundred thirty three 〈◊〉.; his diet at ten pound a week, and so per annum five hundred twenty pound. His guard of horse and foot at thirty shillings seven pence halfpenny per diem. Chief justice per annum one hundred pound. Second justice sixty six pound, thirteen shillings four pence. Queen's Attorney thirteen pound six shillings eight pence. Clerk of the Counsel twenty pound. Provost Martial two hundred fifty five pound ten shillings.  
Summa per annum one thousand six hundred threescore seven pound eight shillings two pence half penny.  
Governor of Connaght per diem ten s., for increase per annum one hundred 〈◊〉. Chief 
Connaght.  justice per annum one hundred pound: for his diet forty pound. Clerk of the Counsel twenty pound, for his diet twenty pound. Provost Martial one hundred two pound thirteen shillings one penny halfpenny, besides twelve Horse out of the Army.  
Summa per annum five hundred sixty five pound three s. two pence halfpenny.  
Governor at Loughfoyle per diem four shillings four pence, besides his entertainment 
Ulster  as a Colonel. Governor of Carickfergus and Dundalke no entertainment, but as Colonels of the Army.  
Summa per annum threescore pound sixteen shillings eight pence.  
Governor of the Queen's County at six shillings eight pence per diem. Provost 
Lemstor.  Martial of the Army per diem four shillings three pence. Provost Martial of Lemster five shillings seven pence per diem. And to both Provosts, Horses to be assigned out of the Army, at the Lord Deputies discretion.  
Samma per annum three hundred one pound two shillings seven pence.  
Warders in divers Provinces three thousand thirty one pound seven pence halfpenny. Pensioners, forty four, at four pound nineteen shillings two pence per diem. Almesmen fourteen, at six pence Irish a piece per diem. Commissaries of Musters, twenty, at six shillings eight pence a piece per diem.  
Summa per annum three thousand one hundred twenty two pound five s. fised.  
Summa totalis per annum fourteen thousand fifty five pound four shillings eight pence halfpenny.  
The same day this List was signed, being the eleventh of February, the Lords by their letters to the Lord deputy (being yet in England, but newly gone from London, and in his way towards Ireland), appointed that the ships of Bristol, which had transported one thousand two hundred foot from thence to Dublin, should there be stayed, to the end they might transport a thousand men, which were to be sent from Dublin, to meet with three thousand more sent out of England, out of which the Garrison of Caricksergus was to be strengthened, and a new Garrison planted at Loughfoyle.  
The Lord Mountioy lying at Westchester for a passage into Ireland, and there receiving notice, that the imprisoned Earl of Essex had signed a submission to the Queen, whereupon her Majesty began to be inclined to show him mercy, directed his letters thence the eighteenth of February to Sir Robert Cecil Secretary of State, therein avowing, that as his love made him interessed in that noble Earls fortunes, so he would thankfully acknowledge from him such favour, as he should be pleased to show that distressed Earl, withal protesting, that he would always be a free man, and slave to no man's humour; but as he in this Irish employment expected all favourable seconds from him (according to his noble promise, whereupon his hopes chiefly rerelied), so he would ever be honest and thankful towards him in all occasions. And upon these terms all exchange of good offices passed between this Lord deputy and Master Secretary, till the fatal death of that noble Earl of Essex hereafter to be mentioned, and the Lord Deputies participation of that ruin, made him change his style, and never to cease, till he had confirmed a near friendship between himself and the Secretary, at least as entire, as greatness admits, as hereafter shall be showed.  
The twenty six of February, the Lord Deputy landed in Ireland, and there received 
A new Lord Precedent of Monster.  the sword, and within few days, by warrant out of England, he granted her majesties letters Patents to Sir George Carew, to be Lord Precedent of Monster, which place liad lain void some few months, from the death of Sir Thomas Norreys. The 27 he received advertisement from the Earl of Ormond, General of the English forces till his coming over, that Tyrone was in the West part of Monster, having about him not only his own forces, but those of the Rebels of that Province, which were so great, as he had not hitherto power to oppose them: but now having gathered all the Queen's forces he could make, purposed the next morning to set forwards towards him. The fifth of March his Lordship received advertisement from other parts, that Tyrone could not escape in his return to the North, but either over the River Shanon, which passage the Earls of Thomond and Clanrickard might easily stop, or by the Westward borders of the Pale, where if his Lordship would draw his forces to Athboye, Mullingar, Ballymore, and Athlone, it was not possible for him to escape them. That Tyrone had thus engaged himself, presuming on the corruption of the State, and little expecting his Lordships so sudden coming over, so as if his Lordship forgave him this fault, he was not like to catch him again in the like, neither could any thing but want of intelligence, make his Lordship fail in stopping the return of Tyrone, and his forces into the North. Advising his Lordship to be wary in crediting intelligences, which were commonly false, and made of purpose, and to expect, that besides the known enemy, and a confused war, he should find a broken State, a dangerous Counsel, and false hearted subjects. The eight of March the Earl of Ormond sent advertisement, that Tyrone purposed to pass the River Shanon. That he had written to the Earl of Thomond to draw towards him, that they might oppose his passage, but that his Lordship could not perform his order, by reason that the Mayor of Leymricke would not afford him carriage for his victuals. That Tyrone in scattered Troops and a cowardly manner, hastened his return, and that present day had marched four and twenty miles, without any stay. That Sir Warham Sent Leger, and Sir Henry Power, joint Commissioners for governing of Monster, with the forces under their charge, had met near Cork with Hugh Mac Gwter, chief Lord of Fermanagh (in the North) and that in the encounter Sir Warham, Sent Leger, and the said Mac Guire were killed. That his Lordship had burned all the Towns where the Traitors might find relief, and that they used the same course towards her majesties Subjects. The same day the Lord Deputy received further advertisement from Monster, that Tyrone was compassed in by the Earl of Ormond, on the one side, and the Earl of Thomond on the other, and by the Commissioners forces on the third side, (who ruled the Province after the death of Sir Thomas Norreys, until a Lord Precedent should be chosen, for he that was newly sent over, was yet at Dublyn); that the Mayor of Lymbricke had commandment to lay ships and boats, to hinder his passage by that Haven, as likewise the Mayor of Galway to interrupt his passage by sea, and the Earl of Clanrickard, to stop his passage by land through Connaght. So as how soever he were five thousand strong in able men, besides many of base sort, yet he being far from any second of Ulster men, in whom the chief strength of the Rebellion consisted, and no way able to return thither, his utter confusion was confidently hoped. But these were only Irish oftentations of service, which seldom use to take effect, and many times are not truly intended, as the sequel will show.  
And lest the Lord Deputy should expect faithful dealing of the English Irish Subject in the other kind of service, by supplying the Army of necessaries, the nobility & Gentry of the very English Pale, the same day exhibited a petition to his Lordship, to prevent the opinion of disloyalty, upon refusal of such supplies, by pretending of disabillitie upon the great spoils, which aswell the rebels, as the English soldiers had made upon all the inhabitants.  
The Lord deputy had written a former letter to Master Secretary, in excuse of not reducing the Army from fourteen thousand foot to twelve thousand, according to the new Establishment (aswell because the same was to begin the first of February, which his Lordship could not effect, since he arrived not in Ireland until the twenty six of the same month, as also because the Army was presently far divided, the greater part thereof being with the Earl of Ormond, and for that, whensoever they returned, the discharged Companies must presently be reduced into some other, or else so many men and Arms should be merely lost, as the Lords justices had lately found by experience, when determining to cast a Company of one hundred and fifty, being by Pole a hundred, of the oldest and best soldiers, with purpose next day to deliver them to other Captains, upon the divulging thereof, only three of the whole Company with their Arms could be found, to be so transmitted.)  
To this letter formerly written, and persuading that the two thousand might still be continued in pay, his Lordship received the following answer from her Majesty, dated the fifteenth of March.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
ALthough we have upon your earnest request (in whose affection and duty we do repose trust and confidence) yielded to the continuance of fourteen thousand foot for some small time, both because we conceive, that according to your reasons, it will give good assurance to the Plantation of Loughfoyle, and the reduction of Lemster, and prevent the present terror, which this proud attempt of Tyrones', to pass over all the Kingdom, hath stricken into the hearts of all our Subjects, and would increase, if we should presently have abated our numbers: yet must welet you know, that we do expect at your hands, and do determine, that assoon as the present bruits are passed, you shall diminish the same by little and little hereafter, according to our first determination: for we have had too good proof of that government, as not to know and discern, that all the mischiefs of our service, have grown most by lack of discretion and order, by vain journeys, whilst better opportunities have been lost, by undiscreet carriages of all secret purposes, by placing Captains of small merit or experience, and which is above all, by nourishing the Irish, who are snakes in our bosoms, whilst we hold them, and when they are out, do convert upon ourselves, the experience and strength they have gotten by our making them to be Soldiers. And therefore you shall understand now, that although we have been content to grace some such as are of noble houses, and such others as have drawn blood on the Rebels, with charge of Companies, yet we find it now grown to a common opinion, that it is as good to be a Rebel as a Subject: for Rebels find and feel it, that they shall be hired (even with whole companies in our pay) only to forbear doing harm, and not for having done any such service, as may make them irreconcilable. And further we see, that others that are in pay in their own Country, are so far from doing service on their neighbours, that are out, as when they tarry in for a show, they are the chiefest means under hand, to help the rebels with such powder and munition, as (to our no small charge) we put into their hands, to be used against them. In this point therefore, we command you henceforth to be considerate, and not to be induced to put such in pay, as spend our treasure only to their own advantage, upon this supposition or brag of theirs, that they must run to the enemies if they be not entertained: for when we consider the effects that are derived from our charges, to have so many foot and horse of the Irish entertained, only to save their own Cows and Countries, we are of opinion, so they went not with our Arms to the Rebels, that it were better service for us, to save our treasure, then to pay for their bodies, seeing they that live by the war better than they should do in peace, intent nothing less than our service. And therefore we command you, not only to raise no more, when these shall be decayed, but to keep them unsupplied that are already, and as they waste to Casse their bands: for we can never allow of this entertainment of them. Whilst you are forced to keep the 2000 men for our service, you may keep the Captains uncassed, but not give any warrant to them to supply their Companies with any more Irish. We do also require you, that you do seek by all means possible, where the Irish are entertained, to use their service as far from their own Countries as may be; wherein we pray you especially to take care in the Province of Connaght, where there are so many Irish bands together, and rather to draw some of them to serve else where, and send English in their stead. This shall serve for the present, to answer your dispatch, wherein we do write to you, (whom we know to love our Commandments) more directly in this point of our desire to have our charge abated, than we do to you and the Counsel together, because we would have them apprehend, (seeing you think such an opinion would be good), that our Army shall not be so soon abated, as we hope you will; wherein notwithstanding we do refer things to your discretion, whom we will trust with the charge of 2000 men, seeing we have committed to you our whole Kingdom, etc.  
His Lordship in a second dispatch to Master Secretary, had written, that Tyrone having passed through the Pale into Monster with some one thousand five hundred horse and foot, of such sort as so many of the Queen's worst men were able to encounter them, was now in Monster with an Army of 4 thousand in reputation, and was there attended by the Queen's Army of three thousand foot, and three hundred horse, commanded by the Earl of Ormond; so as only the dregs of the Queen's Army were now near him; out of which notwithstanding, he hoped to be able to draw one thousand five hundred foot, and three hundred horse, and therewith to make head against Tyrone at his return: but in regard the Plantation of Loughfoyle and Ballyshannon were presently commanded him, whether Sir Henry Dockura was to ship three thousand out of England, and another thousand were to be shipped from Dublin: these one thousand being part of the men he was to draw against Tyrone be durst not lead them far from the Sea, and so might perhaps be forced to lose good occasion of service, whereas if these things had been left to his discretion, he would have deferred the Plantation of Ballishannon to a time of more safety, and with these one thousand men and their munition to be sent thither, would now attend Tyrone in his passage with so great advantage, as he was not likely to find hereafter and if he escaped, would presently have put himself in the head of the Earl of Ormonds' Troops, to prosecute him into the North, and would further have advised Sir Henry Dockwra in his passage from Chester to Loughfoyle, to descend at Carickfergus, and thence to take five hundred old soldiers, leaving so many new in their room.  
To this dispatch his Lordship received the Queen's gracious answer, by a letter dated the sixteenth of this month, wherein allowing his beginnings, and approving his reasons: the forbearing presently to plant Ballishannon, and the ordering of Loughfoyle Plantation, and the disposing of Garrisons aptly (for the defence of such as in that case offered to return to due obedience), were all freely left to his Lordship's discretion, with promise to make good construction of his actions, being confident that they had no other object, but loyali service.  
The Lord deputy having drawn as many together as he could about Mullingar, to lie for Tyrone in his return out of Monster, received advertisement the fifteenth of this present, that Tyrone hearing of his preparations to meet him, had left a thousand Connaght rogues to assist Desmond, and some eight hundred men with Richard Butler, and having made Captain Tirrell chief commander of all the Lemster Rebels, was stolen out of Monster with six hundred in his company, and had passed the Enney, and so escaped into the North.  
Whereupon the Lord deputy the same day writ to the Earl of Ormond, to send back from Monster, the forces he had drawn thither out of Lemster, and with all sent him her majesties letters, importing thanks for the service he had done, and her desire that he would still hold the place of Lieutenant of the Army. In the acceptance whereof, the Lord deputy professed, that he should esteem himself much honoured, and would be ready, after putting off the person which now was imposed on him, with much contentment to be commanded by his Lordship.  
The same time the Lord Deputy advertised Master Secretary, that his intelligence had been so bad (not only in false reports of Tyrones' purposes, but also in the relation of the Forces he had with him to be far greater than indeed they were, by which intelligence of false hearted subjects to discourage the Queen's Forces, the Rebels used to prevail more then by fight, and now hoped to discourage him at his first coming, from any present attempt against Tyrones' return), as in one and the same day he first heard together of Tyrones' looking back out of Monster, coming into Leymster, and passing over the Enney, and the next day being assured of his escape, he then received the first intelligence (the former letters of the eight of March being not till then delivered) that ever came to his hands from the Earl of Ormond concerning Tyrone, who in this return had gone further in three days, then at his setting forth in thirteen, having in one day marched twenty seven miles, so speedily, as he could not overtake any of his troops with the Queen's forces, though he marched after him twenty miles in four hours; adding his purpose to make present head towards the North, without which diversion 〈◊〉 rebels, the 〈◊〉 to be planted at Loughfoyle was like to run a dangerous to tune. And withal sending some of Tyrones' Mandates, by which he summoned the 〈◊〉 of Monster to appear before him, and to join with him, of which I have thought good, for the strangeness of the form, to insert this one following.  
O Neale commendeth him unto you Morish Fitz Thomas, O Neale requesteth you in God's name to take part with him, and fight for your conscience and right; and in so doing, Oncale will spend to see you righted in all your affairs, and will help you: And if you come not at Oneale betwixt this and tomorrow at twelve of the clock, and take his part, Oneale is not beholding to you, and will do to the uttermost of his power to overthrow you, if you come not to him at furthest by Saturday noon.  
From Knock Dumayne in Calrie, the fourth of February 1599.  
Oneale requesteth you to come speak with him, and doth give you his word that you shall receive no harm, neither in coming nor going from him, whether you be friend or not, and bring with you to Oneale Gerat Fitzgerald.  
Subscribed O Neale.  
The seventh of March the Lord Deputy was advertised, that Tyrone returned to Dungannon his House the fifteenth day, and brought with him out of Monster four pledges of Desmonds' faith unto him. That the Earl of Clanrickard had sworn, so soon as the Lord of Dunkellyn his eldest son returned out of England, to take no longer day than May next, to join with Tyrone, and enter into action, (so the Irish term rebellion): and that Tyrone had called the Lords of the North together, to consult about the opposition to be made against the intended plancation of the English Garrisons at Loughfoyle.  
The twentieth of March Master Secretary wrote to the Lord Deputy, that the Earl of Essex, hitherto restrained in the Lord Keeper's House, had found the Grace with her Majesty, to be sent to his own house in London, yet with a keeper; for Sir Richard Bakley, had the guard of him, with the keys of the water-gate and street door, and the Earl had the freedom of the whole House, with a dozen servants to attend him, who might freely go in and out at pleasure, and the Countess of Essex had liberty to come thither to him. And the Lord Deputy still continued frequently to solicit the Secretary's favour to this noble Earl, many times enlarging himself so far, as to justify the Earls faithful endeavours in the main point of the late Irish service, about which he was most questioned. Insomuch as seeing the Earl's actions in Ireland to be narrowly sifted, he wrote not long after to the Secretary, expressly avowing; That if the Earl of Essex had brought with him a far greater Army, the estate of the year being as then it was, and he coming at that time of the year when he did, yet during his abode there, (which was from March to September), there could no other consequence have justly been expected in that so short time; but that the Rebels moved with the countenance and terror of the Army, should generally (or for the most part) have sought her majesties mercy, and making their submission, have been received upon pledges to continue subjects, or else to have sought to have ruined them by planting strong garrisons, which in most places must have been done by an Army, and they being in several places, and many circumstances beside required thereunto, the effecting thereof would have taken up as much time as he spent here. And though the terror of the Army did not work the first effect, being in the choice of the enemy, until by the second course they might be constrained, that the fault was in their disposition, and not in the Earl's endeavours or power. And though the garrisons were not accordingly planted, that as well the shortness of the time, as the Counsels to which the Earl was tied at that time, might justly clear him of that default.    

CHAP. II. Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in the prosecution of the Rebels in the year 1600.  
THe twenty four of March, being the last day of the former year, the Lord Deputy signed the following List of the Army, to be a direction to the Treasurer at wars, for the payment thereof, from the first of April in the year 1600, so forward.  

General Officers for the Army.  
The Earl of Orn. and Lord Lieutenant of the Army per diem three pound.  
Sir Oliver Lambert Sergeant Maior per diem twenty shillings.  
George Beverley Controller of the victuals per diem ten shillings.  
Five Commissaries of the victuals, whereof one per diem eight shillings, the rest six shillings a piece.   

Twelve Colonels at ten shillings a piece per diem.  


Earl of Thomond.  
Lord Audley.  
Lord Dunkellin.  
Sir Henry Dockwra.   

Sir Henry Poor,  
Sir Charles Percy.  
Sir Matthew Morgan.  
Sir Christop. St. Laurence.   

Sir Charles Willmot.  
Sir john Bolles.  
Sir Arthur Savage.  
Sir Richard Moryson.     
A Provost Marshal of Ballishannon, and another of Loughfoyle, each at four shillings per diem.  

Companies of Horse.  
The Lord deputy, one hundred, at eighteen pence a piece per diem. The Earl of Ormond fifty, at twelve pence. The Earl of Southampton one hundred, half at eighteen pence, and half at fifteen pence. The Earl of Kildare fifty at twelve pence. The Earl of Clanrickard fifty, at twelve pence. The Lord of Dunsany fifty, at twelve pence. The Lord Precedent of Monster fifty, at eighteen pence. Sir Garret Moor twenty five, at twelve pence. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence twenty five, at twelve pence.  

The Lord Dunkellin 
25  Sir Henry Harington 
26  Sir William Warren 
25  Sir Samuel Bagnal 
50  Sir Edward Herbert 
12  Sir Oliver Lambert 
25   
Captain Wayman Provost Martial of Connaght 
12  Captain Richard Greame 
50  Captain Thomas Gifford 
25  Captain Fleming 
25  Captain Taffe 
25   all 12 pence per diem.   
Sir Richard Wingfield Martial 50, whereof 20 at eighteen pence, and thirty at twelve pence per diem.  



Captain Thomas White 50  
Sir Anthony Cook 50   at fifteen pence per diem.   
Sir Henry Davers 100 at eighteen pence. Sir Henry Dockwrra 50, half at eighteen pence, haife at twelve pence. Sir Grif. Markam 100, half at fifteen pence, half twelve pence.  
total of Horse 1200.  

Companies of Foot. To be sent from Dublin to Loughfoyle in Ulster.  

Sir Henry Dockwra Governor of Loughfoyle, and Colonel of the Army. 
200  Sir Matthew Morgan Colonel 
150  Sir john Chamberlain 
150   
Captain Errington 
100  Captain Heath 
150  Captain Badbye 
150  Captain Lister 
100     

To be sent out of England to the same place.  

Sir john Bolles one of the Colonels of the Army 
150.  Captain Vaughan 
150  Captain Thomas Coche 
100  Captain Dutton 
100  Captain Ellis Flood 
150  Captain Ralph Bingley 
150  Captain Basset 
100  Captain Oram 
100   
Captain Lionel Guest 
150  Captain Leigh 
100  Captain H. Clare 
150  Sir john Pooley 
150  Captain Masterson 
100  Captain Stafford 
100  Captain Atkinson 
100  Captain Hales 
100  Captain Alford 
100   
Captain Pinner 
100  Captain Orrel 
150  Captain Sidney 
100  Captain Windsor 
100  Captain Sidley 
100  Captain Digges 
100  Captain Brook 
100  Captain Rand 
100  Captain Pluncket 
100     
total of Loughfoyle Garrison divided into three Regiments under the Governor Sir Henry Dockwra, and the two Colonels above named, Sir Matthew Morgan, and Sir john Bolles, 4000  

Carickfergus Garrison. Foot.  

Sir Arthur Chichester Governor 
200  Sir Fulk Conway 
150  Captain Laurence Esmond 
150   
Captain Egerton 
100  Captain Norton 
100     
Foot 700  

Foot at the Newrie.  

Sir Samuel Bagnol 
200  Captain Blanye 
150   
At Carlingford Capt. Ferdinando Freckelton 
100     
Foot 450.  

Foot in the Province of Connaght.  

Sir Arthur Savage Governor 
200  The Earl of Thomond 
200  The Earl of Clanrickard 
100  The Lord Dunkellin, the Earl's eldest son 
200  Sir Thomas Burgh his younger son 
150   
Sir Robert Lovel 
150  Sir Tibot Dillon 
100  Captain Thomas Bourgh 
100  Captain Tibot Nelong 
100  Captain Hugh Mostiun 
100     
Foot 1400.  

Foot in the Province of Monster.  

Sir George Carew Lord Precedent 
200  The Lord Audley 
200  Sir Henry Poor 
200  Sir Charles Willmot 
150  Sir George carry Treasurer at wars 
100  Sir Richard Percy 
150  Sir Francis Barkely 
100  Sir Edward Fitzgarret 
100  Sir john Barkley 
200  Sir Gerald Haruy 
150  Sir john Dowdal 
100  Sir Richard Masterson 
100   
Captain Roger Haruy 
150  Captain Thomas Spencer 
150  Captain Flower 
100  Captain Sheffeld 
100  Captain George Kingsmell 
100  Captain Garret Dillon 
100  Captain Hugh Oreilly 
100  Captain William Poor 
100  Captain Saxy 
100  Captain Bostock 
100  Captain George Blonnt 
100     
Foot 2950.  

Foot in the Province of Leymster.  

The Lord Deputies Guard 
200  The Earl of Southampton 
200  The Earl of Ormond 
200  The Earl of Kildare 
150  The Lord of Dunsany 
150  The Lord Deluin 
150  Sir Grorge Bourcher 
100  Sir Richard Wingfeild 
150  Sir Christoper Sant Laurence 
200   
Sir Charles Percy 
200  Sir Oliver Lambert 
200  Sir Richard Moryson 
200  Sir Thomas Wingfeild 
150  Sir Henry Warren 
100  Sir Garret More 
100  Sir Francis Rush 
150  Sir Henry Follyot 
150  Sir William Warren 
100     


Sir Thomas Loftus 
100  Sir Oliner Saint john's 
150  Sir Charles Ocarrol 
100  Sir Henry Davers 
200   
Sir james Fitzpeirse 
150  Sir Francis Stafford 
200  Sir Henry Harington 
100  Capt. Thomas Williams 
150   
Capt. Roe 
100  Capt. Toby Cafeild 
150  Capt. josias Bodley 
150  Capt. Francis Shane 
100     
The total of the Foot 14000.  

A list of such as the Lord Deputy could draw into the field to prosecute Tyrone, all consisting of the companies lying in Lemster, and those of the Newrie and Carlingford.  
Horse.  
The Lord Deputy 100 Sir Henry Davers 100 Sir Samuel Baguol 50. The Lord Dunsany 50. Sir Garret More 25.  
Horse 325.  
Foot.  
The Lord Deputy 200. The Earl of Southampton 200. Sir Francis Stafford 200. Sir Samuel B. guol 200. Sir Richard Moryson 200. Sir Henry Davers 200. Sir Charles Percy 200. Sir Oliver Lambert 200. Sir William Warren 100 Sir Oliver Saint john's 150. Sir Henry Follyot 150. The Lord of Dunsany 150. Sir Garret More 100 Sir Thomas Wingfeild 150. Captain Edward Blanye 150. Captain josias Bodley 150. Captain Ferdinand Freckelton 100 Captain Toby Cafeild 150. Captain Francis Roe 100 Captain Thomas Williams 150. Foot 3200  
 Foot. Horse. Out of these taken to guard places till the return of the Army 810 20 Dead paycs allowed in each hundred of foot 9, and in each fifty horse 4 288 26 total 1098 46  Foot. Horse. Deduct this 1098 out of the Foot, and 46 out of the Horse, and so remains for the Lord Deputies Army in field 2102 279.  
Out of this a further allowance (though uncertain) must be deducted for sick and deficient men not mentioned formerly.  
Observe that many Gunners, canoneers, Armourers, and Clerks of the Ordinance, some at four s. some at two s. per diem, and an Inginere at ten s. per diem. That some sixteen Surgians, that chief at fivel. the other dispersed in Provinces and Garrisons at thirty or forties a piece the week, and that the Lord Deputies Doctor of Physic at fivel the week, and his chief Chaplain at the same rate, and some ten other Preachers dispersed, at thirty or forty s. the week each are all paid by the defalcation of one pay in each company of foot, and likewise of certain sures of apparel due to the same companies. And that the Commissaries of the Musters (raised from five to twenty) at three s. 4 d. a piece per dièm, are paid out of the Checques which themselves raise, and one of them following the Army in field in each Province, the rest are distributed to be resident in particular garrisons.  
Having made distribution of the Forces for the present: It remain: I should descend to the brief narration of the Lord Deputies particular Counsels, and actions against the Rebels. About the beginning of April, it was determined in counsel by the Lord Deputy and the general assent of the Counsellors, that the Islander Scots should be hired to serve against james Mas Sorley. That Agnus pretending right to his Country, was the fittest for that purpose, and upon his refusal, Mac Alaine was thought fittest to be entertained for this service. That the number of Scots should be 1500 or 2000 at most. That they should not land till the end of August, and remain in pay as occasion should serve, their pay being to each man a Cow for a month, or for the default of cattle, fixed by the day. And that they should land between the 〈◊〉 and Oldenfleet, except they thought some other place fitter. Two Inhabitants of Caricfergus were appointed to treat with these Scots, and they were to have the L. Deputies Letters to the Earl of Argile, and to the Queen's Agent in Scotland, for the furtherance of this business. But this Council took no effect, by reason the course was disliked in England. In the same Council it was propounded, how the Army should be employed till the Lord Deputies going into the field, which in all probability could not be for some two months after. And it was resolved to prosecute the Rebels at one instant, both on the borders in the North, and in Lemster. For the North borders 650. foot, and 100 horse, were to lie in garrison in Dundalke, 7 co. foot, and 50. horse at Ardee, 400. foot and 50. horse at Kelles, 1000 foot and 50. horse at the Newry, and a hundred foot at Carlingford. If Tyrone drew not to a head, it was concluded these garrisons were to infest the Fewes, Ferny, Obanlons' Country, Mac Gonnis his Country, and other parts of Monaghan, and the Cavan. If Tyrone drew to a head, than it was concluded, his own troops were like to spoil these Countries, and our men sent to Loughfoyle should plant themselves with more case, & shortly be able to spoil both Tyrone and Odonnels Country. For Lemster a thousand foot, and a hundred horse, were to draw into Ophalia, to build up the Togher, to victual the Fort of Phillipstone, and to spoil the Connors, Macgoghegans, Omoloyes, and Mac Coghlins. This done, it was concluded, these forces should pass into Leex, thereto attend direction, or if that passage were difficult, then to return the way they went, and by the way to send for further direction. And to further the last prosecution, the O Carols were commanded at the same time to innade the Omoloyes, and the Lord of Delain, and Sir Francis Shane were to meet, and join with the Lord Dunkellin in Mac Coghlins' Country, and thereto invade the neighbour Rebels.  
The third of April the Lord Deputy advertised Master Secretary, that the Queen had few Subjects in Ireland of any sort, who had not either some kind of intelligence with Tyrone, or had not framed their hearts that way, whereof the whole Pale made sufficient overture, by a petition lately delivered, and by their contestation at the Counsel Table. That the old Earl of Clanrickard, at Tyrones' going into Monster, had taken day with him till May next, to declare himself on that party. But that the Lord of Dunkellin his eldest soon, hated by his younger brother, whom the father esteemed much above him, gave him great confidence of his firm allegiance, who supecting his father's disposition that way, had taken occasion by repairing to Dublin, and after going for England, to put himself as a gage and bridle to his father's proceedings. Concluding, that 〈◊〉 the Lord Deputy had taken order for securing the Castle of Athlone, but that all his hope of keeping the Province of Connaght in obedience, was in the Lord of Dunkellins' honesty. Neither was the Lord Deputy deceived in this worthy Lord, who 〈◊〉 during his father's life, so from his death, (happening within few months), to the end of the war, served the Queen as nobly, valiantly, and faithfully, as any nobleman or gentleman in the army. The Lord Deputy explained the danger of the Irish Commanders and Companies, yet for the time showed the remedy to be more dangerous than the disease, protesting that her Majesty could not take a more unprofitable way to satisfy the Irish suitors, then by giving them Companies. His Lordship further advertised Master Secretary, that upon Tyrones' retiring out of Monster into the North, in manner of a fearful flight, he the Lord Deputy had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Earl of: Ormond such Companies as were not appointed for Monster, and upon their arrival to Athye had sent Sir Richard Moryson, to take possession of the government of Leave, and Sir Oliver Lambert; to lead and bring back the forces sent with victuals to relieve the Fort, called Mariabourg (of Queen Mary) seituate in Leax, (otherwise called the Queen's County) which fort being before in extreme 〈◊〉, now he had supplied for three months. That he had employed Brimingham, (who had about that time submitted himself to the Queen's mercy), to put in some Cows into the Fort of Ophaly: That he purposed to prosecute the Rebels in Lemster with one thousand foot and a hundred horse; and to lodge the rest in garrisons upon the North, so as on the sudden he might divert Tyrone from resisting our present plantation at Loughfoyle. That he would presently send a thousand old soldiers from Dublyn to Loughfoyle, and likewise with them such as were to lie in garrison at Ballishannon, under the command of Sir Matthew Morgan, but that, for some difficulties, they could not yet be settled there, yet lying at Loughfoyle in the mean time, might do service, and always be ready to be sent thither. That Tyrones' confederates were discouraged at his fearful retreat into the North, which could not have been greater, if he had been broken with an Army. For after an unreasonable days march, hearing of the Lord Deputies drawing towards him, within one hour of his sitting down, he did presently rise again at seven a clock in the night, and being assaulted by some of our scattered bands, still marched, leaving to the sword as many of his men as were engaged, and leaving or losing all his carriages, so as now almost every day the heads of some rebels or others were sent him, and many services were of late done, as therecovery of a prey by the garrison at the Naas, with the kill of many Rebels, and the defeat of one hundred and forty Rebels by Sir Francis Shane, whereof forty five were killed, and of them some fourteen with his own hand. And the Rebels of Lemster daily made means to be received to mercy. Only the Towns were the stores of the Rebels, and stood so saucily upon their privileges, as a sharp rod and strong hand were requisite to amend them. For which cause his Lordship advised, that the Castle of Lymerik might be repaired, to bridle that Town, which seemed of more importance, than any other City of that Kingdom whatsoever. That the despairing rebels were by Tirones cunning raised to some hopes, by two ships lately come into the North out of Spain, which brought the rebels some munition, and either assurance of great and present succours, or Tyrone at least so used their coming to his purpose, as the rebels believed such aussrance was given. Besides, many Priests came in those ships, of which one termed himself the Pope's Legate, and Leger Ambassador for the King of Spain, and Archbishop of Dublin, giving out that he was content to suffer death, if he preached not in Dublyn before Michaelmas day. Whereupon the Rebels began to avow themselves the King of Spain's subjects, and only the expectation of Loughfoyle garrison, together with the doubt of these succours, kept the very Pale from the boldness to profess the same. Lastly, his Lordship vehemently complained, that her Majesty by absolute command disposed of charges in that Kingdom, so as he could neither pleasure his own friends, nor reward her majesties best servants; yea, that having already given the government of Leax to Sir Richard Moryson, (a friend whom he confessed especially to love, and whom he would undertake to beas worthy in his profession, as any of his time, or any the Queen had in that Kingdom), now by the Lords Letters signifying her majesties pleasure, he was forced to his friends and his own disgrace, to confer the place on another: and in conclusion, besought her Majesty, in such recommendations to leave them somewhat to his choice, promising to execute them, or else to yield great reason to the contrary.  
The sixth of April the Lord Deputy advertised Master Secretary, that the Earl of Ormond was gone from Dublyn to his Country, having made great compliments of affection to her majesties service, yet it was apparent that either he was grown weaker in judgement, or worse affected to the Queen's service, than was imagined in England, affirming of certainty that in the last cessation he had thrice at least spoken very long with Tyrone, and at his last being in Monster, had once heard from him. And in general, that the subjects were no better servants to her Majesty then the rebels, with whom they daily practised, and would give no assistance with bodies or goods to her majesties service, yea, would (no doubt) quit their allegiance whensoever they might do it with safety. That every rogue asked a Company, and if he had one, than sought a Regiment, but that (God blessing her majesties Army) he hoped shortly to give law to their irregular humours.  
The Province of Monster (as I formerly said) was much confirmed in rebellion by the Earl of Tyrone his last journey into those parts, where he strengthened james 
Affairs of Monster.  Fitzthomas, (who by the Northern rebels sent thither from Tyrone, was exalted to be Earl of Desmond in the year 1598. and was by a nicke-name called the Suggon Earl), he combined with Florence mac Carty, (called by the Irish, Mac Carty more, a name greatly followed there) and in like sort with most of the great men of those parts, encouraging those whom he found willing to persist, taking pledges of those he sususpected to be wavering, and burning and spoiling those few, who did absolutely refuse to join with him, as the Lord Barry with some others. And at this time another accident seeming of great consequence, did much erect the hearts of the Rebels, and dismay the subjects of those parts, which I will briefly set down. Sir George Carey having newly received letters Patents to be Lord Precedent of Monster, and resolving presently to repair to his charge, departed from Dublin on his journey thitherward the seventh of April, and upon the ninth came to Kilkenny with the Earl of Thomond in his company, and one hundred horse to attend him, where the Earl of Ormond told them he had appointed to parley with some Rebels of those parts, whereof Owny Mac Rory was the chief, and desired them to accompany him. The tenth of April they road out of Kilkenny with some twenty Horse of the Earl of Ormonds' followers, and some few others mounted upon hackneys, his Lordship refusing to have the Lord Presidents Horse to guard him. So they road eight long miles to the place of meeting: and the Earl of Ormond left his Company of two hundred Foot two mile short of that place. The Rebel Owny came out of the Woods with five hundred men well Armed, and leaving his shot, and the gross of his troup some Calievers shot distant from the Earl, came up to him with some choice pikes. After an hour spent, & nothing concluded, the Lord Precedent moved the Earl to return, but he would first speak with the jesuit Archer, and the Rebels calling him, his Lordship reproved Archer, and called him traitor. In the mean time the gross of the Rebels had crept over the shrubs, and compassed round the Earl and his company, which the Lord Precedent disliking, prayed the Earl to return: but as he turned about his hackney, the Rebels took him prisoner, and Owny Mac Rory laid hands on the Lord Precedent, but the Earl of Thomond rushing upon him with his horse, made him leave his hold, and they both escaped by the swiftness and strength of their horses from the bushes of many pikes, wherewith the Earl of Thomond was slightly hurt in the back. This treachery was said to be plotted by Owny and Archer, and very few others, for if more had known it, many thought that the Earl had such spies, and was so feared among the Rebels, as his Lordship would have had notice thereof either for fear or love. But there wanted not others, who thought the Earl was willingly surprised. Howsoever it were, the Rebels did him no hurt in his person, only one of the Earls men was slain, five were hurt, and fourteen taken prisoners. The Lord Precedent with the one hundred horse attending him, and six hundred foot, which he sent for out of Monster, kept the unsettled humours of those parts from present tumult, where the Earls true followers wanting their head, and the ill affected now standing in no awe of his power, were all at liberty. The Countess of Ormond was much afflicted with her husband's misfortune, and with fear of her own and her daughter's estate. For divers pretended to be heirs to the Earl; as Sir Edward Butler his brother, and in respect his blood was attainted, Sir Walter Butler the Earl's Nephew, and for other reasons the Viscount Mountgarret. And each of these was likely to seek to have the Earls sole daughter in their hands, besides that these controversies bred distracted humours among the Gentlemen and others of those parts. The Lord deputy hearing hereof, presently dispatched Sir George Bourcher to command in chief, and Sir Christop. Saint Laurence to assist him, in guarding the Countess, her daughter and the Earls houses, with the forces appointed by the Lord Deputy for that service, namely,  
The Earl's Company of foot 200. The foot Company of Sir Christopher Saint Laurence 200. The Earl's troup of horse 50. Horse of Saint Laurence 25. Sir George Bourchers horse 10.  
Yet the Lord deputy conceived the Earls surprise to be an evil more spetious than material, seeing no reason, why the Counsels of the war should stagger upon his well or ill doing For whereas some were of opinion, that he was willingly taken, and would declare himself for Tyrone, his Lordship resolved, that if he continued faithful, his Countries might easily be defended, if otherwise, as easily wasted, since after the Garrisons should be once planted at Loughfoyle, and those parts on the back of Tyrone, he should be able to spare forces for any such service. And whereas many thought the news would much amaze the Court of England, his Lordship on the contrary (since neither the Lord Precedent nor himself deserved any imputation for this event, the parley being contrived without the Lord Presidents privity, and both contrived and executed, without making himself acquainted therewith) conceived, it would make the Army both better, and more carefully seconded out of England. And whereas it was thought, that this accident would erect the rogues spirits, which before began to be dejected, and so hinder the submission of many, his Lordship knowing that they would never be faithful to the State, till they could not subsist against it, was of opinion, that till they were brought into greater extremities, it would prove better, that they should stand out, then come in.  
His Lordship the fifteenth of April advertised Master Secretary of this accident, and how he had sent forces to strengthen those parts, and had taken special care for the safety of the Earl's daughter and heir, and being loath suddenly to give his opinion herein, only professed to think it strange, that one so full of regard to himself in all his proceedings, should be so easily overtaken. Then his Lordship gave confidence, that if the Butlers declared themselves for Tyrone, as soon as Loughfoyle Garrison was planted at his back, his Lordship doubted not to be able to meet the Lord Precedent in Kilkenny, and with their joint Forces to subdue the Rebels, and set those parts in obedience.  
At this time the Fort of Phillipstown in Ophaley (otherwise called the King's County) was to be victualled, and Only Mac Rory with the O Mores in Leax, together with the O Conners in Ophaly, bragged that the Queen's forces should not be able to victual it. Now by the emulation of one of our chief Commanders, against another preferred before him, and strengthened by the Court factions of England, the said Commander had set out some weak Companies for this service, to be led by the other, as in pre-eminence of his place, but a near friend to the Lord deputy, conceiving how much this first actions success might add reputation, or give a blemish, both to his Lordship and the Army, gave notice thereof, so as his Lordship offering the same Commander the leading of those Companies, he refusing to go with them, manifested the suspected emulation. Whereupon his Lordship caused fourteen strong Companies to be allotted, and gave the command of them in chief to Sir Oliver Lambert, who conducted the victuals, and led the men with such judgement and valour, as being strongly fought with at the coming off, and especially at the going on, yet they performed the service with great loss and discouragement to those proud Rebels, and the fifteenth of April his Lordship advertised Master Secretary of this good service.  
The thirtieth of April the Earl of Ormond sent to the Lord Deputy from the Woods the conditions, Only Mac Rory demanded under his own hand for his liberty, which till then he could not get, because Ony stayed for Tyrones' and his confederate advice, adding a postscript of his Lordships own hand; that the letter was brought to him ready written, neither was he allowed any man of his own to write for him. The insolent demands were these: First, that her majesties forces should be removed from Leax, and the Garrisons delivered to Oney Mac Roryes hands. Secondly, that pledges should be delivered him for caution, that no garrisons should ever be planted there, which done, Ony and his followers would submit themselves. Thirdly, if pledges were not given, than the Garrisons also in Ophaly should be removed, and every man left to shift for himself. The postscript required, that upon such pledges delivered, a general protection for six weeks should be sent to Onye Mac Rorye, and all his friends in Lemster, whereupon answer should be returned, who desired the benefit thereof, but during the said time of the protection, no forces of her Majesties should be sent against their confederates in Ulster and the North. The 5 of May the L. deputy drew into the North parts, to make Tyrone look towards him, & so to give better facility to our men to settle themselves in garrison at Loughfoyle. But before his departure from Dublin, for the better governing & defending the Pale, his Lr. did by commission leave Sir H. Poor to command in all martial affairs, and some of the Counsel to govern Civil matters during his absence. And staying some few days at Tredagh, for the Companies which had victualled Phillipston, and for the Garrisons of Kels and Ardee, as also for victuals, he marched to Dundalke, whence taking that Garrison also with him, he passed the pace of the Moyry on Whitsunday morning, and so came to the Newry, where he understood, that according to his opinion, Tyrone turning his forces from Loughsoyle, was come in great haste to Dungannon, had razed the old Fort of Blackwater, burned Armagh, and had drawn his men into the strong fastness of Loughlurken, where with great industry the rebels had made trenches, and fortified the place some three miles in length. His Lordship to the former end advancing towards him, on the 16 of May, drew out of the Newrie, and encamped in the way towards Armagh with 1500 foot, and some 200 horse. And there having notice, that the rebels inquired after the time 
The fight at the Moyry.  when the Earl of Southampton and Sir Oliver Lambert Sergeant Maior were to come to the Army, and with all hearing, that the said Earl and Sergeant Maior were that day arrived at Dundalke. His Lordship early in the morning on the 17 of May, sent Captain Edward Blany with 500 foot and 50 horse, to secure their passage through the pace of the Moyrye, who marched from the Camp, and so through the Moyrye to the Faghard, from which hill to Dundalke, there was no danger. There he made a stand, and leaving his foot in two squadrons of 250 each, himself with the horse passed to Dundalke, and told the Earl of the forces the Lord Deputy had sent to conduct him, assuring him further, that his Lordship with the rest of the Army would meet him by two of the clock in the afternoon, at the causey beyond the pace, from which the whole pace hath the name of the Moyrye. Hereupon the Earl having with him, besides this convoy, the foot Companies of Sir Oliver Lambert and Sir Henry Follyot, and some 50 horse of voluntary Gentlemen, marched to the Faghard where he commanded one of the two squadrons above mentioned to march on, and after that the carriages; then his Lordship with the horse followed, after whom the second squadron marched, and last of all the two foot Companies of Sir Oliver Lambert, and Sir Henry Follyot, Captain Blany commanding the vanguard, advanced towards the Foure-milewater, being a Ford all environed with Woods, in the midst of this dangerous pace called the Moyrye. And coming within half a mile of the same, they discovered the rebels on both sides in the Wood, whereupon the Earl directed the Vanguard to pass over the water, and to make good the rising of the hill beyond it. When these came within a Musket shot, they perceived two hundred foot of the enemy lodged beyond the water, in the most advantageous places. Then Captain Blany divided his men into three Maniples, sending 60 on the right hand under Captain Henry Atherton, and as many on the left hand under Captain Williams his Lieutenant, and keeping the rest in the midst with himself. And so by the Sergeant majors direrections, they gave the charge. In the mean time the Lord Deputy being on the hill beyond the pace, had sent his Vanguard consisting of two Regiments, the one under Sir Charles Percy, and the other under Sir Richard Moryson (two Colonels of the Army), to advance towards the pace. And at this instant, when Captain Blany gave on upon the Rebels, the said Lord Deputies vanguard appeared on the left side, within two musket shot. After some volleys on either side, the Rebels on the right hand, and those right before Captain Blany quitted those places, and retired through the woods to the Earl of Southamptons' Rear, so as Captain Blany passing the water, made a stand there, as he was appointed to do, till the carriage and horse should be passed. And now the Lord Deputies Vanguard being come to the passage of the said water, maintained a resolure skirmish with the Rebels on the left hand, and altogether secured the Earl's troops on that side. Therebels thus beaten on both sides, left some one hundred shot to skirmish with the Lord Deputies vanguard, and all retired to the Earl of Southamptons' rear, and came desperately on our men, both with horse and foot. But Sir Henry Follyot made a very good stand, and Sir Oliver Lambert, fearing left our men should be distressed, the more to encourage them, took his colours in his own hand and together with some 30 of the Earl of Southamptons' Vangards' best men, sent back to the Rear, hastened towards the Assaliants, to second the Earl, who at that time with some 6 horse did charge the assailing Rebels, and beat them a musket shot back, still pursuing them, till they having spent their powder, and thrown their staves, darts, and innumerable stones, recovered the place, where Tyrone stood himself with some 220 horse and 200 foot in sight (besides a far greater number hid in the woods), which never came unto this fight. When our men had thus gained much ground, the Earl commanded them to march towards the Army, and presently Sir Richard Wingfeild the Marshal of the army of Ireland came to the, with order from the L. Dep. that since the repulsed rebels were not like to give any second charge, they should continue their march, following his L ps. troops directly to the Newry. In this conflict 2 of our men were slain, Capt. Atherton and Mast. Cheut were shot, and some few hurt with swords and such weapons. On the rebels side there were in all 1200 foot thus advantageously lodged, and 140 horse, and Tirone himself confessed, that ten of his men died with over-travelling in this hasty march, besides such as were killed, whose number could not certainly be learned. The 21 of May, his Lp. was advertised from Sir Arthur Chichester, Governor of Carickfergus, that the English sent to plant at Loughsoyle were safely landed with small resistance, and had taken Newcastle belonging to Sir john Odogherty, whose country they had spoiled & wasted, and that some of them sent forth upon a draft, had taken good store of cows, and killed some of Odonnels people, and that they were now busy in fortifying about the Derric, so as many of that country Southward did pass their cows and movables into Scotland, depending specially upon the hopes of Spanish succours. That Brian Mac Art a rebel bordering on Carickfergus, had left his fastness of Kilultagh, and now lay on the borders of Lecale, where he purposed to assail him, the rather because he had sent 200 men to assist Tyrone: that divers Gentlemen and others did daily fly from the rebels, and resort unto him with their goods, to the number of 1200 cows, and more would come, but that he doubted their faithfulness. That to free himself of the imputation to keep james Mac Surley an enemy, till he had revenged on him his brother's death, he had employed Colonel Egerton to invite that rebel to submission, but received only temporizing answers; whereupon according to his L ps. directions, he had written and sent a messenger of purpose, to the Lord of Clantyer an Islander Scot, to stir him up against james Mac Surley, wrongfully possessing his rightful inheritance in those parts of Ireland, offering to join the Queen's forces under his command, to those powers he should bring, for recovery of this his right, so as he would after yield due tribute and obedience to her Majesty: but that upon the King of Scots late Proclamation, that all bearing Arms should be ready to attend the King on the 17 of july next following, in prosecution of the Islander Scots (as was given out), refusing to pay tribute, he feared that this Lord would be diverted from embracing this business, howsoever advantageous to him. That he had received Con Mac Neale, the son of Neale Mac Brian, and his horsemen, into her majesties pay, and would shortly waste his father's Country, whence Brian Mac Art and some 400 Bonnaghtes (or hired soldiers) were maintained and fed. Finally, that he thought fit to rebuild Olderfleete, and leave some in Ward there, because the Haven was commodious to succour weatherbeaten ships, going to supply the Garrison of Loughfoyle with necessaries.  
The 26 of May, the Lord deputy received a letter from the Lords in England, with full answer to his late dispatches. For the Earl of Ormonds' detension, they signified her majesties grief to be the greater, because any attempt made for his recovery was like to prove his ruin, and that her Majesty had written to the Countefse, to send the Earls young daughter and heir into England. For Sir Arthur Oneales' demands, upon his coming in to serve her Majesty, in the first point concerning religion, her Majesty bare with it, because she took it to proceed of his ignorance, not of presumption, only wishing the L. Dep to let him see, that her Majesty pursued none in those parts for religion, and so to satisfy him, but in no wise by any contract or condition. Next for his andothers' suits for land, and for entertainments, because such overtures were like daily to be made, by such as submitted themselves, and protraction of sending to and fro, might lose many opportunities. First, touching the suits for land, her majesties directions in particular cases following, should be a rule to the Lord Deputy for his grants of that kind. And first for Sir Arthur Oneales' demanding Tyrones' estate, that could not be granted him, by reason Tyrone, upon pretence of an old inquisition, had extended the limits of his Country, and encroached far into the South and East. But her Majesty was pleased to give him Tyrones' principal seats, reserving places for forts, and lands to maintain them, and reserving all dependency of the Vriaghtes (or neighbour Lords), also reserving lands in Tyrone to reward the services of such Gentlemen as should serve under Sir Arthur in these wars, which they should only hold of her Majesty by letters Patents. For the rest Sir Arthur Oneale to be chief in Tyrone, as well in superiority, as in revenue. Touching Neale Garues demands for O Donnels estate, her majesties pleasure was to reserve some Ports and Castles, and some lands to reward the services of that Country's Gentlemen, intending that these, and more specially the Mac swines, should depend only upon her Majesty, and have right to those lands by her letters Patents. Touching Mac Guires Country, her Majesty directed like reservations of land, for Forts and rewards of services, and generally in all grants charged to reserve her majesties ancient rights. Secondly, touching suitors for entertainments in pay, her Maiestes' pleasure was signified to allow one thousand pound a month, so long as the Lord Deputy and the Counsel there should think fit, to be employed that way, according to the Lord Deputies discretion. But their Lordships advised warily to observe, and know, such as offered submission, because it had always been the Arch-traitors practise, to let slip such as he could not defend, that they might save their goods, and live upon her Majesty, without any intent to do her service. Lastly, whereas the Lord of Dunkellin by his letters, in regard of some restrictions, whereby he was disabled to serve her Majesty as he desired, had made offer to resign the government he had in the Province of Connaght. And forasmuch as the Queen was always unwilling to employ any great Lord in his own Country, yet finding him placed in that government by the Earl of Essex, had still continued him there, only out of her special favour to him. And for that of late some insolences had been offered to Companies of the English, by the old Earl of Clanrieards' soldiers in her majesties pay. Their Lordships signified, that the Queen's pleasure was, to accept the Lord of Dunkellins' resignation, in the fairest manner, and withal careful tendering of his honour, advising the Lord Deputy to invite him to accompany his Lordship, and serve in the Army under him. And Sir Arthur Savage than a Colonel of the Army, and lying with his Company at Athlone, was appointed provisional Governor of the Province of Connaght, except the Lord deputy knew some sufficient cause to the contrary. The Lord Deputy having attained his end of drawing the Army into the North, by the safe landing and settling of Loughfoyle Garrison, in the farthest North of Ireland, on Tyrones' back. His Lordship the twenty eight of May hearing that Tyrone had drawn back his men two miles further into the fastness, and being informed that the Pace of the Moyrye, by reason of much wet lately fallen, and the Rebels breaking of the causey, was hard to pass, returned by Carlingford pace to Dundalke, and so to Dublin, where he understood that the Rebels had in his absence burned the Pale, though he left for defence of it 2000 foot and 175 horse in Lemster, but the damage was not answerable to the clamour; for many private men have in England sustained greater loss by casual fire in time of peace, than the whole Pale had done by the enemies burning in war, and many private men in England have in one year lost more cattle by a rot, than the Pale lost by this spoiling of the rebels, of which they lamentably complained. Besides that indeed this burning and spoiling of the very Pale, did further the greatest end of finishing the wars, no way so likely to be brought to an end, as by a general famine.  
Give me leave to digress a little, to one of the fatal periods of Robert the noble Earl of Essex his tragedy, (and the last but one, which was his death) whereof the following relation was sent into Ireland. The fifth of june there assembled at Yorke-house in London, about the hearing of my Lord of Essex his cause, eighteen Commissioners, viz. my Lord of Canterbury, Lord Keeper, Lord Treasurer, Lord Admi- Lords of Worcester, Shrewsbury, Cumberland, Huntingdon, Derby, & Zouch, Mast. controller, Master Secretary, Sir John Fortescu, Lord Popham Chief justice, Lord Anderson, Chief justice of the common Pleas, Lord Perian Chief Baron of the Exchequer: justices, Gaudy and Walmesley. They sat from eight of the clock in the morning, till very near nine at night, all at a long table in chairs. At the Earls coming in, none of the Commissioners stirred cap, or gave any sign of courtesy. He kneeled at the upper end of the Table, and a good while without a cushion. At length my Lord of Canterbury moved my Lord Treasurer, and they jointly my Lord Keeper and Lord Admiral, that sat over against them, than was he permitted a cushion, yet still was suffered to kneel, till the Queen's Sergeants speech was ended, when by the consent of the Lords, he was permitted to stand up, and after upon my Lord of Canterbury's motion, to have a stool.  
The manner of proceeding was this. My Lord Keeper first delivered the cause of the assembly, and then willed the Queen's Counsel at Law, viz Sergeant, Attorney, Solicitor, and Master Bacon to inform against him. The Sergeant began, and his speech was not long, only a preface as it were to the accusations. The sum of it was, to declare the Queen's Princely care and provision for the wars of Ireland, and also her gracious dealing with the Earl before he went, in discharging ten thousand pound of his debts, and giving him almost so much more, to buy him horses, and provide himself, and especially in her proceedings in this cause, when as after so great occasion of offence as, the consumption of a royal. Army, fruitless wasting thirty hundred thousand 〈◊〉 treasure, contempt, and disobedience to her express commandment, she notwithstanding was content to be so merciful towards him, as not to proceed against him in any of her Courts of justice, but only in this private sort, by way of mercy and favour.  
After him the Attorney began, whose speech contained the body and substance of the accusation, it was very sharp, & stinging, for besides the man, faults of contempt and disobedience, where with he charged him, he did also shrewdly infer a dangerous disposition and purpose, which was by many rhetorical amplifications, aggravated to the full; he divided his speech into three parts, Quomodo ingressus, Quomodo progressus, Quomodo regressus; In the ingress, he observed how large a Commission he stood upon, such a one as never any man had the like before, namely, that he might have authority to pardon all Traitors of himself, yea, to pardon treason committed against her majesties own person, and that he might manage the wars by himself, without being tied to the advice of the Counsel of Ireland, which clause he said was granted, that he might at first proceed in the Northern journey, which the Counsel of Ireland (whose lands and livings lay in the South), might perhaps hinder, and labour to divert him, to the safeguard of themselves. In the other two parts of his speech were contained five special crimes, wherewith the Earl was charged, viz. His making the Earl of Southampton General of the Horse. 2. His going to Lemster and Monster, when he should have gone to Ulster. 3. His making so many Knights. 4. His conference with Tyrone. 5. His return out of Ireland, contrary to her majesties command. These all saving the fourth, were recited by the Lords in their censures, as the crimes for which he was censured by them. The first was amplified, for that he did it contrary to her majesties mind, plainly signified unto him in England, that he increased that offence, by continuing him in that office still, when her Majesty by letters had expressly commanded him to displace him; and thirdly, for that he wrote a very bold presumptuous letter to her Majesty, in excuse of that offence, which letter was afterwards read. The second point of his Southern journey was aggravated, in that it was made contrary to her majesties advised resolution, agreed upon by her Counsel, and approved by her martial men, as the only means to reduce Ireland, and contrary to the Earls own project, yea, & that without the advice of the Counsel of Ireland also, as appeared by a letter of theirs under their hands, though now the Earl pretended their advice for his own xcuse, whereupon followed the harro wing out, and the weakening of the royalest Army that ever went out of England, the wasting of that huge expense, and the overthrow of the whole action. The third point, viz. the making of Knights, was urged to have been contrary to her majesties express commandment, a question being once made, whether he should have that authority or no, because he had abused it before, yet the same being at the last granted, with this limitation given him in charge, that he should make but few, and those men of good ability, whereas he made to the number of threescore, and those some of his menial servants, yea & that in a most unseasonable time, when things were at the worst, which should have been done upon victory and triumph only. The fourth point, namely, his conference with the Rebel, was aggravated, in that it was an equal and secret conference, dishonourable to her Majesty, for him that sustained her royal person, to confer in equal sort with the basest and vilest traitor that ever lived, a bush Kerne, and base son of a Blacksmith; suspicious also, in that it was private and secret, no man suffered to approach, but especially no English man; the end of the conference most shameful, that the wretched traitor should prescribe conditions to his Sovereign; abominable and odious conditions, a public toleration of Idolatrous religion, pardon for himself and all the traitors in Ireland, and full restitution of lands and possessions to all the sort of them. It was added, that before this parley, a messenger went secretly from the Earl's Camp to the traitor, viz. Captain Thomas Leigh, if not sent by the Earl, at least by his connivency, at least by the connivency of the Marshal, whom the Earl did not punish, Lastly, the fifth point was urged to be intolerably presumptuous, contrary to her majesties express commandment in writing, under the seal of her privy signet, charging him upon his duty not to return until he heard further from her; that this his return was also exceeding dangerous, in that he left the Army divided unto two divers men, the Earl of Ormond, and the Lord Chancellor, men whom himself had excepted against, as unfit for such a trust, and that he so left this Army, as that if God his providence had not been the greater, the ruin and loss of the whole Kingdom had ensued thereupon. This was the sum of the accusation, every part interlaced with most sharp and bitter rhetorical amplifications, which I touch not, nor am fit to write, but the conclusion was (whereby a taste of the same may be had) that the ingress was proud and ambitious, the progress disobedient, and contemptuous, the regress notorious and dangerous. Among other things the Lady Rich her letter to the Queen was pressed with very bitter and hard terms: my Lady Rich her letter he termed an insolent, saucy, malapert action. He proposed also in the end a precedent for the Earl's punishment (saying, he was feign to seek far for one gentle enough): one William of Britten Earl of Richmond, who refusing to come home out of France upon the King's letter, was adjudged to lose all his goods, lands, and chattels, and to endure perpetual imprisonment. Master Attorney particularly said the following words, whereas the Earl in his letter exclaimeth O tempora, O Mores (for so I think he construed these words of his, O hard destiny of mine, that I cannot serve the Queen and please her too)! let me also say with the Orator concerning him; Hae Regima intelligit, hae Senatus videt, hic tamen vivit. In the end of his speech, Now (faith he) nothing remaineth but that we inquire quo animo, all this was done. Before my Lord went into Ireland, he vaunted and boasted, that he would sight with none but the Traitor himself, he would pull him by the cares out of his den, he would make the Earl tremble under him, etc. But when he came thither, than no such matter, he goes another way, it appeareth plainly he meant nothing less than to fight with Tyrone. This was the effect of Master Attorneys part.  
Master Solicitor his speech followed, which contained the unhappy success, which ensued in Ireland after the Earl's departure, whereby appeared how little good the Earl had done, in that the Traitor was grown much more confident, more insolent, and strongerthen ever he was before, as appeared principally by his declaration, which he hath given out since the Earl's departure, vaunting that he is the upholder of the Catholic faith and Religion, that whereas it was given out by some that he would follow the Earl of Essex into England, he would perhaps shortly appear in England little to England's good: many things he added to that purpose.  
After him Sir Francis Bacon concluded the accusation with a very eloquent speech. First by way of Preface, signifying, that he hoped both the Earl himself, and all that heard him, would consider, that the particular bond of duty, which he then did and ever would acknowledge to owe unto the Earl, was now to be sequestered, and laid aside. Then did he notably extol her majesties singular grace and mercy, whereof he said the Earl was a singular work, in that upon his humble suit, she was content not to prosecute him in her Court of justice the starchamber, but according to his own earnest desire, to remove that cup from him, (those he said were the Earls own words in his Letter), and now to suffer his cause to be heard. Inter privatos partetes, by way of mercy and favour only, where no manner of disloyalty was laid to his charge, for (quoth he) if that had been the question, this had not been the place. Afterwards passing along most eloquently through the Earl's journey into Ireland, he came to charge him with two points not spoken of before. The first was a Letter written by the Earl unto my Lord Keeper, very boldly and presumptuously, in derogation to her Majesty, which letter he also said was published by the Earls own friends. The points of the letter which he stood upon, were these; No tempest to the passionate indignation of a Prince; as if her Majesty were devoid of reason, carried away with passion (the only thing that joineth man and beast together): Her majesties heart is obdurate, he would not say that the Earl meant to compare her absolutely to Pharaoh, but in this particular only, which must needs be very odious. Cannot Princess err: Cannot Subjects suffer wrong? as if her Majesty had lost her virtues of judgement, justice, etc. far be it from me (quoth he) to attribute divine properties to mortal Princes, yet this I must truly say, that by the Common Law of England, a Prince can do no wrong. The last point of that Letter, was a distinction of the duty a subject oweth to his Prince, that the duty of Allegiance, is the only indossolueble duty, what then (quoth he) is the duty of gratitude? what the duty of obedience? etc. The second point of Master Bacon's accusation was, that a certain dangerous seditious Pamphlet, was of late put forth into print, concerning the first years of the reign of Henry the fourth, but indeed the end of Richard the second, and who thought fit to be Patron of that book, but my Lord of Essex, who after the book had been out a week, wrote a cold formal letter to my Lord of Canterbury, to call it in again, knowing belike that forbidden things are most sought after: This was the effect of his speech. The special points of the whole accusation were afterwards proved by the Earls own Letters, by some of her majesties Letters, and the Counsels, and by the letter of the Earl of Ormond and others of the Counsel of Ireland, openly red by the Clerk of the Counsel.  
The accusation ended, the Earl kneeling, began to speak for himself, in effect thus much. That ever since it pleased her gracious Majesty to remove that cup from him (which he acknowledged to have been at his humble suit) and to change the course of proceeding against him, which was intended in the starchamber; he laid aside all thought of justifying himself in any of his actions, and that therefore, he had now, resolved with himself never to make any contestation with his Sovereign: that he had made a divorce betwixt himself and the World, if God and his Sovereign would give him leave to hold it; that the inward sorrow and afflictions which he had, laid upon his soul privately, betwixt God and his conscience, for the great offence against her Majesty, was more than any outward cross or affliction that could possibly befall him. That he would never excuse himself neither a toto nor a tanto, from whatsoever crimes of error, negligence, or inconsiderate rashness, which his youth, folly, or manifold infirmities might lead him into, only he must ever profess a loyal faithful unspotted heart, unfeigned affection and desire, ever to do her Majesty the best service he could, which rather than he would lose, he would, if Christianity and Charity did permit, first tear his heart out of his breast, with his own hands. But this always preserved untouched, he was most willing to confess and acknowledge whatsoever errors and faults it pleased her Majesty to impute unto him. The first part of his speech drew plenty of tears from the eyes of many of the hearers; for it was uttered with great passion, and the words excellently ordered, and it might plainly appear, that he had intended to speak no more for himself. But being touched (as it seemed) with the oversharpe speeches of his accusers, he humbly craved of their Lordships, that whereas he had perceived many rhetorical inferences and insinuations given out by his accusers, which might argue a disloyal, malicious, wicked, and corrupt affection in him, they would give him leave, not in any sort to excuse himself, but only by way of explanation, to lay down unto them those false guides, which had deceived him, and led him into all his errors, and so he entered into a kind of answering Master attorneys speech, from point to point in order, alleging, for the point of his large Commission for pardoning treason against her majesties person, that it was a thing he had learned of Master Attorney himself, only to meet with the rebels curiosity, which had an opinion, that all treason in Ireland, might be interpreted treason against her majesties person, and therefore would trust no pardon without that clause. That in making the Earl of Southampton General of the Horse, the deceivable guide which misled him, was an opinion that her Majesty might have been satisfied with those reasons which moved him, as also with those reasons which he had alleged in his letters, for continuance of him in the place, but that after he perceived her majesties mind plainly in her second letter, he displaced him the next day: For his journey into Monster, he alleged divers things, principally that the time of the year would not serve for an Ulster journey and then the advice of the Counsel there, which he protested to allege, not to excuse himself, but rather to accuse his own errors, and the errors of the Counsellors in Ireland: and whereas some of them to excuse themselves, and charge him the deeper, had now written the contrary to the Counsel: he protested deeply that therein they had dealt most falsely, and it seemeth (saith he) that God his just revenge hath overtaken two of them already, the Earl of Ormond by blindness, and Sir Warham Saint Leger, by violent death. For his making of Knights, he alleged the necessity and straits he was driven unto, that being the only way he had to retain the voluntaries, the strength and pride of the Army; that he made but two of his servants, and those men of special desert and good ability: that he thought his service ought not to be any bar against them, for the receiving thereward of their deserts.  
But before he had thus waded through half his answer, my Lord Keeper interrupted him, and told him, that this was not the course that was like to do him good, that he began very well in submitting himself, unto her majesties mercy and pardon, which he, with the rest of the Lords, were glad to hear; and no doubt but her Princely and Gracious nature was by that way most like to be inclined to him: that all extenuating of his oferice, was but the extenuating of her majesties mercy in pardoning: that he with all the rest of the Lords would clear him of all suspicion of disloyalty: and therefore hemight do well to spare the rest of his speech, and save time, and commit himself to her majesties mercy. And when the Earl replied, that it might appear by that hedge which he diligently put to all his answers, that he spoke nothing but only to clear himself from a malicious corrupt affection. My Lord Keeper told him again, that if thereby he meant the crime of disloyalty, it was that which he needed not to fear, he was not charged with it, as the place & course taken against him might warrant; all that was now laid unto him, was contempt and disobedience. And if he intended to persuade them, that he had disobeyed indeed, but not with a purpose of disobeying, that were frivolous and absurd.  
Then my Lord Treasurer began to speak, and cleared the Earl from suspicion of disloyalty, did very sound control divers of his other excuses.  
After him Master Secretary, making a Preface why he spoke before his turn, by reason of his place, took the matter in hand, and first notably cleared the Earl from all suspicion of disloyalty, which he protested he did from his conscience, and afterwards often iterated the same, and preserved it unto him entire, he spoke singularly for the justifying of her majesties special care and wisdom for the wars in Ireland, in providing whatsoever could be demanded by the Earl for that service before his going out; with supplying him afterwards with whatsoever he could ask, so it were possible to be given him: in prescribing that course, which had it been followed, was the only way to have reduced that Realm, and which being forsaken, was the only ruin and loss of that royal army.  
And as for all those excuses which the Earl alleged for himself, he clearly cut them off, showing that his excuse of following the Counsel of Ireland's advice, was nothing, his commission being so large, that he was not bound to follow them; and if he had been, yet were they a Counsel at his command, he might force them to say what he list: his own letters which he alleged, might be provisionary, written of purpose then to excuse him now. To be short, he greatly justified her majesties wisdom, in managing that whole action, as much as lay in her, and laid the whole fault of the bad success in Ireland, upon the Earls ominous journey (so he called it) into Monster. And thus in the behalf of her Majesty, he fully satisfied the Auditors. Master Secretary gave the Earl his right always, and showed more courtesy than any, yet said he, the Earl in all his journey did nothing else but make (as it were) circle's of errors, which were all bound up in the unhappy knot of his disobedient return. Also he gave the Earl free liberty to interrupt him at any time in his speech.  
But the Earl being contented with the opinion of loyalty so clearly reserved unto him, was most willing to bear the whole burden of all the rest of the accusation, and therefore never used any further reply; only by reason of a question or two, that were moved by my Lord of Canterbury and my Lord Admiral, some little speech there was to and fro: My Lord of Canterbury's question was concerning the conditions of yielding unto Tyrone in toleration of religion; the Earl heartily thanked him for moving that doubt, & then protested, that it was a thing mentioned in deed, but never yielded unto by him, nor yet stood upon by the Traitor, to whom the Earl had said plainly; Hang thee up, thou carest for religion as much as my horse. Master Secretary also cleared the Earl in that respect, that he never yielded to Tyrone in that foul condition, though by reason of Tyrones' vaunting afterwards, it might have some show of probability. By reason of my Lord Admiral's question, the Earl spoke somewhat of his return, that he did it upon a false ground of hope, that her Majesty might pardon him, as she did the Earl of Leicester in the like case, who returned out of the Low-Countries contrary to her majesties express Letter. This I thought with myself, (quoth the Earl) if Leicester were pardoned, whose end was only to save himself, why might not Essex be pardoned, whose end was to save a Kingdom. But Master Secretary replied, that upon his knowledge there never passed any letter from her Majesty, to forbid the Earl of Leicester's return.  
judge Walmesley his speech was more blunt than bitter, Prisoners at our bars (saith he) are more graceless, they will not confess their faults. Again, he compared my Lord his coming home, and leaving the army there, to a shepherd that left his flock to the keeping of his dog.  
In conclusion the Earl protested, that all he sought for, was the opinion of a true and a loyal subject, which might appear by the speech, wherewith he hedged in all his answers, namely, that he intended only to show those false guides, which misled him, whether they were his own errors, or the errors of his Counsellors, whom he followed, that he yielded himself wholly to her majesties mercy and favour, and was ready to offer up his poor carcase unto her, he would not say to do (for alas he had no faculties), but to suffer whatsoever her Majesty should inflict upon him, and so requested them all, to make a just, honourable and favourable report of his disordered speeches, which had fallen from him in such sort, as his aching head and body weakened with sickness, would give him leave. This done they proceeded to the censure. My Lord Keeper began with a good, powerful, and eloquent speech.  
That by justice and Clemency the Throne is established, as for mercy, her Majesty had reserved it to herself; but for the satisfying of her justice, she had appointed them to inquire into the cause. That they were to inquire only of those faults of contempts and disobedience laid unto the Earl, and to censure him accordingly, and for her mercy, they had nothing to do with it, only God was to work it in her Princely breast. In examining the Earl's faults, he laid these for his grounds, that the two grounds and foundations of the Prince's Sceptre and Estate, are the reputation of a diligent and careful providence for the preservation of her estate and Countries, and the obedience of her Subjects; and he that should take either of these from her, should take from her the Crown and Sceptre. For the first, he notably showed at large, how her Matesty had deserved it in the whole course of the Irish wars; for obedience he showed the nature of it, consisting in precisely following the straight line of the Prince's commandment, and upon that strain he amplified to the uttermost all the Earls contempts and disobediences, that her majesties great mercy might appear the more clearly. Among the rest, (for he went through them all in order) he answered thus to the pretence of Leicester's precedent for excuse of the Earls return. In good things, the example is better than the imitation of another, he that doth well of his own head, doth best, and he that doth well by imitation, doth commendably in a less degree; but in bad things, the proportion is otherwise, the example being nought, the imitation is worse: Therefore if my Lord of Leicester did evil, in coming over contrary to the Queen's commandment, my Lord of Essex did worse in imitating my Lord of Leicester, and is so much the more to be punished for it. In the end, he came to the censure, which was this. If quoth he this cause had been heard in the starchamber, my sentence must have been so great a sine, as ever was set upon any man's head in that Court, and perpetual imprisonment in that place which belongeth to a man of his quality, that is the Tower; but now that we are in another place, and in a course of favour, my censure is, that he is not to execute the office of a Counsellor, nor to hold himself for a Counsellor of Estate, nor to execute the office of Earl Martial of England, nor of the Master of the Ordinance, and to return to his own house, there to continue a prisoner as before, till it shall please her Majesty to release both this and all the rest.  
After my Lord Keeper all the rest in order gave their censures, (amplifying her majesties clemency and the Earls offences), according to the manner in the starchamber; but all accorded to this censure, (for so they called it, and not a sentence), Master Secretary said, my censure is, that the Earl deserveth, etc. The greater part of the day was spent in the Lords censures, who were many of them very long, only the noble men (not Counsellors) were short.  
The Earl of Worcester cited these two verses;  

Scilicet a Superis etiam fortuna luenda est,  
Nec veniant, laeso numine, casus hahet.  
Even for our fortune Gods may cast us down,  
Neither can chance excuse, it a God frown.   
The Earl of Cumberland said, if he thought that censure should stand, he would crave longer time, for it seemed unto him somewhat hard and heavy, intimating how easily a General Commander might incur the like; but (quoth he) in confidence of her majesties mercy, I agree with the rest.  
The Lord Zouch would give no other censure, but that which he thought the Earl would lay upon himself, that was, that he would restrain himself from executing his Offices, etc. and keep himself in his house, till her Majesty shall release all.  
They all seemed by their speeches to conceive a sure hope of her majesties releasing this censure, and the Earl was reasonably cheerful, only his body seemed weak and distempered with sickness, and now and then he showed most manifest tokens of sorrow for his offence to her Majesty, by tears in his eyes, (specially in the first part of his own speech, and when my Lord Keeper spoke).  
Now I return to the Irish affairs. Tyrone on the fifth of june wrote to the Countess of Ormond, that he had written to Owny mac Rory, requesting him to take pledges for the Earl her husband, and so to enlarge him, conditionally, that he should swear to do henceforward no hurt or hindrance to any in action with him. And further, that the young Lady his mistress, (meaning the Earl's daughter and heir) should in no sort be taken for a pledge, especially because it was given out, that under that colour, he sought to marry her to his eldest son. Avowing last, that where it was said, that the Earl was treacherously surprised, (which could hardly have been so proved, that Tyrone and his rebellious confederates should have belceved it), he would in that case not only take his favour from Owny, but procure the Earl's enlargement without any condition, though by his release all Ireland should be destroyed. To the same effect Tyrone writ to the Earl of Ormond, whose Letter he sauced with general complaints against the Earl, for the rigorous prosecutions he had formerly made against him and his associates, but this letter being permitted to be sent to Dublyn, the said point could not be thought void of that cunning, wherein the writer excelled. A third Letter he wrote at the same time to Owny mac Rory, making Owny himself judge, whether he had treacherously taken the Earl or no, advising him to take the best pledges he could, (the above named young Lady excepted); and for more security, to send them to be kept in Tyrone, if he concurred with him in opinion, that his so doing would be more safe, then if Owny himself should keep them in those parts. These Letters he dated (forsooth) from his Camp near the Newry, so gallant was the Gentleman, now the Lord Deputy was returned with his forces into the Pale, who otherwise never appeared in Camp, but hid himself and his in boggy woods, and like fortified passages.  
The eight of june the Lord Deputy wrote to Master Secretary concerning the state of Connaght, wherein nothing was surely the Queens, but Athlone by a provident guard, and Galloway by their own good disposition, wishing that the government of that Province might be conferred on the Earl of Southampton, (to whom the Lord of Dunkellin would more willingly resign, and might do it with greater reputation to himself, in respect of the Earl's greatness), rather than upon Sir Arthur Savage, (who notwithstanding upon the Queen's pleasure again signified, was shortly after made Governor of that Province). His Lordship protested that it was such a place, as he knew the Earl would not seek, but only himself desired this, because he knew the Earl's aptness and willingness to do the Queen service, if he might receive such a token of her favour, justly commending his valour and wisdom, as well in general, as in the late particular service in the Moyry, when the Rear being left naked, he by a resolute charge with six horse, upon Tyrone in the head of 220. Horse, drove him back a musket shot, and so assuring the Rear, saved the honour of the Queen's Army. To which purpose, though not so amply, his Lordship also wrote to the Queen.  
At this time the County of Dublyn, on the South of the River Liffr, was in effect wholly overrun by the Rebels, the County of Kildare was likewise possessed or wasted by them. The County of Meath was wasted, as also the County of West Meath, (excepting the Barony of Deluin,) and the County of Louth: So that in the English Pale, the Towns having Garrisons, and the Lands from Drogheda (or Tredagh) to the Navan, and thence back to Trim, and so to Dublyn, were only inhabited, which were also like to grow waste, if they were further charged with the soldiers.  
The fifteenth of june the Lord Deputy wrote to Sir Arthur Chichester, Governor of Carickfergus, that he should not spare the subjects lately submitting, who protected the rebels goods; that he should receive no more, but such as would simply submit, and give good pledges, neither should give pay to any, except he knew their service would be very beneficial to the Queen, that he should continue to treat with the Islander Scots, till advice came out of England what course should be taken with them. That he should take in Shane Oneale, with promise of lands and entertainment, and promise, that for preys he should take of the Rebels, if the English assisted him, he should have a third part, and if he took them without the assistance of the English, he should have three parts of four.  
The nineteenth of june the Lord Deputy advertised Master Secretary, that he was more troubled to govern the friends, then to suppress the enemies. That finding the Army a mere Chaos, he had given it form. That finding it without spirit, he had given it life. That in all attempts, he had preserved the whole body of it, and every part from any blow, restored the reputation of it, and possessed it with a disposition to undertake, & a likelihood to effect great services. That he had omitted nothing, which might be performed by this Army, in this estate, during this time. That the assurance the Irish had received of succours from Spain, was the only fuel of the last blaze of this Rebellion: Therefore praying that, except Master Secretary had some certainty that Spain would not at that time assist the Rebels, the Army might by all means be strengthened, which would be necessary if such assistance were sent, and would make an end of the wars if none were sent. And howsoever that befell, yet for prevention of Munition and such supplies to be furnished to the Rebels from Spain, advising that some few of the Queen's ships might lie on the West, and somewhat towards the North of Ireland: Adding that some little boats made both to row and to sail, would bar the Islander Scots from supplying the Rebels with any munition: And that his Lordship to meet with the Earl of Ormond, (lately set free by Only mac Rory, who had taken him Prisoner), that day took his journey towards Carlogh, where he hoped to sound the bottom of the conditions of his delivery, with the best course how to disentangle him, and by his conference, to make a shrewd guess, how the Earl stood affected in these doubtful times. His Lordship in his next Letters advertised into England, that he was not privy nor consenting to the giving of pledges at the Earl of Ormonds' delivery; but since they were given, in regard of her majesties extraordinary care for the Earl's liberty, he did not show any manifest dislike thereof; and now conceived the Earl did apprehend the indignity done to him by those base traitors, and therefore had such a spleen against them, as he had joined with him in divers plots, as well to recover the pledges (wherein the Earl protested to spare no money, if they were so to be redeemed; besides that he and their Fathers protested, that their danger should not hinder them from doing their uttermost service to the Queen), as also to work his revenge upon the Rebels.  
At this time Tyrone attending the garrison at Loughfoyle, & Odonnel starting through Connaght into Thomond, and spoiling both Countries, Sir Samuel bagnol drew out of the Newry into Monaghan, where he took a prey, and killed six Commanders, and some sixty of the common rebels, only three of his being stain, and twenty hurt.  
The subjects of the Pale, (fearing belike to be complained on, for the small assistance they gave to the Queen's service), sent over the Lord of Howth, and Sir Patrick Barnewell, to make first complaint, (after the Irish manner) of the wrongs done them by the Army, never acquainting the Lord Deputy and Counsel therewith. And notwithstanding their former unwillingness, to bear any charge for the Queen's service, now they were content, for these their Deputies expense in England, to cease every plough land at three shillings.  
From the seventh of july to the twelfth, Sir Oliver Lambert with some troops lay encamped at the Tougher in Ophalia, where he made a Causey, and built a Fort, and thereleft a Guard to keep the passage always open, for the victualling of Phillipstowne Fort, in which service the Earl of Southampton as a voluntary, by his presence and valour much encouraged our men. At this time many of the Rebels in Lemster, and the Northern borders, made suit to the Lord Deputy to be received to mercy, with offer of large sums of money to the Lord Deputy for their pardons, but his Lordship refused their offer, till they had first done some service, and had drawn blood against some of their confederates. Thus much his Lordship advertised into England, the sixteenth of july, as likewise a good service presently done, and a great prey taken in the Fuse by Sir Richard Moryson the Governor of Dundalke.  
The same twelfth of july, his Lordship took his journey towards the borders of the North, upon hearing that Tyrone was drawn into those parts. There his Lordship intended to spoil the corn, as likewise in all other parts, when it should be a little riper. Mac Mahowne, and Patrick mac Art moil, offered now to submit, but neither could be received, without the others head. But Oconnor Roe mac Gaire, for good respects of service, was at the same time received to mercy. His Lordship hearing that Tyrone contained himself in his fastness, and being requited out of England to attempt something upon the Lemster Rebels, left the Northern borders strongly guarded against any invasion, and left order with the Counsel to hasten the general hosting, and make ready all provisions for a journey into the North, and leaving Dublyn the twelfth of August road to the Nasse, and so marched to the Fort of Phillipstowne in Ophaly, with five hundred sixty foot and sixty horse, besides voluntaries in his company.  
In the way into Leax his Lordship took a prey of two hundred Cows, seven hundred garrons, and five hundred sheep, besides great store of small cattle. The sixeteenth of August, his Lordship burning the Country and spoiling the corn, marched towards the passage, (one of the most dangerous in Ireland), where Sir Oliver Lambert with the Forces he had was to meet him. Both of them fought all the way, and killed divers rebels, whereof the Lord Deputy left fifteen dead in the place, besides many hurt, they met together at noon. The seventeenth day the army marched towards a fastness, where the rebels had stored great plenty of corn. At the entry there was a ford, compassed in with woods, and a bog between them, where the rebels let the vanguard of the horse pass; but his Lordship passing with a few gentlemen, and his own servants before the vanguard of the foot, the rebels began the skirmish with him, and the foot wings being slowly sent out, they came close up to him, the traitor Tyrrel having appointed an hundred shot to wait on his Lordship's person, with marks to know him. In this skirmish we killed thirty five rebels, and hurt seventy five; on our part two only being killed, and a few slightly hurt, Captain Masterson dangerously hurt in the knee, and his Lordship having a very good horse killed under him, and another killed under Master john Chidley a gentleman of his Lordship's chamber: But the best service at that time done, was the kill of Owny mac Rory, a bloody and bold young man, who lately had taken the Earl of Ormond prisoner, and had made great stirs in Monster. He was the chief of the O Mores Sept. in Leax, and by his death they were so discouraged, that they never after held up their heads. Also a bold bloody rebel Callogh mac Walter, was at the same time killed. Besides that his Lordships staying in Leax till the twenty three of August, did many other ways weaken them; for during that time, he fought almost every day with them, and as often did beat them. Our Captains, and by their example (for it was otherwise painful) the common soldiers, did cut down with their swords all the Rebels corn, to the value of ten thousand pound and upward, the only means by which they were to live, and to keep their Bonaghts (or hired soldiers). It seemed incredible, that by so barbarous inhabitants, the ground should be so manured, the fields so orderly fenced, the Towns so frequently inhabited, and the high ways and paths so well beaten, as the Lord Deputy here found them. The reason whereof was, that the Queen's forces, during these wars, never till then came among them. The Lord Deputy in his return the first day passed into another part of the Country with the foot alone; for the horse not able to pass were sent about, so as the rebels had the advantage they most desire, to fight with our foot, without assistance of horse: yet all the rebels of Lemster here gathered together, and fight upon their natural ground, had been so beaten, as that they suffered our men to pass without a blow. That night eight heads were brought to the Lord Deputy, and with them one Lenagh a famous rebel, taken alive, who was presently hanged on the same tree, where he plotted all his villainies. Sir Oliver Lambert, with some troops marched into donnel Spagniahs' Country, where he took 1000 Cows, 500 Garons, great store of sheep, and killed twenty rebels at the first entry, besides many killed in a fight, which the rebels after maintained all the day and part of the night. Sir Arthur Savage coming out of Connaght to meet the Lord Deputy, fought long with the Rebels, spoiled the Country, and took a great prey, but could not pass to his Lordship. In the Lord Deputies return out of Leax, Redmond, Keating, and the chief of the Septs of the Kellies and Lalors were received into her majesties protection, upon condition to set at liberty the Earl of Ormonds' pledges in their hands.  
By this time his Lordship had received out of England gracious allowance of his former Northern journey, with her majesties promise to reinforce the Army with two thousand foot, and two hundred horse, against the next journey into those parts, requiring him not to give any one man the command of both horse and foot; and whereas all Companies were of two hundred, or one hundred fifty, advising to distribute some part into less numbers, that more Gentlemen might be satisfied with commands, with the only increase of some chief officers pay, and that his Lordship would be sparing to give passports for any to come into England, to trouble her Majesty with suits, and most of all not to suffer able men to return out of Ireland, as they daily did, with their captains pasportes. And to the end the Commanders might not be idle, her Majesty required, that all services done by them, might be certified monthly into England. About this time the Earl of Southampton, leaving the wars of Ireland, sailed into England. This Summer's service made it appear, that journeys with a great Army did not so much good, as Garrisons lying upon the Rebels, which upon any sudden service, might easily be drawn together in competent numbers, and in the mean time kept the Rebels at home, from seconding one another.  
The Lord Deputy by his letters, during the foresaid journey, explained to the Lords in England, that he had been most careful not to increase her majesties charge in any thing, the want whereof would not have made the rest of her great expense to be unprofitable: and to the end the Commanders might not be thought to lie idle, besides the good fortune that none of them had received any blow, he particularly remembered many preys taken, and services done, and for the chief Garrisons on the North borders, advertised, that Sir Arthur Chichester had laid all the Country waste within twenty miles of Carickfergus; that Sir Samuel Bagnol at the Newry had done the like; that Sir Richard Moryson at Dundalke had banished Turlough Mac Henry out of the Fuze into Monaghan, and yet the two last, with most part of their Garrisons, had been part of the Army in all former journeys.  
The twenty six of August his Lordship returned from this journey of Leax to Dublin, and there received advertisement, that her Majesty could not refuse to hear the complaints of the Pale, by the Deputies formerly mentioned to be sent over, though she had sharply rebuked them, that they did not first complain to the Lord deputy, which they excused by experience, that like complaints in Ireland had ever been vain. The chief complaints were these; that the forces that should lie upon the borders, near the Rebels, were lodged upon them. That the fetching of one barrel of powder, was often made a sufficient reason to spoil them, by a company of horse and foot sent to convoy it. That the Clarkeship of the Counsel was sold, and then executed by a Deputy, who for every small petition took great fees. That the spiritual livings were given to ignorant and idle persons, being the chief cause of this rebellion; scarce any Church standing for sixty miles between Dublin and Athlone. That they were spoiled as much by the Army as Rebels, no soldier nor Captain being punished, nor any order given for remedy taking effect. That private Captains gave pasportes to run aways, and her Majesty was deceived by false Musters, so as the forces were weak to end the war, and they were spoiled as much as if the number were full, requiring that some Gentlemen of the Pale might be joined with the Commissaries, in taking the musters of adjacent Garrisons. In the same letter her Majesty commanded the Lord Deputy to signify to Sir Arthur O Neale, that she purposed to create him Earl of Tyrone, and give him a portion of lands fit for an Earldom. And for Tyrone, that the Lord Deputy should proclaim him Traitor, with promise of two thousand pound to any should bring him alive, and one thousand pound to him that should bring his head to any of her majesties Forts or Garrisons. Lastly, her Majesty gave letters of favour to the Deputies of the Pale, directed to the Lord Deputy, to whom the complaints were wholly referred, it being her majesties pleasure, that only before him, and by him, they should be heard and redressed.  
Yet because the Lord deputy was many ways taxed in these complaints, he did expostulate in his next letters to Master Secretary, that he should be taxed for those things, for which he expected approbation and thanks. The wisest Counsels (said he) are uncertain, and the wisest men unperfect, and what shall I look for, when out of my weakness (though free from wilfulness) I shall happen to commit any error of consequence, seeing I am now charged with so many matters, and those nothing belonging to me. His Lordship added, that in his opinion, nothing had made the affairs of Ireland more unprosperous, then that the State used to hear every man against and before the chief Governor, so as he was driven to let matters go as they would, so as he might save himself. Another discontented letter be wrote to the same effect, and to the same person, but therein explained other grievances, besides the former complaints. And whereas the Lords of the Counsel had taxed him, for being ruled by young counsel (whereby he understood his three most familiar friends to be meant, namely, Sir Henry Davers, Sir Richard Moryson, and Sir William Godolphin) he boldly answered, that besides the Counsellors of State, he used the familiarity of none, which were not older than Alexander the great, when he conquered the World. Lastly, he protested to Master Secretary, that he took him for his chiefest friend, and knew that he had more power to do him good or hurt, than any other, yet as he would not dishonestly lose him, so he would not basely keep him, beseeching him to use his power, in mediating licence unto him, that he might come over for a short time, to kiss the Queen's hand, for touching other favours concerning the public, he would never acknowledge any particular obligation to him, or to any other, since he made his demands as he thought best for the service, but the granting or denying thereof, concerned not him.  

The Muster of the Army at Dundalke, before the sitting down at the Faghard Hill.  Colonels of Regiments. In List. By Muster. Whereof Irishmen. Swords wanting. Sick & hurt lying at Dundalk. Captain Berey. 472. The Lord Deputies Guard. 200 Targets 28 120 01 00 16 Pikes 32 Shot 60 The Marshal Sir Rich. Wingfield 150 Targets 4 96 10 30 06 Pikes 39 Shot 53 Under the Lord deputy. 400. The Sergeant Maior Sir Oliver Lambert. 200 Targets 10 108 08 05 05 Pikes 46 Shot 52 Capt. Handserd. 100 Targets 1 79 20 10 06 Pikes 28 Shot 50 Capt. Fisher. 100 Targets 3 69 05 20 11 Pikes 21 Shot 45 Sir Christopher Saint Laurence. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence. 200 Targets 10 141 113 14 12 Pikes 61 Shot 70 Sir Henry Follyot. 150 Targets 6 90 15 10 09 Pikes 36 Shot 48 Earl of Kildare. 150 Targets 6 81 78 06 14 Pikes 35 Shot 40 Sir Fra: Shane. 100 Targets 00 55 47 04 08 Pikes 18 Shot 37 Sir Charles Percy 336. Sir Charles Percy 200 Targets 10 149 28 30 04 Pikes 54 Shot 85 Captain Williams. 150 Targets 00 90 06 03 10 Pikes 37 Shot 53 Captain Roe. 100 Targets 4 59 08 05 01 Pikes 25 Shot 30 Capt. Stannton. 100 Targets 00 38 00 00 10 Pikes 18 Shot 20 Sir Richard Morison. 473. Sir Rich. Moryson. 200 Targets 6 118 22 25 36 Pikes 44 Shot 68 Sir Hen. Davers. 200 Targets 26 128 12 15 22 Pikes 37 Shot 65 Capt. Caufeild. 150 Targets 07 94 10 10 23 Pikes 32 Shot 55 Capt. Constable. 100 Targets 3 76 01 12 05 Pikes 25 Shot 48 Ca Ravenscroft. 100 Targets 3 57 01 23 06 Pikes 24 Shot 30 Sir Thom. Bourk 276. Sir Thom. Bourk. 150 Targets 06 85 82 26 14 Pikes 25 Shot 54 Lord Deluin. 150 Targets 03 76 74 30 10 Pikes 30 Shot 43 Sir Henry Harrington. 100 Targets 03 40 37 08 12 Pikes 20 Shot 17 Sir Garret More. 100 Targets 07 75 13 02 08 Pikes 23 Shot 45 Sir Oliver Saint john's. Sir Oliver Saint john's. 150 Targets 10 95 24 15 05 Pikes 33 Shot 52 Sir Thom. Wingfeild. 150 Targets 05 102 25 20 13 Pikes 29 Shot 68 Capt. Billings. 100 Targets 03 59 01 04 15 Pikes 24 Shot 32 Capt. Treavor. 100 Targets 06 70 01 15 14 Pikes 23 Shot 41 The men of Dublin. 50 Targets 03 44 40 00 01 Pikes 15 Shot 26 Sir S. Bagnol. 346 Sr S. Bagnol with broken companies and his own. 200 Targets 18 200 20 30 00 Pikes 24 Shot 158 Capt. Esmond. 150 Targets 02 82 15 10 14 Pikes 28 Shot 52 Capt. Freckleton 100 Targets 03 64 03 06 02 Pikes 15 Shot 46  total 4150 total 2640 702 388 315  
The greatest part of the Army have neither Armours nor Morions, neither are here mentioned the sick and hurt in other places besides Dundalke, nor yet the warders allowed out of some of these Companies.  
The fourteenth of September his Lordship began another journey into the North, and the fifteenth encamped at the hill of Faghard, three miles beyond Dundalke, and there his Lordship lay till the ninth of October, in such extremity of weather, as would have hindered his passage, if the enemy had not withstood him, his Lordship's tent being 〈◊〉 wet, and often blown down. Before his Lordship came, Tyrone with his uttermost strength had possessed the Moyry, being a strong fastness, as any the Rebels had, but his Lordship resolved to march over him, if he stopped his way, and make him know, that his Kern could not keep the fortification against the Queen's forces. Many skirmishes fell out happily to us, and two several days the Rebels were beaten out of their trenches with great loss, till at last, upon the eight of October, they left the passage clear. Then after the army was a few days refreshed at Dundalke, his Lordship marched the twenty one of October to the Newry, passing through the Moyry, where he caused all the rebels trenches to be laid flat to the ground, and the woods to be cut down on both sides of the Pace. At the Newry for want of victuals, his Lordship stayed till the second of November, when he set forward eight miles towards Armagh, and there encamped. The Rebels horsemen showed themselves upon a hill; whereupon Sir Samuel Bagnols' Regiment having the Rear, and being not yet come into the Camp, was directed to march towards them, there being a bog between us and them, but the Rogues quickly drew to their fastness. The next morning his Lordship road some quarter of a mile from the Camp, and viewed a place where Sir john Norreys formerly intended to build a Fort, and liking his choice, set down there with the Army to build the same. The place is a hill like a Promontory, all environed with bogs, a River, and great store of wood. By it on the right hand over the River and a great bog, was a little firm ground, and then another bog, & over that a fair Country, with houses and much corn. His Lordship could by no means send over any horse, but four miles about; wherefore he commanded a regiment of foot to advance to the first piece of firm ground. and from thence to send over the next bog some few men, to bring in the Corn and Timber of the houses, with directions to make their retreat to the gross, if the enemy's horses should fall down that way. On the left hand and before was a bog, over the bog before a great wood, that continueth through all this fastness, and over the bog on the left hand a hill, where Tyrone all that day and most of the time that the Army lay there, did muster himself and his men. This day most of his horse and foot fell over, but far about on the right hand, upon which, our stragglers that went out retired to the firm ground, over the first bog, and there began between our foot and theirs, a very good skirmish, till our men did beat them off, and brought with them great store of Corn and wood, and killed divers of them. In the mean time, their sconts on the other side being somewhat busy with ours, Neal Oquin was taken prisoner, being the chief favourite unto Tyrone. The next day we began to work, in the building of the Fort, and to impeach our work, the rogues began to skirmish with us on both sides, which was excellently maintained by some few of our men, that we sent out: We saw many of them killed, and after understood they lost a great number, whereof many were horsemen, of the best sort, that had lighted to encourage their men to fight. They were then so well beaten, as they would never after offer to meddle with us, till our return by Carlingford. The ninth of November the Fort being finished, his Lordship called it Mount Norreys, in honour of his Master, (so he termed him, under whom he had served his apprenticeship in the wars), and he left therein four hundred foot, under the command of Captain Edward Blaney, with six weeks provision of victuals.  
The weather grew so extreme, as it blew down all our Tents, and tore them in pieces, and killed many of our horses, so that the tenth day his Lordship putting all the Army in arms, with all the Drums and Trumpets, and a great volley of shot, proclaimed Tyrones' head, (with promise of 2000 pound to him that brought him alive, and 1000 pound to him that brought him dead), which was done in the face of his own army, and so his Lordship marched to the Newry. He had purposed to plant a garrison at Armagh 8. miles beyond Mount Norryes, but the rebels Cows had eaten up all the grass thereabouts, which should have fed our horses, and the time of the year with the weather, was now unseasonable for that purpose.  
And whereas his Lordship was resolved to return into the Pale by Carlingford, to discern whether that way or the way of the Moyry were more safe, that the army might not run so continual hazards, this resolution was now confirmed by 
Carlingford fight.  necessity, there being victuals at Carlingford, and none at the Newry or Dundalke. The twelfth of November his Lordship came with the army to the narrow water, whence he sent Sir josias Bodley with three hundred choice foot to possess a piece of ground, and keep the enemy from hindering our passage over the water, the stream whereof he found so exceeding swift, that it was like to be dangerous to venture our horses over. The first that tried was Doctor Latware, his Lordship's Chaplain, who only with his horse led by the boat side, and with some thirty foot, went over; but his Lordship perceived so great difficulty by his passage, that he passed the foot over as fast as might be, sent Sir Henry Folliot to possess the pace of the Fathom, and made all the Horse and our Garrons to go about that way. In the mean time we might see the rebels forces draw over the mountains towards the pace of Carlingford, and come close by our men that were first landed, yet they never offered any skirmish. That night we encamped directly over the narrow water, between the pace of the fathom, and the pace of Carlingford, & having at midnight gotten over for our men some victuals, that came by water from Carlingford, his Lordship caused the same to be delivered before day, for the Army had fasted two days, and after they had eaten but a little biscuit, and cheese or butter, never men went on in a greater jollity. The thirteenth of November we were to rise very early, for otherwise we could not pass our carriages by the sea side, as we had determined, and by break of day the Scoutmaster brought word that Tyrone with all his army was lodged in the pace, which is an exceeding thick wood, at the foot of a great mountain, reaching down to the sea side, between which and the sea, there is in most places as much space as seven may march in rank, but in some places less, and in some none at full water, but only there is a narrow deep high way through the wood.  
Captain Thomas Roper with the broken Companies sent out of the Pale, went on as a forlone hope, and that day by course it fell out, that Captain Benjamin Berry, with the Lord Deputies Regiment under his command, had the vanguard, Sir Christopher St Laurence, had the rear of the vanguard, Sir Richard Moryson had the vanguard of the Rear, and Sir Samuel bagnol the rear of the rear, so that we had but two bodies, a vanguard and a rear, thus subdivided. Captain Trevor with as many as Captain Roper had in the point, led a forlorn rear. Out of all the regiments his Lordship appointed three strong wings to go on the right hand (for on the left hand was the Sea), commanded all by Captains; the first by Captain Billings, the second by Captain Esmond, and the last by Captain Constable.  
The ground the rebels chiesely chose to make good, was a little Plain like a semicircle, whereof the Sea made the Diameter, and a thick Wood the Circumference. At the next corner to us, there ran into the Sea a River out of the wood, being a ford of good advantage to the enemy. All along the circumference they had made divers trenches, even close up to both the corners, and at the furthest corner they had made a Barricado, reaching a good way into the Wood, and down to the Sea. At the first they showed themselves horse and foot upon this Plain: but when his Lordship commanded ours to give on (which they performed presently and roundly), their horse drew off into the Woods, and their foot into their trenches, and never shot, till the Vanguard was drawn over the River, when from all parts they powered upon us great volleys of shot; but presently Captain Roper gave on the farthest trench on the right hand of the corner, Captain Billings on the next with the wing he led, and Captain Berry with the rest of the Vanguard gave upon the farthest corner, where the Barricado reached from the Wood into the Sea. In some of them they made good resistance, and many of them lost their lives with the Pike and the Sword. But the last trench where they made greatest show of opposition, they did soon quit, though it were strongest for them, and to greatest purpose to arrest us: the reason his Lordship conceived to be, that in that place they were furthest from their retreat, and feared the forlorn Hope and Wing led by Captain Billings might cut between them. When we had gained the trenches, the Vanguard made a stand, in the Rear of which, to countenance them (if there had been occasion), his Lordship stood with a troup of horse of voluntary Gentlemen, and next to his Lordship (between the Van and next bodies of foot) Sir Henry Davers and his Lordship's troops of of horse. At this time they entertained skirmish with all parts of our Army, but still falling towards the Rear, and at this time his Lordship's Secretary Master George Cranmer was killed, between Sir William Godolphin and Mast. Henry Barkely, Master Ram his Lord Ps. Chaplains horse was killed, and a Gentleman of his Lordship's chamber, called Master Done (that carried his cloak) shot through the leg. And I will not forget one accident, that might have proved of great consequence: During this stand, his Lordship road up to a little hill in the edge of the Wood, underneath which our men were in skirmish with the rebels, beyond whom somewhat more than a musket shot off, on the side of a hill, by a few little houses, there stood in a troup some seven or eight horsemen on foot, with their horses by them, at whom his Lordship caused his footman to shoot (who always carried a long piece with him), who (as within two hours after it was told his Lordship by one that was at that time one of the number) killed the next man to Tyrone, on whose shoulder at that time he leaned. Sir Henry Daners came unto his Lordship, and desired he might take twenty of his own horse to fall into the Rear, because he saw all the enemy's horse fall thitherward, and that the Irish horse only that day had the Rear. His Lordship gave him leave, and withal sent young james Blount with 100 shot out of the Vanguard, Captain Caufeild, and Captain Constable with as many more out of Sir Richard Morysons Regiment, to reinforce the Rear, with whom the rogues continued a good skirmish, almost for half an hour, until their horse and foot coming on a little plain, somewhat far from the skirt of the Wood, Sir Hen. Daners charged home, & broke them, but in the beginning of the charge he was shot in the thigh. After this charge they presently drew off their foot by the Mountains, and their horse by the strand over against the narrow water. In our Rear Captain Richard Hansard and Captain Trever were sore hurt, and Sir Garret Moor's Ensign and Hugh hanlon killed, and in all we lost not twenty, but above threescore were hurt. Of the enemy (as we heard then of certain) there were fourscore killed outright, but within two days after his Lordship understood by Maguire, that they lost two hundred. The Marshal and the Sergeant Maior were always in the Van or Rear, as in either place the fight grew hottest, and generally all the Commanders and soldiers served with extraordinary forwardness and alacrity. To conclude, by credible reports the Rebels lost in this journey above 800. and Tyrones' reputation (who did all things by his reputation) was clean overthrown, so that from all places they began to seek pardons or protections. On our part in the whole journey some two hundred were killed and dead of hurts, and some 400. were hurt, which shortly after recovered.  
Give me leave to digress a little to continue the journal of my travels, the writing whereof hath occasioned the relation of Irish affairs. When the Earl of Essex went Lord Lieutenant into Ireland, the Lord Mountioy was first named to that place, whereupon by my brother Sir Richard Morysons inwardness with him; I than obtained his Lordship's promise to follow him into Ireland, in the place of his chief Secretary. But this employment failing us both, I retired myself into Lincolnshire, where I lived till his Lordship was the last spring sent over Lord Deputy; and such was then my diffidence of vulgar reports, (for I had no other knowledge of his Lordship's employment), that I did not certainly believe the change of the Deputy, till his Lordship was ready to take his journey, which was beside extraordinarily hastened by the Queen's command, for the necessity of her affairs in that Kingdom: yet my letter swifter than myself came to his Lordship's hands; before his going; and from him I received this honourable answer, that not knowing what was become of me, he had already received three Secretaries, yet wished me to follow him, for he would find out some fit and good employment for me. The indisposition of my body by reason of an ague stayed me some few months in that Country; but in july taking my journey for Ireland, I came to Cambridge, whereas yet I was one of the fellows of Peter-house. The Master and Fellows by special indulgence had continued unto me my place, with leave to travel from the year 1589. to this present july, in the year 1600. At which time being modest further to importune so loving friends, and having the foresaid assurance of preferment in Ireland; I yielded up my Fellowship, which in my former absence had yielded me some twenty pound yearly. And the society (to knit up their loving course towards me) gave me aforehand the profit of my place for two years to come: For which courtesy and for my education there, I must ever acknowledge a strict bond of love and service to each of them in particular, and to the whole body jointly. From thence I went to London, and so to Westchester; and whilst I stayed there for a passage, I received another letter, by which I did gather that his Lordship purposed to employ me in the writing of the History or journal of Irish affairs. But it pleased God in his gracious providence, (which I may never leave unmentioned) to dispose better of me. For staying for a wind till the end of September, one of his Lordships three Secretaries, (either to avoid the trouble and danger of the wars, or for other reasons best known to him) came over, and told me that he had left his Lordship's service. Thus with better hope of preferment, I crossed the seas in very tempestuous weather, (at our putting to sea the carcase of a broken ship swimming by us, and at our entering the Port of Dublyn, another ship being cast away in crossing from one shore to another, wherein a Bishop and his whole family were drowned), After few days spent in Dublyn, I took my journey to Dundalke, on the Northern borders, where my brother Sir Richard Moryson was then Governor, and there I lodged till the Lord Deputies return with the Army. And the thirteenth of November, being the day of Carlingford fight above mentioned, whilst I walked in my brother's garden, I sensibly heard by reverberation of the wall, the sound of the volleys of shot in that skirmish, though the place were at least six miles distant. In this fight the Lord Deputy his chief Secretary George Cranmer (as is above mentioned) was killed, and his Lordship having now but only one Secretary, did receive me the next day at Dundalke into Cranmers' place.  
I return to the Irish affairs. At Dundalk his Lordship received a letter from the Lord Admiral, signifying that he had earnestly moved her Majesty to give him leave to come over for a short time, whose answer was, that there lived not any man that she would be more glad to see then his Lordship: but that now he had begun so worthily, and all things prospered under his work, she would not give encouragement to the Rebels by his absence, whom his presence had so daunted.   

The List of the Army, and the distribution of the same into Garrisons in the end of November.  
Twelve Colonels of the Army.  
The Earl of Thomond: Lord Dunkellin: Sir Henry Dockowra: Sir Arthur Chichester: Sir Henry Power: Sir Charles Percy: Sir Matthew Morgan: Sir Christopher Saint Laurence: Sir Charles Wilmot: Sir Arthur Savage: Sir Richard Moryson: Sir john Bolles.  
Foot at Carickfergus.  
Sir Arthur Chichester Governor, 150. Sir Foulk Conway, 150. Captain Richard Croftes, 100 Captain Charles Egerton, 100 Captain Gregory Norton, 100  
Horse.  
Sir Arthur Chichester, 25. Captain john jephson 100  
Foot at Mount Norreys.  
Captain Edward Blaney Governor, 150 Sir Samuel Bagnol, 150. Captain Henry Athyerton, 150.  
Horse at the Newry.  
Sir Samuel Bagnol Governor, 50.  
Foot.  
Sir Oliver Saint john's, 150. Sir Francis Stafford, 200. Captain josias Badley, 150. Captain Edward Trever, 100 Captain Edward Fisher, 100 Captain Ravenscroft, 100  
Foot at Carlingford.  
Captain Richard Hansard, 100  
Foot at Dundalke.  
Sir Richard Moryson Governor, 150. Sir Henry Davers, 150. Captain Toby Cafeild, 150. Captain Ferdinand Freckleton, 100 Captain Ralph Constable, 100  
Horse.  
Sir Henry Davers, 50.  
Foot at Arde.  
Sir Charles Percy, 150. Sir Garret More, 100 Captain Thomas Mynne, 100 Captain Thomas Williams, 150. Captain Francis Roe, 100  
Horse.  
Sir Henry Davers, 50. Sir Garret More, 25.  
Foot at Ballymore.  
Sir Francis Shane, 100 Captain Thomas Roper, 150. Captain Rotheram, 100  
At Mullingar.  
The Lord of Deluin, 150 Foot. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 25 Horse.  
At the Navan.  
Sir Thomas Maria Wingfeild, 150 Foot. The Lord deputy, 100 Horse.  
Foot at Drogheda.  
Captain Billings, 100 Captain Linley, 100 Captain jefferey Dutton, 100 Captain Morice, 100 Captain Bentley, 100  
Foot at trim.  
Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 150. Sir Edward Harbert, 100 Captain Yeluerton, 100  
Foot at Kelles.  
The Lord of Dunsany, 150. Captain Hugh Orely, 100  
Horse.  
Lord of Dunsany, 50.  
Foot at Aboy, Clancary and the Castles of Ophalia.  
Sir Henry Folliot, 150. Captain Lionel Guest, 150. oir Henry Warren, 100  
Foot in the Fort of the Dingon, and at the Nasse.  
Sir George Bourcher, 100 The Lord Dunkellin, 150. Sir Henry Harrington, 100 Captain Thomas Boyse, 100   

Horse at New castle.  
Captain Daughtrey, 50. Sir Henry Harrington, 25.  
At Athey, Reban, and the borders of Leax.  
Sir Henry Poor, 150. Sir james Fitzpiers, 150. Master Marshel, 150. Captain Philips, 100 Sir Thomas Loftus, 100 Foot.  
The Marshal, 50 Horse.   

Foot in the Forts, Sir Francis Rush, 150.  
Foot in Occarrals Country, Captain Mollrony Ocarrol, 100   

Foot and Horse in Kilkenny.  
The Earl of Ormond Lieutenant of the Army, 150. Captain Marbery, 100 Foot. The Earl of Ormond, 50 Horse.   

Foot and Horse in Kildare.  
The Earl of Kildare, 150 Foot. The Earl of Kildare, 50 Horse.   

Foot and Horse in the County of Waxford.  
Sir Olin'r Lambert, 150. Captain john Master son, 100 Captain Esmond, 150 Foot. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25 Horse.   

Foot at Dublin.  
The Lord Deputies Guard, commanded by Captain Berry 150.   

Foot and Horse in Connaght.  
Sir Arthur Savage Governor, 150. The Earl of Clanrickard, 150. Sir Thomas Bourk, 150 Sir Tibbot Dillon, 100 Captain Clare, 150. Captain Tibot Nelong, 100 Captain Thomas Bourgh, 100 Foot. The Earl of Clanrickard, 50. The Lord Dunkellin, 25. The Marshal of the Province, 12 Horse.  
Horse in the Pale at the captains disposal near themselves, or  
attending their persons.  
Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir William Warren, 25. Sir john Barkley, 12. Captain Rich. Greame, 50. Captain Garret Fleming, 25. Captain Pigot, 12. Captain Darcy, 25.  
At Loughsoyle a remote Garrison, under Sir Henry  
Dockwra his command.  
Sir Henry Dockwra, 50 Sir john Bolles, 50 Horse. Foot under 25 Captains, 2900.  
In the Province of Monster at the Lord  
Presidents disposal.  
The Lord Precedent, 50. Sir Anthony Cook, 50 Captain William Taaf, 25 Horse. Foot der 23 Captains 2800.  
total of Horse, 1198. total of Foot, 14150.  
From Dundalke, the Lord Deputy, with his servants and voluntary horsemen, rode to Dublin the seventeenth of November. Within few days, upon Sir Arthur Savage his intreatic to go for England, about his private affairs; his Lordship gave him licence, and appointed Sir john Barkely to supply his place of Provisionarie Governor of the Province of Connaght. At the same time his Lordship wrote into England for authority to pass unto certain submitties their Countries, with reservation of her majesties rights, and some other conditions for her profit and service, more particularly on the behalf of Connor Roe Mac Guyre, who being put from the Chiefery of his Country by Tyrone, had quitted all his possessions and goods, to come to the Queen's service, when Tyrone had two of his sons for pledges, of which the elder lately escaping from the rebels, had likewise submitted himself, and they both had served valiantly in the late Northern journey; so as the father had his horse killed under him, and the son killed three rebels with his own hand. And from thence both going into Fermanagh, had drawn many of that Country to follow them in the Queen's service, diverting all the Country from assisting Tyrone. Besides that in a late skirmish, they had taken Cormock, Tyrones' brother's eldest son, a young man of the greatest hope in the North, whom the Rebels purposed to create Oneale after Tyrones' death, for which respect he was a better pledge than any of Tyrones' sons. This youth they had brought to the Lord Deputy, with great hazard to convoy him, and that when 3000. pound, and other ample conditions were offered them for his ransom. In the same month of November, many of the Northern Rebels with great troops, (among them a Monster man Piers Lacie of English race, a famous rebel), drew into the Brenny, meaning to pass to the Shannon side, and so into Monster, after they had strengthened the broken rebels of the Pale with some assistance. But this their passage was so stopped; as it took no effect. The sixth of December his Lordship was advertised from an honourable friend in Court, that his late proceedings were mentioned by all men with much honour, and most of all by the Queen, who uttered to himself the most gracious and kind speeches of his Lordship, and the most extolling his valour and worthy parts, that ever he had heard her use of any.  
Till this time, the rebels of the Mountains near Dublyn, called the Glinnes, gave alarums almost every night in the Suburbs of Dublyn. But the time when the insolency of some of them should be chastened, was now come. The Obirnes having Phelim mac Feogh, the chief of their Sept, after the death of Feogh mac Hugh, (formerly mentioned) inhabited the Glinnes bordering on the plains of Dublyn, extending some four or five miles that way; and these being nearer than the O Tools and other their confederates, were most insolent upon that City, and the Counsel there residing, when the Lord Deputy was far off in any service with the horsemen. Now his Lordship was purposed to scourge them, and according to his singular secrecy, did so keep his Counsel from divulging, and so cunningly masked his intent, as he came upon them; when they were most secure. It was confidently given out, that his Lordship meant presently to undertake some service against the Omores of Leax, and Oconnors of Ophalia, and to that purpose meant to lie with his household at Monastreven, a great house kept by a Constable for the Queen: yea to make this project more believed, his Lordship sent Arras hangings, and many provisions to that house. And now the forces having been refreshed, his Lordship the twenty two of December, being Monday, rode to the Nasse twelve miles distant from Dublyn, where the rendezvous was appointed that day for the Lemster Garrisons, (for it was fit those bordering on the North, should be left strong.) On Wednesday his Lordship sent most of his household right forward to Monastreven thirteen miles distant; but himself with the rest of his servants and the forces, suddenly turned on the left hand into the Glinnes, and after a day and nights tedious march, over steep mountains covered with snow, he arrived on Thursday being Christmas day, at Phelim mac Feogh his house, so suddenly as his wife and eldest son were taken, and himself hardly escaped at a back window, and naked, into the woods, where he kept a cold Christmas, while my Lord lived plentifully in his house, with such provisions as were made, for him and his Bonnaghs and kern to keep a merry Christmas. To vent his anger, he daily offered slight skirmishes upon advantage, but his heart was nothing eased therewith, being continually beaten. His Lordship with the Queen's Forces, lay in this Country till about the twentieth of january: In which time his troops spoiled and ransacked the Countries of Rannelagh and Cashay, swept away the most part of their cattle and goods, burned all their Corn, and almost all their Houses, leaving little or nothing to relieve them; and to finish the work, his Lordship planted two strong Garrisons upon them, the one at Wicklo on the East side, (not able to come nearer, because a ship with our tools and instruments was beaten back by ill weather, and could not arrive in time); the other at Tullogh upon the west, so as they could not long hold from submitting or flying, being thus hedged in.  
This done, his Lordship came to Monastreven, with purpose to undertake the Moors and Connors. But having in few days settled a correspondency for proceeding in that service, between our Forces in those parts, and the neighbouring septs of Odempsies, and some suspected subjects, of whose faith till then his Lordship stood not assured, and discerning the Moors to be weak in Leax, after the kill of their Chiefecashe Oway mac Rory, and the burning and spoiling in the Leax journey, so as they had not means to keep their Bonnaghs, and hearing that the Oconnors were fled far from that part of Ophaly, so as neither of them could be found to make resistance to any reasonable strong Forces. His Lordship leaving in these parts some few Companies to assist the subjects, rode from Monastreven the twenty nine of january to Abiconal, nine miles, passing by the ruined City of Kildare, now altogether disinhabited. The thirtieth we passed the Liffye, and came to Milhussy, one Master Hussyes' Castle, eleven miles, passing by some pleasant Villages, and by Menouth, a fair house, belonging to the Earls of Kildare, now in the hands of the Countess Mabell an old widow. The thirty one we came to Trim, eight miles, champion ground. This is a pleasant town for seat, if the inhabitants were suitable, through which the Boyne runs, and it hath the ruins of a sumptuous Castle. This place his LP. thought fittest for his present residence: for if Captain Tirrel (now the chief rebel in Ophalia) should draw his force to the South of the Country, from hence his Lordship might easily fall back on him. If the rebels in the West desired to pass into Monster (as they intended), than our forces were so disposed, as they could not escape without fight with us upon diladuantage to them. And if neither fell out, than his Lordship purposed to plant a Garrison at the Cavan in the Brenny, and to settle our above mentioned Mac Guire in Fermanagh.  
At this time his LP desired to have authority out of England, to pass Tirconnel (the County of Odonel) to Neale Garue, reserving eight hundred Acres about Ballishannan, and the fishing of the Erne to her Majesty. And such was the opinion of the service his turbulent spirit could do the State, as he had the grant of three hundred foot, and one hundred horse in her majesties pay, on condition he should bring the men serviceable, and maintain them so, without further charge to her Majesty.  
From Trim, lying in East- Meathe, his Lordship the eleventh of February, passing by the Baron of Trimblestones house, rode to the Lord of Deluins' house in West- Meath, eleven miles distant. The twelfth we passed ten miles further to Molingar, the Shire town of West- Meath, compassed with bogs. Thence the fourteenth, we went to Ballymore, Sir Frances Shanes house, ten long miles. The sixteenth to Sir Tibbot Dillons' house, seven miles. Thence the seventeenth to Athlone, five miles, where the Governor of the Province of Connaght useth to lie in a strong Castle belonging to her Majesty, which being situate in Connaght, is divided from the Town by a River and a fair bridge of stone with eight arches, lying in West- Meath. And all this Country is Champion, whereof the greatest part lay waste. His Lord, returned back the eighteenth of February to Sir Tibbot Dillons' house, and the nineteenth to Danoar twelve miles (being Brian Mac Gohagans' Castle in West- Meath.  
While his Lordship lay in this Castle, he road forth the twentieth of February, to view a strong hold, seated in a plain, and in a little Island, compassed with bogs and deep ditches of running water, and thick woods, in which fastness Captain Tirrel, with some of the boldest Rebels than lay. At the first approach to the bog, two shot of the Rebels came out, our horsemen standing on a hill, moved continually, but myself being a raw soldier, stood still, and because I had a white horse, I gave the Rebels a fair mark, so as the first shot flew close by my head, and when I apprehending my danger, turned my horse, the second flew through my cloak, and light in my pad saddle, (which saved my life), and bruised my thigh. Presently his Lordship seat Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, Captain Windsor, Captain Roper, and Captain Rotheram, with wings of Foot into the Wood, to discover the fortified Island. And on the other side sent Captain Leg to the same purpose. While these skirmished with the rebels lying entrenched, Master Darcy riding by the skirt of the Wood, was shot in the neck. The two and twenty day his Lordship drew forth again, and we carried hurdles and faggots to pass into the Island, but the water carrying them away, and his Lordship's Guard being not well seconded by the Irish, we came off with loss, and Captain Rotheram was shot.  
Before I proceed, I must digress a little to other matters. In this journey (begun the twenty two of December) his Lordship received commandment to pardon all such in Monster as should require it, and should be commended by the Lord Precedent, with assurance that Spain was so entangled with the war of Savoy, as the Irish Rebels could at this time have small succour thence. His Lordship writ to Master Secretary to procure him leave to start over into England, to kiss the Queen's hands, and to confer with him about the Irish service, professing that he reputed him his honourable friend, and did much disdain that humour in any subject (if any such were) which would think him tied by any respect, from having his affection free to love him. In the beginning of February, the Lord Precedent of Monster, excused himself to the Lord Deputy, that he had made stay of some forces his Lordship had directed to come from thence, because he had intelligence that some Northern Rebels were sent to invade Monster. But his Lordship knowing that he had stopped their passage, and that they could not go with any great numbers; if perchance they escaped, did again require that these forces might be sent unto him. At this time, there was a plot for Tyrones' head, the managing whereof was commended to Sir Richard Moryson Governor of Dundalke, whether Sir William Godolphin was sent with his troup of horse, to second this plot, which took not the wished effect; the undertaker Henry Oge Oneale failing in his courage, or in his faith.  
Now I will return to his Lordship's actions while he lay at Maghogans Castle. The same two & twentieth of February, his Lord received a packetout of England, by which he understood that the Earl of Essex was committed to the Tower for treason, which much dismayed him and his nearest friends, and wrought strange alteration in him: For whereas before he stood upon terms of honour with the Secretary; now he fell flat to the ground, and insinuated himself into in ward love, and to an absolute dependency with the Secretary, so as for a time he estranged himself from two of his nearest friends, for the open declaration they had made of dependency on the Earl of Essex; yet rather covering, then extinguishing his good affection to them. It is not credible that the influence of the Earls malignant star, should work upon so poor a snake as myself, being almost a stranger to him yet my nearness incloud to one of his Lordships above named friends, made it perhaps seem to his Lordship improper, to use my service in such nearness, as his Lordship had promised and begun to do. So as the next day he took his most secret papers out of my hand, yet giving them to no other, but keeping them in his own cabinet: and this blow I never fully recovered: while I stayed in Ireland. In truth his Lordship had good cause to be wary in his words and actions, since by some confessions in England, himself was tainted with privity to the Earls practices, so that how soever he continued still to importune leave to come over; yet no doubt he meant nothing less, but rather (if he had been sent for) was purposed with his said friends to sail into France, they having prinately fitted themselves with money and necessaries thereunto. For howsoever his Lordship were not dangerously engaged therein, yet he was (as he privately professed) fully resolved not to put his neck under the file of the Queen's attorneys tongue. But his Lordship's former service, and the necessity of his future employment, together with his good success, so strengthened him, as without great unthankfulness, and popular obloquy, he could not have been questioned upon this weak ground.  
The same twenty two of February, his Lordship in colmsell resolved to proclaim, that all such as had any rebels goods, should discover them, or be guilty of Treason: That none upon pain of death should parley with the rebels: that the Country should bring in victuals to the Camp, which no man (upon pain of death) should take from them without paying the price of the market. And thus purposing to force the rebels out of the fortified Island, and then to plant a garrison at the Abbey near adjoining; and to charge the new submitted subjects to loin with this garrison in the service as also to take order for the safe victualling of the same when he should be gone, his Lordship resolved the next day to make another attempt against the Island wherein Terril lay, preparing all things to second the same, and taking order to bring victuals to the Camp from all parts, and especially from Athlone by boats.  
The twenty three of February, his Lordship drew forth to the Abbey, where he had lodged four hundred soldiers, there he dined and proclaimed Terrils head at two thousand crowns, and after dinner drawing to the Island, he divided the forces, sending part to put boats into the water, and so to assail the Island, and causing the rest to be led into the Woods to fetch out the rebels corn, and to burn the houses, and such things for their relief, as they could not bring away. The twenty four of February, being Shrove-tuesday, there fell a great snow, so that we were forced to lie still, and the next night the Rebels did steal away, leaving the Island to his Lordship, where the next day we found much corn, some Morions and Pieces, eight Cows, and some garrons.  
The twenty six, his Lordship drew the forces beyond the Island, into a pleasant valley, wherein was a ruined house of Sir Edward herbert's, and the ground was well ploughed by the Rebels. Our men burnt houses and corn, and his Lordship gave an Angel to a Soldier to swim over the water, and burn the houses in another Island. Then we came to a river, which divideth West Meath, and Orphaly; into which country his Lordship sent divers companies under Sir Christopher, Saint Laurence, to spoil the same. The twenty seven, his Lordship road six miles to Sir john Tirrels, a strong Castle, we passed by the way Tirrels pace, compassed with bogs and hilly woods. This Knight was a subject, and here his Lordship rested the next day. The first of March his Lordship road to Klonegave, the house of Sir Terrence Odempsey in Ophalia, being twelve miles; in the first part whereof we passed a dangerous part of Tirrels fastness.  
Here his Lordship received a gracious Letter from her Majesty, whereby she made known unto him the Earl of Essex his death, & (to use her own words) professed, that in regard of his approved fidelity and love, it was some allevation of her grief, to eiaculate the same to him. First, her Majesty required him to look well in general, upon the dispositions of all his Captains, whereof, some preferred by the Earl, might perhaps have hollow hearts towards her service, for as she was pleased to pardon those, who by his popular fashion and outward profession of his sincerity had been seduced, and blindly led by him; so she was careful to sever the chaff from the corn, and to deprive the malicious of means to prejudice her service. Secondly, whereas the Secretary in his Lordship's name had moved her Majesty, that he might have warrant to come over; yet in regrad the Spanish ships had not yet passed the narrow seas into Flaunders (whether surely they were sent, and nothing less than for Ireland, howsoever the Traitor made use of like rumours) her Majesty wished that he would conceal this his desire for a time, with promise to call him home the next winter, and use his service near her person.  
The same time his Lordship received Letters from the Lords in England, giving allowance in her majesties name, for the passing of Tirconnell to Neale Garne, upon the above mentioned conditions; yet advising that hereafter no Country should so absolutely be passed, as all the inhabitants should depend upon one man, which would still kindle new flames of rebellion. By the same Letters his Lordship understood, that the supplies of money, victuals, and munitions, were ready according to his demands. And their Lordships advised the plantation of a garrison about Strangford, to prevent the assistance which the Scots gave to the Rebels. The third of March his Lordship road ten miles to baly Britton, Sir Henry Warrens house in Leax, which was kept for the Queen by a Constable and Warders. In the midway we passed by Phillipstowne (otherwise called Dyngen) a strong Fort in Ophalia (otherwise called the King's County) and that day his Lordship sent out many parties of soldiers into the woods, against Tirrell and the Oconnors, scatteredly lurking in those parts.  
Here his Lordship received from the Lords, directions to 〈◊〉 the silver money, and to proclaim a new coin, three ounces fine; which base money was sent over, only to impoverish the Rebels (as was pretended) who made war against the Queen with her own treasure; but in conclusion it was the undoing of all the Queen's servants there, for no man cared to lay it up, and all things were bought at excessive rates, after the exchange in England once failed. This exchange was proclaimed to be held at three Cities in England, and four in Ireland; but by reason that great sums were coined by Rebels and strangers, and for other abuses of the same, as namely of the Merchants, who notwithstanding that the money was duly changed, did excessively raise all prices, this exchange soon failed, and our hearts therewith: for we served there in discomfort, and came home beggars, so that only the Treasurers and Paymasters, (who were thereby infinitely enriched) had cause to bless the Authors of this invention.  
The fourth of March his Lordship road five miles to Sir Edward Fitzgeralds house, situate in Meath, in a pleasant and fruitful Country. The fifth of March we road ten miles to Mormeere, a very pleasant house, belonging to Sir james Dillon, and thence the next day two miles further to Trim. Sir Richard Moryson Governonr of Dundalke, had lately advertised his Lordship, that Turloghmac Henry, Tyrones' brother, Captain of the Fewes, had taken his oath to him, before a Priest and upon a Mass book that he would submit himself to her majesties mercy, without any conditions at or before St Patrick's day next following. And further had advertised that the Lord of Clancaruin humbly desired to be received to mercy with him. For better ratifying hereof, the said Sr Richard Moryson now brought the said Turlogh in person to his Lordship lying at Trim. The fifteenth of March his Lordship drew to Arbrachin, the Bishop of Meaths' house, six miles distant, where his Lordship had appointed the adjoining garrisons to meet him the next day; and presently after their arrival, his Lordship took horse towards evening, and thence we marched all night, being very dark, and in the morning suddenly fell into the Ferney, the possession whereof Ever Mac coolly, one of the Mac Mabowns then usurped; and there we burned the houses and spoiled the goods of the Inhabitants, Sir Richard Moryson Governor of Dundalke, with that Garrison, and Sir Oliver Lambert with other troops, and Captain Thomas Williams with the forces of Ardee coming in divers ways, & meeting his Lordship in that Country, with small or no resistance made by the rebels, to either party. The nineteenth we marched five miles to Ardee, the twentieth seven miles to Mellisant, Sir Edward Moor's house, the twenty one two miles to Drogedagh, where his Lordship stayed till the sixteenth of April, and so returned to Dublyn. At Drogedagh his Lordship altered the list of the foot, the horse standing still as before.   

The disposal of the foot into garrisons the 23. of March, 1600.  
At the Newry under Sir Oliner St john's 750. At Carlingford Captain Hansard 100 At Mount Norreys under Sir Samuel bagnol 450. At Dundalke under Sr Richard Moryson 400. At Arde a refreshing but no standing garrison 350. At Luscanon 400. At Tullogh 350. At Wickloa 250 At the Navan 300. At the Nasse 100 In Westmeath 450. In Ophalia 200. In Leax 300. At Athy 100 At Monastreven 300.  
In Connaght.  
Sir john Barkely Deputy Governor 200. The Lord of Dunkellin now upon his father's death Earl of Clanrickard 150. More under four Captains 500   

Foot in Galloway and Odoynes Country.  
Three Captains 400. Capt. Tho: Roper 150. At Rebon 150. In Ocarrols Country 100 In In 〈◊〉 150. At Dablyn the Lord Deputies guard 200. At Carickfergus under Sir Arthur Chichester 550. Of new Companies 1150. being cast, and 50. made over to 〈◊〉 Garrison, remained 800. Of Sr Charles Percies Company, 100 were made 〈◊〉 to other Captains, and 50 were added to Loughsoyle garrison. These Companies together with the foot in 〈◊〉 & at Loughsoyle, do make the new list of foot 13250.   

Her majesties charge in Ireland from the first of April in the beginning of the year 1600. to the last of March in the beginning of the year 1601.  
Her majesties allowances by establishment, and by her letters for increase amount to two hundred seventy six thousand nine hundred & fourteen li, nine s. four d. ob. qu. demi.  
Hereof saved by the Lord Deputy his providence fifteen thousand two hundred sixty two l. fix s. five d.  
Saved also by Checks imposed on the Army, seventeen thousand twenty nine pound sixteenes. nine d. ob.  
So her majesties charge for the Army this year, besides munition and like extraordinaries, amounteth to two hundred thirty four thousand six hundred twenty two li. five s. two d. qu. demi.  
It remains briefly to collect (out of the Lord Precedents letters to the Lord Deputy), the services done in Monster the year 1600. now ended. About the sixteenth 
Monster.  of April, in the beginning of the year 1600. Sir George Carew Lord Precedent of Monster departing from Kilkenny, where he had been some days detained by the Earl of Ormonds' surprisal at a parley with the rebels, came to Waterford. And Thomas Fitz-Iames bastard son to james Fitzgerald late Lord of the Decies, chief rebel in the County of Waterford fearing present prosecution, made sure to be received to her majesties mercy, which the Lord Precedent granted, aswell to draw from the titulary Earl of Desmond some part of his strength, as to open the passage between Waterford and Yoghall by land, formerly shut up, so as nothing could pass any way but by sea. The twenty three of April at Dungaruen his Lordship received advertisement that Florence mac Carty after many favours from the State, being wholly hispaniolised had great power in Carbry and Desmond, and according to his plot with Tyrone at his being there, was entered into open action, (so they term rebellion). That Captain Flower Sergeant Mayor of Monster, had hereupon entered Carbry with 1200 foot, and 100 horse, burning and spoiling the same, and killing many rebels. That Florence had levied of the Provincials and Bonnaghs (so they call waged soldiers) 2000 foot, yet never attempted the English, till in their return they came within five miles of Cork, where in a fastness the midway between Cork and Kinsale, they assailed the English, and were beaten by them, some 100 of the Rebels being slain, in which conflict Captain Flower had two horses slain under him. The twenty four the Lord Precedent came to Cork, where he received the State of the Province by the relation of Sir Henry Poor sole Commissioner for Monster, (since the kill of his partner Sir Warham St Leger by Mac Guire, likewise killed in the fight) and understood the rebels to be strong and masters of the field, supplied with all necessaries from the Towns through the persuasion of Priests, and the covetousness of the Townsmen. About this time Fitzgibbon called the White Knight, either ill used by Tyrone at his being in Monster, or fearing prosecution, submitted himself to her majesties mercy. Likewise Florence mac Carty by persuasion of friends, and upon safe conduct came to the Lord Precedent, and protested loyalty to her Majesty, but refused to give his son for pledge, left his waged soldiers should cast him out of his Country, till his Lordship threatened to lay aside all other service sharply to prosecute him, whereupon he consented for his pledge, but required to have the County of Desmond given to him and his 〈◊〉, with title of Mac Carty More, or Earl of Clanoar, with like high demands, which being rejected, he desired leave to sue for these graces in England, with promise not to serve against her majesties forces in the mean time, wherewith the Lord Precedent was satisfied, having no other end for the present, then to make him stand neutral, while the whole forces were employed against the titulary Earl of Desmond, james Fitzthomas, called the Suggon Earl by nickename. Now one Dermod Oconnor, having no lands, yet by marriage with the daughter of the old Earl of Desmond and his great valour, had the leading of 1400. Bonnaghs. And because the Lord Precedent hoped to ragine the rebels one by another; at this time by the wife of the said Dermod and other Agents his Lordship plotted with him, upon promise of great rewards to kill james the titulary Earl of Desmond. And in like fore, one john Nugent a rebel, upon promise of pardon and reward, did within few days undertake to kill john the said Earls brother. About the beginning of May Redman Burke leading 500 Rebels, lost 120. of them while he adventured to take a prey in 〈◊〉 Country 〈◊〉 being nourished by the Lord Precedent, with hope to be Baron of Letrim, drew his men out of 〈◊〉 into Ormond, with purpose to lead them into Connaght: And Tyrrell leader of the Northern men, stayed not long behind him, pretending discontent against Dermod Oconnor, but indeed fearing some plot against his head. It had been long rumoured that the Lord Precedent would take the field the sixth of May, which made the rebels draw to a head and spend their victuals; so as after ten days they were forced to disperse themselves. The twentieth of May the Lord Precedent took the field, and marching towards Lymbricke, settled Warders in some Castles to secure the passage thither from Kilmallock. At Lymricke his Lordship understood that john Nugent above named, being ready (as he had undertaken) to kill john brother to the titulary Earl of Desmond; was by accident hindered from discharging his Pistol, and being apprehended, was put to death; but as well john as the titulary Earl his brother, were so terrified herewith, as they durst never keep together, & thought themselves least secure in the head of their own men from like practices. The Lord President marched into john Burkes Country, and spoiling the fame, forced him to seek her majesties mercy on his 〈◊〉, which at last he obtained, though with difficulty. His Lordship having gained here plenty of grain for the Army, sent five hundred foot into Omulrians' Country, who spoilt the same, and killed many rebels. Then his Lordship returned to Limricke without any loss, and in the beginning of june divided the Army into garrisons not far distant, which his Lordship did though the time were fit for service, that he might attend the plot with Dermod Ocannor for killing the titulary Earl of Desmond, which could not well be done, except the rebels were dispersed, who would keep together as long as the English Army was in the field. Besides, his Lordship upon their breaking, took advantage to settle a garrison at Asketon without any resistance. Dermod Ocannor took the titulary Earl prisoner in the name of Oneale, pretending by a forged letter that he had plotted his death with the Lord Precedent, & presently sent his wife for the money promised in reward, wishing the Lord Precedent to draw his forces to Kilmalloch, where he would deliver him the prisoner, which his Lordship did accordingly the sixteenth of june, but the rebels having notice hereof, drew together four thousand in number, stopped the passages, set the titulary Earl at liberty, and besieged Dermod Ocannor in a Castle, till the Lord Precedent marching thither the 29 of june, forced forced them to leave the siege. His Lordship kept the field, took the chief Castle of the Knight of the valley, wherein were slain threescore warders, took other Castles, and did many good services, the rebels in great number lying near him, but never 〈◊〉 to fight, by reason of the jealousies between them whereupon 2500. Connaght men were suitors to his Lordship to return home without impediment from his 〈◊〉. At this time Ocannor Kerry yielded his Castle to the Queen, and was received to mercy, and the Lord Precedent at last granted a pass to the Rebels of Connaght, but the Lord Burke not knowing thereof, for a private revenge set upon them as they marched home 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three score of them, besides many drowned. The sixteenth of july the Lord Precedent bestowed the Army in garrisons: The 23, of july his Lordship 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 again; to relieve the men he had formerly sent into Kerry, and marching thither, took 〈◊〉 the chief house of the Lord Fitz Morrice, and many other Castles, for grief whereof the said Lord died, yet leaving a son then as dangerous as himself. The Lord Precedent returned to Cork about the eighteenth of August, leaving Sir Charles Wilmot, Governor of Kerry, a valiant Gentleman, a chief Commander under him, and in the first rank of those instruments he used in all services, who in short time brought most of the freeholders of Kerry to due subjection, and drove the titulary Desmond out of those parts. All the garrisons in time of harvest, gathered as much come as they could, and destroyed the rest, which made the rebels not able to subsist the year following. Sir George Thornton hearing that the titulary Earl of Desmond passed near Kilmalloch sent the garrison out, and Captain Greame charging them with his troup of horse, killed 120. of them, in which conflict the English got 300. garons laden with baggage, 150 pikes and pieces with other weapons, and 40. horse, but the English had 16. horses killed in the fight. The titulary Earl of Desmond, could never after draw 100 men together, & was forced to fly into Tipperary with his brother john, Pierce Lacie an Archrebel, & the Knight of the Glin, whence his brother john hasted into Ulster for relief from Tirone. And in the end of this Summer upon the departure of the Bonnaghs of Connaght and Ulster, & the good success of the English, many of the Provincials submitted themselves, yet sent to Rome for dispensation of their so doing. About the midst of October james Fitzgerald (who had long been imprisoned in the Tower of London, being the next & true heir to the last Earl of Desmond, and released by the Queen with title of Earl by letters Patents sent to the Lord President and promise of a good proportion of land to support his dignity at the end of the war, according to his deserts in her majesties service, and in the mean time to live upon pay in the Army) landed at Yoghal, and the eighteenth day came to the Lord Precedent at Mallogh, and was industrious in the Queen's service. Desmod O Connor being in Connaght, and hearing of the young Earl of Desmondi arrival, upon promise of great services had the Lord Presidents protection to come unto him, but was set upon by Tybot we long, his men defeated, he taken and hanged, whereupon Tibet having then a Company in her majesties pay was cashered. Florence mac Carty having all this while practised underhand many things against the State, and putting still off his appearance by delatory excuses, at last in October by the desperateness of his estate was forced to submit, and obtained pardon upon pledges of his loyalty. The 〈◊〉 Earl of Desmond stealing back into Monster lived as a Wood-kerne, never having more than two or three in his Company.  
In November, Sir Charles Wilmot took the last and only Castle the Lord Mac Morice had in Kerry, & his eldest son therein (betrayed by a Priest for safety of his life) and great provisions laid up in that Castle. In these two last months Sir Richard Percy lying in Garrison at Kinsale, twice passed into the Country, and took preys of five hundred Cows, killing many rebels. In December the Lord Precedent had notice where the titulary Earl lurked, and sentmen to surprise him: but he escaped in such haste, as he left his shoes behind him. And now there was not a Castle in Monster held for the rebels, nor any company of ten rebels together, though there wanted not loose 〈◊〉 bonds dispersed in all corners, so as his Lordship had leisure to look into the Corporate Towns, being aiders, abetters, and procurers under hand of this rebellion, all the Queen's treasure being spent in them by the soldiers, and they underhand supplying the rebels with all necessaries, though at excessive rates. The rebels fled outof Monster into Tiperarie and Ormond, had hitherto lived there among the Bullera being subjects, without any disturbance, the rather for the Earl of Ormonds', mounting for the death of his most worthy and virtuous Lady: but in january his Lordship sent some forces against them, who killed many, and forced the rest to fly, where of some were drowned passing the waters then very high, and some chief rebels were taken and hanged at kilkenny. About the end of january, the Lord Precedent sent 〈◊〉 foot of the Monster List, to be disposed by the Lord deputy, as he had direction to do. His Lordship to settle the Country the better, refused to renew any protection, so as all were forced to sue their pardons, and in two month a space before the end of February, upon his Lordship's recommendation, morethen fourethousand Monster men had their pardons, granted by the Lord deputy, and passed under the great Seal.     

The second Book.  

CHAP. I. Of the Lord Deputies particular proceedings in the prosecution of the Rebels, and of the Speniards invading Ireland, in the year 1601.  
WHile the Lord Deputy lay at Drogheda (namely, from the the one and twenty of March, till the sixteen of April, upon which day he returned to Dublin), his Lordship assembled the Counsellors of State to attend him there. And upon the eight and twenty of March 1601, the Lord deputy and Counsel wrote from Drogheda (vulgarly called Tredagh) their joint letters to the Lords in England, whereby they advertised, that the Lord deputy having spent the greatest part of Winter in the Irish Countries of Lemster, had by burning their Corn, consuming their cattle, and killing many of them, so scattered their main strength, as certain of the chief had since submitted to the Queen's mercy, and the rest were severed into small companies, and unlike to draw to any dangerous head; yea, Tirrel, in opinion the greatest among them (taken for Tyrones' Lieutenant in Lemster), being forced out of his greatest fastness, now with a few base Kern following him, was driven to wanderin Woods and Boggs, seeking to escape into the North (as shortly after he did, notwithstanding that certain English Companies were left to hunt him in his walks, and to stop his passage.) That his Lordship desirous to be at hand, to watch all opportunities of service upon the Northern borders, had pierced into the Fearny, and that Sir Richard Moryson Governor of Dundalk with his Garrison had formerly wasted, and now passed through the Fewes, and met his Lordship there, so as both these Countries being spoiled, Ever Mac coolly chief of the Fearny, and Turlogh Mac Henry, Captain of the Fewes, had both been humble suitors for her majesties mercy, and were commanded to appear shortly, and make their humble submissions: which course likewise the septs of the Brenny were 〈◊〉 to take, for many of them chastised by the Army, and utterly discouraged, had already divers times offered most humble submissions. That his Lordship hereupon had called the Counsellors to Tredagh, there to consider of the circumstances and conditions, to be observed in taking these 〈◊〉, as also to deliberate how the Army might be employed most to vex Tyrone, till the Summer came on, at which time his Lordship purposed to dwell upon him, and put him to trial of his uttermost fortune. That it was resolved in Counsel to accept the submissions of the Chief of Fearny, and the Captain of the Fewes, above named, as likewise of the septs of the Brennye (these three Countries being an hedge between the English Pale, and the North, and yielding many commodities to pass into Tirone with her majesties forces. That it was resolved to send Mac Guyer into Fermanagh with 200 men to help him for a time, against the rebel Mac Guyer (whom he and his son had already much impoverished), for he was thought a fit instrument (in case he prevailed), aswell to entangle Tyrone and infested Ororke, as to help the Plantation at Ballishannon intended to be put in execution about june following, when forage could be had for horses.  
They further solicited by these letters for supplies of victuals, munition and money, and that the victuals and munition should be addressed some part to Dublin and Tredagh, but the greatest part to Galloway, being intended for the forces to be planted at Ballishannon, and those to invade Tyrone that way; and the rest to Carlingford, intended for the forces to invade Tyrone by the way of the Newry, which invasion was purposed about the midst of june, when forage might be had for the horse, and this they prayed, because the unshipping and reshipping of the victuals at Dublin, caused great expense of money, and waste of the victuals.  
Tirlogh Mac Henry Captain of the Fewes, and Ever Mac coolly, of the Family of the mac Mahownes, chief of the Fearny, did about this time declare themselves to be subjects, and humbly made their submissions on their knees, signing certain articles of subjection under their hands, and putting in pledges for performance thereof. And the said Ever in particular confessed in the Articles under his hand, that he was not Lord, but Farmer of the Fearnye, binding himself to pay her Majesty his old rent. The one and thirty of March 1601, her Majesty signed the following Establishment. 
An. 1601.   

Officers General.  
The Lord Deputy for his diet one hundred li. per mensem: a Band of Horse three li. four s. per diem: fifty foot each at eight d. per diem: for allowance in am of cease, ten li. per annum, besides his Companies of horse and foot in the Army. In all per diem twelve li. six s. six d. ob. qu. per annum, four thousand four hundred forty four li. seventeen s. one d. ob. qu.  
The Lieutenant of the Army, three li. per diem; one thousand fourscore fifteen pound per annum.  
The Treasurer at wars, thirty five s. per diem; six hundred thirty eight li. fifteen shillings per annum.  
The Marshal besides his thirty horse at twelve d. per diem without checque in the Army, five s. nine d. per diem; one hundred four li. eighteen s. nine d. per annum.  
The Sergeant Maior of the Army, twenty s. per diem; three hundred sixty five li. per annum.  
The Master of the Ordinance, twenty six s. eleven d. per diem; four hundred ninety one li. four s. seven d per annum.  
Ministers of the Ordinance, twenty five s. two d. per diem; four hundred fifty nine li. five s. ten d. per annum.  
Muster-master General, eleven s. six d. per diem; two hundred nine li seventeen s. six d. per annum.  
controller of the victuals, ten s. per diem; one hundred eighty two li. ten s. per annum.  
Five Commissaries of victuals, one at eight s., and four, each at six s. per diem, thirty two s. per diem; five hundred eighty four li per annum.  
Fourteen Colonels, each at ten s. per diem, seven li. per diem; two thousand five hundred fifty five li. per annum.  
Scout-master, besides six horse, each at twelve d. per diem, part of the Army, six s. eight d. per diem; one hundred twenty one li. thirteen s. four d. per annum.  
Provost Martial of the Army for himself and four horsemen, four s. three d. per diem; seventy seven li. eleven s. three d. per annum.   

Officers Provincial.  
Precedent of Monster at one hundred thirty three li six s. eight d. per annum; his diet and the Counsels at ten li. the week; his retinue of thirty horse and twenty foot at thirty s. seven d. ob. per diem; three li. six s. fix d. per diem; one thousand two hundred thirteen li. thirteen s. four d. qu. per annum.  
Provost Martial in Monster, fourteen s. per diem; two hundred fifty five li. ten s per annum.  
The Commander of the forces in Counaght at ten s per diem, with an increase of one hundred li. per annum; fifteen s. five d. ob. qu. per diem; two hundred eighty two li. ten s. per annum.  
Provosh Marshal in Connaght, besides twelve horsemen of the Army, five s. seven d. ob. per diem; one hundred two li. fourteen s. one d. ob. per annum.  
Commander of the forces at Loughfoyle, besides his pay of ten s. per diem as Colonel, hath three s. four d. per diem; sixty li sixteen s. eight d. per annum.  
Provost Martial there, four s per diem; seventy three li. per annum.  
Provost Martial of Ballishannon, four s. per diem; seventy three li. per annum.  
Lieutenant of the Queen's County, six s. eight d. per diem; one hundred twenty one li. thirteen s. four d. per annum.  
Provost Martial in Lemster for himself and six horsemen, five s. seven d. ob. per diem; one hundred two li. fourteen s. one d. ob. per annum.  
Warders in Lemster per annum, one thousand three hundred ten li. nineteen s. two peace.  
Warders in Ulster per annum, eight hundred twenty one li. five s.  
Warders in Monster per annum, five hundred forty two li. eighteen s. nine d.  
Warders in Connaght per annum, two hundred li.  
Twelve hundred horsemen distributed into four and twenty Bands, the Captain four s., the Lieutenant two s. six pence, the Cornet two s. per diem, and three hundred horsemen, each at eighteened. per diem; on condition they be English both horse and men, or else to have but twelve d. per diem. And 200 horsemen at fifteen d. per diem, and seven hundred horsemen at twelve d. per diem. Per annum twenty nine thousand two hundred seventy three li.  
Fourteen thousand footmen, distributed into one hundred forty Bands, the Captain four s. Lieutenant two s. Ensign eighteen d. the day, two sergeant, a Drum, and a Surgeon, each at twelve d. a piece per diem, & each soldier at eight d. per diem. Per annum one hundred ninety nine thousand seven hundred fifteen li. sixteen s. eight d.  
Pensioners in the Muster-book, per annum one thousand eight hundred nine li. fifteen s. ten d.  
Pensioners by letters Patents per annum eight hundred seventy four li. five s. nine pence, ob.  
Thirteen Almesmen per annum eighty eight li. nineteen s. four d. ob.  
Officers of the Musters which are payable out of the checks, namely one Muster-Master at six s. eight d. a controller at ten s. and twenty Commissaries, each at three s. four d. per diem. Per annum one thousand five hundred twenty li. sixteen s. eight d.  
Extraordinary allowance for Messengers, Spials, Post-barkes, rewards of services etc. per annum, six thousand li.  
total of this Establishment per annum two hundred fifty five thousand seven hundred seventy three li. fourteen d. qu. denny.  
Memorandum, that the dead pays allowed to the Captains in each Company of horse or foot, are herein contained, but the charge of munition, of levying horse and foot for reinforcing the Army, with many like charges, are not herein contained.  
The sixth of April 1601, his Lordship received advertisement from Captain Io sias Badley, at the Nowry, that he, and Captain Edward Blony, Governor of the Fort of Mount-Norreys, purposing to surprise Loghrorcan, could not carry a boat, which they had provided to that purpose, but he carrying certain fireworks provided in case the boat should fail, went to the Fort, and joining with Captain Blany, marched towards that Island, where they arrived by eight of the clock in the morning, and leaning their forces behind a Wood, they both went together to discover the Island, which done Captain Bodley made ready thirty arrows with wildfier, and so they both fell down with one hundred shot close to the water, where the shot playing incessantly upon the Island, while the other delivered their arrows, suddenly the houses fired, and burnt so vehemently, as the rebels lodging there, forsook the Island, and swum to the further shore. That after they 〈◊〉 burnt to the ground, they fired a great house upon their side of the shore, and killed there six Kerne, (gaining their Arms) besides Churls and Calliaches, and after the burning of other houses also, they brought away some Cows and Sheep, with other pillage; and they understood by a prisoner, that there were about thirty persons in the Island, whereof only eight swum away, (of which four were shot in the water), so as the rest either were killed or lay hurt in the Island. Likewise they understood by the said prisoner, that great store of butter, corn, meal, and powder, was burnt and spoiled in the Island, which all the rebels of that Country made their magasine. Further, that some forty kern skirmished with them at places of advantage, in their retreat for two miles' march: but howsoever the common opinion was, that the Rebels sustained great loss by this service, yet of the English only two were slain and seven hurt.  
The seventh of April Sir Henry Dockwra Governor of Loughfoyle wrote to his Lordship, that he had taken the submission of Hugh Boy Boy, of whose service to her Majesty, he was confident to make manifold good uses, as well for the present settling Sir john Odogherties' Country after his late death, as for revealing the Rebels secret counsels well known to him. Among which, he confidently anowed that the King of Spain had promised to invade Ireland this year, with six thousand men, & to land at some Town in Munster, (swearing that three of the chief Cities had promised to receive them:) Adding that Florence Mac Carty had written to Odonnel, that he had submitted to the Queen only upon necessity, and that upon the Spaniards coming he would join with them. This Governor further advertised that Phelim Oge, chief of a contrary faction in Odogherties' country, desired to make his humble submission to the Queen's mercy upon these conditions: to leave of the name of Odogherty, and obey any man, to whom her Majesty should give that Country. To pay all debts his men did owe to any subjects. To discharge his soldiers. To return to the owners twelve hundred beeves he had cut for Odonnell. To make satisfaction for a Bark coming to the Liffer, which his people had taken and spoiled: And to yield up to him the Gonernor all the cattle should be found in his Country belonging to Odonnell. Adding, that Sir john Bolles in a journey made upon Ocane, had killed fifty of his people, had burned many houses and much corn. And that the garrison of the Liffer had spoiled Tirconnel, had slain many, & had brought away two hundred Cows, and great booties.  
The tenth of April Sir Oghy Ohanlon, a northern Lord submitted himself on his knees to her majesties mercy at Tredagh, and signed certain Articles, for the performance whereof he took his oath. And because these Articles (except there fell out some special reason to leave out some of them, and to add others) were the same to which all submitties at this time were tied, I will once for all add the brief of them.  
After his acknowledgement that Queen Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, etc. Is the true absolute and Sovereign Lady of this realm of Ireland, and of every part, & of all the people thereof, with humble confession of his former disloyalty, and of his penitency, and like profession that he had felt the weight of her majesties power. This done, further to the example of all other offenders, he testified, that he made this his humble submission and protestation of his penitency, his future loyalty and endeavour to redeem his faults by his good services. Then he acknowledged under his hand, that now before the Lord Deputy and Counsel, he taketh a corporal and religious oath for all and several Articles following; Namely, That he will ever continue a loyal subject. That for performance thereof, and of all the following Articles, he will put in sufficient pledges. That he doth renounce all manner of obedience to any foreign power or Potentate, depending only on the Queen his Sovereign. That he renounceth all Rebels, and will not aid them, but serve against them when he is commanded. That he will to the utter most of his power withstand and confound any disloyal subject, or foreign enemy attempting against the sacred person, or estate of her Majesty, or the quietness of her faithful subjects, more especially, against the arch-traitor Tyrone, and the King of Spain supporting him. That he will come to the State whensoever he is commanded, neither will upon wrongs seek to right himself, but will seek redress by course of Law. That he will reveal all conspiracies of treason which he shall hear. That he will sue out her majesties pardon within certain days, for him and his followers, and answer for their good behaviour. That he will book these followers within certain days. That he will suffer all subjects safely to trade in his Country. That he will extort no black Rents, or make other exactions on his people, but by due course of a subject. For sincere performance hereof, he testified that he had taken his corporal oath, upon his knees, before the Lord Deputy and Council, (the same oath being solemnly ministered to him, and taken by him in the said assembly) and did again vow the same upon his salvation, religiously professing, that if he should break those Articles or any of them, he would acknowledge himself not only to be worthy of all infamy and extreme punishment; but ever after to be most unworthy to bear the name of a Christian, or to enjoy the society of men, to which, as he had unfeignedly sworn, so now in witness thereof, he did in this written form of submission set to his hand, with addition of the day of the month, and of the year when this act was done by him.  
The sixteenth of April, the Governor of Loughfoyle by his letters entreated, that a pardon might be parsed to Hugh Boy (which business the bearer had undertaken to solicit) and that Neale Garue, to whom the Queen had granted Odonnels Country, might be sent back from Dublin, because the Irish were confident, that upon his arrival all the people of Tirconnell would flock unto him. Further advertising, that the garrison of the Liffer had burnt the Newtowne, and killed twelve kern and thirty eight of other people, and had brought back some three hundred Cows. And that the garrison of Donnegall, had burnt in Ocanes Country a great village, and many women, children, and Cows, with the houses, and had killed someforty kern and churls.  
The three & twenty of April, his Lordship kept S. George's feast, at Dublin, with solemn pomp, the Captains bringing up his meat, & some of the Colonels attending on his person at Table. To which feast the Rebels were invited, whom his Lordship lately received to mercy, under her majesties protection, till their pardons might be signed, namely Turlogh Mac Henry, Captain of the Fewes, Ever Mac coolly, chief of the Fearney, Obanlon a Lord of Ulster, Phelim Mac Feagh, chief of the Obyrnes, & donnel Spaniagh, chief of the Cavanaghss in Lemster. These were entertained with plenty of wine, and all kindness, his Lordship assuring them, that as he had been a scourge to them in rebellion, so he would now be a mediator for them to her Majesty, in their state of subjects, they standing firm and constant to their obedience. And no doubt, as there is a secret mystery of State in these solemn pomps; and as his Lordship therein, for his person and carriage, was most comely, and (if I may use the word) Majestical; so the magnificence of this feast wrought in the hearts of those Rebels, and by their relation in the hearts of others after submitting, (both having first experienced the sharpness of the Queen's sword,) such an awful respect to her Majesty, and such fear tempered with love to his Lordship, as much availed to contain them in due obedience.  
From the end of March to the beginning of May, upon the Lord Presidents intercession by letters to the Lord Deputy, many pardons were granted for life, land, and goods, to Chieftains of Countries, and Gentlemen in Monster; namely, to Mac Carty Reough, Chieftain of Carbery, and two hundred & ten followers, as well men, as women and children: to Oswyllivan Bear, and some five hundred twenty eight followers, as also to Oswyllivan Brantry: to john Odoyre of Tiperary, and some one hundred fifty followers: to Fitz james Gerrald, with some three hundred seventy followers and to Teig Mac Mereretagh Obrian; in the County of Lymrick, with some two hundred twenty one followers; and some others, which for brenity I omit. And it was concluded at the Council Table, on the last of April, that the two following provisoes, should be inserted in all pardons, (and charge was accordingly given to the Queen's learned Counsel, and to the Officers, and to his Lordship's Secretaries, whose hands all pardons passed, that the said provisoes should be continually inserted) namely: First, in regard some notorious Rebels of the Pale might pass as followers to remote Lords, that the pardon be not available to any, but to the natural inhabitants, tenants, and known followers of the Lord so pardoned. Secondly, in regard many Rebels taken, and to be judged according to the Law, might by oucrsight be pardoned, proviso was to be entered, that no pardon should avail any, who were already in prison, or upon bail.  
The second of May, his Lordship wrote to the Lords in England, that Monster was not only well reduced, but began to taste the sweetness of peace: that the like might be said of Lemster, except the Moors and Conners, who were scattered, & had sought, but could not obtain of him the Queen's mercy. That the Northern borders of Ulster were assured, namely; Ohanlons Country, the Fewes, Clancaruill, the Ferney, most of the Galloglasses, and many of the Mac Mahownes, and that a garrison was planted in the Brenny, and the Queen's Mac Gwyer settled in Fermanagh. That Sir Henry Dockwra at Loughfoyle, and Sir Arthur Chichester at Carickefergus (commonly called Knockefergus) had made their neighbours sure to the State, and both had done her Majesty excellent service. That only Connaght, most easily to be reduced, was most out of order. That for this reason he thought fit to plant Ballishannon garrison through Connaght, which might be reduced with the very passing of the Army; and therefore had persuaded the Magazine of victuals at Galloway, specially since from those parts his Lordship might easily join with the Lord Precedent, in case Spain should invade Monster. That in the mean time his Lordship would draw one thousand foot out of Monster, to serve in Ulster, and for a time borrow thence five hundred Foot and fifty Horse for Connaght journey, the forces remaining being sufficient to guard Monster, and greater than he had left in Lemster, in the peace whereof he might seem to have more proper interest. But if Spain should invade Monster, than all the Army was to be drawn thither, and great supplies sent out of England, since the defection of the Irish was like to be great, even of those who yet had never declared any malice against the State: yet that his Lordship desired presently no supplies, in regard of her majesties excessive charge, in levying and transporting them, trusting that by the Rebels forces diminished, occasion would be given to cast some of the Army, with which cast Companies the defects of the standing might be supplied, wherein his Lordship promised to proceed without preferring such, as quen with their blood shed in his fight deserved advancement, or satisfying some worthy Commanders, (whose entertainment he had rather lessened) or pleasuring those, who might justly challenge preferment from him. Therefore praying, that her Majesty would not command him to bestow new Companies (as of late she had done) upon such as of late had been absent, and had only served at the losing of the Kingdom, so as they were least fit to be preferred before those who had hazarded their lives in regaining it: Adding, that he writ not this, to uphold any private dependency on himself, esteeming it a great vanity so to do, but only to strengthen himself, so long and no longer than he should be employed in her majesties service. That in stead of new supplies, he desired leave to entertain some of the Irish Submitties in pay, by them to consume the Rebels, and by the Rebels to diminish their number, since two things remained to settle the Kingdom. First the ridding Ireland of the Swordmen, (to which end the Irish affected some journey into the Low Countries or the Indies, which could not make them any whit more able Soldiers then now they were, not add to their knowledge of war fit for Ireland, which they now had; but three parts of four were like never to return, if they were engaged in such a voyage). Secondly, the making of the English owners fit to inhabit their lands, which was most difficult, in regard of their poverty and of the great quantities of lands they possessed, since in particular of some gentlemen of Leax and Ophalia, each possessed as much land, as being well inhabited, would maintain more men than all the Rebels of those Counties were in number.  
About the tenth of May his Lordship gave warrant to pass the pardon of Phelim mac Feogh Obirn, of the Glinnes, with his followers, and likewise of Phelim mac Feogh O Tool of the Fartrey, with fifty six followers. And upon the humble submission of Rossemac Mahowne, his Lordship granted him her majesties protection, till he might sue out his pardon.  
About this time his Lordship had advertisement from Sir Henry Deckwra Governor at Loughfoyle: That he had taken in Odogherties Country, and secured the passages into it, as well against Odonnell, as the false Inhabitants. That he having gathered the forces to spoil Hughmac Hugh Duffes Country, the project was frustrated by and Irishman stealing from the Army, and giving them intelligence hereof, so as they drove the prey far oft into remote parts. That Neale Garue with Cormocke O Neale, dispatched lately from Dublin, were arrived at Loughsoyle. That he the said Governor deferring the prosecution of Ocane, because he had no Haven in his Country for the landing of Spaniards, nor could escape from the English forces, though Spaniards should land, the same time resolved to enter Hugh mac Hugh Duffes Country, as more fit to receive foreign forces, and to supply them with victuals or other necessaries. And to this end that he had assembled the forces to the Liffer. That Shane mac Manus Oge Odonnell, commanding certain islands in the Sen; did there offer to submit, but upon such conditions as were unfit, yet the Irish extolling his valour, and entreating for him, and Neaie Garue for the time being content to spare him of the men allowed him, fifty foot and twenty five horse, that he the Governor had further promised him, upon acceptable service, to procure him as many more men in her majesties pay, whereupon he had taken his oath of obedience, and had secretly sent word to his people to spoil Rory Odonnels Country; (who then had him in no suspicion). This done, that he the Governor suddenly entered Hugh Duffes Country aforesaid, and spoiled the same, taking a prey of more than one thousand Cows, with great numbers of Garrons, Sheep, and Goats. That thence he marched into Fanaght, where 〈◊〉 Oge mac Swinedoe, Lord of the Do, met him on the borders, and delivering the chief pledges of his Country for his and their loyalty, took his oath of obedience to her Majesty. That hearing of Odonnels drawing into those parts, he thence retired with great part of the forces, leaving Neale Garue with his Irish and some English Companies for his assistance, to spoil and absolutely waste Fannaght, to whom Mac Swine Fannaght Lord of the Country, presently delivered pledges of his loyalty, taking his oath of obedience to her Majesty, at which time likewise Mac Swine Bane, and O boil, earnestly solicited the Governor to be received to mercy. That Neale Garue by the keeping of Tirconnell granted him at Dublyn for the time, till her Majesty might please to pass the same to him by Letters Patents, and by great gifts he had there received, was puffed up with pride, desiring present possession of the Country, and calling the people his subjects, and saying to the governors face, that he would punish, exact, cut, & hang them, as he list. But that he had calmed him with severe speeches, & with charge not to meddle with any man, or any part of the Country upon his allegiance, since he had no right but from her majesties bounty, not yet fully expressed, and that not sovereign, but limited, so as might best stand with the people's good, who were not his but her majesties subjects. That he found him to be in his nature proud, valiant, miserable, tyrannous, unmeasurably covetous, without any knowledge of God, or almost any civility, good to be used while he was satisfied, (which he could hardly be, being like a Quince, requiring great cost ereit be good to eat), or whilst he was kept under (which was the fitter course to be held with him), yet that he thought him sure to the State, in regard of the pledges he had given, but much more, because he could no way better his estate by leaving the Queen's service, nor be secure of any word from Odonnell, whose brother he had killed. That Cormacke O Neale, being of late come from Dublyn, could hitherto have done no service, but that he was of reasonable esteem among the people of his Country, and was of a mild honest disposition, willing to serve without grating beggary, or unreasonable demands, yet was Irish and little less barbarous than the better sort of wood kern. That coming out of the woods without friend or kinsman, he could then give no pledges, but his wife and children were since come to him, and within the governors power, besides that he seemed not to be inclined to treachery, neither could mend his estate by leaving the Queen's service, to which he came in voluntarily, without calling, forcing, or composition, and therein remained with his desires limited, and to be contented with reason. That Hugh Boy, was subtle, wise, civil, a Papist, and aliened (but not deeply malicious) against Odonnels person, yet firm in his allegiance, having come in with his Country, and delivered his chief pledges, offering any other to be delivered upon command; and having showed the passages into his Country, and himself solicited and furthered the fortifying thereof, daily giving sure and important intelligences, to the great furtherance of the service; besides that, all his wealth lay within the power of the Queen's forces. Lastly, that between these submitties were factions and heart-burnings, which discreetly measured, could not but advantage the service.  
The fifteenth of May the Lord Deputy received (by the hands of Sir George carry, Treasurer at wars) a Ploclamation (signed by the Queen) to be published, for making the new standard of mixed moneys to be only currant in this Kingdom, all other coins being to be brought in to the Treasurer. And likewise a letter from the Queen, requiring the Lord Deputy and Counsel to further the due execution of the contents of this Proclamation, and by some plausible graces, done in general to the subject, (in the establishing an exchange of this coin into sterling money of England, & taking away the impositions on sea coals transported into Ireland, and in particular to the Captains of the Army, in allowing their dead pays in money, after the rate of eight pence per dicm, and some like favours), inviting all to swallow this bitter pill, which impoverished not only the Rebels, but her majesties best servants in this Kingdom, only enriching her Paymasters, sitting quietly at home, while others adventured daily their bloods in the service.  
The twentieth of May the Lord Deputy and Counsel advertised the Lords in England, that they had given order to print 300. of the Proclamations for the new coin, to be published through all parts of Ireland at one time. That they had in Counsel agreed upon a general hosting for this year, to begin the last of june following. And in the mean time, while that was preparing, that the Lord Deputy would draw the forces to Dundalke upon the Northern borders, there to watch opportunities of service, and specially by his presence to animate the new submitties, to attempt some thing against the arch-traitor Tyrone, and to put them in blood against him and his confederates. And that his Lordship towards the time of the said hoasting, purposed to return to Dublyn, and to the end he might find there all things in readiness for his intended prosecution of Tyrone in his own Country, they besought their Lordships that victuals and munition might with all possible speed be sent thither out of England. The foresaid general hoasting is a rising out of certain foot and horse, found by the subject of the five English shires and the Irish Submitties, to assist the Queen's forces, and these, together with some of the English Companies, his Lordship used to lay in the Pale, for the defence thereof, at such time as the forces were to be drawn into Ulster.  

The rising out of the five English Shires and the Irish Submitties. Vizt. Of the County of Dublyn. Besides sixteen Kearne.   Horse Archers Horse.  Horse Archers Horse. In the Barony of Balrothery.   In that of Newcastle, nil. 18  nil. 26 In that of Castleknocke. nil. 11 In that of Cowlocke, nil. 30 In that of Rathdowne. 12 10  

2. Of the County of Meath. Besides one hundred Kern of the Pools.  In the Barony of Dulicke. nil. 32 In that of Dunboyne. nil. 3 In the Barony of Skrine, 24 30 In that of Decy. nil. 17 In that of Ratothe. nil. 13 In that of Moyfewragh. nil. 4  
 horse Archers Horse.  horse Archers Horse. In that of Lane. nil. 8 In that of Slain. 6 11 In that of Navan. nil. 48 In that of Fowere. 28 nil. In that of Kenllas, alias Kells. 16 6 In that of Margallen. 7 〈◊〉  
Thirdly, Of the County of Westmeath— 60.— 2  
Fourthly, Of the County of Kildare.  
In the Barony of Sualt. 8 14 In that of Kilkey. 1 12 In that of the upper Naasse. nil. 13 In that of Ophaly. 1 2 In that of the neither Naasse. nil. 5 In that of Counall. nil. 3 In that of Kelkullen. 8 2 In that of Clane. nil. 2 In that of Narragh. nil. 2 In that of Okethy. nil. 5 In that of Rebau & Athy. nil. 3 In that of Carbery. nil. 4  
Fifthly, Of the County of Lowth.  
In the Barony of Ferrard. 4 26 In the Towns of Lowth and of Dundalke. 16 6 In that of Atherdy. 16 13     
Summa 207— 374. total both 581.  
The rising out of the Irish Lords, and their Captains.  
The Obyrnes, over whom after the death of Sir Henry Harrington, his son Sir William Harrington, is Captain by the late Queen's Letters Patents, granted to his father and him, Horsemen 12. Kern 24.  
The Cavanaghss having then no Captain over them. Horse 12. Kern 30.  
Other particular septs, besides those which were in rebellion. Horse 104. Kern 307.  
total, Horse 128. Kern 361.  
The project of disposing the Queen's forces for the following Summers' service.  
Out of Monster we thought fit to be spared, and to be drawn into Connaght 1000 foot and 50 hose, (since there should still remain in Monster 1600 foot and 200 horse, for any occasion of service.) Foot 1000 Horse 50.  
In Connaght were already (besides Tybot ne longs Company. Foot 1150 Horse 74.  
These to be placed as followeth.  
To keep at Galloway and Athlone in Connaght, foot 350.  
To leave at the Abbey of boil in Connaght under the command of the late Lord of Dunkellen, now Earl of Clanrickard. Foot 1000 Horse 62.  
These to further the plantation of Balishannon.  
To leave at the Annaly in Lemster side of the Shannon, under the command of Sir john Barkeley. Foot 800. Horse 12.  
These fit to join with the undermentioned forces of Westmeath, Kels, and the rest upon the Northern borders, to stop the Ulster Rebels from coming into Lemster; or if they should pass them, then to join with the forces of Ophaly, and the rest southward. Tybot ne long, (the payment of whose Company had long been stopped) was to be kept in good terms. Oconnor Sligo to be threatened, that if he did not submit and declare himself against Odonnell before the planting of Ballishannon, he should have no hope of mercy. The forces at the Abbey of boil were to infest Oconnor Sligo, and to keep Ororke from joining with Odonnell. Those at the Annaly, to infest Ororke, besides the above mentioned, lying between any forces that might come out of the North into Lemster, and to follow them if they should escape, it being likely that about harvest time Tyrrell and the Oconnors will gather strength (if they possibly can) to return and gather the Corn they sowed last year in Leax and Ophaly. And thus are disposed the above said Foot 2150. Horse 124.   

The Forces towards the South of 〈◊〉 to lie thus;  
In Ophaly. The Earl of Kildare 〈◊〉 George Bourcher 100 Sir Edward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Capt. Garrall 100 Sir Henry 〈◊〉 100 Foot In all 550. Earl of Kildare 25. Sir Edward Harbert 12. Horse. In all 37. In Leax. Sir Henry Power 150. Sir Francis Rush 150 Sir Thomas Lostus 100 Foot. In all 400. Master Martial 20. Captain Pigot 12 Horse. In all 32. At Kilkenny. Earl of Ormond 150 Foot. Earl of Ormond 50 Horse.   

The Forces towards the North of Lemster to lie thus:  
In Westmeath. Lord of 〈◊〉 150. Sir Francis Shane 100 Foot. In Kelles. Captain Roper 150 Foot. Earl of Kildare 25. Sir Henry Harrington 25 Horse. At Liseannon in the Brenny. Lord of Dunsany 150. Captain Esmond 150. Sir William Warren 100 Sir Henry Harrington 100 Foot 500 Lord of Dunsany 50 Horse. At Dundalke. Captain Freckleton 100 Foot. In the Moyry. Captain Hansard 100 Foot.  
These of the North and the Garrisons at the Abbey of boil, lic-sit for correspondency.  
These of the South, together with the submitted Irish in Opprossery, and the Odemsies, Omolyes, and Mac Goghlins, 〈◊〉 for correspondency among themselves, is also with the garrison at the Annaly. Also all these of the South and North, lie aptly placed to answer one another upon occasion of service, and are in number, those of the South, Foot 1100. Horse 119. Those of the North. Foot 1100. Horse 100  
Both of the South and North. Foot 2200, Horse 219.  
total, adding the forces above said drawn out of Monster, and those being in 〈◊〉, (homely foot 2150. Horse 124.) Makes Foot 4350. Horse 343.  
The Lord Deputies forces follow, wherewith he purposed to build a Fort at the Moyry, and put men into it to keep that Pace. To plant a Garrison in Lecale of 500 foot and fifty horse. To give Sir Arthur Chichester the Governoun of Knockfergus, two Companies for his better strength. To plant a garrison at Armagh, and another at the old fort of Blackewater, and a little loop sconce between them both. To see great store of 〈◊〉 made in time of the year at Armagh, and at Mount Norreis, for feeding of horses there in the winter following. To lie all the summer close upon Tyrone, destroying the new Corn, and spoiling the Country, and so to facilitate the planting of Balishannon, and perhaps to pass into Tyrenes' Country, the Garrisons of Knockefergus, Locale; and Longhfoyle entering at the sametime on all hands; and there ordered to meet him. And to draw towards winter to Athlone in Connaght.   

The Lord Deputies said forces.  
The Lord Deputy 200. The Marshal 150. Sir Oliver Lambert 150. Sir Christopher St Laurence 150. Sir Er. Stafford 200. Sir Oliver St john's 200. Sir Henry Folyot 150. Capt. Williams 150. Sir james Fitzpieree 150. Sir William Fortescue 100 Sir Garret Moor 100 Captain Oreyly 100 Captain Edward Blaney 150. Captain josias Bodley 150. Sir Henry Davers 150. Captain Guest 150. Captain Roe 100 Capt. Masterson 100 Capt. Rotheram 150. Foot 2750. Lord Deputy 100 Sir Henry Davers 100 Sir Oliver Lambert 〈◊〉. Sir Garret More 25. Sir Ghrist S. Laurence 25 Captain Darcy 25. Hose 〈◊〉.  
The Companies intended to be left in the garrison to be planted this summer at Lecaile.  
Sir Richard Moryson the Governor 150. Captain Cawfield 150. Captain Trever 100 Captain Constable 100 Foot 500 Sir Samuel Bagnol 50 horse.  
The Carrison then being at Knockfergus.  
Sir Arthur 〈◊〉 the Governor 200. Sir Foulke Conway 150. Captain Egerton 〈◊〉. Captain Norton 100 Captain Billing 100 Captain Phillip's 100 Foot 750. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 25. Captain john jephson 100 Horse 〈◊〉.  
These two garrisons of Lecayle and Knockefergus, might meet upon all occasions, and so by the intended plantation of Lecayle, the garrison of Knockfergus was thought as much strengthened, as if those companies lay there.  
Lying presently in garrison at the Newry, upon Ulster borders, Sir Samuel bagnol 150 foot. Sir Francis Stafford 50 horse.  
Lying at the fort of Mount Norreys, Captain Aderton 150 foot.  
These two garrisons, and the two intended at Blackewater and Armagh, to be under one Governor, and to have correspondency as one garrison.  
The garrisons at Loughfoyle to be drawn forth into the field.  
At the Derry, in List.  
Sir Henry Dockura the Governor 200. Captain Digges 100 Captain Willis 150. Captain Lee 100 Captain Oram 100 Captain Brooks 100 Capt. Orrel 100 Foot 850. whereof to be drawn into the field 650.  
At the Lyffer.  
Captain Coach 100 Captain Morgan 150. Captain Winsore 100 Captain Dutton 100 Captain gore 150. Captain Pinner 100 Capt. Band 100 Foot 800. For the field 550.  
At Dunalong.  
Sir john Bolles 150. Captain Floyd 150. Capt. Badby 150. Capt. Sidley 100 Capt. Basset 100 Foot 650. For the field 400.  
At Kilmore, Captain Alford 100 For the field 35. At Newtowne. Capt. Atkinson 100 For the field 40. At Romolyon, Capt. Bingley 150. At Gulmer at, Captain Vaughan 100 At the Cargan, Capt. Stafford 100 At Anny, Captain Sidney 100 Foot 650. For the field 75.  
total in List 3000. For the field 1675.  
Thus at Lougsfoyle with these English foot, and one hundred English horse, together with five hundred Irish foot, and one hundred Irish horse, and the help of the Submitties, especially of Neale Garne, and of Cormocke Oneale. It was thought that Sir Henry Dockewra might plant an intended garrison at Ballishannon, as by his own offer he had projected in England, and besides keeping his own, might also draw out sufficient forces to meet the Lord Deputy in the heart of Tyrone, if the project of planting Ballishannon could take such effect as was hoped. To the furtherance whereof, I did at this time, upon his Lordship's command, devise a Cipher, to pass between his Lordship and the Governors of Loughfoyle, Knockefergus, and Lecaile, to the end, that if the rebels should light upon any their letters, contriving this meeting or other service, yet they might not be able to discover any their secret purpose, especially since they were so ignorant, as they could not attain the deciphering of those Characters, or any like, though far more easy: and this Cipher was presently sent to the above named Governors.  
His Lordship further resolved in Council to write to the Lords in England, to have six thousand of the trained bands in readiness, to be sent over presently upon the suspected, invasion of foreign powers, and to have a Magazine of victuals and munition at Limricke, aswell to answer the service in Monster, if they should make descent in those parts (being most likely) as to be drawn thence to Galloway, in case no such invasion were made, there to answer the prosecution of the Connaght rebels, intended the Winter following.  
All things thus projected for the following prosecution of this war, his Lordship on the two and twentieth of May, began his intended journey above mentioned, from Dublin, and the twenty three came to Tredagh, and the twenty five to Dundalke, where his Lordship lay, till the dispersed Companies could be draw nethither, and victuals brought. Here he composed all controversies between the late Submitties, and settled a correspondency between them, aswell to make them concur in the defence one of another, as also in the defence of the Pale. Here his Lordship received the twenty eight of May, letters from the Lords in England, requiring that no Captain should supply his Company with Passe-volants at pleasure; but only with such men as should be sent out of England for supplies. That the Captains refusing to show their companies when they were required by the Commissaries of the Musters, should be checked two months pay. That such Pensioners should be cheked as without special licence, should be absent from any service. And that special care should be had to punish and prevent such soldiers, as dismissed by their captains Passes, or running away from their colours, did duly return into England.  
The nine and twentieth of May, upon the intercession of the Lord Precedent by his Letters, (according to the course held by directions out of England), the Lord Deputy granted his warrant for drawing of her majesties pardon to Cuocher Omulrian, a Munster rebel, chief of his Sept (or name), and eighty three followers, aswell men as women and children of that sept. The second of june it was resolved in Council, that letters should be written to the Lord Precedent of Monster, requiring him to draw the forces under him towards Lymricke, and in those parts to employ them most part of the following summer, as well ready to attend the descent of any foreign enemy, as fitly laid to give countenance to the prosecution of the rebels in Connaght, whether the said Lord President was to be further directed, to send a thousand foot and fifty horse, (according to the above mentioned project), to the end that the rebels being prosecuted in that Province, might have no leisure to join with those of the North, for disturbing the planting of a garrison at Ballishannon, which Sir Henry Dockwra was to plant from the way of Loughfoyle. The fifth of june the Lord Precedent advertised that warning had been given to those of Monster, for the sending of their men to the general hoasting above mentioned, which the Lord Deputy had appointed to meet (according to the old custom) at the hill of Tarragh, but that he feared the scarcity of victuals and want of furniture, would either hinder their full appearance, or make them of small use to the service. The sixth day upon the Lord Precedents letters, warrant was given for a charter of pardon without fine, to be granted to one hundred fifty one Inhabitants about Moghely in the County of Cork, as well men as women and children, for life, lands, and goods. And the like was granted to Oswillivan More of that Province with 481 followers.  
The eighth of june being Monday, the Lord Deputy drew the forces out of Dundalke, and marched two miles to the hill of Fagher, near the pace of the Moyry, where he encamped. And while he lay there, his Lordship caused a fort to be built in the said Pace, at the three mile water, not rising from thence till he had made this Fort defensible, so as leaving some warders in it, the workmen might in his absence finish the building. The thirteenth of june, in the Camp at the Fagher, his Lordship published the Proclamation of the new Coin, all other moneys having been decried three days before. And by his Lordship's direction like Proclamations printed at Dublyn, & thence formerly sent to Loughfoyle & Knockfergus, & into the Provinces of Connaght & Monster, were at the same time published together in all places. The fourteenth, in the same Camp, his Lordship and the Counsellors there, wrote the following letter to the Lords in England.  
IT may please your most Honourable Lordships, perceiving by your Lordship's Letters of the eighteenth of May, that the victuals expected to answer our purpose of planting Ballishannon by Connaght, could not arrive in such quantity nor time, as might enable us to proceed in that journey; and receiving some arguments of your Lordship's inclination to Sir H. Dockwra his offer to plant that garrison from Loughfoyle, we grew into a new consultation, in what sort to make the war this Summer. First, it was propounded with the Army to march by Lecaile and those parts into Colrane, the end whereof should have been to have brought in subjection all the woodmen, and utterly taken from Tyrone all that part of Ulster between Colrane and Loughsidney to the Blackewater, from whence heretofore the Traitor hath gathered his greatest strength. The passages being not very dangerous, and we having the commodity of the Sea to supply us, we should have made the war that way to great purpose, and with good conveniency, and perhaps might have fallen over the ban into Tyrone, all other ways being of extreme danger, to enter into that Country, except that one by Loughfoyle. The chief difficulty that did arise against this project, was the danger wherein we should leave all things behind us, if the Spaniard should land, when we had carried the chief force of the Kingdom into the uttermost corner thereof: and the next was, that we being not able to leave any great guard for the Pale, should have left it naked to any attempt of Tyrone, and the new reclaimed rebels to the mercy of him, as the Pale to the mercy of both: But in the end we grew to this resolution. First, in the Interym, between this and the appointment of the general hosting, (by the which we should be supplied with carriages, and about which time we expect victuals and munition out of England, of the first whereof we are more sparingly provided then may warrant the engaging ourselves into any great business, and of the second so utterly unfurnished, as we scarce have powder to maintain a good days fight, nor tools, nor other provisions to fortify, which must be our chief work, as we carry the rebels before us to dwell by them), we determine to assure the passage of the Moyry, then to plant a garrison at Lecaile; and to convey some more men to Sir Arthur Chichester Governor of Carickefergus, (who with that Garrison and those supplies, together with the advantage that our stirring in all other places will give him, may go near to work little less effect, than we with the whole Army should have done): and lastly, we purpose to lie with the forces as near Tyrone as we can. After when victuals and munition should be arrived, (which we hope to receive by the last of june, being the time appointed for the general hosting), we purpose (God willing) as near as we can to employ her majesties forces according to the enclosed project: (This project I have formerly set down). With the particularities of Sir H. Dockewra his purpose to plant Ballishannon, (sent by Captain Vaughan to your Lordships) we are not acquainted, only Master Treasurer hath told us of such a proposition in general. But we doubt not, that withal he hath propounded to your Lordships for such means to accomplish his work, as must be supplied from thence. For from us he can receive little other assistance, than our employing the whole forces according to the enclosed project, which in every part is done as much as may be for his advantage, neither (which is worse) can we easily have any intelligence from him, or often hear one from another. But if we perceive that he shall find any impossibility to plant Ballishannon, we think to advise him, with the whole gross of his strength to fall into Tyrone, about such time as we shall be at Blackewater, whereby it may fall out, that we shall (with the help of God) meet at Dungannon, and utterly waste all the country of Tyrone, unto the which course if we be driven, we must resolve to make the war this following winter in Connaght, (first leaving the Northern border in good strength), which we hope will reduce that Province, & ruin O Donnel; for if we keep him out of Connaght, he cannot long subsist, and so we hope, for the continual assurance of that Province, to plant the next year at Ballishannon with facility. But if the planting of so many Garrisons do seem, by continuing the greathesse's of the Army, to draw on too long her majesties charge, we do first think, that to recover this Kingdom, and to preserve it from being hereafter chargeable, it will be necessary, that Ballishannon, Loughfoyle, some Garrisons on the Ban, Lecayle, Mount Norreys, Armagh, Blackwater; and some other places, be continually kept, all which places may be ever victualled by Sea, or they being near together, without any dangerous passage between them by land; may be victualled by Sea and land, without any further force than their own. And if there be in every Fort some little Keep (or Tower) of stone built, then as the wars decrease, or occasion shall serve, the places may be guarded with a few men, and so continue bridles in peace, and fit places to put in more men to great purpose, when the rebellion shall at any time break out. Neither need these little Castles be works of any great charge, for they may be easily made such, as this people will hardly force them. To proceed in our project of this Summer service. The victuals already contracted for, must-arrive in due time, and your Lordships supply us with good quantities hereafter. For our only way to ruin the rebels, must be to make all possible waist of the means for life, which done, if we be not supplied out of England, we shall aswell starve ourselves as them; but especially where we must make the war, which is far from the relief of any friend, and where nothing is to be gotten from the enemy, except it be by great chance, since what is in their Countries, they will lightly either hide, or spoil, or convey to inaccessible Fastnesses. And because the greatest service here is to be done by long and sudden journeys, which cannot be done without victual, and no victual but cheese well carried by the soldier, without garons (or carriage jades) we must humbly desire your Lordships to send us some great quantities of cheese. In the provision whereof whatsoever inconveniences your Lordships shall find, we assure you they will be ten times countervailed in the service. Lastly, because the Army is already weak of English, and this journey (without the extraordinary favour of God) must needs diminish them much, as well by the sword as sickness, we most humbly and earnestly desire your L ps. assoon as conveniently may be, to send us 1000 shot to Carlingford for supplies, that at our return, we may both strengthen those English Companies; which we mean to leave behind us in the North and such as we carry with us for the Winter service. The time will be exceeding fit for their arrival; for besides the succour we may receive from them; if we grow very weak at our return, they will come over well clothed against the Winter, and may have timë to rest, and to be seasoned, till Christmas, (till when in these wars it is the most unactive part of the year), and then may be employed till the end of May (which is the only season to plague these rebels), and when the Summer is passed (wherein those rogues revive and live like flies) than our Garrisons being well planted, and the Army strengthened with English, we may begin to cast the Irish Companies, and to clear the English Companies of them. For they must continue good subjects, or starve if they go out, and have the Queen's sword hang over them, wheresoever they go. In the mean time we think them necessarily entertained, for we take so many men from the Rebels, and by them give unto ourselves facility to plant the foundation of their own ruin, and both with us and against us to waste them by themselves. For if we should not entertain them, they would-lie upon some Countric of the subject, and except it were defended by as many as themselves, they would waste and live upon it, so that in effect the very numbers entertained would grow all to one reckoning. And for a more particular instance of the benefit that ensueth the entertaining these Irish, we think we can give your Lordships an account of above one hundred that have this year been killed with the bullet, fight on our side, who were formerly rebels (for of such we speak) and questionless would have been so again, if they had lived, and should have been put out of the Queen's pay. We humbly desire your Lordships to make a favourable construction both of our counsels, and the successes, since those grounds whereupon we do now justly build our resolution, may by their alteration give us just cause to alter our course, and the want of such means, either in matter or time as we expect, may utterly hinder it. And that more especially, in case any foreign succours do arrive. For then the whole frame of this our project is broken, and we must be presently relieved out of England, or else we with this Kingdom shall suffer much hazard. And because your Lordships in your last letters, gave us some light, that it might be, and leave to inform you, what likelihood we could here receive, that it would be; we have first the intelligence which we send your Lordships, with many other reports. Next we have a constant and of late an extraordinary conceived confidence in this people. And lastly we judge what a wise and a powerful enemy will do, by that which is best and easy for him to do. So as we have many reasons to think, that Spain will send them helps this year, and few to think otherwise, save that he hath so often deceived their expectations. For if the malice of Spain continue to England, they have an easy and dangerous step thereto by Ireland; and if they do not embrace the occasion of this year, there is no doubt but the next will for ever lose it unto them. Now because it must please your Lordships to proportion our succours to the force we are likely to be offended with, and that from us you will expect our own effates; it may please your Lordships to consider, that the power of this Kingdom consisteth of her majesties English Army; of such Irish as are here in Companies by themselves, or in English Companies to serve as mercenaries, of the Nobility, Towns, and inbred people of this Nation, which live as subjects; and lastly of such mere Irish Lords and their people, as were lately reclaimed, or still remain in rebellion. The English are few and far dispersed, the Irish that serve 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many and therefore likely to follow their golden hopes of 〈◊〉, the 〈◊〉, Towns and People are of so obstinate a contrariety in Religion 〈◊〉 without question they are grow 〈◊〉 malicious to the Government, and affect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the power of Spain, to declare themselves the Irish Lords 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same motives as they against us, in their last necessity to join with 〈◊〉. And all these, especially the Towns, are more stirred on by this new coin 〈◊〉 though, if the 〈◊〉 of Spain do not arrive, may securely be established, yet if 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 breed many dangerous inconveniences.) It may therefore please her 〈◊〉 to have in a readiness six thousand of the trained Bands of such Countries, 〈◊〉 best for transporting into Ireland, to be sent over into Monster upon the first 〈◊〉 of any 〈◊〉 power to be arrived there, and some part of her Navy in a readiness 〈◊〉 a greater portion of munition and artillery for us, than otherwise this war 〈◊〉 require. We do hope to give her Majesty a very good account of her Kingdom and of ourselves, until we shall have cause to sue for more relief. And if it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fall out, that Spain will have war with England, we shall be glad that the 〈◊〉 of England may be made in Ireland, and that we her poor servants shall have the happiness to strike the first blows for both her Royal Kingdoms, the which the 〈◊〉 God preserve long unto her, and her unto them and us, etc.  
The same fourteenth day, from the said Camp at the Fagher, his Lordship wrote to Sir Henry Dockwra, Governor of Loughsoyle, first touching his Lordship's purposes; That the general hoasting being the last of june, his Lordship presumed within 〈◊〉 days after, to be provided of all means to put at the forces in action, according to their distribution (the project whereof he sent to him enclosed), and to be himself as high as Armagh, with such a power, as Tyrone should have good reason to think, that he would do somewhat more, and in the mean time he would (Good willing) keep the field as near Tyrone, as his means would give him leave. So as his Lordship having planted at Armagh and Blackwater, hoped either by lying there to facilitate his planting of Ballishannon from Loughfoyle, or to break into Tyrone, and meet him there. And if Tyrones' Army should break, as his Lordship expected, he thought to find no great difficulty herein, but otherwise held the passage to Dungannon not to be ventured that way. But touching the planting at Ballishannon, that Sir Henry Dockwra should not build upon any supplies from his Lordship, of victuals, munition, or tools: for artillery that he might use that he had at Loughfoyle, and either bring it back by water, or be after supplied thereof from Dublin. For munition, tools, and like necessaries, that his Lordship could spare none, & if he could, yet had no speedy means to send them. For intelligence, that he had sent him a Cipher, which he might use safely in writing to his Lordship, not caring how the messengers sped, so the letters were not understood. That he had sent the like Cipher to Sir Arthur Chichester at Knockfergus, with whom he should have often intelligence, and might that way write most safely to his Lordship. That when he knew his own means, and by his Lordship's project should find him in readiness to answer his attempts, he should choose his 〈◊〉 for planting Ballishannon, and as near as he could, send his Lordship certain notice of the time, and use all possible expedition. But if he could not plant there 〈◊〉 want or difficulty, that then he should agree with Sir Arthur Chichester, that they might both at one time break into Tyrone, where his Lordship, upon notice 〈◊〉 would meet them in which journey, besides all other effects of war, they should 〈◊〉 all the dwellings, and destroy the corn on the ground, 〈◊〉 might be 〈◊〉 by encamping upon it, and cutting it down with swords, and other ways, holding 〈◊〉 best they should spoil all the corn, except that which he could gather, wherein he should not regard the 〈◊〉 of the Irish Submitties in his Campe.  
The 〈◊〉 fourteenth day we dislodged from the Fagher, and leaving the Moyry 〈◊〉 with Warders to guard it, and the workmen, being to build a Tower 〈◊〉 keep of 〈◊〉 we marched eight miles, and encamped at Carickbane, a little beyond the Newrie. The fifteenth his Lordship rose, and marching some fifteen miles, encamped in Enagh the Country of Mac Gennis. The late Rebels near Dundalke being all submitted, his Lordship had drawn Sir Richard Moryson with his Regiment from that Government, purposing to place him in Lecayle, nearer to the enemy. And intending to march thither with the Army the next day, left the rebels should have leisure to burn the Country, and carry away the prey, his Lordship sent Sir Richard Moryson this evening with six Companies of Foot, and one of Horse, to march all night into Lecayle, who coming suddenly on the rebels, took all the prey, and intaking of Downe Patrick, the Bishop's seat, one of the Bradyes was taken, and his head cut off, the rest yielding to mercy there, and in all adjoining places. Here his Lordship was advertised from the Secretary of Ireland, that the news of the Spanish invasion this Summer was seconded from divers, coming from Cales. The sixteenth day his Lordship marched with the Army (through high Mountains and Woods, and some dangerous paces) seven miles to the Blackstaffe tiver, near a strong Castle, called Dundrom, lying on the North side of the Paces, where the plain Country opens into Lecayle, being an Island compassed on the West side with this River, and on the three other sides with the sea, and two small arms thereof. This night his Lordship with some horse passed the Blackstaffe bridge, and road three miles into Lecayle, to view the Country. In the way Phelim Mac Ever submitted himself, and yielded to the Queen his Castle of Dundrom. Also Mac Carty submitted himself, and drew his creaghts (or cattle, servants and goods) into Lecayle. His Lordship returned to the Camp, and the next day road to Down Patrick, and thence by Saint Patrick's Well to Arglasse, being six miles, in which Town two Castles yielded to the Queen, and the Warders up. on their lives saved, gave up their Arms. A third Castle there had been held for the Queen all the time of the rebellion, by one jordane, never coming out of the same for three years past, till now by his Lordship's coming he was freed, and to him was given a reward from the Queen by Concordatum, besides his Lordship's bounty of his private purse. After dinner his Lordship road two miles to russel's Town, and four miles to the Camp at Blackstaffe. The eighteenth day Mat Rory, Captain of Kilwarden adjoining, was received to the Queen's mercy upon his submission. And Sir Arthur Chichester, Governor of Knockfergus, all this day expected, came in the evening, to whom his Lordship that night imparted his designs in the present service, and to the same effect sent a packet by him to Sir Henry Dockwra, Governor of Loughfoyle; and to them both, as also to Sir Richard Moryson being to be left Governor of Lecayle, his Lordship gave Proclamations to be published for establishing the above mentioned new coin. All this time Arthur Mac Gennis the chief of his name, & Edmond Boy Mac Gennis his Uncle, made means to be received to her majesties mercy, but could not obtain the favour, without first doing some service. This day his Lordship and the Counsel (following the Army) gave thirty pound by concordatum to Phelimy Ener Mac Gennis for some special services and Balinthor a strong Castle was taken by our men, with divers cows and other goods, six of the Ward being killed, and the rest swimming awny.  
His Lordship having placed Sir Richard Moryson (with five hundred foot, and fifty horse under his command) to govern Lecayle (which had their residency at Down), did march back on the nineteenth day eleven mile, to five mile Church, near the Newry, passing one pace exceeding strong by nature, and plashed with trees, which lay at the end of the Plains of Lecaile, and entrance into the woody Mountains. And before the entry of this pace, Sir Arthur Chichester having received two hundred Foot to strengthen his Garrison, returned back to Knockfergue. The twentieth day his Lordship marched with his forces three miles to Carickbane, lying North ward of the Newrie.  
This day Sir Henry Davers lying at Mount Norryes, advertised his Lordship, that Tyrone lying in a fastness, and his men never venturing upon the Plain, the soldiers left under his command there, could not in all this time get any occasion to fight with him, whereof they showed great desire, only the horse often showing themselves upon the hills, had kept him beyond Armagh, where he with his Creaghts lay, feeding some thousands of Cows. Whereupon because his Lordship desired to preserve the grass near Armagh for his horse troops, as also to make store of hay there for the Winter following. He sent Sir William Godolphin with his Lord ps. troup of horse under his command, to second the forces at Mount Norreys, in attempting some service upon Tyrone, meaning to draw presently his whole forces thither. But in the mean time Sir Francis Staffords Lieutenant of his horse, sent by Sir Henry Davers to spy the rebels proceedings, had passed to the view of Armagh, and found that Tyrone had sent back all his cows, upon the hearing of his Lordship's return out of Lecayle. For which cause, and upon notice that Tyrone had taken a days victuals for his men, as if he meant to attempt something, his Lordship recalled Sir William' Godolphin with his troup. The one and twentieth day his Lordship lay still, in regard that, for difficulty of getting Garrous (that is, carriage jades), or by some negligence, victuals were not (according to his former directions) put into Mount Norreys, to which place he purposed to draw with his forces. This day three days bread came to his Lordship's forces, which in stead of other victuals lived upon becues. And his Lordship writ to Sir Henry Davers, that according to his daily use of late days, he should the next morning early draw the forces of Mount Norreys towards Armagh, and should on the sudden possess the Abbey there, and the Town, whether his Lordship would also draw the Army presently for his second.  
The two and twentieth day, his Lordship having, by extraordinary pay above the Queen's price, gotten garrons, and carrying victuals with him for Mount Norryes, and for the Garrison he intended to plant at Armagh, marched six miles near to Mount Norryes, where Sir Henry Davers with that Garrison met him, having not been able, for some difficulties, to execute his Lordship's former directions. From thence his Lordship (taking with him the said Garrison) marched forward seven miles, and that night encamped a little beyond Armagh, where some few rebels showed themselves braggingly, but attempted nothing. His Lordship before his return from Lecayle, was purposed to leave such forces at Mount Norryes, as might plant the Garrison at Armagh when they found opportunity: but lest they should have been hindered by a greater force, his Lordship rather than to return towards the Pale (for the attending there of the general hosting, where his Army should have spent the same victuals it now did) was resolved himself in person to plant it, imagining that Tyrone, not looking for him till the general hosting, would not have his whole forces with him, nor by that reason, and an opinion and fear that his Lordship intended to march further into Tyrone, would have any mind to follow his Lordship, or hinder his retreat when he should have weakened his forces by that Plantation. Therefore the three and twentieth day his Lordship making a show to draw from his camp beyond Armagh towards Blackewater, caused his forces to make a stand for his retreat, and so himself with his followers and servants road more than a mile forward, to view the way to Blackewater Fort, and the place of the famous Blackewater defeat, under the Marshal Bagnols' conduct, and having passed a pace without one shot made at his troup, he returned to his forces, and marching back, he left a garrison of seven hundred fifty foot, and one hundred horse, at the Abbey of Armagh, under the command of Sir Henry Davers, and that night marched with the rest near to Mount Norreys, where he encamped, having in this march from Armagh, viewed the ford, where General Norries formerly was hurt, making a stand with his horse, to secure his foot distressed by Tyrones' charge.  
The four and twenty, his Lotdship leaving at Mount Norries the foot and horse of that garrison, marched himself with 1250 foot, and 150 horse, six miles to 〈◊〉, being two miles short of the Newry. This was a hill naturally and artificially ofold sortified, where in regard of the weakness of his forces he encamped, purposing there to attend and solicit the hastening, to send to him from the Pale, all the means he expected to furnish him for his intended journey, to build the demolished Fort of Blackwater.   

Here his Lordship's Army was mustered, and was by Pole,  
Captains and Officers 87. Targets 112. Pikes 291. Muskets 125. Callivers 635. In all 1250.  
Whereof besides Captains and Officers, English 593. Irish the rest. Wanting Swords 191.  
The six and twenty day, his Lordship sent victuals to the garrisons at Mount Norreis and at Armagh. The twenty nine day his Lordship received aducrtisement, that Sir H. Davers drawing out the garrison of Armagh into the fastness, where Brian mac Art lay with his Cattle, had killed divers of his men, taken many horses from him, and spoiled much of his baggage, besides three hundred Cows which he had taken from Mac Gennis. And the same day his Lordship received the examinations of certain Waterford Mariners, who testified, that being at the Groin, they were pressed there to serve the King of Spain, in a fly boat of two hundred tun carrying bread to Lisbon; where there was an army of three thousand men to be shipped with victuals and munition for Ireland, and there heard that Tyrones' Agent lay at Court, importuning aid to be sent him presently, being not able to subsist any longer without speedy aid. And that the examinates demanded if they were Pilots for the Irish Coast; and finding they should be employed that way, had secretly got shipping to transport themselves into France, and so returned home.  
The thirtieth day Arthur Mac Gennis chief of the name, terrified by the plantation of the garrison in Lecaile, made humble suit for mercy, and obtained her majesties protection for nine days, conditionally that he should come the Saturday following, to submit himself in person to her majesties mercy, and crave her gracious pardon at Dundalk, where his Lordship then purposed to be. And Rory Oge Mac Gennis, obtained the like protection for one month. The same day his Lordship upon the Lord Precedent of Monster his intercessory letters, granted warrant for her majesties pardon, to be passed for two hundred seventy Artificers and Husbandmen of the County of Kerry. The first of july his Lordship had purposed to rise from Dunanurey, and to return himself to Dundakle: but he stayed that day, in respect the weather was very foul, and the rather to countenance the Convoy going with biscuit up to Mote Norreis and Armagh.  
Hitherto his Lordship had kept the field, rather to make Tyrone keep his forces together, and so to weaken him, then for purpose of any other service of moment: but now hearing from Dublin, that the rising out for the general hosting, came slowly, and not only victuals were not yet arrived there, but even the carriages and beeves for the Army, were like in great part to fail; the second day of july his Lordship dispersed his forces into the said garrisons fronting nearest upon the rebels, and so with his followers and servants road to Dundalke, leading with him of his army only three Companies of foot, and one troup of horse. The third day, Sir Francis Stafford Governor of the Newry, brought Arthur Mac Gennis to Dundalke, who made his submission to her Majesty, kneeling before the Lord Deputy & Counsel. Then he made certain humble requests: First for his pardon which was granted: Secondly, for lands granted to his father by letters Patents, which his Lordship promised to confirm, excepting only the Lands of Glasny Mac Gennis, on whom he should make no imposition. That he might take in such tenants as would come from the Rebels, acquainting the Governor of the Newry therewith before he received them, which was granted. Fourthly, that he might retain and absolutely command all his old tenants, till Alhollandtide next, which was granted, excepting Glasny Mac Gennis. Fiftly, that he might enjoy the Corn he had sowed in Lecaile, which being sowed on other men's Lands, could not be granted, only favourable respect to him was promised. Sixthly, that his people might be freed from all actions of private wrongs in the war, which was granted upon a fine of three hundred Cows, presently to be delivered for the Army. The same time Patrick mac Mahowne, Nephew to the chief of that name, was upon like humble submission received to her majesties mercy, with promise of his pardon.  
The fifth day the Lord President and Counsel of Monster, by letters desired his Lordship, to recall his warrant of marshal Law, given to the Lord Bourke, aswell because the Lords abused the same, to draw followers to them, and to revenge their private quarrels, as because the whole Province was peaceable, and willing to be governed by judicial courses, and this warrant his Lordship presently recalled.  
This day Sir Oliver S john's brought letters from the Lords in England, whereby her Majesty gave direction, that the Lord Deputy should publicly to all the Army, and privately to the chief Commanders, give thanks from her Majesty to them, for the zeal and duty they had showed in her service, and signify her gracious acceptance of their endeavours. The sixth day his Lordship stayed at Dundalke, to hasten the supplies of the general hosting, which came in slowly, and to order the Irish forces of the same fitly for defence of the Pale. This day Captain Thomas Roper, with his company of foot, according to his Lordship's former directions, came from Kells, to serve in the army under his Lordship. And while his Lordship lay here, news came from Armagh, that Sir Henry Davers had taken some chief horses from Tyrones' camp, and had entered Mac Carty his Country, being one of the greatest fastnesses in Ireland, and brought from thence a great prey.  
His Lordship finding that the rising out of the general hosting, would do little good in the Army, and they being willing to undertake their own defence, which as their own peril his Lordship thought he might best commit to their trust. The seventh of july his Lordship gave order, that the forces of the general hosting, for the Counties of Dublyn and Lowth, should lie at Lowth, under the command of the Lord of Lowth, and Mr Garland of Killencoule. That those of Meath should lie at Kels, under the command of the Lord of Tremelstone, and Mr Dillon his Deputy. That those of Westmeath should be commanded by the Lord of Deluin, and any Deputy his Lordship should choose; so that his Lordship or his Deputy should always in person be resident with them, and keep them together ready to answer any service, upon pain of a fine and imprisonment, to such as should disobey. That those of Kildare, should under the Earl of Kildares' command, lie at Athy, or else where, at his Lordship's discretion: and that the Sheriff of the shire command them under his Lordship.  
The ninth day his Lordship marched from Dundalke towards the North, and gathering the forces to him out of the adjoining garrisons, encamped at Latenbur, beyond the Newry, where he lay still the tenth day, till the victuals was in readiness to be carried to Armagh. The eleventh day his Lordship marched some four miles, to an hill little beyond Mount Norreis, and that day his Lordship was advertised, that Sir Arthur Chichester had taken the sole Castle held in those parts of Knockfergus by Brian mac Art, namely, the Reagh, and that Sir Richard Moryson in Lecale, had taken in two Loughes (or islands in Lakes), being all the fastnesses (or places of strength) which the said Brian mac Art held there. The twelfth day the Army marched early in the morning to Armagh, and there resting some hours, marched again after dinner a mile and a half beyond Armagh, and there upon an hill encamped.  
The thirteenth day of july, the Lord Deputy with the Army rose from the former Camp, and marched one mile and a half, to an hill on this side (namely the Southside) of Blackewater, where he made a stand, Tyrone and his horse and foot, showing themselves out of a wood, beyond a Meadow on the other side of the River, and that with Trumpets and divers colours, (some won at the old defeat of the English in those parts), and with some Drums, rather for a bragging ostentation then otherwise, since they fight like thieves upon dangerous passages, used not to appear in such warlike manner. And from the trenches kept by the Rebels on the other side of the water, some volleys of shot were powered upon us, which sell down on every side dead on the ground, by reason of the distance between us, and did small or no hurt. We having a Rabinet & a Falcon, made from this hill, some shot at the rebels troup far distant, whereupon their Puppets bravery suddenly vanished; and according to their wont manner, they hid themselves in the woods. Presently the Lord Deputy sent three hundred foot to another hill on this side of the River, adjoining to the old Fort lying beyond the water, and his Lordship road to that hill, whom many voluntary Gentlemen with his servants followed. And in the way myself and some others lighted in a Valley to refiesh ourselves by walking, but found an enemy's soil no place for recreation, for out of the Ditches & Furrows many shot were made at us; whereupon we took our horses, one shot dangerously, yet (God be praised) without hurt passing between my legs, while one of my feet was in my stirrup, and so we retired to the gross, standing in more safety. Towards evening, we encamped upon the above mentioned hill, at which time we saw fair off by a Wood side, Tyrone draw some horse over to our side of the water, either (as we imagined) to assail Tirlogh Mac Henry of the Fewes, lately submitted, and coming after us to attend the Lord Deputy in this service, or else to confer with him and his company: but assoon as Sir William Godolphin Commander of the Lord Deputies troup of horse, by his Lordship's direction made towards Tyrone, he with his horse presently retired back. That night we made Gabyons to enter the Rebels trenches, and sent the Rabinet and Falcon to be planted on the other hill, where our above mentioned three hundred foot lay. All the night the rebels out of the trenches shot at our men, while they were busy in working. But the fourteenth day very early at the dawning of the day; upon our first discharging of the said great pieces, charged with musket bullets, and after some three volleys of our small shot, the rebels quitted their trenches, basely running into the Woods, and our three hundred men passing the River, under Captain Thomas Williams his command, possessed the trenches, and the old ruined Fort, with the Plain in which it lay, the Wood being almost musket shot distance, whether the rebels were fled, and had by night carried their hurt and slain men. Presently the Lord deputy sent one Regiment to lie beyond the Blackwater, upon a hill where his Lordship had made choice to build a new Fort. Upon view of the trenches made upon every ford, his Lordship found they were strongly and artificially fortified, wondering much that either they should so laboriously fortify them, if they meant not to defend them, of should so cowardly quit such strong places, and so suddenly, if they had former resolution to make them good. In gaining them we had some twenty men hurt, and two slain, and they had greater loss, especially in the going off, though we could not truly know it.  
The fifteenth day his Lordship with a troup of horse, and four hundred foot, drew towards Tyrones' Wood, and viewed the paces in the sight of the rebels who ran away with their cows, only at his Lordship's retreat making some few shot at our men, but hurting not one man. In the evening, Captain Trever, and Captain Constable with their Companies came to the Camp, sent thither from Lecayle to strengthen the Army, according to his Lordship's direction to Sir Rechard Moryson, after the Country was all taken in, and Mac Gennis the greatest neighbour Rebel had submitted himself.  
The 16 day the L Deputy drew out a Regiment of Irish, commanded by Sir Christo. St. Laurence, and passing the Blackwater, marched to Benburb, the old house of Shane O Neale, lying on the left hand of our Camp, at the entrance of great woods. There our men made a stand, in a fair green meadow, having our camp and the plains behind them, & the wood on both sides, & before them. The rebels drew in great multitudes to these woods. Here we in the Camp, being ourselves in safety, had the pleasure to have the full view of an hot and long skirmish, our loose wings sometimes beating the rebels on all sides into the Woods, and sometimes being driven by them back to our Colours in the midst of the meadow, (where assoon as our horse charged, the rebels presently ran back) and this skirmish continuing with like variety some three hours: for the Lord deputy, as he saw the numbers of the rebels increase, so drew other Regiments out of the Camp, to second the fight. So that at last the Rebel had drawn all his men together, and we had none but the by-Guards left to saveguard the Camp, all the rest being drawn out. Doctor Latwar the Lord Deputies Chaplain, not content to see the fight with us in safety, but (as he had formerly done) affecting some singularity of forwardness, more than his place required, had passed into the meadow where our Colours stood, and there was mortally wounded with a bullet in the head, upon which he died the next day. Of the English not one more was slain, only Captain Thomas Williams his leg was broken, and two other hurt, but of the Irish on our side twenty six were slain, and seventy five were hurt. And those Irish being such as had been rebels, and were like upon the least discontent to turn rebels, and such as were kept in pay rather to keep them from taking part with the rebels, than any service they could do us, the death of those unpeaceable swordmen, though falling on our side, yet was rather gain, than loss to the Commonwealth. Among the rebels, Tyrones' Secretary, and one chief man of the Ohagans, and (as we credibly heard) far more than two hundred Kerne were slain. And lest the disparity of losses often mentioned by me, should savour of a partial pen, the Reader must know, that besides the fortune of the war turned on our side, together with the courage of the rebels abated, and our men heartened by successes, we had plenty of powder, and sparing not to shoot at random, might well kill many more of them, than they ill furnished of powder, and commanded to spare it, could kill of ours.  
These two last days our pioneers had been busied in fortifying and building a new Fort at Blackwater, not far distant from the old Fort, demolished by the rebels, and for some days following, his Lordship specially intended the furtherance and finishing of this work, so as many soldiers were extraordinarily hired to work therein as Pioneers.  
The nineteenth day his Lordship wrote to the Lords in England, that had not the Irish submitties for the new coin (now currant over all) furnished the Army with beeves, it had been in great distress, since the victuals of the new contract were not arrived, and that of the old store consisted principally of saltfish, whereof the soldier could not feed, especially in Summer, besides that by long keeping it was of ill condition, so as infection was feared in the Army, praying that in the next contracts, the soldier might be fed therewith only one day in the week. That he had in his directions to Sir Henry Dockwra, given him choice, either with the countenance of his Lordship's Army on this side Tyrone, to go forward with planting Ballishannon, or concurring with the Governor of Knockfergus, to enter into Tyrone, where his Lordship upon, notice would meet them; and in respect he since understood, that he wanted tools for the Plantation, he thought the second project would rather be followed by him. That Tyrone lay with all his forces to hinder his Lordship from passing to Dungannon, which he most feared, and had no fastness but only this to stop it, so as he doubted not to break in to meet Sir Henry Dockwra, if he could once be assured of his resolution. Further, he besought their Lordships to give warrant for allowance to the Captains for broken Arms, upon bringing the old, because upon the breaking of pieces, the soldiers were turned to serve with Pikes, and our shot diminished daily, and the Pikes were increased more than our use required, the Captain excusing himself, that upon breaking of pieces, he was not able to provide other Arms than Pikes for his men. Likewise he advertised to their Lordships, that since the last dispatch, Sir Henry Dockwra had taken in Newtowne, being some sixteen miles from Dungannon (Tyrones' chief seat), on the North side, (as he the Lord Deputy had planted at Blackwater, being some fifteen miles from Dungannon, on the South side); and that Sir Henry Docwra had spoiled and burned the Country there about, and had taken some one thousand cows, from the parts near the Lough of Earn. That Sir john Barkley, Governor of the forces at the Anneley, had met with tyrrel's men, as they passed towards Ophaly, (for which purpose that Garrison was specially laid there), and had taken from them three hundred cows and killed some of them, and had stopped them from troubling that Country. And that he the Lord Deputy with the Army had destroyed the rebels Corn about Armagh (whereof he found great abundance), and would destroy the rest, this course causing famine, being the only sure way to reduce or root out the Rebels. Finally, praying their Lordships (as formerly) to send one thousand shot for supplies, the strengthening of the English being the next way to diminish her majesties charge, since the Irish were kept in pay rather to prevent their fight against us then for confidence in their fight for us.  
The same nineteenth day of july, the Lord Deputy wrote to Sir Robert Cecil, her majesties Secretary, that he found upon good consideration, that the Government of Connaght was not in his disposal, and therefore being loath to exceed his Commission, he would only assure him, that as it was requisite, a man of experience, and fit for the present service, should have that Government, so he conceived none to be fitter than Sir Oliver Lambert, who had already deserved well in this service, and would (in his opinion) be able to do her Majesty as good service, as any in that place, whom (if it might stand with her majesties pleasure, to give him warrant), he was desirous to employ in those parts, fearing it would be a great hindrance to his intended work, if any should be put into that Government, who might prove unfit, or unable to make that war; In which respect, he having no other end but the advancement of her majesties service, was bold to make it his humble suit, that Sir Oliver Lambert might be placed in that Government.  
While the Army lay at Blackwater to build the new Fort, his Lordship on the twentieth of july, drew out two Regiments into the woods, aswell to view the paces, and provoke the rebels, as to fetch some houses thence, for the building of our Fort, and to cut a field of Corn lying on the skirt of the Woods; which was all performed; the rebels on the further side of the Blackwater, only making a slight skirmish with our men, upon their retreat on this side the River. The two and twentieth day, we cut all the Corn by the Bog and Wood side, near our Fort, except that which our men had power to reap. The three and twentieth day Captain Thomas Williams with his Company, being left to govern the new Fort (who before the Blackwater defeat did valiantly defend the old Fort there, being after demolished by the rebels) his Lp. with the army dislodged, and at our rising, a Proclamation was made, that how soever Tyrone vaunted, that his Pardon was offered him, and he might have it at pleasure, her Majesty was not only resolved never to receive him to mercy, but was pleased again to renew her gracious offer, that whosoever brought him alive, should have 2000 li. and whosoever brought his head, should have 1000 li. for reward. Thence we marched two little miles to an hill South Westward in Henry Oges Country, where we encamped, and cut down the Corn on cucric side. The seven and twentieth day his Lordship leaving Sir Henry Follyots' Regiment to guard the Camp, drew out three Regiments, expecting that the Rebels would fight, who showed themselves on an hill near us, with all their horse and foot, and sounding of Trumpets, yet our men not only cutting down the corn close by them, but entering the Woods to cut Corn there, and burning many houses in the skirts of the woods, they were so patient, as after one volley of shot, they retired into the thickest Woods. The same day the Army dislodging, marched a mile or two more Southward, where we cut down great abundance of Corn with our swords (according to our fashion), and here Shane Mac Donnel Groom, Tyrones' Marshal (whose Corn this was) upon humble submission was received to her majesties mercy, and came to his Lordship in person the same night at our setting down in our last Camp, whether we returned. The eight and twentieth his Lordship leaving Sir Christopher Saint Laurence his Regiment to guard the Camp, drew out three Regiments both in the morning & evening, to countenance two convoys of victuals. This day his Lordship sent a dispatch to Sir Henry Dockwra, about their concurring in the present services, and the like to Sir Arthur Chichester, to the same purpose. His Lordship stayed the longer in these parts, to see the Forts well victualled, and to cut down the Corn, whereof he found great store.  
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship was advertised, that Sir Henry Poor had scattered and broken three hundred rebels in Lease, and had beggared them by divers preys of cattle taken from them, and among them, being of the Sept of O Mores, had killed, burnt and hanged forty at least, and after had slain in fights O Connor Mac Lyre, and most of his men, and hurt many of those which escaped.  
And this day great store of victuals for the Forts came from the Newry with a convoy safely to the Campe. The thirtieth day his Lordship rose with the Army, and marched Northward back to the new Fort of Blackwater, and beyond it, in all some three miles, along the South side of the River, and there his Lordship encamped close upon the Bogs and the Fastnesses (or fortified passages) in the Wood The same evening his Lordship drew some choice men out of every Regiment, and some troops of horse, and with them road to view the Country, and woody paces, more specially that pace which lay right before us Northward, where the nearest and best passage was to enter Tyrone, the Arch-traytors chief house Dangannon, being some ten miles distant, to which, after the passage of this pace and Blackwater, the plain Country lay open, yet being in some parts boggy. Here Tyrones' men lay entrenched on the other side of the River, in such trenches as he had made to impeach the building of our new Fort at Blackwater, and cowardly quitted them (as is above mentioned.) The Rebels bestowed some volleys of shot on his Lordship's troops, but they returned safely, having only one man hurt. And here one of the three Trumpets in Tyrones' pay, ran from him to our Campe.  
The one and thirtieth day his Lordship drew out (as before) and that day and the first of August next following, cut down the Wood, to clear the said pace, lying between us and the said passage over Blackwater. And this day the rebels attempted to cut off a guard, which we had placed on a remote hill, to second the workmen cutting the Wood, but were by them and the workmen stoutly received, and by our seconds beaten back.  
At the same time, by accident we had almost lost all our best horses: for at the Alarm given, the horses being frighted with the skirmish, and with divers horsemen hurrying out to answer the Alarm, broke their headstals, and ran back to Armagh, and some of the best as far as the Newry, whether our men following, did recover them all: but had the rebels horsemen followed them, no doubt they might have caught them, and defeated our men loosely following them, and so by this advantage have done us more mischief, than they could otherwise have done with their forces doubled.  
The second of August his Lordship with the Army rose, and marched back to Armagh, to the end he might shun all paces, and from thence have an open passage into Art Mac Barons Country. We marched six miles to Armagh, and three to Rawlagh, where while we encamped, Sir Henry Davers with three hundred foot, and forty horse, was sent into a Fastness to burn some twenty fair timber houses, which he performed; and about the time to set the watch, he returned towards the Camp, and at his retreat all Tyrones' Forces guarded with three hundred horse, skirmished with our men, but they seconded out of the Camp, came off orderly, the rebels following them to our very Camp, into which they powered a volley of shot, and by reason of the Fastnesses adjoining, and night approaching, retired in safety.  
Here his Lordship was advertised, that the Earl of Ormond had executed in the borders of Kilkenny and Tiperary nine and twenty rebels, of which Tybot Leyragh Butler, and David Bourk, and Vlicke Bourke, were the chief, and that the Company under his Lordship's command, had slain eight and twenty, of which two principal men of the Omores, one Okelly, one Captain Edmund Roe Bourke, and one Richard Bourke, son to Vlicke, were the chief.  
The third of August we rose, and having marched three miles back, we encamped between the paces and Armagh, a little beyond Armagh towards the North, to the and our messengers and our convoys for victuals might more safely pass (which was the chief end of our returning), and that we might have better grass for our horses, all the higher Country above, being eaten by the rebels Creaghs' (or cattle), and all the way we marched, the rebels in their fastnesses drew down closeby, and followed us all the way, being very strong. Here the Commissary took a view of the Army in field with his Lordship. Regiments.  
First, of Sir Benjamin Berry his Lordship's Lieutenant of his foot, in List 825, by pole present in the Camp 490. 2. Regiment of Sir Oliver Saint john's, in List 875, by Pole 533. 3. Regiment of Sir Hen. Folliot, in List 500, by Pole 305. 4. Regiment of Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, in List, 750, by Pole 400. total in List 2950, by Pole 1728,  
Herein are not contained either Officers present, or the sick, or hurt, or upon other occasions absent. The fourth day some Companies were drawn out to cut the pace of Armagh, and the rebels being in sight, offered not to skirmish with them. But towards night they drew down strong out of the woods, to an hill under which we lay encamped in a fair meadow. They came with cries and sound of Drums and bagpipes, as if they would attempt the camp, and powered into it some two or three thousand shot, hurting only two of our men. But his Lordship commanding that none in the Camp should stir, had lodged in a trench some four hundred shot, charging them not to shoot till the rebels approached near. And after these our men had given them a volley in theirteeths, they drew away, and we heard no more of their Drums or Bagpipes, but only mournful cries, for many of their best men were slain, and among the rest one horseman of great account, and one Pierce Lacie an Archrebel of Monster. The next morning we found some dead bodies at the skirt of the wood, and three scattered pieces. Hence his Lordship sent direction to Sir john Barkeley, to bring with him to the Camp a regiment from the Annaly & Liseannon, because Tyrone was grown strong by the coming to him of his Mac Guire, and his Mac Mahownd, and of Cormocke mac Baron, (coming to him from the frontiers of Loughfoyle). The fifth day his Lordship sent again some shot, with Pioneers, to cut the pace close by the Rebels.  
The sixth day his Lordship purposed to rise and meet our Convoy bringing victuals from the Newry: but being stayed by ill weather, sent early some horse to stay the Convoy, till his Lordship drew down towards those parts. This day his Lordship gave order to Master Treasurer, that proportions of new moneys should be sent to all the Market Towns, to change the same for sterling, and that Proclamations should be made in them to decry the old sterling moneys, and only make the new to be currant. The seventh his Lordship rose to draw towards the Newry, and marching to Mount Norreis, encamped near the said Fort. The eight day his Lordship dispatched the Earl of Clanrickard into Connaght, to command the forces in those parts, having sent for Sir john Barkeley to come with a regiment to the Campe. Here his Lordship gave warrant for the passing of her majesties pardon for land, life, and goods, to Arthus Mac Gennis, chief of his Sept, with some 170 followers.  
Here his Lordship received letters out of England from Mr Secretary, signifying that the Lord Precedent had sent to her Majesty divers advertisements, that the Spaniards would presently land in some part of Monster, from whence the Lord Deputy for necessity had lately drawn one thousand foot and fifty horse into Connaght. That her Majesty did well allow of his Lordship's care in drawing those men to that service, and not losing the present certainty for apprehension of the future, not so assured. That it was probable that the King of Spain would do something now at the upshot, and though it was not credible, that he would send ten or twelve thousand men into Ireland, yet since he had from February last begun a foundation to provide forces for the Low-Countries or Ireland, as his affairs should require: and since the Low-Country Army was reinforced by land out of Italy, her Majesty thought he might with ease transport four or five thousand men for Ireland, and was like to do it, and so he might for the time turn the state of Ireland, would think them well bestowed, if he should lose them all at the years end. That in this respect her Majesty had resolved to levy five thousand men to be in readiness, and to send two thousand of them presently for Monster, to arrive there by the tenth of this month; so as if the Spaniards should land, the Lord Precedent might be enabled to keep the Provincials from revolt, till he the Lord Deputy might come thither, and more forces might be sent out of England; and if they should not invade Ireland, than his Lordship might keep the one thousand he had drawn from Monster, to finish the work whereof he had laid an happy foundation, heartily wishing that his Lordship might be the happy Instrument to save Ireland, to whom he professed himself tied in most constant and honest friendship, and praying his Lordship to esteem these ready seconds, besides the public duty to proceed much out of an extraordinary respect to his Lordship. That for bestowing of the Companies to be sent into Monster, as he who was gone, (meaning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Earl of Essex), made too great a Monopoly in bestowing all such places himself, so now there was a great confusion, every Lord importuning to prefer his friend and follower; but that for his part, he sought no man's preferrment herein, but only advised that those might be first respected, which came over with the Lord Deputies recommendations. That the Lord Precedent had earnestly moved him, and in good sort challenged to have hopes in him for the procurement of some means to gratify his followers; and had by other friends obtained of her Majesty, that some of those Companies might be sent over undisposed, and left to his disposal, to which he the Secretary had given second, rather than that the places should be bestowed in England, without any thanks either to the Lord Deputy or Lord President. Protesting that how soeven he loved the Lord Precedent, he would not scant his due respect to his Lordship, wherein he thought to give him the least discontent. That he conceived the Spaniards would not make difcent at Corcke, which Town was not guardable when they had it. Noryet at Lymricke, though fit by the situation, because an enemy engaged, so far into the Kingdom, could not hope for supplies, when her Majesty should take due resolution to oppose them. But rather judged Galloway a fit place for their discen giving commodity to join with the Northern rebels, and seated in a Country all out in rebellion. Or else Waterford, in respect of the goodly River and the people's affection to Spain, advi 〈◊〉 the Fort of Dungannon should carefully be furnished with a Commander, men, and necessaries. Lastly, that Ostend was obstinately besieged by the Archduke, with thirteen thousand foot, and sixty pieces of battery; and howsoever the States had left two thousand Dutch there, yet their Army being at Bercke, whence it would not be raised, the Town had been carried within ten days, if Sir Francis Vere had not thrown himself into it with one thousand six hundred English, to whom her Majesty sent one thousand men, and prepared to send 2000 more, no succour the place, because part of the Army in Italy was come down to the Arch Duke.  
The ninth of August his Lordship & the Counsellors present in the Camp, writ to the Lords in England. That the Army had been employed in preparing her majesties Forts, & fitting them for the winter war, & in the present spoiling of the rebels corn, (the only way to ruin them), hoping to keep the army in field till harvest were passed; so that it being impossible to cut all their corn, our garrisons might have opportunity to gather the rest, and the rebels might be hindered from gathering any, except it were Tyrones' corn near Dungannon, whereunto the passage was so difficult, as his Lp for so little thought not good to hazard all, especially since Sir Hen. Dockwra for want of Match (as he had written) could not meet his Lordship in Tyrone, according to their former project, whereof his Lordship notwithstanding professed himself nothing sorry, in regard that meeting would have given the Arch rebel power to fling the Dice again for recovery of their fortune, & that upon an unequal hazard, by setting his rest upon either of them apart, divided into three bodies, under the Lord Deputy, the said Sir Henry Dockwra, and Sir Arthur Chichester, even with the whole force of his Northern partakers, though his other friends further off were kept from aiding him, by the disposal of our other forces. That besides the spoiling of their corn, his Lordship by search had found an ensie way to paste to Dungannon, which hitherto was never by any Guide made known to us, & had cut down a broad pace, through a thick Wood in two days labour, and so came to the River, where he purposed, as soon as might be, to build a Fort with a Bridge, there being from thence to Dungannon less than four miles, all in a plain; That this would cut the Arch-traytors throat: for howsoever the name of Oneale was so reverenced in the North, as none could be induced to hetray him upon the large reward set upon his head, yet when the hope of assistance from Spain should be taken away, they seeing their Corn spoiled, and upon our expected supplies seeing us enter Tyrone, could not but see their apparent confusion. That howsoever this Summer few of their cows had been taken (which work is more proper to the Winter war), yet they had been forced to feed them within their fastnesses, which they used to keep for feeding them in Winter, so as they must either starve them by keeping them there in winter, or hazard the taking of them by our Garrisons, if they feed them abroad. That for the future service, they besought again to be enabled, by the sending of one thousand shot out of England for supplies, and that the rather, because Tyrone was very strong, as appeared by a note delivered by Shane Mac Donnel Groom, who having been Tyrones' Marshal, was received to 〈◊〉 the seven and twenty of july, besides our experience of their strength, when few days since they powered three thousand shot into our Camp, and could hardly be kept from forcing it. So as our army consisting only of one thousand seven hundred ninety eight by Pole, and more than half of them being Irish, the speedy sending of the supply was most necessary. As also the sending of munition and victuals, without which all this labour would be lost, and the soldier forced, not only to leave his Garrison, but to live idly in the Pale upon the subject. Lastly, that the Army (by God's grace) had not had any disaster, but burning their houses in the very Woods, had still beaten the Rebels, few or no English being lost. Together with these letters were sent divers notes of victuals and munition remaining, and new stores to be sent over. And therewith was sent the above mentioned note of Tyrones' forces, as followeth.   

A perfect note of such Captains and Companies, as are under the command of the Traitor Tyrone, within Tyrone, not mentioning the Chieftains, as O Donnel, O Cane, Mac Gyre, and the rest of the Ulster Lords, but only such as attend him in his Country.  
Horse.  
Tyrone for his Guard, 100 His son Hugh Oneale, 100 His brother Cormock, 100 Art Mac Baron, 20. Phelim Ohanlons' son, 10. Tirlogh Brasils' sons, 50. Con, Tyrones' base son, 20.  
In all 400.  
His Guard of Foot.  
Led by james Osheale a Lemster man, 200. Led by jenkyn Fitz Simon of Lecayle, 200.  
In all 400.  
Other Foot.  
Hugh Mac Cawel, and two other Captains under Cormock, Tyrones' brother, 600. Con, son to Art Mac Baron, 100 Brian Mac Art, 200. Con, Tyrones' base son, 100 Mac Can, 100 Owen O Can, 100 Donough Aferadogh Ohagan, 100 Owen Ohagan, 100 Donnel Oneale for Owen Eualle O Neale, 100 Three Brothers, Gillaspick Mac Owen, 100; Rory Mac Owen, 100; Randal Mac Owen, 100 Kedagh Mac Donnel, 100 Owen O Quin, 100 james O Hagan, 100 Phelym Oge O Neale, 60. Tirlogh Brasills' sons, 200. Henry wragton, 200. Henry Oge Mac Henry Mac Shane, 100 Tirlogh Con Mac Barons son, 100 Art Ohagan, son to Hugh, 100 Hugh Groom Ohagan and his Cousin, 100 Donnel Groom Mac Edmund, 100 Patrick Mac Phelim, 100 Gilleduff Mac Donnel, one of Connaght, 100 In all 3260.  
total of Horse and Foot, 4060.  
All these (three hundred excepted) had means for themselves and their companies within Tyrone, and divers of them have great forces besides these, which they keep in their own Countries for defence thereof.  
This present ninth of August the Lord Deputic wrote to Sir Robert Cecyll the Secretary this following letter.  
SIr, I received your letter of the five and twenty of july, the fourth of this month, being in Camp near the place where the Marshal Bagnol was slain. The news you received from the Precedent of Monster, of Spanish succours, I do find no ways more confirmed, then by the assured confidence this people hath thereof, out of the which they are grown from the most humble begging of their peace, to exceeding pride, and the traitor himself so strong, as (believe me Sir) he hath many more fight men in his Army, than we. And yet we do not omit any thing of our purposes, but have since our coming to this Camp, made that a fair way to Blackwater, which the Marshal shunned, when he was overthrown, and every day cut down either his Woods or his Corn in his sight, only with some slight skirmishes, in all which (God be thanked) we cannot say, we had any disaster hitherto, but in all he loseth some of his best men. I presume there could nothing be added to our Cowsell of the distribution of her majesties forces: but whether the fault hath been in the Commanders of the several parties, or in some impediments which they pretend, I know not; but we receive little assistance by any of them, and the whole brunt of the war lieth upon us. But out of the present judgement we make of this Country, we have discovered, and directed Sir Arthur Chichester a course, which if we may enable him to go forward in, will, I hope, utterly banish Tyrone; and have found another way into his country, that if we can but build a Fort, and make a passage over the River, we shall make Dungannon a centre, whether we may from all parts draw together all her majesties forces, and (as I presume) before this winter's end, not leave a man in the Country of Tyrone, Whatsoever others have undertaken, I beseech you Sir to remembet, that in all my dispatches, I have declared, that the uttermost you could look from us in this Summer's work, should be to plant such Garrisons as must take effect this next Winter, and that we should proceed slowly, & come short of our purpose, if we were not continually supplied with means, and in time, of victuals and all kind of munitions. If you have not been informed in due time of our wants, I must excuse myself, that being continually employed in the active prosecution of as busy a war as any is in the World, and most commonly far from Dublin, where our Magazines are, I am driven in all the several kinds of our means, to appoint of the Counsel Commissioners, whom I have desired in my absence to inform you of the estate of these things, and to solicit our wants, having directed the particular Ministers of every nature, to inform them of the remains, and to deliver them (to be sent over) estimates, of what we should want. Only in general I have in all my dispatches protested, that without sufficient supplies of these things, we should be driven to sit still, and make all the rest of her majesties charge unprofitable. Sir, I cannot from a quiet judgement make you a large and perfect discourse at this time of our affairs, for I am continually full of the present business, and have so little rest, as sometimes these rogues will keep us waking all night: but in short, I dare assure you, I see a fair way, to make Ulster one of the most quiet, assured, and profitable Provinces, if the Spaniard do not come: If they do, I cannot say what we shall first resolve on, till by the event we see their purpose; for to provide for all places, that carry equal probability of their undertaking, we cannot, neither can I put myself into any part of Ireland with my chief strength, but I may happen to be as far from their descent, as I shall be where now I am, which maketh me the more loath to forego my hold in these parts; and yet for all occasions you must not imagine me to be now in the head of a great Army, but of some sixteen hundred fight men, of whom there are not half English, and upon the news of Spanish succours, I know few Irish that I can reckon ours. With this Army I must make my retreat, which I resolved to have left most part in Garrisons all this winter in these quarters; and in truth Sir, I cannot at this present think of a better counsel, then that we might go on with the war by these Garrisons against Tyrone, as we were determined, whether the Spaniards come or no, and to make head against them, chiefly with means out of England. By this course they shall give each other little assistance, and if we do but ruin and waste the traitors this Winter, it will be impossible for the Spaniards to make this people live, by which course I presume it is in her majesties power to give the King of Spain a great blow, and to quit this Country of them for ever. If in the checks, the Queen do not find the weakness of her Army. I disclaim from the fault; for without a wise honest Muster-master, of good reputation, to be still present in the Army, the Queen in that kind will never be well served, and upon those Officers that are, I do continually call for their care in that matter. If according to our desire you had sent us one thousand supplies of shot to the Newrie, it had advanced the service more than I can express, but some you must needs send us, to be able to leave those garrisons strong in winter. Most part of these troops I have here, are they that have stricken all the blows for the recovery of the Kingdom, and been in continual action, and therefore you must not wonder if they be weak. If Sir Henry Dockwra do not plant Ballishannon, I think it fit, that Sir Arthur Chichester had a thousand men of his List, whom I hope we would find means to plant within four or five miles of Dungannon, and by boats victual them commodiously. I do apprehend the consequence of that plantation to be great: but till I hear from you again, I will take no men from Loughfoyle, because I am loath to meddle much with that Garrison without direction: but I besecch you Sir by the next let me know your opinion.  
I pray you Sir give me leave to take it unkindly of my L: Precedent to inform you, that Sir Hen. Dockwra hath had greater favour in the nomination of Captains than he; for he never placed but one, whom I displaced after. To have some left to his nomination, is more than I could obtain, when the last supply came to me. But since it is the Queen's pleasure, I must bear this (and as I do continually a great deal more) with patience. And though I am willing you should know I have a just feeling of these things, yet I beseech you Sir to believe, that my meaning is not to contest, or to impute the fault unto you, for (by God Sir) where I profess my love in the same kind I have done to you, they shall be great matters that shall remove me, although they may (and I desire that I may let you know when they do) move me. I do only impute this to my misfortune, that I perceive arguments too many of her majesties displeasure: but while for her own sake she doth use my service, I will love whatsoever I suffer for her, and love the sentence, that I will force from the conscience of all, and the mouth of the just, that I have been, and will be, an honest, and no unprofitable servant unto her. I dare undertake, we have rid my Lord Precedent of the most dangerous rebel of Monster, and the most likely man to have renewed the rebellion; for that night I received your letters, the rogues did power above three thousand shot into our Camp, at which time it was our good fortune to kill Peirce Lacie, and some other of their principal men. We are now praying for a good wind, for we are at our last days bread, if victuals come in time, we will not be idle. Sir, if I have recommended any into England, I am sure it was for no charge; for I know none that have gone from hence but there are many that continue here more worthy of preferment than they, therefore I pray Sir let them not be reckoned mine, that there challenge any thing for me, but whatsoever shall please their Lordships I must be contented withal, and it shall not much trouble me, for I mean not to make the wars my occupation, and do affect as much to have a great many followers, as to be troubled with a kennel of hounds. But for the Queen's sake, I would gladly have her served by such, as I know to be honest men, and unhappy is that General, that must fight with weapons of other men's choosing. And so Sir, being ashamed that I have troubled you so long, I desire you to be assured, that no man shall love you more honestly and faithfully, than myself.  
From the Camp near Mount Norreys this ninth of August, 1601. Yours Sir most assured to do you service Mountioy.  
Touching the above mentioned distaste between the Lord Deputy and the Lord Precedent of Monster, his Lordship shortly after, wrote a letter to him, resenting himself in very high terms, of the wrong he conceived to be offered him, as followeth in his Lordship's letter.  
MY Lord, as I have hitherto borne you as much affection, and as truly as ever I did profess it unto you, and I protest rejoiced in all your good successes as mine own; so must you give me leave, since I presume I have so just cause, to challenge you of unkindness & wrong, in writing into England, that in preferring your followers, Sir Henry Dockwra hath had more power from me then yourself, and consequently to solicit the Queen to have the nomination of some Captains in this Kingdom. For the first I could have wished you would have been better advised, because upon my Honour he never, without my special warrant, did appoint but one, whom I after displaced; & I do not remember that ever since our coming over, I have denied any thing, which you have recommended unto me, with the mark of your own desire to obtain it, and in your Province I have not given any place (as I think) but at your instance. For the other, I think it is the first example, that ever any under another General desired or obtained the like suit. And although I will not speak injuriously of your deserts, nor immodestly of mine own, yet this disgrace cannot make me believe that I have deserved worse than any that have been Generals before me: but since it is the Queen's pleasure, I must endure it, and you choose a fit time to obtain that, or any thing else against me. Yet I will concur with you in the service, as long as it shall please her Majesty to employ us here: but hereafter I doubt not but to give you satisfaction that I am not worthy of this wrong. The Counsel & myself, upon occasion of extraordinary consequence, sent for some of the Companies of Monster out of Connaght, when we heard you were to be supplied with two thousand out of England, but we received from them a flat denial to come, and the copy of your letter to warrant them therein. If you have any authority from the Queen to countermand mine, you may very well justify it, but it is more than you have vowed to me to have, when I (before my coming over) protested unto you that if you had, I would rather serve the Queen in prison, than here. My Lord, these are great disgraces to me, and so conceived, and I think justly, by all that know it, which is and will be very shortly all Ireland. My allegiance and own honour are now engaged with all my burdens, to go on in this work, otherwise no fear should make me suffer thus much; and what I do, it is only love doth move me unto it: for I know you are dear to one, whom I am bound to respect with extraordinary affection. And so my Lord I wish you well and will omit nothing (while I am in this Kingdom) to give you ●he best contentment I can, and continue as,  
Your assured friend, Mountioy.  
The Lord Precedent within few days, not only with a calm, noble, and wise, answer, pacified his Lordship's anger; but also by many good Offices between his Lordship and Master Secretary, (with whom as a most inward friend he had great power) so combined their new begun love, as he engaged his Lordship in a great bond of thankfulness to him.  
The eleventh of August, his Lordship wrote to the Governor of the Newry, that to avoid the continual trouble of Conuoyes hereafter, he should presently send up as great provision of victuals to Armagh as possibly he could, while his Lordship lay in that part with the Army: For two days after, by reason of much rain falling and the expecting of these victuals, his Lordship lay still in the Camp near Mount Norris. The thirteenth the victuals came, but not in such great proportion as was directed, because the victuler had failed to bake great part of his meal, and the Cows expected from Dundalke, were not yet sent by the Submitties, according to their promise. The same day his Lordship rose and encamped three miles short of Armagh. The fourteenth his Lordship rose with the Army, and put all the victuals he had received into the Abbey of Armagh and the Fort of Blackewater, and returned back to the same camping place. The fifteenth his Lordship drew back to his former Camp, near Mount Norreis, and sent out some Companies of Horse and Foot to the skirts of the wood near the Fort, to guard those that cut wood for making of Carres, to transport more victuals to the said garrisons. The sixteenth his Lordship drew back to Carickbane, near the Newry, to hasten the provision of victuals, in as great quantity as might be, which was dispatched within few days. The twenty three his Lordship wrote the following letter to Mr Secretary.  
SIR I did ever foresee, and have signified so much that any foreign succours would clean alter the State of this Kingdom, and the whole frame of our proceedings, and do find that the assurance that these people do now receive thereof, doth make them stand upon other terms than they were wont, and much divert our purposes, which we had conceived with good reason and great hope. Of any but the English we have small assurance, and of them the Army is exceeding weak. The Irish newly submitted, & their wavering faith hithetto we have used to great effect: for we have wasted them, and the rebels by them, but when we come to lay our Forces in remote garrisons, they fly the hardness of that life, and do again betake themselves unto any head that is of power to spoil, and with the best paid and prevailing party they will ever be. I am certainly told by Sir john Barkely, that some Spaniards that arrived at Sligo (as they say to discover, and with assurance of the present coming of a great force,) do there fortify, and (as he hath been more particularly informed) not in a compass only capable of themselves, but in such sort as it will be able to lodge great numbers. This, (& my being prevented to follow my purposes in these parts as I would,) draweth me into the Pale, to advise of the best assurance for the main, and yet not to quit my purposes in such sort in these parts; but if the Spaniards do not come, I may again look this way with my former desire, which was to beat the chief Traitor clean out of his Country: for until that be done, there will be ever left a fire, which upon all occasions will break out more and more violently. When I have spoken with the rest of the Counsel, and considered more nearly the disposition of these inward parts, I will more largely relate unto you my opinion, neither will I now much trouble you with my own estate, although not only myself, but (I protest) the service doth feel the effect of a general conceived rumour of her majesties displeasure to me. I am so nearly interessed therein; that I cannot speak much of that matter, without the prejudice of a private respect to myself: but only this, I most humbly desire her Majesty for her own sake to use me no longer here, than she thinketh me fit to be trusted and graced; for without both, I shall but strive against the wind and tide, and be fit for nothing but my own poor harbour, unto the which I most humbly desire to be speedily called with her gracious favour, since my own conscience maketh me presume to desire so much, that best doth know with how untolerable labour of mind and body, I have and do continually serve her. And so Sir I beseech God to send you as much contentment as I do want.  
The 23 of August 1601. Yours Sir to do you service, Mountioy.  
The fortifying of the Spaniards at Sligo, vanished with the rumour, which was grounded upon some arriving, to bring the Rebels certain news of present succours, and presently returning. And the brute (or perhaps his Lordship's jealousy) of her majesties displeasure, arose from the confessions of some examined, about the rash attempts of the unfortunate Earl of Essex, who had accused the Lord Deputy to be privy to that project. His Lordship purposing to draw into the Pale (or parts near Dublyn), left his forces in the North, (for those of Loughfoyle had not yet correspondency with these), in this following manner disposed.  
At Carickefergus.  
Sir Arthur Chichester Governor 200. Sir Foalke Conway 150. Captain Billings 150. Captain Phillip's 150. Captain Norton 100 Captain Egerton 100 Foot 850.  
Sir Arthur Chichester 25. Captain john jephson 100 Horse 125.  
At Lecaile.  
Sir Richard Moryson Governor 150. Captain Toby Cawfield 150. Foot 300.  
These following forces, when they should be drawn out, for convoy of victuals or otherwise, were to be commanded in chief by Sir Francis Stafford, and were thus disposed in several garrisons.  
At the Newry.  
Sir Francis Stafford Governor 200. Captain jostas Bodley 150. Sir William Warren 100 Foot 450. Sir Francis Stafford 50 Horse.  
At Mount Norreis.  
Captain Edward Blaney Governor 150. Captain Atherton 150 Sir Samuel bagnol 150. Captain Rotheram 150. Foot 600. Sir Samuel bagnol 50 Horse.  
At Armagh.  
Sir Henry Davers Covernour 150. Sir H. Follyot 150. Capt. Guest 150. Capt. Thomas Roper 150. Captain Francis Roe 100 Capt. Trever 100 Foot 800.  
Sir Henry Davers 100 Captain Darcy 25. Horse 125.  
At Blackewater.  
Captain William's Governor 150. Captain Constable 100 Sir Garret Moor 100  
Foot 350.  
The twenty four of August, his Lordship leaving the field, road back to the Newry, from whence he sent one W. an Englishman in bonds to the Lords in England, for the reasons following. Sir Henry Davers after his elder brothers perishing in the late Earl of Essex his attempt, was desirous by active prosecution of the Rebels, to deserve her majesties good opinion. And for this cause, as for that he was enabled to do great services, aswell by his noble virtues, as by the command he formerly and now had both of horse and foot; his Lordship in special love to him, being most willing to give him all opportunity to attain this his desire, appointed him Governor of Armagh, advising him to be often stirring with the forces under his command, and to practise what possibly he could devise upon the person of the Arch-traitor. To him this Englishman made offer to kill Tyrone, yet would not discover his plot for greater secrecy (as he pretended), neither would he press him further, since he required no assistance; and so in the night he was suffered to go by the watches, and passed to Tyrones' Camp, whence he was employed to the Islander Scots, and coming to Sir Arthur Chithester hands, was by him sent back from Knockefergus to his Lordship at the Newry, where being examined what he had done in Tyrones' Camp, he avowed that once he had drawn his sword to kill him, though under pretence of bragging what he would do for his service, yet gave he no good account of his actions or purposes, but behaved himself in such sort, as his Lordship judged him frantic, though not the less fit for such a purpose. Now because he had not performed that he undertook, and gave an ill account of himself in this action; his Lordship, aswell for the discharge of Sir H. Davers, who employed him, as of himself who consented thereunto, and advised Sir H. Davers so to do, thought good to send him prisoner to the Lords, that he might be there examined, where by reason of his friends dwelling in London, they might be sufficiently informed of the man's quality.  
The five and twentieth, his Lordship and the Counsel there present, wrote from the Newry this following letter to the Lords in England.  
IT may please your Lordships. Since our last letters we have for the most part employed ourselves in putting up as great quantity of victuals as we could to Armagh and the Blackewater, being loath to engage ourselves into any thing, which we had further purposed, until we should see the issue of this assured expectation of the Spaniards invasion, or till we might by some means better strengthen this Army. Of the first we have reason to be jealous, both by many arguments of assured confidence in this people of present succour, and by the arrival of a Spanish ship, in which the Arch-traytors agent is returned, with assurance that he left the Spanish forces ordained for his aid in a readiness to set out. For the strengthening of our Army we had good reason to be provident, considering the weakness thereof, and especially of the English, and finding by experience the rebels strength now, when he had none but the forces nourished in Tyrone to assist him. Wherefore hearing that Sir Henry Dockwra had planted a Garrison at Dunnagall, and had left O Donnel possessed in a manner of nothing in Tirconnel, and that upon the late arrival of his munition, he intended to be active in those parts near Loughfoyle, and understanding by Master Secretary, that about the twelfth of August there were two thousand men to be supplied for Monster, we resolved to send for some of the Companies in Connaght of the Monster List, and to put the rest into Galloway and thereabouts, for the assurance of those parts, and upon the receiving of that addition to our strength, to have drawn to Monaghan, and spoiled the Corn of that Country, being of exceeding quantity, or if we had seen reason, to have left a Garrison there, and to have enabled it to gather the most part of that Corn for their better provision, or otherwise to have continued the prosecution in these parts, until we should hear of the Spaniards landing, or by any assurance of their not coming, should be at liberty to proceed in our former purposes. But receiving answer from the Captains of Monster, that they had direction not to stir from Connaght upon any other order whatsoever, then from the Precedent of Monster, in regard of the present expectation of Spaniards to land in those parts: and we thereby being not so well able to wade any further in our determinations for the North, & receiving some probable intelligence, that the place designed for the Spaniards landing was Sligo, we resolved to leave the Northern Garrisons very strong in foot and horse, and as well provided with means as we can, and to draw ourselves with the rest of our force towards Connaght, appointing the rest of the Cowsel to meet us in the way at Trim, to advise with us of the best course to establish the heart of the Pale, and to answer the present expectation of Spanish forces. And although by our sudden leaving the North, we have ommitted some things which we conceived to be of great consequence to the service, yet if it shall please your Lordships to supply the foundations we have laid in those parts with one thousand shot, according to our former suit, and with store of victuals for the Garrisons in Winter, we hope you shall find no small effect of our Summer's labour. But seeing we are persuaded, that if any Spanish forces arrive, they will land at Sligo, where they have a fit place to fortify, to be relieved by sea, to unite themselves with all the Rebels force, and where they have a fair Country to possess, with an easy way (by the rebel's assistance) into Monster, or the hart of the Pale, or especially to Loughfoyle, where we cannot, without great difficulty, affront them, having no magazines of victuals or munition at Athlone or Galloway, and where it is unpossible for us to provide ourselves, or if we could, most difficult to carry them by land, when we are so far in the Country, and have no means for carriage. Therefore we most humbly desire your Lordships to send good store of victuals and munition to Galloway, and to Lymbrick, which howsoever our expectation fall out, will be most necessary for the prosecution of Connaght, and that prosecution as necessary this Winter, since O Donnel hath forsaken his own Country, and betaken himself to live in that Province. But because we do foresee it to be no ill Counsel for the Spaniards to land at Sligo, and think that Tyrone will presently urge them to cut off our Garrison at Loughfoyle, whether from thence they have a fair way, and secure from our opposition, and may imagine, that it will be no great difficulty for them with such royal provisions as they will bring, to force those slender fortifications. We beseech your Lordships to send a large provision of victuals and munition to Carlingford and Knockfergus; for we cannot by any other way than that relieve Loughfoyle if it be distressed. Neither can her Majesty hazard any loss in these great provisions, though we never use them; for all kind of victuals may be issued in this Kingdom with great gain, and especially Corn, which we chiefly desire; and for munition, it may be kept with providence as a store for all occasions. Thus howsoever it fall out, we shall be enabled to make such a prosecution this Winter in Connaght and the North, as in all reason will end these wars, it the Spaniards come not, and will leave this Province of Ulster in far greater subjection, than ever any of her majesties Progenitors had it. And since we apprehend, that Spain may make in this Country a dangerous war for England, we conceive that if not now, yet with his first ability; he will embrace it, which makes us to have the greater desire (if it be possible) to prevent his footing here for ever, and that (by God's help) we hope to do before this next Summer, if we may be enabled this winter to ruin Tyrone and O Donnel. We have great need of one hundred Northern horses, for our horses here grow weak, and ill, and if your Lordships please to afford us that number, we will so handle the matter, as it shall be no increase of the List. If the Spaniards come, we must have at the least three hundred, and if they be Northern horses, and Northern Riders, we assure ourselves they will be much fitter for this service, than such as are usually sent hither, who come with purpose to get licence to return, and yet are a greater charge to her Majesty. But for the one thousand foot we desired by our former letters, we find their coming to be of that necessity, as we must be most humble and earnest suitors to your Lordships to send them presently: for our Companies are so exceeding weak, and now decay so fast, by the extremity of the weather, as a much greater number will not supply us, but that the checks will be as great as now they are, and they little be seen amongst us, which gives us cause to wish now, and humbly to move your Lordships, to be pleased to send one thousand foot more soon after. The reports here are so uncertain, as until we meet the rest of the Counsel at Trim, we know not how the Pale stands affected, upon this assured confidence of the Spaniards coming, only this we perceive, many of them are wavering, yet the Lords hereabouts, namely, Mac Gennis, Tirlogh Mac Henry, Ever Mac Cooley, and O Hanlon, keep with us, notwithstanding that Tyrone hath sent them word, that hereafter it will be too late for them to make their peace with him, if they do it not now upon this occasion, and they assute us, as much as men can do, that they will not fall again from their obedience, though thereby their state be no better than horseboyes. But of this we can give your Lordships no assurance, neither in them have we any extraordinary confidence. It may further please your Lordships to be advertised, that the Lord of Dunsany, having the command of a Fort in the Brenny, called Liscanon (where we had placed certain Irish Companies, as fittest to spoil and waste the Country thereabouts), did lately draw most of them into Mac Mahowns Country, for the taking of a prey, which they lighted on, (as is said) to the number of some sixteen hundred Cows: but in their return, being hardly laid unto, (as some of them say, with very great numbers, yet as we have heard by some that were present, not above senenscore), they did not only lose their prey, but according to the manner of the Irish (who have no other kind of retreat) fell to a flat running away to the Fort, so as poor Captain Esmond (who had the command of the Rear, and very valiantly with a few made good the place) was sore hurt, and afterwards taken prisoner, and forty or fifty of our side slain. We cannot learn that any English were among them, so as we account our loss to be no more than the taking of the Captain, neither do the Rebels brag thereof, both because they scaped not free, losing very near as many men as we did; and for that they knew they dealt but with their Countrymen, who (as they do) hold it no shame to run, when they like not to fight, though we mean to call some of ours to account thereof. And so we most humbly take leave.  
The eight and twentieth of August, his Lordship received two letters from the Lord Precedent of Monster; the first imported, that hearing that his Lordship had sent into Connaght for part of the Companies of the Monster List to come into the North, he prayed to be excused, that he had given contrary directions, upon fear of the Spaniards landing, & the knowledge of Tirrels purpose to come with the banished Monster men, and aids of Northern men out of Connaght, presently to disturb the Province of Monster, and signified, that now to manifest his precise obedience to his Lordship's commands, he had sent them directions to march towards his Lordship upon sight of his letter, yet praying his Lordship to send some part of them into Munster, without which help he could neither keep the field against Tirrel and the Provincial fugitives at their first entry, nor upon the Spaniards arrival, give any impediment to their disposing of such Towns, as were recommended to his special care, and assuring his Lordship that the Spaniards had been seen at Sea, and that in his judgement and by vulgar report, it was likely they would make descent in some part of Monster. Lastly, advertising that he had sent james the Suggon pretended Earl of Desmond, and Florence Mac Carty (the chief practiser with the Spaniards in those parts) into England. The second letter imported the Lord Presidents recommendation (which by established course was effectual) to his Lordship, for the granting of her majesties pardon for lands lives and goods, to five hundred forty two inhabitants of Muskery, and other parts in the County of Cork, for which present warrant was accordingly given.  
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship came to Trim, where the Counsellors coming from Dublin met him, according to appointment. here they consulted of the public affairs, more particularly how that part of the Army within Lemster, might be employed to prosecute Tirrel, sent by Tyrone to disturb that Province, and yet to be ready upon any sudden occasion to make head against the foreign enemy. And the advertisements being daily multiplied, that the Spaniards were at Sea, it was concluded, that in regard these forces were not able to answer both, or either the ends aforesaid, great part of the Army in Ulster should be drawn down, and both forces joined, should assail Tirrel, who came to insult over the subjects, and to draw them to rebellion, but especially the late Submitties, whom by many promises and threatenings he had tempted to a relapse, but prevailed not with them. And his Lordship resolved, by his presence to give a sharper edge to this service, till either he should be called, to affront the Spaniards landing, or to draw back into the North; if they landed not.  
The third of September his Lordship and the Counsel here wrote unto the Lords in England, excusing that the extraordinary expenses had far passed the limited sum of six thousand pound yearly, which was far too little, for the transportation of victuals, carriage of munition, charges and imprests to victuallers, rewards to messengers, and for special services, making of boats, and things of like necessity, and the repairing of Castles, Houses, Bridges, Forts, and all buildings. In which last charge, they had not been able fitly to repair Athlone Castle, the Key of Connaght, nor the Castles and Bridges of Carlogh and Laughlin, and the Forts of Phillipstowne and Mary-burgh, being of great consequence, to curb the Traitors, and assure the subjects, and the decay whereof would give the rebels free passage into many Countries, besides our dishonour to neglect those places, which the wisdom of former times with great policy planted; the great charge of repairing whereof, appeared by the transmitted certificates of Commissioners appointed to view these places. And for these reasons they besought her majesties warrant, to leave this charge to their discretion for a time, without any limitation, promising not to enlarge the same in any thing, which might be spared, without apparent prejudice to her service, and giving their opinion, that in this time of the new coin, these places might be repaired with small charge. Likewise they desired to have great store of munition and victuals sent over, and that presently, to prevent the usual contrariety of winds after Michaelmas, and all the Winter season. Lastly, they desired to have the one thousand shot presently sent over, for which they had formerly written; the Army consisting in great part of Irish, which could not be kept to live in Garrison out of their own Country. And they advertised the Lords, that divers of the horse at twelve pence per diem had quit their pay, being not able to live thereupon in those dear times.  
This third of September likewise his Lordship received letters from her Majesty, giving warrant for the pay of two thousand men sent into Monster, being above the Establishment. The same day his Lordship received letters from Sir Robert Cecyll Secretary, that the Spaniards were discovered near the Silly, and as he thought they would land at Lymrick, being forty five sail, whereof seventeen were men of war, whereof six were Galleons, the rest of one hundred, or one hundred and fifty tons burden, and had in them six thousand soldiers, praying his Lordship to demand such supplies as he thought needful, and upon the Spaniards landing, to name the places whether the supplies should be sent, and assuring his Lordship that the two thousand men for Monster were already embarked.  
The same time his Lordship received letters from the Lords in England, importing her majesties acceptance of his service, with her willingness and theirs to send him needful supplies, praying him to demand them timely, because he could hardly receive them from England in six weeks after the demand, the wind standing favourable. Likewise professing that it is the fault of the Commissioners and Commissaries for victuals, if there be any want thereof, since the proportions required by them were arrived in Ireland; as likewise that the soldier made not some part of provision for victuals by money (especially in parts near the sea, and like places, where victuals were to be bought), since by these great provisions of victuals in England with sterling money, her Majesty lost the third part of the profit she hoped to make by the new standard of Ireland, & which might be made, if victuals were provided by the soldier in Ireland, having full pay in that mixed money. Also advertising, that her Majesty had sent for Ireland twenty lasts of Powder, with all munitions in proportion necessary, half by land, and (for sparing of carriage) half by Sea, praying that care might be had in issuing thereof, since they were informed, that great waist thereof had been formerly made, by the Irish bands, converting the Powder to their private gain, and by the whole army, under pretence of her majesties remittall of Powder spent in service (which had been defalked out of the soldiers pay, but was after held an hard course, to punish them for their good deferts), now charging upon her Majesty all wilful and fraudulent consumptions of Powder. Further signifying, that Sir Henry Dockwra his failing in correspondency with his Lordship this Summer, for want of match, was distasteful to them, had he not made amends by surprising of Donnegall, which would faciliate the planting of Ballishannon. That her Majesty referred the garrison of Loughsoyle wholly to his Lordship's direction, and the transposing any part thereof to the enabling of Sir, Arthur Chichester at Knockfergus, the charge of that garrison being exceeding burden some to her Majesty, by reason that Coast in Winter is so subject to storms, and for that it was supplied with all provisions out of England bought with sterling money, and small quantity of the Irish mixed moneys could be there issued to any such purpose, in which regard her Majesty wished that the Irish in those parts (in whose service no profit was found) should either be cast, and pensions of mixed moneys given to the chief Lords, or at least should receive no victuals out of the store, but have their full pay in that standard, to provide therewith for their Companies. Touching the expected landing of the Spaniards, their Lordship's being of opinion that they would presently land in Monster, advertised his Lordship, that two thousand men were embarked for that Province, and two thousand more should be ready within twenty days at the Seaside, to come where his Lordship should direct them. Touching the exception above mentioned which his Lordship had taken, that part of the Officers for the Companies sent into Monster were left to the Lord Presidents disposal, and all the rest were bestowed in England, their Lordships professed, that as in all circumstances of honour and contentment, they desired to respect his Lordship, so they prayed him to consider, that it stood with the reputation of a Counsel of State, to confer some such employments, and keep men of quality at Court, to be upon all occasions used in her majesties service, wherein notwithstanding they had preferred few or none, who had not his Lordship's letters of recommendations to that Board, and now referred them all to be continued or cassed at his pleasure. Lastly, whereas their Lordships were informed, that some were apprehended in Ireland for coining of the new mixed moneys, they signified her majesties pleasure, that those men should be executed, the rather to prevent the great inconvenience might arise, in maintaining the exchange for such counterfeit moneys and otherwise.   

The fourth of September his Lordship wrote from Trim to Sir Robert Cecyll the following letter.  
SIR at my coming into these parts, I found them not so distempered as I was borne in hand I should, so as I make no doubt at all, but if the Spaniards do not come, I shall be able to give her Majesty a good account of my charge here; and I am not out of hope, but rather of opinion, since they have stayed so long, that they will not come this Winter, though I desire not to lead you into that conceit, nor omit not myself to provide for the worst may happen: and therefore have sent Master Martial towards Leax, with almost a thousand foot and some horse, both to be near the Lord Precedent of Monster, for what may fall out that way, and to prosecute Tyrrell in the mean while, who with some two hundred Rogues is gotten thither, and with the remain of the Moors, Connors, and their followers, whom I could not cut off the last year, are altogether drawn to be above four hundred. For Connaght, I have appointed Sir Oliver Lambert, with as many Companies as I can spare him, until I may understand her majesties further pleasure, because I know him to be very active, and find a necessity to employ some forces that way, so long as the brute of the Spaniards coming doth continue; especially now, that Odonnell doth make his residence in that Province about Sligo, and might otherwise do what he lift without impeachment. For myself, I think it fittest to stay hereabouts a while, for from hence I may aptly draw towards Monster or Connaght as need requires, or fall back towards the North, so soon as we can gather any certainty of the Spaniards not coming. And if we may be supplied with the 1000 shot, so earnestly desired by our former letters, (and without which, our foundation will be in a manner overthrown), to strengthen the English Companies here, (I assure you) grown exceeding weak, (otherwise I would not put her Majesty to that charge); I make no doubt but we shall be able to do her Majesty that service there this Winter, (those shot being landed at Carlingford or the Newry, with the victuals, munition, and other means desired), that the Spaniards shall not from thenceforth be able to get footing, to do us any great annoyance, especially if it would please you to procure, for an addition to the rest two hundred shot to be sent for the supplying of Sir Arthur Chichester at Carickfergus: for from that place we have discovered such an entrance into the heart of Tyrone, as in all likelihood will soon ruin that Arch-traitor, if Sir Arthur may be enabled with means, as from me he shall not want what I can yield him. I have here enclosed sent a note, that you may see how the garrisons are planted North-wards, and who it is that commands in each of them, in the absence only of Sir Francis Stafford, for he hath the chief command over them, as the best mean to make them join upon all occasions of the service.  
The ninth of September his Lordship received advertisement from the Lord Precedent, that the two thousand men embarked in England for Monster, were arrived, part in Corkharbour, part at Waterford, of which companies some were left by the Lords of her majesties Counsel, in their directions to his disposal, but he left them to his Lordship's pleasure, knowing the duty he ought to his General. And whereas the Lords of the Counsel, in the same letters gave directions that the foot Companies of the Lord President and Earl of Thomond, being each 150, should be increased each to two hundred, the Lord Precedent avowed that it was obtained by the said Earl, joining him for countenance of the suit, altogether without his privity, which he prayed his Lordship to believe: for since his Lordship had promised that favour to him upon the first occasion, he protested that he never had any thought to make so needless a request in England. Therewith he sent his Lordship the list of the said Companies newly arrived, being one thousand four hundred under fourteen Captains named in England, one hundred for the increase of the Lord Presidents and Earl of Thomonds' foot Companies, and five hundred which he the Lord Precedent, by virtue of the Lords letters, (the Lord Deputy pleasing to give his admission) assigned to five Captains, being in all two thousand foot.  
His Lordship having disposed the forces as is above mentioned, and written from Trim to the Lord Precedent, desiring him to meet him upon the borders of Lemster, meaning Kilkenny, as the fittest place for that meeting, took his journey thitherward, and arriving at Kilkenny the thirteenth of September, the same night received advertisement from the Lord Precedent, that the Spaniards were met at Sea, bearing for Ireland, and therein (as he was informed) for Monster, so that he craved pardon that he came not to meet his Lordship, whose pleasure he conceived to be, that in this case he should not be absent from those parts, where the enemy's descent was expected; and he further prayed his Lordship so to fashion his affairs in Lemster and the North, as the forces he meant to bring might be in readiness; withal protesting, that he stayed only for a second direction, which if he received, he would come without delay to his Lordship.  
The next day his Lordship wrote the following letter to Sir Robert Cecyll her majesties Secretary.  
SIr, having left the Northern borders as well guarded, as in providence I could, the command whereof I left to Sir joh. Barkeley, and having sent Sir Oliver Lambert into Counaght to settle those parts, & Sir Rich. Wingfeild the Marshal into Leax, to prosecute Tirrel with his adherence, I wrote to the Precedent of Monster to meet me about Kilkenny, if he conveniently might, with a desire to establish a full correspondency for the resistance of foreign forces, if they should arrive, or otherwise for making the wars in all parts this Winter, the rather because I know not how (for the present) Galloway, and consequently Asherawe (if it be planted) might be supplied of munition and some other provisions, but out of, and by Monster: & further my being in those parts seeming to me of no small purpose, to divide the Birneses and Cavenaghs from holding intelligence, or joining with Tyrrel, & to nourish the overture I have lately entertained from O. M. S. the chief of the Moors, to bring me Tirrel alive or dead, which he desires should pass as a secret between only me, himself, and Omoloy, to whom he hath already given a pledge to perform it. Now that I might not disenable any of the forces, I am come to Kilkenny only accompanied with some threescore horse, without any one Commander or Captain of the Army, having left them all with commandment to be resident on their charge. Only when I came near Master Martial, I sent to confer with him, being before accompanied with none of the Counsel, but only Sir Robert Gardner chief justice. As I entered into Kilkenny, I received intelligence from the Lord Precedent of the Spaniards being at Sea, and returned his messenger, desiring him not to stir from his charge, but to advertise me often of occurrents. Myself purpose to return presently to Carlogh (whether under the colour to prosecute Tirrel, I will draw as many of the forces, as I can, to employ them in the mean time, and to be ready to answer such occasions as shall fall out in Monster) that being (as things stand) the place best to give direction to all parts, and to assure the most dangerous. Now Sir, what I should desire or advise from hence, on so great a sudden, as I think it fit to make this dispatch, and in so great a matter, I am not very confident, but propound to your much better judgement what I think first and fittest to be thought of. That it may please the Lords to send over the two thousand men by their last letters signified to me to be at Chester, with all expedition, one thousand of them to Carlingford, the other to Dublin. These I intent to thrust into other companies, to make them full (if I can) to a man, whereby the Queen shall be served with all their bodies, and yet her List no way increased, nor other charge but transportation. I desire so many at the least may be sent to Carlingford, because I am confident that it is the best counsel, whether the Spaniards land or no, to strengthen that part of the Army, which will be able to assure the Pale that way, and to ruin the Northern Rebels, in such sort, that it shall not be in the power of foreign force to make them live, and if the worst happen, they be thereby enabled to come off to us, if we send for them, where now they cannot except we fetch them. In general, for such a war you must send great Magazines of munition and victuals, and when you resolve how many men you will send, or have sent, the proportion will be easily cast up by such Ministers as you have there in those kinds. The best place for the greatest quantity will be Dublin; for from thence we may find means to transport what other places shall have need of, except th● war be in Connaght, for then only from Lymrick and Galloway all our provisions must come, and in Connaght I chiefly expect the Spaniards first descent, yet there with most difficulty can front them with any war before Galloway, or Athlone (from Lymricke) be thoroughly supplied with provisions. If foreign force do not arrive, these provisions will not be lost; for this Winter Odonnell must be forced out of Connaght, or else he will get there what he hath lost in Tyrconnell, and so, this Winter we must do our endeavour to do the like in Ulster, to ruin Tyrone, which is a work of no small difficulty, but of so great consequence, that I am persuaded it would not only turn the professions of this people, but even their hearts to her majesties obedience, for such as love Tyrone, will quit their affections, when the hope of his fortune fails, and such as do not, their dependency on him will fall, when their fear of his greatness shall be taken away: for believe me Sir, I observe in most (if I be not much deceived) of the Irish reclaimed Lords, great desire to continue Subjects, if they might once see appearance of defence, though perchance not so much out of their honest dispositions, as the smart they yet feel of a bitter prosecution. If you hear that foreign powers in any great numbers are arrived, you must resolve to send at the least 200 Horse out of England, and two thousand men more well armed, for you must believe Sir, that then it will not be the war of Ireland, but the war of England made in Ireland. If we beat them, both Kingdoms will be quiet, if not, even the best in more danger than I hope ever to live to see. If you provide us more men when we send you word that the Spaniards are landed, we will write whether we desire they should be sent. Howsoever, I presume her Majesty shall not repent the putting over so many men hither; for we hope to ease the charge in the shortness of the work: If this aid arrive not here, and if any foreign force arrive in England, (the which we gather by some intelligence may be), then if you send hither new men to assure places fit to be kept, we may bring you over old soldiers & Captains, two or three thousand; which I will undertake shall strike as good blows as ten thousand ordinary men. I have made some of the subjects lately reclaimed, and in these times suspected, put themselves in blood already, since my coming hither; for even now I hear my Lord Mountgarrets sons have killed some of the Clarcheeres, and some of tyrrel's followers, since I contested with their Father, about somewhat I had heard suspicious of them. Sir I will again advertise you of our affairs here very shortly, and desire you now to pardon my haste.  
From Kilkenny this fourteenth of September 1601. Your most assured friend to do you service, Mountioy.  
His Lordship returned from Kilkenny to Carlogh, where he disposed the forces to answer the service in those parts of Lemster. Thence he wrote to the Lord Precedent to meet him some time at Kilkenny, if possibly he could: And within few days hearing that the Lord Precedent having left Sir Charles Wilmot with the forces at Cork, was on his journey towards him, his Lordship parted from Carlogh, and the nineteenth of September met him at Laughlin, whence they road together to Kilkenny.  
Before I proceed further, I will briefly add the affairs of Monster till this time, 
Monster.  collected out of the Lord Precedents letters. The settling of peace in the year 1600. was interrupted by the alarum of a Spanish invasion generally given in the beginning of this year 1601. And in the month of April the Monster Rebels which fled the last year into Connaght and Ulster, attempted again to return into Monster, having been strengthened by Tyrone; but the Lord Precedent sent Captain Flower with one thousand foot to the confines, and these forces of Monster on the one side, and Sir john Barkeley with the Connaght Forces on the other side, so pursued them, as the same month they were forced to break and return into Ulster. Florence mac Carty notwithstanding his protection, had procured the sending of the said Rebels out of the North, and besides many rebellious practices, about this time laded a Bark with hides, which should bring him munition from foreign parts. The Lord President ceased not to lay continual plots to apprehend the ticulary Earl of Desmond, & having often driven him out of his lurking dens, (in which service the Lord Barry having a Company in her majesties pay, did noble endeavours,) at last the Lord Precedent understanding that he lurked in the white Knight's Country, his Lordship did so exasperate him with fear of his own danger, as in the month of May he took him prisoner and brought him to Cork, where he was condemned for treason, to entitle the Queen in his lands, and for a time kept prisoner there.  
In the month of june the Lord Precedent received this gracious letter from the Queen, written with her own hand.  
MY faithful George. If ever more service of worth were performed in shorter space than you have done, we are deceived among many eye wituesses: we have received the fruit thereof, and bid you faithfully credit, that what so wit, courage, or care may do, we truly find, they have all been thoroughly acted in all your charge. And for the same believe, that it shall neither be unremembered, nor unrewarded, and in mean while believe, my help nor prayers shall never fail you.  
Your Sovereign that best regards you, E. R.  
In the beginning of july the Lord Precedent advertised the Lord Deputy, that according to his directions he would presently send into Connaght 1000 foot and fifty horse of the Monster list, though upon good and fresh intelligences, the arrival of Spaniards was daily expected in that Province, and the forces remaining with him, were not sufficient to guard Kinsale, Waterford, Yoghall, Killmalloch, Lymricke, and Cork, (the last whereof according to his Lordship's directions, he would have care specially to strengthen). That he had given the chief leader of the said forces Sir Fran. Barkely direction to return to him upon his letter, if her majesties service in his opinion should require it, praying the Lord Deputy to allow of this direction, since he meant not to recall them, but upon sudden revolt of the Provincials or arrival of Spaniards. That the Prisoner usurping the title of Earl of Desmond, and many other evidences made manifest; that the rebels of Ulster, and especially the Spaniards, did most rely upon the help of the said prisoner, & Florence mac Carty, which Florence though protected had assured them of his best aid, and had prevailed in a Council held in Ulster, that the Spaniards should land at or near Cork. And that hereupon he the Lord Precedent had apprehended Florence, and sent him together with the said Earl Prisoner into England, where they were safe in the Tower, which being in time known to the Spaniards, might perhaps divert their invasion of Ireland. And no doubt the laying hand on these two Archrebels, much advanced her majesties service in the following invasion, whereby the Lord Precedent deservedly won great reputation. Thus much I have briefly noted to the time above mentioned, when the Lord Deputy wrote to the Lord Precedent to meet him on the confines of Monster.  
They meeting (as I said) at Laughlin, road together to Kilkenny, where the twenty 
The landing of the Spaniards.  day of September they sat in Counsel with the Earl of Ormond, and the rest of the Counsel with purpose, so soon as they had resolved of the meetest course for the present service, to return to their several places of charge. But the same day news came by post, (for Posts were newly established for the same purpose) that a Spanish Fleet was discovered near the old head of Kinsale, whereupon they determined to stay there all the next day, to have more certain advertisement thereof. The three & twentieth day another Post came from Sir Charles Willmot, advertising the Spanish Fleet to be come into the harbour of Kinsale, and it was agreed in Counsel, that the Lord Precedent should return to Cork, and the Lord Deputy for countenancing of the service in Monster, should draw to Clommell, and gather such forces as he could presently, to draw to Kinsale, nothing doubting but that this forwardness (howsoever otherwise the Army, neither for numbers of men, nor sufficiency of provision, was fit to undertake such a task) would both cover their many defects from being spied by the Country, and for a while, at the least stop the currant of that general defection of the Irish, which was vehemently feared. This was resolved in Counsel, after the Lord Precedent had given them comfort to find victuals and munition at Cork: for at first they were not so much troubled to draw the forces thither, as suddenly to bring victuals and munition thither for them. But when they understood, that his Lordship had fed the soldiers all Summer by cease, and preserved her majesties store of victuals which they thought to be wasted, they were exceeding joyful of this news, and not without just desert, highly commended the Lord Presidents provident wisdom, in the said most important service to the State.  
The same day they wrote these letters to the Lords in England.  
IT may please your Lordships: The Spanish Fleet so long expected by the Rebels here, is now in the harbour of Kinsale or Cork, as it may appear unto your Lordships for a certainty, by the copies of these enclosed letters, from Sir Charles Wilmott, and the Mayor of Cork, which is as much news as we have yet received, so as we can not judge, whether this be the whole Fleet set out of Spain, or whether part thereof is coming after to them, or bound for any other harbour, only we have some reason to think (the weather falling out of late exceeding stormy and tempestuous) that all the ships could very hardly keep together, and the report was, the whole number were at least seventy. We are now to be earnest suitors to your Lordships, to supply us with all things needful for so weighty an action, and so speedily as possibly it may be. The two thousand foot already (as we conceive) at Chester, we now desire may presently be lent to Waterford (and neither to Carlingford nor Dublin, as I the Deputy thought fittest in my last dispatch, when I meant to have used them in the North), two thousand more at the least had need come soon after unto Cork, if it be not invested before their coming, but if it be, their landing must then be at Waterford or Yoghall, and with them three hundred horse will be as few, as we conceive we have reason to demand, and therefore expect both the one and the other so soon as may be, also munition and victual must be sent for ten thousand men, to come likewise to Waterford (unless your Lordships hear from us to the contrary), for if in those two kinds we be not royally supplied, men and money will serve us to little purpose, with all which we recommend to your Lordship's consideration, whether it were not fit to send some part of her majesties Navy to lie upon this coast, aswell to assure the passage by Sea, as to attempt something upon the Spanish shipping. Thus having briefly set down our requests, as sparingly as we may do, the danger considered, we think it not impertinent to acquaint your Lordships with the cause of our meeting here, and purposes. We thought fit upon the expectation of these foreign forces, before we held it of any certainty, to confer with the Lord Precedent of Monster, and to consult upon the general disposal of the forces of this Kingdom, how to make the war upon their arrival, which we could hardly do, without being thoroughly informed by him, of the state of that Province, and what means of victual, munition, and other provisions we should find there, if we should draw the army thither, or from thence were driven to make the war in Connaght, where we found it would be of exceeding great difficulty, unless we might have good helps out of Monster. For this purpose meeting at this place upon Monday the one and twentieth of this present, the next day while we were in consultation, came the first of these letters from the Mayor of Cork, assuring us of the discovery of the Fleet near the old head of Kinsale, but whether friends or enemies he then knew not, but that being made certain by the rest of the letters that came since, we presently grew to this resolution, that the Precedent should return with all speed possible, though before he left the Province, he took order to the uttermost that could be done in providence, aswell to settle the same, as to defend all places likeliest to be invaded; and we concluded, that I the Deputy should draw forward, as far as Clommell, to be near the chiefest brunt of the war, and upon the present apprehension of all things there's, to give directions to the rest of the Kingdom, and yet to omit no occasions against the invasion, whilst the Marshal drew up as many of the forces to me, as he can with best conveniency and expedition. For since the two thousand supposed to be at Chester, came not to Carlingford and Dublyn, in time to supply the Companies Northward, that they might have gone on with their prosecution, we have now resolved to leave no more in those parts, then are sufficient to keep the garrison places, because we hold it to be to no purpose, until her Majesty send hither greater forces, though we are still of opinion, it were the best course to proceed there, if her Majesty would be pleased to enable us, for otherwise it cannot be looked for, but that we shall go backward greatly in this business. Thus being confident your L ps. will be careful of us, we take this to be sufficient upon this sudden, since what is any way necessary or fit for us, is to your Lordships in your wisdom and experience best known, and so we do most humbly take leave, with this assurance, that we will leave nothing unperformed, that may give true testimony to the World, that we value our duty to our most gracious Sovereign, and tender the preservation of this her Kingdom, committed to our charge (as we know we ought) before our lives and livings, and doubt not but to give her Majesty a very good account of all our doings.  
From Kilkenny this three and twenty of September, 1601. Your Lordship's most humbly to command, etc. signed by the Lord Deputy and Council.  
The four and twentieth day; his Lordship wrote this following letter to Master Secretary.  
SIR I did ever think, that if any foreign force should arrive, it would be doubtful for me to lay my finger on any sound part of all this Kingdom, which if our supplies had come in time, to have left the Northern garrisons strong, we might in some good sort have provided for, but now my resolution is this, to bend myself as suddenly as I can against these foreign forces. If we beat them, let it not trouble you, though you hear all Ireland doth revolt, for (by the grace of God) you shall have them all return presently with halters about their necks: if we do not, all providence bestowed on any other place is vain. Till I know more particularly in how many places they have made their descent, I cannot write much; but for the present I apprehend a world of difficulties, with as much comfort as ever poor man did, because I have now a fair occasion to show how prodigal I will be of my life, in any adventure that I shall find to be for the service of my dear Mistress, unto whom I am confident God hath given me life to do acceptable service; which when I have done, I will sing Nune dimittis. This day I expect to receive light and further ground to write more at large, and being now ready with the Precedent to take Horse, whose fortune & mine shall now be one, I leave you to God's continual blessings, in haste. Kilkenny the four and twenty of September 1601.  
The same day Master Martial was dispatched into the Pale, to draw the Companies thereabouts towards Monster, and to procure from the Council at Dublyn all things necessary for that business. Sir Henry Davers was sent for the Companies about Armagh, and Sir john Barkeley had direction to bring other Companies that were laid about the Navan. And the L. Deputy the same night road to Kiltenan, a Castle and dwelling of the Lord of Dunboyne, being a great days journey, where he was assured that the Spaniards were landed and entered into Kinsale. The five and twenty 〈◊〉 Lordship road to Clommell, where Sir Nicholas Walsh, one of the Council, came to 〈◊〉, and there it was resolved; his Lordship should go on to Cork, and so to proceed as there should be cause. The six and twentieth his Lordp. road to Glonowre, the Lord 〈◊〉 Castle. The seven and twentieth his Lordship road from Glonowre to Cork, accompanied with the Lord Precedent, Sir Robert Gardener, and Sir Nicholas Walsh, Counsellors.  
The eight and twenty day his Lordship was advertised by a Scot coming from Lisbon, that the Spaniards sent to Kinsale, were six thousand in number, commanded by Don jean del' Aguyla, who had been general in Britain, that one thousand of them scattered by tempest, were since arrived at Baltemore. That they were directed to Kinsale, with promise of great succours by the pretended Earl of Desmona, lately taken and sent into England, and by Florence mac Carty, whom the Lord Precedent upon suspicion had lately taken, and in like sort sent prsoner into England. That the Spaniards gave out, that assoon as they could have horses from Tyrone, and other Irish rebels, in which hope they had brought four hundred, (or as after was credibly advertised 1600 saddles), they would keep the field, and therefore would not fortify at Kinsale, and that upon the revolt of this Country, the King of Spain meant from these parts to invade England.  
Whereupon the same eight and twenty day the Lord Deputy resolved in Counsel, that letters should be written into England, that it was given out, the Spaniards in Monster were six thousand, and that of certain they were five thousand commanded by Don jean del' Aguila, whereof three thousand were arrived in Kinsale, and the Vice-admiral Siriago, (for Don Diego de Brastino, was Admiral of the Fleet), with four other ships scattered by tempest, were arrived at Baltemore. That no Irish of account had repaired to them; excepting some dependents of Florence mac Carty, (of whose imprisonment the Spaniards had not heard before their landing), who was the persuader of their coming to that Port. That to keep Rebels from joining with them, it behoved us presently to keep the field. That it was requisite to send some of the Queen's ships, who might prevent their supplies, and give safety to our supplies, both out of England and from Coast to Coast, and might bring us to cark Artillery for battery, with munition and victuals. Likewise to write presently for three hundred Northern horse, and for the two thousand foot at Chester, and two thousand more. To write for six pieces of battery, the biggest to be Demy Cannon for the field, with carriages and bullets. To certify the Lords that Artillery could not be brought from Dablyn, because the Irish ships had not masts and tackle strong enough to take them in and out, (besides that, Easterly and Northerly winds only serving to bring them; were rate at this season of the year;) and that the greatest Pieces in Monster lay unmounted on the ground. And lastly, to write for powder for five thousand shot, and for six Pieces of Battery, (which must be some sixty last), and for fifty tun of lead, with like quantity of match, and five thousand Pioneers tools.  
The same day his Lordship was by letters advertised, that a Friet in a soldiers habit, was dispatched from Kinsale the four & twenty of September, and passed through Clommell, naming himself james Fleming, and from thence went to Waterford, where he abode few days, and named himself Richard Galloway. That he had Bulls from the Pope, with large indulgences to those, who should aid the Spaniards, (sent by the Catholic King to give the Irish, liberty from the English tyranny, and the exercise of the true old Apostolic Roman Religion), and had authority to excommunicate those that should by letters, by plots, or in person join with her Majesty, (whom the Pope had excommunicated, and thereby absolved all her Subjects from their oath of allegiance). That every general Vicar in each Diocese, had charge to keep this secret till the Lord Deputy was passed to Cork, when he assured them, his Lordship should either in a general defection not be able to understand these proceedings, or hearing thereof should be so employed, as he should have no leisure to prevent them. That he gave out, the Spaniards at Kinsale were 10000, besides 2000 dispersed by tempest, which were landed at Baltimore, having treasure, munition, and victuals for two years. And that Tyrone would presently come up to assist them at Kinsale, and to furnish them with horses, which they only expected from him; and had brought saddles and furniture for them. Lastly, advice therein was given to his Lordship to write to the corporate Towns and chief Lords, not to believe these fabulous reports, but to take advice (not given out for fear of their defection, but only for their good) to continue loyal subjects.  
The nine and twentieth his Lordship with the Lord President and the above named Counsellors, took some horse for guard, and road to view the Town and harbour of Kinsaile; and the Spaniards Fleet, that upon that view, they might resolve of the fittest place for our Camp to sit down by them. They found the Spaniards possessed of the Town, and the greatest part of their shipping to have put to Sea for Spain, (for of thirty four ships arriving there, only twelve now remained in the Harbour, some of the other being lately put out, and then seen under sail), so as they saw there was no more to be done, till our forces should be arrived out of the North and Lemster, and we enabled from England to keep ourselves from breaking, after we should take the field.  
The first of October his Lordship and the Counsel here, wrote to the Lords in England, according to the project resolved on the eight and twentieth of September. Further beseeching their Lordships to pardon their earnest writing for munition and victuals, though great proportions of them were already sent, and that in respect the magazines formerly appointed for the best, when the place of the Spaniards descent was unknown, were so far divided, as we could not without great difficulties make use of them in these parts, and at this time, when for the present the Spaniard was Master of the Sea, and the Queen's forces being drawn towards Kinsaile, the rebels might easily intercept them by land, but especially for that great use might be made of those provisions in the very places where now they were, if Tirone come into Monster with his forces, as no doubt he would, namely, the magazine at Lymricke would serve excellently for the prosecution formerly intended, and after to be made in Connaght, though by sea or land they could not be brought to Cork, without great difficulties and dangers. Adding that for the present, the Lord deputy was forced to draw most of the forces of the North into Monster, leaving only the Forts guarded, and so the Pale was not able to defend itself against Tyrone, whereas he hoped to have been enabled both to continue the prosecution in the North, and also to besiege the Spaniards at one and the same time, whereof yet he did not altogether despair, so as their Lordships would speedily furnish such things, as were earnestly desired by them, for the good of the service; being confidently of opinion, that the only way to make a speedy end of the rebellion, and as quick a dispatch of the Spaniards out of Ireland, was to make the war roundly both in the North, and in Monster at one time. Also advertising that the Spaniards (as they for certain heard) brought with them not only sixteen hundred Saddles, upon the Rebels promise of horse, but also great store of Arms for the common people, upon hope they had given them of their general revolt; and humbly praying their Lordships, that in regard our greatest strength and advantage consisted in our horses they would cause a thousand quarters of Oats to be speedily sent for Cork, without which store, our horses were like to starve within a short time, and in case they approved the prosecution in the North to be continued without intermission, than they would be pleased to send the like quantity of Oats to be kept in store at Carlingford. Lastly, praying their Lordships to send hither a Master Gunner, with six canoneers.  
The second of October, his Lordship wrote this following letter to Master Secretary.  
SIr I do think we shall find these forces out of Spain to be above four thousand, abundantly provided with Munition, Artillery, and Arms (besides their own use, to arm the Country people, great store of treasure, and of all victuals but flesh. All the Chiefs that are in rebellion, and all the loose sword men, will presently take their parts. The Lords that we have reclaimed, if we do not defend them from Tirone, must and will return unto him. Upon the first good countenance the Spanish army shall make, I fear me, many will declare themselves for them, but upon the first blow we shall receive (from the which I hope God will preserve us), I doubt there would fall out a general revolt. The Commander of the Spanish Army is one of the greatest Soldiers the King of Spain hath, the Captain under him are most ancient men, their Bands, some out of Italy, some from the Terceraes, and few Bisonioes'. They are specially well armed, all their shot (as I heard) muskets, they have brought sixteen hundred saddles, and Arms for horsemen, of light shot, whereof they make account to be provided in Ireland, and so may they be, as well as in any part of Christendom, and likewise to have horses for their saddles, but therein I think they will be deceived. There are not yet come unto us any other forces, but such 〈◊〉 only I found in this Province. Upon the arrival of the first troops (which I look for hourly) we shall send you word of some good blows that will pass between us, for I mean to dwell close by them (by the grace of God) to put them to it. Sir, the King of Spain hath now begun to invade her majesties Kingdoms, if only to put Ireland in general commotion, he hath chosen the worst place, if to do that, and to lay a sudden foundation for the war of England, the best: if he hath been deceived in any expectation here, the State of Spain must now make good the error, and doubtless is engaged to supply all defects. The commodity that is offered unto her Majesty is, that she may sooner prevent than Spain provide: Now as her majesties faithful workman, I am bold to propound in my own task, that it may please her to send presently good part of her royal Fleet, and with them such provisions for battery as we did write for, and at the least so many horse and foot as by our letter we have sued for, with victuals and munitions in abundance for them. It will be fit that this Winter there be a sharp war made in Ulster, which will keep the Spaniard from any important succour, and ruin for ever the Traitors, if the war be well followed. If it be made by the several Governors, the effect will not be so great: if you will have it performed thoroughly, you must make one Governor of all Ulster, and the fittest man that can be chosen in England or Ireland is Sir Arthur Chichester. If you resolve on that course, from him you must continually receive his demands, only of the three hundred horse we did write for, it were good he had sent him out of the North one hundred. For foot, if you send him out of England to supply the Companies at Loughfoyle and Knockefergus, above our proportion, it will be much better: for Armagh and those parts shall receive from us. This course I hope will soon make an end of the war in Ireland, of Spain in Ireland, and perchance of Spain for a long time with England. I doubt not but you will conceive this action to be of no less importance than it is. What goodly Havens are in these parts for shipping, how many fight men of the Irish may be from hence by the King of Spain carried for an invasion of England; (the want of which two kinds hath been his chief impediment hitherto) you well know. Believe Sir, out of my experience here, if the King of Spain should prevail in Ireland, he may carry above ten thousand men from hence, that joined with his Army, will be of more use for the invasion of England, than any that can be chosen out of any part of Christian doom. And now Sir, that you know (as I hope) the worst, I cannot dissemble how confident I am, to beat these Spanish Dons, as well as ever I did our Irish Macks and O's, and to make a perfect conclusion of the war of Ireland as soon, as if this interruption had never happened, if we have God's blessing and the Queens, and those ordinary means without the which none but infinite powers can work. I beseech the eternal God preserve her Majesty and her Kingdoms, and send me the happiness to kiss her royal hands, with the conscience of having done her the service I desire. And so Sir I do wish you all happiness, and will be ever  
From Cork the 2 of October 1601. Yours Sir most assured to do you service, Mountioy  
The same day his Lordship wrote another letter to Master Secretary as followeth.  
SIR here are divers worthy men very fit to have charge, who have followed the wars here as voluntaries to their very great expense, & look now by my means to have command upon the coming over of the next Companies, if you send more than serve only for supplies. I have no means to keep them from going thither, to use the help of their friends and get them Companies there, but by promising them any thing that I can do for them here, for by that course I conceive I ease you of that trouble, which their importunate suits would breed you, and hold them here ready for any service upon the sudden, thinking it no policy at this time to spare any, that may give furtherance to the great work we have in hand. If it will please you to do me that favour, to procure that the Companies to come over, may be appointed Captains of my nomination, I shall be able to satisfy those gentlemen's expectations, who I am persuaded will be fitter for this employment than any that can be sent from thence, and they finding their advancement here, where they are to be tied to their task, will (in my judgement) endeavour to deserve the best, being in the eye of him that was the means thereof, which for the service sake chiefly I affect, though I can be content Sir to acknowledge unto you, that I would gladly have the World see, that I am no less graced in my employments then my Predecessors have been; for this people do not little observe it, and at this present especially I hold it a matter of that consequence, as without it, I shall be the less able to wield this great business, with that success that otherwise I am hopeful of: We have not here any of the Queen's Pinnisses, whereof at this time there is great want. At my coming out of the North, althougst the Rebels in general did give out, that they were out of hope of foreign succours this year, (I think in policy, and to make us flow to call for supplies), yet Tyrlogh mac Henry did assure me upon his life, that the Spaniards would come, and further told me that one bath Agent for Tyrone in Spain, and since returned to him, was sent into Scotland, whence he was presently to return: Whereupon I delivered a description of the man to Captain Button, and willed him to lie upon the Coasts to apprehend him, assuring myself that I should have wrested out of him the certainty of all things. Since that time I have heard nothing of that Captain, nor of the Queen's Pinnace under his command. I pray you Sir let us have some of the Queen's ships with expedition, for without them we shall not be able to convey any thing upon this Coast from place to place, and the ways by land will be dangerous. So Sir I wish you all happiness.  
The third of October, his Lordship and the Counsel here wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.  
IT may please your Lordships. Having seriously considered of the great work we have now in hand, we observe that besides the foreign enemy the Spaniard with whom we are first to deal, and the known Traitors and Rebels already in arms, there are two other sorts of people here, which if we do not carefully provide for, they will soon adhere unto the rest, and make their party so strong, as in judgement we cannot see how we shall be well able to encounter it, unless by good providence it be prevented, which is the mark we aim at. The one of these two sorts is the subject, who hath lands and goods to take to, for whom we must provide defence, else with his livelihood we are sure to lose him, and therefore we will omit nothing that our means will stretch to, that may preserve, cherish, and content him. The other sort are such as have no living, nor any thing that will afford them maintenance, and yet hitherto have not showed themselves disloyal, though all of them be Swordmen, and many Gentlemen by descent, and are able to draw after them many followers. To this sort we hear for certain, the Spaniards make offer of great entertainment, and if we should not in some sort do the like, we cannot in reason look but they must and will fall to their party. We have therefore out of this necessity resolved, to take as many of them into her majesties entertainment, as we have any hope will truly stick unto us, being confident that we shall make good use of them against the Spaniard; for we mean thoroughly to put them to it, though if we should fail in our expectation, and find them cold or slack in serving with us, yet will it be a great countenance to the service to show the persons of so many men on our side, where otherwise they would have been against us: and of this we can assure your Lordships, that when they have served our turn against the Spaniards, until we have freed ourselves of them, we can without danger case her Majesty of that charge, and will no longer hold them in entertainment. In the mean time they shall spend little of the Queen's victual, but being paid of the new coin, provide for themselves, which may be with less oppression to the Country, then if in that sort they were not entertained, for than they would spoil all, and put out such as otherwise will continue in subjection. Of this course of ours, we humbly desire your Lordship's approbation (though we will be very sparing to entertain more than shall be necessary) and warrant to Master Treasurer to make them payment, and hold us we beseech you excused for resolving it, before we acquainted your Lordships there with all, seeing we were enforced thereunto by necessity for the service sake (since many of them were active, and would otherwise have served the enemy), and we could not sooner write unto your Lordships of it, and even so, etc.  
The same day Sir Benjamin Berry came to Cork with his Lordship's Guard which he commanded, and with some other Companies (for till this time his Lordship had no part of the Army with him, but only the Bands of the Monster List.) The ninth day the Companies came to Cork, which Sir Richard Wingfield the Marshal had drawn out of the Pale, and Sir john Barkeley Sericant Mayor had drawn from the frontiers of Lemster and Connaght. The tenth day being Saturday, the Companies came to Cork, which Sir Henry Davers had drawn from Armagh and the Northern Garrisons. And this day Sir Richard Wingfield Martial, and Sir john Barkeley Sergeant Mayor, were sent with some horse and foot, to view and choose a fit ground near Kinsale, where our Army might sit down to besiege the Town. The next day some horse and foot were sent out to keep the Irish from selling victuals to the Spaniards. The twelfth two French men ran from the Spaniards to us, who confessed that three thousand Spaniards landed at the first in Kinsale, beside six hundred since artived in a great ship scattered from them by a tempest.  
This day one advertised his Lordship, that under pretence of favouring the Spaniards descent, he had spoken with their General; who inquired whether the L. Deputy in person came to view Kinsale, and with what numbers, to which he answered, that he was there in person with four hundred foot lodged not far off out of sight, and four troops of horse. That he asked what soldiers the Lord Deputy had, to which he answered some eight thousand, besides the daily arrival of others of the Army in Lemster and the North: what soldiers were new, and what weapons they had, and what artillery the Lord Deputy had, to which he answered with addition to our strength. He said that the General presumed by the contrary winds, that they in England heard not of his arrival, and though he told him the English Fleet was at Plymoth, he seemed not to believe it, and made countenance, that they should have enough to do, to defend the English coast from invasion, and much insisted upon the copper money the Queen sent, with purpose to make the Irish her slaves: but promised gold and silver from his Mastor. That he inquired to Tyrone and Odonnel, seeming to distaste their being so far off, and the way to them being dangerous, and his own want of horses, and therefore prayed this Gentleman to certify Tirrell and the Lord of Leytrim, that he expected Tyrone with horses and beeves, which he prayed them to supply in the mean time, both sending him notice before they came, adding that himself had Bread, Rice, Pease, and Wine for eighteen months, and store of treasure. And that he inquired much after the strength of Cork, and the Queen's new Fort there. Lastly, he advertised, that the ships returned were fourteen (of them six the Kings own of one thousand run the least, in which was the Admiral General, Saint liage, and the great Admiral of Castill, Don Diego, de Bruxero.) That the twelve remaining were smaller, and embarged (or arctied) to serve the King, whereof some were Irish. That the ships at Baltemore had 700 men. That by his view, there were 3000 in Kinsale royally provided of all provisions for war, having many saddles for horses; and that upon Tyrones' expected coming, they intended to take the field.  
The thirteenth it was resolved we should presently take the field, though we had not as yet any provisions fit for that purpose, but that day and the two days following we could not stir from Cork, by reason of extreme rain and foul weather. Neither artillery, munition nor victuals were yet come from Dublin, yet it was thought fitter thus unprovided to take the field, then by discovery of our wants to give the Irish opportunity and courage to join with the Spaniard.    

CHAP. II. Of the besieging of the Spaniards at Kinsale, with the delivery of the Town to the Lord Deputy and their return into Spain in the same year 1601.  
THe 16 day of October, his Lordship with the Army rose from Cork, and encamped five miles short of Kinsale, at a place called Owny Buoy. The 17 the army rose, & marching towards Kinsale, encamped within half a mile of the town under a hill called Knock Robin, where some few shot of the Spaniards offered to disturb our sitting down, but were soon beaten home. We had at that time scarce so much Powder as would serve for a good days fight, neither had we any competent number of tools, so as we could not entrench ourselves, for these provisions were not yet come from Dublin. That day Captain Morgan came out of England with one of the Queen's ships, and our Master Gunner came from Waterford, advertising that some ships of provisions, sent from Dublin, were come to that Port where they were enforced to stay by a contrary wind, being Southerly. The eighteenth the Army lay still, and we viewed the fittest places to encamp near the Town: but our Artillery being not come, we removed not. And that night the Spaniards made a sally, much greater than the former, to disturb our Camp, but our men soon repelled them without any loss to us. The nineteenth we lay still, expecting provisions, and that day, our men sent to view the ground, had some slight skirmishes with the enemy, and Deu jean after professed, that he never saw any come more willingly to the sword, than our men did. That night Sir john Barkeley was appointed to give Alarm to the Town, who did beat the Spanish guards set without the Town, into their trenches. The next night after, some sixteen hundred Spaniards came to the top of the hill, under which we lay, either with purpose to cut off some of the scouts, or to attempt some thing on the Camp: But Sir john Barkeley lying with a party of ours not exceeding three hundred, discovered them, and skirmishing with them, killed some dead in the place, took some Arms and other spoil, and hurt divers, and did beat them back to the Town, without the loss of any one of our men, and only three hurt.  
The one and twentieth Cormock Mac Dermot an Irish man, chief of a Country called ministery, came with the rising out (or soldiers) of his Country, to show them to the Lord Deputy, who to the end the Spaniards might see the mere Irish served on our side, commanded them at their return to pass by the Spanish trenches, made without the Town on the top of the hill, but lodged strong parties (out of the enemies fight) to second them. The Irish at first went on well, and did beat the Spanish guards from their ground, but according to their custom, suddenly fell off, and so left one of the Lord Precedents horsemen engaged, who had charged two Spaniards: but Sir William Godolphin commanding the Lord Deputies troup, when he saw him in danger, and unhorsed, did charge one way upon their gross, and Captain Henry Barkley Cornet of the same troup, charged another way at the same instant, and drove their shot into the trenches, and so rescued the horseman with his horse, coming off with one man hurt, and only one horse killed, from the great numbers of Spanish shot, whereof four were left dead in the place, divers carried off dead into the Town, and many hurt.  
The two and twentieth day Captain Button arrived at Cork with the Queen's Pinnace, called the Moon, which wafted other ships bringing victuals and munition from Dublyn, and the same day came to the Camp, advertising that the same ships were come from Waterford towards Cork. That night his Lordship sent him back, to bring his ship about to Kinsale Harbour, and to take with him Captain Wards ship from Oyster Haven, where it lay to guard the victual and munition we brought with us.  
These two ships were commanded to annoy the Castle of Rincoran, seated close upon the harbour of Kinsale, and possessed by the Spaniard; but after they had spent many shot upon the Castle without any great effect, because their Ordinance was small, they lay still to keep the Harbour, that neither the Castle nor the Town might be relieved by water, which was the chief end of their coming. The three & twentieth the Dublyn shipping arrived at Cork, & were directed to come presently to Oyster Haven, where we might unlade the Artillery (which could not be brought by land), and other provisions for the present use of the Army.  
The four and twenty day it was resolved, we should rise and encamp close by the Town, but the shipping being not come about with the artillery and other necessaries, that day was spent in dispatching for England. And by night Captain Blany and Captain Flower were sent out, to lie with five hundred foot, to entertain the Spaniards which were drawn out of the Town, but they came no further, and so our men returned.  
This day his Lordship and the Counsel wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.  
IT may please your Lordships, since our last dispatch from Cork, which bare date the fourth of this present month, we spent some time there, expecting the coming of the old Companies out of the Pale and Northern parts, and hoping to be supplied with victuals, munition, and other necessaries from Dublyn, without which we saw it would be to little purpose to take the field. But when we had stayed there till the sixteenh, & were not provided of munition, (none being come to us from Dublyn or from Lymricke, whether we had likewise sent to have some brought to us), and wanting both victuals, and most of the provisions belonging necessarily to so great a siege, yet to invest the Town where the Spaniards are lodged, from receiving succours both of victuals and of such as were disposed to join with them, and withal to avoid the opinion, which the Country began to conceive of our weakness, because we did not draw into the field, we resolved the sixteenth day to rise, and the next day did sit down within less than half a mile of the Town, keeping continual guards round about the enemy. We can assure your Lordships that we do not think ourselves much stronger (if any thing at all) in numbers then they are, whose army at their setting to sea, did bear the reputation of six thousand, and we have cause to judge them (because since our last letters to your Lordships, there arrived another ship at Kinsale, which brought five hundred men more unto them) now to be above four thousand by the Pole. In both these points of number in reputation or by Pole, they differ not much from ours, for it may please your Lordships to consider, that the whole force we can draw into this Province (leaving the Pale, Connaght, and the North provided for, as it may appear by this enclosed note they are in some measure) doth not exceed in list 7000, and of those we are enforced to leave some part upon the borders towards Lymricke, to be some stay to the whole Country, and it must in reason be thought, that our Companies generally are weak in numbers, seeing they have had no supplies of a long time, and that we desire two thousand to reinforce them, besides that many are taken out of them for necessary wards, some are sick, and many of the Northern Companies lie yet hurt, since the late great skirmishes against Tyrone, which they performed with good success but a little before they were sent for to come hither. We do assuredly expect, that many will join with Tyrone, (if he only come up towards these parts), and almost all the Swordmen of this Kingdom, if we should not keep the field, and the countenance of being Masters thereof, how ill provided soever we do find ourselves. Wherefore we most humbly and earnestly desire your Lordships to hasten away at the least the full number of such supplies of horse and foot as we do write for in our last, and that it will please your Lordships to believe from us, that if the Country should join with Tyrone, and make a defection, our chief security will be in the horse we must receive out of England, for the most of these here already, are much weakened and harazed out, with their continual employment in every service. It may also please your Lordships to consider, that in a siege, where four thousand such men as these Spaniards, are possessed of any place whatsoever, there will be necessarily required royal provisions, and great numbers to force them, neither can it be thought, but the sword and season of the year will continually waste our Army, so as we are enforced earnestly to desire your Lordships, while this action is in hand, to send us continual supplies, without which this Army will not be able to subsist. And although (grieved with her majesties huge expense) we are loath to propound for so many men as are conceived to be needful and profitable for the present prosecution of this dangerous war, yet we are of opinion, that the more men her Majesty can presently spare, to be employed in this Country, the more safe and sudden end it will make of her charge. And not without cause we are moved to solicit your Lordships to consider thereof, since we now perceive that we have an Army of old and disciplined soldiers before us of four thousand Spaniards (that assuredly expect a far greater supply), and much about twenty thousand fight men, of a furious and warlike nation of the Irish, which we may justly suspect will all declare themselves against us, if by our supplies and strength out of England, they do not see us likely to prenuaile. These Provincials (a few of Carbry only excepted, appertaining to Florence Mac Carty) do yet stand firm, but no better than neutrality is to be expected from those which are best affected, nor is it possible to discover their affections, until Tyrone with the Irish Forces do enter into the Province, who (as the Council at Dublin write) is providing to come hither. The supplies from Spain are presently expected: If they should arrive before our Army be strengthened out of England, or before this Town of Kinsale be taken, it must be thought a general defection through out the Kingdom (wherein we may not except the Towns) will ensue, and then the war will be drawn to a great length, and the event doubtful. If the Queen's ships do not in time come to Kinsale, our task will be very heavy, with this small Army to force so strong an enemy, so well provided of all necessaries for the war. Wherefore we humbly beseech the sending of them away, which will not only give us a speedy course to win the Town, but also assure the coasts for our supplies, and give an exceeding stay to the Country (the enemy fearing nothing more, and the subject desiring nothing so much as the arrival of her majesties Fleet.) The sixty lasts of Powder and six pieces of battery with their necessaries, the victuals and all things else, written for in our former letters, we humbly desire may presently be dispatched hither, and although so great a mass of victuals, as is needful, cannot be sent at an instant, we desire it may be sent as it can be provided, and directed for the haven of Cork. What we shall be able to do till our supplies come, we cannot say: but what we shall have reason to fear, except they come in time, your Lordships may judge. Only we assure your Lordships, that her Majesty (with the help of God) shall find, we will omit nothing that is possible to be done, nor shun any thing that may be suffered, to do her the service we owe unto her. If in the mean time, by all our letters both to the Council at Dublin, and all others in this Country, to whom we have occasion to write, we give out these Spaniards to be in number not three thousand, in their means scant and miserable, in their persons weak and sickly, and in their hopes dismayed and amazed; we hope your Lordships will conceive we do that, but for the countenancing of our party, and to keep as many as we can from falling from us. On the other side, Don jean de l'Aguyla the Spanish General, hath used many arguments to move the Irish to defection, and among other (which is very forcible and fearful unto their wavering spirits), he tells them, that this is the first great action that the King his Master hath undertaken, and assures them he hath protested, that he will not receive scorn in making good his enterprise, and that he will rather hazard the loss of his Kingdoms, then of his Honour in this enterprise. The Priests likewise (to terrify the consciences) threaten hell and damnation to those of the Irish, that do not assist them (having brought Bulls for that purpose), and send abroad Indulgences to those that take their parts. These and such like policies (as their offering of six shillings a day to every horseman that will serve them) do so prevail with this barbarous Nation, as it is a wonder unto us, that from present staggering they fall not to flat defection, as they will soon do, if they once discover them of ability to give us one blow, before the coming of our supplies and means, which we are most earnestly to solicit your Lordships to hasten, assuring your Lordships that nothing will more confirm the state of this Kingdom, than the arrival of her majesties Fleet, which we are resolved by the best judgements may be employed in these parts to prevent the arrival of foreign succours. Yet in the mean time we will omit nothing that shall be feasible with the force we have, neither have we been idle since our coming hither, having had continual skirmishes, whereof two especially were well performed by our men. The first the twentieth of this month, when the enemy by night sallied with more than a thousand foot, to cut off a guard of horse we kept near the Town, and purposing to attempt something on our Camp; but three hundred of our men led by Sir john Barkley did encounter them and beat them back, with loss of many of their men, and some bodies left in the field, by whose spoil our men were encouraged, and returned with triumph. The other, the next day when Cormock Mac Dermot, chief Lord of Muskerie, coming to the Camp, to show us his rising out, we willed him to return by the Spaniards trenches, that they might see the Irish serve on our side against them, where they entertained a good skirmish, but soon falling off, a horseman was engaged and unhorsed: but Sir William Godolphin with my troup rescued him, charging close to their trenches, in a way flanked by two trenches, and filled with great numbers of shot, yet returned (to our great marvel) with little or no hurt, having beaten them from their strength, and killed many of their men, whereof they left some behind them, besides others we saw them carry off. From this beginning we hope God will so bless our just quarrel, as shortly we shall have cause to inform you of better success. We understand that Tyrone will presently come hither, which if he do, your Lordships can judge how weak we are to deal both with him and the Spaniards.  
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter to Master Secretary.  
SIr, what we desire, and how our affairs are disposed of, you have by our general letters to my Lords. Now I will desire, that my unremovable affection may be held as a conclusion so absolutely granted, that I may no more trouble you with any ceremonies; for you shall find, that I will not value my life, nor any fortune of this world to make you assured demonstration thereof, when I shall have the happiness to have power and occasion to show it. Only now touching the point of my Lord Precedents coming over, to take from you any doubt, that in my own particular I could not earnestly concur with you, I do protest on my Christianity, that I know no man in this Kingdom, that I could have been better pleased, should have been the deliverer of my affections and actions, than himself, and by him unto you, and from you might have delivered and received much, which I desire most to do; neither do I know any, who I conceive could have delivered more sufficiently the present state of this Kingdom, nor propounded to greater purpose for her majesties service the course that will be fittest for you in England to embrace. But against mine own private desire, he hath opposed his own peremptory distaste of the motion, with this protestation, to hate me if I should urge it. Besides, it seems to me against the public commodity, in so weighty a cause to send away so worthy an instrument, and deprive ourselves of the assistance we receive thereby at this time, (especially the stage of this great action being chiefly in his own Province, in the which the success of his government doth best show what authority his judgement and presence doth carry). So that I conclude, for your sake, his own and mine, but especially for the public, at this time he cannot well be spared from hence, besides that he hath vowed to fall out with all, if it be urged. And although these spoils of ambition are of all other the most unwillingly shared by men of our profession; yet I protest I am glad, even in this great goal of honour, to run equally with him, and to participate with all his adventures. This band of the honour we bear to you, and mutual affection to each other, having for chief knot the service of our dearest Sovereign, there is no corruption that may be likely to dissolve it; and therefore I hope it is tied by the hand of God, and it shall not be in the power of man to lose it. I am assured, that you and I think, the State of England cannot but conceive the importance of our work: for now I act a est alia between England and Spain, and we that do play the game, have least interest in the stake, though we will win or lose our lives, to show that we do not play booty: wherefore I hope you will not forget us, for vestrares agitur: And let this only argument, which I could confirm with many circumstances, oppose itself against the Counsels of those, that will sell their birth rites in Heaven itself, to please their own envious and partial palates, that the war of the Low-Countries was begun, and hath been maintained with few more natural Spaniards, then are arrived here already; and that putting arms and discipline into this people, they are more warlike than any of his auxiliaries. Sir I will trouble you no longer, being desirous to do somewhat worth the writing. God send us an Easterly wind, and unto you as much happiness as I do wish unto my own soul.  
From the Camp by Kinsale this 24 of October 1601. Yours Sir most assured for ever to do you service, Mountioy.  
The five and twenty the Army was ready to rise, but the weather falling out very foul, direction was given not to dislodge. Four natural Spaniards came this day to us from the Enemy, who the next day were sent to Cork. This night Sir john Barkeley went out with some three hundred foot, having with him Captain Flower, Captain Morris, and Captain Bostocke, and fell into the Spaniards trenches, and did beat them to the Town, fell into the gate with them, and killed and hurt above twenty of the Spaniards, having but three hurt of our men. Hitherto we lodged in Cabins, so as it reigned upon us in our beds, and when we changed our shirts.  
The six and twenty the Army dislodged and encamped on an hill on the northside before Kinsale, called the spital, somewhat more than musket shot from the Town, and there entrenched strongly. When we fat down, we discovered that the Spaniards had gotten a prey of two hundred or three hundred Cows, and many sheep, which were (in an Island as it seemed) upon the Southeast side of the Town, beyond the water, which we could not pass but by going eight or nine mile about, where there was a neck of land to go into it. Captain Taffe being sent with horse and foot, used such expedition in that business, as he attained the place before night, and 〈◊〉 hot skirmish recovered the prey, save only some twenty Cows that the Spaniards had killed, although they were under the guard of a Castle, called Castle Nigh Park, which the Spaniards had in possession.  

The disposal of the whole Army in Ireland the seven and twentieth of October 1601.  
Left at Loughfoyle.  
Sir Henry Dockwra 50. Sir john Bolles 50. Horse 100  
Sir Henry Dockwra 200. Sir Matthew Morgan 150. Captain Badby 150. Sr john Bolles 150. Captain Erington, 100 Captain Vaughan, 100 Captain Bingley, 150. Captain Coach, 100 Captain Basset, 100 Captain Dutton, 100 Captain Floyde, 100 Captain Oram, 100 Captain Alford, 100 Captain Pinner, 100 Captain Windsor, 100 Captain Sydley, 100 Captain Atkinson, 100 Captain Digges, 100 Captain Brooke, 100 Captain Stafford, 100 Captain Orrell, 100 Captain Letgh, 100 Captain Sidney, 100 Captain Gower, 150. Captain wills, 150. Captain W. N. 100  
Foot 3000.  
Horse left at Carickfergus.  
Sir Arthur Chichester Governor, 50. Captain john jephson, 100  
Horse 150.  
Foot left at Carickfergus.  
Sir Arthur Chichester Governor, 200. Sir Foulke Conway, 150. Captain Egerton, 100 Captain Norton, 100 Captain Billings, 150. Captain Phillips, 150.  
Foot 850.  
Foot left in Lecale.  
Sir Richard Moryson the governors Company under his Lieutenant, himself attending the Lord Deputy at Kinsale, 150.  
Horse left in Northern Garrisons.  
At the Newrie Sir Francis Stafford, 50. At Mount Norreys, Sir Samuel Bagnol, 50.  
Horse, 100  
Foot in the North Garrisons.  
At the Newrye Sir Francis Stafford, 200. At Dundalke Captain Freckleton, 100 At Carlingford Captain Hansard, 100 At Mount Norreys Captain Atherton, 100 At Arinagh Sir Henry Davers under his Lieutenant, himself being at Kinsale, 150. At Blackwater, Captain Thomas Williams, 150.  
Foot, 800.  
Horse left in the Pale, and places adjoining.  
In Kilkenny the Earl of Ormond, 50. In Kildare the Earl of Kildare, 50. In Westmeath the Lord of Dunsany, 50. In Lowth Sir Garret Moor, 25.  
Horse, 175.  
Foot in the Pale.  
At Kilkenny the Earl of Ormond, 150. Captain john Masterson, 100 Captain Thomas Butler, 100 At Carlogh Sir Christopher Saint Laurence 150. Sir Francis Shane, 100 Sir Tilbot Dillon, 100 Sir Edward Fitz Garret, 100 Sir Henry Harington, 100 Sir Richard Greame, 100 At the Nasse Sir Laurence Esmond, 150. In Ophalia Sir George Bourcher, 100 Sir Edwird Harbert, 100 Sir Henry Warren, 100 In Leax Fort, Sir Francis Rush, 150. To be placed by the Counsel at Dublin, Sir Henry Power under his Lieutenant, himself being at Kinsale, 150. Sir Samuel Bagnol, 150. Sir William Warren, 100 Captain Guest, 150 Captain Cawfeild, 150. At Kildare the Earl of Kildare, 100 Captain Ocarrol in his Country, 100 At Kelles the Lord of Dunsany, 150. In Westmeath the Lord of Deluin, 150. Captain Mac Henry, 100 At Ardee Sir Garret Mere, 100 Captain N. N. 150.  
Foot 3150.  
Horse left in Cònnaght.  
The Earl of Clanrickard, 50. Captain Wayman, 12.  
Horse, 62.  
Foot left in Connaght.  
Sir Oliver Lambert Governor, 150. The Earl of Clanrickard, 150. Sir Thomas Bourk 150. Captain Clare, 150. Captain Thomas Bourk, 100 Captain Malbye, 150. Captain Tybbot ne Long, 100 Captain Davy Bourke, 100 A Company void for the judges pay, 100  
Foot 1150.  
total of Horse 587. total of Foot 9100.   

The List of the Army with his Lordship at Kinsale.  
The old Monster List.  
Sir George Carew Lord Precedent, 50. Sir Anthony Cook, 50. Captain Fleming, 25. Captain William Taffe, 50.  
Horse 175.  
Foot of the old List.  
The Lord Precedent, 150. The Earl of Thomond, 150. Lord Barry, 100 Lord Audley, 150. Sir Charles Wilmot, 150. Master Treasurer, 100 Captain Roger Harvey, 150. Captain Thomas Spencer, 150. Captain George Flower, 100 Captain William Saxey. 100 Captain Garret Dillon, 100 Captain Nuse, 100 Sir Richard Percy 150. Sir Francis Barkeley, 100 Captain Power, 100 A Company for the Earl of Desmonds' use, 100  
Foot 1950.   

New Companies sent into Monster lately, which arrived and were put into pay the fourth of September past.  
The Lord Precedent added to his Company, 50. The Earl of Thomond added to his Company, 50. Sir George Thorneton, 100 Captain Skipwith, 100 Captain Morris, 100 Captain Kemish, 100, Captain North, 100 Captain Owslye, 100 Captain Fisher, 100 Captain York, 100 Captain Hart, 100 Captain Lisle, 100 Captain Ravenseroft, 100 Cap. Rich. Hansard, 100 Captain George Greame, 100 Captain Yeluerton, 100 Captain Panton, 100 Captain Cullom, 100 Captain Hobby, 100 Captain Gown Haruy, 100 Captain Coote, 100  
Foot 2000   

Horse brought from the North and the Pale to Kinsale.  
The Lord Deputies troup, 100 Sir Henry Davers, 100 Master Martial, 50. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 25. Sir Henry Harrington, 25. Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir William Warren, 25. Sir Richard Greame, 50. Sir Oliver Saint john's, 25. Sir Francis Rush, 12. Captain George Greame, 12.  
Horse 436.   

Foot that Sir john Barkeley brought from the borders of Connaght to Kinsale.  
Sir john Barkley, 200. Sir Arthur Savage, 150. Sir Oliver Saint john's, 200. Sir john Dowdall, 100 Captain Kingsmill, 100 Captain George Blount, 100 Captain Bosteck, 100  
Foot 950.   

Foot brought out of the Pale by Master Martial, and from the Northern Garrisons by Sir Henry Davers to Kinsale.  
The Lord Deputies Guard, 200. Master Martial, 150. Sir Benjamin Berry, 150. Sir William Fortescue, 150. Sir james Fitz-piers, 150. Sir Thomas Loftus, 100 Sir Henry Follyet, 150. Captain Edward Blany, 150. Captain josias Bodley, 150. Captain Rotheram, 150. Captain Thomas Roper, 150. Captain Roe, 150. Captain Trever, 100 Captain Ralph Constable, 100  
Foot 2000  
At Kinsale, Horse 611. Foot 6900.  
total of the whole Army in Ireland, Horse 1198. Foot 16000  
Of the six thousand nine hundred foot at Kinsale in Monster, one Company of one hundred was converted to the Earl of Desmonds' use (who was then kept in England), and some were placed upon the borders of the Province, to be a stay to the Country. And all the old Bands called out of the North, the Pale, and Connaght were very deficient in number, having been long worn out in skirmishes, 〈◊〉 and sicknesses, without any supplies lately sent out of England, though much and often desired. These six thousand nine hundred foot were distributed into Regiments, commanded by Colonels, as shall appear at the increase of the List the next month.  
The seven and twentieth day, our Artillery and provisions sent from Dublin, were landed at Oyster Haven, our munition was brought into the Camp, and the front of the quarter that faced the Town, and both the 〈◊〉 of our 〈◊〉 were more strongly fortified, and the Camp was round about entrenched, and all those works perfected, which could not be done the day before, by reason of the foul weather.  
Now the Spaniards held the Castle of Rincorane from their first landing, and because it commanded the Harbour of Kinsale, so that our shipping could not safely land our provisions near the Camp, it was thought fit to make the taking thereof our first work. To which purpose Sir john Barkeley, Sir William Godolphin, and Captain josias Bodley Trenchmaster, were sent to choose a fit place to plant our Artillery against the Castle. The 28 day two Coluerings which had not been long used, were made fit, and the next day they were mounted. The Spaniards were in the town four thousand strong, and we had not many more in the Camp by Pole, though our List were more. That night the Spaniards issued out of the Town by water, to relieve the Castle, but Captain Buttons ship did beat them back. The thirtieth day the two Culuerings began to batter the Castle, but one of them broke in the cavening.  
In the mean time the Spaniards gave an Alarm to our Camp, and drew a demi Canon out of the Town, wherewith they played into the Camp, killed two with the first shot, near the Lord Deputies tent, shot through the next tent of the paymaster, (wherein we his Lordship's Secretaries did lie) broke a barrel of the Paymasters money, with two barrels of the Lord Deputies bear in the next Cabin, and all the shot were made, fell in the Lord Deputies quarter, and near his own tent.  
This night the Spaniards attempted again to relieve the Castle, but Sir Richard Porcy having the guard, with the Lord Presidents Regiment under his command, did repulse them. The one and thirtieth day the culverin battered the Castle, and that morning another culvering, & a canon, being planted, they played without intermission, which while we were busily attending, 500 of their principal Spaniards came out of Kinsale (with show to go to relieve Rincorran by land) and drew toward a guard we kept between Rincorran and the Town (leaving a great gross for their seconds, under the walls), under that colour to give a safe passage for their boats to the Castle. Whereupon divers broken Companies out of the Regiments in the Camp (being all in arms) drew voluntarily that way, and Sir Oliver Saint john's sent out Captain Roe his Lieutenant Colonel and Sir Arthur Savages Lievienant with one hundred men, and seeing them likely to draw on a round skirmish, he himself took thirty shot of his own Company, and went upto them, where he found Captain Roe and those with him, skirmishing with the enemies shot, being two hundred, and having another gross lying near the Town to second them. And seeing the Spaniards come up close with their Pikes to give a charge, he joined with Captain Roe, and encountering them, did beat them back to their seconds, making them to retire hastily, the Spaniards then playing upon our men with shot from every house in that part of the Town. In this charge Sir Oliver Saint john received many bushes of the Pike on his Target, and with one of them was slightly hurt in the thigh, but he killed a Leader and a common soldier with his own hand. The Lord audley coming up with his Regiment, was shot through the thigh. Sir Garret Haruy was hurt in the hand, and had his horse killed under him, Captain Buttlers' Lieutenant was slain, and four other of our part. Sir Arthur Savages Lieutenant was shot through the body, and fourteen other of our part wee hurt. The enemy left ten dead in the place, besides their hurt men, which we apparently saw to be many, and the next day heard to be seventy, by one who saw them brought to the house, where their hurt men lay, and who reported, that eight of them died that night. Likewise in this skitmish ivan Hortesse del Contreres was taken prisoner, who had been Sergeant Mayor of the Forces in Britain, and our men got from them divers good Rapiers, and very good Arms.  
All this while our 3 pieces battered the Castle; till six of the clock at night, when those of the Castle did beat a Drum, which the Lord Precedent (whom the Lord deputy had left there, when himself in the evening returned to take care of the Camp) admitted to come unto him. With the Drum came an Irish man borne at Cork, and these in the name of the rest, prayed that with their Arms, Bag and Baggage, they might depart to Kinsale. This the Lord Precedent refused, and said he would not conclude with any but the Commander of the Castle, neither had commission to accept any composition, but yielding to her majesties mercy. Presently they sent another Drum, and a Sergeant with him, but the Lord Precedent refused to speak with them. At their return the Commander himself, being an Alfiero (or Ensign) called Bartholomeo de Clarizo (for the Captain had his leg broken) came unto the Lord Precedent, but insisting on the condition to depart with Arms, Bag and Baggage to Kinsale, his offer was refused. After he was put safe into the Castle, we began afresh the battery, and they more hotly than ever before bestowed their volleys of shot on us. But the first of November at two of the clock in the morning, when they found how the Castle was weakened by the fury of our battery, they did again bear a Drum for a parley, but we refusing it, many of them attempted to escape under the rock close to the water side, which our men perceiving, drew close up to the Castle, and hindered their escape. The first of November early in the morning, the Lord Precedent came to the Camp, and made relation of that night's proceedings to the Lord deputy, where it was determined, that if they would render the Castle and their Arms, upon promise of life to the Spaniards only, and promise to send them safe into Spain, they should be received to mercy, which was concluded, because the speedy taking of the Castle was of importance to the more easy furnishing us with all provisions from that harbour, and of reputation to our side, as also because we could not enter the breach without loss of good men (which we esteemed precious, being no more by Pole in the Camp, than the Spaniards in the Town besieged by us, by reason our Companies were very deficient in the numbers of the List, having not been supplied out of England of a long time), and because this noble dealing with the Spaniards in the Castle, might induce those in Kinsale, to leave the Town upon like composition, when they felt the misery, whereunto we hoped ere long to bring them. About one hour of the day the Alfiero sent word to the Lord Precedent (by that time returned) that he would quit all their Arms, and render the place, so as they might be suffered thus unarmed to go into Kinsale, which being refused, he entreated that himself alone might hold his Arms, and be put into Kinsale, which being also refused, he resolutely resolved to bury himself in the Castle. His Company seeing him desperately bend not to yield, did threaten to cast him out of the breach, so as they might be received to mercy. So as at last he consented to yield, and that all his people should be disarmed in the Castle (which was committed to Captain Roger Haruy then Captain of the Guards, to see it done), that the Alfiero himself should wear his sword till he came to the Lord Precedent, to whom he should render it up. And this being done, they were all brought prisoners into the Camp, and immediately sent from thence to Cork. The Spanish thus yielded, were in number fourscore and six, and four women (whose names I have, but omit them for breultie), besides a great multitude of Irish Churls, Women and Children, but not any Swordmen; for those being skilful in the ways, had all escaped, one Dermot Mac Carty only excepted, who was a Pensioner to the King of Spain, and heretofore a follower to Florence Mac Carty. Also some thirty Spaniards had been slain in the defence of this Castle, which was now yielded to us, those in Kinsale, not making one shot at our men the while, but standing as men amazed.  
The second of November, finding how much we had to do, in taking Rincorran Castle with our weak provisions, it was concluded, that all attempts against Kinsale Town were in vain, till we were better furnished for such a business, which notwithstanding we made daily countenance to take in hand. This day we drew our Ordinance from the Castle into our Camps. The third day of November the Spanish Sergeant Mayor in Britauny, taken in a skirmish, and the Alfero yielding at Rincorran, obtained licence to write to Don jean de l' Aguyla, and one of our Drums had licence to carry their letters, who stayed in the town all the following night.  
And this day his Lordship received letters of supplies sent out of England, whereupon he wrote to the Counsel at Dublin, and to Sir Arthur Chichester, to make stay of certain Companies, which lately he had directed to be brought out of the North and the Pale, to the Camp at Kinsale. Touching the said supplies, her Majesty writ to the Lord deputy this letter following.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
RIght trusty and well beloved, We greet you well. Upon such advertisements as We have received from divers places, of a Fleet dispatched from Spain, with a good number of men of war to be landed in that Our Realm, in assistance of Our Rebcls there, We have thought good to send from hence some further forces for increase of Our Army there, to enable you the better to make head against them, if they shall fortune to land. Wherefore We have caused to be levied here the number of two thousand men, and appointed them to be embarked by the twentieth day of this month of October (above the other two thousand lately sent unto you.) For this two thousand now levied, because We cannot certainly judge here, whether you shall find most commodious for Our service, either to use them for the filling up of decayed Bands there, or to retain them in Companies, or to employ some of them for filling up the decares of other Companies, and to retain other some in Bands. We have thought good to leave the disposition of them to your discretion, with the advice of our Council, and only to authorize you hereby, that forasmuch as any part of them which you shall retain in several Bands, will be above the number of Our Establishment, for the payment whereof, neither you nor Our Treasurer have any warrant, that you may give warrantto Our Treasurer for the payment of the whole or any part of the said two thousand, which you shall find necessary to retain in Our pay in Bands several, above the number of Our Establishment, or any other former Warrant limited, the said payment to be made in lending and apparel, as other Our soldiers there are paid, and to begin from the day of their landing there. Since the writing of thus much to you, concerning the two thousand preparing, We have received advertisements of the landing of the Spaniards at Kinsale, whereupon we have added a further supply of three thousand men more, to be sent to you. And for that it may be, We shall have cause to increase or alter the numbers of Our Army, as Our service shall require, We do therefore give you warrant, to give order from time to time for the payment of all such numbers of men there, either horse or foot, above the number limited by Our Establishment, as you shall be from Our privy Council here, or six of them (whereof our Treasurer of England, and Our principal Secretary to be two) authorised to retain in Our pay, as Our service shall require. Given under Our Signet at Our Manor of Richmond, the fourth day of October, in the forty thee year of Our Reign.  
Postscript. Of all these numbers two thousand shall be embarked in Our own ships by the fourteenth of this October at Rochester, because they shall be secured in their transportation. Two thousand more shall be sent by the twentieth of this month to Bristol and Barstable, and the fifth odd thousand shall be sent to Loughsoyles so as Out levy is now in all five thousand men.  
The same day his Lordship received another letter from the Queen, of her own hand, and signed below, not above (as the usually signed), as followeth.  
SInce the brainsick humour of unadvised assault hath seized on the hearts of Out causeless foes, We doubt not but their gain will be their bane, and glory their shame, that ever they had the thought thereof. And that your humour agrees so sightly with Ours, We think it most fortunately happened in your Rule, to show the better whose you are, and what you be, as your own hand writ hath told Us of late, and do beseech the Almighty power of the Highest, so to guide your hands, that nothing light in vain, but to prosper your heed, that nothing be left behind, that might avail your praise, and that yourself in venturing too far, make not the foe a prey of you. Tell Our Army from Us, that they make full account, that every hundred of them will beat a thousand, and every thousand theirs doubled. I am the bolder to pronounce it in his name, that ever hath protected my righteous cause, in which I bless them all. And putting you in the first place, I end, scribbling in haste,  
Your loving Sovereign E. R.  
The same day his Lordship received letters from the Lords in England, signifying that run ships of war set sail from Rochester, with the first wind after the eight of October last, to attend the Coast of Monster, wherein were sent two thousand foot for the Army in Monster, under Captains appointed. That two thousand more were then levied to be sent to the Army, by the way of Bristol and Barstable, which were left to his Lordship, to be disposed in supplies or Companies, as he thought fit. That one thousand foot more were sent to supply Loughfoyle Garrison. That two hundred horse were sent to his Lordship for the Army, and fifty horse to Loughfoyle. That they had sent his Lordship, besides the former twenty last of powder, thirty last more. That they had sent large provisions of victuals. And that they greatly commended the Lord Presidents providence, that he had made his soldiers former lie live of their pay in money, and so preserved the former store of victuals in Monster, for this time, without which the Army could not have kept the field till the new provisions arrived. The last part of their L PS. letter followeth in these words: Hereunto we must add this, as that whereof ourselves have been a good while both hearers and observers. That no Prince can apprehend with better acceptation your Lordship's proceeding in that Kingdom, than her Majesty doth, in so much as she used often this speech, that she would not wish her Army there, nor the safety of her people in better hands then in yours. In whom (and so in other Principal Officers of her State and Army) as she doth observe, that all difficulties are well entertained with alacrity and resolution; so we must let your Lordship know, that when her Majesty had read a private letter of yours to me the principal Secretary, written from kilkenny with your own hand, assoon as you had heard the news of a foreign enemy, it pleased her Majesty to cause it be read to us all, as being written in a style, wherein she discerned both the strong powers of your own mind (in promising to yourself all happy success against such an enemy) and the lively affections you bear to her person (for which you desire to be made a Sacrifice), wherein although you have not deceived her former expectation, yet her Majesty would have you know, that she doth not doubt, but you shall live to do her many more services, after you have made the Province of Monster serve for a Sepulchre to these new conquerors. Of the four thousand men which now her Majesty sendeth into Monster, we send only two thousand under Captains, the rest we leave to conductors, to be used as you shall please, when they arrive, and to displace any whom we do send, if you think them not sufficient. Now therefore till we hear further from you, we have no more to say, but that we account ourselves all in one ship with you; that we will all concur to advance by our ministery, whatsoever her Majesty shall resolve to do for you, all of us having one end and one desire, to enable you as her majesties principal instrument, to free that Kingdom from the malicious attempts of foreign power, and to redeem it out of the in ward misery by intestine rebellion.  
The fifth of November four barks with munition and victuals that were sent from Dublin, arrived in Kinsale harbour, and upon certain intelligence, that Tyrone was coming up with a great Army to join with the Spaniard, it was resolved by the Counsel of States, and the Colonels of Council at war, that the next day the Camp should be fortified against Tyrone, on the North side furthest from the towneward, and that the next day following, the Lord Precedent with two Regiments of foot, consisting of two thousand one hundred men in List, and with three hundred twenty five horse, should draw to the borders of the Province, to stop, or at least hinder Tyrones' passage. To which purpose the Lord Barry, and the Lord Bourke, with the forces of the Country,, had direction to attend the Lord Precedent.  
The sixth day the Camp was accordingly fortified, and the seventh in the morning, the Lord Precedent with the said horse and foot left the Camp, at which time it was concluded by both Counsels, that we could attempt nothing against the town, until either the Lord Precedent returned, or the new Forces and provisions promised from England arrived, it being judged a great work for us in the mean time, to continue our lying before the Town, since the Spaniards in the Town were more in number, than we who besieged them.  
The same seventh day his Lordship and the Counsel here wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.  
IT may please your Lordships. The first and second of this present month, we received her Majesties and your Lordship's most comfortable letters, of the fourth and sixth of the last, and for the special care, it pleaseth you to take of us do yield (as we have just cause) our most humble and heartiest thanks, protesting that we will labour to deserve the same and the continuance which it pleaseth your Lordships to promise thereof, with the uttermost of our endeavours and services, even to the sacrificing of our lives. And in the mean time humbly pray your Lordships both to accept in good part and favourably to report unto her Majesty, what hitherto we have been able to perform, though nothing to that we did affect, if our means had answered our desires, or that little we expected to come foam Dublin, which we sent for upon the Spaniards first landing here, had by a more favourable wind arrived sooner, as we hoped. We beseech your Lordships give us leave to refer you for your information in that point to the journal which herewithal we send, for thereby we conceive will best appear, both what we have done, and were enabled to do, since the return of Master Martial and other Officers and Commanders, sent of purpose into the Pale, and the parts Northwards, to draw the forces thereabouts the more speedily hither to us, and to hasten hither such other provisions, as 〈…〉 here we should have need off. And with your Lordship's favour, licence us to add, that we can hardly proceed any further, till our supplies of men and munitions come; for we find it a work of great difficulty and assured loss of men, and expense of all provisions of war, to undertake with these means we have to force so many men out of any place, although it were not greatly otherwise fortified but by the bodies of men only, whereas this Town of Kinsale hath a good wall, and many strong Castles in it.  
We do look hourly for Tyrone, esteemed to be coming with a great Army of horse and foot, selected out of all the rebels in Ireland, and from all others that he can seduce to his party. At his coming these Provincials will discover themselves either against us or neutrals (as they are) for better we do not expect from them. Except out supplies do come before his arrival, we shall hardly be Masters of the field, but rather driven (we fear) to discontinue our siege; yet if her majesties shipping, provisions, and supplies, do arrive in any time, we hope to give her (ere it be long) a good account of this place; though we desire your Lordships to consider the difficulties we have to contend with in this Country and season of the year, besides the force and opposition of the enemy. I the Precedent do acknowledge the receipt of such an intelligence, concerning Captain A. as it pleaseth your Lordships to remember, and since that time kept very good espial upon him, and have had the sight of all his papers, yet cannot find any thing gives me cause to suspect him; and therefore we all think it fit, seeing his Company is returned hither among other, to make use of his service here, for which we find him very fit, until there may be some apt occasion to dispose of him elsewhere, without giving him discontentment, unless we had more particular and certain ground to charge him with, which we must receive from thence: yet in the mean time he shall be so narrowly looked unto, as if he have the will (which we doubt not), he shall not have means to hurt much.  
The same seventh day his Lordship understanding from Master Secretary by his letter dated the nineteenth of the last month, and received the second of this month, that he found her Majesty inclined to make one Governor over all Ulster, and especially to like of Sir Arthur Chichester for that great charge, whereupon he purposed to proceed therein, if his Lordship would explain himself; how he would have that matter carried.  
His Lordship wrote his mind plainly therein, advising that Sir Arthur Chichester should be made Governor of all Ulster, by what name it should please her Majesty to give him, whereby he might direct all the parts of that Province, and be resident where he should think fittest for the service, commanding in chief where he came. The managing of the war to be in general left to himself, except he received particular directions upon special occasions from England, or from the Lord Deputy, adding that from him the Lords might be more speedily informed, of what is done, or fit to be required for the making of that war, whom of all other Commanders he thought fittest for that charge, praying that the Lords there would advise him and Sir Henry Dockwra, to hold a good correspondency for her majesties service, since he conceived the war was to be chiefly made by their two joining together. For the Scots, that any number not exceeding four thousand might in his conceit fitly be entertained, and left to the disposal of Sir Arthur Chichester, whose judgement upon the state of things there, was fittest to be followed, for he could best choose apt places to lodge them, till Sir Henry Dockwra and he might draw into the field, when those Scots should join with them, and would be of very great use to spoil, which is the best service can be done upon the Irish. Concluding that he had written to Sir Arthur Chichester, that he should send into England to him the Secretary; his opinion in this business, which (no doubt) he would presently do. But this project of appointing a Governor in Ulster, took no effect by reason that Tyrone with most of his Forces were defeated shortly after in Monster.  
Master Secretary at the same time had sent his Lordship spanish news, which in this his answer he confessed were very likely, yet thought it would be very hard for them to make ready four thousand men more before Christmas. He signified that they here were all of opinion, that the necessity of the Spanish forces already in Ireland, being more than was expected, both by loss at Sea, and since their coming hither, and by the failing of the Irish hitherto to join with them, their supplies would be hastened sooner then was determined: for so they were advertised by all the Prisoners taken, and by such as did come unto us from them. His Lordship acknowledged himself very much bound unto Master Secretary for the good dispatch he procured with this last passage, and not the least that her Majesty was pleased to allow of their entertainment of the Irish, yet beseeched him to believe that by this course they had prevented Tyrone of a great many men, that otherwise would and must have served him for entertainment, having no other means to live, and yet hitherto all was done within the compass of the list; and the White Knight was one of them, that before the coming of this approbation was provided for, so careful was he to give him good contentment.  
For their outcries in the Pale, he answered that he did not marvel, for by that which he had observed, he did judge that the word Pale had cost the Queen a million, & yet so il were they disposed, & so backward even in their own defence, as they now suffered Tyrone with a few horse, about the number of 60 to burn and pray them at his pleasure, though they were able of themselves to have beaten him and all his forces, and beside had the assistance of Companies in the Queen's pay, being three thousand or two thousand at least, yet if he would consider, that four thousand Spaniards (for so the prisoner that we took delivered them to be upon his salvation, with whom all our prisoners relation and our intelligence did concur) are possessed of a Towneful of strong houses, and walled about, and helped with many advantages of ground, (though commanded by some places), he might easily conceive, that it must be no small army can force them, since our approaches this winter were so difficult, that the very trenches we made were continually filled with water, and the decay of our men was so great, by continual labour, sickness, sword, and bullet. And therefore we had no reason to keep a great body of men in the Pale to guard it, till this dangerous war were fivished. But to prevent this clamour of the Pale it was merely unpossible, though it would please her Majesty to keep there ten thousand in her pay, when they would not stir, nor raise the cry, but suffer themselves to be so used, out of the malice of their own hearts; that they might have some colour of complaint, being the worst sort of people in all the Kingdom, though he protested he had been as careful of them, as if they had been his Kindred or special friends, knowing well their humour to be so clamerous.  
For her majesties expense, he besought him to believe, that no man did look upon it with more grief than himself, who reaped no commodity by it, only being a painful and faithful distributer thereof, according to the necessity of her own service: but if he did not from his soul desire, and with all his wits and endeavour seek to abridge it, and to end both her war and charge, than he desired no mercy of God, nor favour from her. And if he were not bound thereto by his public duty, yet he protested, that his private estate would urge him thereunto: which he found unable any longer to continue the expense, at which he was forced to live, growing greater by the mixed coin, as he ever thought it would fall very heavy upon him, by which reason he might value his entertainment to be less by the half, than it was in the time of the old standard. For whatsoever we bought with this new coin, it was raised to the double price.  
Whereas it seemed Master Secretary had been informed, that all they which of late submitted themselves to her majesties mercy and protection, were now again revolted to the Rebels: he answered, that it was true, that some of them had made their peace with Tyrone, and in truth, except we could have given order for their defence against him, he did never expect other from them, and especially since the arrival of this foreign force, he did think none in Ireland so sure, but even here in Monster they would do the like, if our Army did not hang over them, yea, he was sure that the Lord Precedent was of the same opinion. But he was not moved to preserve any thing which the world (to his disadvantage) might call his, by neglecting that which he knew fittest to be preserved for her Majesty and her service. Touching these submitties while they were in rebellion, he did spoil waste and kill many of them, when they were received to mercy, he made many of them kill others in rebellion, and lose their lives for the Queen's service, and now they were again revolted he doubted not, but either to ruin them again, or to force them to submission, upon what conditions he listed, if God pleased to send us an happy end of this war with the foreign enemy. For the achievement whereof he hoped he should hear (by the grace of the eternal God) that they would adventure as far, and in as good a fashion, as might be expected from this Army, upon the arrival of the supplies of men and munition. Till when he protested, that we were at a stand, because that he was most sure, that without good numbers of men, and store of all sorts of munition, this Town so manned as it was, could not be forced.  
He added, that hitherto (God bethanked) we had in all our endeavours prospered against this proud enemy, and that there never was Army better disposed then this, nor Commanders that continually showed more sound judgement & brave resolution than ours had done. In particular, that Sir Oliver S. john's had had great honour given him by the whole Army, for that which he did in their sight, for he found no man come off, from the skirmish (mentioned in the journal) which spoke not of what he had extraordinarily performed with his own hand, and that in a far grearer measure than was therein related. That at the same time the Lord Audley was hurt, fight very gallantly, and if it should please her Majesty to take notice thereof, it would be a great comfort to them, and encouragement to the rest. That he hoped God would enable us shortly, to send him relations of better service. In the mean time and ever he prayed the eternal God to preserve her Majesty and her Kingdoms, and send them her poor servants peace and quietness.  
He added what he could wish it had pleased her Majesty to have left the horse to his disposal, or at the least to have bestowed them on some Englishmen, for as 100 are conferred, though he hold the Commander a worthy Gentleman, and faithful to her majesties service, yet he was Irish, and in short time would make those horse Irish, so as he accounted to have received only one hundred to serve his purpose. For he did very much build on those horse, not only to be his chief strength at this time, but to have stood hereafter when her Majesty did lessen the army, to be employed for the absolute finishing of this war. And to this purpost now (in all likelihood) he should not be able, to make use of them, which he confessed did not a little trouble him.  
He added, that although there were but four thousand Spaniards already landed, and they had no horse, yet there was no doubt but they would avail themselves of great assistance in this Country, and that with a number much about this of natural Spaniards, their King had made the long continued great war in the Low-Countries. Besides, he besought him to remember, that about two hundred Spaniards held a Fort lately built at Croyden in Brittany, till Sir john Norreis lost very near one thousand five hundred men before it. That (God bethanked) we had plucked one hundred fitfy Spaniards by the ears out of Rincorran, and we hoped (by the grace of God) to do the like by them in Kinsale, yet except God should please extraordinarily to work for us, this was not likely to be done without great loss of men, and expense of all provisions to that purpose. For now they began to work very hard about fortifying of the Town, finding (as themselves said) that they had other men to deal with, than they expected; etc.  
The eight of November certain ships to the number of thirteen, were descried to pass by Kinsale to the Westward, but it was not known whether they were English or Spaniards. The tenth day we had news that the Earl of Thomond was landed with one thousand feet, left to the Lord Deputies disposal, and with an hundred horse, appointed in England to be commanded by the said Earl; and these were the thirteen ships discovered to pass Westward.  
By this time the Spaniards had gotten knowledge of the Lord Presidents departure from the Camp with good part of our forces, and thereupon supposing us to be much weakened, (as in deed we were, and Inferior in bodies of men to them in the Town), they drew out this day about noon most part of their forces, and soon after sent some sixty shot and Pikes to the foot of the hill, close by our Camp, leaving their trenches very well lined for their seconds: some of ours were presently drawn out to entertain skirmish with those that came up, and another strong party was sent but towards Ryncorran, who from the bushy hill played in flanks upon their trenches, and did beat them from the same; so as they that were first sent out close to out Camps being beaten back by our shot, and thinking to find the seconds they left behind them, were disappointed by their quitting of the Trenches, and by that means driven to follow the rest to the succour of the Town. Our men follewing with much fury, hurt and killed divers, amongst whom they brought off the body of a Sergeant, and possessed the enemy's trenches, the which the enemies (being reinforced) made many attempts to regain, but were repulsed and beaten back into the Town. We heard by divers, that Don jean committed the Sergeant Mayor, who commanded then in chief, presently after the fight, and threatened to take his head, commended highly the valour of our men, and cried shame upon the cowardice of his own, who he said had been the terror of all Nations; but now had lost that reputation, and he gave strait commandment upon pain of death, which he caused to be set up on the Town gates, that from thenceforth no man should come off from any service, until he should be fetched off by his Officer, though his powder were spent or his Piece broken, but make good his place with his Sword. Captain Soto one of their best Commanders, was that day slain, (for whom they made very great moan), and some twenty more, besides those we hurt, which could not but be many. On our side, only some ten were hurt, and three killed; among whom Master Hopton a Gentleman of the Lord Deputies band, was sore hurt, and in few days died thereof. If this skirmish had not been readily & resolutely answered on our part, the Spaniards had then discovered the smallness of our numbers, and would no doubt have so plied us with continual sallies; as we should hardly have been able to continue the siege.  
The eleventh day we had news, that the one hundred horse and the thousand foot embarked at Bastable, (both which were left to the Lord Deputies disposal, the horse to be made new troops, the foot to be dispersed for supplies, or to raise new Companies as his Lordship should think fit) were arrived at Waterford.  
The twelfth day Sir Richard Levison Admiral of the Queen's Fleet sent into Ireland, and Sir Amias Preston Vice-admiral, were arrived with ten ships of war at Cork, wherein we had two thousand foot all under Captains appointed in England, besides other provisions of artillery and munition, and his Lordship directed the Admiral with all speed to bring the Fleet into the Harbour of Kinsale.  
The thirteenth day his Lordship wrote to Master Secretary this following letter:  
SIR hearing that our last packet is not yet gone from Cork, by reason of the contrariety of the wind, I have so good occasion to make this addition to our former dispatch, that I have received letters from my Lord of Thomond, Sr Anthony Cook, and others from divers places, that all the supplies appointed for this Province, are safely arrived at Waterford, Yoghall, Cork, and Castle Haven, with no loss (that I can hear of) but of one victular, although the weather hath been extreme tempestuous; and this last evening I was informed but by a rumour, that the Queen's ships were discovered about the Haven of Cork, whereupon I presently dispatched to Sir Richard Levyson to put into the Haven of Kinsale, for otherwise it would be long ere we shall be able to avail ourselves of such artillery and munition as he brought for us. From my Lord Precedent I heard, that the Rebels are drawn down very strong, whereupon I have directed Sir Christopher S. Laurence, (that was coming to the Camp with most of the forces of the Pale) to repair speedily to my Lord Precedent, and I mean to send unto him all the Horse that is now come out of England, which I hope will be forces sufficient to stop any power the Rebels can make, specially since Tyrone (as I hear) himself will not be with them, except they do steal by, which will be heard to prevent. If they come to force their passage, I am confident that against so many Horse as the Lord Precedent shall have, they will never put themselves upon the plain. For although they are as dangerous an enemy as any are in the World, when we are driven to seek them in their strength, or pass their fastness, yet are they the worst and weakest to force their own way, either upon straits or plains, so that except they steal their passage, (which I fear most) I make no doubt but my Lord Precedent will give a very good account of them. We here in the Camp, since our last letters, have not had much to do, only the enemy one day drew out (I think) most of his whole force, upon opinion that the greatest part of our Army was gone from us to meet the Rebels, & began a round fight with us, close to our trenches: but we entertained them so well, that we waited on them home, to the walls of the Town, and made them leave some of their dead bodies behind them, although we saw them carry many off with them. They have made within less them Caliver shot of our trenches, very good fights, even from thence close to the Town, so that our men did follow them with great disadvantage, yet we did beat them from one trench to another, till I had much ado to make our soldiers come off. The greatest loss of our side fell to my share, for I had one of my Company killed, and a very gallant Gentleman that served in that Band, called Mr. Hopton, hurt (I fear) to death, and I think there was not above 2 or 3 more that were killed in the Camp over our heads, while we were in the skirmish. Then we made them so good a Muster, that they have thought good to check us no more, but within the Town and without they do work very hard, and have raised Ravelings and Mounts, and we on the contrary side keep very good watch; for if we should receive but one blow of the Spanish Fencer, all Ireland would take heart with it; & we have no great reason to be very secure, for believe me upon my Honour, I think the besieged are more in numbers, than we that are the besiegers at this time. They do continually taste us, but they find us so well at our ward, that they still go away with the venies. And now, if the Queen's ships be come, we will cast at all, and I hope in God, ere it be long, win a fair game for the Queen, whose money we play. If any without consideration of the just circumstances of our present business, to serve any private purpose, tax me for being too negligent of other parts of this Kingdom, and too large in my demands, I beseech you Sir to believe, that I had good ground, both for my precipitate drawing hither, and for the provisions I have craved to strengthen myself by all means, while I am about this work. For the first, it was not my opinion only, but my Lord Precedents, that if I did not suddenly make head to this force, most of this Province would have revolted; and if we had suffered the force of Spain to have been Masters of the field but six days, as easily they might have been, if we had not sought well to prevent it, I assure self fe, that all the Towns of this Province would have revolted, and the current of that fortune would have run so violently through all Ireland, that it would have been too late o have stopped it. For the second, the difficulties of a winter's siege, in this Country (where by reason of the great numbers of the besieged, we are forced to keep strong and continual guards) will soon waste a greater Army than ours, if God do not mightily bless us: for the weather is so extreme, that many times we bring our Sentinels dead from the stations, and I protest even our chief Commanders (whose diligence I cannot but mightily commend) do many of them look like spirits, with toil and watching, unto the which we are with good reason moved, since there be many examples, that where an enemy can sally out with two or three thousand men, they have defeated Armies, that have been treble our number. But now besides these ordinary difficulties, which in all winter sieges do waste, or make unprofitable the greatest part of an Army, when we are to make our nearest approaches to force them, we cannot do it without great loss, for although the Town be weak against the Canon, yet can we plant the Canon no where, but they have places that do absolutely command it, so that the town is weak to defend itself, yet exceeding strong to offend, which is the best part that art can add to any fortification, and this is so well provided by nature, that from one hill they beat into any ground that we can lodge in near them. All these difficulties, and many more, I do not allege, as being any ways diffident of the great favour that God is determined to show her Majesty in this action, but that you may in some measure guess, that we are not so improvident in her majesties cause, as to require an army and charge of greater proportion than is fit for such a task, the which when we have performed with that happiness, that I hope the eternal God will blosse us with all, I will then say and prove it unto you at large, A Domine factum est hoc, & mirahilc est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nostris. Sir, if I should write all unto you, that I have a desire to let you know, both for the public and my private, I should not end my letter before the time that I hope we shall beat the Spaniards, but having been up most of this night, it groweth now about four a clock in the morning, at which time I lightly choose to visit our Guards myself, and am now going about that business, in a morning as cold as a stone, and as dark as pitch, and I pray Sir think whether this be a life that I take much delight in, who heretofore in England, when I have had a suit to the Queen, could not lie in a tent in the Summer, nor watch at night till she had supped: but by God Sir, I will do for Queen Elizabeth that which I will not do for myself, and willingly, and be you my pledge that I will faithfully serve her against all the World, or any in the World, or else I beseech God now I am going out, that I may never return alive to my House of Turf, in the which I write this at her Maieistes Camp before Kinsale; This thirteenth of November 1601.  
The thirteenth day our Fleet recovered the mouth of Kinsale Harbour, but could not get in, the wind being strong against them. The fourteenth day the Fleet with much difficulty warped in; and recovered the Harbour, whence the Admiral and Vice-admiral came to the Lord Deputy at the Campe. This night and the next day the two thousand foot, sent under Captains in the Queen's ships, were landed, and came to the Campe. And the fifteenth day in the afternoon, the Lord Deputy went aboard the ships, whence returning to the Camp, the Enemy discerned him riding in the head of a troop of horse, and made a shot out of the Town at him, which grazed so near him, that it did beat the earth in his face. In these ships were sent unto us not only artillery and munition, but also special Officers to attend the same, as five cannoners, two Blacke-smiths, two Wheelewrights, and two Carpenters. This day the Lord Deputy was advertised, that according to his former direction, Sir Christopher St Laurence was come out of the Pale, and the Earl of Clanrickard out of Connaght, to the Lord Presidents camp, to whom his Lordship wrote, that if the Rebels should slip by him, he should be careful to come up with his Forces to our camp, so as he might arrive there to join with us, before the Rebels came up so far. The Queen's ships after they had saluted the Lord Deputy at his going aboard with thundering peals of Ordinance, had direction the next day to beat upon a Castle in the Island, called Castle Nyparke, which the Lord Deputy was resolved to make his next work, & to beat the Spaniards out of it, and so to invest the Town on that side. This some of the ships performed, and broke the top of the Castle, but finding that they did it no greater hurt, and that the weather was extreme stormy, they ceased shooting. This day his Lordship gave direction, that the hundred horse & one thousand foot, which first landed at Castle Haven, and now were arrived from thence in the Harbour of Kinsale, should be conducted to Cork, to refresh themselves, for being beaten at Sea, and now landed in extreme weather, and in a Winter Camp, where they had no means to be refreshed, they began to die, and would have been lost or made unserviceable, if this course had not been taken to hearten them. This day and for many days after, divers Spaniards ran from the Town to us, by whom we understood that in the tenth days skirmish, the above named Captain Soto, a man of special account, was slain.  
The seventeenth day the weather continued stormy, so as neither that day nor the next we could land our Ordinance, or do any thing of moment, yet because this was the day of her majesties Coronation, which his Lordship purposed to solemnize with some extraordinary attempt, if the weather would have suffered us to look abroad, we sent at night when the storm was some what appeased, the Sergeant Maior and Captain Bodley with some four hundred foot, to discover the ground about Castle N. park, and to see whether it might be carried with the Pickaxe, which was accordingly attempted; but the engine we had gotten to defend our men; while they were to work, being not so strong as it should have been, they within the Castle having store of very great stones on the top, rumbled them down so fast, as they broke it, so that our men returned with the loss of two men, & proceeded no further in that course.  
The eighteenth day the Lord Deputy called a Counsel both of the Counsel of Ireland, and of all the Colonels and chief Officers of the field, and propounded to them, that since it had pleased her Majesty so graciously to supply us with the matter and provisions for the war, it was our parts to adulse of such a form, as might be most likely to bring forth an effect, not unworthy her Princely care. First our strength and means to attempt the place or continue the siege, were thoroughly considered, and next the numbers and commodities of the enemy in the Town, and of their succours abroad. The commodities and incommodities of proceeding with expedition, or by keeping them from all relief, were thoroughly disputed, and in the end it was concluded, that the soundest course were to use all means to invest them as speedily as we might, by possessing ourselves of all they held without the Town, and next to mount our artillery in such places, where it might annoy them most, and by breaking down their Houses, to expose them to the same extremities of cold and rain, as we were exposed to in the Camp, by which means they might be reduced to a greater weakness, and then be forced with much less hazard, since when it comes to the point of entering of a breach, there is little or no difference between a strong Town and a weak, for the besieged in either, do wholly trust to their new and sudden works, which the enemy within had as good opportunity to do in this place as in any other, and had yet (of our knowledge) so many hands to fight, as that the advantage would chiefly have been his.  
The nineteenth day A Demy Cannon was unshipped, assoon as it was calm, and placed on this side of the water, which played most part of the day upon the Castle Nyparke, being a great relief to the besieged, & broke many places, but made no breach that was assaultable. In the night they of the Town attempted to relieve the Castle by boats, but were repelled by Captain Tolkerne and Captain Ward, who lay with their Pinnaces between the Island and the Town.  
Hitherto nothing could possibly be attempted against the Town, more than had been done. For considering that the numbers of the defendants not only equalled, but by all report, exceeded the number of the besiegers, (yea exceeded them far, after the Lord Precedent was sent from the Camp to meet Tyrone with two thousand one hundred foot and three hundred and twenty horse), and considering that if we had undertaken the carrying of approaches, with a purpose to batter, the whole Army must either have been tired with watching night and day, without shelter, in tempestuous weather, or disgracefully have forsaken the work, or (to say the best) incurred the hazard of fight in places of disadvantage, with an expert enemy. And considering that the Country stood upon such tickle terms, and so generally ill affected to our side, that almost the least blow, which in the doubtful event of war might have lighted upon us, would have driven them headlong into a general revolt. And further, that our Army consisted for a third part (at the least) of Irish, who being not fit to make good an entrenched camp, & much less fit to give upon a breach, would without question, either presently have quitted us, or turned their weapons against us, if the Spaniards had had any hand over us; and considering that in all sound judgement, this little army, (which was to be the soul of that body that should oppose itself against these invaders and rebels), was by all possible means to be preserved as much as might be, and not at all ventured, but with manifest assurance to prevail. These things with other like circumstances considered, what could there be more done, during the time that we wanted our supplies and seconds? but to assure our Camp with careful watches against sallies or surprises of the Enemy, and to invest them from succours or relief, not omitting in the mean time to provide whatsoever might be needful, for the business in hand, the meeting with all inconveniences, and the taking of all advantages upon the Enemy's guards without the Town; for which purpose divers skirmishes were made with very good success on our part.   

The List of the Army at Kinsale the twentieth of November.  
The foot of the List the seven and twenty of October, are 6900.  
The Companies drawn since that List from other parts of the Kingdom to Kinsale Campe.  
Sir Francis Rush 150. Captain Masterson 150. Captain Thomas Butler 100 Sir Richard Greame 100 Captain Toby Cawfield 150. Sir Christopher S. Laurence 150. Sir Henry Harrington 100 Sir Samuel bagnol 150. Sir Edward Harbert 100 Sir William Warren 100 Sir Edward Fitzgarret 100 Sir Tybbot Dillon 100 Sir Garret Moor 100 Captain Lionel Guest 150. Captain Malby 150. The Earl of Clanrickard 150. Sir Thomas Bourke 150. Captain Clare 150. Captain Thomas Bourke 100 Captain Laurence Esmond 150. Sir George Bourcher 100 Foot 2650.   

Companies sent in the Queen's ships under Captains, viz.  
Captain Sheffeild, 100 Captain Norton, 100 Captain Henry Fortescue, 100 Captain Bret, 100 Captain Lower, 100 Captain Chatterton, 100 Captain Dorington, 100 Captain Crompton, 100 Captain Gilbert, 100 Captain Wade, 100 Sir Anthonic Cook, 150. Sir Alexander Clifford, 150. Captain Lane, 100 Captain Wadnol, 100 Captain Blandel, 100 Captain May, 100 Captain Wynn, 100 Captain Kenricke, 100 Captain Butler, 100  
Foot 2000  
Of the one thousand foot landed at Castle-haven with the Earl of Thomond, and the one thousand foot landed at Waterford with Sir Anthony Cook, having no Captains, but being left to the Lord Deputies disposal, one thousand three hundred fifty were distributed among the Captains, to supply the deficient numbers in their several Companies, and the rest were divided into these following Companies increasing the List.  
Sir Garret Haruye, 150. Captain Henry Barkeley, 150. Captain Roberts, 150. Captain Boyse, 100 Captain Henslo for pioneers, 100  
Foot 650  
total of foot, 12200.  
Hereof in the old list taken out for a dead Company kept for the Earl of Desmond, 100  
Take now out absent Sir George Thorton in Garrison at Kilmallock, Capt. Gawen Haruye in Garrison at Limricke, and Captain Trever (reckoned before, but not coming hither, who stayed about the Newry, as I remember,) 300.  
So the total of foot is 11800.   

Of these not distributed into Regiments.  
For attendance of the Munition, Sir George Bourcher, Master of the Ordinance, 100 For pioneers, Captain Hensloe, 100  
Foot, 200   

Foot distributed into eleven Regiments under command of the Lord Deputy, Lord Precedent, and nine Colonels.  
Under the Lord Deputy commanded by his Lieutenant Sir Benjamin Berry, 1400. Under the Lord Precedent, 1100. Under the Earl of Clanrickard, 1000 Under the Earl of Thomond, 1000 Under the Lord Audley, 900. Sir Richard Percy, 950. Sir Richard Moryson, 1100. Sir Charles Willmot, 1000 Sir Oliver Saint john's, 1050. Sir Henry Follyet, 1050. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, 1050.  
Foot, 11600.  
total of foot, 11800.  
Out of these Regiments was raised a squadron volante (or flying Regiment) which only was to answer Alarms, and to be freed of all watches, and to the same Sir Henry Power was appointed Colonel, and Captain Bostock his Lieutenant. The several Companies of this squadron are these.  
Out of the Lord Deputies Regiment, Sir Richard Wingfield Martial, 150. Sir john Barkeley Sergeant Mayor, 200.  
Out of the Lord Presidents Regiment, Captain Saxey, 100  
Out of the Lord Audley's Regiment, the Treasurer's Lieutenant, 100  
Out of Sir Charles Willmots' Regiment, Captain Nuse, 100  
Out of Sir Henry Follyots' Regiment, Captain josias Bodley, 150.  
Out of Sir Oliver Saint john's Regiment, Captain Bostock, 100  
Out of the Earl of Clanrickards' Regiment, Captain Laurence Esmond, 150.  
Foot 1050.   

Horse in the Army at Kinsale.  
Take out of the List made the seven and twenty of October, Sir Edward Harbert, 12: and Captain George Greame twelve, and thirty of Master Marshals (otherwhere employed, and now absent from the Camp), and the whole List is five hundred fifty seven.   

Horse called since that time from other parts in the Kingdom to the Camp at Kinsale.  
The Earl of Kildare, 50. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25. Sir Garret More, 25.  
Horse, 100   

Horse newly sent over and landed at Castle-haven, and at Waterford.  
The Lord Precedent added to his troup, 50. The Earl of Thomond a troup newly erected, 100 Sir William Godolphin (who commanded the Lord Deputies troup) had newly erected to his own use, 50.  
Horse, 200.  
total of horse, 857.  
The twentieth of November his Lordship understood by letters from the Lords in England, that one thousand foot and fifty horse were sent, and already shipped for Loughfoyle. The same day the demi-canon planted the day before, did again batter Castle Nyparke, together with another Cannon this day landed, and planted by it: and with some Ordinance also out of the ships, though they served to small purpose. About noon one hundred men were sent with Captain York and Captain Smith, to view the breach, and though they found it not assaultable, yet the Spaniards within being no longer able to endure the fury of the shot, hung out a sign of parley upon the first show of those men, and offered to yield themselves and the Castle, upon promise of their lives only, which being accepted, they were brought presently to the Camp, being in number sixtcene that were left alive.  
Before the Castle was yielded, the Spaniards in the Town made divers shot at Captain Tolkernes Pinnace with a piece of Ordinance which they mounted a day or two before close to the Gate of the Town, but did no hurt at all unto the Pinnace, the same warping nearer to the other side under the hill, and at last riding safely without danger of the shot.  
The same day a platform was made upon a ground of advantage, being a strong Rath, between the Town and the Camp, that commanded one part of the Town, that under the favour thereof, we might the better make our nearer approaches, though at that time we could hardly work, by reason of the extreme frost, and a demi Cannon was mounted upon it, with which some shot were made at the Town. A sentinel taken in the evening affirmed, that the first piece shot off, went through the house in which Don jean lay, and did otherwise great hurt. The one and twentieth the prisoners taken in Castle Nyparke, and some runaways, were sent to Cork, with directions to the Mayor, to send them and the former prisoners by the first ship into England, keeping (of them) still at Cork only the Sergeant Maior (taken in skirmish), and the two Commanders of the Castles of Rincorran and Nyparke. This day the Cannon and demi-Cannon, planted upon the platform, did play into the Town. And this day the Lord Deputy went over into the Hand, to view how from thence the Town might be best annoyed and invested. And the Spaniards this day put out of the town great numbers of Irish women, and children, which came to the Camp, and were suffered to pass into the Country to their friends.  
The two and twentieth day, one james Grace an Irishman, obtaining the Lord Deputies Protection, escaped out of the Town, and gave his Lordship this intelligence following. Six Irish Gentlemen horsemen came into the town of Kinsale on Sunday the fifteenth of November, and one Owen Conde came the same day, and they are all ready to go out again, and Father Archer with them, to put out the Country, if the Bishop will suffer him. Don jean says privately, that the Lord Deputy was borne in a happy hour, for he will have the Town, unless they be relieved from the North. They have nothing but ruske and water. They have but four pieces of Artillery, one small piece is at the Churchyard, one great and a small in james Meaghes Garden, and the other biggest of all is at the Watergate, to play upon the shipping, and all four are mounted. The Spaniards were five thousand by report at their setting out from Spain, they landed at Kinsals three thousand five hundred, they are yet 3000, there are two hundred sick and hurt in the hospitals, they lost 100 at Rincorran, and 17 and a boy at Castle Nyparke. They had nine slain when they offered to relieve the Castle, and five when Captain Soto was slain. They had four and thirty Colours abroad when they shot into the Lord Deputies Camp, and that was all they had, and they had then two pieces, a great and a small, and that day all the Townsmen were put out at the Gates, that they might do no hurt with the Munition. They fill the old Abbey at the West gate with earth, that they may mount a great piece there, which they make account wilcommand the ground where the English battery is planted at the North Gate, where the Mount is raised, yet it is not likely they will mount any Ordinance there, but rather keep it as a hold. They have store of powder and munition, which lies at john Fitz edmond's Castle, but they mean to remove it presently, and put it in a seller within the town. Their treasure lies at the house where Captain Bostock lay. They are much afraid the Lord deputy will place some Ordinance at Castle Nyparke, or thereabouts, which will much annoy them: but most of all they fear the placing of it at a place near the water side (where some were sent to seek rods, not far from the place where the skirmish was, when they sallied), for which call they raised their mount, but especially filled up the old Abbey; from whence it is best commanded. Don jean lies at Philip Roches. A shot made from the English on Friday at night, hit the house where Don jean lay. The Townsmen will stay no longer there, for fear of the shot, and then the Spaniards will be in great distress. One went from Don jean to Tyrone about nine days ago to hasten his coming, the man was blind of one eye.  
The same day the Lord Deputy received from her Majesty direction, that forasmuch as the County of Clare was of ancient time within the Government or precinct of the Province of Monster, until of late it was annexed to the Province of Connaght, which her Majesty understood was upon some untrue surmise made by Commissioners for Connaght, to the grievance and dislike of her subjects of that County. That the Lord deputy and the Counsel there, should speedily consider of this information, and if they found it not evidently an hindrance to her service, than they speedily should give order, that by revocation of the former Commissioners and letters Patents for government of these several Provinces, and by granting new Commissioners of like authority and effect, and by all other ways requisite in Law, the said County of Clare should be reunited and annexed unto the Province of Monster, and be reduced under the order and government of the Lord President and Council of Monster, which her Majesty was persuaded would be for the advancement of her service, and the good liking of her loving subjects in those parts.  
The same two and twentieth day four Pieces were planted by the Cannon and demi Cannon, which altogether played into the Town, one of which shot killed four men in the Market place, and struck off a captains leg, called Don john de Saint john, who after died of that hurt, we likewise planted three Culuerings in the Island beyond the water, in which the foresaid Castle Nypark stands, and from whence we heard, that Don john feared annoyance.  
The three and twentieth these did beat upon the old Town with good effect. And the same day our other six Pieces on the northeast side played upon the Town, and so continued till night, in which time (in all men's judgements, and by report of the prisoners we took) they did great hurt to the Town. This day while the Lord deputy, the Marshal and Sergeant Maior were viewing the ground where the approaches were intended, a private soldier of Sir john Barkleys', in their sight, and in the face of the Spanish guards, attempting to steal a Spanish sentenel (as he had stolen divers before) this sentenel being seconded by four, that he saw not, he fought with them all five, whereof one was the Sergeant Maior, whom he had almost taken; and when he found he could do no good upon them all he came off without other hurt, than the cutting of his hand a little, with the breaking of a thrust, which one of them made at him, and he hurt the Sergeant Maior.  
The night following, we began certain near approaches on the northeast side of the Town on a hill, which by the natural situation thereof, was free from sudden sallies, by reason of a Valley between it and the Town, so as it might be speedily seconded from the Campe. There with much expedition was raised a Fort (and Artillery planted, to play into the Town), which with three or four Companies was easily gardable; for in this business there seemed nothing more to be respected, then how to approach and infest the enemy in such sort, as neither our old, nor our new men might be overspent, or over-harried with watches and works (the time of the year and extremity of the weather considered) nor the enemy might take any advantage to surprise our works by their sallying, without engaging themselves in fight with our whole Army. For making those approaches, the Lord Deputy drew out one thousand foot, continuing the work all night; and although the ground were extreme hard, by reason of the Frost, and the night very light, yet that night they brought the work to very good perfection. The enemy played all the night upon them with great volleys, but hurt only three men, either in the trenches, or in divers sallies they made (in the one whereof a squadron of our new men did beat them back to the Gates.)  
This day the Lord Precedent advertised, that Odonnell, by advantage of a Frost (so great as seldom had been seen in Ireland), had passed a Mountain, and so had stolen by him into Monster, whereupon he purposed to return with the forces he had, to strengthen the Campe. And in the evening Sir Richard Levison, by the Lord Deputies direction, drew the Admiral and Vice-admiral in between the Island and Kinsale, whence the four and twentieth day they shot into the Town.  
The five and twentieth day all the Artillery still played upon the Town: but the shot from the ships doing little hurt, save only upon the base Town, the Lord deputy gave direction to spend few shot more, except it were on the high Town. This night direction was given to make a platform for the Artillery upon the trenches, which was made the three and twentieth at night. Somewhat after midnight the Spaniards made a sudden sally, with purpose to force the trench, but were soon beaten back by Sir Francis Barkeley, who commanded the watch that night in that place.  
The six and twentieth the Lord Precedent with the two Regiments of foot, and with his horse he had led out against Odonnell, together with a Connaght Regiment under the Earl of Clanrickard, and a Regiment of the Pale under Sir Christopher Saint Laurence (which upon the way were commanded to join with the Lord Precedent), came to the Camp; and these four Regiments were that night quartered by themselves, upon the Westside of Kinsale, to invest the Town more closely, and to keep Odonnell and the Spaniards from joining together, which quarter or lesser Camp was commanded by the Earl of Thomond: for the Lord Precedent remained ever near the Lord Deputy in the great Camp, and so did the Earl of Clanrickard. This day the three Culuerings were brought from the Island beyond the water on the eastside, and were planted on a hill, in a point of land near the water on this side of the Haven, lying to the East of our Fort newly built there, to which hill the Town lay near and very open. In the mean time the Spaniards from the Town, played upon our ships with a Demi-canon, and shot our Admiral twice, and our vice-admiral once, while they road (as aforesaid) close by the Town, but our ships within few shot exchanged, did dismount their Demi-Cannon, so as they could make no more shot with it, and at the same shot hurt their chief Gunner.  
The seven and twentieth day betimes in the morning, our three pieces planted the day before on the point of the hill near the water side, played upon the Town, and did great hurt to the enemy, by reason they were planted so near the Town, but the eight and twentieth day falling out extreme windy and rainy, we were enforced to cease our battery, and spent the rest of the day in drawing down to that place, some other pieces, formerly planted upon the first platform.  
The foresaid eight and twenty in the morning, we sent a Trumpet to summon Kinsale, who was not suffered to enter the Town, but received his answer at the gate, that they held the Town first for Chhist, and next for the King of Spain, and so would defend it Contratanti. Upon his return with this answer, the Lord Deputy commanded to make battery with all our Artillery, (planted all on the East side of the Town), which was presently performed, and continuing till towards night, broke down great part of the East gate. In the mean time the Spaniards being retired in great numbers into their trenches on the West side, to escape the fury of our Ordinance on the East side, Sir Christopher S. Laurence was commanded to draw out from our new Camp, on the West side, and to give upon them in their trenches, which he performed, and did beat them out of the Trenches, following them to the very gates of the Town, killing many, and hurting more of them, and so returned without loss of a man on our side, having only some few hurt. The nine & twentieth all our Artillery played upon the Town, and broke down most part of the Eastern gate, and some part of a new work the Enemy had made before the gate. This day two Spaniards wrote from Kinsale to some of their friends prisoners in our Camp, whom they styled poor Soldiers, when we knew them to be men of account, and withal sent them such money as they wanted, yet under the title of Alms, as if they had neither money of their own, nor were of credit to be trusted for any.  
The last day of November Sir Richard Wingfield the Marshal took some fifty shot, and went to the wall of the Town, to view the fittest place for us to make a breach, the Spaniasds made a light skirmish with them, and hurt some few. The Marshal when he had well viewed the wall, drew the shot off, and judging the wall, close to the Eastern gate on the right hand, to be fittest for the making of a breach, he gave present order that our artillery should beat upon that place, which was done without intermission, and therewith we broke down before night a great part of the wall, which the Enemy in the night attempted to make up again, but was beaten from it by our Guards, who played upon them with small shot most part of the night. In the evening a Spaniard ran away from Kinsale to our camp, who reported to the Lord Deputy that our Artillery had killed divers Captains and Officers in the Town, besides many private soldiers.  
The first of December it was resolved in Counsel of State and by the Counsel of War, (namely the chief Commanders and Colonels) that some foot should be drawn out of the camp, to give the Spaniard a bravado, and to view if the breach we had made were assaultable, and also to cause the Spaniards to show themselves, that our Artillery might the better play upon them. To this purpose two thousand foot, commanded by Sir john Barkeley the Sergeant Mayor, and Captain Edward Blany, were presently put in Arms, and drawn near the walls of the Town, who entertained a very hot skirmish with the Spaniards, who were lodged in a trench close to the breach without the Town. During this skirmish, our Artillery played upon those that showed themselves, either in the breach or in the trench, and killed many of them, besides such as were killed and hurt by our small shot.  
Among the rest on Captain Moryson a Spaniard, (of whom as one of the pledges upon the composition, we shall have cause to speak hereafter) walked cross the breach, animating his men, and though Sr Richard Wingfield our Marshal caused many both great and small shot to be made at him, with promise of 20 pound to him that should hit him, or beat him off, (whereupon many great shot did beat the dirt in his face, and stories about his ears); yet all the skirmish he continued walking in this brave manner, without receiving any hurt. Many think them best soldiers, who are often and dangerously hurt, but it is an error: for wounds are badges of honour, yet may befall the coward assoon as the valiant man; and I have known most advenmrous men who never received wound. Pardon this my digression, not warrantable in a journal, I will only add, that brave soldiers (for the stars have a kind of power in our birth) are by some secret influence preserved, when others intruding themselves into that course of life, or driven to it by necessity of estate, fall at the first alarum: And to speak theologically, God preserves us, but still in our ways, so as he who without calling rushes into another way then his own, hath no warrant of divine protection. After an hours fight, when we had taken full view of the breach, and found it not assaultable, our men were drawn off, with little or no damage on our part, only three of our men were hurt, and Captain Guests Horse was killed under him, which Captain first had killed two Spaniards with his own hand.  
The same day it was resolved in counsel, to plant a Fort on a Rath on the West side of the Town, to lodge therein some foot, for seconds to the guard of our artillery, intended to be planted near the same. And to this purpose, in the night following, the Marshal, the Sergeant Mayor, Captain Edward Blany, and Captain josias Bodley Trenchmaster, (the Lord Deputy being almost all night present with them), drew out five and twenty of each company, and entrenching themselves on the said hill, not half Callivers shot from the Town, began to cast up a small Fort. And though the Spaniards perceived not their purpose, yet many of them lying in a trench they possessed close to the West gate, did play very hotly all night on our men, guarding the Pioneers, and ours did no less on them, so that divers were hurt and killed on both sides. But the second day of December, about nine in the morning, when a great mist began to break, and they discovered our work a yard high, then from the said Trenches, and more from the Castles, and high places in the Town, they plied us all the day with small shot. Notwithstanding which annoyance, our men brought the work to very good perfection before night. In the mean time, a Sergeant to Captain Blany, drew out some seven or eight shot, and suddenly fell into a Trench which some Spaniards possessed, close by the Town, of whom the Sergeant killed two, and each of the rest one, with their own hands. But when not content therewith, they attempted another Trench, something distant from the first, the Sergeant in going on was shot through the body, and two of his Company were hurt in bringing him off, and so returned with this and no more loss.  
This night the Trenches where the Cannon was planted on the East side of the Town, were manned with the Lord Deputies guard, (commanded by Captain james Blount) with Sir Thomas Bourkeses Company and Sir Benjamin Berry's company, (both commanded by their Lieutenants), by Captain Rotherams company, (commanded by himself) by Captain Hobbies company (commanded by himself) Captain Nuses (commanded by his Lieutenant) and by Captain Roger Haruy his company, (himself commanding in chief as Captain of the watch there that night for as every Colonel watched each third night, so every Captain watched in one place or other each second night). Also this night the Fort on the West side near the Town, between the two Camps, which was cast up the day before, was manned by Captain Flower (commanding in chief) and his company by Captain Spencer and his company, by Captain Dillon and his company, and by the companies of Sir Arthur Savage, Sir john Dowdall; Captain Masterson, and Sir William Warren, (commanded by their Lieutenants) together with certain squadrons out of the Earl of Thomonds' quarter in our second camp, which stood in guard without the Trenches. Now within an hour after night, and some two hours before the Moon rose, it being very dark and rainy, the Spaniard impatient of the Forts building, the day before so close to the towns West gate, and resolving to attempt bravely on our Ordinance, planted on the East side, made a brave sally with some two thousand men, and first gave slightly towards the Trenches on the West side, but presently with a gross and their chief strength fell upon the Trenches, in which the Artillery lay on the East side, continuing their resolution to force it with exceeding fury, having brought with them Tools of divers sorts, to pull down the Gabbyons and the Trenches, as also Spykes, to cloy the Ordinance. The alarum being taken in the camp, the Marshal and Sergeant Maior, Sir Richard Moryson, Sir William Fortescue, Sir Francis Rush, and Captain Roc, sallied presently with some six hundred men towards the Cannon, and Sir Benjamin Berry with some one hundred men fell directly towards the Port of the Town next to the Camp, and the Lord Deputy sent out Sir Oliver Saint john's with seconds. Upon the Marshal's arrival and charge, the enemy broke, and our men did execution upon them. Sir Bentamin Berry fell directly upon the enemies seconds, whom he charged and broke, killing many of them, and taking the Commander of that body, being an ancient Captain, of great estimation with the enemy. At the same time the enemy gave upon our trenches and Fort built the day before on the West side, and continued the attempt long with great fury, till Captain Flower in heat and without direction, sallying out of the Fort, to follow part of their forces discomfited, the enemy entered the Fort before he could return, and possessed themselves of our trenches. Yet still our men continued the fight, and Sir William Godolphin gave many brave charges with his horse, to countenance our men, till the Earl of Clanrickard was sent to second them on this part, with Captain Skipwith, Captain Clare, Captain Boise, Captain Thomas Bourke, and some threescore men (for the rest of the Regiment was not advanced so far.) Then his Lordship and the rest charged the enemies gross, being without the Fort, and broke them, and did execution upon them falling towards the town, and so returning thence, entered the West Fort again, with little resistance, for the enemy abandoned it. This Fort his L P. and his Company made good, till he was relieved from the Lord deputy. In this sally in all the enemy left in the field above one hundred and twenty dead bodies, besides such as were killed near the Town, and could not next day be discerned by us. And we took thirteen prisoners, among whom was a Captain Reformado (as they term them, for honour of antiquitic) who was taken by Henslo, Captain of our pioneers, and a Sergeant, and a Drum. After we heard by some of the Town, that they left dead above two hundred of their best men, among whom were two Captains, two Alferoes, and the Sergeant Maior (being the second Commander to Don jean), and Don Carloes, and that more than two hundred of them were hurt. On our part Captain Flower, Captain Skipwith, and the Earl of Clanrickards' Lieutenant were hurt, and Captain Spencer, and Captain Dillon, and Captain Flowers Lieutenant, were killed in the West Fort, who staying in the Fort when Captain Fllower sallied, were there found dead in the place which they were commanded to make good, and with their faces to the enemy, in as honourable manner as could be expected from any soldier. The enemy sallying on our Fort guarding our Cannon, cloyed a demy-culuering of ours, which being a little crazed, was left without the Fort, but the next morning it was made serviceable again. Some of them were killed upon the cannon, and upon the powder, and the trenches about the cannon were in some places filled with dead bodies; for in that particular attempt they left seventy two bodies dead in the place, and those of their best men, whereof some were found having spikes and hammers to cloy the cannon. And in general among the dead bodies many were found to have spells, characters, and hallowed medals, which they wore as preservations against death, and most of them when they were stripped, were seen to have scars of Venus' warfare. We took some forty shovels, and as many mattocks, and much Arms, left in the field, which tools were so massy, as they had great advantage of us therein, and the sight of them would have put her majesties Ministers of the Ordinance to shame, who for private gain sent sale ware to us, unfit to be used. In defending this fort of the cannon, Captain Rotheram and james 〈◊〉 Ensign, won great reputation by their valour, and the courage they gave to others. Because the Earl of Clanrickards' Company had watched the night before this, Sir Henry Follyot was sent with his Regiment to guard the Western fort till morning.  
Some hour before this skirmish, the Lord deputy was advertised by one Donnogh O Driscoll, that six Spanish ships were put into Castle Haven, and that six more were sent with them from the Groin, but in the way were scattered from these by tempest, and that since it was not known what became of them. That in these six ships arrived, were two thousand Spaniards, with great store of Ordinance and Munition, and that by their report twenty thousand more were coming presently after them. The third of December, by reason of rany weather, nothing could be done, only upon relation of a French runaway, that the enemy purposed to sally again, some of our men were for a short time drawn to Arms, but in vain.  
The fourth day we received a confirmation of the Spaniards arrival at Castlehaven, whereupon it was resolved in Counsel, that our first camp should be more strongly fortified, and that all our horse should be drawn into it, and that the quarter or lesser camp on the West side (consisting now only of three Regiments, namely, of the Earl of Thomond, Sir Richard Percy, and Sir Christopher Saint Laurence) should rise and sit down farther off, towards the South-gate, having another Regiment added to strengthen it, drawn out of the first camp on the North side of the Town, where the Lord Deputy lodged, the lot whereof fell to Sir Charles Wilmott. That our trenches and Fort on the East side for the guarding of the cannon, should be committed to the continual guard of Captain Blany, and our Fort at the West gate to Captain Guest. And that our battery should cease, till those storms of new Spanish supplies and the Irish Rebels drawing near were over.  
A Drum was sent to the Town, to offer Don jean liberty to bury his dead, which message he received with due respect, but prayed us to bury them, with promise to do the like for any of ours happening to fall in his power. And because our Drum, according to his direction, expostulated with Don jean, that howsoever the Spanish prisoners were well used by us, yet his Lordship heard, that one of our men taken in the last sally, after he was hurt, so long as he gave himself out to be an Irish man, was kept in the hospital, but after being discovered to be an Englishman, was drawn out, and killed. For this cause Don jean sent back with him a Spanish Drum to the Lord Deputy, entreating burial for his dead, with the foresaid promise to do the like for ours; and for the expostulation, denying any such thing done to his knowledge, with protestation to punish it highly, if he could discover any such thing to have been done. The first, his Lordship promised to do as a Christian like act, though he knew the inequality of the offer, having so many of their bodies presently in his power. For the second, his Lordship rested satisfied, yet his Lp did further expostulate with the Drum, that upon our summons of the Town, after martial manner, they were not content to return a resolute answer, but added scandalous words, terming us meschini. To which he answered, protesting that the speech was ill delivered by an harquebuzier, who undertook to interpret it, but could not do it rightly. His Lordship also excepted to a kind of challenge sent by Don jean, that the question between England and Spain should be tried by combat between them two, this trial being in neither of their powers by commission, nor in Don jeans will, though he had the power, besides that the Council of Trent forbade the Romanists to fight in Campo Stectuto (or combat in the field) so as this message was rather quarrelsome then honourable, which otherwise his Lordship protested to be most willing to accept, with thanks for the noble offer. Lastly, his Lordship remembered, that at our first setting down, he sent a Drum to Don jean, with this message; That whereas his Lordship understood certain Ladies and women to be in the Town, he offered them before the playing of our Artillery free leave to depart, or remaining there still, to command any provision for themselves which our camp afforded. And that Don jean made an uncivil answer, That he would not be his Baud. To these exceptions he answered with a Spanish shrug of the shouldier, as having no knowledge nor commission, to satisfy his Lordship therein. So his Lordship protested, that all the courtesy offered hitherto by him, proceeded out of that honourable respect which useth to pass between honourable enemies, and because he would ever be true to his own Honour, whatsoever others were to theirs. But in case it were conceived to proceed of any respect of the greatness or power of the Spanish Nation, or his own fear, that he would hereafter show how much he disdained such ill interpretations of courtesy. And so his Lordship dismissed the Drum.  
This night the Spaniards attempted something by boats against our Sentinels, but were soon beaten back again. The fifth day Sir Richard Levison, though the wind hindered the going out of Kinsale Harbour, yet with towing, got out the Warspite, the Defiance, the Swiftsure, the Marline, one Merchant, and a carvel, and with them went to seek the Spanish Fleet newly arrived at Castlehaven.  
The same day the four Regiments above named, did remove to the new camping place, as was determined the day before.  
The sixth day at ten in the morning, our Fleet arrived at Castle haven, and before four in the afternoon one Spanish ship was sunk, the Spanish Admiral with nine foot water in hold drove to the shore upon the rocks, the vice-admiral with two others drove likewise a ground, most of the Spaniards quitting their ships. Our Fleet was forced to stay there the next day by contrary winds, and the Spaniards having landed some Ordinance, played upon our ships all the day, but the night following they warped out; and the day after returned to Kinsale.  
The sixth day likewise, a Scottish Bark bringing soldiers from Spain, and being one of the Fleet newly arrived at Castlehaven, but severed from them at sea by storm, came into the Harbour of Kinsale, and put the Spaniards, being fourscore, into our hands, who were brought to the camp, and examined before the Lord deputy. David High of Lieth, Master and Owner of the Unicorn examined, laid upon oath: That he went from Waterford six weeks ago with goods of Waterford for Rochel, and so for Bordeaux, but was driven through foul weather and a leak into the Groin, where within an hour after he was at Anchor, his ship was arrested, and himself taken by the Governor called Conde, but after they had unladen the Bark, and taken away the sails, he was set at liberty. That Siriago with a part of the Spanish Fleet sent for Ireland, was then there, and ready to embark again for Ireland, having about one thousand four hundred land soldiers, placed in nine ships, whereof this examinate was one, the Admiral in which Syriago was, being a Netherlander of one hundred fifty tun, or thereabout, the vice-admiral a Fleming of one hundred twenty tun, or there about, beside three French ships, and three Scots, and a Fliboat. That they have great provisions of Powder, pioneers tools, and twelve or 14 great Pieces mounted for the field. That the seven and twentieth of the last, they set sail at Groin, and had their directions (as far as this examinate understands) for Kinsale. That before their departure from the Groin, one jordan Roche of Kinsale, bound for Bordeaux, and from thence for South-Spaine, coming to an anchor at the Groin, was there taken, and forced in the King's name to be a Pilot on this coast, his ship being sent on her voyage; by whom they understood, that the Castles of Ryncoran and Nyparke were taken, which he heard also by the report of a French man he met at sea. That aboard his ship there was embarked about fourscore Spaniards, and five or six women, about five and twenty tun of Bread, and six Butts of wine, whereof the most part was spent in beverage: but other munitions than the soldiers weapons they brought none aboard. That Brittingdona is at Lisbon, ready to transport two thousand soldiers more for Ireland, so soon as he can get shipping. That Don Diego de Brochero in his return for Ireland, landed at Lisbon, and from thence posted to the Court, and after his arrival, a present dispatch was made, to hasten these supplies for Ireland. That in Spain they make no doubt but Ireland is already won, and from thence the common bruit is, they will for England, then for Scotland, and after will set upon the Turk, That the fifth of December, they made the land between Cork and Kinsale, and the wind being scant, turned all that day and night to come in, and by seven of the clock this morning came into the Harbour, and at opening of the day perceived our Fleet, which by the Spaniards was conceived to be their Fleet: but by him (as he saith) known to be her Majesties, and that of purpose he came to put the Spaniards into our hands. That before his ship came to anchor, he got a boat; and discovered to Sir Amyas Preston the Spaniards he had aboard. Whereupon Sir Amyas Preston manned out his boats, and towed in the ship, whereunto the Spaniards made no resistance. lastly, that he heard at the Groin, that the Adilantado, being then at Port Saint Marie, did daily expect the coming offoure thousand Italians, but for what purpose he knew not.  
The Spaniards then examined on oath, said, That there is in the Fleet with Siriago not above one thousand, divers of them taken out of the gaols, and very poor and naked, whereof one whole Company of Portugeses was taken out of prison. That the Admiral is laden with Biscuit, Powder, and Match, and two cannons for battery. That the whole Fleet consists of ten sail, whereof the Admiral and vice-admiral are hulks of three hundred tons, as they esteemed them, the rest small barks of divers Nations. That Siriago commands the Fleet, and Captain Alonzo del Campo commands the foot in chief, being a Captain of the Terceres, who hath an old Company, and Sanedra hath another old Company, but is himself a young soldier. That they heard nothing that Kinsale was besieged. That Brittendona was at Lisbon, and that they were gathering supplies, but knew not if they will be ready before the Spring or no. That the Adilantado was in South-Spaine, and that a Regiment of three thousand Italians was to come for Ireland. That the whole Fleet was bound for Kinsale, and they thought the Queen's Fleet was their ships of Spain. That all the shipping was to be gathered together at Lisbon, against the Spring, and four thousand Italians were coming for England.  
This sixth day of December, all the Ordinance was drawn from the Eastern and Western platforms, into the first Camp on the Northside of the Town, where the Lord Deputy lodged, that we might the better attend the service of the field, having our Artillery commodiously placed, since we were advertised, that Odonnel was joined with those Spaniards which landed lately at Castle-haeven, and that he, together with Tyrone, assisted by all the Rebels force in Ireland, were drawing up towards Kinsale to relieve it, and were come within few miles of the camp. Of all these news the Spaniards in Kinsale had knowledge, and thereupon took heart again, when they were otherwise ready to yield upon reasonable composition. For this respect, it was thought enough for us to keep the ground we held, against all these enemies, till we should be further supplied out of England, since upon the least defeat or disaster befalling us, the whole Kingdom would have been hazarded (if not lost), by reason of the people's inclination to a general revolt.  
We fortified the foresaid camp on the West (or southwest) side, where the Earl of Thomond lay with four Regiments, and it was resolved, that two small forts should be cast up, and manned, between that camp and the water side Southward (the said forts and camps, each one flancking the other), thereby so to invest the Town, as all succour from the country might be cut off from it. Further it was resolved, that the ditches of the Lord Deputies camp should be deepned, and the trenches highthned, and that the back part furthest from the Town, lying open hitherto should now be closed, and made defensable against Tyrones' forces, as the side towards the Town was made against the Spaniards, if they both at one time should give upon us. And that all the Forts should be barricadoed, and by all possible art all the accesses to the town between our two camps be stopped.  
The seventh day the Lord Deputy advertised Master Secretary in England, of all these particulars, adding that we daily heard very hot Alarms of Tyrones' purpose, to relieve the Town, who strengthened with the above named forces, was now lodged in Woods, and in accessable strengths, very near to our camp, so as he hindered us from forage for our horse, and from the helps we formerly had out of the country, for sustentation of our Army. And that his neighbourhood on the one side, and the Spaniards in Kinsale on the other, kept us at a bay, from proceeding in our aproches and battery. Besides that our last supplies were in this short time incredibly wasted, the new men dying by dozen each night, through the hardness of the winter siege, whereunto they were not enured. Yet his Lordship still made good his first hope of victory, though it were deferred, and that which he thought to have attempted with safety to the State, and ease to the Army, was now to be done with hazard to the State (inseparable from great actions) and greater painfulness to the soldier (to be endured with patience.)  
The eight day our Artillery was placed in the several places of our North side Camp, for the best defence thereof, and a Fort on the West side by the other Camp, (according to the above mentioned resolution) was cast up, & almost finished, where towards night we had a slight skirmish with the Spaniards, in which we had an Ancient and some few men hurt. In the evening the Rebel's Horse were discovered, about 
Tyrones' Forces show themselves.  two miles off, and after supper all our men were drawn into Arms, upon notice given us by the scouts, that the Rebels drew nigh, but after a small time, all saving the watch were dismissed to rest.  
This night Sir Richard Levyson returned from Castle Haven, with the Queen's ships into the Harbour of Kinsale, and came to the Camp, to give the Lord Deputy account of the good service done there. The nine ten and eleven days, we spent in building the two Sconces, (or Forts) as was formerly resolved in the sixth days Counsel. They were built on the West side of the Town, between the Earl of Thomonds' quarter and the water Southward, and to invest the Town round about, we cast up trenches between the Forts and the Earl of Thomonds' quarter, being thirty score in length, the Forts and the Camp slancking each other, and we cast up Trenches from that side to the Lord Deputies Camp, to stop the passage of Cows, Horses, or any relief to the Town. The Spaniards made two or three light sallies to view our works on the West side, as they did likewise the twelfth day, but they were beaten back with ease, and no loss on our part. The thirteenth day we drew three pieces of Artillery from the Lord Deputies camp, and planted them on the West side near the other camp, to play upon an Abbey, which flanked that part where we intended to make a new breach. The same day the Spaniards taken in the Scots ship, were sent for England.  
And Sir Oliver S. john's was dispatched for England, and by him the Lord Deputy and the Counsel wrote this following Letter to the Lords in England.  
IT may please your Lordships: How we have proceeded in the great business we have in hand here, since ourlast dispatch unto your Lordships of the seventh of the last month, we have thought fit to set down by way of journal enclosed, humbly praying leave to refer your Lordships thereunto, to avoid needless repetition; and if the services we have hitherto performed, shall happily fall short of that which your Lordships in this time have expected, and ourselves (we acknowledge) hoped, we have made collection of the sundry difficulties and oppositions that we have encountered, since the first news of these Spaniards discovery upon this Coast, to the end it might appear unto your Lordships plainly by the view thereof, (as we are confident it will), that nothing hath been wanting in our endeavours, to bring this work to the desired conclusion, but that a more slow proceeding hath been inavoidably occasioned, by the slow and untimely coming to us of those means and provisions, without which it is impossible to be effectually active, and the arising of new accidents and impediments in the mean time, which made our work more difficult, and therefore will not (we hope) be imputed any fault of ours. Since the arrival of the Queen's ships, the forces, altillery, and other provisions out of England, we have so annoyed this Town with battery in all parts thereof, as the breach was almost assaultable, and the Houses in the Town much beaten down, to the great weakening of the defendants, in so much as we were not without hope to be offered it by composition, or within a little more time to have entered it by force, though that was held a course of much hazard and loss, in regard they within are very strong in bodies of men, which we know to be most certain. The Spaniard finding how hardly he was laid to, importuned Tyrone and Odonnell with their forces to come to relieve him, they both are accordingly come, and encamped not far from the Town. And now one thousand more Spaniards are arrived at Castle Haven, with great store of munition & artillery, and report that a greater force is coming after, which doth so bewitch this people, as we make account all the Country will now go out, as most of them have done already, as in our former letters we signified that we feared. Odonnels forces are said to be four thousand, and to be joined with the Spaniards that landed at Castle Haven, and Tyrones' (as we hear generally) to be as many more, and since his passage through the Country hither, Tyrrell with many other Lemster Rebels, (as it is said) are joined with him, and coming also hither. By these means we are induced to leave our battery for a time, and to strengthen our Camps, that we may be able to endure all their fury, as we hope we shall, and keep the Town still besieged, and so invested, as we are not out of hope in the end to carry it, notwithstanding all that they can do. Yet since it is now most apparent, that the King of Spain means to make this place the seat of the War, not only for the gaining of this Kingdom, but from time to time to push for England, if he should get this, (for so some that we have taken and examined, do confess), and that the whole strength of the Irish are drawn and drawing hither, to set up their rest, to get that liberty (as they call it) that they have so long sought for. We must earnestly entreat your Lordships to supply us, and that speedily, of all things necessary for so great a War, as this is like to be. We hold it a matter of necessity that four thousand foot more be sent us presently; without staying one for another to come together, but as they can be levied and shipped away, and we desire good choice may be made both of the Men and Arms, for in both the last were much defective, those under Captains were but ill bodies of men, and the supplies had very ill arms and weapons: We conceive it will be fittest for the service, that I the Deputy have liberty to put so many of them under Captains, as cannot at the first be used for supplies, for though our chief meaning is to fill up the bands already here, if so many be wanting at their coming hither, that her Majesty may not unnecessarily be charged with new bands, when the old be not full, but much deficient, yet a great part of our companies being extreme sick, through the exceeding misery of this Winter's siege, (so as at this present there is but one third part of the last men that came over serviceable, and able to do duties, whereof happily a great part may recover), it cannot therefore be determined, until they be here, what number will be necessary for supplies, and what companies fit to be raised, for that must grow out of a view here of such as continue still sick, or are grown deficient by death, or running away, whereof of late there are very many, notwithstanding the severe courses we have taken, by executing some for a terror to the rest, by making Proclamations upon pain of death, that none should depart the camp without licence, by giving direction to the Port Towns that they should be stayed and apprehended: and lastly, by sending special men to Cork, Yoghall, Waterford, and Wexford, to see the same duly put in execution, for which purpose they have commission for martial law, all which is well known to every private man in the camp, and yet they steal away daily in such numbers, as besides those that by devices do get passages, there are at this present taken between this and Waterford, at the least two hundred ready to be returned; though we confess the misery they endure is such, as justly deserveth some compassion, for divers times some are found dead, standing sentinel, or being upon their guard, that when they went thither were very well and lusty, so grievous is a Winter's siege, in such a Country: For the sick and hurt men we have taken the best course we can devise, for at Cork we have provided a guesthouse for them, where they are most carefully looked unto, and have their lend delivered in money, to buy them what the market doth afford, with an increase of what is held fit for them, allowed out of the surplusage of the entertainment for the Preachers and Cannoneers, (which we conceive your Lordships have heretofore heard of). And for those that are sick or sickly at the camp, because we much desire to keep them well (if it were possible), we take this course. First their own means is allowed them very duly, Sir Robert Gardner being appointed a Commissioner for that purpose, that the soldier in all things may have his right, with proclamation that whosoever found himself in any want, should repair to him; and secondly, out of a general contribution from the Officers and Captains of the Army, there is fifty pound a week collected for them, and bestowed in providing warm broth, meat, and lodging, so as a marvelous great number are thereby relieved. And yet all this doth not serve, but that a great many are still unserviceable which we have here noted at the greater length that it might appear unto your Lordships that it proceeds not from want of care or providence in us, but from keeping the field in such a season, where human wit cannot prevent their decay. We must further earnestly entreat your Lordships, that the Fleet may remain upon this Coast during the war with the Spaniards, and to furnish us with victuals, munition and money, for Easterly winds are rare at this time of the year, and without every of these, this action cannot be maintained, but that the Army will break, and come to nothing. Neither will this Country now afford us any thing, no not so much as meat for our Horses; and therefore we must likewise be humble suitors, that two thousand quarters of Oats may speedily be sent us, without which undoubtedly our Horses will be starved. The particulars of our wants, both of munition and victuals, are set down by the Master of the Ordinance, and the Victualer for this Province, and we have made choice of Sir Oliver S. john's, to solicit your Lordships for a speedy and favourable dispatch, as also to give satisfaction in all things wherein it may please your Lordships to require a more particular information, in regard he is well acquainted with all things that have passed here, otherwise as we were unwilling to have spared him, so we found him very unwilling to leave the service at this time, had not I the Deputy enjoined him to undertake this business, knowing he could best satisfy your Lordships in any particular that you might doubt off. We have also held it very fit humbly to signify to your Lordships, that where we heard from the Counsel of Dublyn, and otherwise, of her majesties purpose to send some Scots, that it would now very much advance the service, for if four thousand Scots (which we think a convenient number) might speedily be landed there, to join with the English at Loughfoyle and Carickfergus, while Tyrone keeps here with the Forces of that Country, they would no doubt in short time make so great a spoil there, as he should never be able to subsist, to maintain a war any more, and a great part both of the English forces & of them, after having swept those Country's bare, which they might quickly do, might draw hither to our assistance, with great part of the prey, which would abundantly relieve both them and us with victual, and so stop the passages behind him, as he should never be able to return; but that the war both of Spain and Ireland might have an end together here, whereof we cannot but wish your Lordships to have due consideration, and humbly pray you to excuse us, for making thus far bold, which nothing should have led us unto, but zeal and affection to the service. Lastly, whereas the Enemy's Fleet at Lysbone, under the conduct of Bretandona, is (by intelligence from Spain) assuredly intended for these parts, to bring supplies to Kinsale within a month or six weeks: And whereas we find the great importance of this service depending on the countenance of her majesties Fleet, to have the same with us as well to guard the Harbour and repel the enemies landing, as also to guard our Magazines of munition and victuals, which must be kept in ships; we having no other conveniency to keep them: We have made humbly bold to stay the Fleet commanded by Sir Richard Levison, and do in like sort beseech your Lordships to victual them for three months longer, with all possible speed; for they are now victualled only till the twentieth of january. And because so great a quantity of victuals as will serve them for that time, can hardly be so soon provided; we humbly desire that this supply of their victuals may be sent unto them in parts, as it can be made ready: And because this Fleet, by the opinion of the best experienced in Sea services, (whom we for our parts do believe), must necessarily be divided, and yet is too small to serve in two parts, we humbly pray that some such addition of ships, as in your wisdoms shall be thought meet, may be sent hither, to forbid the enemy to plant in other places, as Baltimore and Berre Haven, where it is very probable they mean to plant: by which division of the Fleet better service may be expected, then otherwise can possibly be performed. For it is no doubt, but many opportunities will be offered to fight with the Enemy, which otherwise cannot be looked for. This we humbly submit to your Lordship's favourable consideration, not forgetting (as earnestly as we may) to recommend to your Lordship's good favour Sir Richard Levison, Admiral of this Fleet, who hath showed himself a most worthy Gentleman, both in performing of that service upon the Spanish ships at Castle-haven (which in our I ournall is expressed), as also in being himself painful, careful, wise, and valiant in the whole course of all affairs; which your Lordships committed to his charge, and that in such measure, as we think a more sufficient and gallant Gentleman could not haud been chosen for such an employment. And so we most humbly take leave, etc.  
By the same dispatch the Lord Deputy wrote this following letter to Master Secretary in England.  
SIr, I know that all great actions are accompanied with many difficulties, neither are they strange to me, that have put on a mind to endure any thing for such a Mistress, in such a quarrel. And with cheerfulness shall I suffer the extremity of hardness, and adventure, if it shall please her Majesty so graciously to interpret our labours, as to believe (as it is true) that our difficulties arise out of themselves, and not from any defect of our Counsels or endeavours. For myself, I protest that I do faithfully propound unto myself, whatsoever I presume are her majesties chief ends, to make a speedy, safe, and honourable conclusion of this war, which to no private man would be more unsupportable then to myself, were I not upheld by my duty and affection to her service. I do conceive that it is apparent, that the King of Spain is resolved to make a powerful war with England, and that he hath chosen this Country to be the seat thereof, where we that are her majesties Ministers here, must either mar, or give way to this foundation. If he be resolved to send continual supplies, and to fortify in several places, the war is likely to grow long and difficult. For first, it is hard to force a warlike Nation out of any strength, without great numbers, royal provisions, and long time, and how hard our supplies of either, can be spared, or sent in time so far, I fear the estate doth already feel too much. The necessity of making head to an enemy (who having the hearts of all this people, shall have all their helps, if they durst), doth draw our Army to endure all the incommodities of a miserable Winter's siege, wherein, without all prevention, the greatest part of our strength will decay, before we be ready (in our chief design of forcing the Town) to use it. And if otherwise we should use in this work more than advised haste, we might easily hazard the loss of this Kingdom; for little disasters to us will be conceived overthrows, and believe Sir, that nothing contains even the best of this Country inhabitants, but the prosperity and reputation of our Army; so that, although it may please God to enable us to cut off the thread of this war, sooner than we see reason to presume of, yet because we have just reason to expect a growing enemy, and in so great a cause, it must please her Majesty, either to bend and maintain her Royal power this way, or by some attempt in his own Countries, to divert his purpose for this; for otherwise if he persist in his purpose for Ireland, if he once grow of power to break the banks of our opposition, he will suddenly (and not by degrees) overflow all. Hitherto it hath pleased God to prosper us, in all we have undertaken, or hath been undertaken against us; we have won whatsoever the enemy was possessed off without the Town; we have taken above two hundred Spanish prisoners; there are (as we are certainly informed) above one thousand dead and killed of them in the Town, the which we have now as thoroughly invested as may be: but on the other side the whole force of Tyrone and Odonnell, with all the strength of the Rebels of Ireland, do lie within six miles of us, and to their assistance they have the Spanish supplies, and (that which is worst) their munition and provisions; the whole Province either is joined with them, or stand neutrals; and what use soever the enemy maketh of them, I am sure we receive by them no manner of assistance. Notwithstanding all this, I hope we shall give a good account of the besieged; but we have reason to proceed with great caution, having a desperate enemy before us, and so many that are engaged in the same fortune behind us. For Tyrone and O donnel have quit their own Countries, to recover them here, or else to lose all. Now Sir, to enable us in this great war, you must continually supply us with munition and victuals. It is true, how incredible soever you think it, that of two thousand men you send us, you must account that we make use of little more than five hundred, and yet we can well justify, that there is nothing omitted that human wit can provide, for the preservation of such as we have. I have (much against his will and my own) sent over Sir Oliver Saint john's, because I presume he can satisfy you in many things, which by writing we can hardly do. Once more I thought good to remember you, that I protest before the eternal God, that it grieveth me to see her Majesty so ill served in her Musters, from the abuses whereof (as I have done heretofore) I do utterly disclaim, as not being in my power to reform; for all the Ministers in that kind, are but cyphers or false numbers, and it is beyond my power to descend into every particular care, in such an active time, wherein I spend all my meditations in making only of the war; and wherein how much of the weight of every man's burden doth lie upon my shoulders, I do better feel, than I can express, or make you believe. I will discontinue the consideration of any thing that belongs to my own private, and have now only desired this bearer to negotiate for me as a public person, and of public matter, and I beseech God to send me the height of my ambition, which is, with the conscience of having done her Majesty the service I desire, to enjoy a quiet, private life; and that her Majesty may never more have need of men of our profession.  
Yours Sir most assured to do you service Mountioy.  
The fourteenth day was so rainy, and so tempestuous in winds, as we could not stir out, to proceed any thing in our businesses. The fifteenth our Artillery, planted by the Camp on the Westside, did play upon the tops of the Castles in the Town, where the enemy's shot were placed, that from thence they might annoy our men, working in the trenches, and in the platform, and attending our Artillery. Our pieces broke down many of these Castles, and killed many of their shot lodged in them. Likewise in the night, while our men were making new approaches, our Ordinance played upon the Town, and many volleys of small shot were exchanged between us and the enemy.  
The sixteenth day the same Ordinance played in like sort upon the Castles in the Town, and did much hurt to the men there lodged. The seventeenth day was very tempestuous with rain, and especially wind, and so continued all night, for which cause our Artillery played but seldom upon the town. And this night the Spaniards sallied, and broke down a platform, which we had begun the day before, with purpose to plant our Artillery there; whereupon a slight skirmish fell between us and them, but with little or no hurt on either side. The eighteenth day our Artillery continued to play upon the Town. And this day his Lordship intercepted this following letter, which he commanded me to translate out of Spanish into English.   

To the Prince Oneale, and Lord O donnel.  
I Thought your Excellencies would have come at Don Ricardo his going, since he had order from you to say, that upon the Spaniards coming to you (from Castle-haven), you would do me that favour. And so I beseech you now you will do it, and come as speedily and well appointed as may be. For I assure you, that the enemies are tired, and are very few, and they cannot guard the third part of their trenches, which shall not avail them, for resisting their first fury, all is ended. The manner of your coming, your Excellencies know better to take there, than I to give it here; for I will give them well to do this way, being always watching to give the blow all that I can, and with some resolution, that your Excellencies fight as they do always, I hope in God the victory shall be ours without doubt, because the cause is his. And I more desire the victory for the interest of your Excellencies, than my own. And so there is nothing to be done, but to bring your squadrons, come well appointed and close withal, and being mingled with the enemies, their Forts will do as much harm to them, as to us. I commend myself to Don Ricardo. The Lord keep your Excellencies.  
From Kinsale the eight and twentieth (the new style, being the eighteenth after the old style) of December, 1601.  
Though you be not well fitted, I beseech your Excellencies to dislodge, and come toward the enemy, for expedition imports. It is needful that we all be on horseback 〈◊〉, and the greater haste the better.  
Signed by Don I can del Aguyla.  
The nineteenth day was so extreme rainy, as we could do little or nothing. The twentieth in the morning being very fair, our Ordinance played, and broke down good part of the wall of the Town. And to the end we might sharpen Tyrone (whose lying so near did more annoy us, by keeping relief from us, than he was like to hurt us by any attempt); or if Tyrones' force came not up sooner, that we might proceed more roundly, this day another great breach was made beneath the Platform, and though many shot were made to hinder us, yet by the next morning the work was brought to good perfection. The night was stormy, with great lightning and terrible thunder; to the wonder of all, considering the season of the year and this night came certain intelligence, that Tyrone, drawn on by Don jeans importunity, determined presently to set up his rest for the relief of the Town, and that the next night he would lodge within a mile and half of our Campe.  
The one and twentieth ourscouts confirmed the same, and towards night Tyrone 
Tyrone shows himself horse and foot.  showed himself with all his horse and foot, upon a hill within a mile of us in the way to Corks. Whereupon two Regiments of our foot, and most of our horse being drawn out of the Camp, made towards them: but when they saw our men resolutely come forward, they fell back to a Fastness of wood and water, where they encamped.  
This night being light with continual flashings of lightning, the Spaniards sallied again, and gave upon a trench, newly made beneath our Canon, but were the sooner repelled, because we kept very strong Guards, and every man was ready to be in Arms, by reason of Tyrones' being so near unto us.  
The two and twentieth Tyrones' horse and foot often showed themselves from an Hill, beyond which they encamped in a Wood, yet our Artillery still played upon the Town, breaking down the Wall, and some Turrets, from whence the Spaniards shot annoyed our men. Many intelligences confirmed, that Tyrone on the one side, and the Spaniards on the other, had a purpose to force our Campe.  
This night the Spaniards sallied, and gave upon a trench close to the Westside of the Town, which the Sergeant that kept it did quit: but Sir Christopher Saint Laurence appointed to second him, came up with some foot, and did heat the Spaniards into the Town, before they could do any great hurt, save only a little defacing it. Our Artillery still played upon the Town, that they might see we went on with our business, as if we cared not for Tyrones' coming, but it was withal carried on in such a fashion, as we had no meaning to make a breach, because we thought it not fit to offer to enter, and so put all to hazard, until we might better discover what Tyrone meant to do, whose strength was assured to be very great, and we found by letters of Don jeans, which we had intercepted, that he had advised Tyrone to set upon our Camps, telling him that it could not be chosen, but our men were much decayed by the Winter's siege, and so, that we should hardly be able to maintain so much ground, as we had taken when our strength was greater, if we were well put to, on the one side by them, and on the other side by him, which he would not fail for his part to do resolutely. And it was most true, that our men daily died by dozen, so as the sick and runnaways considered, we were grown as weak as at our first setting down, before our supplies of four thousand foot.   

The strength of our Regiments the three and twentieth of December.  
The Lord Deputies Regiment had able men, 715. The Lord Presidents Regiment able men, 556. The Earl of Clanrickards' Regiment able men, 529. The Earl of Thomonds' Regiment, 572. The Lord Audley his Aegiment, 370. Sir Richard Percies Regiment, 544. Sir Richard Morysons Regiment, 541. Sir Oliver Saint john's his Regiment, 515. Sir Charles Wilmotts Regiment, 454. Sir Henry Follyots' Regiment, 595. Sir Christopher Saint Laurences Regiment of Irish, 747. Sir Henry Powers Squadron volant (or flying Regiment) drawn out of the former Regiments, after the making of the List in November last, 449.  
The total of Foot able men besides runaways, and hurt, and sick, lying aswell in the Camp, as at Cork, 6595.  
This evening one of the chief Commanders in Tyrones' Army, having some obligations to the Lord Precedent, sent a messenger to him for a bottle of Vsquebagh, and 
Tyrone redues to assail our Campe.  by a letter wished him, that the English Army should that night be well upon their guard, for Tyrone meant to give upon one Camp, and the Spaniards upon the other, meaning to spare no man's life but the Lord Deputies and his. Don jean de l' Aguila after confessed to the Lord Precedent, that notwithstanding our sentinels; he and Tyrone the night following, had three messengers the one from the other. All the night was clear with lightning (as in the former nights were great lightnings with thunder) to the astonishment of many, in respect of the season of the year. And I have heard by many horsemen of good credit, and namely by Captain pikeman, Cornet to the Lord Deputies troup, a Gentleman of good estimation in the Army, that this night our horsemen set to watch, to their seeming did see Lamps burn at the points of their staves or spears in the midst of these lightning flashes. Tyrones' guides miss the way, so as he came not upto our Camp by night, as the Spaniards ready in Arms hourly expected, but early about the break of the next day.  
The four and twentieth of December, some half hour before day, the Lord Deputy in his house sitting at Counsel with the Lord President and Master Martial, as thinking the intended enterprise of the enemy by some accident to be broken, suddenly one of the Lord Precedents horsemen called him at the door, and told him, that Tyrones' Army was come up very near to our Campe. And Sir Richard Greame, having the Scout that night, when he discovered that Tyrone with his forces was on foot marching towards the Camp, presently advertised the Lord Deputy thereof, and his Lordship being always in readiness to entertain them (seldom going to bed by night), and at this time (as I said) setting in Counsel, when he heard that they were advanced within three quarters of a mile to our Camp, caused all our men to draw into Arms in the quarter, and himself with the Marshal attending him, advanced towards our scouts, whence he sent the Marshal Sir Richard Wingfeild, to take view of the enemy, and he brought him word, that they were in the same place formerly advertised. Upon his return the Lord Deputy left for defence of the great Camp on the Northside, his Lordships own Regiment, under his Lieutenant Sir Benjamin Berry, the Lord Presidents Regiment (who was in his Lordship's absence to command both Camps in chief), the Earl of Clanrickards' Regiment the Lord Audlie his Regiment, and Sir Richard Moryson his Regiment. This done, the Lord Depuputie sent a Corporal of the field unto our lesser Camp (or quarter) commanded by the Earl of Thomond, and gave order there for disposing the four Regiments of the Earl of Thomond, Sir Richard Percy, Sir Charles Wilmot, and Sir Christopher Saint Laurence, and directed how to set all the Companies in their several guards. In former notes I find Sir Richard Percies Regiment quartered in the Earl of Thomonds' Camp, but here I find it reckoned among them of the greater Camp, and the Earl of Clanrickards' Regiment in this lesser Camp, whereof I remember not the certainty, but am sure, how soever they had been changed, that the Regiments for number, were at this time thus disposed in the two Camps. By this time the Marshal, with some 
The defeat of Tyrones' forces.  four hundred horse, and Sir Henry Powers. Regiment (being to answer Alarms, and so drawn out at this time, as they had been for three nights before on like occasion) was advanced within twenty score of the enemy, the ground rising so high between them and our men, as they could not see one the other.  
It was now the break of day, whereas midnight was the time appointed for the Rebels to meet with Don Isans forces, the Spaniard being to set upon our lesser Camp (or the Earl of Thomonds' Quarter), and Tyrrell leading the Rebel's Vanguard (in which were the Spaniards lately landed at Castle-haven), and Tyrone leading their Battle, and O, donnel their Rear, being all to set upon our chief Camp, conceiving themselves of sufficient strength to force both our Camps at one instant, and to make no great work of it.  
The Lord Deputy, with the Lord Precedent in his company, being come up to our forces, led out against Tyrone, and resolving there to give him battle, commanded Sir john Barkeley Sergeant Mayor to draw out of the Camp the two Regiments of Sir Oliver Saint john's and Sir Henry Follyot: Upon their coming up, the enemy finding us resolved to fight, retired himself over a ford, and the Marshal seeing them disordered in their retreat, sent word thereof by Sir Froncis Rush to the Lord deputy desiring leave to fight, and his Lordship by Sir Samuel Bagnol gave him leave to order that service according as he in his discretion, should find the disposition of the enemy, and therewith sent back Sir George Carew Lord Precedent with three troops of horse, to the great Camp, to command both Camps in chief, and to make head against the Spaniards, if they should sally out of the Town.  
But the Spaniards still expecting the coming up of the Rebels, according to their mutual project, and never imagining that we with our small forces, could draw out sufficient bands to meet and beat the Rebels, contained themselves within the town walls, till (as by the sequel shall appear) their sailies could little profit them.  
After the said message sent to the Marshal, presently the Earl of Clanrickard came up, and exceedingly importuned the Marshal to fight. Whereupon the Marshal drew a Squadron of foot with their Drum to the ford, and willed Sir Richard Greame with his horse to march directly to the ford. Then the enemy retired hastily with horse and foot over a boggy ground to firm land, hoping to keep that boggy passage against us: Then the Marshal directed Sir Henry Davers (commanding the horse under him), with his horse, and Sir Henry Power with his Regiment of foot to advance, who presently came over the foresaid ford unto him. The Lord Deputy being upon the hill with two Regiments of foot, commanded the Sergeant Maior there attending him, to second our men with those foot. So the Marshal having the Earl of Clanrickard, and Sir Henry Davers with him, advanced with some hundred horse; and began with a hundred Harqubufiers (led by Lieutenant Cowel a valiant Gentleman, marked by a red cap he wore, to be a special instrument in this fight) to give occasion of skirmish on the Bog side, which the rebels with some loose shot entertained, their three Batallions standing firm on the one side of the Bog, and our Fort on the otherside. In this skirmish our foot were put up hard to our horse, which the Marshal perceiving, put forth more shot, which made the Rebels retire towards their Battle. Then the Moshiall finding a way through a ford, to the ground where the Rebels stood, he possessed the same with some foot, and presently he passed over with the Earl of Clanrickard, Sir Richard Greames, Captain Tasse, and Captain Fleming, and their horse, and offered to charge one of the Rebels Battles of one thousand eight hundred men: but finding them stand firm, our horse wheeled about. Now Sir Henry Davers with the rest of the horse, Sir William Godolphin with the Lord Deputies, and Captain Minshall with the Lord Precedents troops (kept by the Lord Deputy to answer all accidents), and our Sergeant Mayor with two Regiments (sent by the Lord Deputy to second the Regiment of Sir Henry Power, being with the Marshal,) came all up, whereupon the Marshal with the horse charged home upon the Rear of the Battle, and the Irish not used to fight in plain ground, and something amazed with the blowing up of a Gunpowder bag (they having upon the like fright defeated the English of old at Blackwater), but most discouraged to see their horse fly (being all Chiefs of Septs and Gentlemen, to the number of five or six hundred), were suddenly routed, and our men followed the execution. The other two Battles that stood still, now finding this routed, made haste to succour them. Whereupon the Lord Deputy sent instantly Captain Francis Roe with Sir Oliver Saint john's Regiment (of which he was Lieutenant Colonel), to charge on the Flank of the Vanguard, which presently retired disorderly, being followed by our foot and horse: but the Spaniards landed at Castle-haven, marching there, and being not so good of foot as the Irish, drew out by themselves, yet were by Sir William Godolphin leading the Lord Deputies troup, soon broken, and most of them killed, the rest (with their chief Commander Don Alonzo Del Campo) being taken prisoners, namely, two Captains, seven Alfieroes, and forty soldiers, whereof some were of good quality. In the mean time many of the light footed Irish of the Van escaped, as did likewise almost all the Rear, by advantage of this execution done upon the Spaniards and the main Battle, (of which body far greater than either of the other, all were killed), but only some sixty or there about.  
Thus the Irish horse first leaving the foot, than two of the Battalions being routed, they all fell to fly for life, our men doing execution upon many in the place. On our part Sir Richard Greames Cornet was killed, Sir Henry Davers, Sir William Godolphin, Captain Henry Crofts Scout-master were slightly hurt, only six soldiers hurt, but many of our horses killed, and more hurt. The Irish Rebels left one thousand two hundred bodies dead in the field, besides those that were killed in two miles' chase: we took nine of their Ensigns, all their Drums and Powder, and got more than two thousand Arms. And had not our men been greedy of the Spaniards spoil, being very rich, had not our foot been tired with continual watchings long before, in this hard winter's siege. Had not our horse especially been spent by ill keeping and want of all meat for many days before, (by reason of Tyrones' nearness, so as the day before this battle it had been resolved in Counsel to send the horse from the Camp for want of means to feed them, and if Tyrone had lain still, and not suffered himself to be drawn to the plain ground by the Spaniards importunity, all our horse must needs have been sent away or starved.) Had not these impediments been, we had then cut the throats of all the rebels there assembled; for they never made head against them that followed the execution, nor scarce ever looked behind them, but every man shifted for himself, casting of his Arms, and running for life. In so much as Tyrone after confessed himself to be overthrown by a sixth part of his number, which he ascribed (as we must and do) to God's great work, beyond man's capacity, and withal acknowledged that he lost above one thousand in the field, besides some eight hundred hurt. This we understood by the faithful report of one, who came from him some few days after, and told the L. Deputy moreover, that he tormented himself exceedingly for this his overthrow.  
After the battle, the Lord Deputy in the midst of the dead bodies, caused thanks to be given to God for this victory, and there presently knighted the Earl of Claurickard in the field, who had many fair escapes, his garments being often pierced with shot and other weapons, and with his own hand killed above twenty Irish kern, and cried out to spare no Rebel. The captive Spanish Commander Alonzo del Campo, avowed that the Rebels were six thousand foot and 500 horse, whereas the Lord Deputy had but some one thousand two hundred foot, and less than four hundred horse. So before noon his Lordship returned to the camp, where commanding vollias of shot for joy of the victory, the Spaniards perhaps mistaking the cause, and dreaming of the Rebels approach, presently sallied out, but were soon beaten into the Town, especially when they saw our triumph, and perceived our horsemen from the hill on the West side, to wave the Colours we had taken in the battle, and among the rest, especially the Spanish Colours, (for such most of them were, the Rebels in woods not using that martial bravery). The same day an old written Book was showed to the Lord Deputy, wherein was a prophesy, naming the soared and hill where this battle was given, and foretelling a great overthrow to befall the Irish in that place.   

A note given by one of Tyrones' followers, of his loss at this overthrow.  
Tirlogh Ohagan Son to Art Ohagan, Commander of five hundred, slain himself with all his company, except twenty, whereof eleven were hurt, and of them seven died the eighteenth day, after their return.  
Kedagh Mac donnel, Captain of three hundred, slain with all his men, except threescore; whereof there were hurt five and twenty.  
donnel Groom mac donnel, Captain of a hundred, slain himself and his whole company.  
Rory mac donnel, Captain of a hundred, slain himself and his company.  
Five of the Clancans, Captains of five hundred, themselves slain and their companies, except threescore and eighteen, whereof eighteen were hurt.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sons had followers in number three hundred, under the leading of Captain Mulmore oheagarty, all slain with the said Mulmore, saving one and thirty, whereof twenty were hurt. Colle Duff mac donnel, Captain of one hundred, lost with all his company.  
Three of the Neales', Captains of three hundred, sent by Cormack mac Barron, all lost saving eighteen, whereof there were nine hurt.  
Captains slain fourteen. Soldiers slain 1995. soldiers hurt 76.  
The five and twentieth day (being our Christmas day) the Spaniards in the afternoon made a flight sally, but finding us ready to entertain them, presently they 〈◊〉 back, yet to hinder our making a trench, which woe then began; and which they found would do them much hurt, they sallied again strongly at nine of the clock in the night, and maintained the fight till eleven, wherein the Ensigns to Captain Roper and Captain Guest, with divers others on our part were hurt hard by their wall but in short space after, they were beaten into the Town with many of theirs hurt, and so we perfected that work. The six and twentieth in the night, the Spaniards made another sally at the West gate (as formerly) upon a new trench we kept close to the Town, and that so hotly, as they enforced our men to quit it, having the Lieutenant of the guard and ten more of them shot. But when the Spaniards made upto our lower Four, they were presented with a volley of shot in their teeth, which killed fearre, and hurt eight of them, and so they drew into the Town.  
The seven and twentieth the Lord Deputy dispatched Sir Henry Davers into England, with the following letters (touching the happy overthrow of Tyrone), from his Lordship and the Counsel here, to the Lords in England.  
IT may please your Lordships. In the last dispatch sent by Sir Oliver S. john's, which longere this time we hope is safely delivered unto your hands, there was at large revealed unto you all our proceedings at the siege, and also the estate we were then in, having before us in the Town the spanish forces, and at our backs Tyrone and Odonnell, with the 〈◊〉 Army; since whose departure they dislodged from the place where they than in camped, and lay in camp within less than two miles of us, in the way towards Cork whereby the passage from our Camp to Cork was blocked up, so as no provisions for our relief from thence could come unto us, which unto the Army was agreat annoyance, and we in a manner were no better than besieged. The Enemies proud in their strength, resolved to set up their rests, accounting us in their opinion lost men, unable to resist so great a power, and therefore by a general consent, they determined on all parts to give upon our camp, as well out of the Town by the Spaniards, as by the Irish on the other side, and according to that resolution, on Christmas even before day, Tyrone with his Army rose, and with all his forces of horse and foot, by break of day presented himself in order of battle: but it pleased God in his goodness to give us a gracious victory, with a handful of men in respect of his Army, the particulars whereof being too long to insert in a letter, we humbly refer your Lordships to the relation sent with these, wherein the same is at large & particularly related, in which overthrow we gained many Spanish letters of great consequence, the most effectual of which we send unto your Lordships herewith, together with a brief abstract of those which we reserve here, as unwilling to trouble your Lordships with those of less monent. By view of which intelligence and advices, and the relation of such Spanish Prisoners of account, and understanding, as we have had conference with all, the second and further preparation of the foreign enemy, is more apparently discovered, then at the dispatching away of Sir Oliver S. john's: And therefore we may not cease humbly to importwe your Lordships, in regard of these threatened supplies by sea and land, and that the great and speedy use we have of the men; munition, victuals, and treasure, which we formerly moved your Lordships for, in the letters sent by the said Sir Oliver S. john's, will admit no long delays, that your Lordships will not only be pleased to supply us presently therewith, but that those proportions may be enlarged in every point, as in your wisdoms (upon due regard had to the intelligences sent herewith) shall be thought meet: for in our understanding (we being now by the occasions aforesaid enabled to know more of the enemy's dsignes, than we did before) all of every kind that was by us formerly written for, will be too little. And further, in as much as the chief strength of our Army consisteth in our Horse troops, who in this service were the principal means and instruments of the overthrow given the enemy, as well in giving the first charge, as in doing and following the execution: for the preservation of them in strength, we humbly pray your Lordships that the two thousand quarters of Oats formerly written for, may presently be dispatched hither; and in regard the whole Country is so harried and wasted, that it cannot yield us any relief, and that without corn our horses (as they begin) must daily weaken more and more, and so our army be in hazard to perish; for timely prevention thereof, we humbly pray your Lordships, that an addition of Oats may be given to the said proportion, and although not at once, yet from time to time sent hither, as conveniency of shipping will give leave: for we dare assure your Lordships, if for want of them our horses had not been grown so feeble, there had few of the enemy's horse or foot escaped. And that your Lordships will be further pleased to send away with the best expedition the munition and habiliments of war already written for, and to send the same with all possible haste, according to the demands sent herewith, and subscribed by the Master of the Ordinance, without which all other charges and provisions are to no purpose. We also pray your Lordships that you will be pleased to have consideration to send hither a compitent Fleet to guard the Coast, for we are of opinion, and so gather by the collections we have probably made, that the King of Spain his Fleet will be great, which being granted, the ships we have here will not be enough to supply all occasions, considering how they must be dispersed, both to defend the Coast, and to prohibit the sending and arrival of their seconds, as also to answer all other services, wherein shipping is necessary to be employed. And for as much as the ending and deversion of this war resteth chiefly in the weakening and disinabling of Tyrone, (whose reputation by this last overthrow, is both with the foreign enemy, and his own followers, very much blemished); and for that it may be apparently conceived, that the Spaniard will no longer maintain a tedious and chargeable war in this remote Kingdom, than he hath a strong and powerful party, and safe means of landing therein: To disenable him from this assurance and hopes here, in our understanding, the sending of four thousand Scots into Ulster, would do excellent service, and they being once joined with her majesties forces at Loughfoyle and Carickfergus, would either absolutely banish Tyrone from thence, by possessing all the holds and places of strength in Ulster, or else constrain him to make his defence at home, and keep him from giving any help to the Spaniards, and so be utterly rejected from having either credit or aids hereafter from them. The same time the Lord Deputy wrote to Master Secretary this following letter.  
SIR we have written to the Lords both of our estate and desires, and do wish that it may please them to conceive that the materials be great that must stop the breach that the King of Spain hath already made in this Country, and a slender opposition will not resist, but be carried away with an inundation, if he send supplies. We have already miraculously overcome one dangerous brunt, and God hath given the Queen the greatest victory that ever she obtained in this Country, but believe me Sir that there is no one place that is defended with good men, but will go near to break the Army that doth force it, though it be carried. We have forced two places already held by the Spaniard, and now he remains possessed and fortified in four several places more, with great store of munition, artillery and victuals There is supply of horse & foot certainly coming unto them, some say in great numbers. We have endured, (I dare boldly say) the most miserable siege for extremity of weather and labour, that in this age hath been heard of. If it please God to enable us to effect this, it is impossible for this army to undertake, in this season, and those places, as it is now or will be diminished, any present service without rest. Believe me Sir, you must make peace, or provide for a chargeable war; for there is nothing that carries these places without royal provisions. If her Majesty think her own occasions, and not us her poor Ministers, to be the cause of this huge expense, I shall willingly endure the purgatory I line in, and sacrifice my time, my life and my living, to do her the best service I can; but if you find that she conceiveth the worse of me, because I am the Cook to dress her diet here so chargably, I beseech you Sir (if I may ever deserve your love) use your uttermost power to rid me speedily of my office, and I dare presume that I have made no evil way for my successor to tread after me. I would feign write much unto you, but with wet and heat in the last overthrow, I have taken some cold, and my head doth make me write in great pain. I beseech you Sir pardon me, and esteem me your honest poor friend, that am resolved to be so ever. I was glad to send Sir Henry Davers over with this good news, who (I assure you) hath taken exceeding pains, and lost some of his blood in this last service, and besides some necessity of his own, hath long desired such an opportunity to come over for a time. And so Sir I beseech God to send us peace, for I am weary of the war.  
From before Kinsale the seven & twenty of December 1601. Yours Sir most assured to do you service, Mountioy.  
The 28 day of December, the Lord Deputy was advertised that Syrriago a principal Commander of the Spaniards, landed in the West parts, having received news of Tyrones' overthrow, was suddenly gone for Spain, without acquainting any of the Spaniards therewith, and that he carried with him in the same ship Hugh Odonnell. And thus was the old prophesy fully accomplished, which often before we had heard, namely, that Monster should be the destruction of the three great Northern Hughes. For Hugh Mac Guyer Lord of Fermanagh, and the first Robin-hood of this great rebellion, was long since killed near the City of Cork, and Hugh Tyrone, and Hugh O donnel were overthrown at Kinsale, whereof Hugh O donnel is now fled for Spain, whence he never returned; and Hugh Tyrone drew faintly his last breath in the North, without hope of better living, then as a Wood-kerne here, or as a fugitive abroad. Likewise Hugh Mostian, a famous Rebel at this time fled with O donnel into Spain.  
The nine and twentieth day his Lordship had advertisements from divers places, that Tyrone in his flight out of Monster passing the Blackwater, lost many of his carriages, and had some hundred and forty of his men drowned, fear making them so hasty, as they could not attend the passing of their own fellows, much less the fall of the waters.  
The last of December Don jean General of the Spaniards, offered a Parley, sending his Drum Mayor out of the Town with an Alfiero, bringing a sealed letter from 
The Spaniard parleys.  him to the Lord Deputy, by which he required, (as by the same sent in the next dispatch by Sir Richard Moryson to the Lords in England appeareth) that some gentleman of special trust and sufficiency, might be sent from the Lord Deputy into the Town, for whose pledge a Spanish gentleman of like quality should be sent by Don jean into the camp, and upon conference he would acquaint the said gentleman with the conditions upon which he stood. This granted, the Lord Deputy chose Sir William Godolphin to be employed in this important negotiation, and sent him into the town to confer with Don john, as he likewise sent Don Pedro Henrico to remain in the Campe.  
His first conference with Sir William Godolphin tended to this. That having found the Lord Deputy (whom he termed Viceroy) though a sharp and powerful, yet an honourable enemy; and the Irish not only weak and barbarous, but (as he feared) perfidious friends, he was so far in his affection reconciled to the one, and distasted with the other, as he was thereby induced to make an overture of such a composition as might be safe & profitable for the state of England, with least prejudice to the Crown of Spain, by delivering into the viceroys power the town of Kinsale, with all other places held by the Spaniards in Ireland, so as they might depart upon honourable rearmes, fitting men of war not forced by necessity to receive conditions, but willingly induced for just respects to relinquish a people by whom their King and Master had been notoriously abused, if not betrayed. That if the Viceroy liked to entertain this parley, he would please to understand him rightly, and make such propositions as were suitable to men resolved rather to bury themselves alive, then to give way to any accord that should taste of dishonour, being confident of their present strength and the royal seconds of Spain, did not the former respects lead them to disengage their King of this enterprise. Sir William Godolphin directed only to receive his demands, returned to the Camp, and related them to the Lord Deputy and Counsel. The answer sent back by him was this; That howsoever the Lord Deputy had lately defeated the Irish, and well understood their weakness & the unresistible difficulties that pressed them, how ere they laboured to cover the same, yet knowing that her sacred Majesty his Mistress, would in her merciful disposition repute her victory blemished by voluntary effusion of Christian blood, he was content to entertain this offer of agreement, so it were upon honourable terms, fitting the advantage her Majesty had against them.  
In the next conference the Lord Deputy required for the first Article, that Don jean should leave his treasure, munition, and artillery, and the Queen's natural subjects to be disposed at her majesties pleasure. But Don jean vowed rather to endure the last of miseries, then to be guilty of so foul a treason against his King, and the reputation of his procession, though he were unable to subsist, much more now when he had not only means to sustain the war, but hope by patience and constancy to attain the best ends of his business. Adding, that he took it so ill to be misunderstood, in having an Article of this nature propounded to him, as if it were once more mentioned, the Viceroy should from thenceforth use the advantage of his Sword, and not the benefit of his former proffers. He further said, that the Viceroy had cause rather to judge two hundred thousand ducats well disbursed by the Queen, to have the Spaniards quit their possession of Baltimore alone, to say nothing of Kinsale, Castle Haven, and Beer Haven, which with all them perishing, yet Baltimore might easily be kept for the arrival of the Spanish Fleets & all seconds that his Master so deeply engaged should please to send, which might draw on a more powerful invasion, this first being undertaken upon false grounds, at the instance of a base and barbarous people, who having discovered their own weakness, had armed his King and Master to rely on his own strength, being tied in honour to relieve his people thus engaged. This (said he) I speak in case the Viceroy were able to force Kinsale, as I assure myself he cannot, I having upon my honour two thousand able fight men old soldiers, besides the sick daily recovering, now better enured to the climate, and enduring of all hardness, besides our convenient means of food, such as we Spaniards can well live upon, and our store of munition most importing, with confident assurance shortly to have new supplies of all things. Adding that he preserved his strength, to be able to front us in a breach, which their hearts not failing, they had hands and breasts to stop against treble our forces, though he would give the Viceroy that right, that his men were passing good, yet spent and tired with a Winter's siege, obstinately continued beyond his expectation, but with such caution and so good guard, as he having watched all advantages, could never make a sally without loss to his part, wherein he acknowledged himself much deceived, that grounding upon some error in our approaches, he had promised himself the defeat of one thousand men at least, and at one blow: but (said he) when we meet in the breach, I am confident upon good reasons, to lay five hundred of your best men on the earth, which loss will make a great hole in your Army, that hath already suffered such extremity.  
Lastly he concluded, that the King his Master sent him to assist the two Counts O Neale and O Donnel, and he presuming on their promises to join their forces with his within few days, had first long expected them in vain, and sustained the viceroys Army, and at last had seen them drawn to the greatest head they could make, lodged near Kinsale, reinforced with Companies of Spaniards, every hour promising him relief; and at last broken with a handful of men, and blown asunder into divers parts of the World, O donnel into Spain, O Neale into the furthest North: so as now finding no such Counts in rerum Natura (to use his very words) with whom he was commanded to join, he had moved this accord, the rather to disengage the King his Master from assisting a people so weak, as he must bear all the burden of the war, and so perfidious, as perhaps in requital of his favour, they might at last be won to betray him.  
Relation of this conference being made to the Lord Deputy and Counsel, they considered, that the treasure that Don jean brought, was at first but one hundred thousand Ducats, whereof the greatest part could not but be spent in paying his soldiers 4 months, and other occasions of expense, for which and other good reasons, they concluded not to stand upon the first article, especially since many strong reasons made the agreement, as it was honourable, so to seem very profitable to the State of England; namely, that our Army was wasted & tired with the winter's siege. That it was dangerous to attempt a breach defended with so many able men. That if we should lodge in the breach, yet they having many strong Castles in the Town, so much time might be spent ere we could carry it, as our Fleet for want of victuals might be forced to leave us. That at this time our Army was only provided for six days. That we had not munition or Artillery to make any more than one battery in one place at once, five of our pieces being crazed. That upon any disaster befalling us, the Irish were like to revolt. That besides the taking of Kinsale, the other places held by the Spaniards, as Baltymore, Custle haven, and Beare-haven, would have made a long and dangerous war, with infinite charge to the State of England, they being strongly fortified, and well stored with all provisions of war, and our Army being so tired, as it could not attempt them, without being first refreshed, and then being supplied with all necessaries, to the unsupportable charge of our Sat, must have been carried by Sea to those places, unaccessable by land. Lastly, that in this time the King of Spain could not but send them powerful seconds, being thus far engaged in his Honour. Besides that by this long war we should be hindered from prosecution of the Rebels, who were now so broken, as in short time they must needs be brought to absolute subjection.  
After many goings to and fro, certain Articles were agreed upon the second of january towards the end of the year 1601, according to the English, who end and begin the year at our Lady day in Lent, but the Articles bear date the twelfth of januarie 1602 after the new style, and according to the Spanish manner, to begin the year the first day of the same month. The Lord Deputy gave me the said Articles in English to be fair written, that the copy thereof being signed by both the Generals, might be sent into England. And likewise his Lordship commanded me to translate the same Articles into the Latin and Italian tongues, that two copies of each being signed by the Generals, one of each might remain with the Lord Deputy, and the others be sent 
The conditions of the Spaniards yielding Kinsale and other places.  to the King of Spain. These Articles follow word by word in English, as they were signed by the Lord Deputy and the Spanish General.   

Mountioy.  
IN the Town of Kinsale, in the Kingdom of Ireland, the twelfth of the month of january 1602, between the noble Lords, the Lord Mountioy, Lord Deputy and General in the Kingdom of Ireland, for her Majesty the Queen of England, and Don jean de l'Aguyla, Captain and Campe-Master General and Governor of the Army of his Majesty the King of Spain, the said Lord Deputy being encamped and besieging the said Town, and the said Don jean within it, for just respects and to avoid shedding of blood, these conditions following were made between the said Lords Generals and their Camps, with the Articles which follow.  
1 First, that the said Don jean de l'Aguyla shall quit the places which he holds in this Kingdom, as well of the Town of Kinsale, as those which are held by the soldiers under his command in Caste-haven, Baltimore, and the Castle at Beere-haven, and other parts, to the said Lord Deputy (or to whom he shall appoint), giving him safe transportation, and sufficient for the said people of ships and victuals, with the which the said Don jean with them may go for Spain, if he can at one time, if not, in two shippings.  
2 Item, that the soldiers at this present being under the command of Don jean in this Kingdom, shall not bear Arms against her Majesty the Queen of England, wheresoever supplies shall come from Spain, till the said soldiers be unshipped in some of the Ports of Spain, being dispatched assoon as may be by the Lord Deputy, as he promiseth upon his faith and honour.  
3 For the accomplishment whereof, the Lord Deputy offereth to give free passport to the said Don jean and his Army, as well Spaniards as other Nations whatsoever, that are under his command, and that he may depart with all the things he hath, Arms, Munition, Money, Ensigns displayed, Artillery, and other whatsoever provisions of war, and any kind of stuff, as well that which is in Castle-haven, as Kinsale, and other parts.  
4 Item, That they shall have ships and victuals sufficient for their money, according and at the prices which here they use to give, that all the people and the said things may be shipped, if it be possible at one time, if not, at two, and that to be within the time above named.  
5 Item, that if by contrary winds, or by any other occasions there shall arrive at any Port of these Kingdoms of Ireland or England, any ships of these, in which these men go, they be entreated as friends, and may ride safely in the Harbour, and be victualled for their money, and have moreover things which they shall need, to furnish them to their voyage.  
6 Item, during the time that they shall stay for shipping, victuals shall be given to Don jeans people at just and reasonable rates.  
7 Item, that of both parts shall be cessation of Arms and security, that no wrong be offered to any one.  
8 Item, that the ships in which they shall go for Spain, may pass safely by any other ships whatsoever of her Majesties the Queen of England; and so shall the ships of the said Queen & her subjects, by those that shall go from hence: and the said ships being arrived in Spain, shall return so soon as they have unshipped their men, without any impediment given them by his Majesty the King of Spain, or any other person in his name, but rather they shall show them favour, and help them if they need anything, and for security of this, that they shall give into the Lord Deputies hands three Captains, such as he shall choose.  
9 For the security of the performance of these articles, Don jean offereth, that he will confirm and swear to accomplish this agreement, and likewise some of the chief Captains of his charge shall swear and confirm the same, in a several writing.  
10. Item, that Don jean in person shall abide in this Kingdom, where the Lord Deputy shall appoint, till the last shipping, upon his Lordship's word; and if it happen that his people be shipped all at once, the said Don jean shall go in the same Fleet, without any impediment given him, but rather the Lord deputy shall give him a good ship, in which he may go; and if his said men be sent in two shippings, than he shall go in the last.  
11. And in like sort the said Lord Deputy shall swear and confirm, and give his word on the behalf of her Majesty the Queen and his own, to keep and accomplish this agreement, and jointly the Lord Precedent, the Marshal of the Camp, and the other of the Counsel of State, and the Earls of Thomond and Clanrickard, shall swear and confirm the same in a several writing.  
I promise and swear to accomplish and keep these articles of agreement, and promise the same likewise on the behalf of his Majesty the Catholic King my Master.  
Don jean de l' Aguila.   

Geo. Carew, Clanrickard, Thomond, R. Wingfeild, Geo. Bourcher, Ro. Gardner, Ric. Levison,  
The Date of this writing is after the new style. Don jean de l' Aguila.  
fines Moryson,  
This agreement being asigned by hands, promised by honourable words, and confirmed 
The siege of Kinsale raised.  by solemn oaths on both parts, the Lord deputy raised the siege upon the ninth of januarie, and his Lordship with Don jean de l' Aguila, and some of the chief Spanish Captains in his Company, road that day to Cork, whether our Army marched the same day, the gross of the Spaniards remaining at Kinsale. After the Lord Deputy dispersed the Army through the Towns of Monster to be lodged, namely, at Cork, Waterford, Youghall, Rosse, Callan, Cashell, Thomastowne, Kilkenny, Dungaruen, and Clommell. The tenth of january his Lordship gave order to the victualler to provide a months Bisquit for three thousand five hundred Spaniards, after a pound and a half each day for a man, and to provide for them as much beef and bear proportionably, as could be gotten with speed. His Lordship gave order, that the shipping should be unladen in the Ports, and made ready to transport the Spaniards into Spain. The eleventh of january his Lordship received letters dated the two and twentieth of November, from the Lords in England, advertising that the Earl of Desmond was there lately dead, and therefore requiring that the Company of foot kept in his name, and for his maintenance, should be discharged, reserving that part of entertainment, which out of the same was allotted to the Lord Bishop of Cashell, and to the relief of the Earl of Desmonds' sisters. Further advertising, that eighteen hundred quarters of Oats were sent into Monster for the horse troops, which would, with the transportation cost her Majesty fifteen shillings the quarter, and were to be issued to the troops at the same rate.  
The same day his Lordship received letters, dated the four and twentieth of December from the Lords in England as followeth.  
AFter our right hearty commendations to your Lordship, we have now at last (after long and great expectation) received your letters by Sir Oliver S. john's, who arrived yesternight at the Court, by whom although her Majesty hath not received so much satisfaction as was hoped for, upon the former probabilities contained in your dispatches, yet his relation hath made a great alteration of that anxiety, in which her Majesty remained, by those reports which have been brought to this place, to which in respect of your long and unexpected silence (from those parts) we could no way give contradiction, having not received (before now) any particular advertisement, since the arrival of Sir Thomas Savage, and therefore no way able to make any judgement of your estate, which was thus described. First, that the Irish rebels lodged close by you; that your Camp was full of all misery and penury (to the great slander of this Kingdom); lastly, that there were six thousand Spaniards landed, of which last particular my Lord of Ormonds' man was the relator. For prevention of which uncertainty hereafter, we are commanded in her majesties name to require you, from hence forward to advertise us frequently from time to time of your proceedings, to the intent that her Majesty may still have means to provide for your support, which you may not look to receive from hence in the time you shall use them, except we may be daily informed beforehand from you, of all such particular circumstances as fall out in that place. To come therefore now to this present dispatch, we have perused your journals, both of the services done, and of the difficulties which have interrupted your proceedings hitherto, whereunto we mean to make no other reply then this; That we that know your judgement and affection to her majesties service, so well as we 〈◊〉, must say thus much, that we are no more doubtful, that you have done as much as you could, than you have reason (we hope) by the course that is taken with you from hence, not to believe and know, that her Majesty hath in no sort neglected you. For demonstration whereof, you shall first understand, that before the arrival of Sir Oliver Saint john's, her Majesty had given order for four thousand men to be sent into Monster, with such supplies of munition and victuals, as her Majesty thought fit provisionally to send, though (for lack of advertisement) we could not make any other particular judgement, what were too much, or too little. Only this we know, that if that body of Spanish forces (which are now in that Kingdom) shall not be defeated before the like body of an army (or a greater) arrive, her Majesty shall be put to such a war in the end, as howsoever this State may undergo the excessive charges of continual levies and transportation (which you will well consider to be of intolerable burden to this Kingdom, all circumstances considered), yet such will be the extreme difficulties to maintain such an Army in that Realm, where it must fight against foreign Armies, and an universal rebellion, and in a climate full of contagion, and in a Kingdom utterly wasted, as we do well foresee, that it will draw with it more pernicious consequents, then ever this State was subject to. For whosoever shall now behold the beginning of this malicious design of the King of Spain, must well conclude, although he hath now begun his action upon a false ground to find a powerful party in that Kingdom at his first descent (wherein he hath been in some measure deceived), yet seeing he is now so deeply engaged, and so well findeth his error, that he will value his honour at too high a rate, to suffer such a work to dissolve in the first foundation. In consideration whereof her Majesty like a provident Prince, resolveth presently to send a strong Fleet to his own coast, to prevent his new reinforcement, not doubting, if such a disaster should happen, that these forces should remain so long unremoved by you in Ireland (which we cannot believe) that her majesties Fleet shall yet be in great possibility to defeat the new supplies by the way; for which purpose her Majesty perceiving how dangerous a thing it is for the Fleet in Ireland, to lie off at Sea in this Winter weather (which they must do, if it be intended that they shall hinder a descent), and how superfluous a thing it is to maintain such a Fleet only to lie in Harbours, her Majesty is pleased to revoke the greatest part of her Royal ships hither, and to add to them a great proportion, and send them all to the Coast of Spain, leaving still such a competent number of ships there, as may sufficiently block up the Harbour, and give security and countenance to transportation. To which end we have written a letter in her majesties name to revoke Sir Richard Levison, and to leave Sir Amias Preston with the charge of those ships contained in this note, to whom we have given directions in all things to apply himself to those courses which you shall think most expedient for that service. You shall also understand, that we have now directed Sir Henry Dockwra to send eight hundred men by pole to Knockfergus to Sir Arthur Chichester, and commanded him to make them up one thousand, and so with all speed the said Sir Arthur himself to march up with a thousand of the best men to your reinforcement in Monster. And thus having for the present little else to write unto you, till we hear further, we do conclude with our best wishes unto you of all happy and speedy success. And so remain etc. at the Court at whitehall, the four und twentieth of December, 1601.  
The same eleventh day of january, his Lordship received other letters from the Lords, dated the seven and twentieth of December, signifying, that whereas his Lordship had often moved on the behalf of the Captains, that they might receive their full pay, without deduction of the soldiers apparel, which they themselves would provide, now her Majesty was pleased to condescend thereunto. I remember not whether his Lordship had moved this since, or before the new mixed coin was curtant, but sure this was great advantage to her Majesty at this time, having paid silver for the apparel and being to make the full pay in mixed money.  
The same eleventh day of january his Lordship received from the Lords in England letters dated the five and twentieth of November, signifying, that a proportion of victuals was provided at Plymouth, for which he should send four Merchant's ships of the Queens Fleer at Kinsaile. And requiring to be advertised upon what terms the Spaniards had yielded, which were then sent over for England, that they might be disposed accordingly.  
By the old date of this letter and another above mentioned of the two and twentieth of November, received all on the eleventh of january, it may appear how necessary it is to have the Magazines in Ireland well stored, and how dangerous it is, that the Army should depend on sudden provisions.  
The same day his Lordship received letters from the Lords in England, that her Majesty had made a levy of four thousand foot, whereof two thousand were now at the Ports to be embarked for Monster, namely, one thousand one hundred committed to the charge of eleven Captains, and nine hundred under the conduct of some of the said Captains left to his Lordship's disposal.  
The fourteenth his Lordship lying at the Bishop of Corks house, received this following letter from Don jean, lying in the Town of Cork, translated out of Spanish.  
Most Excellent Lord,  
SInce they carried me to the City of Cork, certain Merchants have told me, they think they should find ships to carry me and my folk into Spain, if your excellency would give them licence and passport, of which I humbly beseech your highness, as also that of your great beniguitie, your excellency will have pity of these his prisoners, who here do expect the great mercy, which so great a Prince as your Excellency, useth towards his servants and prisoners. These poor prisoners suffer extreme wants, both with hunger and cold; for there is no sustenance given them at all, nor find they any alms. I beseech your Excellency will be pleased to have compassion of them. There is one dead of hunger, and others are ready to die of it. God keep your Excellency the years which we his servants wish his Excellency.  
From Cork the four and twentieth of january 1602 (style novo and as they write.) Your Excellency's servant Don I can del' Aguila.  
The Spanish prisoners were these: Taken at Rincorran Castle, men and women, 90. Taken at Castle Nyparke 16. Taken in the sally the second of December, 13. Taken at Tyrones' over throw the four and twentieth of December, aswell principal as ordinary men one and forty prisoners, in all one hundred sixty; besides the runnaways during the siege were thirty, and these together with many of the said prisoners, had been sent into England, and the rest (of whom Don lean writes) were still prisoners as 〈◊〉.  
The four and twentieth of january, the Lord Deputy and Council here wrote to the Lords in England this letter following.  
MAy it please your Lordships, we have received your letters of the four and twentieth of December, the eleventh of january, which were the first that we received out of England, since the arrival of Sir Richard Levison with our munition and supplies. And although we have upon every important revolution of our business, dispatched unto your Lordships both our estate and desires, yet we humbly desire your Lordship's pardon, for the omission of our duty to inform you more often of our present estate, the chief cause thereof being, the respect and fear we have to possess you with such falsehoods, as it seemeth they do, which undertake more liberally to advertise your Lordships of the estate of our affairs; for in no place do all intelligences come appareled (even to them that are nearest unto them) in more deceivable mists, until time and great observation discovereth the truth. So that if we should write unto your Lordships often, according to our best informations, we should present to your reverent judgements such ridiculous contrarieties, as would give you occasion to confound your determinations, and to condemn us. But in general, we beseech your Lordships to remember, that as we have in all our dispaches declared our hopes to overcome all difficulties, (out of the confidence of our good cause and alacrity to serve her Majesty), so we have continually propounded, how great and difficult a war it was, in which we were engaged, in that (without God's miraculous preservation) the Army in a winter's siege would so decay, as it must have pleased your Lordships continually to supply it with men, victuals, and munition. Also we propounded, that we held it a matter of no small danger and great difficulty, to force such and so many men in a place of the least advantage. That we expected no less than a general revolt, and a powerful combination of the Rebels against us. Lastly again we humbly desire your Lordships to remember, that we have promised nothing but the uttermost of our faithful Counsels and endeavours, to accomplish in that service her majesties purpose. And therefore we are most heartily sorry, that by our faithful and sincere Counsels, and our extreme enduring in the execution thereof (howsoever the event were not so speedily happy as we desired and laboured for), yet it was not our happiness, that her Majesty should receive so much satisfacti- by Sir Oliver Saint john's, as we hoped to have given her upon the former probabilities. Yet when it shall please your Lordships thoroughly to consider our difficulties, by the true relation thereof, with all material circumstances, we presume it will appear, that we could have done no more, and we must only attribute it unto God, that we have done so much. By Sir Henry Davers your Lordships have been acquainted at large with all our proceedings until that present. Since which time the effects of that victory (which it pleased God of his infinite goodness to give us against the traitors upon Christmas Eve) have appeared by great and unexpected good thereof insusuing: for the Rebels are broken and dispersed; O Donnel, Redmond Bourke, and Hugh Mostyon (all Archrebels) have embarked themselves with Sirriage for Spain, and that without Tyrones' knowledge, and contrary to his advise and will, they having only left behind them in Monster (with the Provincial Rebels) Tyrrell and a small force with him, being dispersed by small companies in Carbery, Beer, Desmond, Kerry, and the County of Lymrick. Tyrone in great fear, and with a speedy march hasted out of the Province of Monster, losing upon every ford many of his Foot, but especially in passing the Rivers of Broadwater, of May in Connolagh, and at the Abbey Owney, in O Malryans' Country. At which Foards, the waters being high (as we are informed), he lost above two hundred men, and all the way as he went, the wearied foot cast away their Arms, which those of the Country gathered up, and with all took some of their heads, but not so many as they might have done, if they had regarded their duties as they ought. Their tired horses were slain by their riders. Their hurt men which escaped at the overthrow, and were carried away upon garrons, died upon the way, and four principal Gentlemen (whereof we understand Tyrone himself was one, and Mac Mahown another, the rest are not known yet) were carried in litters Since his departure from O mulryans Country, we hear nothing of him, but we assure your Lordships, that the dismay in which they were and still are, is incredible. Upon Newyears Eve, Don jean sent a letter unto me the Deputy, the copy whereof is here within sent unto your Lordships. The next day Sir William Godolphin was sent with instructions, to receive from Don jean the points, whereof he desired to treat, whose discreet carriage in so weighty a cause (wherein he performed as much, as in discretion and judgement could be required) was such, as (without doing the Gentleman wrong) we may not omit to recommend him to your honourable favours, he being (as by experience we may truly report) wise, valiant, and of many extraordinary good parts. The copy of the articles agreed upon between us and Don jean, subscribed by either part, your Lordships with these shall likewise receive, hoping that in the same we have done nothing, but that which shall be agreeable to your Lordships, and which (as we suppose) our present estate (duly considered) vehemently urged us to embrace. Now our great care is to hasten these Spaniards away, who are (as Don jean affirms) no less by pole then three thousand five hundred. The defect of shipping is our chiafe want. They and we are in equal pain, for they are no less desirous to be gone, than we are to send them away. The contempt and scorn in which the Spaniards hold the Irish, and the distaste which the Irish have of them, are not to be believed by any, but those who are present to see their behaviours, and hear their speeches; insomuch as we may probably opniecture, that by such time as Don jean with his sources is arrived in Spain, it will be a difficult thing for the Irish hereafter to procure aids out of Spain. The copy of the contract for the rates which Don jean must pay for tonnage, and for victuals, for his men in their return, your Lordships with these shall also receive. The ninth of this month we dissolved the Camp, and brought hither with us Don jean, who remains hostage for the performance of the Covenants between us.  
The day following, Capt. Roger Haruy and Capt. Flower were dispatched Westward, to receive from the Spaniards the Castles of Castle-haven, of Baltimore, and of Beere-haven. The winning of which places in our judgements (although Kinsale had been taken by force) would have been more difficult unto us then that of Kinsale, aswell in respect of the incommodities which we should have found in keeping a strong and furnished Army in so remote places, as in respect of the natural strength of those places, and especially of Baltimore, which with a little Art would be made of great strength. Since our coming to Cork, I the Deputy, to ease her majesties great and unsupportable charger, have discharged two thousand foot in List, wherein, without all respects of favour I cast those, who had the weakest Companies. And assoon as we may be better secured, that the Spaniards purpose to forbear any further attempt for this Realm (which in a few months will appear) as many as possibly can be spared, shall be in like sort cashered. To suppress the present Rebellon in Monster, I the Deputy have designed four thousand foot, and three hundred twenty five horse, which being laid in such convenient places as we intent to lay them, our hope is, that in short time this Rebellion will be extinguished. But until we be better assured from the attempts of Spain for this Kingdom, the remainder of the Army is dispersed into the remote places of the Province Eastward of Cork, and I the Deputy do purpose to remain here, until I may be more secured, that there will be no cause to draw the Army back into these parts. Paul ivy the Engineer (with the best expedition that may be), shall be sent to the parts of Baltymore and Beerhaven, to chuse-out fit grounds to fortify. The like must be done at Kinsale, and for the better holding of the Cities of this Province in due obedience (of whose assurance, in case the Spaniards had prevailed, we had cause to doubt) we think it (under your Lordship's reformation) very expedient, that in every of them, Citadels were raised, which guarded with a few men, and having some Pieces of Artillery, will everhave power to command them. There places being thus strengthened, there is no Port forgotten, that may be fit for the Spaniards acommodating in any enterprise from hence upon England; for all which lie in Desmond, Kerry, or Connaght, have too large a Sea to pass for England, which is subject to infinite inconveniences. And as for the coast within Saint George's Channel, the dangers of it are so infinite, as there is no fear of those Ports. Notwithstanding it hath pleased God to give us this happy success, in freeing this Realm of the Spanish Army under Don jean, yet fearing that some seconds under another Commander may be employed hither, we humbly beseech your Lordships, that you will be pleased to send the victuals for which we wrote by Sir Oliver Saint john's. If the Spanish supplies come, we shall have cause to expend them in this Province. If they come not, than our cares shall be such, as they shall be preserved, and dispensed to the best use for her majesties service. The like suit we make for the munitions for which we then wrote. But for the supplies required of us in the dispatch we made by Sir Henry Davers, your Lordships may please to make stay of them, till a further occasion to use them. Only of one thousand thereof we have great need, for the reinforcing of the Companies which are weak; and therefore we desire that five hundred of them may land here at Cork, and the other five hundred at Waterford, and that the rest may be in readiness, if we have any new occasion to send for them, till which time we are unwilling to charge her Majesty, or trouble your Lordships or to draw any new forces into these parts, which hath made us give direction, that Sir Arthur Chichester with the one thousand men which your Lordships have commanded him to lead hither, shall stay about the Newry, and make the war there, aswell defending the Pale, as annoying Tyrone: for Sir Arthur being there, shall be near enough to us, if there should fall out any occasion to draw those men hither. Sir Richard Moryson is made the bearer of these our letters, whom we have chosen to satisfy your Lordships in such things, wherein happily you may doubt. In particular, we have acquainted him with the dates of all our letters, which we have sent your Lordships since the landing of the Spaniards; so as he can inform your Lordships of his own knowledge, that we all or I the Deputy have written thus often, namely, the three and twentieth of September, the first, third, and four and twentieth of October; the seventh, and the thirteenth of November; the seventh, twelfth, and seven and twentieth of December, and this present dispatch by himself. If any of these have miscarried, or found so slow passage, as your Lordship's expectations were not satisfied in such time, as for the service had been fit, we beseech you be pleased to consider, that the like may happen to such of yours as are sent hither. And this may appear by your Lordship's letters which we last received. For the eleventh of januarie (as is noted in the beginning of this letter) we received your Lordships of the four and twentieth of December, and with it another of the seven and twentieth of that month touching the apparel, a third of the two and twentieth of December, yea a fourth of the two and twentieth of November. We have licenced Captain josias Bodley to pass into England, upon some private business importing him, and have addressed him to your Lordships, to receive your pleasure. If you resolve upon any fortifications in this Kingdom, the Gentleman is very will experienced, and practised in that Art, and one whom in all our works we have principally employed, which he hath with great hazard, labour, and sufficiency discharged. We find all men here to embrace with much gladness her majesties resolution, to leave the appareling of the soldier, being much better contented to have full pay, without detaining of any sums for their clothes, and we hope it will be a mean to make the Captains keep their companies strong. And as your Lordships have directed, upon notice of the decease of the Earl of Desmond, the company allowed for him, is discharged, save what hath pleased you to continue to his sister, to the Archbishop of Casbell, and 10. Power: Order is also taken that the Oats sent over hither, shall be issued at as high rates as we can, but it hath never been hitherto seen, that the price exceeded ten shillings the quarter, and we think they cannot be issued at a higher rate, for the soldier cannot live paying any more, but will rather suffer his horse to starve, which would be greater inconueniency to the service, then if the oats had not come at all, though that way also they must have starved, if the siege had continued. The Spaniards shipped from hence to Plymoth, where either such as had runneaway from the Spaniards, or such as were in Ryncorren and Castle Nyparke, and yielded upon promise of their lives only; and so much I the Deputy signified by my letters to the Gentlemen of the parts where they should land, of purpose to be made known to your Lordships, and that they might accordingly be suffered to pass into France, or some other Country, which was as much as they desired. And so, etc.  
From Cork this fourteenth of January 1601.  
The Lord President was desirous to go over with this dispatch of pleasing news to the Court, but the Lord Deputy was loath to spare him, till the Spaniards were gone, and because the relation of this business much concerned his Lordship's honour, he thought it necessary to choose a messenger, as in other parts fit for the business, so especially sound to him in affection. And for such he chose Sir Richard Moryson, who had been very inward with him, till the death of the Earl of Essex, at which time his Lordship began to grow something strange towards him, in regard that Mr Secretary had conceived some displeasure against him, about a passage of his dependency on the said Earl; yet his Lord ᴾ ever professed to continue his love to him, & promised at some fit time, to make his peace with Master Secretary. To which purpose his Lordship chose this occasion, concurring with his own ends. Only his Lordship advised Sir Richard Moryson, to entreat the L. Presidents approbation of his carrying this packet, to the said end so much importing him, to which the Lord Precedent very nobly gave his consent, and so he was dispatched with the Lord Deputies and the Lord Precedents letters to Master Secretary of especial recommendations on his behalf.  
Among his instructions, he was directed, at his first arrival, to repair to Sir Oliver Saint john's, to learn of him the present estate of the Lord Deputies affairs in Court, and that after, they both should communicate their proceeding one with the other. To an imaginary question, why there was no use made of the first breach at the North East gate of Kinsale, he was directed to answer, that the first battery was chiesly intended to annoy the Spaniards, by beating down the houses, and to take from them the use of some places, whence they might annoy us. That when by beating down the gate, we had made a breach, we found it not yet to be attempted, but made nearer approaches, whereupon the Spaniards made their strong sally, both upon our approaches and upon our Cannou, and the next day we had intelligence that Tyrone, Odonnell, and all the Rebels, were encamped so near us, as if we had engaged ourselves in that work, and in the guarding of our Cannon so far out of the Camp, they might in three hours have fallen upon us on all sides, with great advantage, which made us draw the Cannon into the Camp, and to leave that work, choosing rather to invest them close on the West side, which before lay open, so as they might easily that way receive succours from the rebels, and join with their forces. Further the reasons were set down, which moved the Lord Deputy and the Counsel, to make composition with Den jean, namely, our weakness, and the enemy's strength, since our Army by sickness, runaways, and death, was fallen to be almost as weak, as at the first sitting down, whereas the Spaniards were more now then three thousand men by Pole: the sufferings of a Winter's siege, falling more upon us in the field, then upon them in the Town. Besides, if we had taken Kinsale by force, our Army could not possibly have marched into the Western parts, possessed by other Spaniards, till it had been refreshed, and till we had new supplies of victuals, and munition, which could not easily arrive, Easterly winds in Winter being very rare upon this Coast. Besides that ere we could have forced the Spaniards in the West, in all likelihood new spanish supplies would have arrived, and the taking of those remote places, would have been more difficult and dangerous, then that of Kinsale, and the King of Spain would have been engaged in a long war, which by this composition is like to be ended. Besides our Army consisted much of Irish, unfit for such service, as the entering of a breach, so as therein we must of necessity have used our old English companies, where in all probability we must have lost great part, (they being esteemed by the Spaniards themselves as gallant fellows as ever they met, and such as in truth the loss of them would be formany years unrepairable). And if we had been repulsed with any blow given us, we had reason to doubt, that all the Irish (yea those of our Army) would have turned their swords against us; yea, if the breach had been entered, the Town of Kinsale being built all of stone, the Spaniards in the houses would have made us new work, no less difficult than the former. Moreover, six of our Pieces for battery were crazed, so as we could not make any more than one breach, and the Spaniards having so many hands, and so large scope of ground within, might easily have stopped one gap against us And if we could have made divers breaches, yet we had not powder and bullets sufficient for that purpose, and for the small shot: besides that our men were so wasted, as they could not guard divers batteries, neither had we sufficient engineers for that purpose: So that, howsoever we stood upon terms, that Don jean should leave his munitions and treasure to her Majesty, yet finding him make obstinate opposition thereunto, we were forced for the above named reasons, and many like, to make this present composition.  
Likewise among the instructions, divers reasons were set down, moving Don jean to make the said composition, namely, the malice he and the Spaniards generally had conceived against the Irish, in whose aid they too late discovered no confidence could judicially be placed. And for that they coming to succour Tyrone and Odonnell, could never see any such men, saying, that they were not In rerum naturas, (that is, existent). Also for that Don jean, having instructions to keep the field, and not to defend Kinsale, now since the overthrow of the Irish, had no hope to be able to come into the field. Moreover, that his best men in this long siege were spent, in continual watches, and his new men grew weak, with feeding only upon ruske. Further his desire to disengage the King his Master, from a war wherein he had little probability to prevail, in respect of the small or no assistance, which he conceived might be expected from the Irish. Also for that the treasure he brought, being at the first but one hundred thousand ducats, was in great part exhausted, by paying the soldiers six pence per diem, and the Commanders their entertainments, so as by the remainder he had no hope to work any revolt among the Irish, or to give satisfaction to the covetous humours of those already in rebellion.  
The nine and twentieth of january, the Lord Deputy and Counfell here, wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.  
MAy it please your Lordships. Since our last dispatch by Sir Richard Moryson, here hath no extraordinary matter happened, that might give us just cause now so soon to write again, were it not, that it pleased your Lordships in your last, to blame our slackness, that of late we wrote too seldom, and to command from hence a more frequent advertisement of our proceedings, which for your Lordship's satisfaction we are most careful to perform. The chief point to which of late we have applied ourselves, hath been the dispatching away of the Spaniards into their Country, because till we have freed the Country of them, we may not safely leave this Province, to follow such services in other parts, as we desire next to undertake, and we do the more earnestly labour to end this, for that we more and more observe such a settled hatred against this people, both in Don jean and the Spanish in general, as we gather upon many good grounds, that if they could be returned before any new supplies come from Spain, the King would be easily induced to forbear any further to engage himself in this business, and for that they wihall do protest, to use their best endeavours to that effect, which we hold to be unfeigned. But the winds continuing hitherto Westerly, and for the most part somewhat to the southward, and withal very much stormy, neither such of them as had shipping, and for a good space lay aboard to take the first occasion to be gone, can by any means get out of the Harbour, nor such shipping of ours as are to come from the Easterly parts, for transportation of the rest, can find the means to come about hither, nor three other ships that have been long ready to go to the Westward, to take in those at Castle Haven, Baltimore, and Beerehaven, can by any industry work thither for that purpose, though we know they have with all care and earnestness endeavoured it. So as now we grow more doubtful than before, that other forces from Spain will arrive here, ere these get home, and therefore cannot but wish, that for the prevention thereof, her Majesty will be pleased to continue her resolution, for the sending of her Fleet to Sea, with as much expedition as may be, and that the Tramontana, and the Moon, being ships of small burden, and so fittest for the service on this coast, may presently be sent hither, and the rather, for that here will be none left but only the Swiftsure under the command of Sir Amias Preston (the two Merchant's ships, appointed by your Lordships to stay here, being, the one sent away with Sir Richard Levison, and the other employed for the transporting of these Spaniards, by reason we had not other ships for that purpose.) And upon the same grounds, we most humbly pray your Lordships, to send away the one thousand foot for supplies, and what else we desired in our former letters, that we may not be unprovided for the worst that may happen, although that we are in good hope, ere it be long, to have good reason to ease her majesties charge in this Country, without any danger to her service here. We are further humbly to beseech your Lordships, to procure us her majesties Warrant, to pass unto Neale Garue O donnel the Country of Tyreconnell, in such sort as we promised the same unto him under our hands, now almost a year ago, so warranted by direction from her Majesty. He thinks the time long till he hath his grant, and in his late letter to me the Deputy, protests that he will do no more service, until he have seen me, or that his grant be performed; for which though I have blamed him, as I justly might, that being an unfit fashion of writing for any subject, yet the rudeness of his education, and his forwardness and ability to do service considered, we cannot but acknowledge, that we hold it very meet, that we should perform unto him what we promised, which to do, we want warrant from her Majesty; and therefore desire to have it with your Lordship's next dispatch, for we know he will earnestly call upon it. We do not hear of any head of importance or strength, that remains gathered together of the Rebels, so that we hope, that if no more Spanish succours do arrive, their force will quickly come to nothing. But because we cannot assure the subjects, what further assistance the Rebels shall receive out of Spain, and for that if the King send any more, we presume he will do it in a far greater measure than heretofore, as having experience not to trust in the force of the Rebels, and therefore reason to rely upon his own strength. We most humbly desire your Lordships for a while to continue your honourable cares of our affairs, and to enable us to withstand whatsoever shall be attempted by the foreign enemy, and what you send, we will employ with all sincerity and our best endeavours, to the advancement of the service which her Majesty doth require and expect from us. And so, etc.  
The last of january, the Lord deputy was advertised by one coming out of the West parts, that he was at Beerhaven the thirteenth of that month, where the Spaniards were in number sixty, and Oswyllivan had some three hundred Irish, and the Spaniards not knowing of Don jeans composition with his Lordship, did build a Fort there with trees and earth, near the Castle, and planted three small pieces of Ordinance therein, whereof the greatest carried nine pound of powder. That he came from thence to Baltimore, where he found one hundred Spaniards, which did not fortify, but hearing of Don jeans composition, and having two ships with them, had shipped their Ordinance, and were ready to go to Sea.  
About this time one Richard Owen came from Tyrone, to mediate with the Lord Deputy her majesties mercy towards him; whereupon his Lordship gave leave to a Gentleman in the Pale of Tyrones' old acquaintance, to parley with him, according to the following instructions, dated the fourth of February.  
When you speak with him, you shall tell him, that you understand, that Richard Owen came from him to the Lord Deputy, with commission from him to tell his Lordship, that he desired to be received into the Queen's mercy, if his life might be secured.  
Whereupon you finding in him such conformity, (out of your ancient love, which in former time you bore him), were glad of the alteration; and therefore, as his friend did now undertake this long journey, to persuade him to those courses, which might best answer his duty to his Prince, and repair his estate, which in your opinion is desperate.  
If you find him desirous to be receitied to mercy, you shall give him hope of it, and promise him furtherance for the effecting of it, upon these conditions. That he shall in token of his penitency, and according to the duty of a Rebel to his natural Prince, first under his hand write a letter of submission to the Lord Deputy, humbly craving in the same her majesties mercy, with promise to redeem his errors passed by his future service. That likewise he shall write a public submission to her Majesty, imploring at her hands forgiveness of his faults, and likewise promise amendment of his life, with a willing desire to do her foam acceptable service, in recompense of his transgression, in the same protesting, to serve her Majesty against all men, either of Ireland, or foreigners, that shall endeavour the disturbance of this Country.  
That he shall put into her majesties hands his eldest son, for the assurance of his future loyalty, and four principal gentlemen of his blood, as he formerly promised.  
That he shall at his charge, find workmen to build such Forts in the County of Tyrone, and in such places, as the Lord Deputy shall think fit.  
That he shall permit throughout Tyrone her majesties Officers of justice, as the Sheriffs, and others, to have free liberty to execute their Offices, as is accustomed in other Provinces and Counties of the Realm, and answer all other duties formerly agreed upon.  
That he shall only undertake for himself, and his pledges to lie for no more, than those that dwell upon that land only, that is contained in his Letters Patents, not any way undertaking for the rest of Tyrone, as Turlogh Brassiloes' sons, Mac Mahu, O Cane, Macgenis, Macguire, the two Clandeboyes, and all of the East side of the Ban. That if any of his neighbours shall continue in rebellion, none of their people shall be harboured in Tyrone, and likewise that none of Tyrone shall (by his consent or knowledge) secure any Rebel, or give assistance to them; and if any such offender shall happen to be discovered, either by himself, or any other her majesties Officers, upon knowledge thereof, that he shall do his best endeavour to prosecute the parties offending, and either take them, whereby they may be tried by the laws of the Realm, or kill them, if they may not otherwise be had, and shall assist her majesties Officers, in taking to her use the goods and chattels of the offenders and their retinues. That he shall not only truly pay all her majesties rents and duties, from this time forward, due unto her out of Tyrone, but also pay the arrearages, that for many years have been by him detained.  
That in respect of the great charges that he hath put her Majesty unto, (although it be not the thousand part of her disbursements), In nomine pene (which in all such great offences is accustomed) towards the victualling of her majesties garrisons, he shall pay two thousand Cows within six months. That the County of Tyrone may be limited, and no more by him to be possessed, then is contained in his Letters Patents: That the territory of Tyrone may be divided into shires, and have gaols as he hath formerly desired. That he put at liberty the sons of Shane O Neale, and all other prisoners English and Irish. These things you shall only propound as from yourself, yet as conceiving that they will be demanded at his hands, if he be received, and to draw as large an overture from him, of what he will agree unto, as you can persuade him, telling him, that the greater assurance he doth give the state of his loyalty, the greater will be his safety, for we shall construe his good meaning by his free offer thereof, and after we shall have the less reason to be lealous of him.  
The fifteenth of February the Lord Deputy and Counsel here, wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.  
MAy it please your Lordships. The fourteenth of this last month we disparched Sir Richard Moryson, with our letters to your Lordships from this place, and the nine and twentieth we wrote again by Captain Butler, yet to this day the wind nath continued still so Westerly, as since the departure of Sir Richard, no shipping is 〈◊〉 to us, either out of England from your Lordships, (as we desired) or from Waterford, Wexford, and those parts, (as we directed), to carry away the Spaniards hence, nor yet until sunday the seventh hereof, could those ships stir, that lay ready at Kinsale, to be sent to Baltimore, Castle Haven, and Beer Haven: but now they are gone, we hope that the service to be done by them, (which is the possessing of the Castles, and sending away the Spaniards in them), will be presently accomplished, although the wind hath served them so scantly, as we fear they will hardly recover all the places whereunto they are directed. There is only one Scottish ship gone from Kinsale for Spain, which carried one hundred sixety Spaniards with part of the Artillery, but there lies now ready at the Harbour for the first wind, so much shipping as will carry away one thousand five hundred more, so as there will be yet remaining in Kinsale above one thousand Spaniards, which with the first shipping that comes from the other Ports, shall be embarked. Don jean stays to go last. It appeareth by some letters intercepted, which we send herewithal unto your Lordships, that the King of Spain purposeth to send a larger supply hither with all expedition. Don jean assures us to do his best, to stay them, and if he arrive first in Spain, he makes no doubt to dissuade their coming; but if they should come before his departure, he promiseth to return them, according to his covenant in the contract, if they do not come under the command of some other, that hath a commission a part from his from the King. The Irish have of late received letters from Odonnell, to encourage the Rebels to persever in their rebellion, assuring them of present aid from Spain, in the mean time, the best of them all do but temporize, being ready to assist them, when they come, especially if they come in any strength, as it is to be thought in all reason they will, having found their first error. Her Majesty must therefore be pleased to be at some charge to erect fortifications at Beer Haven, Kinsale, and this place, the commodities and weakness of these places; being as well known to the Spaniards as to us, and further with all speed to erect Citadels at Lymbrick, Cork, and Waterford, though it be only to assure the Towns from revolt. It appeareth by the King of Spain's letter, (and so by the Duke of 〈◊〉), that his heart is very much set upon the enterprise of Ireland, and therefore it is not unlike, but that he may send more supplies, after or before Don jeans arrival in Spain, either under him or some other Commander, which if he do, it is also likely the same will be sent shortly. For prevention thereof (if in your Lordship's wisdom it shall be thought meet), we do humbly beseech, that the four thousand supplies heretofore desired, and by your Lordships intended, may be presently sent hither, whereof two thousand to be erected into companies, and their Captains to be named here, and the other 2000 for supplies of the Army, which is exceeding weak; for our men die daily in greater numbers than they died in the camp, the infection being greater, and by some thought a kind of plague, (for the people in the Towns die in far greater numbers than the soldiers), though we hope the contrary: And we do further desire, that her Majesty will be pleased to hasten her Fleet to the Coast of Spain, which coming timely, will in our opinions hinder any enterprise for Ireland, but least that shoule fail, we renew our former motion, that the Tramontama and the Moon, may be returned to serve upon the Coast of Monster, that the proportions of munition and victuals desired in our former letters, may speedily be dispatched hither and that victuallers without impediment may come from all places to relieve us, for already a very great dearth is begun and a famine must ensue, the rates of all things being incredible, and the new money much repined at, notwithstanding we do our uttermost endeavours to advance it. But in a matter of so great importance, we humbly desire your Lordships to give us leave to deliver our opinions freely, having so assured ground for it, that if the King of Spain continue his war in this Country, it will be hard to preserve her majesties army and Kingdom, without the altering of the currant money, so general is the dislike thereof, and so insolently do they begin already to refuse it: but if there come no foreign aid, her Majesty (as we think) may securely continue it as it is; for all we that are of the Army, whom it most concerneth (in regard we live wholly upon our entertainment), will (God willing) endure it, for the advancement of the service, though we are sensible of our loss, by the excessive enhancing of the prices of all things that we are to am upon, which cannot be holpen so long as this new coin continues currant. Of Tyrone since his overthrow and departure, we hitherto have heard little, neither do we think he will be able to do any great harm, without the aid of new supplies from Spain. And so we humbly take leave, etc. From Cork, etc.  
The same fifteenth-day the Lord Deputy wrote to Master Secretary in England this letter following.  
SIr, this strange continuance of the winds in the West and the South, makes me look back into the danger, that both her majesties Army and Kingdom have passed for if Sir Richard Levison with her majesties Fleet had not taken the opportunity of that wind, which did no more than bring him hither, and give the rest of the supplies (with great difficulty) their passage from other ports to us, no doubt by these contrary winds (from that time to this day continuing) all the affairs of her Majesty here had been in an extreme hazard. And when I consider; first, that in all likelihood we could expect no less than a powerful supply out of Spain, and that the greater, the more the King should find himself engaged, and his Army stand in need of seconding, except he might be in time advertised of this overture we have made here, to disimbarke himself fairly of an enterprise, which I presume his Ministers here do believe, and will persuade him to be unfit any longer to embrace. Then, that the winds have been such, as have only served to carry him the danger of his men here, and not the peace which they have made (for since Syriago his departure, which was presently after the overthrow, Don jean del' Aguyla was never able to send away any dispatch, which we may hope to be arrived in Spainé.) And lastly, that we have credible intelligence of the King's resolution and forwardness, to send his men here strong and speedy succours. When I consider these things, I cannot but fear a heavy war to be towards us, which (as I do constantly believe) had been prevented, if it had pleased God to send us a wind in any time to have sent away these Spaniards, or at the least the assured relation of their estates. Thus the continuance of contrary winds in these parts, doth make me apprehend the extreme perils, wherewith her Majesty shall be driven to make the war in this Country with extreme charge, if the Spaniards persever in their purpose: for without huge Magazines, great waste and continual charge of shipping and land carriages, such a war cannot be made, and I am persuaded that her Majesty were as good give over at the first the defence of this country, as to intend a war, without making those provisions for it. Now as my love to her & to her service doth make me as sensible (I will boldly protest), as any man living of whatsoeur burden the state doth feel, so the same love should make me suffer with alacrity the weight of my uneasy charge, & the dangerous ways wherein I walk, if I did not perceive the poor Ass to be the worse liked, that he doth carry so much treasure from her coffers, howsoever he do unwillingly bear it away, and feeleth nothing but the heavy burden thereof. This, and some inclination that I have found, to measure my labours by the success, not by my endeavours, have (I confess) more discouraged me, than all the difficulties I ever passed, or may expect: And saving the thankfulness, which I cannot choose but yield unto God, for the success which it hath pleased him of late to give me, I protest I was never accompanied with more unquiet thoughts, then since my last coming to Cork, where I continue in a most noisome Town, full of infection, seeing no end of my labours, nor finding any measure of them, and yet fearing that they are valued of so little merit, as they are rather likely to draw on dislike-Wherefore as in my own heart I do utterly distaste this unhappy profession, with no further ambition then to set down in quietness under mine own Vine, with the conscience of having been no unprofitable servant to her Majesty, so Sir (I vow before God) I will acknowledge it an everlasting bond, if you will be a mean, to procure me that harmless fortune, that I may (as above all things I desire) serve her Majesty henceforward, with as pure, as I will ever do with faithful devotion, and make myself ready for another World, for I thank God I do hate this. Blame me not (I beseech you Sir) for apprehending my fortune with so much discomfort, since I do not only perceive what enemies I have, that are ingenious and industrious to urge all my proceeding to my disadvantage, but find that their malice did take such effect with her Majesty, as to move her to be unsatisfied with my endeavours, wherein my own conscience cannot acknowledge any thing omitted within my power, or belonging to my duty, whatsoever the success had been. Sir as I never deserved any ill of them by deed, (except it be by doing her Majesty better service than they can or will do), nor by word, (for I do not think or speak of them, but when these tokens of their good will do force me unto it), so I protest, I do as much scorn their malice, as the barking of so many whelps, and would be little troubled with it. But when I think that their false evidence doth sway the opinion of my supreme judge, in the title of her favour and my desert, and do remember how doubtful the fortune of the war is, I cannot but fear, that one disaster shall be put into the ballence against all my labours and endeavours; and therewithal conclude and confess, that I covet no mortal fortune more, then to be fairly rid of the part which I play on so dangerous a stags, before these serpents may find any advantage to hiss at me. Whereas otherwise if I had been secure of her majesties favour against these Viper's tongues, I should with confidence and alacrity go towards the greatest dangers that can rise against me: but as God hath hitherto stopped their mouths, so I hope, for her majesties good, (if not for mine) he will continue his favour, who prosper me in all things, as I do sincerely intend her service, etc.  
The eighteenth day the Lord Deputy received letters from the Lords in England; signifying that besides the two thousand last sent, the greatest part under Captains; the rest left to his Lordship's disposal, now upon a second levy two thousand more were appointed to be embarked the six and twentieth of the last month, all which were left to his Lordship's disposal, excepting one Company given to Captain Thomas Dutton, upon his Lordship's letters of special recommendation.  
The same day his Lordship received from the Queen this following letter.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
RIght trusty and wellbeloved, we greet you well; The report which your letters by Davers have brought us, of the success it hath pleased God to give you against our Rebels, and the Spaniards combined with them, was received by us with such contentment, as so great & happy an accident could afford: Wherefore although we (as ever we have done in all other happiness which hath befallen us), ascribe the highest praise and thanks to his divine Majesty; yet forasmuch as we do account that they who are the servants of our State in like actions, are made participant, (in a second degree) of his favour bestowed upon us, by their virtue and industry, we cannot but hold them worthy of thanks from us, as they have received honour from him. Among whom, you being there the chief, (not only as chiefly put in trust by us, but as we plainly perceive, in vigilancy, in labour, and in valour, in this late action), we could not forbear to let you see, how sensible we are of this your merit. It is true, that before this good success upon the Rebels, we were in daily attention, to have heard of some quicker attempt upon the Town (than any was made), both in respect that your own Letters tended to such sense, and especially because protraction of time brought with it apparent dangers, as well of access of new supplies from our foreign enemies, as of defection of a people, so unconstant of disposition, and so rebellious to government, as those of that nation ever have been. But we that time having understood by those journals (which were committed to St johns and Davers), some reasons which have moved you to the course you have taken, rather than to have used speed in attempting, seeing all assaults are accompanied with loss, and every loss (in such a time) multiplied in rumour, and wholly converted by practice, to the prejudice of the cause in question, which is maintained (now as things do stand), by the reputation of your army, we do now conceive that all your works have had their foundation upon such reasons as you thought most advantageous for our service. It remaineth therefore now (and so we desire it may be made known to our Army, that have served under you, in such manner as you shall think best to express it), that as we do know they have endured many incommodities in this siege, (which we would have been glad they could have avoided, having made so good proof of their valour and loyalty, as they have done at this time, so as we rather seek to preserve them, as the best treasure of a Prince, then to suffer them to waste, if otherwise our Kingdom could have been kept from danger of foreign conquest, and intestine rebellion), so we expect it at the hands of the better sort of our servitors there, that it shall well be infused into the minds of the rest, that whatsoever either our own directions or expending of treasure could do, (for prevention of those difficulties, which follow all armies, and are inseparable where the war is made in a climate so il tempered for a winter's siege) hath been royally and providently afforded them. A matter of much more charge and uncertainty, because all our care and direction have attended the winds and weathers courtesy To conclude with answer to your demands for further supplies of men. Although we hope that the time is so near of the final conclusion of your happy success against the remnant of the strangers in that poor Town, being pressed with so many wants, and with the despair which our late victory will add hereunto, as that hardly any supplies sent from us can come, before it have taken effect; yet because you may perceive how much we attribute to your judgement in any thing which for our affairs is there desired, we have (as by our Counsel hath been signified unto you) given order for four thousand men to be sent thither out of hand, with the full proportion of munition which you desire. In which kind of provisions we find so great consumptions, as we must require you to take some better order with them that have the distribution thereof. For if it be observed what quantities have been daily sent over, and yet what daily wants are pretended, the expense will be found insupportable, and so much the rather, because all men know, that whatsoever the Irish Companies receive, (except now in this action) is continually converted for money to the use of the Rebels. Given under our Signet, at our Palace at White-Hall, the 44 year of our Reign, the twelfth of january 1601.  
In the beginning of this Letter, above the Queen's hand signed, these following words were overwritten by the Queens own hand, viz. Though for fear of worse end, you did desire (as we confess we once thought to direct) to end this work, before either Enemy or Rebel could increase the peril of our honour, yet we hope that no such adventure shall be more made, but that their confusion be ere now lighted on their own heads. And let Clanrickard and Thomond know, that we do most thankfully accept their endeavours. For yourself, we can but acknowledge your diligence, and dangerous adventure, and cherish and judge of you, as your careful Sovereign.  
The twentieth of February, twenty Spanish Captains with 1374 common Soldiers, being before embarked at Kinsale, in six English ships, sailed for Spain. The seven and twenty day the Lord Deputy and Counsel here, wrote to the Lords in England this following letter.  
MAy it please your Loedships, since our last dispatch the fifteenth hereof, 1400 of the Spaniards, that had lain aboard their shipping in the Harbour of Kinsale, to take advantage of the first favourable wind for Spain, found the means to set forth with a very scant wind upon Sunday last, the twentieth of this present, so as now we have rid ourselves of above 1600 by Pole, reckonining those which we sent from Cork into England, being some two hundred, and these last numbers were truly mustered by one of our own Commissaries. If our shipping could get about from Waterford, Wexford, and those Eastern Ports, (from whence only two have yet recovered Kinsale, though all the rest have been a good time ready, and some of them at Sea), we doubt not within four or five days we should be able to dispatch away all the rest, though there remain yet as great a number (the certainty whereof we do not know). Captain Haruy, who was sent into the Western parts to ship away the Spaniards that were there, and to take possession of the places, is for certain possessed of Castle Haven, and upon Friday last set forwards towards Baltimore, whereof by this time we make account he is possessed also, and that he is busy sending away the Spaniards with the first wind, though we have not yet heard from him since his being there. On Friday last being the eighteenth, we received two packets from your Lordships, the one of the twelfth, the other of the 16 of the last month, and at the same time there came into this Harbour, five companies of foot, (whereof four were under Captains, namely, Davys, Holcroft, Bradbery, and Barker, and the other one hundred under the conduct of the three last). Good store of shipping came likewise in with victuals that day and the next, and on Sunday there arrived at Kinsale (about the time that the Spaniards left that Port) two Barks laden with munition and artillery, working tools, and such other things as we had written for, and your Lordship's most carefully had provided, so as we have just cause, with all thankfulness, to acknowledge that it hath pleased her Majesty and your Lordships to supply us as royally and plentifully as we desired; and that as your Lordships well note for our special comfort, your providence and care of us was such, as things necessary were in readiness for our supplies, before you had notice from us that we had need of them. We are resolved, now that all those provisions are come, to keep a good force in the West parts of this Province, which will both settle those that hitherto have stood wavering, and may beside prosecute those that have showed themselves worst affected, while such places as are needful may be fortified: For since (as we signified by our last, upon the intercepting of certain Spanish letters) there is great likelihood, that a new supply from Spain will come speedily & strongly, if at all, it behoveth us to be in readiness to entertain them, by making the places known to them very strong, and to curb the Towns by Citadels, to be erected; otherwise they will revolt, and fall to the Spanish party, when they shall see them come strongly and well prepared. And for those four thousand men which we perceive your Lordships had appointed for us, we humbly leave it to your Lordship's consideration, upon the sight of these letters out of Spain which we send, whether you shall think fit to send them to us presently, or else have them there in such readiness, as if any further supplies should arrive out of Spain, we might in time make use of them here. The Companies that are come, are men well chosen and well appointed, their Arms good, and for aught yet we find, the men neither changed, nor the arms or apparel embezzled, and yet they have been very strictly both viewed and mustered, before Commissioners specially appointed; and the like course we mean to take with the rest of them, if they do come as your Lordships have appointed, which yet we leave wholly to your Lordships, who can best judge what number is meetest for us, by the intelligence we send you, but especially by such as your Lordships receive from Spain. And as for those that in the conduction of the other men, abused themselves to her majesties so great loss, we will do the best to find out the truth and ground thereof, and inform you (as your Lordships have directed), and further will most carefully perform what else your Lordships in these letters have commanded. But where your Lordships conceive an omission in me the Deputy, that so many arms are lost here, I humbly answer, that being not able to look unto these things myself, I gave commission to Master Martial, Sir Robert Gardener, and Sir Oliver S. john's, to take the particular care and charge thereof, who being now not here, cannot relate what they have done, only we remember we have heard it alleged, when the Captains were charged with the Arms of their Companies, that their answer was, that some of the Soldiers ran away with them, and some others assaying to make escape, were stripped both of their apparel & arms (which ourselves saw to be true in many that were found & returned naked to the Camp), and the truth is, such as were not lost that way, nor spoiled and broken in the service, (as it cannot be denied but some were), some part were put over with the supplies to other Companies, (which were very few), and the rest could not be recovered from the cashered Captains, who being in entertainment but a short time, had nothing due, whereout it might be defalked, but must answer it before your Lordships there in England, for from hence they went soon after they were discharged. The Captains last come, (as others did before them), desire that their warrants of entry might bear date that day that your Lordships appointed them to be at the water side, to receive their Companies; and we acknowledge, we think in reason, they are to have it so, or else their impressed to be remitted, otherwise they have nothing to bear the charge of themselves and Officers from that time to their landing here, which is often times six weeks, or a month, in which time their impressed is usually spent; and if afterward it be defalked from them, they must all be so long without entertainment, and so unable to live. We humbly desire to know your Lordship's pleasure herein, as we did formerly upon the like occasion, but hitherto have received no answer from your Lordships: We are further to signify unto your Lordships, that the Victualer issues (as he saith by direction); but one pound and a half of beef per diem, to a soldier, which is too little for him to live upon, and yet the rate in the victualling nothing abated, which is intolerable for him to bear, and likewise the Victualer thinks that he may not issue the Oats at a lower rate than 15 s. the quarter, which is seven shillings six pence the barrel, being so high a rate, as the Horseman out of his entertainment cannot allow so much for his horse, but by that means both the Horse will be starved, and the Oats will perish before they be spent. In time of plenty, the ordinary rate of Oats in Ireland, was but at twelve pence the barrel, yet they are now well content to pay six shillings a barrel, which is at the highest rate the Soldier can give. Of these particulars we humbly pray redress from your Lordships. And so, etc. From Cork, etc.  
The first of March the Lord Deputy by letters from the Lords in England was required, to send over a Lieutenant, being one of the late cast Companies, but still remaining in Ireland, to the end he might answer before their Lordship's certain complaints made against him: For whereas many Officers in the late levies of men, had received in the Country able and sufficient men, as well to serve under themselves, as to be conducted over to be disposed by the Lord Deputy, whereof they had for divers sums of money dismissed many at the Sea side, pretending that they were lame, or sick, and that they had taken better men in their place, neither of these pretences being true. Their Lordships purposed to inflict some exemplary punishment for this great offence, and therefore required this Lieutenant to be sent over, who was accused among and above the rest.  
The eight of March Sir Oliver S. john's, (who was sent into England from Kinsale with news of the good success in the taking of Rincoran and Nyparke Castles, and the happy repulse of the Spaniards sallying upon our Cannon), returned back to Cork, and brought from the Queen this following letter.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
RIght trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. By the genlemans' relation whom last you sent unto us, and by your Letters, we received (with much contentment) the news of the rendition of Kinsale, and other places held by the Spaniards in that Kingdom: wherein although by comparing the same with those reports which were brought us by divers, that they were not only in misery for victual, but in penury of men, as not being five hundred strong, we conceived that you might have given them stricter laws in their composition, (and so do now perceive how easy a matter it is, for those that are nearer hand to the matters of war than we are, to be mistaken), yet upon those considerations which we have observed in your journal last sent over, containing many important circumstances, which did lead you to that course, amongst which no one hath so much moved us, as that assault would have shed the blood of our subjects, which is dearer to us then any revenge or glory), we do account it both in the success, one of the most acceptable accidents that hath befallen us, and in your carriage thereof discern it to have been guided with as many parts of an able and provident Minister, as any we have used in service of like nature. And therefore hold it both just and necessary for us to yield you this testimony of our gracious acceptation of your endeavours, which have been accompanied with so much pain and peril. It remaineth now, seeing the state of all things there, and your own desires do require it, that we speak something of those things which are fit to be thought of for the time to come, whereof seeing this event hath both already begun, and is very like to work great alteration to our advantage. That which we could wish you to aim at, is in sum (next to the safety of the Kingdom) to give all possible ease to our State, by diminishing that great consumption of treasure, which of late years we have sustained. And yet how to direct precisely by what means and parcels in every particular the same is to be done, is very hard for us at this present, especially until we shall receive from you and our Counsel there further light, by the information of the state of all things now after these successes, together with your own opinion thereupon, only as it is apparent to us already by your letter, that in your own judgement, having due sense of the infinite inconveniencies which daily are multiplied upon this Kingdom by that occasion, you did immediately after the rendition, both cast some part of our Army there, and stay the supplies coming from hence, so in that course we doubt not, but you do and will continue, as far forth as things may bear it, in taking care that our Army be not weakened by holding more small garrisons than are necessary. And this we may with very good reason say, out of observation of that which hath passed of latter years, and agreeable to your own opinion. That one charge there is very great to us, and yet without any manner of ground of safety, if there were cause of adventure, and that is the entertainment of great numbers of Irish, wherein we will note unto you these two considerations: First that when things there, were at most hazard for us, your own spirit was doubtful of the service which might be reaped by them. Secondly that heretofore, when they have been used, it hath not been seen, that either they were entertained at the same rate of pay with our own Nation, or so mixed in common with them in regiments, but ever kept more apart, both in companies several, and used in places and in services proper for them, which course although this extraordinary danger of our Kingdom hath given occasion to dispense with, yet doubt we not but in your own conceit you will think it meet, with all convenient speed to reform, and give beginning to it, by such degrees of diminution, and in such measure, as you shall find to be most for the good of our service.  
For the matter which hath been moved to you from the Arch-trairor, we commend your handling of the offer, in that you have kept the dignity of the place you hold, and therein ours, and yet we do not mislike, that you did not so desperately reject him, as to conclude him thereby from opening the further scope of his desires. And though till the next overture, we have little more to write unto you, yet we may say thus much in generality, that the monstruousness of his fact, stained with so many and deep spots of offences of several natures and degrees, (though none more odious than his ingratitude); and the quick sense we have always of the biemishing of our honour, doth not permit us to hold any other way with him, than the plain way of perdition. And therefore do advise you to all courses, that may win us glory upon him, and if our Arms must be accompanied with any part of mercy, rather to employ the same in receiving the secondary members and Vriaghts from him, by whom that life which is left him standeth, then to make so much account of so vile an head, as to think him worthy to be recovered; but rather that abandoned of God and men, he may be left to feel the just reward of his foul demerits. Notwithstanding, we will not mislike to hear from you again what you have further discovered, and guide our further resolution according to occasions. Hereupon we have thought good to return this gentleman Sir Oliver S. john's to you, with thus much of our mind upon your late letters, and with such other matters as from our Counsel he may have in charge to impart unto you, being one, of whose good discretion and affection to our service we are very well persuaded, to the end that upon his arrival, (by which time much will be seen of the event of your late happy success) you may enter into some solid consideration of the form of government hereafter to be held, of the proportions of our army to be continued, and of all things that may be likely to settle that State in safety from foreign attempts, and in a better obedience to us then heretofore. When you have debated and resolved what seemeth good to you there, upon all such points, we can be then contented that you send back this gentleman hither again, instructed therewith. And because it will be also needful for the furtherance of our resolutions here, to have good understanding of the civil parts of that government, as well as of the martial, and that suit hath been made unto us for Sir Robert Gardener our chief justice there, to be licenced to come hither, we shall like well that you send them both, to the end that upon their report of your conceits there, we may enter into more particular consideration of all things incident, which upon their arrival we shall be better able to do. Given under our Signet, at our Palace of West minster, the eight day of February 1601. in the four and fortieth year of our reign.  
The same day Sir Oliver S. john's brought from the Lords in England this following letter to the Lord Deputy.  
AFter our hearty commendations to your good Lordship, we have had (in most of our late dispatches) so little cause to fill our papers with any thing, but with commendations of your Lordship's wise proceedings, and congratulations for her majesties happy success under you, as at this time (if any other) we intended not to mix this acknowledgement of our extraordinary contentment for your late victory against the Spaniards, with any other particular directions, especially seeing the change you have made in that Country, by freeing the same from foreign power, (howsoever infested still with an intestine rebellion), must (in all men's knowledge, that are acquainted with the affairs of State) have brought so many changes, as we can hardly tell what advice or direction to offer of new, until we may receive from thence some further light of the present State of that Kingdom from you, whose own eye and judgement is nearest, and ablest to perform the same. In which consideration, seeing it hath pleased her Majesty by her own letters, not only to give you notice of her royal and gracious acceptation of your so noble endeavours, but to direct your Lordship also to send over hither Sir Robert Gardener, and this gentleman Sir Oliver S. john's, with relation of all particulars fit for her knowledge, we will in expectation hereof forbear to enlarge our letter any further, then with our best wishes to your Lordship of all perfect health and happiness, as those that will ever be found, etc.  
The same eight day Don jean and the remain of the Spaniards at Kinsale, were all embarked ready to be gone. The next morning the Lord Deputy left Cork, and taking his journey towards Dublyn, arrived that night at Yoghall.  
And because the stormy weather and contrary winds, kept the Spaniards still in the Port at Kinsale, his Lordship was forced to stay in that Town some few days, from whence he wrote to Master Secretary into England, upon the twelfth of March, advertising him thereof: And further giving him notice, that the other Spaniards which were at Beere-haven, Castle-haven, and Baltimore, now were gone for Spain. That Don jean had sent to Cork the pledges promised in the eight article of the agreement. That five English Companies were lately arrived at Waterford: And lastly, praying to be excused to the rest of the Lords of her majesties Counsel, that he forbore to write unto them, till he came to Waterford, where within few days he hoped to meet the Earl of Ormond, and some other of the Counsel, and upon conference with them, to be better able to satisfy their Lordships in some things concerning the present State of this Kingdom, according to her majesties pleasure lately signified to him by her letters. The pledges above mentioned were to lie for the safe return of our ships, wherein the Spaniards were embarked.  
These pledges were principal Commanders, and among them was one Captain Moryson, (of whose bold service mention is made in the sally upon the second of December). This gentleman was invited by the Lord Deputy to accompany him to Dublin, the rest of his fellows still remaining at Cork, whether he was to return unto them, and they together to be shipped for Spain, upon the safe return of our ships. In which journey to Dublyn, and during this Gentleman's abode there, I had familiar conference with him for names sake, and understood from him, that his Family in Spain was descended of an English Gentleman, who followed the Emperor Charles the fifth in his wars, and after by his bounty was seated in Spain, where at this day the chief of his name had good revenues.  
The Lord Deputy being come to Waterford, did write, together with the rest of the Counsel, upon the eighteenth of March, this following letter to the Lords in England.  
IT may please your Lordships: The eighth hereof, we received by Sir Oliver S. john's at Cork, the dispatch which it pleased your Lordships to make by him, and may not omit with all humble thankfulness to acknowledge the great comfort and contentment we have taken, in that it appeareth both thereby, and by the relation of Sir Oliver, that her Majesty and your Lordships have most graciously and favourably accepted and allowed our poor endeavours. We are most careful (as you have directed) to send Sir Robert Gardener and him unto your Lordships, so soon as I the Deputy can get to Dublyn, where Sir Robert Gardener now is, and shall have considered and debated with the Counsel there the business, wherein your Lordships look to be thoroughly informed. In the mean space, because that will ask some time, we have thought fit to acquaint your Lordships, how things stand here since our last dispatch. The Spaniards for certain are all gone from Beere-haven, Castle-haven, & Baltimore, and that day that Sir Oliver S. john's did arrive at Cork, we heard that all the Spaniards at Kinsale, and last of all Don jean himself, were shipped, and in readiness to set sail, but since we hear that until Saturday the thirteenth hereof, they could not get forth the Harbour, and were that night beaten back. On Sunday they were ready to set out again, since which time we have not heard from thence, more than that they lay aboard in the mouth of the Harbour, and our men were possessed of the Town, and we have observed the wind since that time to be good for them, so as we are in good hope they are all gone. The pledges, according to agreement were come to Cork, being three Captains of long continuance, so as we have cause to think Don jean hath dealt sincerely with us, and are not out of hope, to be no more troubled with any Spaniards: yet to be provided for the worst that may happen, so long as the Spanish Cloud hangs over us, we have divided both the victuals and great part of the munition into sundry Harbours, along the Sea Coast of this Province, the more ready to answer all occasions, as may more fully appear by the notes we send herewithin: If by this means her majesties charge grow great, (as we cannot but acknowledge it will), and the service North ward go on slowlier than it would otherwise, if we might apply ourselves wholly that way, we beseech your Lordships favourably to consider the necessities that lead us thereunto, least leaving any place unprovided for, the facility should invite a coming thither, and in that regard we have given out an intention, to fortify in all the several places of Beerhaven, Castle-haven, Baltimore, and the Creeks & passages along that Coast. Whereas these Spaniards being gone, as now God be thanked they are, we have no meaning so to do, in regard we have no answer from your Lordship's touching that point, and thereby conceive, that her Majesty will not undergo so great a charge, though we continue still of this opinion, that it were the safest course to fortify in those places: and if the Spaniards should come again, without strong Forts and Citadels upon the chief towns, (whom our late experience showed us apparently to be wavering), we can neither have safety for retreat, if any diaster should befall us, nor commodity for victuals and munition, but that altogether would be in danger, & the whole hazarded or lost at an instant; which point we hold ourselves bound in duty to provide for; and therefore if her Majesty do not like to make Citadels in these Towns and Cities, which we noted to be fit in our former letters, we hold it of very great necessity that the harbours of Cork & Kinsale be yet well fortified, which we have already begun to do at Kinsale, & have viewed the mouth of the Harbour of Cork, where by raising one good Fort at the entry, and another upon an Island in that River, the Harbour will very aptly be secured, and all victuals and munition for our use most commodiously defended against all enemies, which we hold a matter of very great importance. And if these works shall be erected, ten Culuerings, and ten demy-culuerings of Iron, mounted upon unshod wheels, for platforms to be placed in the Forts, to be made in those two Harbours must forth with be sent (with bullets for them), either to Cork, or to Kinsale. Our whole store of victuals being divided into sundry parts of this Province, (as by this note appeareth), we are in doubt we shall want when we enter into a prosecution Northward, unless your Lordships be pleased to continue that course for our supplies, that we confess you have most providently hitherto afforded us: for where some conceine, and (as it seemeth) have informed, that we may be furnished here with victuals, it is to us most strange, and past all belief, and to make it more apparent unto your Lordships, it may please you to consider, that it is impossible to make an end of this war without wasting and spoiling of the Country. This (as we must do still) we have of long time very earnestly laboured, and effected in as great a measure as we can possibly devise, and then how can it in reason be thought, that we can starve the Rebel, and yet preserve victuals in the country for the soldier? so as we must conclude, that if we fail once of our victualling out of England, upon hope to have it found in this Realm, by any man's understanding, the Army will either be starved, or driven to break upon a sudden, when it will not be in our power to help it, and this we beseech your Lordships to believe, if we have made any use of our experience here. Yet if there be any possibility thereof, when we have conferred what may be provided out of the Pale, and quietest parts of Monster, we will further certify your Lordships. And beside we do apparently foresee, now that the appareling of the soldier is left unto the Captain (which yet best contents all parties), that if the exchanging of the new coin be not Royally kept up, the soldier will be in worse case than before. For all things here are already grown so dear and scarce, since the new coin went currant, as clothes are both excessively dear here, and in any quantity not to be had for money, but must necessarily be provided in England, and brought hither, which cannot be, if the exchange fail never so little; for than will the soldier be unclothed, which rather than he will endure, he will run away, though he be sure to be hanged, and this we fear will be likewise a mean for the breaking of the Army. The decay by sickness and otherwise are already so great, notwithstanding all that we can do (and yet we have not been wanting in our providency), as we most humbly crave to have supplies sent from time to time (till the rebellion be broken, which if no foreign forces arrive, we hope will be in short time), not under Captains but Conductors, for we find by experience that the Captains that are sent hither with their Companies (conceiving that they shall not stand long) either by negligence or corruption, lose their men, so that when they are turned over to supply others, scarce ten of a hundred can be had of them, where at the first coming over with the Conductors, we can better call them to a strict account, and find the men, to fill up other Companies, by disposing them to such as we know will best preserve them, so as they need not reinforce their Companies with the Irish, as they will when they cannot come by English, by which means the Companies (we confess) are full of Irish, which till our supplies come cannot well be holpen. And whereas I the Deputy have ever been (as my duty is) most desirous to diminish her Majesties List, and to that end, not only have taken all occasions by the death of Captains to extinguish their entertainment, but also have merely discharged above five thousand since November 1600. Now the Captains and men thus discharged, thinking their fortunes overthrown by me, had never consideration of the necessity imposed upon me to do it, but only looking upon their own loss, and (as they esteem it) disgrace, they become so many enemies to me, & many of them clamorous against me & my proceedings And whereas by some of your Lps letters it pleased you to let me know, that your sending many Captains proceedeth from my recommending of many unto you. I do humbly assure your L ps., that almost all which came over were strangers to me; & if the rest have had letters from me, I wrote them at their request, only to testify that they had behaved themselves no otherwise then honestly here, which was the least I could afford them, when I was forced to take away their Companies. But if her Majesty expect an abatement of her List, I beseech your L ps. to consider my hard condition. For if I discharge such as you send over, I do not only become odious unto them, but offend many of your Lordships, by whose favour they obtained that charge. And if I discharge such old Captains as I found here, and of whose sufficiency I have since had continual experience, by their often adventuring their blood and lives, I should not only return unto her Majesty importunate suitors, armed with good justice to crave reward but myself should incur the same and more just dislike of them and their friends. But that which for her majesties service grieveth me most, is that I should thereby disenable myself, hereafter to do her Majesty that service, which heretofore I have done, and next unto God must attribute to their valour and sufficiency. For touching the Irish by whose discharge I mean to make no small abatement, I have heretofore laboured by unsensible degrees to diminish that charge, and I will choose a fit time fully to effect it, the sudden doing whereof might cause rather an increase then decrease of her majesties charge. We have lately recommended some of the incorporate Towns here to your Lordships, and may happily have occasion to do the like, to draw them (if it might be) to a more affectionate furtherance of the service, at the least to hold them with some contentment, though indeed they have not afforded us that help that they both might and aught. Yet our meaning was not thereby to press your Lordships to any enlargement of their Franchises, for which happily they will thereupon be suitors; for we confess truly to your Lordships, that we think these Corporate Towns in general, have already too great and too many privileges, and immunities, unless they better knew (or would more readily endeavour) to deserve them, which we thought meet at this time to give your Lordships a taste of, lest they might otherwise make that use of our letters that we intended not, Further, we desire that your Lordships will persuade her Majesty to resolve presently to make Citadels in the chiefest of these Towns, without which we shall never bring them to perform their duties. And so etc.  
Don jean (whether with or without authority given him from Spain, I know not), had often discoursed with the Lord Deputy, during their abode together at Cork, that it was no unlikely or difficult work to make Peace between England and Spain, yea, he went so far, as to urge the Lord Deputy to deal therein. But his Lordship only made answer, that he knew her Majesty to be graciously inclined, to hold good amity with all Christian Princes, yet as she was confident in her own power, so she was in all things jealous of her Honour, and especially in that point, wherein her Royal meaning had not been entertained with the like, by the State of Spain, whence we had received such ill measure in all our late treaties to that purpose, as all men were discouraged to be any more made instruments therein. Whereupon Don jean swore unto his Lordship, that as he left the State of Spain affected, upon his knowledge it was then a thing easy to effect, and a thing much desired of them, to have firm Peace between England and Spain. And he further added that if upon his arrival in Spain, finding things to stand in the same condition, he did (at the return of our ships thence) give his Lordship any inkling thereof, then upon his reputation his Lordship dealing with the State of England in that matter, should lose no honour thereby. The Lord deputy hitherto had done no more than answer Don jeans proposition in civil terms; wherein he had spoken no more; then any private man might lawfully have done, if he had licence to confer with him; yet lest he might be thought to have exceeded his Commission in this nice discourse, and having good reasons to imagine, that as God many times doth work by unlikely, yea, by contrary means, so he and Don jean out of then Commission to make war one upon the other, might prove Commissioners for making a Peace, his Lordship advertised thus much to Master Secretary in England, praying to have further warrant and instructions, if it were thought fit he should further proceed therein. But by Don jeans silence from Spain, this overture passed as a dream, and took no effect as long as the Queen lived.  
The four and twentieth day of March, being the last day (after the English writing) of the year 1601, the Lord deputy and Counsel being at Kilkenny, and entertained by the Earl of Ormond in his house, wrote this following letter to the Lords in England.  
IT may please your Lordships, having certain intelligence since our coming to this place, that Don jean with all the rest of the Spaniards, departed from Kinsale on Tuesday the 16 hereof, and that the wind since that time hath served them so well, as we assure ourselves by this they are near the Coast of Spain, we thought fit hereby to give your Lordship's notice thereof, that you may know we are free now of them all. Since our being here, there hath been brought in a notorious rebel, one William Mac Hubbard, lately taken in Vpperossery, who of late hath done great spoils and murders in these parts, more than any other, so as we have caused him to be executed in this Town, to the great terror of many. About the same time that he was executed, a son of Garret Mac Mortaghes, named Moris Mac Garret, died of a hurt lately given him in fight, who was a most dangerous young man, like to trouble all the Country. The death of these two Rebels, as also of a notorious Rebel by birth of Monster, lately slain (called Dermot Mac Awlye, who was an inward man, and a great practising instrument with Tyrone) will greatly quiet all these parts, and your Lordships can hardly think what a great change we find already by their so happy and timely cutting off. And as for Sir Fynneen O Dryscoll, O Donnevan, and the two sons of Sir Owen Mac Carty, they and their followers since their coming in are grown very odious to the rebels of those parts, and are so well divided in factions among themselves, as they are failen to preying and killing one another, which we conceive will much avail to the quieting of these parts. I the Deputy am this day going towards Dublin, from whence your L Ps shall hear from me, according to the directions given me by your Lordships. And I the Precedent am returning into Monster, to attend my charge there. We have been much importuned by the Army in general, touching an abatement of half a pound of beef upon every flesh day from every particular soldier, and of two hear every fish fish day, and the horse troops likewise find themselves grieved, that the victualler chargeth them with two shillings six pence increase in the issuing of every barrel of Oats, without any other warrant then a private letter from M. Wade Clerk of the Counsel, which although we conceive M. Wade hath signified over upon some such purpose of your Lord p2, or other good ground, yet inregard of the importunities of the Captains, and to prevent a general mutiny of the Army, in regard the soldiers are weak, and much enfeebled by the late siege of Kinsale, and that the prizes of all things are increased above all measure, by reason of the new standard coin, and that the Country is generally much harryed and wasted, and thereby great scarcity and wants grow here, we hold it meet, and accordingly gave direction to the Commissary of the victuals, to issue Oats (as formerly) at six shillings the barrel, and allow the soldier two pound of beef, and eight herring a dav, according as it was formerly accustomed, till your Lordship's resolution were returned in that behalf, which we humbly pray and expect. And so having no other matter at this time worthy the presenting to your Lordships, we most humbly take leave, etc.  
The Lord President having accompanied the Lord Deputy to Kilkenny, did from thence return to his charge in the Province of Monster. At Kilkenny the Lord deputy began to feel himself sickly, having formerly complained of some distemper (a likely effect of his watchings and cold taken, during the hard winter-siege at Kinsale),), and his Lordship's sickness so grew upon him, as the next day he was carried in a Horselitter, and so all the journey, till he came to Dublin, where he ariived the eight and twentieth of March, in the beginning of the year 1602, and his distemper still continuing, applied himself to take Physic. I will conclude the Acts of the year passed with this following abstract of her majesties charge in the Realm of Ireland, from the first of April 1601, to the nine and twentieth of March, 1602.  
The total of all charges as well in the Establishment, as by other warrants extraordinary, two hundred eighty three thousand six hundred seventy three pound nineteen shillings eleven pence half farthing.  
Viz. In the new coin mixed ready money, two hundred fifteen thousand eight hundred fifty pound nineteen shillings four pence half penny.  
In apparel for the soldiers, provided in England with silver money, sixty seven thousand eight hundred twenty three pound six pence half penny half farthing.  
Checqued by the Muster-Master, in money fifteen thousand one hundred forty nine pound six shillings; in apparel, twenty two thousand four hundred fifty seven pound six shillings two pence half penny.  
So her majesties whole charge is in the year 1601, two hundred forty six thousand eighty seven pound seven shillings eight pence half penny half farthing.  
Besides the concordatums, bills impressed upon accounts here, the levies and transporting of forces (paid in England), the payment of works, and the charges of the Office of the Ordinance, for Powder, Bullets, etc.,     

The third Book.  

CHAP. I. Of the prosecution of the war by the Lord Mountioy, Lord Deputy, against the rebels, in the year 1602.  
IN the beginning of the year 1602 for the latter part of March, and good part of April, the Lord Deputies indisposition of body above mentioned, did still continue, and his Lordship for a short time attended nothing, but the recovery of his health. Only on the one and thirtieth of March, he signified to the Lords in England, that from the sixteenth of March, when the Spaniards set sail from Kinsale, the wind had continued so favourable, as he nothing doubted but they were arrived in Spain. And his Lordship advertised the state of his weak health, and prayed to be excused, that he could not as yet consider with the Counsel here, about the dispatch of Sir Robert Gardner, and Sir Oliver S. john's, with the relation of this Kingdoms present estate, according to the directions he had formerly received to that purpose, which he was careful to do so soon as health would permit him. Adding that in the mean time the forces were so disposed, as they might be most active in the prosecution of Tyrone, and his broken partakers. And the Lord Deputy having intelligence, that after the knowledge of his and Don jeans agreement, the preparations of seconds in Spain were diverted, and so not fearing any interruptions by foreign forces, was bold to give the Lords in England confidence of his future endeavours in his charge, whereof he hoped to give her Majesty a good account, God pleasing to restore his health, so as he might proceed with that speed and alacrity which he intended.  
The third of April his Lordship received letters from the Lords in England, signifying; That they concurred with him in grief, that by contrary winds staying the Spaniards transporting, his Lordship was forced to stay in Monster, and slack the opportunity of prosecuting Tyrone at his first return and flight out of Monster, when he was in such plight, as he could feign no hopes of safety to himself, lying in some fastness or other, and often changing his abode, for fear of some attempt against his person set at a price, and still having neither Powder nor Lead, but making infinite means into Scotland to be furnished therewith, so as if the Northern Garrisons were not weak for want of supplies, and if some forces could have been spared to strengthen them, in all probability they might have ruined Tyrone ere this. That our ships transporting the Spaniards, were well used in Spain, and upon their arrival, the ships prepared at the Groin for Ireland were presently unfurnished, so as her majesties Fleet, and some ships of the Low Countries lying this Summer on the Coast of Spain, they conceived all Spanish aids for Ireland would for the present be diverted. That for Citadels to be built in the Towns and Ports, her Majesty in general allowed thereof, leaving the choice of most fit places, and the manner of building to his Lordship, as also to certify an estimate of the charge, and the best means to raise it otherwise, then out of her majesties coffers. That her Majesty commended the discreet intercepting of the Spanish letters, by which the King's earnestness to follow that enterprise appeared, but no doubt by the English Fleet prepared for that coast would be diverted. That no supplies should be expected out of England, where the leavyes had been so burdensome, as for the present it was fit to forbear them. That in all grants to the submitting rebels, they required his Lordship to have care, that they were not so absolute, as they should not be in awe of the State, or be able to tyrannize over their neighbours, and particularly that any treason of the Pattentees should forfeit all the grant. That Irish Companies should not be employed near their own home, especially in any great numbers, neither should have any pay for apparel, there being no reason that their pay should be equal to that of the English. Lastly, to the end the Submitties might not abuse her majesties mercy to their temporizing ends, as they had often done, by revolts into rebellion after submissions and Protections, their Lordships required, that as every chief rebel was taken in, so they should be disarmed.  
But this last point was not effected for this consideration, that by that means every chief Lord upon submission should leave his Country without defence, and open to be spoiled, both by neighbouring rebels, and thievish subjects. It is true, that after all the war fully ended, a general disarming had been requisite, but the event will show, how that was after neglected in the proper time (when the first act was, casting the English forces), which now was pressed, when there was no possibility to effect it.  

The List of the forces in April, 1602.  
Colonels of the Army, 14.  
The Earl of Clanrickard. The Earl of Thomond. The Lord Audley. Sir Henry Dockwra. Sir Samuel Bagnol. Sir Christopher Saint Laurence. Sir Arthur Chichester. Sir Richard Moryson. Sir Charles Willmot. Sir Richard Percy. Sir Oliver Saint john. Sir Henric Power. Sir Henry Follyot. Sir Benjamin Berry.  
The forces in Monster of Horse.  
The Lord Precedent, 100 The Earl of Thomond, 100 Sir Charles Willmott, 25. Sir Anthony Cook, 50. Captain Taffe, 50.  
Horse 325.  
Foot in Monster.  
The Lord Precedent, 200. The Earl of Thomond, 200. The Lord Barry, 100 The Lord Audley, 150. Sir Charles Willmott, 150. Sir George carry, Treasurer, 100 Sir George Thorneton, 100 Sir Garret Harvey, 150. Sir Richard Perey, 150. Sir Francis Barkely, 150. Sir john Dowdall, 100 Sir Samuel Bagnol, 150. Sir Anthony Cook, 100 Sir Alexander Clifford, 100 Sir Arthur Savage, 150. The Earl of Desmond, 100 The White Knight, 100 Captain Roger Haruy, 150. Captain Flower, 150. Captain Saxey, 100 Captain Slingshye, 100 Captain Skipwith, 100 Captain Hobby, 100 Captain Francis Kinsmell, 150 Captain Power, 100 Captain George Kinsmell, 100 Captain Cullom, 100 Captain Bostock, 100 Captain Gawen Harvey, 100 Captain Coote, 100 Captain Stafford, 100 Captain Owslye, 100 Captain blundel, 100 Captain Dorrington, 100 Captain Sidley, 100 Captain Boys, 100 Captain Holcroft, 100  
Foot, 4400.  
Horse in Connaght.  
The Earl of Clanricard, 50. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25. Sir Oliver Saint john's, 25. Captain Wayeman Martial, 12.  
Horse, 112.  
Foot in Connaght.  
Sir Oliver Lambert Governor, 150. Earl of Clanrickard, 150. Sir Thomas Bourke, 150. Sir Oliver Saint john's, 200. Captain Tibbot Bourke, called Tibot ne long, 100 Captain Malby, 150. Captain Thomas Bourke, 100 Captain Guest, 150. Captain Rotheram, 150. Captain May, 100 Void for the judges pay, 100 Captain Clare 150.  
Foot, 1650.   

The forces lying Southward upon Lemster in Garrisons.  
Horse at Ophaly Leax and Kilkenny.  
Earl of Kildare, 25. Sir Edward Harbert. 12. Master Martial, 20. Captain Piggot, 12. The Earl of Ormond, 50.  
Horse, 119.  
Foot at Ophaly Leax and Kilkenny.  
The Earl of Kildare, 150. Sir George Bourcher, 100 Sir Edward Harbert, 100 Sir Henry Warren, 100 Captain O Carol, 100 Sir Henry Power, 150. Sir Francis Rush, 150 Sir Thomas Loftus, 100 The Earl of Ormond, 150.  
Foot, 1100.   

The forces lying Northward upon Lemster in Garrisons.  
Foot in Westmeath, Kelles, Liscanon in the Brenny, Dundalke, and Moyry.  
Lord of Deluin, 150. Sir Francis Shane, 150. Captain Thomas Roper, 150. The Lord Dunsany, 150 Captain Esmond, 150. Sir William Warren, 100 Sir Henry Harrington, 100 Captain Ferdinand Freckleton, 100 Captain Richard Hansard, 100  
Foot, 1200.  
Horse in Kelles, and Liscanon in the Brenny.  
The Earl of Kildare, 25. Sir Henry Harington, 25. Lord Dunsany 50.  
Horse, 100  
Out of Monster forces were drawn into Connaght one thousand foot, and fifty horse, and the abovesaid forces of Connaght are one hundred twelve horse, and one thousand six hundred fifty foot. Hereof were left to guard Galloway and Athlone, foot two hundred. Left in Garrison at the Abbey of boil one thousand foot, and sixty two horse, which served to further our new plantation at Ballishannon, (for there a Garrison was newly planted, and Sir Henry Follyot was made Governor thereof.) The rest of the horse and foot were laid at the Annaly, and might fitly join with the Garrisons disposed Southward and Northward upon Lemster, upon all occasions of service, as more especially they might concur in stopping the Rebels for passing either on the South or northside into Lemster. As likewise the Garrisons Southward might answer one another, and these Northward answer one another, upon all occasions of service.   

Garrysons in the North.  
Foot at Mount Norreys.  
Having drawn out six hundred foot, and one hundred horse for the Army, left to keep the Fort, Captain Atherton, 150.  
Foot at Armagh.  
Having drawn out for the Army seven hundred fifty foot, and one hundred twenty five horse, left to keep the Abbey Sir Henry Davers his Company 150, himself commanding the horse in the Army.  
Foot at Blackwater.  
Having drawn out for the Army one hundred foot, left to keep the Fort Captain Thomas Williams, 150.  
Horse and Foot at the Newrie.  
Having drawn out three hundred foot for the Army, left to keep the Town, Sir Francis Stafford, 50 horse. Sir Francis Stafford, 200 foot.  
In Garrison total of Horse, 50. Foot, 650.   

The Forces at Loughfoyle lay thus in Garrisons, out of which Sir Henry Dockwra was to draw a competent force into the field, for the Summer service, and to meet the Lord Deputy in Tyrone.  
Foot.  
At Derry Sir Henry Dockwra, 200. Captain Orme, 100 Captain Flood, 150. At Dunnman, Captain Atkinson, 150. At Dunalong, Captain Badbye, 150. At Ainogh, Captain Sidney, 100 At Culmore, Captain Alford, 100 At Ramullan, Captain Bingley, 150. At Bert, Captain Winsore, 150. At Kilmatrens, Captain Vaughan, 100 At Cargan, Captain Hart, 100 At Liffer, Captain Willys, 150. Captain Pinner, 100 Captain Brookes, 100 Captain Coach, 150. Captain Leygh, 100   

At Dunagall, Asheraw, and Ballishannon.  
Sir Irhn Bolles, 150. Captain Diggs, 100 Captain Gore, 150. Captain Stafford, 100 Captain Wood, 150. Captain Orell, 150. Captain Basset, 100 Captain Dutton, 100  
In all 3000 Foot.  
Horse at Aynagh, Dunalong and Liffer, Sir Henry Dockwra, 100 At Ballishannon, Sir john Bolles, 50.  
In all 150 Horse.  
Besides Irish foot, 300; and Irish Horse, 100   

The Forces in Garrison at Carickfergus, out of which Sir Arthur Chichester was to draw a competent strength to come by water, and meet the Lord Deputy in Tyrone.  
Foot.  
Sir Arthur Chichester, Governor, 200. Sir Foulke Conway, 150. Captain Sackfeild, 100 Captain Norton, 100 Captain Billings, 150. Captain Phillips, 150.  
Foot 850.  
Horse at Carickfergus.  
Sir Arthur Chichester Governor, 25. Captain john jephson, 100  
Horse 125.  
Foot in Lecale.  
Sir Richard Moryson under his Lieutenant 150, himself commanding a Regiment in the Army.   

The Lord Deputies Army in the field for this Summer's service.  
Horse.  
The Lord deputy, 100 Sir William Godolphin, 50. Sir Garret Moor, 50. Sir Richard Greame, 50. Sir Samuel Bagnol, 50. Sir Henry Davers, 100 Master Martial, 30. Sir Christopher S. Laurence, 25. Sir Francis Rush, 12. Captain Fleming, 25. Captain George Greame, 14.  
Horse in the Army, 506.  
Foot.  
Lord Deputies Guard, 200. Sir john Barkeley, 200. Sir Benjamin Berry, 150. Sir Henry Folliot, 150. Sir William Fortescue, 150. Sir james Pierce, 150. Sir Garret Moor, 〈◊〉. Sir Christopher S. Laurence, 150. Sir Edward Fitz Garret, 100 Sir Tibbot Dillon, 100 Master Martial, 150. Capt. josias Bodley, 150. Capt. Toby Gawfeild, 150. Captain Richard Hansard, 100 Capt. Edward Blany, 150. Capt. Fran. Roe, 150 Capt. Ralph Counstable, 100 Capt. Fisher, 100 Captain john Roberts, 100 Capt. George Blount, 150. Captain james Blount, 100 Captain Hensto for pioneers, 200. Captain Masterson, 150. Captain Henry Barkley, 150. Captain Morris, 100 Captain Anthony Earsfeild, 100 Captain Trever, 100  
Foot in the Army, 3650.  
total of horse by the List, 1487. Foot by the List, 16950.  
The forces being thus disposed for the Summer's service, and the Lord deputy having recovered his health, his first care was to obey her majesties directions, in dispatching for England Sir Robert Gardener, and Sir Oliver S. john's with a relation of the present state of this Kingdom. By them, besides instructions of the present state, his Lordship sent this following letter to the Lords in England, dated the fifth of May, 1602.  
MAy it please your Lordships, although you have good reason to guess at the difficulties of the war of Ireland, both by the long continuance, and the exceeding charge thereof before my time (under which the rebels strength did ever grow), as by the slow progress (though still to the better) that it hath made (I must confess) under my government; yet since I do conceive, that none but we that are personal actors therein (especially in these times, wherein the fashion and force of this people is so much altered from that it was wont to be), can thoroughly apprehend with how many impediments, crosses and oppositions we undertake and proceed in all things. I humbly desire your Lordships to give me leave, for your satisfaction and the discharge of my duty, to open unto you some of the causes (which I do better feel than I can express) that have hindered so speedy a conclusion of this war, as her Majesty, out of her great providence, and large proportion of expense, might happily expect. At my first arrival, I found the rebels more in number, then at any time they had been since the conquest, and those so far from being naked people, as before times, that they were generally better armed than we, knew better the use of their weapons then our men, and even exceeded us in that discipline, which was fittest for the advantage of the natural strength of the Country, for that they, being very many, and expert shot, and excelling in footmanship all other Nations, did by that means make better use of those strengths, both for offence and defence, then could have been made of any squadrons of pikes, or artificial fortifications of Towns. In regard whereof, I presumed that man's wit could hardly find out any other course to overcome them, but by famine, which was to be wrought by several Garrisons planted in fit places, & altered upon good occasions. These plantations could not be made but by Armies, which must first settle them, and after remove them, as the strength of the enemy required; the time for those plantations (not only of most conveniency, but almost of necessity) was to be in the Sum, and that for many eminent reasons, but especially in that means might be provided for horse to live in the winter, without which those Garrisons would prove of little effect. Now I beseech your Lordships to remember, that I received this charge the eight and twentieth of February, in the year 1599, at which time I found the rebels in number, and Arms (as I have said) grown to the very height of pride and confidence, by a continued line of their success and our misfortunes; of the subjects, the worst assisting them openly, and almost the best leaning to their fortune, out of a despair of ours; the Army discouraged in themselves, and (believe me my Lords, for you will hardly believe) much contemned by the Rebels. None of our Garrisons had stirred abroad, but they returned beaten, the enemy being so far Master of the field, that Tyrone had measured the whole length of Ireland, and was coming back unfought with. And with me they began the war at the very suburbs of Dublin. At that time the choice of the whole Army, and even of every Company (that was left behind) was drawn into Monster by the Earl of Ormond; how beit I being desirous to lose no time nor opportunity, presently gathered together that poor remnant, being the refuse of the rest, with a purpose to have fought with the Traitor in his return, between Fercale and the Ennye: but he hastening his journeys upon some intelligence of my design, and I being the longer stayed (by the difference of the Counsels opinion) from mine intent, it fell out, that I came too late to try that fair fortune with him. The rest of the Spring I was enforced to attend the drawing of divers Captains and Companies from remote and divided Garrisons, that were to be employed for Loughfoyle and Ballishannon; for by your Lordship's appointment, I was to send one thousand other soldiers from these parts, and to cast three thousand more, in consideration of so many sent thither out of England, and to reduce the List from sixteen thousand to fourteen thousand, which at that time was a proportion too little to undertake the war with all; I was further to victual the Forts of Leax and Ophalye, in those times accounted great and dangerous services. And about the fifth of May, 1600, I drew towards the North, chiefly to divert Tyrone and his Northern forces, from giving opposition to the Plantation at Loughfoyle, but withal purposing, if I found means for victuals and carriages, to have left a Garrison at Armagh. The first I did thoroughly effect, for I gave way to those of Loughfoyle to land, and settle quietly, drew Tyrone with his chief forces upon myself, and in all the fights I had with him, made him know, that his fortune began to turn, and broke those bounds of his circuit, whence he was wont to affront our greatest Armies; for in that which was last before this called a Northern journey, when the Army consisted almost of double numbers of Horse and Foot, they were by the Traitor forced and arrested within the confines of the Pale. At my return, I finding by observation in my journey (wherewith the whole Counsel did concur in opinion), that the Garrison of Loughfoyle would do little hurt to Tyrone, except there were forces left at, or about Armagh, since they might easily fly out of their reach, and should enjoy between Dungannoa and the Pale, one of the largest and most fertile Countries of Ireland, we became suitors to your Lordships in june 1600, that with more men, and more provisions you would enable us to that Plantation, and in the mean time I intended the service in Ofalie and Leax, the strength of the rebellion in Lemster, and most dangerous Rebels of Ireland. And whereas the last time the Army passed through Leax (being one of the greatest that hath been at any time together in this Kingdom), it was encountered and almost distressed by the only Natives of that Country, it pleased God, that in all our conflicts, which were many, we so prevailed against them, as though all the Rebels in Lemster were then gathered together, yet by killing Owny mac Rory, with many of the best men of both Countries, and by utterly spoiling them (that were exceeding rich in all means for life), they have never since been able to make head any otherwise, then to live dispersed in little numbers as Woodkernes, and daily are consumed and wear away. And further, in that year we recovered all the Earl of Ormonds' pledges. Upon the arrival of the supplies sent by your Lordships, although the time of the year were far spent, and indeed over-farre to plant Garrisons to any great purpose, for the next ensuing winter, and that, at that instant we were ill provided both of victual and money, yet we set forward, and the fifteenth day of September came to Dundalke, and encamping two miles from thence, within half a mile of the entrance of the Moyry, we found that pace (by which we were to pass), being naturally one of the most difficult passages of Ireland, fortified with good art, and with admirable industry, (the enemy having raised from mountain to mountain, from wood to wood, and from bog to bog, long traverses, with huge and high Flankers of great stones, mingled with Turf, and staked on both sides with pallades wattled), and possessed with one of the greatest Armies that ever they were able to make But that which was our main impediment, was the extremity of the weather, and great rain, which made the rivers unpassable, how be it in the end the waters somewhat falling, after we had endured more than credible hardness, and given many, and those violent assaults on their trenches, we wan our passage, and immediately planted a garrison within eight small miles of Armagh, now called Mount Nerreys, for at Armagh the grass was so consumed, that we could not have lived there with our Horses, while the place should have been made tenable, and this other garrison was thought ncessary to be possessed, though Armagh itself had been planted, and in the mean time of little less effect. And so far did we stretch out our victuals, & improve our time, and all other provisions, that having Tyrones' Army continually within little more than musket shot of us, within two days we made this Fort guardable, and left therein all our baggage, that with all our means for carriage, and even with many of our own Horses, we might from the Newry convey as much victuals thither, as might be, which we performed in so short a time, and yet in so good time, that we were forced to fast two days in our return. This garrison could not be to such effect as it should be, because we had not victuals enough to leave a compitent proportion for a sufficient number of men, neither could there any Horse be left for want of means for them. Nevertheless, that Winter there was great good service done by those of that Fort, commanded by Captain Edward Blaney, a very worthy and painful Gentleman.  
I do not repeat the manner of our fights, nor the number of them, both before, and after in our return, wherein the Rebel seldom scaped without a blow; and namely in the pace of Carlingsord, where he received a notable overthrow: Neither set I down any thing in this, to amplify our own doings or endeavours, but to give your Lordships an account, how this season was lost from making such plantations, as by taking their effect in the Winter, should in short time have broken the heart of the Rebellion, and to let it appear unto your Lordships, by the many difficulties and oppositions we found in only bending this way, how unpossible it had been for us at the same time, with the numbers we had, to have planted in other places, which had been as necessary as this, to have made a sudden end of the war. And among other considerations, your Lordships may be pleased to conceive that albeit the List of the Forces here in Ireland, being unitedly considered, may appear to be sufficiently great, yet dividing the same into his parts, as three thousand in Monster, three thousand at Loughfoyle, one thousand for Knockefergus, and almost two thousand in Connaght, the remainder (whereof I have been only able to prevail myself, and wherewith I have sustained the burden of the War, both in Lemster and the North), can hardly bear such diminution, as 〈◊〉 Armies are subject unto, in their deficient men, with so many subdivisions, as I am necessarily constrained to make, for the guarding of important places (as with the Earl of Ormond, in Leaxe, Ophalia, and divers other parts) to defend the subject from the incursions of Rebels, and yet leave me a competent Army to try a fortune with all the Rebels of the North, which we must be prepared for, seeing no such diversion can be expected from the foresaid Garrisons, as is able to hinder the light footed Kerne (having fled their Creaghts into their fastnesses) from joining their utmost strength from the 〈◊〉 parts of their associates, in less than three days warning. Whereas we on the contrary, in case of present use, can hope for no manner of assistance from our disjoined troops, within the compass of as many weeks. And besides these impediments, and many other, I did neither then nor at any time since, meet with any more hurtful to my proceedings, 〈◊〉 the restraint of our extraordinaries, and the want of all such kind of necessaries, as your Lordships were persuaded were only fit for a more royal war; whereas the substance of extraordinaries, growing chiefly by huge provisions of carriages, to convey victuals, and waste therein, by large proportions of Pioneers, and other Workman's tools, with divers other sorts of engines, and engineers, for fortification, and passages over Rivers, and other places otherwise unpassable, by materials for the same, rewards for spials and other services, I will boldly affirm what I presume I can prove to your Lordships, that there is no war in the World, that to be effectually followed, doth require a more liberal expense for provision of all these things, than this, and of all other extraordinaries, saving the charge of great Artillery, whereof also in some measure, though in a far less than other places, we have great use. And of many (perchance more forcible) to present unto your Lordships oriely these two reasons: An Army is no where arrested with so many Rivers and unpassable Marshes; as here: Secondly, where the war is to be made to best effect, we find no means of victuals, or any other necessary provision, but what we bring with us. To redeem the loss of this opportunity for plantation to so good effect as it should have been, I undertook with an Army no greater than a reasonable garrison, to make the war of Lemster, in the depth of Winter. And first I fell into the Glinnes, the fastest Country of Ireland, and till now of all the parts of Lemster, only untouched, where I first spoilt all the Country, and made donnel Spantgah, whom before I had received to her majesties mercy, to join with me therein, and after forced Phelim Mac Feogh, and all the Tools, (the most pestilent infestors of the Pale) to submission, who have since showed more appearance of good subjects, then ever I knew or heard of any of these Rebels. After going up and down as far as Athlone, I fell into Fercale, forced Tyrrill out of an exceeding great strength, and banished him, and in effect all the Oconnors, out of Ophaly into the North. Returning towards the North, I spoilt all the Ferny, with a journey where I was present, and wherein (besides many other) were killed two of Ever Mac Cooleys sons. I wasted the Fuse by Sir Richard Moryson, planted a garrison above twenty miles from the Pale in the Brenny by Sir Oliver Lambert, and returning to Drogheda, by the general advice of the Counsel, I took in Turlogh mac Henry, Lord of the Fuse, and Ever mac coolly Farmer of the Ferny, Sir Ohy Ohanlon a Northern Lord, and many of the Macmahowns and Orellies, who all besides their greatest oaths, gave us such as were thought their best pledges for their loyalty. And to lose no part of this beginning year 1601, having settled the new Submitties of Lemster, and the borders of the North, with as great assurance as I could, I drew again into the North, before the general hosting for that year could be in readiness, and cleared and assured the passage of the Moyry, by cutting down most part of the Woods, and building a Fort there: Then I went into Lecayle, wholly possessed by Mac Gennis, and took in all the Castles in those parts: From thence I went to Armagh, and there placed a garrison. And albeit at this time the continual rumours we heard of preparations in Spain, made us proceed somewhat more irresolutely in our main course of plantation and making the war in Tyrone itself, yet we went forward with an intent, to draw Sir Arthur Chichester by Loughsidney into Tyrone: to plant a garrison at the Blackwater: to force a passage somewhat beneath it to meet him, and by building a Fort and Bridge upon the passage, to have made Dungannon itself the Centre, whether without any great difficulty the Garrisons of Loughfoyle, Armagh, Knockfergus, Mount Norreys, and ell other of the North, might at all times meet together, to beat and absolutely to banish the Arch-traitor out of his own Country: and in the performing thereof, to have spoiled all the Rebels corn saving such as should be within the command of those Garrisons, whom (with the countenance of the Army in the Harvest time) we resolved to enable to make large provisions thereof, for themselves and their horses. And so far had we proceeded in this course, that we had forced Tyrone from the Blackwater, where he lay with his Army, and had fortified and enreached there with great art: we had cleared the passage intended to Dungannon (the making of the bridge only excepted, which we meant to supply with a float), and spoiled most part of their standing Corne. About which time the assured news was come unto us of the arriving of the Spaniards, which first staying, and after clean diverting our course, we were driven by their coming, to bend our counsels, to defend her majesties Kingdom from foreign invasion, that before were busy to recover it from inward rebellion, and to that end to break off our work, and to leave the further prosecution of that business (the places already possessed only preserved.) By this continued time, wherein the Army from the first was led on in action, enduring all seasons, and more fights then (I think) ever Army did in so short time, your Lordships must not wonder, if to make head against the Spaniards, we drew up weak Companies: for besides deficients by sickness, and death, there were many Companies that had thirty and forty hurt men in them. Yet upon any uncertainty (how probable soever), I was loath to lose to her Majesty the chief benefit of one whole years service, till I was fully assured of their landing, and therefore first drew myself only with a few horse into Monster, and never sent for the forces, till the very last pinch of necessity. And thus have your Lordships also the reasons, how this second year was lost, without laying the new foundation for rooting out of the Rebels, though God be thanked it was won in defending her Kingdom from a powerful and ambitious invader, to his dishonour, and I hope also to the more sound and sudden subversion of the Rebels. I will speak nothing of the service at Kinsale, since to my great comfort I do find her Majesty and your Lordships so well satisfied therein, but so behoveful for the public good I conceived it, to make a clean riddance of them out of this Country, and as much as I might to assure in them the performance of their departure, that it was necessary to keep the Army in those parts until we were quit of them. And to give them the less advantage, if they had purposed falsely, I presently conveyed the Cannon into an Island that doth absolutely command the Haven of Kinsale, with a sufficient guard, and beginning a fortification there at that instant to maintain it, I took order they should have no more victuals sold unto them, than I presumed would but serve them from day to day, and for their provision of bread, in effect they spent on their own store. So that I could have been able at any time to invest them again, on as ill or worse conditions than I left them. But before the wind and other provisions served for their departure, he Winter was so far spent, that we could not in the fittest time return the Companies to their Garrisons, nor otherwise could we have done it, because the places were not stored with victuals, nor any provision for horse. And yet those little remnants that were left to defend those places, did many excellent seruiees, and now I hope your Lordships shall daily hear of more, the whole forces being returned. What course we have thought on for this next Summer, I will not trouble your Lordships with the repetition thereof, being set down and delivered to Sir Oliver S. john's. Only this I beseech your Lordships to give me leave to remember you of, out of a public durie how much soever it may seem to taste of my private ends, that you continually enjoin me, and I as much endeavour, to decrease the List, yet you still send over new Captains, and command me to bestow Companies on such, as give them up in England, to others recommended by them, unto whom (to deal plainly) most of them do sell them. And even of late I have received your Lordship's letters for the increase of some particular men's Companies. When I cast the Captains which your Lordships send over, I procure their hate, and many of your Lordship's displeasures, besides their own friends that favour them. If I do not increase such as you commend, I do incur the like. If I cast those Companies and Captains, that in so many trials I do know to be best able to do her Majesty service here, I shall despair, or at least be diffident hereafter, of doing any good, and yet have they most reason to condemn me of injustice, and to importune your Lordships to be otherwise relieved, that have spent most of them their Mouds, and all of them their continual labours, even in mine aye for the recovery and defending of this Kingdom. I humbly desire your Lordships, since heretofore it was my fortune to be hated of few, that you will preserve me from becoming odious, by doing that which is fittest for the service. For I have already tasted of their spleen, whom (God knoweth) against my will I have been forced to cashier, though I have dealt more favourably with some of them, whom being loath to harm, I have rather commended, when my only fault was, that I did not punish them. And since I hope, God will so bless our work, that ere it be long, we shall much diminish the number of our labourers, if in that great cashering; there be not means to preserve the best Captains, I would be loath to be the man, that should undertake the conclusion of the war. And now I do humbly desire your Lordships to pardon me, if out of my great care to satisfy you in all things, I have troubled you with so long, and (I fear me) so unworthy a letter of your Lordships reading, etc.  
Instructions being given to Sir Robert Gardiner, and Sir Oliner Saint john's, whereby they might satisfy her Majesty in all points, touching the present state of her affairs in this Kingdom. The Lord Deputy with some Commanders, divers voluntary Gentlemen, and his servants attending him, rode to Dundalke. And whilst he there attended the coming up of the forces, and the arriving of victuals, with other necessaries that might enable him to take the field, his Lordship on the thirtieth of May, received from her Majesty this letter following.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
RIght trusty and well-beloved, We greet you well. Whereas the payment of our Army in that Kingdom hath been of late years made partly in money by certain weekly lend, and partly in apparel, which course of payment was instituted upon good considerations, to prevent the fraud which divers Captains of evil disposition did exercise upon their Companies. Notwithstanding we have 〈◊〉 by your letters, and by the reports of some persons (who have had credence from you to deliver the same to our Counsel here), that such manner of payment hath not wrought that effect which was expected, in causing our Companies to be kept fuller, and yet is, by reason of the late alteration of the standard of our moneys there, more chargeable to Us, than the payment in ready moneys would be; We have therefore thought good to cease that manner of payment from henceforth, and to revive the old manner of payment in money, after the rate of eight pence by the day of the new standard to each soldier, which course Our pleasure is, shall begin to take place from the first day of this month of April, and to be continued by your Warrants to Our Treasurer directed; and shall be made from time to time by way of imprests to each Captain for himself and his Company, at your disaretion, according to the state of their Companies, or to the necessity of Our service, until the days of full pays, which We are pleased shall be made twice in every year, viz. at the Feasts of Saint Michael the Archangel, and the Annunciation of the Virgin Marie. At which times Our pleasure is, that all our Army shall be fully and clearly paid of their whole wages, all defalcations due upon them, being formerly deducted. And for that purpose We will provide, that against that time, there shall be in Our Treasurer's hands money sufficient to make full paids. And whereas by your latter letters, written since our council signified unto you, that We were pleased to restore this kind of pay; you do require, that for the establishing thereof with contentment of our Army, two things may be 〈◊〉 observed. The one, that Our Treasurer may have money in his hands sufficient from time to time for performance of this payment. The other that the Exchange be duly maintained on this side, without which you allege, that there will arise inconveniencies intolerable to the army; we are pleased for your satisfaction herein to assure you, that in both these I oints we will take such order, that neither our Treasurer there shall want moneys of the new standard for payments necessary in that Realm, nor the banks here, sterling moneys, to make good the exchange, according as it is established by our Proclamations. Although in this point we cannot omit to let you know, that we see no cause or such vehemeni complaints, as your letters do import, of default in the exchange, for that upon examination we do find, that of three or four and fifty thousand pounds returned in this last year, there is not unpaied at this present above six thousand pounds, which considering our excessive charges in that year, ought not to give to any much cause of offence. These two points like as we are pleased to observe, in such manner as we have written, to the end that thereby our Army and subjects may perceive how great our care is, that they should receive contentment in things due unto them. So on the otherside, for that a strait observation of the same on our part, without a good correspondency of yours and theirs, to remedy some inconveniencies which thereby may be cast upon us, may prove very burden some to us, we are to admonish you of the observation of two other points necessary on your part and theirs to be observed. The first is, that whereas heretofore, when this manner of payment in money only, which now is received, was in use, through the corrupt disposition of some Captains, and for want of good discipline in our forces, great frauds were committed, as well to us, in not keeping the full numbers by us allowed, as also to the soldiers, in detaining their wages or part thereof from them, which deceits without good caution now to be used, may be again renewed. We do therefore expect, that you shall establish so good a course of discipline for the ordering of our Bands in this point, as that we shall not be hereafter abused in decay of our numbers, as heretofore we have been which you shall never so well prevent nor alien men's minds from like frauds, as by insticting notorious and exemplary punishments upon Captains and Officers when their faults in this kind shall appear to be notorious, not only by casting them out of our pay, but by degrading, and other notes of ignominy, which in military discipline are used to be justly done to men, who by their shameless actions do not only bring shame to their profession, but to the public services notable impediments, and in a manner an evident treachery. And as this first change of payment in apparel to be paid in money, had his first motion from you our Deputy, and the principal Captains and Officers of the Army, in which you now note peril, if the exchange be not maintained. As it is true that that must be supported by us, and shall be, so we know none must prevent the Captains taking of pay for their soldiers apparel, and not bestowing it, but yourself, of whose care and judgement we have great reason to assure ourselves, both for your love to our service, and your own Honor. The second point which we recommend unto you, is the due execution of our former Proclamations, touching this matter of the exchange, and the assistance of the Master of our exchange, and his Ministers therein, to the end that all frauds, discovered of late to have been used by Merchants, who abuse our Princely intention therein for their private gain may be remedied, and therein chiefly that the use of all moneys descried may be taken away from the people of that Country, and withal sterling money, may be brought into our Exchange, upon such conditions as our Proclamations contain. For that we do find that our intent in the erection of this new Coin, can no way so soon take place, as by withdrawing all other moneys from them, whereby the Rebels may exercise traffic with foreign Nations, and by them be relieved, wherefore you may add to the remedies in our said Proclamations mentioned, any other good means that in your judgements shall be thought meet to be be used, and publish the same by Proclamation in our name, or advertise us of your conceit, to the end you may have warrant from us, to do that which we shall think meet to be done therein Further we have thought good to admonish you, that forasmuch as the winter apparel already delivered to the soldier, will not be run out until the fourteenth day of May (inclusive). And that it is likely, seeing you know already that we purposed to take away the delivery of apparel, you have furnished the Companies in am thereof with some money by way of imprests, whereby it may fall out, that we shall be double charged. Therefore you our Deputy shall take order with our Treasurer, that upon the half years full pay, to be ended at Michaelmas next, defalcation be made of so much, as any Companies shall have received between the first of April and the fifteenth of May above their weekly lend, if so much shall be then over paid to any Company. Given under our signet, at our Manor of Greenwich, the eight and twentieth of April, in the four and fortieth year of our Reign.  
In the beginning of june, the Lord Deputy having gathered the forces together, 
The Lord Deputy enters into Tyrone.  took the field, and marched up to Blackewater, to the passage, which he had the last year discovered to be most convenient to carry her majesties Forces that way into the heart of Tyrone. At this passage, lying some five miles Eastward from the fort of Blackewater, his Lordship encamped on the South side of the River, having a small pace or skirt of wood between him and the River, of which pace he had the year before cut down many trees, so as at this time the passage was soon cleared. Hence his Lordship sent Sir Richard Moryson with his Regiment, to possess the North side of the River, for securing of the Army's passage against any attempt of the Rebels. Thus the Queen's forces being entered into Tyrone, there encamped, and his Lordship spent some time in causing a bridge to be built over the River, and a fort adjoining, to guard the passage, which of his own Christian name was called Charlemount, and left Captain Toby Cawfield, (with his Company being one hundred and fifty) to command the same. From the Camp the Country was plain and open to Dungannon, being distant some six miles, and while these works were in hand, we might see the Town of Dungannon and Tyrones' chief House there seated, to be set on fire, whereby it was apparent, that Tyrone with his forces meant to fly and quit those parts: So as the Lord Deputy sent Sr Richard Moryson with his regiment to possess Dungannon, whether his Lordship soon after marched with the rest of the forces.  
By this time Sir Henry Dockwra Governor of the Forces about Loughfoyle, having planted many garrisous in those parts, had lately planted a garrison at Omy, (being some twelve miles distant from Dungannon), whence he came with his forces, and met the Lord Deputy at Dungannon. Thus the Lord Deputy having driven the Archtraitor out of his own Country, as high as the Castle Row upon the Ban, sent out some parties to spoil and pray the Country as far as Eniskillin upon Lough Erne. Then he took some of Tyrones' strongest islands, namely, one wherein he had a strong Fort, where we recovered three pieces of her majesties artillery, and another Island called Magherlowni, which next Dungannon was the chief place of his abode, and Magazines for his war.  
From Dungannon the Lord Deputy sent Sir Richard Moryson with five hundred foot, to meet Sir Arthur Chichester, who came with his forces from Carickfergus, and was to pass Loughsidney, and land within few miles of Dungannon, where they being met, did according to the Lord Deputies direction, begin to raise a Fort. In the mean time the Lord Deputy having utterly banished all Tirones partakers out of those parts, marched five miles from Dungannon to Loughsidney, where Sir Arthur Chichester lay with his forces, and his Lordship encamped there, till he had made the Fort defensible to contain above one thousand foot, and one hundred horse, which were to be victualled from Carickfergus by the way of the said Lough. This Fort of his Lordship's Barony, he called Mountioy, and made Sir Bentamin Berry (his Lieutenant, and now one of the Colonels of the Army) Governor of the same for the present service, which being done, the command of the Fort was left to Captain Francis Roe. Likewise for the present service Sir Arthur Chichester commanded in chief the forces to be left there, which he might draw out upon all occasions of service, as out of all other garrisons in those parts towards Carickfergus.  
While his Lordship encamped here upon Loughsidney, he received the eighth of july letters from her Majesty, signifying by her own hand, that she was glad of his recovery of that sickness which did surprise him, after his many cares and labours both of body and mind in the siege of Kinsale, commending much his providence, that notwithstanding his own state of body, he did set on foot such preparations for the summer's prosecution, as nothing should be wanting when the time should serve. That how soever her sensible feeling of her subjects burdens, caused her daily to call upon him and all other Ministers for the speedy and careful easing thereof, yet he should wrong both her and himself in believing, that thereby any errors were imputed to himself, whose endeavours in that Kingdom had much improved her opinion of him, and should rather conceive that thereby she would give him more occasion to call all others to a severe account, who in places under him neglected her service, and for private gain sought to prolong the war, all other judgement of her valuation of his services making him guilty of his own grief, and being far from her disposition towards him. That since this Summer, he meant to lay the Axe to the root of the tree, by prosecuting the Arch-traitor, who had nothing to bear him up but false rumours of Spanlsh aids: This Summer (if ever any) was the time to end the war, since by supplies sent to the States, she had stopped the currant of the Spaniards progress in the siege of Ostend, and had also set a chargeable Fleet to Sea, to attend upon the Coast of Spain, and prevent the arrival of any his forces in Ireland. That the reducing the Arch-traitor by her Sword, being the only agreeable satisfaction she could receive for the mischiefs fallen upon her loving subjects, by his iniquities, she conceived the most ready means for effecting the same, was to draw from him the chief Captains of Countries. To which purpose her pleasure was, that the Lord Deputy should receive to her mercy such of them, as truly and humby sought it, wherein without prescribing him any particular course, who best knew all circumstances, only she gave this caution, to provide against former mischiefs, that whereas commonly the Rebels, fearing to be spoiled, were wont to contract underhand with the Arch-traitor, to submit themselves, thereby for the present to save their Country, and to give succours to the Rebels Creaghts under hand, and after the return of the Army to revolt again; now he should consider the inward motives of their craving mercy, and where he could not ruin them without spending more time and charge, than the main action would permit, there to deal with them in a more easy manner, otherwise to give more sharp impositions in the conditions of their submissions, and by wasting their goods, to make their obedience more durable. That she judged one condition necessary, not to pardon any, but upon service done, not only upon those whom particularly they hated, but upon any other as they should be directed. That as an argument of her confidence in him, she gave him power of war and peace; only one thing she professed to see no cause to leave unexempted, namely the pardoning of the Arch Traitor, a Monster of ingratitude to her, and the root of misery to her people, thinking all other mercy then the proscription of him to all manner of prosecution, merely incompatible with her justice, and therefore commanding not to receive him upon any conditions, but upon simple submission to mercy for all things (life only excepted), & to make this her pleasure known to all his complices, persuaded by him that he may be pardoned at his pleasure, & so fearing to leave him, lest after they should be left to his superiority & revenge.  
Concerning fortifications against foreign invasion, her Majesty gave allowance to repair the Fort at Waterferd, and to build Forts in the Harbours of Cork and Kinstle, and to build a Fort at Galloway, and at Carlingford, (but this last was not effected, his Lordship less fearing the descent of foreign forces within Saint George's Channel), and further to build such small fortifications, as he the Lord Deputy should think mere, aswell for the present planting of Garrisons in Tyrone as otherwhere, employing therein Captain Bodley, or Captain Hansard, being with the Army, or Paul Yuye, being in Monster, or any whom his Lordship knew fit to oversee and contrive these works. Concerning Neale Garue, who held part of Odonnels Country as yet by a custodium, her Majesty gave warrant to pass the same to him by letters Patents; yet in regard of his tickle disposition, to make such restrictions therein, as he the Lord Deputy and the Counsel here should think meet, and to pretend the same to be done by her majesties special direction.  
The Lord of Deluin, upon succours given to the Rebels, and conferences had with Tyrone, at his coming out of the North into Monster, in the doubtful time of the siege of Kinsale, had since been imprisoned in the Castle of Dublin, and now her majesties pleasure was, that he should be called to his trial before some of the Counsel (though it came to no effect, he dying in prison before the time prefixed for his calling to answer), there being matter enough to charge him with underhand favouring the rebels, howsoever peradventure there would be found no plain matter to question him for his life (wherein her Majesty professed no Prince on earth less allowed any proceeding, where the proofs were not more clear than day light) and so her Majesty, howsoever being disposed to forbear severity, yet resolving to use correction of so ill an instrument.  
The same eight day of july the Lord deputy received letters from the Lords in England, wherein after congratulating his Lordship's recovery, as one to whom (both in respect of her majesties service, wherein almighty God had extraordinarily blessed him, and for their own particular affection) they wished both health and honour. Their Lordships at large signified, that the grounds, of the Summer service were so well laid, as no man coul disallow them. That supplies of men were sent, and those without Captains. That for the victuals required, her Majesty thought it an unsupportable charge to provide one years victual for fourteen thoulsand men, yet they had so reconciled the demand and the provision, as the demand being for one year, and the whole numbers by pole, the provision was answerable to the numbers, but not for the whole time, experience teaching, that the defects in the numbers would supply the abridgement in the time, besides the help of many garrisons taking half victuals and half money, and that beeves might be bought in every Country with mixed money (whereas the victuals in England were provided with sterling money.) That concerning fortifications he knew her majesties pleasure, praying him to commit that work to such discreet and honest persons, as her Majesty might neither be put to unnecessary charges, nor deceived in the disbursements. That more than forty thousand pounds had been paid to Merchants in London for bills of exchange, granted by the Treasurer to Irish Merchants, for satisfying their debts due in London before the alteration of the standard, which absurd course he could never have held, if he had given no Merchant any bill of exchange for any more money than he could bring good proof to have disbursed, or to owe for Merchandise brought into the Kingdom. That whereas upon his Lordship's motion, and the Captains good liking, her Majesty had been pleased to commit the appareling of the soldier to them, against which resolution now many reasons were produced, their Lordships found further impediment, in that three hundred pound impressed to each Captain before hand was required, and their sufficiency for the greater part to answer such a sum, was so doubted, as it was thought her majesties money should run a hazard, whereas formerly the Contractors gave her Majesty time, and beside put in good suretics to answer all defects. Besides that, it was feared the Captains would either let the Soldier go naked, or fill their Companies with Irish, who would require no apparel; requiring to know his Lordship's judgement, whether the old course were fitter to be continued then this. Lastly, that they conceived the King of Spain, had not fully abandoned his purposes for Ireland, yet were advertised that her majesties Fleetlying upon that Coast, made him for the present rather apply his Counsel to stand upon defence, esteeming it dangerous to put to Sea while her majesties ships were so ready to attend him: so as they hoped his Lordship should not be interrupted by any foreign power, although no certainty could be given of such actions of Princes, who having many designs, and for them many preparations, may change minds at their pleasures.  
In the same Camp, and the same eighth of july, the Lord Deputy received the following letter from Master Secretary Cecyll, between whom a firm combination of love (or at least) so firm as to such great persons is incident, had long been practised, and now within few months had been finally confirmed.  
MY Lord, if I were now to begin the frame of our friendship, I should be curious to fasten it with all the ten nails that belong to Architecture, because in the beginning men are curious to observe Minutissima: but I that know how strait the knots are tied of our affections, by the mutual offices of love and confidence, do not tie myself to these compliments, which are held of great consequence, but in vulgar and light friendships. Let that argument serve therefore for excuse of my long silence, because I judge you by my own affections. To speak of the subject of the general dispatch in this my private letter, were but impertinent, seeing I have joined in the same; & yet seeing I write there as a Counsellor, and here as a friend, that hath bound himself by election, and not by compulsion, I will tell you my opinion sincerely of those, things which are most material in the same: first my Lord I do assure you, that it is not in the compass of my judgement how to maintain that Army, at that height it is at, longer than the time of prosecution, without extreme prejudice of this estate, whereof though you are not the efficient cause, or Sine qua non, yet I must confess, I had rather that lot might light upon any other then upon you, because I would be loath your return should not succeed a diminution thereof, whereby you might receive the thanks for that effect, by which this State feeleth victory more than by any other consequence whatsoever. For this purpose, I must confess, I have endeavoured to prepare her majesties mind to give you the power of compounding with Rebels, both because you draw the Sword which would best cut out the conditions of submission, and because for a while they shall rather hope for, then feel any foreign succours: For the Traitor himself, what you have you see, and therefore I know that must be your warrant, yet will I privately say this unto you, that if her Majesty had not the prejudice in her own thoughts, that he will insult when it comes to the upshot, and so her opening herself in offer of a pardon, would return unto her a double scorn, I am confidently persuaded, that when you have made trial, and shall make it appear, that there is no other impediment, than her majesties acceptation, you shall receive sufficient warrant for conclusion. In the mean time, lest you should say, you are put to do that which is tender to handle, because my word can be no warrant, or for that which is impossible to effect, (which is, that he will trust his life in your hands by a personal submission), first you have warrant to try it for receiving him upon condition of his life, so as therein you may fashion your own course as you list. Secondly, for the point of his not daring to trust the State for his personal coming in, all other things but that may be digested, and that doubt sent over hither, whereby her Majesty shall yet have the honour of refusal, (if God do so dispose her heart), and not he, which her Majesty seeketh to avoid. For the preparation in Spain, I can say no more than I have done, in the joint dispatch, only the continuance of her majesties Fleet upon the Coast; and this breaking out of Byrones' conspiracy, in which Spain hath given the French King occasion of offence, may hinder any present invalions, and so give you more time, then when Don jean arrived it was resolved. And thus have I now of the public affairs delivered you as much, as I know to be worthy of advertisement. My Lord, being somewhat troubled with a pain in my eyes, I presumed to write the ordinary matters of my letter in a borrowed hand, reserving that which was of more privateness to my own self. To assure you of the Queen's acceptation of your services, and of the abolition of her former exceptions, I vow before God, that my heart doth give me that warrant, out of my poor judgement of her dispusition, (more than upon sudden speeches sometime when the first apparition of new charge and likelihood to continue doth present itself), that I might say, Dormito securus: When I can by any occasion, I bring Sir Oliver Saint john's to her Majesty, because he may see how her majesties affections move, to whose report of her language now, to him I do refer me. But to come to the point, my Lord this I say, the way to do your Lordship good, is to increase your merit, and that cannot be done without increasing your means. For the supplies of means therefore to prosecute, I labour (as far as I have credit) to procure you them. For the way to make an end by peace, I think no man seeks more than myself to enable you, by persuading her Majesty to give you that power; wherein when lack of arguments happens, to work her majesties mind (which in her Princely indignation against that Arch traitor is full of obstruction), I do fall to the binding argument (which of all things most concludeth), and that is this: That in short time the sword cannot end the war, and long time the State of England can not well endure it. What in the first is granted, I leave to the things themselves. But for the second kind, I confess that in Tirones case you have nothing that can produce good effect, except there be more mortar sent you to fasten the foundation, which is yet to be laid upon dry stone. For although I know that by this warrant you may safely give care, and can cause him to be dealt with, yet that which you can do for him by this way, will be by him contemned. In which respect, as I know your Lordship hath wisdom enough to conceal the latitude of your Commission, so believe me (out of my judgement) that if the Queen may once perceive, that it is only in her, that he comes not to reasonable conditions, and if she were sure that she should not be scorned, by offering that which he would not accept, than such is her Princely judgement, and such are the minds of us all, that are sworn to give her Majesty true Counsel, as I doubt not, but by our humble importunity upon your advertisements what you find would be accepted, her Majesty would be readily induced to do that, which is so much for her majesties service, being a matter, which if my prayers to God could have otherwise brought to passed in her mind at this time, I know full well how much it had been more advantageous, then to have it sent after occasion, and fittest opportunity. And so much (my Lord) for my Comment upon the text of her Majesties own letter. For your return therefore I remain as I was, that it could be of no other consequence to her Majesty, then for the greatest good of her service, and to yourself infinite comfort and honour. Of which it is superfluous to speak, till time give me more light, and give you more opportunity in this present action, to send me more grounds. Then will I not fail to speak like an honest man, that will neither halt nor practise with you. In confidence whereof, worthy Lord, believe me, that I can be to any subject living, I will be to you, in which I must confess I am more fixed, because I see your moderation, which all that follow you there have not; and therefore in all great things believe me by myself, as I will do you. For if you had not the faculty of distinction of every one's humour, that together with their general and honest affections to you, have also (as most flesh and blood hath) their own private ends (in which they are not ever so judicious as to consider, whether all that is good for them, be good simul & semper for you), I should be often jealous, that they would show me to you in many colours of openness or privacy, as their appetite serves more or less. Of our French news, I have entreated Sir Oliver Saint john to be my Referendary, being of opinion, that Byrone and Awergne are both executed by this time, though I know it not. Their practice doubtless was to have joined with Spain by Sanoy, for some greatness not fit for subjects, but whether so far as to execute any thing against the King's person (as adfaciendum pepulum it is divulged), I cannot confidently speak as yet, because me thinks his own creature could not be such a monster in that kind.  
For Spain I must still say, that I conclude they will assail Ireland again, and that they would have been there ere this time, but for her majesties Fleet, which she hath now returned to tarry out till October. To say where they will land, were a strange speculation: but I do assure you for my own part, that I cannot be diverted from my opinion, that they will again come into Monster. I send you not the news of Sir Richard Levisons taking of the Carrack at Lisbon, because it came but to day by France, but surely I hope it is true, and the Flemings have surely taken one. God send you all happiness and long life to do her Majesty service; of whom I ask no more requital then that if you outlive me, you remember, that Will Cecyll was son to a father and mother that loved you. The chief cause why the Queen is so peremptory towards the Traitor, is that she hath heard, that after Blount went to him, he bragged that he was wooed. Now I know not how true that was, but Sir Robert Gardner seemed to think, that the Traitor in that point was belied. Sir Oliver S. john is very discreet, and worthy your extraordinary favours; he knows well what is fit for every man.  
Your affectionate friend to do you service Ro. Cecyll.  
After the building of Mountioy Fort, the Lord Deputy purposed to follow Tyrone through his greatest Fastness, till he should utterly ruin him, or drive him that way to the Sea: but by reason this degree of prosecution required long time, and already the victuals were wasted, which his Lordship could with any conveniency bring with him, and because the further the Traitor should be followed, his Lordship should be the further from any means to relieve his Forces, he was enforced to alter his resolution, and embrace the following course of itself as good as the former. First, he dismissed Sir Henry Dockwra, to gather and provide for some good numbers of men at the Omy, and to prepare within twenty days, to draw as far as Dungeven in Ocanes country, sufficiently enabled with means to prosecute, and fall upon Tyrone that way. Secondly, his Lp gave order to Sir Arthur Chichester, to do the like by Tomb. And lastly he himself purposed to return within 20 days limited, to make the war upon Tirone by the way of Killetro, lying next upon the border of Tyrones' Country. In the mean time, on all sides they put up as much victuals as they could, to such places as were most fit for the subsisting of these several forces, during this prosecution. His Lp was confident, that the Garrison of the Omy under Sir Henry Dockwra, and the Garrison of Mountioy upon Loughsidney, (where were left 850 foot, and 100 horse) under Sir Arthur Chichesters' command, would restrain Tirone from the Plains into the Fastnesses (where now he was) for the twenty days above limited. In the mean time, his Lordship with the Army intended to lie in such places, as without great convoys he might put up victuals for this purpose, meaning to employ the time in assuring or wasting all the Countries betwixt Blackwater and the Pale. And with this purpose he marched back towards Monaghan, and in the way taking some islands and strong places, though in those and all the former services we had not lost five men of the Army, yet we had the disaster, by a casual shot out of one of the islands, to lose Sir john Barkley, a worthy Gentleman, and Sergeant Maior of the Army, and in another slight skirmish to lose Capt. Willis. Upon the death of Sir john Barkley, his Lp made Sir Henry Davers Sergeant Mayor in his place, and coming into Monaghan, his Lp on the 19 of july advertised the Lords in England of the former services, as also that he had directed Sir Henry Dockwra, and Sir Arthur Chichester, that in case any new Spanish forces should land in Ireland, they should draw unto him with their principal forces, yet leave the Garrisons defensible, as bridles to the submitted late rebels, and a diversion to the rest remaining in rebellion. That howsoever the numbers of those Garrisons seemed to threaten the continuance of her majesties charge, yet it was the most sure way to lessen the Army, and end the war in short time, which only foreign invasion could hinder, in which case, it would be no longer the war of Ireland, but the war of England in Ireland, and would require as royal supplies, as if a part of England were invaded by so mighty a Prince. That the Garrisons upon Tirone were left so strong in numbers, as that every of them a part, might without apparent hazard, not only withstand all the Force, wherewith Tyrone was able in any one place to make head against them, but be stirring with some parties to seek out him and his Creaghts in their Fastnesses, and to keep them from feeding, or stirring upon the Plain, which must necessarily undo the rebels, and this effect of the Summer's service would appear in the next winter. For if in the mean time it were not his Lordship's hap; according to his earnest endeavour, to get Tyrones' head, which was a work of difficulty, not to be hoped in so short a time, yet he was confident to cut off, so many of his members, as he should not be able to continue in any one place, but should be forced to fly from bush to bush like a Wood-kerne, as now he did, so long as the Army kept the field, which being dissolved, he would soon grow to strength again, except the Garrisons were kept strong, so as he might not dare to appear himself, or to feed his Creaghts upon the Plain, which could not be performed without having great store of victuals to maintain the Garrisons. That for the matter of fortifications, whereas their Lordships noted the sums demanded to be excessive, this demand proceeded from a zeal to secure the Kingdom speedily, and by entering into a Royal charge at once, to cut off her majesties continuing charge, which being now above three hundred thousand pound yearly, it seemed good husbandry, if by bestowing one hundred thousand pound at once, especially in the new mixed coin, her Majesty might both secure the Kingdom against foreign invasion, and so bridle the Towns and Country, as half the said yearly charge might be presently saved, and yet the Army might be drawn stronger into the field then now it could be: for it would be less charge to her Majesty, to keep twenty men in a Castle costing five hundred pound the building, then to keep one hundred men in a Fort built for one hundred pound, yet that he would conform himself to her majesties pleasure in that point, employing the money allowed to the best he possibly could. That whereas he the Deputy had moved, that the Captains might provide clothes for their companies, now upon better consideration he thought the old course of clothing them by the Merchants was of necessity to be continued. That touching Neale Garue, his Lordship found him to be of nature fiery and violent, and with all extremely both proud and covetous, and as Sir Henry Dockwra had very well described him to their Lordships, to be in his desires and demands most unreasonable, and almost intolerable, so as he that must contain him within any fitting bounds, especially when he should be denied any thing that he affects, was enjoined to do any thing that he did not like, must be of an infinite patience; for at such times he used to break out in a fashion most hardly to be endured, although his Lordship professed, that he took it rather to be want of breeding, and of knowledge to discern, when he hath good usage and when hard (for through that defect he still thought himself wronged, and out of that conceit grew to that distemper), than any want of good affection to the State. For Sir Henry Dockwra did acknowledge, that upon all occasions of service, that had not appeared evidently to prejudice him in him particular, he showed himself forward, and very ready to the hazarding of his own person very often. In which respect his Lordship holding him worth the cherishing, (being beside well followed by all his Country, so as her majesties service received very great furtherance both by him and them), was therefore resolved, according to her majesties warrant lately received, to pass him the grant of his Country.  
His Lordship further wrote, that he received many advertisements, that the Spaniards were ready to return into Ireland, which though he for his part believed not in regard their Lordships thought the contrary, yet the people here by many letters from their friends in Spain were made confident, that they would make a new and strong invasion, before Michaelmas day at the furthest. That in this regard he made haste to draw the war to some good end, no way so well to be done, as by planting strong Garrisons upon Tirone, and by drawing from him his strongest partakers, to which purpose he had sent Sir Henry Folliot to govern the Garrison lately planted at Ballishannon, who had instructions to receive Mac Guyre to mercy, upon condition he would be content to have his Country divided between O Connor Roe and himself, and would deliver to her majesties use the Castle of Eniskillin with the Ordinance therein. His Lp further signified, that when the Garrison of Ballishannon had effected the intended service, he would leave it as a Ward, this same and all other fortifications being so made, as one small Fort of very good strength was first framed guardable by a few, to which was added a greater Fort of less strength & charge, like to a bawne or yard, wherein many upon occasion might be lodged, so as if at any time one Company were found sufficient, the rest being drawn away, the loss of the bigger Fort, (being commanded by the lesser) would be of little moment, and yet might be kept fit to receive greater numbers, if it were thought fit to send them again at any time. Adding that if the Queen would be pleased to build a little Castle in every one of the lesser Forts, it would greatly lessen her majesties charge in the numbers of men, and yet be sufficient perpetually to bridle the Irish.  
The nine and twentieth of july, the Lord deputy being in Monaghan, received letters from Sir George Carew, Lord Precedent of Monster, by the hands of Sir Samuel Bagnol whom the Lord deputy had sent into Monster to bring from thence fifteen hundred foot, which accordingly he had performed. These letters advertised certain expectation of the Spaniards present invading Monster, with great forces able to keep the field, without any support from the Irish Rebels, which expectation was grounded upon the confessions of many coming out of Spain, and by divers letters sent from thence by the Irish, but especially was confirmed by the arrival of a Spanish ship at Ardea, bringing a good proportion of munition to Oswillyvan Bear, Captain Tyrrell, and other Rebels in Monster, together with a good sum of money, to be distributed among them, for their encouragement to hold out in rebellion, till the Spanish succours should arrive. And the Lord Precedent signified his fear of a general defection, upon the Spaniards first arrival, which he gathered from the confidence of all the Rebels in that Province, who having before sought for mercy in all humbleness, and with promise to merit it by service, now since the Spanish ship arrived, were grown proud (calling the King of Spain their King, and their ceasing from rebellion, to be the betraying of their King and of the Catholic cause), yea, sell nothing from this insolency, though they had been some times beaten by him, many of their chief men killed, and had lost the strong Castle of Dunboy. And the twentieth of july, the Lord Precedent advertised new intelligences of Spanish forces in great numbers, lying ready at the Groin either to be sent for Ireland, or the Low Countries, whereof 2000 being horse, there was no probability that they should be sent by sea for the Low Countries, since they might more conveniently be raised in these parts. Wherefore he resolutely believing they were intended for Ireland, desired 〈◊〉 for speed of intelligences, a running Post might again be established between Cork and Dublin.  
The Lord Deputy by this time had planted a Garrison in Monaghan, wherein he left for the present Sir Christopher S. Laurence with his 25 horse, and 150 foot, and under him Captain Esmond with his foot one hundred fifty. This Garrison lay fitly to secure the Pale from Northern incursions, and to prosecute those Rebels which were like to stand out longest. This done, his Lordship took, burned, and spoiled all the islands in those parts of greatest strength placing wards in some of them. And finding Mac Mahown chief of Monaghan to stand upod proud terms (though otherwise making suit to be received to mercy), his Lordship spoiled and ransacked all that Country, and by example thereof, brought many Chiefs of adjoining Countries to submit to mercy, with as good show of duty and obedience as could be desired, and more strict oaths and pledges than had formerly been required. So as now, from the ban to the Dartcy (including all Tyrone) and from thence to Dublin, the whole Country was cleared, and the chief Lords more assured, than they were ever before. His Lordship placed Connor Roe Mac Guyre (to whom her Majesty had lately given the Chiefery of Fermannagh) in the principal house of Mac Mahown, Chief of Monaghan, lying within two miles of Fermannagh, so as he might from thence easily plant and settle himself in his own Country, and so be able to do her Majesty many good services in those parts.  
This done his Lordship returned to the Newry, meaning there for a short time to refresh his wearied forces. The 29 of july, his Lordship and the Counsel with him, made to the Lords in England a relation of the past services (which for brevity I omit), and wrote further as followeth. Upon such bruits as we hear of a new invasion out of Spain, (the L. Precedent in a manner assuring us that they will in that Province invade presently with a strong Army of 15000 foot and 2000 horse) we are much distracted what next to do; for if we should draw that way, to provide to entertain them, we should lose the advantage of this prosecution, and spend another year unprofitably, which we grieve to think upon, and yet perhaps miss of their place of landing. If we proceed, as we yet intent to draw this war to a speedy end (which is that which we acknowledge we do more effect), we shall be the less able to make that defensive stop to their invasion, that we might, if we attended that business only. We do therefore most humbly and earnestly desire to be directed from your Lordships (who in likelihood best know the Spaniards intentions) which of these courses we should most apply ourselves unto, otherwise we are resolved, whatsoever befall, to prosecute the war Northward with all earnestness, out of the desire we have to draw the war to an end, and ease her Majesty of that excessive charge, which to our exceeding grief we observe her to be at, which we doubt not to effect to her great contentment, and ease her Majesty speedily of a great part of her charge, if we be not interrupted by the Spaniard; for besides the good hold we have gotten of those, that have a ready submitted themselves, which by all arguments of sound and sincere meaning in them, we took to be better and more assured than any that was taken heretofore, since her Majesty and her Ancestors enjoyed this Kingdom, especially with the holds that we have planted among them, we have set down such a plot for the prosecution of the rest, upon all hands at one instant, so soon as we take the field next, which is agreed upon the tenth of the next month, (till which time we have thought fit to refresh this Army overtoiled & wearied out with continual working upon the Forts, that we have made, and with exceeding great marches, which we were driven to, for lack of means to carry victuals with us for a longer time), as we are very confident we shall in short time ruin or subdue all these rebels. For we have left no man in all the North that is able to make any very great resistance, or that hath not made means to be received to mercy, O Rourke only excepted, who hitherto hath been furthest off from feeling the fury of our prosecution. Tyrone is already beaten out of his Country, and lives in a part of O Canes, a place of incredible fastness, where though it be impossible to do him any great hurt, so long as he shall be able to keep any force about him, the wales to him, being unaccessible with an Army, yet by lying about him, as we mean to do, we shall in short time put him to his uttermost extremity, and if not light upon his person, yet force him to the the Kingdom. In the mean time we can assure your Lordships thus much, that from O Caves Country, where now he liveth, which is to the Northward of his own Country of Tyrone, we have left none to give us opposition, nor of late have seen any but dead carcases, merely starved for want of meat, of which kind we found many in divers places as we passed. The forces which last we drew out of Monster, being fifteen hundred foot, above the Monster List, (which the Lord Precedent desired to retain there only till he had ended his business at Donboy) are now under the command of Sir Samuel Bagnol, (presently upon their arrival to the borders) directed by the Annely to prosecute O Rourke, where most fitly he may join with the forces of Connaght, and shall be met withal by those of Ballishannon, commanded by Sir Henry Folliot. All those will help us greatly to pen up the Northern Rebels on that side, when we next attempt them (as by the tenth of August we mean to do) from Loughfoyle and Carickfergus, which Sir Arthur Chithester from thence is now very well enabled for, by the means of the Garrisons we last planted at Tyrone, and upon Lough Sidney, both being on that side of the Lough, that lies next upon Tirene. And as those forces on Connaght side, lie very fitly to assist us, for the speedy dispatch of the work, so are they very ready to entertain the Spaniards, if they should land in Connaght, and not much unfit for Monster, if they should arrive there. We have directed them therefore severally to apply and bend their endeavours to answer these sundry occasions. And this in our providence is the best course that we can think upon; for by the same, if Spaniards come not, we shall go on very roundly with our business, and we hope (by the grace of God) perform it to your great contentment, and if they come (which is the worst), they will be able to make some good defensive war, till we with the rest shall draw unto them, and then we cannot hope to do any more, until your Lordships supply us royally out of England. For if the Spaniard come so strong in horse and foot, as is reported, and as it must needs be thought he will, (finding the error that the last time he committed), it may not be expected at our hands with all the Forces we can draw to head, leaving some Forts guarded, (as we must needs do, to bridle and keep in awe the Country, and to keep our former labours from being utterly overthrown), that we shall be able of ourselves to put them from any place that they have a mind to hold, but must rather give them way, till we be better furnished. We are therefore humbly to desire your Lordships, if the Spaniards arrive, or if you expect them certainly, then to think upon us favourably, and to supply our wants, and that speedily, especially men, munition, and victuals, for this Kingdom will not be able to afford us any thing for such a war, as than we must make, which your Lordships cannot but know far better than we can express, for as we have noted heretofore (which we beseech you give us leave still to remember you of, it will not then be any longer the war of Ireland, but the war of England in Ireland, to the infinite danger and cumber of them both, though for our parts we will most cheerfully undergo the toil and hazard thereof, as it becometh us. To conclude, we must acquaint your Lordships with a very great abuse crept in amongst the Ministers of the victuals, which doth marvelously prejudice her majesties service here: We can never know from any of them when the victuals arrive in any part, whether it be part of an old contract, or of a new, nor indeed whether it be for her Majesty or for themselves: by that means we can never find how we are provided for, nor what we may further expect, and that which worse is, the Rebels get of the best victual that is sent hither, and yet we cannot call the victualler to account thereof, for he affirms stiftely, that he is warranted by your Lordships to sell it for his benefit, and so as he sell it to the subject, (how ill affected soever), it is no fault of his, if the Rebel afterward get it. It is in vain for us by our extreme toil to spoil the Rebel's corn, and waste their Country, (the best way yet found to bring them to obedience), if they can get that English victuals for their money, which we verily think was provided for those that serve her Majesty here, and the best of it too, when the poor soldier hath that which is not worth the eating. Thus much we have of late discovered, which we leave to your Lordship's consideration, not doubting, but it will please you to provide remedy, and so, etc.  
The Victuallers above mentioned, had obtained of the Lords liberty to sell some victuals, upon pretence (as it seems) that the same would grow musty, and must either be sold or lost, but they abused this liberty so far, as the best victuals were sold to the Irish Subjects, and by them, to those that were in actual rebellion, while they made bold to utter their musty provisions to the Queen's Army.  
The seventh of August the Lord Deputy wrote to Sir Arthur Chichester as likewise to Sir Henry Dockwrae, to make all things in readiness against his taking the field, which he purposed to do within three days, and his Lordship projected with them, in case Tyrone should go into Fermanagh, how to turn their faces upon him that way, or otherwise to draw into Cormacke mac Baron's Country, for since her Majesty would not be induced to show any mercy to Tyrone himself, the only way to end the war was to force Cormacke, either presently by fear of his Countries spoiling, or in short time by planting a garrison at the Cloher, to submit himself. Some few days after his Lordship received from her Majesty this following Letter.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
RIght trusty and wellbeloved, We greet you well. Although We have heard nothing from you directly since Our last dispatch, yet We impute it to no neglect of yours, having so great cause to judge the best of your actions, when every dispatch from other parts of Our Kingdom, reports of great honour in the success of Our Army under you, a matter specially appearing by those letters, which We have seen directed to our Treasurer at Wars in Ireland, containing the discourse of your Marches, and abiding in the heart of Tyrone, and the recovery of that Island, and that Ordinance of Ours, which had been foully lost before. In which respect We value the same so much the more acceptably. We have also thought good at this time to add this further, that We are glad to find that you are joined with Dockwra and Chichester, because that is the thing which hath been long wished, often attempted, but never before effected, (being indeed the true consequence of Our Plantation, with great expense both at Loughfoyle and in other parts of Ulster). So as when We perceive that now the time is come, when you may make an universal prosecution, and when We find that your own words give such hope, that this ungrateful Traitor shall never be able to hold up his head again, if the Spaniard do not arrive, We thought it fit to touch these two things following. First to assure you, that We have sent a Fleet to the Coast of Spain, notwithstanding Our former Fleet returned with the Caricke, there to attend his Coast, and all such Fleets as shall be prepared to annoy Vs. Next We do require you, even whilst the Iron is hot, so to strike, as this may not only prove a good Summer's journey, but may deserve the title of that action, which is the wars conclusion. For furtherance whereof, We have spared no charge, even now again to send a Magazine of victual, and other necessaries, to those places, by which you may best maintain those garrisons, with which you resolve to bridle those Rebels. We have heard likewise from Carew our Precedent of Monster, that he hath taken the Castle was held by the Rebels at Beer Haven, and defended with the Spanish Ordinance. In that Province We find by him, that there is constant expectation of Spanish succours, for which reason, and considering what promises the King of Spain doth make them, and with what importunity they beg it at his hands, besides one other craft they use, to hide from him all fear, which might divert him from that enterprise, agreeing amongst themselves, how great soever their miseries be, to conceal the same from him and his Ministers, as appeareth well by a letter of Odonnels own hand intercepted of late, by which he writes to a Rebel called O Connor Kerry, desiring him to advertise him of the state of Ireland, but in no sort to deliver any bad report of their losses, because he would be loath that the Spaniard should know it.  
We do require you very earnestly to be very wary in taking the submissions of these Rebels, who ever make profit of their coming in. Some let slip of purpose by the Archtraitor, others when they have compounded for their own peace, are notoriously known to fill their Countries with more Cattle than ever they had in seven years before, which is a matter that most notoriously discovereth, that the great bordering Traitors, (whose Countries are sought to be laid waist) do find a safe protection for their goods under them. A matter whereof we speak in no other sort, then by way of caution, knowing that no rule is so general, either to leave or take, which may not change, in respect of circumstances. Given under our Signet. At our Manor of Greenwich the fifteenth day of july, in the four and fortieth of Our Reign.  
To this letter, in the Margin, were added these words in her majesties own hand: We con you many laudes for having so nearly approached the villainous Rebel, and see no reason why so great forces should not end his days, whose wickedness hath cut off so many, and should judge myself mad, if we should not change your authority for his life, and so we do by this. Since neither Spaniard, nor other accident, is like to alter this mind, as she that should blush to receive such indignity after so royal prosecution. We have forgotten to praise your humility, that after having been a Queen's Kitchen maid, you have not disdained to be a Traitor's scullion. God bless you with perseverance.  
Your Sovereign, E. R.  
At the same time his Lordship received this following letter from Master Secretary.  
MY very good Lord; it must not seem strange to you, to find this marginal cotation in her majesties letter, whereby the last authority (in pardoning Tyrone) is so absolutely retrenched. For first, as her Majesty (in these cases) may well (out of experience of government) assume more to her royal prudence than any of her Counsel: so (God in Heaven doth know) that even in these great causes, she is pleased to proceed more absolutely than ever, according as she pleaseth to approve her will, by the Rules of her own Princely judgement. So as if you consider how little good the last authority (which was given you to pardon no more but his life) could have effected, you will easily imagine that we thought it to little purpose here, to offend by contestation against this letter, when in both the directions the difference was of so little consequence. Lastly, the change that is, proceeded merely from the hopes which your own letters to the Treasurer have given, of our opinion so to ruin him as he should never be able again to stand; whereof it is true, that her Majesty hath taken so good and comfortable hold, the same being so just and agreeable to the difficulty of her own nature to forgive that offender, as although in effect she had done little more than nothing before, yet she thinks any mercy to him to be much. It remaineth therefore that I resort to explain myself in my former advice, when I and some others wished you, though you had warrant to conclude for no more than life only, that you should notwithstanding (seeing you had warrant sufficient to hear from him), in no case forbear to discover what were his highest, or what would be his lowest; for this was our intent, as faithful Counsellors, if you found the State to be such, as (without his submission to be a Subject) all others coming in would be idle, and that to offer him nothing but life, (which he hath already, and will keep too long, I fear me) were the way to lack that good, which by yielding to more, might have been effected, that then and in such case, you should not forestall him so peremptorily in your dealing with him, as to repel those overtures which he would make: for though you were not to conclude for more than you had warrant, yet when you might send over what it was, and what your opinion was thereupon, it might be, that when her Majesty should see what might have come, she would be content (for the good of her Kingdom) to descend from the greatness of her own heart, full of just indignation against him. These things I touched, out of the infinite caution, whereunto the experience of my misfortune to be misjudged presseth me more violently, than any other, whereby I would secure myself against any doubts, that I would practise upon you in any thing, for any respect whatsoever, which might be pernicious to you, to whom I have professed all honest friendship. For I protest unto you, howsoever it may be some men's Philosophy, to conclude that all private considerations must be extinguished, when there is question of the good of a man's Country, (because it challengeth a part, before Wife, Children, or Friends), yet do I not think it intended by that great rule, that any honest man ought to betray an honest trust of a worthy friend, for any respect whatsoever, unless he knew that friend who is confident in him, false or wicked to his Country, to which he owes so much duty. For that distinction makes great odds in the question: Of this letter therefore when you shall examine the circumstances, you would quickly discern, how little it ought to trouble you, for if you had already treated, you had warrant for it, if you have concluded (according to the authority of that warrant), the new restraint comes too late, if not, then is your Lordship to obey this direction, and in obeying it, to content your Sovereign, as then advised, whereby you are justified to the world whatsoever come, because you have obeyed, and if that success succeed not, which was hoped for by a moderate measure of grace (following an orderly and sharp prosecution and never otherwise to be but at great length), you may then resort to her majesties own self, for as much as you shall come short of that, to which you might have arrived, if you had not been restrained. For proof whereof it will be very fit, that you do write of the conditions particularly, which is all that either you or we can say, where we are all bound, first, to give advice according to our conscience, and then to yield obedience. I do conclude, that it was (for his own particular) a good speech of the Cardinal Granuella, who when he found the Emperor grow more resolute daily against his Counsel, said, He wished that from thence forward his counsel might never be followed; for said he, if it be bad and not received, I am glad for my Country, if good and not followed, yet it must value me to my Master. And so much for that matter: Only this I have thought convenient for both our particulars, seeing it is impossible that this dispatch can come so soon to you, as the Queen may expect, that the Secretary receive it from me, and you from him, for our discharge, lest her Majesty should suspect, that out of zeal to the cause, (howsoever we dare not contest), yet that I have delayed to send it, or you pretend to have been longer without it, than you have been, to which purpose I have written to him, to take care of the sending it to you with expedition, and to advertise me both of his receipt from me, and yours from him. And thus for this time I commit your Lordship to God's protection. From the Court at Greenwich this sixteenth of july 1602.  
Postscript. Pardon me for using another hand, which I hope you will bear with, being of no other subject then an honest Secretary may set down: because I am not sure whether you can perfectly read her majesties hand, I send you the same in a copy, the latter part whereof, being suitable with the former style of favour, that was wont to pass between you, grew by the occasion of your own Postscript, when you wrote to the Treasurer: that you had been a good while in Oneales' Kitchen, which you meant to warm so well, as he should keep the worse fires ever after. God knows I do as much desire to hear of your success, as ever I did to hear of any thing, because upon it judgement may be made, which is likely to follow, your coming or tarrying. In which be assured that I will do you all the right to which religion, honour, and affection can tie me. In the mean time take this comfort, that her Majesty doth feelingly apprehend your virtue, and begins now to speak and write in her wont style, and therefore I grow daily more confident, that we shall spend some years together in her service. For myself I will now give over professions, and so do you, for neither of our hearts have ever been accusable for baseness to our friend, though in our kind we have several tastes of ingratitude, only take this still for assurance, that I am your affectionate friend to command, Robert Cecyll.  
Likewise at the same time the Lord Deputy received this following letter from the Lords in England.  
AFter our very hearty commendations to your Lordship. Although her Majesty hath by her letter taken notice of your Lordship's wise and happy proceedings, by a letter which hath been sent from Dublyn by the Treasurer, upon your taking of the Island in Tyrone, yet we are moved to express our sympathy with your good fortune, both out of duty to the public, and particular affection to yourself, whom God hath made so happy an instrument of her majesties service. We have likewise heard from the Precedent of Monster of his taking in of Beere-haven, whereby we had well hoped that Province would have proved less troublesome than yet we can hope, first because there are many provincial Rebels out, next because the hollowness of those that are reputed subjects, appeareth many ways, (though not so visible to all), which is only maintained by the assurance they have of succours from Spain, whereof (as we have often said) we can make no other judgement, then that what he is able to do, he hath a will to do, and what he hath not done, hath only been hindered by the remaining of her majesties Fleet upon his Coast, and which she resolveth to maintain till Winter be well come on, so as: seeing here is done as much as her Majesty can do, and that many difficulties at home with himself, and actions of others abroad, may make suspension if not divertion from that Spanish invasion. We think your Lordship shall do well, to take time while it serveth in Ulster, seeing we perceive you have now so ordered the matter, as if he should land in the North, you are near him, & if in the South, you have means now to draw most of the Forces of the Kingdom to make head against him. So as we have little else to say for the present, but to commend your proceedings, and expect the success: Although we find your Lordship had very good reason to draw away Sir Samuel bagnol with those extraordinary Companies, which you were content to spare till the taking of the Castle of Donboy, yet we have thought it very convenient, because it is worth your Lordship's knowledge, to let your understand, that if the Spaniards shall attempt to land in Ireland with an Army, all our intelligences do confirm, that it will be in Monster, or upon the nearer parts of Conuaght, and if this Summer at all, it will be between this and Bartholomew-tide. In which respect, we thought it good to remember your Lordship, to have care for a month or two, to send some forces to strengthen that Province, above the List, whereby at their first descent her majesties forces may keep some such reputation, as the Provincials, whose eye will only be upon the Army, may not grow too insolent, nor the Governor there be forced to leave the field. For which purpose we think it not amiss, that you should presently send some horse, though you spare the fewer foot, considering the weakness of those numbers that are there, to answer any such occasion: For the North, although we doubt not but Odonnell is fed with the same hope that the Monster Rebels are, yet we do not expect any great forces to land in those parts more Northerly than the Town of Galloway at the furthest. We have now no more wherewith to hold you at this time, then with the recommendation of all your actions to God's protection. From the Court at Greenwich, this eighteenth of july 1602.  
The Army being refreshed with these few days rest, the Lord Deputy had determined to leave the Newry, and take the field again upon the tenth of August: but upon intelligence that Tyrone purposed to send Brian mac Carty back into Killultagh to disturb those parts, and so to divert the prosecution of Tyrone as much as they could, his Lordship directed Sir Arthur Chichester from Masserine, and Sir Henry Davers from the Newry, to draw part of the forces into that Country, and there to invest the Fort of Enishlaghlin, being the only hold the Rebels had in those parts, in which (for the strength thereof), all the goods of such as were fled into Tyrone, were left.  
This resolution the Lord Deputy signified to Sir Henry Dockwra, who expected to meet his Lordship in Tyrone about this time, according to their former purpose And withal advertised him, that he had sent such a part of the Army to Charlemount, and the other Forts near to the Blackewater, as would be (in a manner) to as good purpose, for any service Sir Henry Dockwra should think fit to attempt upon Tyrone, or for the stopping of him from passing with his Creaghts from the fastness wherein he how lay, as if his Lordship were there present with the whole forces. For his Lordship's troup of horse, being lodged at Charlemount, with more than a thousand foot in List, and Sir Henry Davers his troup of horse, being lodged at Armagh, with some seven hundred foot more in the Forts adjoining, a party of two hundred horse, and a thousand four hundred foot might be drawn by Sir Henry Dockwra from thence, upon any sudden occasion, and these forces, together with the Companies at Mount Norreys, and at Mountioy Forts, were able to do great matters upon Tyrone, if he could discover his purposes by any good espial, yet his Lordship offered himself with those forces he had left, to draw presently up into Tyrone, if Sir Henry Dockwra thought it needful, rather than any thing fit for the service should be omitted. And whereas Sir Henry Dockwra seemed to doubt of Henry Oge his second, his Lordship was so confident of his sound meaning, as he gave assurance on his part, that he would not only not do any thing to give the State offence, but would advertise any thing he could learn to further the service, and rather than fail, would draw his whole force upon Tyrone, to which also his Lordship had by his letters earnestly persuaded him. And touching Ocanes submission, his Lordship wrote to Sir H. Dockwra, that he would be glad to see him, when he came into Tyrone, which should be presently after the business at Enishlaghlan was dispatched, and then he would be willing to give him all reasonable contentment. Lastly, his Lordship advised Sir Henry Dockwra, so to carry his business, as he might be ready to perform his directions, if the Spaniards should again land in Ireland, as a strong rumour went, that they shortly intended.  
The tenth of August the Lord Deputy wrote this following letter to Master Secretary Cecyll.  
SIR I understand from Sir Oliver Lambert, that the fortification at Galloway is almost finished, and that there will be needful for that place, to have four Demy-Cannons, and four whole Culuerings, (but I think it will be well, if they be all Culuerings, and of Iron), which he thinks will make it of very great use against the Spaniards, if they happen to land there, as he suspecteth: For that and other such great works, I think we must necessarily have some good great Ordinance, and therefore beseech you Sir to be a mean, that we may be speedily supplied with a score of Iron Pieces, well furnished; and fitted to be placed there, and elsewhere in Monster, to the most advantage of the service, whereby I am very confident that this whole Country will much the better be secured, and her Majesty greatly eased in her continuing charge, though her present charge seems thereby much increased. I protest I do apply with all carefulness my best endeavours, so to husband this business, as her Majesty in a very short time shall find abatement of her charge here, to her own contentment, if I be not interrupted by the Spaniards; and if they do come, I doubt not but these greater works will keep the Towns (near which they stand) in so great awe, as they will not suddenly nor easily fall to their party, as otherwise in all likelihood they would, so as they show themselves any thing strong before any of them, and then will it manifestly appear, that this cost was bestowed to great good purpose: for the keeping of one Town from revolting, will very well countervail the whole charge, that her Majesty shall be at, in planting of all those fortifications, and yet will they afterwards be such bridles to the Countries all about them, as they shall never be able to rebel again. I conceive that by the placing of a Constable and a convenient Ward in such of them as shall be thought fittest to be maintained, her Majesty shall be better and cheaper served, then by laying of Companies or parts of Companies in them, that must upon occasions be removed. For when one man only hath the charge thereof; who knows that he must be accountable for it, he will no doubt have much the greater care, and may more commodiously be fitted with all things necessary: but then must I in treat you Sir, to take order that these places be not bestowed there at Court, upon such as will be suitors for them, (of which kind I make account there will be many, since I partly know some of them already), for I shall thereby be disabled to do her Majesty the service I affect, and become merely an unprofitable Officer for her, in as much as it will be here soon observed, that when these places are not left to my disposal, who should best know both how every man deserves, and for what each man's serving here is fittest, it will be to little purpose for any of them to make me an eye witness of their well deserving, when it is not in my power to reward them, but will rather use means to her Majesty, or the Lords, hoping to get that they aim at, by a much easier and shorter course, which I confess to you Sir I do with some grief observe, in the recommending of many hither for captains places, when some have given over their charge here, by which means I can neither lessen the Queeries charge, as I would, by cashing of their Companies, nor prefer others thereunto, whom I see daily to have very well deserved it, and by this means comes in, both selling of Companies, (a thing which I would otherwise never suffer), and the placing of such Captains, as those which we found here at the beginning of this war, whose insufficiency had almost lost this Kingdom. I beseech you Sir conceive, that I have just cause to be grieved, that must draw upon myself the hatred of a great many, that I should discharge in the great cash that I intent, who will ever hold me the overthrow of them, and all their fortunes, especially if I be not able to bestow upon some of the worthiest of them, such other places in this Kingdom, as have fallen within the gift of my Predecessors here. Although (God is my witness) this doth nothing so much grieve me, as that I shall thereby be disabled to serve her Majesty as I would, to make a speedy end of the war, that might be both safe and durable, by leaving such in all places, as I know to be best able to serve her, and such as if they did not employ their time in her continual service, might more justly than any other, with their presence importune her for rewards of their former services. And so Sir, etc.  
At the same time the Lord Deputy wrote this following letter to her Majesty.  
May it please your Sacred Majesty,  
I Have received to my inestimable comfort, your gracious letters of the fifteenth of july, for none of my endeavours do satisfy me in doing you service, until I find them approved by your Majesty; and when I have done all that I can, the uttermost effects of my labours do appear so little to my own zeal to do more, that I am often ashamed to present them unto your fair and royal eyes, which is the only cause that I do not more often presume to present your Majesty with the account of my proceedings, led on with a hope and restless desire; to improve them unto some such degree, as might be more worthy of your knowledge. And whereas it pleaseth your Majesty to restrain me from hearkening unto the Arch-traitor Tyrone, were it not in respect of my desire to cut off suddenly the chargeable thread of this war, there could nothing come more welcome unto me, then to be his continual Scourge, and as (by the favour of God) he is already brought to a very low ebb, so utterly to cut him off, or cast him out of this Country. And although I have great reason to presume, that if he be not assisted by any foreign power, the ruin of his estate is certain, yet how, as a Vagabond Woodkerne, he may preserve his life, and how long, I know not; and yet therein I humbly desire your Majesty to believe, that I will omit nothing, that is possible to be compassed. And for the caution your Majesty doth vouchsafe to give me, about taking in submitties to their advantage, and to the abuse of your mercy, I beseech your Majesty to think, that in a matter of so great importance, my affection will not suffer me to commit so gross a fault against your service, as to do any thing, for the which I am not able to give you a very good account, the which above all things, I desire to do at your own royal feet, and that your service here, may give me leave to fill my eyes with their only dear and desired object. I beseech God confound all your enemies, and unfaithful subjects, and make my hand as happy, as my heart is zealous, to do you service.  
Your majesties truest servant Mountioy.  
The Fort of Enishlanghen above mentioned, (the investing whereof made the Lord deputy deferte the taking of the felled), was seated in the midst of a great Bog, and no way accessable, but through thick Woods, very hardly passable. It had about it two deep Ditches, both compassed with strong palisadoes, a very high and thick rampeire of earth, and timber, and well flanked with bulwark. For defence of the place forty two Musketeres, and some twenty swordmen, were lodged in it. But after that our Forces, with very good industry had made their approaches to the first ditch, the besieged did yield the place to the Queen and themselves absolutely to her mercy. So a ward of English was left in the Castle, after the spoil thereof was taken, wherein were great store of plate and the chief goods of the best men in the Country, being all fled to Tyrone, and the men there taken were brought bound to the Newry, and presented upon the nineteenth of August to the Lord Deputy.  
The same day his Lordship wrote this letter following to Master Secretary Cecyll.  
SIR, I have lately written to you at large, and I have now no more matter of importance, to trouble you with, only since my last, we have taken Enishlaghlen, a place of great importance, and the strongest that I have heard of, to be held by any Rebel in Ireland. Henry Oneale, the eldest son of Shane Oneale, is broken out of prison, as his brother did the like long before, and because they do cast themselves (without all conditions) into her majesties protection, I cannot but use them well; but as things stand now, I do not see any great use to be made of them, and I fear I shall be more troubled with them, then if they were still where they were. To morrow (by the grace of God) I am again going into the field, as near as I can utterly to waste the Country of Tyrone, and to prevail the Garrisons there of some Corn, to keep their horses in the Winter, which being done, I will leave the Garrisons to take their effect; which when they are well provided, and aswell placed, will do more than an Army. And Sir, except things fall out much contrary to that, which we have good reason to expect, I presume, that if the Queen keep these Garrisons strong, and well provided all this Winter, she may before the next Spring send into this Kingdom Sir Robert Gardner, with some other good commonwealths men, with her pleasure how much, and how every man shall hold his land, and what laws she will have currant here; and I am confident it will be obeyed. Neither is the reducing of this Province to be too little regarded; for ill inhabited as it was, with no industry, and most part wasted, I can assure you, the Earl of Tyrone in the time of these wars, did raise upon Ulster above fourscore thousand pounds by the year, and to fall from that excess, I think they might be brought to yield the Queen willingly, much more than ever she expected presently, and in time more than I dare now promise. And after this Winter, I think she may withdraw her Garrisons, only leaving Wards in the places, and if I be not much deceived, you shall find, that these men will be the last of all Ireland, that will forsake the Queen's party, and I presume after this Winter do the Queen good service against the Spaniards, if they come: but if they come before, I cannot tell what I may build on: but I perceive by your last letter, they are not likely to be many, and then, although it may stop, yet I hope it shall not overthrow our work. If there be no invasion here, if I do not too much deceive myself, I should do the Queen in her service of this Country more advantage, by my coming over after Michaelmas, than I can do here. This Gentleman Sir Richard Trever I perceive will settle himself in these parts, by the which he may do her Majesty good service; for it is unfit such land as he hath given him, should lie waste, and it will be much better to be ordered by men of his worth and quality. And so Sir I beseech God prosper all the Queen's affairs, and make us able to do her the service, that her Majesty doth expect.  
Yours Sir to do you service Mountioy.  
The next day, being the twentieth of August, the Lord deputy took the field, and encamped in the mid way between the Newrie and Armagh, and there understanding that Tyrone was fled into Fermannagh, and thereupon conceiving that the war was then chiefly to be made that way, his Lordship resolved, first, to spoil all the Country of Tyrone, and to banish all the inhabitants from thence, enjoining such of them as would become subjects, to live on the Southside of Blackwater, so that if Tyrone returned, he should find nothing in the Country but the Queen's Garrisons. Further to prevent his return, and to make the war more conveniently upon him, and the remnant of the Rebels, his Lordship resolved to plant a Garrison at the Agher, being Cormocks chief house, seated near Fermanagh, and near Monaghan, whither Sir Henry Dockura might draw the greatest part of his forces, and whether in one days march (as the passages were now made) most of the forces in the Northern Garrisons might be drawn together. The nine and twentieth day of August his Lordship passed the bridge at Charlemount, over the Blackwater, and that night encamped by Dungannon which his Lordship made defensible, leaving a Ward to keep the place, to be a retreat for our men, going out upon service, and to preserve the Oats growing there about for our horses in the winter.  
There his Lordship received this following letter from Master Secretary.  
MY very good Lord, your Packets of the nineteenth and nine and twentieth of luly, were yesterday delivered me, and withal your private letter to her Majesty, dated the tenth of August, all which were very well allowed of, as hereafter more particularly you shall be advertised, this being rather to advertise you of their receipt, then that there is left any extraordinary matter for me to write unto you, which is not contained in the last dispatches from hence, whereof at the writing of your own, I know you could not advertise the receipt. One great cause of my writing this private letter, is this, that where I see how much it doth distract your mind, to think of Spain behind you, and of the North before you, fearing to be diverted from the conclusion of your labours, you may perceive in what estate the preparations of Spain are now, as I am certainly advertised by one of my own, who is newly arrived from the Ports of Lisbon, where he took shipping the one and twentieth of july last (stilo veteri.). There are two great ships, each of one thousand tuns, one called the Saint Andrew, and the other (which shall be the vice-admiral) the name forgotten, beside there are but twelve ships of two hundred tons, and downwards, in which it was resolved to send some fifteen hundred men, to have relieved the siege at Beer haven, the news of the taking whereof was first known there the tenth of july, being written from Watersord to Lisbon, and not before. Of these fifteen hundred men, eight hundred came from the Groin, being part of those that were transsported out of Ireland. In the Groin remaineth Odonnell, and there is only the great Saint Philip with ten small barks, with which he mightny importuned to be sent into the North. If these had been sent into Beer haven in Monster, hoping upon his arrival with some one thousand or fifteen hundred men, to have raised the siege, possessed some parts, and made a beginning of a Plantation, hereof great benefit must needs have grown to the Rebels; for as those small numbers which should have been landed in Monster, with the bruit of the rest to follow (which is always multiplied), would have made a distraction of the Ulster prosecution, so any petty descent with him in Ulster, would have raised the new hopes of all those Northern Rebels. And truly (my Lord) when it is considered, how great a benefit it is to the King of Spain to consume the Queen with charge in Ireland, by his bestowing only (once a year) some such forlorn Companies, besides that he thereby keepeth up some kind of reputation in Europe, in following on his first design, by sending, though a few, which (being added to that which same spreadeth of great numbers) filleth the world with continual rumour of his undertaking humour, I cannot be secured, but that he will still feed that fire with fuel, although I know it a vanity to believe those other fond reports of such mighty preparations, and such Armies, as he is no way able to embrace: for your Lordship may be assured, whatsoever you hear of gathering of numbers by land to this place or that, they have been only for defence against such attempts, as they did ignorantly suspect from the Queen, and the Low-Countries, and to continue obedience within his Kingdom in the South parts, where the Moors have been very apt to take arms. And for the Galleys whereof we have heard so many to be brought out of Holy; they were intended for some enterprise upon Larache, so as the bruit that they should have come for Ireland was idle. Only it is true, that Sir Ki. Levison defeated those 8 Galleys, which were come as far to the Norward as Lisbon, under the conduct of Spinola, who undertook to bring them into the Low-countries for Sluse, but of those eight two being sunk, a third spoiled, & never able togo to sea, the other 5 were likewise so torn, and the slaves so mangled, as we look not to hear of them in these quarters this summer, so as I assure you, though our carick prove nothing so much as we expected, having been much pillaged, and many of the goods taken wet, yet hath Sir Richard Lonison in this service deserved an extraordinary repetation. Thus have I now delivered, rather (out of my private affection) my private opinion, that no great Army is intended, then that I mean to contest against the contrary opinions (which are here continually multiplied from thence, of the great Armies the King of Spain amasseth), to hinder any preparations which may come from hence, whereby that Kingdom may receive any comfort: First, because I know the very bruit of Levies here, must needs give help to your proceedings; next because I know what a folly it is, in cases which concern a Kingdom, to dissuade any manner of supplies, whereof the lack may prove perilous, especially in this State, which is so exhausted (by that war of Ireland only) as it is an easy work to divert all actions of charge, especially whensoever they may think to secure their opinions, by maintaining those grounds to which I should incline, to whose place it principally belongeth to give best judgement of foreign intelligences. I will only therefore conclude with this, I am sorry to find my Sovereign's heart so great and magnanimous (though I must confess she hath very just cause), as not to be contented to have made virtue of necessity, and by her pardon of the greatest Rebel, to have dissolved the strength of the combination, which being still united with minds of despair, will multiple still alienation, whereof so potentan enemy as is the King of Spain, will ever make his benefit; where I am of opinion, that if he were sure to be pardoned, and live in any security, with the quality of any greatness, such is his weariness of his misery (and so of all the rest), as he would be made one of the best instruments in that Kingdom. But I have now gone on too far, saving that I am apt to take all occasions to exchange my thoughts with you by letters, praying Almighty God so to bless your endeavours, as we may more enjoy each others company, for the good of her majesties jeruice. And so I commit you to God's protection.  
From the Court at Hisham this seventh of August, 1602. Your Lordship's loving and assured friend to command Ro. Cecyll.  
The Lord deputy spent some five days about Tullough Oge, where the Oneales' were of old custom created, and there he spoilt the Corn of all the Country, and Tyrones' own Corn, and broke down the chair wherein the Oneales' were wont to be created, being of stone, planted in the open field. Sir Henry Dockwra, only with some horse with him, did meet the Lord Deputy here, upon the thirtieth of August, and brought with him Ocane, a late Submittie, having left the English foot at the Omy, where in like sort were the most part of O Canes and young O donnels horse and foot, victualled at their own charge, and ready to attend any service the Lord Deputy should command them. The same day his Lordship understood, that Sir Arthur Chichester was coming towards him by Killetro, and that Randoll Mac Sorley had offered him to serve the Queen in that journey with five hundred foot, and forty horse upon his own charge.  
Whereupon the Lord Deputy resolved to march with the Army to Dunnamore, and thence to the Agher, and in the second days march upon the sixth of September, his Lordship received letters from the Lord Precedent of Monster, that four and twenty Spanish ships were bruited to be arrived at Beere-haven, which news, though his Lp kept secret, yet the whole Country was presently full of it, and from all parts he received the like alarms, insomuch as amongst the Irish it was constantly believed, that some Spanish ships were arrived at Carlingford. Notwithstanding, his Lordship left a Garrison at the Agher, being a Castle seated in an Island, and he entrenched a large piece of ground for greater forces, when Sir Henry Dockwra should draw them thither upon any service, and from that Castle his Lordship brought away two brass pieces.  
Tyrone, Brian Mac Art, Mac Mahownd, and Cormack Mac Barron, were fled into the bottom of a great Fastness, towards the end of Lough Erne, whom his Lordship followed as far as he could possibly carry the Army, yet came not within twelve miles of them, beside, they had a way from thence into Orurkes' Country, to which the Army could not pass. Mac Guyre had lately left them, and received the Queen's protection from Sir Henry Foliott, upon condition to put in good pledges for his loyalty, and to give Oconnor Roc Mac Guyre the land belonging to him, and to build up the Castle of Eniskellin, which he lately broke down, delivering the same built at his own charge into the Queen's possession: and Tyrone and his abovenamed confederays were all poor, and all the Rebels following them, were not above six hundred foot, and sixty horse.  
Upon the seventh of September, his Lordship understood by letters from Sir Oliver Lambert, that he was called back from the prosecution of Orurke, by like news of the Spaniards arrival.  
The same day his Lordship sent back Sir Henry Dockwra, and directed him to draw most of his forces (with as much victuals as he could put up) to the Omy and from thence to the Agher, being twelve miles distant & fair way there to be rendent, and to make the war till harvest were passed, being always ready to follow his Lordships further directions upon any landing of Spaniards. Likewise the next day his Lordship sent back Sir Arthur Chichester, directing him to lie at Mountioy Garrison, clearing the Country of Tyrone of all inhabitants, and to spoil all the Corn which he could not preserve for the Garrisons, and to desace all the islands formerly taken, being ready to draw upon the Rebels, if they should make any head; yet with advile to be likewise ready to answer any new directions, if the Spaniards should arrive.  
So his Lordship marched back with his Army, and upon the ninth of September divided all the waste land on the Southside of Blackwater towards the Newry, between Hen. Mac Shane and Con Mac Shane, sons to Shane O Neale, only with leave to live there with their Creaghts, and such followers as should come unto them, till her majesties pleasure were further known, and enjoining them to sow their Corn for the next year upon the Plains.  
Thus his Lordship bringing back with him into the Pale fourteen Companies of foot, and one hundred horse, came to the Newrie the eleventh of September, and the next day in his and the Counsels letters to the Lords in England, after the relation of the former services, wrote as followeth.  
We have taken the best pledges we could of such as are become subjects, all of them have assisted us with Cows, most of them with carriages, with men, and with their own presence, so as if foreign forces do not arrive, we make no doubt of them, nor to bring the rest to what terms shall be fittest for her majesties Honour and profit. We have thought fit to suffer most of the Natives of Tyrone, (the rest being put over the River of the ban), to follow Henry and Gon Mac Shane, and perchance many of them will not quit them, though the Traitor should return and grow strong. But for all cuents, we have spoiled and mean to spoil their Corn, & in respect of the garrisons, and of the Blackwater, their Creaghts can hurdly return, but they will be still at our command. If they should prove false, we have good bridles upon them, and at any time their followers, upon leave to dwell in Tyrone, will easily forsake them. These followers seem to desire nothing more, then to hold their land of the Queen without any dependency upon the Oneales'. Howsoever, for the present; we think good to hold them thus together, partly for the good of the service, and to give these two young men some lively hood, who (with the rest) being utterly rejected, might by some desperate course much prolong the war; and partly (we must confess freely) our of human commiseration, having with our eyes daily seen the lamentable estate of that Country, wherein we found every where men dead of famine, in so much that Ohagan protested unto us, that between Tullogh Oge and Tomb there lay unburied a thousand dead, and that since our first drawing this year to Blackwater, there were above three thousand starved in Tyrone. And sure the poor people of those parts never yet had the means to know God, or to acknowledge any other Sovereign than the O Neales', which makes me more comm serate them, and hope better of them hereafter. When we have conferred with the rest of the Counsel at Dublin, and are better informed of the state of those parts, we will again presume to write to your Lordships. In the mean time we hasten thither, finding here all, both subjects and others, as fully possessed of the Spaniards coming, as if they were already arrived. The like opinion (as we hear) is generally over all Ireland, upon what ground we know not, for we have not heard any such substantial intelligence, excepting the bruit advertised by the Lord Precedent, and a general bruit brought hither by all shipping, of huge preparations in Spain, and whether it be desire or fear that makes this report believed, it is strange to see how generally and strongly it is apprehended. We must renew our former motion to your Lordships, that if the Spaniards do land here, we may speedily be supplied with munition, artillery, and all things else that we have written for, or that your Lordships in your wisdoms shall find to be needful for us, who can best judge what will be fit for an action of so great consequence. And for that we shall be necessarily enforced, wheresoever they happen to arrive, to draw all the forces of the Kingdom together, to make head against them, by which means these Northern parts (especially) being left bare, such as have most readily, and with best arguments of sincere meaning submitted themselves to her majesties mercy, with intent to live dutifully as becometh subjects, will be left again to the tyranny of the Arch-rebel, for want of defence. We beseech your Lordships to consider, whether it were not more profitable for her Majesty (though for the present somewhat the more chargeable) to enable us to make the war upon the Spaniards, and yet to go on too with this prosecution in some measure, then for lack of a convenient force to be kept on foot, to lose the benefit of our travel all this Summer, and the charge her Majesty hath been at in planting Garrisons, which being kept, would so bridle all these Countries, as they should neither have any benefit of the Spaniards landing, nor the Spaniard any use of them, nor of their victuals, all their Countries being commanded by some of the Garrisons that would keep them from stirring to join with others, for fear of losing all their own at home. It is true, that by the putting of new men hither when we shall have drawn out the old against the Spanish Army (which will be a work of most necessity), it cannot be expected, that the service of those new men will work such effect, as the old Bands would; yet may it be hoped, the effect will be sufficient to keep the Irish from joining with the Spaniard, seeing for the most part they shall live in Garrisons and shall not need to be drawn into the field, unless only for some short journey, which will not last above two or three days at a time. And if her Majesty be not pleased to like of this motion, or seem unwilling to disfurnish herself of so many men and Arms, we humbly leave it to your Lordships to consider, whether it would not be fit for that purpose, to entertain two or three thousand Scots, which we think might readily be sent over to Loughfoyle or Carickfergus, and being inland Scots, and not Irish Scots, and good security had to serve her Majesty faithfully, they would in all likelihood better endure the winter's hardness, and happily be sound fitter for any service, than such new men as come usually from England, which yet we move no further, then as a remembrance, because we perceived the last year such a matter was thought upon. If the Spaniards come not, we doubt not but to give your Lordships a very good account of all things here, to her majesties liking, yet must we desire the speedy sending over of the victuals contracted for, that should have come in july and August last, but no part yet landed that we hear of; for without those victuals these Garrisons will be unfurnished, which depend wholly thereupon. And we are further to move your Lordships, to cause to be sent over a very great proportion of salt and bread; for by prey-beeves gotten from the Rebels, and good numbers had of the protectees, whom we have caused to furnish us for our money, we have used a great kind of sparing of the victuals in the store, excepting bread only. And we doubt not but many of the Garrisons will be able to help themselves many times with beeves, so as they may have salt to powder them, while the season lasts, and will not need to take from the victuallers any thing but bread, which now they will not deliver them alone, unless they be so directed from your Lordships.  
The same twelfth day of September, his Lordship wrote from the Newry this following letter to Master Secretary in England.  
SIR, you will understand by our letters to my Lords, how hitherto we have bestowed our time. Being returned back to the Newry, I find all the world strangely possessed of the coming of the Spaniards, although I cannot learn of any assured ground they have thereof. Upon the general concurrence from all parts of such bruits, I did employ two as likely instruments as any are, to know the truth, and to learn what assurance Tyrone himself had from Spain. They undertook upon their lives, that all the intelligence he hath received of succours, is only by letters out of the Pale. Tyrone hath many ways made importunate means to be received to mercy: but I did still reject him, and published it, that her Majesty had commanded me not to hearken unto him, yet still he continued to urge me to become a suitor to the Queen for him. It is true, I have been ever loath to negotiate with him any otherwise then with my sword, because I find it dangerous for myself, considering the Queen's resolution: but upon the receipt of my Lord Precedents letter of a new Spanish invasion, I adventured thus far to entertain his motions, that if he would swear to submit himself absolutely to her majesties mercy (if it should please her to receive him), whatsoever succour he should receive in the mean time, I would only undertake to become an humble suitor unto her Majesty for him, so that notwithstanding till I knew her pleasure, I would not desist in my prosecution. This day he sent one to me, agreeing to so much, but with all propounding certain Articles that he desired should be granted: whereupon misliking that he should in any wise capitulate, I commanded his messenger presently to depart and forbade him to send any more to me, and to cut off all hope to his party, I have directed all the Garrisons anew to proclaim his head, and the like to be done in the Creaghtes of such as are become subjects. In the mean time N. N. out of his own head, and by that general authority that is given to all Commanders to parley with Rebels, hath spoken with Tyrone, to the effect of his own letter, which even now I received, and such as it is I send it you. I protest before the eternal God it was without my privity: but I must bear with him for greater faults than this; for he and all the Irish are very irregular, though he be fit enough for the charge I have given him, which is only of Irish Companies, in a Garrison which of all other I can worst victual, and they will make best shift for themselves, and greatest spoil upon the enemy. I have commanded him to meddle no more with Tyrone; for if I should think it fit, I would employ one better instructed for that purpose. It is true Sir, that for many respects I have been fearful to deliver freely my opinion, what course I think fit to be taken with Tyrone, and so am I now: but if it shall please her Majesty to trust me with the authority to hearken unto him, I would never use it, but when I should be sure to give her a very good account of my proceedings therein; for the lower he is brought, the more it will be for the Queen's honour to show him mercy, and it is thought he might be made an excellent instrument, if Spain continue their purposes for this Kingdom. If the Queen be resolved never to receive him, it is most necessary that Ulster should presently be made a Provincial Government; for this people seem to thirst for justice, and by that means the dependency upon the Oneales' will be soon extinguished. If the Queen be loath to augment her charge. I think it were much better that the institution of Connaght, were discontinued, and the like Officers to be transferred hither. It is true, that in all Ireland, for the good of the general service, there is no place so fit for the Deputy to be resident, as at Athlone, and if he were there, Connaght would little need a Governor. I have here but little time, and much 〈◊〉 and therefore I cannot write to you of all things so largely as I would, the which I purpose to do when I come to Dublyn, only of this I pray you Sir resolve me by your next: We have here the worst intelligence, of any Instruments that any Prince in Christendom doth employ in so weighty a business; I do know some, that I do think were fit to be employed both in Spain and about the Traitor here, yet though I know myself to be honest, they may prove knaves. If the Queen be so confident of my faith, that she will be pleased to make the best interpretations of what I shall do therein, I should be able to do her perchance some good service, and give myself greater light of all things, than now I have, but if she mislike it, I will only say about me with my Sword, though it be in the dark. It is not a Letter, nor a reasonable Book, that can deliver all such conceits of mine, as I think necessary to let you know of this Kingdom, wherefore I despair to do it, till I may have the happiness to see you. If I had any certainty that the fear of Spain were passed, I would make a great diminution of the List, wherefore I pray you Sir, if you have in England any assurance thereof, let me know it as soon as you can, but here we look for them every hour, and (they say) in the Pale it is held as sure, as if they were already come. If you show the enclosed Letter, I pray you put your finger on the latter part, or blot it out; and yet if I thought the Queen would not be angry, I would give the Lady leave to come to her Brother, for I am loath to make war with Women, especially since she is now great with child.  
The same twelfth day of September, his Lordship wrote from the Newry to Sir Oliver Lambert Governor of Connaght this following letter.  
SIr yesterday at my coming to this Town, your messenger delivered me your letters, containing a relation of your proceedings, since your going to the Abbey of boil, where and in your return thence, I perceive you have had some knocking on both sides, and the Rebels being so many as you note, I have good cause to be glad you sped so well, and parted with so good reputation to our side, and so little loss withal, which I doubt not proceeded chiefly from your good command and managing of that business, for which I may not omit to yield you many thanks, neither will I be sparing to testify so much, where it may most redound to your due and well deserved commendation. Yet must I withal note, that it somewhat grieves me, to observe so great an alteration in those that of late seemed desirous (or at least not unwilling) to receive her majesties mercy, for that I have some reason to be doubtful, that this sudden change proceedeth not altogether out of a certain expectation of Spanish succours, but out of some opinion they have conceived, of a purpose you have to dispossess the principal men of their lands and livings, and to get the same into her majesties hands, by indictments and Offices to be found thereof; and if they once entertain such a conceit, they will assuredly put up all to any hazard, and to their uttermost means shun to be reclaimed, which I must acknowledge to you, I do the rather doubt, in that Tybot ne long hath grievously complained to me, of the committal of his cozen Davye Bourke, and some hard usage towards himself, for which he seems fearful to come to you, and therefore desires my licence to go for England, which I have now sent him, with this purpose, to give him contentment as much as may be, and yet when he comes to me, I mean to school him, and so I hope to hold him in good terms, for so at this time especially it doth behove us, to bring our great work to the better conclusion. I make no question, but that both he, and O Connor Sligo, and the rest of them, do all somewhat juggle and play on both hands, to serve their own turns, and therefore truly deserve the less favour, for they so do here for the most part, and yet I wink at it.  
But since it behoneth us so greatly to draw the war to an end, to ease her Majesty of that exceeding charge and consumption of men and Arms, which her Majesty and the State of England are grown very weary of, and indeed unwilling to continue much longer. We that are here employed as chief instruments, to effect what so earnestly is desired, must bear more for our Country's good, than our own natures can well endure; and therefore let me advise you, with much earnestness to apply yourself unto it, as the only and sole means to make our doings acceptable in England, where we must be censured, and by your next let me know certainly I pray you, whether you have done any thing already for the intituling of her Majesty to any of their lands in that Province, or whether you have any way attempted it, or given them cause to suspect it. I shall be well satisfied with your answer, presuming that you will do it sincerely, yet if any such thing be, I pray you proceed no further in it, but labour by all means to win them, both because I know it to be her majesties pleasure, and that the multitude of Subjects is the glory of a Prince, and so every way it is fittest to reclaim rather than destroy them, if by any good means it might be wrought. O Connor Slige (as you know) was restrained of his liberty by the Rebels, and that (I think) upon a letter I sent unto him, so that he hath a just pretence for his standing out so long, and for any action into which he shall enter, neither shall we be able to disprove his allegations, though perhaps himself be not innocent, neither at the beginning, nor now. You must therefore be content to think, that what he doth, is by compulsion, though indeed you do not think so for some reasons apparent to yourself: Your stone work at Galloway about the bulwark will I fear prove chargeable, and very long; yet can I do no more than recommend it to your good husbandry and discretion, who may best judge what is fittest. Tyrone is not yet gone over the Earn, but lies between that and Ruske, where I have planted a garrison, and another at the Agher, hard by the Clogher, which lie both very fitly to do service upon him. To the former all the Garrisons near the Blackewater, and that at Mountioy and Monaghan may fitly draw upon all occasions, and so I have lief order with Sir Arthur Chichester, who hath the chief care of all: And to the latter and to Omy, (which is but twelve miles from it) Sir Henry Dockwra hath promised me to put up most of the Forces of Loughfoyle, and to lie there about himself. To Eniskillin or there about, Sir Henry Follyot hath direction to draw his whole Force, leaving a Ward only at Ballishannon and Beleeke, which is already done, but he hath not his boats yet from you, which is a great hindrance unto him, and therefore I pray you send them with all speed possible, if they be not gone already. Touching your motion for Master Attorney, I now return to Dublyn, where if he cause it to be moved at the Table, I will with the rest yield to any thing that is fit. In the mean time you may use the chief justice in those businesses, who hath allowance for his diet, and is of great experience and continuance in that Provinee, so as thereby he may best know every man's disposition. I pray you let me hear stom you again with as much speed as you can, touching the state of that Province under your government. And so hoping, for all these late bruits, that we shall not this year be troubled by the Spaniards, or if we be, that their number shall be small, (for so Master Secretary hath confidently written to me out of England), I commend me right heartily to you. From the Newry this twelfth of September 1602.  
The Lord Deputy being arrived at Dublyn, and this Summer's service ended, since the composing of the Irish troubles was henceforward to be wrought by the garrisons planted in all parts upon the Rebels, and the settling of the State to be managed by Counsellors, Sir Henry Davers Sergeant Mayor of the Army, was the rather induced by the necessity of his private affairs, to discontinue his service in Ireland. Whereupon his place of Sergeant Maior being void, was conferred upon Sir Arthur Chichester. And because Sir Richard Moryson had a pretence to the place by former hopes given him from the Lord Deputy, his Lordship to give him contentment, raised his Company of foot, reduced lately in a general cash to 150, to the former number of two hundred.  
The seven and twenty of September the Lord Deputy at Dublyn teceived from the Lords in England this following letter, directed to his Lordship and the Counsel of Ireland.  
AFter our hearty commendations to your good Lordship, and the rest of the Counsel there. Whereas your Lordship in your late letters of the twenty nine of the last july doth advertise us of a great abuse crept in amongst the Ministers of the victuals in that Realm, namely that you cannot know from any of them, when the victuals arrive in any Port, nor whether it be of an old contract or a new, nor whether it be for her Majesty or themselves, and by that means you can never find how you are provided for, nor what you may further expect, and (which is worse) that the Rebels do get of the best victuals that are sent thither, and you cannot call the Victualer to account thereof, because he affirms stiffly that he is warranted by us to sell it for his benefit, and so as he sell it to the subject (how ill soever affected) it is no fault of his, if the Rebels afterwards get it. Upon this information from your Lordship, we have not only called all the Victuallers to account how this great abuse is committed, but have perused our former order taken this time 2 years, when we contracted with them to appoint commissaries there, for the keeping & issuing of victuals, by whose default (being their Ministers) it should seem these lewd parts are played. Therefore for your Lordship's satisfaction in the first point, the answer of Tolles and Cockain will suffice, who do absolutely affirm, that they sent no other victuals thither then such as by contract they were tied to send. And though they send often a greater proportion than will serve to furnish any contract, yet that doth always appear unto us upon the certificates of the Inuoyes, and we that undergo the principal care of those matters here, have enjoined them to have always a good proportion in store to serve upon all occasions, whereof they send (as they find convenient shipping) often times a large quantity before hand, more than by contract they are bound unto. For if they should not make provision before we contract with them, it would be hard for them to perform the same in so short a time, and by such days as we must of necessity limit unto them, upon diversity of accidents and demands from you, and the overplus doth always pass into the next contract: But in that your Lordship doth find fault, that you can never be informed upon what contract the victuals are provided, which do arrive there, we must remember unto you the order we have always observed here, which will easily reconcile the difficulties in this matter. First therefore your Lordship is to call to mind, that we here for the most part, in the making of our contracts, both for the quantity of the victuals, the time to have it there, and the places of unlading the same, are directed by such letters as we receive from your Lordship and you of the Counsel, and by such certificates as are sent us from the Surveyor of the victuals from thence, which Surveyor ordinarily hath certified unto us the quantities that arrive there. Then so soon as any contract is made with the undertakers, we send an abstract thereof unto your Lordship, both of the several kinds, and for how many men, and for what time the same is provided, and to what place the same is to be transported. By which your Lordship may know what you are to expect, and for more assurance, we have required of your Lordship by divers letters to appoint certain discreet persons at the Ports, where the same is to be landed and unladen, to see and visit those victuals, and to take knowledge both of the quantities, kinds, and goodness, and that (with good usage) the same is likely to continue the space of five months from the landing thereof, which direction if it were duly observed and performed, your Lordship needed no other certificate to satisfy you in all respects. And we have usually received from Master Newcomen the Surveyor of the victuals, very exact certificates of the quantities of victuals that arrive there, as also of the goodness, and upon what contract they were sent: For until the contract be full, all the victuals sent thither are to satisfy the same, and if there be any overplus, it is reserved for the next contract. For the undertakers absolutely deny the sending of any victuals thither, but such as is to serve the Soldier, and to perform the Contracts, so as all the victuals are to be accounted for her majesties provision. Therefore it were far easier for your Lordship, to have the like certificate there. Thus as we have remembered unto you the directions we have given unto your Lordship: So we have thought good to acquaint you with the rest of the course we hold here, which you shall understand to be in this manner: Upon every Contract we make, we give the Victuallers an impressed before hand, to provide those victuals they contract for: but the whole sum that they are to have by that agreement they never receive until they do produce true Certificates from the Officers of the Ports, that the full proportions which they are tied to contract and provide, is laden on shipboard, and ready to be transported of good and well conditioned victuals, according to the Contract. And therefore if your Lordship will be as strict to call for the certificates of the unlading there, as we do cause the Inuoy to be perused, there can be no abuse in that case, considering all the victuals sent thither cometh to the Magnzines, and how much soever it is, all is for the use of the Soldier. For the other point your Lordship doth complain of, that the Ministers there do sell the victuals, and their peremptory untrue and respectless answers unto you: It is the desire of the victuallers (as this information is general) that your Lordship will not only be informed of the particular abuses committed by any Officer or Commissary there, but to take a severe courses to see them exemplarily punished. For we have given no other licence for the selling of victuals, than your Lordship hath been acquainted with all, in the contracts made with the Victuallers in August was two years, which was in these words: And because it is not possible in so great a mass of provisions, with all the care that may be used, by reason of transporting and tossing them to and fro, but some will perish, and decay. In this case their Lordships are pleased, that the foresaid Commissaries deputed now by the Merchants, shall be permitted to utter and sell to the poor in the market Towns where they reside, and near unto them, such victuals as are decaiable, and unfit to be uttered to the soldier. And by the instructions given to the Commissaries, there is a clause, whereby they are restrained: That if there shall fall out any waist in the provisions, either by leak, moisture, or other casualty and accident, by transportation by land or by Sea, or by any unfit or inconvenient rooms to place or house the same victuals, than they are to acquaint the chief Commander, Colonel, or Counsel therewith, and procure some sufficient testimony for the manifesting of the truth, and of the quantity, that is decayed, surprised by any ambush of the Enemy, or by fire, or other inevitable danger become unfit to be used, that it may appear, that happened not by their negligence and default, the which being certified, her Majesty in that case to bear the loss and waist thereof. Therefore we marvel your Lordship would endure so insolent an answer to be made by inferior Officers, knowing we always do send your Lordship the Copies of those agreements and Articles we make with any victualler. And in this Article this consideration only did lead us, that if by long keeping, often removing, or other casualty, the victuals shall not be fit for the Soldier, than your Lordship or the provincial Governor, or such as you shall appoint, being acquainted therewithal, we thought it more fit, (and now do so, and not otherwise) that the same may be sold to the poor in the next markets, then that the loss should light on her Majesty. Nevertheless in those cases, we refer it to your Lordship's judgement and discretion, whom her Majesty doth trust with so great a government, to order them as you shall see cause. To conclude therefore, if that caution we took for the good of the Soldier, (that no evil victuals should be thrust upon him), shall be abused and perverted to supply the need of the Rebels, and the Soldier the worse served, we think this matter worthy of strict examination and as severe punishment, as may be inflicted upon offenders in so high a degree, which we earnestly require may be done, and that in all these and like cases, your Lordship will consider, that we of her majesties Counsel here, that are absent from thence, do proceed generally in these matters, as reason doth direct us, and as we receive light from you and the Counsel there: but your Lordship, that doth know the state of the Kingdom, and see the particular course and disposition of things there, and what is fit and not fit, may easily reform those inconveniences and abuses that happen, and are committed, and inform us of those particulars that are not within our knowledge, that these matters may be carried with more perfect order and rule, for the good of the Soldier, whose welfare is only intended and sought herein, to her majesties excessive charge, and our great trouble. This is another great abuse, and though it be not pertaining to this matter, yet by reason of late we have discovered the same to be very common, we have thought good to inform your Lordship thereof, and earnestly to pray you and the rest of the Counsel, to give strict order it may be avoided. The matter is this, we find by divers examinations taken, that it is a common practice, that if any serving-man, Country-fellow, or labouring-man, happen to be maimed or grievously hurt, by any mischance or disorder, if he be in any of the Countries near to the Seaside, or any Port where shipping doth go for Ireland, he will find passage there, and follow the Army in some Company or other, and do such services as he is able, and when he hath gotten some knowledge of the Country, and of the Captains and chief Officers, than he procureth a passport from some Captain or other, or else he getteth his name to be inserted in some general passport, as a man (by reason of hurts received) unfit for service, and so upon his coming over hither again, he is recommended into the Country for a Pension, by which means the Countries are burdened with this kind of men, and the poor Soldier, that is indeed maimed in the wars, is disappointed and hindered of that pension he ought to have. This is to be reform by two means: First that order be taken no maimed men, that have received their hurts in service, be sent away in a general pass, because the Statute doth require a particular certificate from their General, certifying the hurts and maims the Soldier hath received: Next the remedy is, that no such passports be given but by subscription of your Lordship, the provincial Governors, or chief Colonels, under whom he doth serve, expressing the hurts and maims the Soldier hath received, and in what service, and under what Captain, and the office and place he held in that Company. This by general direction being observed, will avoid the number of counterfeit Soldiers, and give due way to the relief of the maimed Soldier, who indeed without such particular certificate, ought not by the Statute to be relieved, and the want thereof hath been great hindrance to many poor men. Therefore nothing doubting but your Lordship will take order herein accordingly, we bid your Lordship heartily farewell. From the Court at Oatelands', the 29 of August 1602.  
The eighth of October, the Lord Deputy wrote to the Lord Precedent of Monster; that howsoever by reason of Carmacke escape, he could not for the present spare the horse and the foot which were with him above the Monster List, under the command of Sir Samuel bagnol, yet he would not fail to send fifty horse presently into Connaght, whether he purposed shortly to take his journey, being now busy about preparation for the same. And further his Lordship prayed him, to send a good proportion of victuals from the store in Limricke by water to Athlone, without which the Forces could not be kept together in that Province, and accordingly his Lordship gave order, that boats should be sent from Athlone to Limrick, to fetch the same. And whereas his Lordship had written to the Sheriffs in Monster, to levy certain beeves for the Army, he prayed the Lord Precedent to give them assistance, for taking them up, and sending them into Connaght with all convenient speed.  
The fifteenth of October, the Lord Deputy was advertised from the Lord Precedent, that Carmock Mac Dermott lately escaped, had made suit to him to be reconciled to the State, and that upon his answer, that if he would justify himself to be innocent, he should have a just trial, or if he would confess his faults, than he would be a suitor to the L. Deputy for his pardon, he the said Carmock had made choice to sue for pardon, rather than to stand to his trial. And that in the mean time all the Castles in his Country were possessed for her Majesty, & his followers disposed under other Lords upon good assurance, beside the faction which was nourished against him among his nearest Kinsmen, which things made him unable to do any hurt, so as if his Lordship had any occasion to employ in Connaght the forces which were in Monster above the List of the Province, his Lordship might dispose of them at his pleasure. Further, the Lord Precedent advertised, that he understood by one james Black, lately come out of Spain, that O donnel was dead there, and that this news was most certain.  
The twentieth of October, the Lord Deputy dispatched Captain Blany from Dublin, with Commission to govern the Garrisons of Ruske and Monaghan, (recalling Sir Christopher S. Laurence and Captain Esmond, from that command, to repair to Lublin, that his Lp might hear and compose the differences risen between them.) He had further order to leave Captain Atherton, to govern the Fort of Mount Norreys, whereof he had formerly the command; likewise to put up good store of victuals from the Newry to those Garrisons and to deliver letters to Sir Arthur Chichester, with whom he was to concur in the intended services for those parts. He was directed to know from Mac Mahown his resolute answer, whether he would submit himself upon the conditions sent unto him, and if he refused them, then to give him no further time of protection, but to prosecute him presently by all means. To give O Gonnor Roe Mac Gayre his best assistance, to establish him in his Country, and for the other Mac Guyre in rebellion, not to accept any submission from him, except he undertake some extraordinary good service, because he had lately abused the savour, offered him by Sir Henry Folliot, Governor of Ballishannon. Lastly, whereas some of Tyrones' Captains offered to come from him, to serve the Queen, he was directed to entertain those offers, and either to draw them from him, or to make any use of those offers, and treating with them, which he in his discretion should think fit.  
The one and thirtieth of October, the Lord Deputy received from her Majesty this following letter directed to his Lordship, and the rest of the Counsel here.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
RIght Trusty and Well-beloved, and Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well. We have been acquainted with your dispatches to our Counsel of the fourteenth, and to Our Secretary Cecyll of the thirteenth. In the first whereof We have perceived the success of your last prosecution, wherein as We have cause, so We do bless God, that he hath so prospered you & our forces under your charge, as Our enemies are not so hasty to attempt Us anew, or Our rebels able to interrupt your proceedings, which letter being for the most part but a journal, requireth no other answer but this, That We do yield unto yourself, and to Our faithful and loving subjects that have assisted you, both praise and thanks for your good service. And now because We know your affection is so well mixed with understanding of the state We stand in, both here and there, as you can well consider of what importance it is to Us to ease our Kingdom of those great or rather infinite charges, which We have thus long sustained, which still continuing in that height, would take away the true feeling of our Victories, We have thought good to deliver you Our pleasure in that behalf; for it were almost as good for Us to lack a great part of their reduction, as to be driven to that charge in keeping them, which our Crown of England cannot endure, without the extreme diminution of the greatness and felicity thereof, and alienation of Our people's minds from Us, considering that for these only rebellions in Ireland, We have been forced to part with many of Our ancient possessions, which are part of Our flowers of our Crown, and to draw from our subjects (a thing contrary to Our nature) those great payments, which (but for the hope they had, that the same should serve to work their future ease and respiration) they would not so willingly have borne, nor We so justly could have imposed upon them. In all which considerations, though it is true, that the authority & direction may be expected from Us, to whom almighty God hath only given the supreme power, to warrant your proceedings in matters of such importance, yet because in this one point of abating of Our forces now, from the proportion whereat they stand, you had always in your own judgement the certain Idea thereof, as a thing that you resolved to do, so soon as the expectation of the Spanish Army was passed over, We rather think (if you have observed the judgement which you have made by your last letter of the improbability of their coming in those times with any power), that these Our letters shall serve more to approve your actions, or at the least your resolutions, to abridge all those charges, which were either merely raised in that only expectation, or were only necessary to be tolerated, until you had planted those Garrisons in this prosecution, then that you are now to begin it; which if it be so, we do then command you to proceed with it with all possible speed, both because the preservation of our treasure, and the very true reasons of State do require it, and for that there is neither appearance of any foreign Army; neither are the Rebels (by your own description) of any force to make any dangerous head against you. So as if now our charge should still continue, we know not in what time it should be a bared. To conclude therefore in that point, We do refer the numbers, the places, and persons, to be ordered by you wholly, and by the advice of Our Counsel there. And We will for the present only lay before you in general, some things out of square in that Kingdom, which would be looked unto. First, We find divers Officers and Ministers entertained, with many other charges, which are superfluous, whereof the error grows upon a conceit that our charges are easy, in respect of the mixed coin, whereof your own judgement can best inform you, all circumstances considered. We do also find lack in the managing of divers possessions, which are won unto us, as well as in collecting and answering former duties, all which would both by your discretion and your authority be thought of, and distributed to persons, to order with time according to their several offices, to the intent the World may see, the end of our prosecution is to reform the Kingdom, to revive justice and order, and not still to suffer these licentions expenses, or loose costs, in many things, by many inferior persons unremedied, although while the Kingdom was invaded by a powerful enemy, and torn in pieces with a domestical rebellion, we know the time could not admit such reformations, as may be used in greater calms. And we must say to you our Treasurer, that when we remember your own words, concerning the point of the exchange in the first alteration of our coin how you told us still, that in continuance of time cuery second issue would so recompense the first return, as the exchange might well enough be borne, We little thought we should have seen so many bills subscribed with your own hand and your Ministers, to be paid here in sterling. For as it was not our meaning, nor ever shall be, whensoever in verbo Regio We publish any thing, to make it the instrument of deceit; so We ever reposed so much in your judgement, as when you should see an abuse, or a plain corrupt traffic made of that liberty of exchange, which we only vouch safed to erect for the use of those, that should not make it a trade, than you would either have found the means to discover their fraud, and so wholly have rejected their bills, and punished the fault, or else (if you could not have hit the very bird of their deceit in the eye) you would (taking it pro concesse, that a fault there was) have taken some such exceptions against them, as might have served so to have suspended you allowance, as they should not have had from you so good warrant to demand that justly of us, which is so excessive a burden unto us, the rather seeing Merchants should by all constitutions bestow the money they receive for wares uttered, in the natural commodities of the Country, which imposition would have bridled them very much, and is not unjust, seeing it cannot be denied, but that there are some commodities (as Hides, Tallow, Yarn, and many other things) whereon they might have bestowed some money, and not have made over such great sums. Where you may perceive, that to all those which served the Army, and for the bills due to the officers and soldiers, we have made no difficulty, although we know (if it were examined) that in their exchanging over so much money as some do, there is some indirect dealing: we would not have you think (whom we know to be honest diligent and a sufficient servant) that we do touch you in the least degree with lack of sincerity, or desire to do us service (for of both these We have great reason to take gracious recognition) but rather to let you to know how sensible We are of the clamour, how negligent your Deputies have been in many places to charge Us here: how great portion of treasures is due by your certificates, and how necessary it is (seeing but by this coin those expenses cannot be borne) that all supper fluous charge be cut off, and this matter of the exchange corrected in some degree or other, before (like a Canker) it consumes Our treasure, which is the sinews of our Crown. We pray you therefore (as We do mean here to do with Our privy Counsel), call to you some three or four of that Counsel, of the best understanding, and think among you of some better cautions for this matter of exchange; wherein, seeing We do see the State of that Kingdom principally with your eyes, We shall be contented to incline most to those courses which you shall find convenient. And because no day goeth over our head wherein we are sure there is not some increase to that load, We do hereby give you Our Deputy authority, without tarrying to advertise Us of your opinion one way or other, to publish a Proclamation or order, either for toleration or explanation of the form of Our former institutions, which shall seem best to you, with consideration of all due circumstances, not doubting but you shall find many things which were fit for Us to suffer in the beginning, which by change of circumstances may now be altered. And because in these matters of payments, which flow like blood out of the veins, time is precious, if there be any thing which you and that Counsel shall find fit to be done for prevention of some part of this abundant consumption, growing by the freedom of all persons to have the exchange, seeing the distance of place to be passed by sea is subject to length and uncertainty, We are content provisionally to warrant your proceedings in any thinh you do, or publish in Our name. It remaineth now that We do satisfy you Our Deputy, of some other things contained in your private letters to the Secretary; First, for your doubt you may not use your best means to explore the practices of Spain, and the inward treasons of the Rebel, because your Ministers may often prove unhonest, We have no more to say then this, That if you consider that We have trusted you as absolutely with that Kingdom, as ever We did Deputy, you need make small doubt of any other interpretation of your actions in that point towards you; for when soever the greatest curiosity shall censure our actions, it shall never appear (where We see faith and duty only intentional in origine), that We would be willing to censure the actions of Our Ministers according to the success. And therefore as We do leave liberty here in England to Our Secretary of State, to employ such persons as are likest to discover practices (though We allow not any immediate treaties or corespondencies with subjects of other Provinces, but where We are particularly acquainted with it), so do We give you warrant by such ordinary means, as may be taken by opportunity of persons to pass to and fro, under colours of trade or traffic to foreign parts, to inform yourself of the enemy's preparations in such things as belongs thereunto, that you may be able from time to time to fashion your own present proceedings according to such advertisements as may be brought you, seeing you may sometimes receive them with more expedition, and more freedom for things concerning that Realm, than they can be usually conveyed to our Ministers here, from those whom they employ for our service, from whence you have seen what judgement We have made all this year of their distraction and weakness, though We stick not (in some measure) to provide for you, though far short of that which We must have done, if We had credited those bruits which were brought into that Kingdom, by such as We are persuaded (if it were well observed) came out of Spain full of device and practice to blow that abroad, which they believed not.  
Next concerning your opinion for the ordering of some provincial governments, and making your residence at Athlove: for the place We know it is situate very well, to answer all services, and (as things stand) Ulster hath need of good distribution now, as much as Connaght, wherein as We can very well like that you do prepare for residence in that place, whereby the limits of Our Pale may be enlarged, so We wish you, that both in Ulster and in Connaght, you do fashion the commandment in such sort, as one Governor have not too much Country to rule; for where men are more absolute than ordinary, they are commonly apt to use things with less care and moderation, so as in that matter We confess to you, that We had rather have many good subjects employed in many places, than any one to manage too much. For the matter of charge of your residence (because we know not what charge belongs unto it, to make the place capable, nor how it may stand with the State of the Town of Dublyn, which is a Port, and not to be overthrown, standing so commodiously for passage out of England), We would have all circumstances well considered, and then you shall receive more of Our direction.  
Lastly for Tyrone, We do so much mislike to give him any grace, that hath been the only author of so much effusion of blood, and the most ungrateful Viper to Us that raised him, and one that hath so often deceived Us, both when he hath craved his pardon, and when he hath received it of Us, as when We consider how much the World will impute to Us of weakness, to show favour to him now, as if without that we could not give an end to this Rebellion, We still remain determined, not to give him grace in any kind. And seeing it is unsafe for any Prince to make all faults appear venial; because every offender will thereby become insolent, and seeing in common reason the cutting off so many associates, must needs have left him a body without limbs, and so not worthy Our respecting, We do very well allow of your late rejecting him. For when We look on his manner of seeking mercy at all times, We do still certainly conclude, that it is done upon some practice to serve some present turn, seeing one day he only desires simple mercy for his life, and another day falls to capitulate, neither can We see why so much depends upon his reduction, when, for aught We know, no man can advise us, if he should come in, and be at liberty hereafter, out of Our hands, how We could be so assured of him, but that still We must be in doubt of him, and at the same charges We are at, to contain him and his, notwithstanding their former reduction, which if We must account to be at (whomsoever or whatsoever We recover), We shall take small contentment in that victory, whereof the end would be worse than the beginning. And therefore mistake not this Our earnestness in this point, as if it proceeded from any opinion, that you have demeaned yourself otherwise, then became you in the charge committed to you: for We would have you know for your comfort, that We approve all the courses you have held, since you took the Sword in your whole Government, to have been accompanied with diligence, wisdom, and good successes, and so We accept the same at your hands. For N. N. his proceedings with the Traitor, although We do not allow of his boldness to do such a thing without your direction, yet We have so little reason, by the course of his service, to doubt of his affection, as We do dispense with that error, in which We assure ourselves he meant no harm. Given under Our Signet, at Our Manor of Richmond, the ninth day of October, 1602, in the four and fortieth year of our Reign.  
The first of November, Rory O donnel (brother to O donnel lately dead in Spain, whom in the Summer following you shall see created Earl of Terconnell), having made humble suit to the Lord Deputy for her majesties mercy, and finding that his Lordship made doubt of his true meaning, did by his letters dated the first of November earnestly protest, that he did desire from his heart, and had long desired to become a subject, though for the present he had the command of all his brother's forces, and had received promise of help to be sent this next Summer from Spain or Rome. And to obtain this mercy he pleaded, that his brother went out upon his private discontent against the will of his father and himself, being enabled by strangers to force them. That his Grandfather by Henry the eighth for his good service to the Crown was Knighted, and had his Country given him and his heirs by letters Patents. That his predecessors had long served the Crown against the 〈◊〉. That himself had often sought to become a subject, and for the same had been imprisoned by his brother, with many dangers of his life. Lastly, that now, assoon as he had made himself master of his brother's forces, he humbly offered to submit himself, and of late had suffered the Governor of Connaght to pass by him with the Queen's forces, lest by fight with them, he should incense the State against himself and his people. And touching Neale Garue, whereas he had a grant of part of his brother's lands, he offered to prove, that he had since that grant agreed with his brother, to join with him against the English forces, as soon as the Spaniards should arrive in Ireland, and be able to keep the field. Hereupon the Lord Deputy sent him her majesties protection by Captain Gore, with direction to come unto his Lordship, so soon as he should be in Connaght, whether he intended shortly to take his journey.  
About this time the Lord Deputy employed Sir Garret Moor (of English race) into the Brenny, where all the Rebels submitted, and gladly received her majesties protection: among them one of the O Relies came with one hundred men, and Mac Gaurons' sons with fifty men, and some one thousand Cows from Ororke, being the greatest strength he had. And another of the O Relies; being refused pardon, undertook to bring in Mac Guyres head, so he might have her majesties pardon, which Mac Guyre had abused her majesties Protection, into which the Governor of Ballishannon had formerly received him.  
At the same time Tyrone sent to the Lord Deputy by Sir Garret Moor, an absolute submission to the Queen's mercy, and wrote to the Lord Deputy, that howsoever the showing of this submission might hinder him from receiving the aids he expected out of Spain, yet he had sent it, in confidence that his Lordship would deal honourably with him. This submission was in these words.  
RIght Honourable Lord, your worthy endeavours in her majesties service, and process of time, have sufficiently taught me, how improvidently I have perscuered in action, whereas heretofore upon my submission I might have hoped, her Majesty would have received me to her mercy, unto which action I was enforced for saveguard of my life only, which was indirectly sought for by her majesties officers, as is known to sundry persons of credit here, & her subjects; & that before I was proclaimed traitor, I never sent letters into Spain, or received any fronthence, though afterwards I was animated to continue in Action upon hope of Spanish aid, and promise of many confederates, of both which being disappointed, my estate is greatly decreased, and though I might perhaps be able to hold out for a time, yet am I weary of the course I held, and do much repent me of the same, most humbly and with a penitent heart desiring and wishing to be reconciled to my Prince, and to be received to her majesties mercy, whom I am right sorry I have so much offended and provoked, and yet I know that her majesties mercy is greater than mine offences, the rather that at the first I did not wilfully oppose myself against her Majesty, but for safety of my life was driven into action as aforesaid, and for my continuance therein I submit myself to her majesties mercy and grace, acknowledging her Majesty alone to be my natural Prince, and myself her unworthy subject: but if her Highness will vouchsafe, of her accustomed Grace, to grant not only pardon to me, my kinsmen and followers, and unto mine adherents, in their own names, and upon their several submissions, but also to restore me and them to our pristinate blood and possessions, I will from henceforth both renounce all other Princes for her, and serve her Highness the residue of my life, humbly requesting, even of your Honour, now that you have brought me so low, to remember I am a Nobleman, and to take compassion on me, that the overthrow of my house and posterity may be prevented by your good means and honourable care towards her Majesty for me, which with all humility I desire and will accept: And for the better doing hereof, if your Lordship do mislike any of the Articles which I did send unto you, I pray your Lordship to appoint either some of the privy Counsel, or some Gentlemen of worth, to confer with me; and your Lordship shall find me conformable to reform them.  
The twelfth of November 1602. Subscribed Hugh Tyrone.  
The thirteenth day the Lord Deputy was advertised that Captain Tyrrell upon a mutiny between him and the Rebels of Kerry, had left Monster, and having some six hundred men with him, was coming back into Lenoster, and it was thought that Tyrone would send him to Orowrke, to assist him in the defence of his Country.  
About the eighteenth of November his Lordship began his intended journey into Connaght, and by the way this following letter from Tyrone, to Oconnor Sligo, being intercepted, was sent to his Lordship.  
WE commend us unto you Oconnor Sligo, we have received your letter, and as formerly we have written unto you, we have remained in Fermannagh well-nigh this quarter of a year, and have often written unto you, and to Odonnels son, and requested you to come and see us near Logh Earn, concerning our Counsels either for peace or war, and neither of you came thither to meet us: We thought that you and O Donnels son, and Ororke, and O Connor Roe, and ourselves, as many of us as are of our faction, would have maintained war for a great time, and to that end, we came to these parts, and have foregone so many of our own people, as have not risen with us: But seeing that O Rorke (if it be true) and O Connor have received protection, and that every one doth make peace for himself, we may all easily be deemed men broken, and not substantial in war: but concerning our counsel and advice which you write for, our advice unto you is neither to make peace nor cessation, but that peace or cessation which shall be made by all our consents and agreements; and if you do otherwise, stand to the hazard yourselves, for you shall not have my consent thereunto.  
Subscribed, Oneale.  
The Lord Deputy took the foresaid journey into Connaght, as well to take order with the Rebels in action, which had sent messengers to Dublyn in their names to crave the Queen's mercy, as also to view the Town of Galloway, and to consider how the descent of foreign enemies might best be prevented, by building of a Fort upon the Haven. Before his Lordship's coming, Sir Oliver Lambert the Governor, with the Forces under him, had made a journey, wherein he quite banished Mac William out of the County Maio. His Lordship having made some stay in the Pale, came to Athlone the second of December, and lay in the Castle, being very strong, and divided from the Town by a bridge over the River Shannon, where the Governor and the Counsel for that Province made their residence.  
Here the fourteenth of December, O Connor Sligo, and Rowry Odonnell, (brother to the Traitor O donnel lately dead in Spain) two Rebels of greatest power in those parts, came to his Lordship, and made their humble submission to her Majesty. O Connor Sligo alleged many things in his own excuse, as the manner of O Donnels taking him and keeping him in prison, and submitted himself to her majesties mercy. Rowry O donnel, albeit he had under him all his brother's followers and creaghts, yet did he both simply and absolutely submit himself to her majesties Grace, without standing upon any conditions, but signifying his readiness to deliver such pledges as should be demanded of him, all such Castles (as Ballymote, and others in the County of Sligo) which he had gotten into his possession, and to do any thing that he might receive her majesties favour, alleging further that his Father and Grandfather had been true servitors, that he himself, with the privity of Sir Coniers Clifford, than Governor, had resolved to have served her Majesty against his brother, but upon the discovery of his purpose, he was kept in irons, (a matter well known to be true), and now most frankly offering his service, (if he might be received), either here or beyond the Seas, wheresoever her Majesty would be pleased to employ him, which manner of carriage, proceeding from a man of good spirit, active & wise, induced the L. Deputy to receive him, and did in some sort move all the Counsel to pity his case, that he did no sooner submit himself, and the rather because they did foresee how noteable an instrument he might be made, to bridle the insolency of Sir Neale Garue, (which was grown intolerable), of whom they thought he might be the best curb that could be devised. And therefore they resolved at their coming to Dublin, to send for the said Sir Neale and this Competitor, and with the advice of the rest of the Counsel, seriously to consider how to provide for, and to dispose of them both, wherein albeit they purposed to give unto Sir Neale the benefit of her majesties gracious promise, yet did they think it a thing very expedient for her service and the settling of Tirconnell, that some competent portions in Tirconnel should be allotted to this Gentleman, in which point they by letters humbly prayed the Lords in England to move her sacred Majesty to send unto them her highness warrant for taking such a final order between them, as by the general advise and consent of this Counsel should be thought fittest for her majesties service.  
The Lord deputy proceeding on his journey to Galloway, kept his Christmas there, and in that Town, all the Rebels of that Province (the Flahertyes, the Mac Dermotts of the Courlewes, Connor Roe, and divers others) submitted themselves, and were received, and so for the present this Province was brought to quietness.  
Only the proud, insolent, faithless Bryan, Ororke, notwithstanding his former humble message sent to the L. Deputy touching his desire to be received to mercy, absented himself, and having drawn unto him Tyrones' Mac Guyre (whom for his deceitful and treacherous dealing, the Lord deputy had banished out of Fermannagh, and exposed to prosecution), and the Traitor Terrell (lately come out of Monster) and trusting to the Fastness of his Country, persisted in his Rebellion. And therefore, albeit his Lordship did foresee the manifold difficulties which must grow in his prosecution, yet did he hold it very necessary to take the present opportunity to scourge him several ways, before the Spring, and before his foreign hopes might give him any further encouragement. And for this end, as he had appointed a proportion of victuals and other necessaries, to be presently brought from Lymrick to Athlone, so now he resolved to furnish Sir Oliver Lambert with an Army to surprise his Country Leytrim, and to take it in to her majesties hands. Sir Henry Follyot also, with the assistance of Rowrie O donnel, (who already had done some service against O Rorke) was appointed from Sligo, and those parts, to enter into his Country, and his Lordship intended presently to raise a third Army, to be sent from the Pale to annoy him, by which course his Lordship hoped, this Rebel should not be able long to subsist in his pride and contempt.  
The submission of the foresaid Rebels was made by each of them in writing, and in these words following:  
First, I do acknowledge Elizabeth by the grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland to be the only true, absolute and Sovereign Lady of this Realm of Ireland, and of every part, and of all the people thereof, unto whose gracious mercy I do humbly submit myself, my lands and goods; and withal faithful repentance for my unnatural disobedience unto her Royal Majesty, do most earnestly implore her mercy and pardon, for myself, and such of my followers as with me have been seduced to this wicked Rebellion.  
Further, I do renounce all and any manner of obedience unto any other Power or Potentate, which I owe only to my said dread Sovereign Elizabeth, and utterly abjure any dependency and adherence to any of her enemies whatsoever, or disloyal subjects, and do promise, swear and vow, from henceforth to live in her subjection in all duty and obedience, and to use my best endeavours, to the uttermost of my power, to withstand and confound any enemy either foreign or domestical, that shall attempt any thing against the sacred person or estate of her Majesty, or to the hurt of her faithful and obedient subjects, and especially, and namely, I do renounce (as before) and promise my endeavours (as aforesaid) against the King of Spain, and the Arch-traitor the Earl of Tyrone.  
All this as I do upon my salvation swear to perform sincerely, so if I do herein break my oath, I do acknowledge myself not only to be worthy of all infamy and extreme punishment, but to be ever after accounted unworthy the name of a Christian, or the society of men, to the which as I have unfeignedly sworn, so I do now in witness hereof set to my hand.  
In Christmas holidays his Lordship viewed the Town of Galloway, and judging it a place of great importance to be preserved from being possessed by any foreign enemy, he gave present direction to finish that Fort, the building whereof was already begun, in a place well chosen, both to command the Haven, and to defend the Town from foreign invasion. During his Lordship's abode in Galloway, he received this following letter from the Lords in England.  
AFter our right hearty commendations to your good Lordship, her Majesty hath heard of your whole letter, brought by Sir Henry Davers, bearing date the tenth of November, in answer to one of her Majesties of the ninth of October, wherein you do prevent (in some things) such directions as were digested into a dispatch ready to be signed and sent you, as namely, in the matter of exchange for one point (and so of some others) wherein her Majesty having heard the Apology of you the Treasurer being (as she is, ever) ready to interpret graciously, those actions which are well meant, though they succeed not always as is wished, though she had given us charge to write much more particularly in that matter, yet now hath been pleased to command us only to let you know Master Treasurer, that (although you shall never need to excuse your integrity, because she never doubted it) yet she can not free you and your Ministers from such oversights, as have increased the burden of this Exchange. For though one part of your answer is, that new things must be settled with plausible circumstances at the entry, yet these are her own words, that you should not have thought it new (long ago) to have stopped that current, when you saw it carried so much contrary to the true meaning of the Proclamation, even now that the institution hath been on foot almost two years, and that such a sum of money is returned back again by you, when the issue of the new coin hath been no greater, seeing (that excepted which spends in the lend of the Army) a small quantity hath been otherwise dispersed in the Kingdom, so as surely it may not be denied, but many of these Bilies might have been kept from the Bank, if your deputies had been as careful as they ought. For although Captains and Soldiers, and Merchants (carrying and delivering necessaries for the Army) were by her majesties institution intended to be relieved in their reasonable and just demands, yet who could ever think, that her Majesty ever intended, that Merchants should have been suffered to sell those Merchandise for 300l. there, which cost them but one 100ls. here, and then turn that 300l. upon the Exchange, or that Captains & officers would make over four times more money by one bill, than their whole entertainment comes to in a year. And therefore foresight hereof (by the experience dearly bought) makes her Majesty now resolve in her last order, that she will not allow any exchange, but only to the Army, and such as do relieve the same, and that she means from henceforth shall be justly answered, how soever it may be, that some seditious persons, misliking that these unreasonable Bills have been looked into (and so some suspense of payment made) may speak scandalously, either of the past or future, when already there is delivered to your Deputy Master Treasurer, ten or twelve thousand pounds, and more shall follow after, towards the discharge. And now to come to that which follows, and doth require expedition, your Lp shall understand, that the greatness of her majesties Army being such, as she cannot bear it up, without extreme prejudice to her state and Kingdom, she hath commanded us hereby to let you know, that she is not satisfied with this abatement of 1000, but doth command you with all possible expedition, to reduce the Army to 12000 foot and 1000 horse, a matter which she findeth good to do in her wisdom, not only for the necessity of the expense, but out of this judgement, that she shall be sufficiently able to provide for the defence against foreign power, before the storm shall fall, without which occasion, considering your own relation of the weakness and desperate estate of the rebel, with the desire of the rest to come from him, she persuadeth herself that this List (well compounded out of the Bands that are cashered) will be strong enough against any home rebellion, and so much the rather, if you make it as much English as you can, by ridding as many of the Irish as you think meet, in all which, for the persons and places, she refers it wholly to your own best judgement. And now that we are speaking of the Army, we think it fit to remember unto you, that it is a great error in the Officers of the Ministers of that Kingdom, that the Masters (which is one of the principal keys of her majesties charge) is no better ordered. The fraud whereof doth evidently appear, seeing that Army which is kept upon such a height in List and payment, is known and confessed (even by the Captains themselves) to be so extremely defective in their numbers; for although we are not ignorant, that multiplicity of Garrisons hinder the possibility of exact Musters, yet there is difference between tolerable imperfections, and those gross negligences which are used by the Ministers of that service, whereof the World is apt sometimes to accuse those, that should (both here and there) censure the offenders, as those that do commit the faults un punished; Herein we entreat your Lp and that Counsel to make our case your own, and then to consider, whether we can well discharge our duties to her Majesty, when (in time of so great an expense) we are not able to show her any manner of account of her Army by any authentical certificate, more than every Captain or passenger can relate unto us, no not for the expense of eight or ten months time. In which point of the Musters we think it not amiss to say something to you, what we conceive concerning the Checque upon apparel. First, the order set down very carefully and at large for the manner of the delivery and the Checque to be raised upon the apparel, is not observed, the due observation whereof would advantage the checque of the apparel very much. For such soldiers as are sent from us thoroughly appareled oftentimes have apparel there again (at the time of their delivery) given them, especially those that are dispersed into Bands, to fill them up, whereby we see her majesties double charge, though special warning hath been given thereof from hence. And daily able men are suffered to come over hither (as of late ten of those that were set out of the County of Lincoln in the late levy), and by the examination taken here lately, it is proved, that money is given to procure them passports, and none of those soldiers of the late levies do stand her Majesty and the Country (before they arrive there) in less than six pound a man, The order is not observed that hath been prescribed, that no soldier should be discharged but by Pass from the Lord deputy, Principal Governor, or chief Commanders; for daily divers come over with Passes of their Captains, and divers are sent away together in one pass (sometimes to the number of thirty) and few of them maimed, and those bring no other passes then from the Mayor where they are set on land here. In all which, and other particular duties though the Muster Master, controller, and such other officers may be thought to be only responsible in such cases, wherewith they are trusted), yet the authority which your Lordship hath, and the means you have to distinguish how and when things of that nature may be in some good sort reform, and the persons offending therein being in your eye to behold both them and their doing, and in your power to rule and punish them, as you find cause, doth impose upon you thus much either to call upon them, and to chastise them, or else to deliver your own judgement, which when we shall receive from you, and thereof inform her Majesty, it would include your care and ours to have it otherwise, and would satisfy the expectation and discourse of this time, when her Majesty's subjects (being bitten with accidental charges of the wars) begin now to think, that much of that which her Majesty imposeth here at home, is not necessary, but rather voluntary, or for lack of care and providence in the expense, unprofitably wasted, especially now they hear of nothing but victories and improbabillity of foreign power, and yet find no difference between the present state of her majesties charge, and that which she was at when there was a Spanish Army in that Kingdom. We have also thought good to let your Lordship know, how great confusion it breeds in her majesties expense, that those of her Counsel there (while your Lordship hath been wholly conversant in military causes) have not called to their answer, nor (according to their desert) have punished such Commissaries of victuals there, as have made private gain to themselves, by sale of the victual committed to their charge, without warrant from us, or direction from the Purueors here (their superiors), whereof from you we have received both advertisement and mislike. But especially for that you of the Counsel there have never called upon nor strictly charged the Commissaries to bring in their accounts, in so much as there remaineth yet unaccounted for (for any thing we know) the whole charge of those victuals, which we have carefully sent over, and whereof we have received certificate of the safe arrival, for the space of almost two years, of which Mass (if the same be reckoned) your Lordship shall find it little less than the value of one hundred threescore thousand pound, whereof your Lordship may thus conclude, that either the sums defalked are great (which remain in the Treasurer's hands) or else the remain in specie is so great with the Commissaries, as her Majesty might have spared the provisions lately sent over, by which the Treasure hath been so mightily exhausted; or else the wastes must be such, as are not only to be rejected in the accounts, but the Authors thereof severely to be punished. A matter wherein we write the more earnestly to your Lordship, (from whom we would have all exception taken, that we assure ourselves, you deserve not,) because we hear that a great part of the waste shall be excused, sometimes by the avowing that it hath been cast on their hands, because the soldier hath not been enjoined to take it, and that some other time they have been commanded to remove it, and carry it from place to place, by which they pretend great loss; and (which of all things is most subject to suspicion in them), that it is taken for a good warrant in Ireland, to allow of any wastes, for which a Commissary can produce a certifficate from a poor Mayor, Sovereign or Bailiff of a Town or Port, which how easily it is obtained, your Lordships own wisdom can best judge, who are so well acquainted with the poverty and condition of that place. Further, because no one thing is more heavy to the Queen and the Realm, than the matter of victualling (wherein it is no way possible for us to do more here), and that we perceive by your letter of the two and twentieth of September, amongst other things, that your Lordship is not well satisfied in divers things concerning the victuals, we think it not amiss to handle some particular points of that matter, which we wish all those of the Counsel (and all other interested in the care of those things) may well understand, because you may the better (another time) answer those arguments, with which they seek to satisfy you, when in truth (if they examine themselves), whatsoever they lack, it proceedeth most from their own default. First, whereas in the letter aforesaid you note, how slowly such victuals do arrive there, as have been provided here upon request made by your Lordship, we answer, that Newcomen (whom you sent over) is able to give you satisfaction, that presently upon his coming over hither, and perusal of your Lordship's demands, there was no delay used by us, to satisfy you in such sort as might be to your Lordship's contentment, and to serve the Army and Garrisons, and (because Newcomen was not only made privy, but did both think the provision appointed to be sufficient to answer your Lordship's desire, and the use of the Army and Garrisons, & is one of the undertakers for those provisions of victuals) he is much to blame if he have not particularly discharged that trust. True it is, that we conceive you have cause to marvel, that in so great distance of time, so small quantity of so great a mass as was provided, hath arrived there, which if it hath happened by contrariety of winds only, then must your Lordship be satisfied, and we excused. But howsoever it be, by the copy of the Contracts 〈◊〉 unto your Lordship by us, with the charge the victuals did amount unto, we doubt not but you rest thoroughly satisfied of our care, and leave us rather cause to suspect, that our former letters written to your Lordship concerning the victualling causes, have not come to your hands, or that the contents of them are out of your remembrance. For in them, namely, that of the fourth of August last, we did not only send your Lordship (as formerly we did of all the rest) a copy of the contract made by the victuallers, but did satisfy you in divers things whereof we do find you do complain, which by our former letters we delivered and signified at large, and we both remember well the things you noted, & the course we held for your satisfaction. To which we add nothing more, but do repeat unto you, that we then did say in that point, that we find it a great fault in the Commissaries of the victuals there, that they do never inform you of the arrival of victuals in those parts, nor upon what contract they are provided, which would well become both the Commissary and Surueior of the victuals; for by many letters sent from him to us, we are particularly certified both of the victuals that arrive there, and upon what contract they are furnished. Besides, the victuallers here do protest, that they do provide no victuals at all, but for the use of the Army, and to furnish the contracts, so as what quantities soever are sent thither, the same are to be taken for her majesties use, and to be accounted to furnish the contracts, until they be complete, and then the overplus is to pass to serve the next contract. For it may fall out, that such victuals as are sent to one place, may by contrariety of winds arrive in another Province or Port, which now (as the purveyors do inform us) hath of late happened to one of their Barks driven into Cork, and there stayed by the Governor, which should have come to Galloway, and so that Town thereby disfurnished, and those that are sent sooner from hence may arrive later, and sometimes miscarry. But the chiefest matter that doth breed scruple, doubt, and matter of abuse, is that there are not appointed there in the usual Ports, where there are Magizines (as in Dublin, Carlingford, Cork, Lymricke, Carickfergus, Loughfoyle, and Galloway) some sufficient persons, who with the Mayor and Officers of the Ports, may oversee the unlading of the victuals from time to time, and take knowledge of the goodness of the victuals, and the quantities of the same, and to charge the Surveyors of the victuals to perform their duties likewise, and to be informed of the fame, and certify you thereof, wherein, or in any other sort, if any abuse be committed by the Commissaries, it is both the earnest request of the Undertakers, and our absolute desire, and that which your Lordship's place doth require, to see some exemplary punishment inflicted upon them for their evil carriage, which may and aught to be reform. So as for an answer to that letter, we must still refer you to our former letters, namely, those of the fourth of August last, forasmuch as is to be performed by us here, who see and hear with others eyes and ears in that place, and not our own.  
And where we do understand by your late letters also, that the Commissaries and Agents for the Undertakers, do refuse to take beèues at twenty shillings a piece, the victuallers here do not only deny the same to be done by their privity, but earnestly beseech us (as often they have done) that they may have them at that price, and in our letters sent by Necowmen, at their entreaty we did require, that your Lordship would be pleased to take order, they might have at reasonable rates such beeves as were taken from the enemy, which suit they do renew, and do assure us, they will be glad to receive them at that rate. And forasmuch as many great and heavy accounts are to be taken, before either reckonings can be cleared, or faults clearly distinguished, her Majesty hath resolved immediately after Christmas, to send over some well chosen Commissioners, both for integrity and experience in all things in this nature, to examine and survey the state of her majesties receipts and issues, To whom, as she nothing doubteth, but your Lordship (whose zeal and care appears so greatly in her majesties service) will give the best support which you can possibly afford them, so her Majesty requireth your Lordship now upon conference with the Counsel there, to appoint a day for all those inferior persons, who have any thing to do with the matters of accounts receipts, and expense, to come to Dublin, to the intent that those which shall be sent over, may not lose their time, by attending their repair from remote places, nor your Lordship (whose eyes and judgement will give great light to that Commission) may be otherwise distracted by any new journeys, or prosecutions, to which the growing on of the year may invite you. For the present desire you have that some Commissioners should be sent over for the passing of some lands to the Submitties, with such reservations as are fittest for her Majesty, she meaneth presently to send over authority accordingly, liking very well (amongst othing) that you intent to cut off all dependency upon the Irish Lords, which is one very necessary consideration. Lastly, because your Lp and the Counsel may know, that although it is not to be looked for at the hands of any Prince, that they should unnecessarily keep Companies in pay for the relief of any Captain, yet because her Majesty in her own disposition intendeth nothing less, then to neglect those servitors of hers, whom you shall testify to have deserved extraordinarily, being like to suffer penury by this cashering, she hath willed us to let you know, that she is pleased to continue to every such Captain, and so many other Officers as you think necessary, their ordinary pay; whereby they may be enabled to maintain themselves there about you, for many good purposes, until some other occasion offer itself to employ them elsewhere, or some Company there fall within your gift, to confer it upon them, which being done, that entertainment may cease. And now that you perceive her majesties resolution, whereof she hath much hastened the sending away unto you, (in which respect we cannot so particularly touch all things as we would); we must now conclude, that howsoever her majesties pleasure is, that those errors of subordinate Ministers in these matters of accounts and reckonings, should be thus mentioned to your Lordship and that Counsel, that is only to make it appear, how serious a reformation is expected from you: And though she seeth how fearful your Lordship is, without a more particular commandment (what numbers to diminish) to have made so large an abatement as she commandeth you, not knowing how soon you might have cause to use them for her service, yet her Majesty is so far from imputiug it to any error in judgement, or lack of zeal in you to her service, as she confesseth she hath been too blame for not commanding it, and not you for not doing it, whose care, toil, and peril, as they have been more than any Governor hath undergone before you, so may your Lordship take this comfort also, that the success which it hath pleased God to give you, doth make yourself an acceptable Minister to your Prince and Country, and maketh all us very glad (both for the public, to which we owe our first duties, and for your own private, who shall ever find it in all things fit for us to perform towards you). From the Court at White-Hall the 22 of November 1602.   

A List of the Army as it stood the first of januarie, 1602.  
Horse.  
The Lord deputy, 100 The Lord Precedent, 100 The Earl of Thomond, 50. The Earl of Clanrickard, 50. Sir Henry Dockwra, 100 Sir Arthur Chichester, 25. Master Martial, 50. Sir William Godolphin, 50. Sir Francis Stafford, 50. Sir Garret Moor, 25. Sir Henry Harrington, 25. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25. Sir Oliver S. john's, 25. Sir Richard Greame, 50. Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir Francis Rush, 12. Captain john jephson, 100 Sir Henry Folliot, 50. Captain William Taffe, 50. Captain Fleming, 25. Captain Geo. Greame, 14.  
Horse 1000  
Foot.  
The Lord Deputy, 200. The Lord Precedent, 200. The Earl of Kildare, 150. The Earl of Thomond, 200. The Earl of Clanrickard, 150. The Earl of Ormond, 150. The Lord Audley, 150. Sir George carry, Treasurer, 100 Sir Henry Dockwra, 150. Sir Oliver Lambert, 150. Sir Arthur Chichester, 200. Sir Kichard Wingfeild, 150. Sir Francis Stafford, 200. Sir Oliver S. john's, 200. Sir Foulke Conway, 150. Sir Samuel Bagnol, 150. Sir Richard Meryson, 200. Sir Garret Moor, 100 Sir Francis Shane, 100 Sir Christopher S. Laurence, 150. Sir Henry Follyot, 150. Sir George Bourcher, 100 Sir Francis Rush, 150. Sir james Fitz Peirce, 100 Sir Tho. Lofties, 100 Sir Henry Power, 150. Sir Edward Harbert, 100 Sir William Fortescue, 150. Sir Charles Willmott, 150. Sir Richard Peircy, 150. Sir Edward Fitz Gerald, 100 Sir Francis Barkely, 150. Sir Ben. Berry, 150. Sir Mat. Morgan, 150. Sir Tib. Dillon, 100 Sir Tho. Bourke, 150. Sir Geo. Thornton, 100 Sir Garret Harvey, 150. Sir Ed. Wingfeild, 200. Captain Edw. Blaney, 150. Capt. Tobey Cawfeild, 150. Capt. josias Bodley, 150. Capt. Hen. Atherton, 150. Capt. Edward Trever, 100 Capt. Ric. Hansard, 200. Capt. Ferdinand Freckleton, 100 Capt. Francis Roe, 150. Capt. Lau. Esmond, 150. Capt. Tho. Williams, 150. Capt. Lionel Guest, 150. Capt. Tho. Roper, 150. Capt. Tho. Rotheram, 150. Capt. Ralph Constable, 100 Capt. Ralph Bingley, 100 Capt. Tho. Badbey, 100 Capt. Ellis Flyod, 100 Capt. Lewis O. rell, 100 Capt. Ellis jones, 150. Capt. Edw. Leigh, 100 Capt. Edw. Basset, 100 Capt. Tho. Coach, 150. Capt. W. Winser, 150. Capt. Roger Orme, 100 Capt. Nich. Pinner, 100 Capt. joh. Sidney 100 Cap. W. Stafford, 100 Cap. Ralph Sidley, 100 Capt. Bassel Brooke, 100 Capt. 10 Vaughen, 100 Capt. H. Sackford, 100 Capt. Tho. Phillips, 100 Capt. Roger Langford, 100 Capt. I. Phillips, 100 Capt. H. Malby, 100 Capt. Tho. Bourke, 100 Capt. Tibott Bourke, 100 Cap. Rich. Hensle for pioneers, 100 Sir Francis Kinsmill, 150. Capt. Geo. Kinsmill, 100 Capt. Eostock, 100 Capt. Sam Harrison, 100 Capt. james Blonnt, 100 Capt. H. Skipwith, 100 Capt. Edw. Morryes', 100 Capt. Edw. Fisher, 100 Capt. H. Hart, 100 Cap. Abrey York, 100 Cap. Cher. Coote, 100 Capt. Gawen Harvey, 100 Capt. Dorington, 100 Capt. Holcroft, 100 Capt. H. Bakley, 150. Capt. Tho. Boys, 100 Capt. Edw. leg, 100 Capt. Dennis Dale, 50. Left in Ward at Enishcorthy, 20.  
Foot 12, 370.  
The fourth of january, Sir Henry Dockwra Governor of Loughsoyle forces, wrote to the Lord deputy this following letter.  
RIght Hon. and my very good Lord; the argument of this my letter shall be only the testification of my private duty, and a little discourse touching Neale Garue, and those Irish, whom I must freely confess I am more to seek in what sort to govern and use, to the benefit of her majesties service, and discharge of my own duty, then in any other point of the whole business. Neales' first coming without compulsion, his bringing us to Liffer, his services many times commendably performed in his own person, the furtherance he gave us for planting at Dunagall, the help he gave our men in their greatest wants, when O donnel besieged them, the loss of his brother in that service, the trial of his fidelity, by standing firm in so dangerous a time, and lastly the goods he forsook of his own to serve the Queen for half pay, are arguments neither untruly gathered, nor unjustly alleged to make much in his favour. On the otherside, his extreme pride, ambition, and infatiable covetousness, his want of any knowledge when he is well dealt with all, his importunity in all things, right or wrong, his continual begging, and unprofitable wasting of whatsoever he gets, his aptness to desperate and unspeakable discontent for trifles of no worth, his facility to be misliked by men of best quality, and his underhand juggling (which is too apparent by many Indices) with the Rebels, he is truly to be charged with all, as the other good services are to be acknowledged. And yet to discountenance him, and challenge him of those faults, were to raise a new war, and to drive the whole Country (in an unseasonable time) to an obdurate alienation of mind from all English Government. To discharge his people, we shall find a singular want, for espial of many things which they give us light of, so should we likewise for gathering of preys, whensoever we go a journey, and besides the Arms they have got amongst us, and the charge they have put her Majesty unto, the one would hardly be recovered out of their hands, and the other not unworthily thought to be an ill piece of service to make utterly lost. Again, on the other side they give continual advertisements, aswell from us to the Rebels, as from them to us. Forts or places of strength alone by themselves, they neither will nor dare abide in, without help. To make their peace with O Donnel, they shall for find difficulty. To join with the Spaniards (if any come near to those parts) they may if they will, and will undoubtedly if the be never so little discontented. In these inconveniences on the one side, and necessity on the other, I see not (in my judgement) any better course to be held, then to temporize somewhat, to feed their humours a while, though it be chargeable to the Queen, and to mingle lenity and severity so, as some be punished for these notorious abuses, when they are apparently proved (let him rage and storm while he will), and others winked at, whose faults are apparent, and yet more closely carried from direct and manifest proofs, by testimony of witnesses, and therewithal to get what by fair means and by force (as I see best occasion to temper them) the best pledges he hath for himself, and the best of his people into my hands, & being once possessed of them, to keep them till I see greater cause of assurance of his fidelity, or at the least a less occasion of suspicion, which course I am already entered into, under a good colour, as having taken his second son (the elder being at Dublin) together with two more of the chiefest men about him, with his own consent, in the name of pledges for others, but in truth most of all for himself. I am not ignorant but he will grievously complain against me for those courses, and many of our own Nation will whet him forward, some for want of knowledge of the truth, some blinded with private malice against my own person, and whatsoever shall happen amiss upon cause of his discontentment, will be imputed to me, and the corruption of my dealings, but I fly to your honour for succour, and gladly submit myself to a better course, if I may be instructed; for such is the state of the business between me and him, without partiality or malice, both upon the duty of my allegiance, and peril of my soul.  
Together with this letter, Sir Henry Dockwra sent to his Lordship the copy of the following letter he had lately written to the Lords in England.  
MOst Honourable Lords; the journey mentioned in my former letters, and intended upon Ocane, I set forward on, before Captain Vaughan departed the River, having first shipped all necessary provisions for planting a Garrison at Colrane, and seen them down the Lough, with a fair wind to carry them thither, before I set forth. How be it having passed through the Country, and effected in a manner all things to my own desire, being come unto the place, I found not the ship nor any appearance of news what was become of her, which the Master excuseth, but so, as I leave to your Lordships to judge, whether sufficiently or no, this bearer being instructed with the full state of the cause. The sum and effect of that journey was, that notwithstanding this, I sent down Captain Orme with two hundred English and the Irish of Enishlowen, to pass over at the Green Castle by water, to the end that he entering at one end of the Country, and I at the other, the prey might the more assuredly be taken, or at least the more spoil done, myself went overland, passed two paces without resistance, entered the third, beat them from defence of it, set fire on their Camp (containing 30 great houses all full of Corn), took Ocanes brother prisoner, that had before perfidiously revolted from the Queen's service (whom I sacrificed in the place), and so passed by, not through the Wood, because it was no ordinarily passage, and a fair way did lie by the Sea side hard by, so came into the Plains and heart of the Country, burning and spoiling, till I met that night with Captain Orme, at a place of strength agreed upon between us, who coming a way least looked for, lighted upon the kill of some few of the people, and a small prey of fifty Cows and five hundred sheep, for with the rest (for all his sudden coming), they made away, and got to the Mountains. For four days space together afterwards, I divided the forces into three bodies, and traversed first about, and then through the Country, spoiling and burning such a quantity of Corn, and number of houses, as I should hardly have believed so small a circuit of ground could have afforded, if I had not seen it. And because I failed of meeting the ship, I held my course towards Tyrone, intending (all under one journey) to have wasted and spoiled as high as Dungannon, but that I was prevented by a sudden thaw of weather, after a long frost and snow (which raised the Rivers, that with much difficulty I could recover home. But being returned, I met with letters from Dunagal, advertising me of their great want of victual, by reason that the ship (which I had a month before dispatched away with all provisions) was not then arrived. Whereupon (having divers other reasons also to draw me that way) I resolved to make my next journey thither, and to settle and establish the Garrison of Ballyshannon. So with one hundred Gartons' load of Biscuit and munition, I passed unto them, and happily relieved their greatest wants in a most seasonable time. At my coming I found there was a ship from Galloway arrived within the harbour of Calbeg, and during the time I was there, the other that I had sent from hence, came also into the same harbour, but by extremity of weather (which I was ancie witness unto) neither of them both was able to put in, either to Ballishannon or Dunnagall, all the time I was there, which was twenty days, so that the further fruit of my coming thither, consisted only in this, that I caused Neale Garue to make a cutting upon the Country for cows, wherewith the garrison was plentifully relieved, went to Ashrawe, and there left four companies of foot and fifty horse, which I carried from thence, besides those that were at Dunagall before settled, then there got in a sufficient quantity of Corn, to feed the Horse near all the Winter long, fet in turf and old houses for fuel, by the commodity of the garrous which I carried with me, saw the situation of Bundroise and Dulike, and all that part of the Country, and so returned to Dunagall, where I took in Mac Swine Fannaght, and some others of the Country, for whom Neale Garue had undertaken and delivered in pledges of his own, such as in truth I made choice of, more to bridle himself, then for any great assurance I think they are for the other. Howbeit, the state of things stood in such terms, chiefly by reason of the extreme foulness of weather, that I was not altogether unwillingly drawn to accept of their subjection upon slender assurance, whom (had the time served, to compel to other conditions) I should hardly have dealt withal, or given care unto in any sort. But this is the advantage which I think myself to have gained by taking them in, that Neale Garues importunity is satisfied (who if his humours be altogether restrained, will undoubtedly prove a desperate Rebel), himself settled in full possession of his own Country (if he can keep it) furnished with means to feed his people of his own, which before I could not be rid of, but he would wring the Queen's store, and beside be always complaining (as he did still) of his half pay, in which notwithstanding he is now less to be harkened unto, for that the just and reasonable colour which he had before, of being banished from all private means of his own to maintain them by, is clearly taken away, and further an opportunity is gained, that those men which had played false before, being returned home, with all their goods, thinking themselves safe and sure under protection, may upon very justifiable reasons hereafter be looked into, and seized on, when they least expect, and can worst avoid it, whose goods by any other means would never be got, but concealed or done away amongst the Rebels, where we shall never find them. What other benefit is had by settling that Garrison as it is, your Lordships may easily gather out of your own knowledge, to which the bearer is able to add somewhat, as having lived a good space of time thereabout, and going furnished with many instructions and remembrances for that purpose, who will also lay down unto your Lordships the state of the Army, as being a Commissary, and the necessaries requisite to that place, as being a man specially chosen by the Captains, and in that kind of business requested to labour and solicit in their behalf. The Castle of Ballishannon I could not take, by reason the piece of Artillery was not come, nor any manner of provision (so much as a board) to be had for the purpose. But all things are now sent away, which the winds serving fitly to bring thither, that business will be easily effected. But your Lordship must understand, that the Bar at the coming in, is so shallow (whatsoever some vain men will talk to the contrary), and the road so open, without being covered with any manner of land, as by mere necessity the ships that shall be employed in bringing any thing to it, must be of very small burden if they get in, and yet, if any weather arise, forced (whether they be great or small) to make the place of their unlading at Dunagall, from whence it must be carried to the other place by land, so that both the charge and trouble thereof will be much more than was expected, or then I could ever be rightly informed of, till I saw it. I have now assembled the Forces, to make another journey into Tyrone, but in so unfit a season of weather, as it yet holds, as I shall be forced to suspend it, till some alteration make the Rivers and high ways more passable.  
The next after that, which I mean (God willing) without question to undertake, is to accomplish my first intent of settling at Colraine, which I know myself able to perform, though the whole force of the Rebels should be returned before I undertake it. But then shall our Forces be so far extended and divided asunder, as more than the bare keeping of those holds we are possessed of, we shall not be able to do, till a new supply of men arrive, which in my opinion should come most seasonably towards the ending of the next month, in that the Cows, (which now their Corn is gone, is their only relief) are then easiest to be fet away or spoiled. And for any impeachment we shall have by the Spaniards, though we be daily threatened by many thundering rumours, yet I see no great reason to suspect their coming hither, nor shall in that respect rely myself further then upon your Lordship's better intelligence, and most honourable care, according to the occasions shall be offered. Only this I must put your Lordships in mind of, that by an Army able to master us in field, coming furnished with Artillery, the River and all our provisions both of victual and munition are easily to be taken from us, which notwithstanding we may much prevent, if our Forts at this place be made up in time, (which is almost done already), and a couple of good ships of war lodged at Cullmore for that strait. Whilst I was myself at Ballishannon, I must advertise your Lordships, that I gave charge to Captain wills, lying at Lyffer, that with those Forces I left behind, he should make a journey upon Sleught Art, a people in Tyrone, who before my going, made many offers of their subjection, but so as in conclusion I must stand to their courtesy, how long they would continue in that state, and therefore rejected them utterly. He fell (according to my directions) upon them, brought away three hundred Cows, and burned most of their Houses and Corne. They offer again a new parley, but because I am resolved to take in none of Tyrone, left their numbers (to feed upon their own hungry store) should be diminished, I do still refuse them, and will do all other of that Country, except I see some apparent extraordinary and special cause to the contrary. So I most humbly recommend my duty and the best service I am able to perform to your Lordship's command. From the Derry the second of january 1602.  
The Lord Deputy being returned from Galloway to Athlone, and being advertised from Rowry O donnel, that he had lately done some services against O Rowrke, did by his letters of the sixth of january give him thanks for the same, encouraging him to drive O Rowrke out of his Country, wherein an Army of four thousand English was then ready to assist him, with assurance that her Majesty was so incensed by O-Rowrkes contempts, as she was resolved never to pardon him, and with promise of that Country to him and his heirs, if he joined his Forces to expel O Rowrke. Further his Lordship assured him, that this should be no bar, but rather a furtherance, to his hopes of having his brother's lands. For as he would never take from Sir Neale Garue any thing for merely given or promised to him, so if he could prove, that since his submission he had committed any treason, wherein the other could not by an honourable trial justify himself, than he should be sure, that his Lordship would satisfy his best expectations.  
The ninth of january his Lordship in his and the Counsel's letter to the Lords in England, after relation of the present affairs, wrote further as followeth.  
IN this journey I the Deputy received her majesties express direction for the reducing of her highness Forces to twelve thousand Foot and one thousand Horse, which I do most willingly obey, and for performance thereof, I took present order, which now is fully put in execution, though upon the sudden it could not be done, the Army being divided in the remote parts of this Kingdom. And albeit I have given strait charge, that out of the new cashered Companies, the bands subsisting should be made strong; yet must I make known to your Lordships the difficulties I find to perform this direction, by reason the Soldiers being once cashered, do use (notwithstanding any care that we can take) to wander to and fro, and sometimes fall into the Rebels hands, which use to strip them of their arms and clothes, sometimes into the hands of bordering Subjects, which deal no better with them, and so they become most miserable creatures: so hard a thing is it to keep them together, to be turned over to other Companies, when once they know of their cashering; as I remember your Lordships have noted the like difficulty in your letters, to keep together, and to send over the whole numbers by you appointed to come into this Kingdom. And in this cashering of Companies, according to her majesties express pleasure, which her Highness prescribeth to be of the Irish Companies, that the English may subsist and be made strong, although I would willingly perform this direction; and to that end have discharged a number of Irish Companies heretofore and now, yet seeing the Arch-rebel doth yet hold out, (albeit I have directed such a course for his prosecution by Sir Arthur Chichester, who is in pursuit of him, as before the Spring I hope he shall be quite broken), and that this rebel O Rowrke hath drawn such a head together, I think it not amiss yet to continue some of the Irish Companies for a time, hoping with God's good favour, that ere it be long, I may reduce the Army to a lesser number, and then with more conveniency and less danger, may discharge the Irish Companies, which in the mean time I will so exercise and employ, as they shall not be idle, but shall be still exposed to endure the brunt of the service, upon all occasions: And touching the continuing of this service against the Rebel Orowrke and his Confederates, (which we are of opinion may not be delayed), for the prevention of further dangers, as also for the upholding of her majesties Army, in regard of the general scarcity of all sorts of victuals in all parts of this Kingdom, we humbly pray your Lordships to remember, that a proportion of victuals be sent to Galloway, Ballishannon, and Lymrick, with all speed, without the which we see no means how this service can be followed, or the Army in general may be preserved from perishing. For where it is expected by your Lordships that some great numbers of beeves, and other victuals may be gotten from the Rebels, we have already so impoverished them by prosecutions, as they are ready to starve. And amongst the Subjects of the Pale, their Harvest was so unseasonable, and their Corn was so destroyed by the weather, as numbers of subjects will undoubtedly die of famine; and we see no means for her majesties Army in this Kingdom to subsist, especially for this present year, but upon provisions to be sent out of England, which in discharge of our bounden duties, we thought meet plainly to signify unto your Lordships, and do humbly leave it to your careful providence: For such abuses as have been committed in disposing of the victuals, we shall be ready upon the arrival of such Commissioners, as are purposed to be sent, to yield unto them our best assistance, and in the mean season, to have all things in readiness against their coming.  
The sixteenth of january the Lord Deputy received the following letter, directed from her Majesty to his Lordship, and the rest of the Counsel for Ireland.   

Elizabeth Regina.  
RIght trusty and well-beloved, We greet you well. The abuses which by the frauds of Merchants do daily multiply in the course of exchange, do cast upon Us so great burden, and We find them to be so impossible to be prevented, by any cautions that can be devised, (whereof we have sufficient proof in the like fruit that followeth of the restraints made since the first Proclamation published), as We can find no other way to remedy those inconveniences, but by taking from the Merchant all benefit of exchange, other then hereunder is mentioned, in the form of a Proclamation, which We think good to be published in that Kingdom, to make known to all men in what manner We intent to allow of the exchange, from the day of the publishing thereof, which therefore you shall cause to be done immediately upon the receipt of these Our letters. And for that Our intent is by this Proclamation (as you may perceive by the tenor thereof) to explain all former Proclamations and Orders touching this matter of the exchange, and that from the day of the publishing of this new declaration of Our pleasure, the same only be taken for the rule of the exchange, and no benefit of Our former Proclamation to be allowed to any; yet because in some of them there be some clauses meet for Us to be continued, We have here under made a short note of those clauses out of the said Proclamations, which clauses Our pleasure is that you cause to be taken verbatim, and inserted into this Proclamation when you shall publish it, or else to express the substance of them in such words as you shall think fit, or to alter or omit any of them, or to add to this new direction for our advantage; requiring you in your consideration of this our purpose, to cast aside all private respects, and only to aim at the ease of our great charge, so far forth as it may be done without inconueniency of greater moment to Our State there, than our charge is to Vs.   

The Proclamation.  
Upon the alteration of the Standard of Our moneys in this Realm, whereunto We were led aswell by examples of Our Progenitors, who had ever made a difference between the moneys of this Realm, and Our Realm of England, as also by a necessary providence of keeping the sterling moneys, both from the hands of Our Rebels here, and also from transportation into foreign Countries, which chiefly by the said Rebels and their Factors was done; We did erect an Exchange for the use of all sorts of Our Subjects, & others using intercourse between these 2 Realms, for converting of moneys of the new Standard of this Realm into sterling moneys in England, and of English moneys into those of this Realm reciprocally, hoping that the honest and upright carriage of Merchants in an equal exercise of traffic between the two Realms, would have caused in the said Exchange an indifferent and mutual commodity, both to the Merchant for his trade, and to Us for Our payments, and both their & Our intentions have concurred, in preserving the sterling moneys from the Rebels, and from transportation into foreign Countries: but in this little time of experience which We have made thereof, being not yet two years past, We have found Our expectation greatly deceived, and the scope given the first institution of the Exchange, exceedingly abused by the slights and cunnings of Merchants, which though We did immediately (upon the beginning of the Exchange) discover to be breeding; yet did We not think that the same would ever have grown to such a height, as since We have perceived. Wherefore We did by some restrictions and limitations seek to contain those frauds within reasonable bounds; but it falleth out that the remedies proposed, have been so far from the easing of the grief, as whatsoever hath been by Us prescribed for the redress, hath but served for a ground and pretext of new inventions of deceit: for that by the cunning craft of some Merchants, the scope given by Our Proclamation to the said Exchange, is so abused, as that some Merchant who hath brought commodities into that Kingdom from hence, hath not been content to sell the same for reasonable gain, but having raised his price of the same commodity to so much in the new moneys, as do in their true value of silver almost countervail the sterling he paid for it here, viz. That which cost him ten shillings sterling to thirty shillings Irish, after that rate, that which cost him 100 pound to 300 pound, he hath returned to Our Exchange the same 300 pound, which being answered him here in sterling, yieldeth him profit of three for one, which is so great a gain, as no adventure of any Merchants into the further most parts of traffic doth yield, and to Us such a burden, as if the same should be permitted, were nothing else in effect, but to make Our Exchequer a Mart for the cunning of Merchants to work upon: Besides many of them have of purpose to make profit by the said Exchange, bought up old bills of debts, from divers persons, to whom payment hath upon just consideration been deferred, and compounding for the same, for small sums of money of the new Standard, returned the whole upon Us by exchange, whereby they have made an exceeding profit, conrrary to the true meaning of Our Proclamation, intended for the use and benefit of such, as exercised an honest and direct course of Merchandise. By which frauds there is ever a great quanrity of moneys of the new Standard returned upon Us for sterling moneys in this Realm, but neither is there any proportionable quantity of sterling moneys brought in here into the Exchange, nor delivered into the Banks to be converted into new moneys there: And consequently, there doth grow upon Us an intolerable burden, in continual payments of sterling moneys, and yet the two mischiefs (which were the chief cause of alteration of Our Standard) not remedied; that is, the preserving of the sterling moneys from the Rebels, and from transportation into foreign Countries: For little of it being brought in by Merchants of this Country, and the same being not currant to be used here amongst Our good Subjects, We find it partly transported, and partly falling into the hands of the Rebels, wherewith they have been the better enabled to continue in their wicked courses: Wherefore for redress of so great abuses daily practised by Merchants, We do hereby publish, that Our meaning is, that from the day of the publishing hereof, the places of exchanging of moneys, shall be only at Dublyn for this Our Realm of Ireland, and at London for Our Realm of England, for all such as use the trade of Merchandise, but for others that are in Our pay, and have wages of Us, as being of Our Army, or otherwise, there shall be a Bank maintained at Cork, as heretofore it was, to receive their bills, but the bills received there, shall be paiable only at London, and for the use of passengers and soldiers departing out of Our Realm into England, there shall be likewise exchanges at Bristol and Chester. So as no such soldier or passenger do bring thither any bill containing above the sum offoure pound. But for Merchants, there shall not be at the said places of Chester and Bristol, any payment of bills returned, but only at Our City of London, in such manner as is hereafter expressed. And further Our pleasure and meaning is, that the said Exchange shall extend only to such, as now are, or hereafter from time to time shall be in Our pay here, serving Us in the field, or in wards, or garrisons, and to all Officers of government of justice, of Our revenues, or of the Exchange, and to such others as are contained in Our establishment: To all and every of whom, We are pleased to allow the benefit of exchanging moneys of the new Standard of this Realm, into Monies currant in England, (wanting only twelve pence sterling in the pound), viz. yearly to each of them rateably in his degree, for so much as he doth save, above his expense, of that which he doth receive yearly of Us, or aught to receive clearly for his pay, all deductions and defalcations being foreprized; and so as there be no fraud used by any of them in abusing this Our liberality and favonr, conttary to Our true meaning: And for others using trade of Merchandise, although they deserve no favour, in regard of the frauds, wherewith many of them have abused Our gracious meaning, in the institution of Our exchange intended, and in regard of the excessive raising of the prices of all wares, whereby both Our Subjects are extremely burdened here, and We intolerably charged in the exchange in England, yet in regard of the present poverty of this Our Realm, whereby We conceive that there wanteth as yet for a time sufficient commodities of the growth or manufaction of this Kingdom, wherewith to maintain traffic, We are pleased to maintain for their use an exchange in this manner. That every such person, not being of those that belong to Our Establishment, but a Merchant, who shall deliver to the Master of the Exchange, or his Deputies in this Realm, one hundred pounds, whereof forty pound shall be of the Standard, of sterling money of silver or of gold, and threescore pound in mixed moneys of the new Standard of this Realm, shall receive of the said Master of the Exchange, or his Deputies, a Bill directed to the Bank of exchange in England, where the same is playable, whereby he shall receive for each hundred pound delivered here in that manner, one hundred pounds in Monies currant of England, wanting only twelve pence in the pound for each pound of the mixed moneys delivered, and for the starling no defalcation to be made, as heretofore hath been ordained. And after that rate for more or less in quantity. And to the end that the frauds used by some Merchants may be better prevented, and the Master of the exchange, or his Deputies understand, that he dealeth truly in bringing his moneys to the exchange. Our pleasure is, that every such Merchant, resorting to the exchange, shall bring a certificate from the Officers of Our Customhouse, where his goods were entered, what goods he hath entered there, and at what time, to the end that it may thereby be discerned, that he seeketh nothing, but the return of his own money, and is not a cullourer of other men's. And sor that divers Noble men and Gentlemen of this Realm, have cause many times to repair into England, either for suits or other necessary causes, and some have children there, either at the Universities, or at the Inns of Court or Chancery, or in Our service at Court, who shall have cause for those purposes to use sterling money, and to have the moneys of this Realm converted into money's currant in England, We are pleased, that all such have the benefit of the exchange in such manner, as for those of our Army is above limited, for such yearly sums of money, as Our Deputy and Counsel there for the time being, shall think good to allow to any of them, upon their demands. And the Warrant of our said Deputy and Counsel shall be sufficient Warrant to the Master of our exchange, or his Deputies, for the receiving of all such Bills as they shall require him to admit, for any such Nobleman or Gentleman.  
And now having explained some part of the abuses offered to Us in the exchange, and declared Our pleasure for the reformation of them, We do not doubt but that, as upon the former restrictions by Us proposed to the same end, so now, many ill minded persons will not stick to flander Our doings, as though there were not in Us an honourable meaning to perform what here We have promised, whereof although Our proceedings shall by their true and just effect manifest the contrary, yet because evil tongues accustomed to calumniate the actions of Princes, are sometimes the instruments of alteration of people's minds from their dutiful opinions of their Sovereigns, where there is to us nothing so dear as the conservation of the love of our subjects, We do for preventing of any such malicious purposes, require all Magistrates and Officers, who have any charge in the Government of that Our Kingdom, to have an care to such evil rumours, and to the spreaders of them, and such as they shall find to be authors or instruments of divulging any slanderous speeches, touching this matter of the exchange, to make them an example for others to be admonished by. And to assure all men, that this institution of base money in this Kingdom hath had his chiefest ground, upon hope We had thereby to weaken the Rebels of this Kingdom, who by the use of sterling money, had and have means to provide themselves from foreign parts, of all things necessary to maintain their evil courses. And that the same being by this way partly, and partly by power of Our Army, once suppressed, We shall have just cause to restore the moneys of this Realm to such estate, as our Progenitors have accustomed to use here. Given under our Signet at our Palace of Westminster the four and twentieth day of December, 1602 being of our Reign the five and fortieth year.  
The clauses of former Proclamations touching the Exchange meet now to be continued.  
The use of sterling moneys or of any other, than these new moneys, prohibited upon penalties of imprisonment and fine; All Officers having power given them to seize the said moneys put in use, and every Informer allowed the moiety of so much as he shall discover.  
To allow for all sterling moneys of silver, brought into the Exchange, with purpose to receive new moneys for the same, gain of two shillings in the pound of new moneys: for gold two shillings six pence gain of new moneys.  
To allow ten in the hundred profit, for all base silver moneys brought into the Exchange.  
Counterfetters to be severely looked to & punished. All passengers coming into Ireland, to be searched, or put to their oath, what sterling money they carry with them.  
The same day his Lordship and the Counsel here, received this following letter from the Lords in England.  
AFter our very hearty commendations to your Lordships, we have received your letter of the seventh of this instant, together with a several note or abstract of some material points and doubts to be considered and resolved, concerning the last prescribed form of the Exchange. And as both your letters and abstract, were addressed together for answer of her majesties letter, lately sent unto you with a form of a Proclamation thereunto annexed, so now you shall again receive the resolution of her Majesty and us of her Counsel, touching the same matter only, and the doubts by you propounded, which according to your desire we send with as much speed as a business of that importance, (reduced to a new deliberation) could be dispatched. For the liberty that her Majesty did give you, either of proceeding, or of respite and suspense to publish the Proclamation, according to the judgement you shall make of it upon consideration of any very dangerous effects, that you shall find apparent or likely to ensue, you have rightly acknowledged her majesties gracious respect unto you, in whom (as the chiefest Ministers of that State) she reposeth special confidence, both for your care and wisdom, and for the opportunity you have (by the present contemplation of all things near at hand and under your eye) to discern and discover any inconveniencies, and to apply the medicines accordingly. And therefore, although it pleased her to take that resolution (together with us of her Counsel) which was set down by the said Proclamation, hoping that it would be a means to cure and prevent the intolerable frauds and enormities in the practice of the exchange, which was intended and instituted for the ease of her excessive charge, and for the good of her subjects there; yet for as much as you have showed so great a distrust and fear of dangerous consequence, if you should forthwith have proceeded to the publishing of that Proclamation, and upon advised consultation (as her Majesty assureth herself) have propounded these points of doubtfulness, that accompanied your letter, she is well pleased to give such credit to your opinion, as that she hath upon a new deliberation with us of her Counsel, caused a temper and moderation to be set down, with the chief points whereof you doubted, as may appear unto you by a form of a Proclamation, differing from the former, and now sent unto you, wherein because you may readily observe the particular alterations from the former Proclamation, by comparing both together, we need not make rehearsal of them here, for satisfaction of your doubts. Only we have thought good to say somewhat concerning the sixth and seventh Articles in your abstract, in which you make question what course is best to be holden for the discovery of the frauds used by Merchants and others in their exchanges, and what means are to be used that her Majesty be not overburdened in the exchange, upon which questions and your own opinions thereof delivered, we cannot omit to make two observations. The one that yourselves do acknowledge the intolerable frauds of Merchants and others used in the exchange, whereby not only her majesties gracious intention and meaning of the exchange hath been extraordinarily abused; but her Subjects in that Realm, by the excessive rates in the sale of all commodities, have been unconscionably overcharged: And therefore yourselves cannot deny, but that it were very dangerous for the exchange to be upholden without remedy of these frauds. The second, that for as much as there cannot be any certain rule and order prescribed, to avoid these frauds, that shall be free from the evasion of cunning and deceitful persons, and the only remedy doth consist in the careful and diligent oversight of her majesties Ministers, to whom that trust is committed, her Majesty thinketh that as yourselves did truly find the faults and abuses, so none can better provide for their remedy than you, that are there present, and especially you the Treasurer, by whose Ministers errors her Majesty hath been so much prejudiced. And whereas especial cause of these frauds is imputed to the multiplicity of the bills of exchange, we should most willingly be of that mind, to reduce all unto one place at Dublyn, were it not that we find you the Treasurer to vary in your opinion, having signified heretofore by your particular letters to some of us, that there is no possible way of remedy, but by reducing all the Banks to one place, and yet by this letter jointly with the rest of the Counsel, delivering your opinion for the establishing of two places, unto which opinion, because we conceive you are won, upon the consultation of that Counsel, we have applied our consent thereunto: And to the end it may plainly appear unto you, how the Merchants & others abusing the exchange, do most fraudulently serve their turn both upon her majesties Subjects there, (if it be true as hath been informed to us by persons of good credit coming from thence, that they improve their commodities to a treble price, and more, in respect of that Coin), and likewise upon her majesties excessive loss, by return of their money upon the exchange, we have thought good to send you an Estimate or Calculation of the gain that one of them may make, and (as it is to be supposed) doth make, in this course upon the expense but of one hundred pounds uttered there in commodities, making and raising thereupon but two for one, whereby you may judge how unreasonable advantage may be further made, upon the profit of three or four for one, if the Merchant be so ill disposed, or can find the means of a corrupt Minister under the Treasurer to combine with him: And so we bid you right heartily well to far. From the Court at White-Hall the 24 of December 1602.  
A computation (sent over enclosed in the former letter) of the gain which a Merchant may make by the Exchange, bringing to the Exchange in each one hundred pound, forty pound sterling: and supposing the Merchant to be without sterling money in his store, or without credit, and to use the Exchange directly.  
If he convert one hundred pound sterling into wares, and sell the same in Ireland at the rate of two for one, viz. For two hundred pound Irish, he doth thereby gaineas followeth.  
To have the benefit of the Exchange, he must have fourscore pounds sterling, which supposing that he buyeth at five shillings Irish each twenty shillings sterling, his fourscore pound sterling doth cost him one hundred pounds Irish.  
Then cometh he to the Exchange with one hundred pounds Irish, and fourscore pounds sterling; for both which the Minister giveth him a bill to receive in England one hundred seventy five pound sterling, for he must lose five pound of the exchange of the one hundred Irish.  
Then hath he in his purse in England one hundred seventy five pound, defalking his first stock, which was one hundred pound, resteth clear to him seventy five pound.  
And this he may do upon as many returns as he maketh in a year.  
If it be objected, that he cannot buy sterling money at so low a rate, as for five and twenty shillings Irish, but that he do pay thirty shilling Irish for twenty shillings sterling, then is his gain the less by nineteen pound, and yet shall he gain six and fifty pound.  
But supposing such 〈◊〉 Merchant as is not in necessity to by sterling money with Irish, but that he they borrow it here of friends, though he pay twenty pound in the hundred for 〈◊〉 is his gain in this manner.  
His hundred pounds sterling converted into wares, and sold in Ireland for two hundred pound Irish, he bringeth to the Exchange one hundred and twenty pound Irish and fourscore pounds sterling borrowed, and receiveth a bill to be paid in England, one hundred fourscore and fourteen pound, losing six pound for the return of one hundred and twenty pound Irish.  
So hath he in his purse in England one hundred fourscore and fourteen pound, out of which deducting one hundred pound, which was the first stock, resteth to him fourscore and fourteen pound. Out of which gain, allowing him fourscore pounds, to pay for so much borrowed by him, yet resteth to him fourteen pound.  
And further he hath remaining in his hands in Ireland fourscore pound Irish, remaining of his two hundred Irish, whereof he brought only one hundred and twenty pound to the Exchange. To have which fourscore pound returned by the Exchange, he must borrow two and thirty pound sterling; and so shall he have a bill to be paid in England, one hundred and eight pound; for he looseth four pound for exchange of the fourscore pound Irish: Out of which one hundred and eight pound, abating the two and thirty pound borrowed, there resteth gained seventy six pound. Whereunto adding the fourteen pound above mentioned, than the whole gain is, fourscore and ten pound.  
From whence take for the interest of one hundred and twelve pound, borrowed for three months, after twenty in the hundred for a year, which is for three months six pound twelve shillings, and then his clear gain is, towards his freight, custom, forbearing the money and other charges, fourscore and four pound, eight shillings.  
About the end of january, the Lord Deputy returned from Connaght to Dublyn, and by the way received letters from Rowry O donnel, who now had undertaken the prosecution of O Rorke, and signified his determination to make a road presently into his Country, and to leave some of his men to lie upon him, in some places of convenient strength: but his Lordship being come to Dublyn, received another letter from the said Rory O donnel, upon the eighteenth of February, signifying that O Rorkes strength was much increased, by the repair of many chief Rebels into his Country, so as for the present he was neither able to attempt O Rorke, nor to defend himself from his attempts, till the English forces should draw up to assist him, the hastening whereof he prayed, and that he might have leave to put up his Creaghtes for a time towards Ballishannon, for his better safety.  
The five and twentieth of February, the Lord deputy wrote this following letter to the Lords in England, and sent it by the hands of the Lord Precedent of Monster, at this time going for England.  
MAy it please your Lordships, although I am unwilling to inform you often of the present estate of this Kingdom, or of any particular accidents or services, because the one is subject to so much alteration, and the other lightly delivered unto all that are not present with such uncertainty, and that I am loath to make any project unto your Lordships, either of my requests to you, or my own resolutions here, since so many things fall suddenly out, which may alter the grounds of either: yet since I do write now by one that can so sufficiently supply the defects of a letter, I have presumed at this time to impart unto your Lordships, that I think fit to be remembered, or do determine on, most humbly desiring your L p., that if I err in the one, or hereafter alter the other, you will not impute it to my want of sincerity or constancy, but to the nature of the subject whereof I must treat, or of the matter whereon I work: And first to present unto your Lordships the outward face of the four Provinces, and after to guess (as near as I can) at their dispositions. Monster by the good government and industry of the Lord Precedent, is clear of any force in rebellion, except some few unable to make any forcible head. In Lemster there is not one declared Rebel: In Connaght there is none but in O Rorkes Country; In Ulster none but Tyrone, and Brian Mac Art, who was never Lord of any Country, and now doth with a body of loose men and some creaghts continue in Glancomkynes, or near the borders thereof. Connogh Macgayre sometimes Lord of Fermannagh, is banished out of the Country, who litres with O. Rorke, and at this time O Connor Macgayre is possessed of it by the Queen, and holds it for her. I believe that generally the Lords of the Countries that are reclaimed, desire a peace, though they will be wavering, till their lands and estates are assured unto them from her Majesty, and as long as they see a party in rebellion to subsist, that is of power to ruin them if they continue subjects, or otherwise shall be doubtful of our defence. All that are out, do seek formercy, except O Rorke, and O swillivan, who is now with O Rorke, and these are obstinate only one of their diffidence, to be safe in any forgiveness. The loose men, and such as are only Captains of Bonnaghtes, as Tyrrill, and Brian Mac Art, will nourish the war, as long as they see any possibility to subsist, and like ill humours, have recourse to any part that is unsound. The Nobility, Towns, and English-Irish, are for the most part as weary of the war as any, but unwilling to have it ended, generally, for fear that upon a peace, will ensue a severe reformation of Religion; and in particular many bordering gentlemen that were made poor by their own faults, or by rebels 〈◊〉, continue their spleen to them, now they are become Subjects, and having used to help themselves by stealths, did never more use them, nor better prevail in them, than now that these submitties have laid aside their own defence, and betaken themselves to the protection and justice of the State, and many of them have tasted so much sweet in entertainments, that they rather desire a war to continue them, than a quiet harvest that might arise out of their own honest labour, so that I do find none more pernicious Instruments of a new war, than some of these. In the mean time, Tyrone while he shall live, will blow every spark of discontent, or new hopes that shall lie hid in any corner of the Kingdom, and before he shall be utterly extinguished make many blazes, and sometimes set on fire, or consume the next Subjects unto him. I am persuaded that his combination is already broken, and it is apparent, that his means to subsist in any power is overthrown, but how long he may live as a wood-kerne, and what new accidents may fall out while he doth live, I know not. Ifit be imputed to my fault, that notwithstanding her majesties great forces, he doth still live, I beseech your Lordships to remember, how securely the Banditoes of Italy do live, between the power of the King of Spain and the Pope: How many men of all Countries of several times have in such sort preserved themselves long from the great power of Princes, but especially in this Country, where there are so many difficulties to carry an Army in most places, so many unaccessable strengths for them to fly unto, and then to be pleased to consider the great work that first I had, to break this main rebellion, to defend the Kingdom from a dangerous invasion of a mighty foreign Prince, with so strong a party in the Country, and now the difficulty to root out scattered troops, that had so many unaccessible dens to lurk in, which as they are by nature of extreme strength and peril to be attempted, so is it unpossible for any people, naturally and by art, to make greater use of them; and though with infinite danger we do beat them out of one, yet is there no possibility for us to follow them with such agility, as they will fly to another, and it is most sure, that never Traitor knew better how to keep his own head, than this, nor any Subjects have a more dreadful awe to lay violent hands on their sacred Prince, than these people have to touch the person of their O Neales'; and he that hath as pestilent a judgement as ever any had, to nourish and to spread his own infection, hath the ancient swelling and desire of liberty in a conquered Nation to work upon, their fear to be rooted out, or to have their old faults punished, upon all particular discontents, and generally over all the Kingdom, the fear of a persecution for Religion, the debasing of the Coin, (which is grievous unto all sorts), and a dearth and famine, which is already begun, and must of necessity grow shortly to extremity; the least of which alone, have been many times sufficient motives to drive the best and most quiet estates into sudden confusion. These will keep all spirits from settling, breed new combinations, and (I fear) even stir the Towns themselves, to solicit foreign aid, with promise to cast themselves into their protection: And although it be true, that if it had pleased her Majesty, to have longer continued her Army in greater strength, I should the better have provided for what these Clouds do threaten, and sooner and more easily either have made this Country a razed table, wherein she might have written her own laws, or have tied the ill disposed and rebellious hands, till I had surely planted such a government, as would have overgrown and killed any weeds, that should have risen under it, yet since the necessity of the State doth so urge a diminution of this great expense, I will not despair to go on with this great work, through all these difficulties, if we be not interrupted by foreign forces, although perchance we may be encountered with some new eruptions, and (by often adventuring) with some diasters; and it may be your Lordships shall sometimes hear of some spoils done upon the Subjects from the which it is impossible to preserve them in all places, with far greater Forces than ever yet were kept in this Kingdom: And although it hath been seldom heard, that any Army hath been carried on with so continual action and enduring, without any intermission of Winter breathe, and that the difficulties at this time, to keep any Forces in the place where we must make the war, (but especially our Horse), are almost beyond any hope to prevent, yet with the favour of God and her majesties fortune, I do determine, myself to draw into the field, as soon as I have received her majesties commandments by the Commissioners, whom it hath pleased her to fond over, and in the mean time I hope, by my own presence or directions, to set every party on work, that doth adjoin or may be drawn against any force that now doth remain in rebellion. In which journey the success must be in the hands of God, but I will confidently promise to omit nothing, that is possible by us to be done, to give the last blow unto the Rebe lion. But as all pain and anguish, impatient of the present, doth use change for a remedy, so will it be impossible for us to settle the minds of this people unto a peace, or reduce them unto order, while they feel the smart of these sensible grietes, and apparent fears which I have remembered to your Lordships, without some hope of redress or security. Therefore I will presume (how unworthy soever I am) since it concerns the Province her Majesty hath given me, with all humbleness to lay before your grave judgements, some few things, which I think necessary to be considered of.  
And first, whereas the alteration of the coin, and taking away of the exchange, in such measure as it was first promised, hath bred a general grievance unto men of all qualities, and so many incommodities to all sorts, that it is beyond the judgement of any that I can hear to prevent a confusion in this estate, by the conunuance thereof; that (at the least) it would please your Lordships to put this people in some certain hope, that upon the end of the war, this new standard shall be abolished, or eased, and that in the mean time the Army may be favourably dealt with in the Exchange, since by the last Proclamation your Lordships sent over, they do conceive their case will be more hard than any others; for if they have allowed them nothing, but indefinitely as much as they shall merely gaint out of their entertainments, that will prove nothing to the greater part. For the only possibility to make them to live upon their entertainment, will be to allow them exchange for the greatest part thereof, since now they do not only pay excessive prices for all things, but can hardly get any thing for this money; and although we have presumed to alter (in show, though not effect) the Proclamation in that point, by retaining a power in ourselves to proportion their allowance for exchange, yet was it, with a mind to conform our proceedings therein, according to your Lordship's next directions, and therefore do humbly desire to know your pleasures therein For our opinions of the last project it pleased your Lordships to send us, I do humbly leave it to our general letters, only as from myself I made overture to the Counsel of the other you sent directed only to myself, and because I found them generally to concur, that it would prove as dangerous as the first, I did not think it fit any otherwise to declare your Lordship's pleasure therein. And whereas it pleased your Lordships in your last letters to command us to deal moderately in the great matter of Religion, I had, before the receipt of your Lordship's letters, presumed to advise such as dealt in it, for a time to hold a more restrained hand therein, and we were both thinking ourselves, what course to take in the revocation of what was already done, with least encouragement to them and others, since the fear that this course begun in Dublin would fall upon the rest, was apprehended over all the Kingdom, so that I think your Lordship's direction was to great purpose, & the other course might have overthrown the means to our own end of reformation of religion. Not that I think too great preciseness can be used in the reforming of ourselves, the abuses of our own Clergy, Church-livings, or discipline, nor that the truth of the Gospel can with too great vehemency or industry be set forward, in all places, and by all ordinary means most proper unto itself, that was first set forth and spread in meekness, nor that I think any corporal prosecution or punishment can be too severe for such, as shall be found seditious instruments of foreign or inward practices, nor that I think it fit, that any principal Magistrates should be chosen without taking the Oath of Obedience, nor tolerated in absenting themselves from public Divine Service, but that we may be advised how we do punish in their bodies or goods any such only for Religion, as do profess to be faithful subjects to her Majesty, and against whom the contrary can not be proved. And since, if the Irish were utterly rooted out, there was much less likelihood that this Country could be thereby in any time planted by the English, since they are so far from inhabiting well any part of that they have already, and that more than is likely to be inhabited, may be easily chosen out and reserved, in such places by the Seaside, or upon great Rivers, as may be planted to great purpose, for a future absolute reducement of this Country, I think, it would as much avail the speedy settling of this Country as any thing, that it would please her Majesty to deal liberally with the Irish Lords of Countries, or such as now are of great reputation among them, in the distribution of such lands as they have formerly possessed, or the State here can make little use of for her Majesty. If they continue, as they ought to do, and yield the Queen as much commodity as she may otherwise expect, she hath made a good purchase of such subjects for such land. If any of them hereafter be disobedient to her laws, or break forth in rebellion, she may when they shall be more divided, ruin them more easily, for example unto others, and (if it be thought fit) may plant English or other Irish in their Countries: For although there ever have been, and hereafter may be small eruptions, in some places, which at the first may easily be suppressed, yet the suffering them to grow to that general head and combination, did questionless proceed from great error in the judgement here, and may be easily (as I think) prevented hereafter. And further it may please her Majesty to ground her resolution, for the time and numbers of the next abatement of the list of her Army, somewhat upon our poor advice from hence, and to believe that we will not so far corrupt our judgements with any private respect, as without necessity, to continue her charge, seeing we do thoroughly conceive how grievous it is unto her estate, and that we may not be precisely tied to an establishment, that shall conclude the payments of the Treasurer, since it hath ever been thought fit to be otherwise, till the coming over of the Earl of Essex, and some such extraordinary occasion may fall out, that it will be dangerous to attend your Lordship's resolutions, and when it will be safe to diminish the Army here, that there may be some course thought of, by some other employment to disburden this Country of the idle Swordmen, in whom I find an inclination apt enough to be carried elsewhere, either by some of this Country of best reputation among them, or in Companies as now they stand under English Captains, who may be reinforced with the greatest part of Irish. That it may be left to our discretion, to make passages and bridges into Countries otherwise unaccessible, and to build little piles of stone in such garrisons, as shall be thought fittest to be continual bridles upon the people, by the commodity of which, we may at any time draw the greatest part of the Army together, to make a head against any part that shall first break out, and yet reserve the places only with a ward, to put in greater Forces as occasion shall require, which I am persuaded will prove great pledges upon this Country, that upon any urgent cause the Queen may safely draw the greatest part of her Army here out of the Kingdom, to be employed (at least for a time) elsewhere, wherein I beseech your Lordships to consider, what a strength so many experienced Captains and Soldiers would be, to any Army of new men erected in England, against an invasion, or sent abroad, in any offensive war: but until these places be built, I cannot conceive how her Majesty (with any safety) can make any great diminution of her Army. Lastly, I do humbly desire your Lordships to receive, the further explanation of my meaning and confirmation of the reasons that do induce me unto these propositions from the Lord Precedent of Monster, who as he hath been a very worthy actor in the reducement and defence of this Kingdom, so do I think him to be best able to give you through account of the present estate, & future providence for the preservation thereof, wherein it may please your L p. to require his opinion, of the hazard this Kingdom is like to run; if it should by any mighty power be invaded, & how hard it will be for us in any measure to provide for the present defence, if any such be intended, & withal to go on with the suppression of these that are left in Rebellion, so that we must either adventure the new kindling of this fire, that is almost extinguished, or intending only that, leave the other to exceeding peril. And thus having remembered to your Lordships the most material Points (as I conceive), that are fittest for the present to be considered of, I do humbly recommend myself and them to your Lordship's favour. From her majesties Castle of Dublin this six and twentieth of February, 1602.  
At the same time the Lord Deputy wrote to the Lords in England, about his private affairs, wherein he signified, that all manner of provisions necessary for the maintenance of an household were (of late especially) bought at such excessive rates (aswell in regard of the famine growing daily greater in Ireland, (by the continual spoil of the Country, and the Armies cutting down of the Rebel's Corn for these last two years) as also in regard of the disualuation of the mixed coin now currant, after the taking away of exchange (whereof each shilling had no more than two pence halfpenny silver in it), and that the prices of the said provisions daily so increased, as sour times the entertainment allowed him by her Majesty for his maintenance, would not answer his ordinary expenses, except it would please their Lordships to allow him exchange for the most part of his entertainment, that thereby he might be enabled to make his provisions out of England.  
In the beginning of March, the Lord deputy understood, that Brian Mac Art had secretly stolen into Killoltagh, with some five hundred men under his leading, (as he had lately done the like, but was soon driven out again by Sir Arthur Chichester.) Whereupon his Lordship sent Sir Richard Moryson from Dublyn up to his Garrison in Lecayle, and gave him his Lordship's guard, and three other Companies of Foot to lead with him, that he might assist Sir Arthur Chichester in the prosecution of this Rebel, who was soon driven out of Killoltagh by those forces.  
Now because I have often made mention formerly of our destroying the Rebel's Corn, and using all means to famish them, let me by two or three examples show the miserable estate to which the Rebels were thereby brought. Sir Arthur Chichester, Sir Richard Moryson, and the other Commanders of the Forces sent against Brian Mac Art aforesaid, in their return homeward, saw a most horrible spectacle of three children (whereof the eldest was not above ten years old), all eating and knawing with their teeth the entrails of their dead mother, upon whose flesh they had fed twenty days past, and having eaten all from the feet upward to the bare bones, roasting it continually by a slow fire, were now come to the eating of her said entrails in like sort roasted, yet not divided from the body, being as yet raw. Former mention hath been made in the Lord Deputies letters, of carcases scattered in many places, all dead of famine. And no doubt the famine was so great, as the rebel soldiers taking all the common people had to feed upon, and hardly living thereupon, (so as they beside fed not only on Hawks, Kites, and unsavoury birds of prey, but on Horseflesh, and other things unfit for man's feeding), the common sort of the Rebels were driven to unspeakable extremities (beyond the record of most Histories that ever I did read in that kind) the ample relating whereof were an infinite task, yet will I not pass it over without adding some few instances. Captain Trevor & many honest Gentlemen lying in the Newry can witness, that some old women of those parts, used to make a fire in the fields, & divers little children driving out the cattle in the cold mornings, and coming thither to warm them, were by them surprised, killed and eaten, which at last was discovered by a great girl breaking from them by strength of her body, and Captain Trenor sending out soldiers to know the truth, they found the children's skulls and bones, and apprehended the old women, who were executed for the fact. The Captains of Carickfergus, and the adjacent Garrisons of the Northern parts can witness, that upon the making of peace, and receiving the rebels to mercy, it was a common practice among the common sort of them (I mean such as were not Swordmen), to thrust long needles into the horses of our English troops, and they dying thereupon, to be ready to tear out one another's throat for a share of them. And no spectacle was more frequent in the Ditches of Towns, and especially in wasted Countries, then to see multitudes of these poor people dead with their mouths all coloured green by eating nettles, docks, and all things they could rend up above ground. These and very many like lamentable effects followed their rebellion, and no doubt the Rebels had been utterly destroyed by famine, had not a general peace shortly followed Tyrones' submission (besides mercy formerly extended to many others), by which the Rebels had liberty, to seek relief among the subjects of Ireland, and to be transported into England and France, where great multitudes of them lived for some years after the peace made.  
The fourth of March the Lord Deputy received letters from Sir Henry Dockwra, advertising many vehement suspicions of Sir Neale Garues disloial purposes, namely, his underhand putting Mac Swine to go again into rebellion, and to take an Island of his, which was a fit place to set up a new rebellion, and also his making a storchouse of Arms, with extraordinary provisions of them. Further he advertised, that himself used all means to keep Tyrone in the Glynnes (where he now was) till his Lordship came up (which journey he advised to be in the beginning of the next month), but understanding that within few days he would remove towards Fermanagh, howsoever the English there at that time were weak, yet he would lie for the Arch-rebel on his way to Omy, or Agher, not doubting but in the passage of those Plains he should have some opportunity of fight with him, and (at the least) to take good part of his prey from him. Lastly, he advertised, that he had razed Hen. Ouingtons' Castle, and Mac Hugbes Island, which both had been nests and starting holes for thieves.  
The fifteenth of March the Lord Deputy left Dublin, and road towards the Northern borders, where his Lordship (with his rotinue) lay to and fro, the remaining few days of this year (and part of the beginning of the next, till Tyrone was received to mercy, and the war ended) to the end his Lordship being in those parts, might give life to the present service, as well of the forces sent to prosecute Ororke, as of the Garrisons lying in wait for all advantages upon Tyrone himself and his broken partakers.  
Touching Monster affairs in the year 1602, the Lord Deputy at his coming from 
The affairs of Monster.  Cork caused Sir Ric. Percy to be sworn Counsellor for the Province of Monster, and in his journal towards Cillkenny Knighted three Irish men, john Fitz edmond's and two Citizens of Watterford, Edward Gough, and Richard Aylward. The Lord Precedent at Killkenny took his leave of the Lord Deputy, and making short journeys, by reason he was sickly, came not to Cork, till the third of April, 1602.  
When the Spaniards by composition were to render the Castles in the West, O Swillivan Bear had surprised his Castle of Donboy in Beerehaven from the Spaniards, where of some were killed in the surprisal, which freed them from suspicion to have yielded it voluntarily contrary to the composition. This strong Castle upon an excellent haven O Swillivan kept for the King of Spain, having sixty Warders with him at first, and three pieces of Spanish Ordinance. The Lord Precedent meaning to take this Castle, took the field the 23 of April, and after many attempts upon the Rebels, in which some of them were killed, and some taken and executed, and many preys taken by parties sent out, it was resolved the fourteenth of May to pass the forces over to an Island, called the great Island, that way to march to Beerehaven, the way thither by land, being unpassable for the victuals and carriages, besides many places of advantage in the Mountains, where the Rebels, though few in number, might distress a great Army, and easily forbid their passage. Here by the sea side, the Foot stayed for the ships carrying the Victuals, Munition and Ordinance, which were detained by contrary winds till the last of May. The sixth of june, the forces were ferried over to the land near Castle Dermot, where they encamped; and though they landed in another part then the Rebels expected, who lay there to hinder, and impeach their landing, yet the Rebels hasted to them to begin the skirmish with them, when they were in good order, and almost had all passed the Ferry, so as the Rebels having no advantage in this fight, they left 28 dead in the place, and had more than 30 wounded, whereof Captain Tirrel was one, being slightly hurt in the belly, and some were taken prisoners, whereas on our part only seven were hurt. The tenth of june, our forces having landed their Ordinance, encamped within musket shot of the Castle of Donboy, but not within the sight of the Castle, a rising ground lying between the Camp and the Castle, so as the great shot from the Castle flew over the Camp without doing any hurt. The twelfth a Fort within the Hand of Dorses, kept by the Rebels, was surprised by the English, and all the Rebels killed or hanged, and therein were taken three Iron Pieces of Spanish Ordinance. The 17 of june after two days battery, the English assaulted the breach, and possessed part of the Castle Dunboy, the Rebels keeping and defending the rest, all that day and night, and great part of the next, at which time the English were by force made full Masters of it. The Rebels defending it, were 134 selected Soldiers, and all of them were killed in the Castle, or seeking to fly, or being prisoners were executed in the camp, except twelve men of chief account, and most esteemed by Tyrrell, which were kept to be examined upon torture, or to work some good for the service with Tyrrell, by the saving of their lives. Of Spanish Ordinance, there was taken one Demy Culverin, two Sakers, and one Falcon of brass, and two Sakers, five Minions, and one Falcon of Iron. The Gunners were Italians and Spaniards, who perished with the rest, nine barrels of powder taken in the Castle, were employed to blow it up, left any Spaniards or Rebels might after make use of it.  
This Castle taken, the Lord Precedent returned to Cork, where Sir Samuel bagnol attended his coming with letters from the Lord Deputy, and according to his Lordship's directions, the Lord Precedent sent by him 1500 Foot, being above the old Mounsterlyst, who came with these Forces to the Lord Deputy the 29 of july, and brought letters from the Lord Precedent, advertising the above mentioned confident expectation of a second Spanish invasion. At the same time Sir Edward Wingfield was landed at Cork, bringing to the Lord President 500 foot for supplies of the weak Companies. Sir Charles Wilmott Governor of Kerry, (wherein were many provincial Rebels, besides 1000 strangers to help them,) had before the siege of Dunboy prosecuted Mac Morris, cleared Kerry of all Rebels, and prosecuted them into Desmond, taken Castles and great preys of Cows, and brought the Knight of Kerry on his knees, and this done, he marched towards the Lord Precedent in his way to Dunboy, and united his Forces to the Army. After the taking of that Castle, he was now again sent into Kerry, with directions that all garrisons should burn the Corn they could not gather, and that he should remove the Irish Inhabitants with their goods to a Country near Lymricke; that the Spaniards again expected, might make no use of them. In August the Lord Precedent was advertised that many in Carbery revolted, and that upon a ship from Spain not long before arrived with money to distribute among the most active Rebels, Donnogh Mac Carty and Finnen his brother (who had attended the Lord precedent at the siege of Dunboy) were now revolted, and had taken impress money from the King of Spain, whereupon the two Captains Roger and Gawen Haruy lying there in garrison, had taken many preys from them, and spoiled the Country. And yet by daily intelligence the Lord Precedent understood, that the news of the taking of Dunboy coming into Spain, the King had commanded to stay all his provisions for Ireland, till his pleasure were further signified. And no doubt the Queen's Fleet lying at this time upon the coast of Spain, most of all discouraged him from any new attempt in succour of the Irish Rebels. About the end of August it was generally divulged in Monster that a Spanish Fleet was discovered upon the Coast, whereupon the Irish posted up and down the Country with great signs of joy, so as at the Lord Presidents suit, Sir Samuel Bagnol was sent back to him with the forces he had formerly led out of Monster to the Lord Deputy.  
The second of September the Lord Precedent received this following gracious letter written from the Queen with her own hand.  
Your Sovereign, E. R.  
MY faithful George, how ioied We are that so good event hath followed so troublesome endeavours, laborious cares, and heedful travels, you may guess, but We best can witness, and do protest that your safety hath equalled the most thereof. And so God even bless you in all your actions.  
About this time the Lord Precedent having received manifest proofs that Cormock mac Dermod, Lord of Muskery, had lately committed many acts of treason, caused him to be apprehended & committed prisoner to the gentleman Porter, & hearing his followers practised his escape, gave the said gentleman Porter charge to keep him safely upon his danger to answer for him, in the mean time seizing all his Castles into her majesties hands, and like wise causing his wife and children to be brought prisoners to Cork. Notwithstanding, Cormocke escaped out of a window, the nine and twenty of September; yet being heartened to rebellion by Captain Tyrrell and Oswillivan Bear, he considered that his Castles were all in the Queen's power, his eldest son lately Student in Oxford, was now kept prisoner in the Tower, that his youngest son, his wife and daughter, and many of his chief followers were now prisoners at Cork, and that the Rebels desiring to join with him, were hunger-starved, and would live upon his Country already wasted, and therefore he wisely chose to submit himself to her majesties mercy, and upon the two and twentieth of October, this his submission was accepted.  
About this time the Lord Precedent heard that O donnel was dead in Spain. The three and twentieth of October Sir Samuel bagnol, with the Regiment sent back from the Lord Deputy, fell by night upon tyrrel's Camp, lying in Muskery, to expect Cormocks return, killed eighty of his men, made him fly away in his shirt, took all his Cattle being more than one thousand, with sixty Horses and hackneys, besides things unseeve in Irish spoils, as velvet, outlandish apparel, Spanish Coin, and all the money Tyrrell had gotten of the proportion sent from Spain, and made Tyrrell fly into the Mountains of Desmond. In November Sir Charles Wilmott broke by night into the quarter of the Knight of Kerry, killed forty of his men, took five hundred Cows, two hundred Garrons, and two months provision of meal. The Rebels Tyrrell, Burke, O Swillivan, and Mac Morris, being daily assaulted by the English, and spoiled of their Cattle, the rest of this month and the following of December, and having many of their best men killed, suddenly fell into disputations, and after to controversies, and so the strangers resolved to steal away, as they did with great amazement, leaving the fastnesses they had held, to the ransacking of the English, first Tyrrell, than William Bourke, who leading 1500 men, marched towards the Pale, Sir Charles Wilmott having first in another conflict with them, killed many of the most forward Kerne, taken all their baggage and prey of Cattle, being 2000 Cows, 4000 Sheep, and 1000 Garrons.  
In December the Lord Precedent leaving Sir Charles Wilmott to command in chief all the Forces, having besides the Lord Barry with 1600 Provincials under him, to attend such service as he should direct, left the Province of Monster to meet the Lord Deputy at Galloway in Connaght. In the mean time the said Rebels fled towards the Pale as broken men, some resolving to join with Tyrone, and some to return into Connaght their own Country, wherewith the Monster Rebels were so daunted, as they daily came in to Sir Charles Wilmott in great numbers, and with much Cattle, to submit themselves to mercy. The Lord Precedent before his journey into Connaght, took order that O Swillivan bears Country should be so wasted, as neither Spaniards nor Rebels should find relief there. About this time Captain Taaffe commanding our Irish men in Carbery, assailed a band of Rebels led by a Priest, the Pope's Nuntio, killed him with most of his men, and got all their Cattle: And now in the absence of O Swillivan fled away, his Country was wasted and his Castles all taken. The foresaid Priest was a man of special authority, so as upon his death the Mac Carties and all Carbery submitted to mercy, and had power over all spiritual livings in Ireland, so as all Priests depended upon him.  
The Lord Precedent returned into Monster in january from Connaght, and having sent Sir Edward Wingfeild with certain Companies of foot into Connaght, according to the Lord Deputies direction, and leaving Sir Charles Wilmott, and Sir G. Thornton Commissioners to govern Monster, himself in the beginning of February road to Dublyn, leaving no Rebel in Monster but Mac Morris, the Knight of the Glan, Thomas Oge, and Connor O Driscoll, not able jointly to make two hundred men, whereof Mac Morris in few days was well beaten and spoiled of all he had by Sir Char. Wilmott. And in the beginning of March the L. President sailed into England from Dublin.    

CHAP. II. Of Tyrones' taking to mercy, whereby the war was fully ended. And of a new mutiny of the Cities of Monster for establishing the public exercise of the Roman Religion, with the appeasing thereof in the beginning of the year 1603. Together with the Lord Deputies recalling into England, and the rewards there given him for his service in the beginning of the year 1603; with mention of his untimely death within few years after and a word of the State of Ireland some ten years after.  
THE five and twentieth of March, in the beginning of the year 1603, the Lord Deputy wrote this following letter from Mellifant, Sir Garret moors house, to Master Secretary in England.  
SIR, I have received by Captain Hayes her majesties letters of the sixth of February, wherein I am directed to send for Tyrone, with promise of security for his life only, and upon his arrival, without further assurance, to make stay of him, till her pleasure should be further known, and at the same time I received another from her Majesty of the seventeenth of February, wherein it pleased her to enlarge the authority given unto me, to assure him of his life, liberty and pardon, upon some conditions remembered therein. And withal I received a letter from yourself of the eighteenth of February, recommending to me your own advice to fulfil (as far as I possibly could) the meaning of her majesties first letter, and signifying her pleasure, that I should seek by all the best means I can, to promise him his pardon by some other name then Earl of Tyrone, and rather by the name of Baron of Dungannon, or if it needs must be, by the name of some other Earl. Secondly, to deliver him his Country in less quantity, and with less power than before he had it. And lastly, to force him to clear his paces and passages, made difficult by him against any entry into his Country. And now since it hath pleased her Majesty, by so great a trust to give me so comfortable Arguments of her favour, I am encouraged the more freely to presume to declare myself in this great matter, which I call great, because the consequence is great, and dangerous to be dealt in, without the warrant of her gracious interpretation. And though my opinion herein should proceed from a long and advised consideration, described with large and many circumstances, and confirmed with strong and judicial reasons, yet because I think it fit to hasten away this messenger. I will write of these things somewhat, though on the sudden, and commit the rest to the sufficient judgement and relation of the Lord Precedent, now in his journey towards you, and the rather, because I find him to concur with me, in the apprehension of this cause, and of the state of all other things of this Kingdom. And first, for her majesties first letter; I pray you Sir believe me, that I have omitted nothing, both by power and policy to ruin him, and utterly to cut him off, and if by either I may procure his head, before I have engaged her Royal word for his safety, I do protest I will do it, and much more be ready to possess myself of his person, if by only promise of life, or by any other means, whereby I shall not directly scandal the majesty of public faith, I can procure him to put himself into my power. But to speak my opinion freely, I think that he, or any man in his case, would hardly adventure his liberty to preserve only his life, which he knoweth how so well to secure by many other ways, for if he fly into Spain, that is the least whereof he can be assured, and most men (but especially he) do make little difference between the value of their life and liberty, and to deceive him I think it will be hard; for though wiser men than he may be overreached, yet he hath so many eyes of jealousy awake, that it will be unpossible to charm them, and I do (upon assured ground) believe, that it is nothing but fear of his safety, that of a long time (especially of late) hath kept him from conformity to the State, and if any thing do keep him now from accepting the lowest conditions, and from settling himself and his hart, to a constant serving of her Majesty, it will be fear of an absolute forgiveness, or the want of such an estate, as may in any measure content him. The danger of his subsisting as he doth, is either, if there come no foreign forces, to maintain still a loose head of Rebellion (which will be better able to offend any such as are become subjects, than we can be, if we were a thousand times more, to defend them at all times, and in all places) to stir up, and to maintain all humours, and to be a wound remaining open, unto which they may have recourse, and upon all accidents be ready to swell, or to infect the whole body of this Kingdom: Otherwise, if there should be any invasion, to be a powerful and politic head, to draw this Country to their assistance. If there come no foreign Forces, and that he should be cut off, yet is it likely, some other in the nature of a spoiling outlaw would arise up in his place, as ill as himself; and if he be kept prisoner, the like effects will arise, as if he were dead. If he be cut off, or kept prisoner, and the Spaniards should arrive, most of the Swordmen will flock unto them for advantage of pay, and the discontentment of Lords of Countries would be as great, or greater, then if he were amongst them, and therefore they as likely to fall then as now, to the Spanish party: but if it were possible to make him a good subject, the use her Majesty may make of him, must be amongst these people, since during his life and liberty, none will aspire to that place of O Neale, which doth carry with it so great an interest in the North, and what interest he hath, he may be led to employ, to suppress and settle the minds of the people to government, and having once declared himself to be a dutiful subject, it will be first a great discouragement for the Spaniards to come; and if they do come, if he continue honest, his presence and interest will sway the North from giving them assistance, or annoying the subjects, if we withdraw our Garrisons, and make the rest of Ireland more advised how they declare themselves against the State.  
Sir, to conclude, because I cannot shortly express mine own mind herein, I think it best, if it please her Majesty, to receive him to her mercy, so that first his submission be made in as humble sort, and as much for her majesties Honour as can be devised, and then that she assure him of absolute forgiveness, and forgetting of his faults, and as much honour and profit as he had before, provided that we take from him (as much as possibly we may) those locks wherein his chiefest strength lies. Otherwise I am persuaded, either the Queen shall not serve her own turn by him, if she keep him prisoner, or he will serve his turn if he live at liberty, and ever have (Animum revertendi) an affection to relapse. How I am resolved to proceed in this business, you shall know by the Lord Precedent, which notwithstanding many things may alter, but for the substance I do think we shall be able to compass as much, as by her majesties last letter is required, and by yours written after that, except that point of the taking from him the title of the Earldom of Tyrone, for the which I think there be many reasons that it should not be much stood upon. Besides what I have written before of giving him contentment, which may be applied to this, first, you do but give him a title, which he did shake of, as a mark of his bondage, and that which he falls from, to accept this, he did as much prefer before this, as the estate of an absolute Prince before the condition of a subject, and it is the name of O Neale, with the which he hath done so much mischief, that is fatal and odious, and not the name of Tyrone, which he was sane to leave, before he could have power to become a Rebel; for believe me out of my experience, the titles of our Honours do rather weaken than strengthen them in this Country, and if you give him the same degree, but with another name, it may be thought a condition rather by him obtained, then by us imposed, especially if he enjoyeth his Country; and lastly, if you make him only Baron of Dungannon, you leave in him a spur to discontentment, without any greater bridle from doing hurt, for his power will be never the less, and yet he that doth not sit easily, will ever think of another seat, and his own title will the more run in his mind, the more he is unsatisfied with this new. Notwithstanding all my opinions of these things, I will run as near as I can to the straightest line of her majesties pleasure, and I presume I will so handle this matter, that I will be sure her majesties Honour shall not be endangered, (I mean) by the authority she hath given me, which any man shall hardly take notice of, till I be assured upon what terms I shall find him; and if his requests be not as humble as becometh him, or as by her Majesty is required, he shall make little use of any negotiation that shall be with him. And so Sir, etc.  
Touching the receiving of Tyrone to mercy, no man shall take from me the reputation 
The Earl of Tyrone received to mercy.  (such as it is) to have been the instrumental cause of doing this honour to my deceased Sovereign & my Nation, and of giving this disgraceful blow to the Arch-Traitor Tyrone, that he humbly submitted himself to Queen Elizabeth, finding mercy at her royal feet, whom he had proudly offended, and whose sole power (in despite of his domestical associates and foreign support), had brought him on his knees, and that the victory was fully achieved by the sole Sword of the English Nation and well affected English-Irish, whose blood he had spilled; and that so the Arch-Traitor lost the means longer to subsist in rebellion, by the advantage of England's unsettled Estate, or at least the advantage and the vainglory to fasten merit on the sacred Majesty of King james, the said Queen's happy successor, by submitting to his royal mercy, and so hiding the extreme misery in which he was plunged, to have made this his action seem altogether voluntary, and every way noble in him, to which he was forced by the highest constraint, and in the most base manner that can be imagined: Now as no man knoweth the circumstances of this action better than myself, so I will briefly and truly relate them. Queen Elizabeth had been sick for more than a months space, and of some apparent danger of her death, the Lord Deputy had been advertised, and at this time she was dead, (departing the four and twentieth of March, the last day of the year passed), though it were not know ne to the Lord Deputy till the seven and twentieth of March in the night. nor publicly, or to Tyrone himself, till the fifth of April, after his humble submission made before the Lord Deputy to the Queen, as then living, though indeed she were dead. This business passed in manner following. There was a gentleman among the voluntary followers of the Lord Deputy, who had long been earnestly ambitious of the honour of Knighthood, which by no endeavours of service, expense of money, or assistance of friends, he could hitherto attain. Now a servant of his posting from London, and getting a happy passage at Sea, came upon the 27 of March (late in the night) to Mellifant, where the Lord Deputy then lay, and brought with him the first news of the Queen's death, which when he had related to his Master, he having been long pleased to take my advise in his affairs, advertised me of these news, and brought his servant to confirm the same in my hearing. Whereupon I required his servant not to speak a word thereof to any man, threatening him with the Lord Deputies displeasure, and severe punishment, if any such rumour were spread by him. Then I was bold to give his Master confidence of receiving the honour he desired, if he would follow my advise, which was this; that he should go to the Lord Deputy, and tell him this report of the Queen's death, brought by his servant, and the strict charge he had given unto him for the concealing thereof, till his Lordship should think fit to make it known, & withal to make tender of himself, and all his means, to follow his Lordship's fortune in this doubtful time (for such it was in expectation, though most happy in event.) The Gentleman did as I advised him, and for his particular, it took the same effect which I expected, as I will show, when I have first set down, how his Lordship hereupon proceeded with Tyrone.  
The Lord Deputy being warranted by the Queen's letters above written, to receive Tirone to her majesties mercy, had upon the five and twentieth of March sent Sir William Godolphin and Sir Garret Moor, to treat with him, for which they had a Commission in these words.  

Mountioy.  
WHereas the Earl of Tyrone hath made humble suit unto us, that upon his penitent submission to her majesties mercy, we would be pleased to send some Gentlemen, to whom he might make known his humble petitions, and impart somewhat to them that doth much concern her majesties service: For the great trust we repose in you, and the good opinion we conceive of your discreet judgements, we have made choice of you to be employed herein, and do by these presents give you both jointly and severally our absolute warrant & authority, upon this occasion of her majesties service, to parley and confer with him, or any of his adherents, or followers. Provided that of this your conference you shall with all convenient speed give us knowledge in all particulars, and of all his and your proceedings herein, to the end you may receive our further directions. And for so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant. Given at Tredagh the four and twenty of March, 1602.   

To Our trusly and well beloved, Sir William Godolphin, and Sir Garret More Knights.  
When I had written this Commission his Lordship commanded me to write this following protection.  
Mountioy.  
WHereas upon the humble suit and submission of Hugh Earl of Tyrone, and his penitent contrition for his former offences, by many messages and letters signified unto Us, We have thought good to receive into her majesties most gracious protection, his own person, and such as shall come in his Company, with safety to him and them, and the rest of his followers whatsoever, (dwelling in the County of Tyrone, or now abiding with him,) aswell in their bodies as goods, for and during the space of three weeks, to the end he might repair unto us, to let us more fully understand his humble petitions. These are straightly to charge and command all and every her majesties Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, to permit and suffer him and them peaceably to enjoy the benefit thereof, without any restraint, molestation, or hostile act, against him or his in their bodies or goods, during the time above limited. So as in the mean time hec and they continue of good and dutiful behaviour towards her Majesty, and this State. Given at Tredagh the four and twentieth of March, 1602.   

To all Commanders of horse and foot, and to all other her majesties Officers and Subjects to whom it may appertain.  
Likewise his Lordship commanded me to write several letters to the Governors of Garrisons, requiring them to give Tyrone and his followers full benefit of this Protection. And these writings being all signed by the Lord Deputy, were delivered to Sir William Godolphin, with charge that when Tyrone was in his Company, and on the way to come to his Lordship, than (and not before) he should deliver him the Protection, and likewise the letters, to be sent to the several Garrisons, by his own messengers. These Commissioners, on the six and twentieth of March, sent one Bath from Armagh to Tyrone, to prepare the way of their meeting. The seven and twentieth both the Commissioners came to Charlemont, where Sir William Godolphin stayed for his troup of horse, but Sir Garret Moor road that night to Tullough-oge, where he spoke with Tyrone. The eight and twentieth Sir Garret Moor wrote to Sir William, that Tyrone was fully resolved to obey the Lord Deputies commandments, and would meet him the next morning at nine of the clock, to ride forward in his company to the Lord Deputy. And Henry Hagan, who brought this letter, gave Sir William confident assurance of Tyrones' performance.  
The same eight & twentieth day, the L. Deputy being at Mellifant, and there having the foresaid notice of the Queen's death, and considering that this rumour was no good ground for a new treaty with Tyrone, yet breaking out, were it true or false, might cause new combustions in Ireland, most apt to relapse into new tumults (as appeared by the ensuing mutiny of the very Cities and corporate Towns), as also that if it were true, than he had no power from the succeeding King, to receive Tyrone to mercy, yea that in case it should prove false, than such treaty with the arch-traitor in any other then Queen Elizabeth's name, might prove very dangerous to him. For these reasons he resolved speedily to strike up the former treaty with Tyrone and so presently dispatched a horseman to Sir William Godolphin, to advertise him thereof, and to require him to hasten Tyrones' coming, by remembrance to him that his former delays in Treaties had much incensed the Queen, and by threatening him, that if he made the least delay of his submission, his power to do him good might be easily restrained, and then he should expect nothing from him but a sharp prosecution to his utter ruin. Sir William having received these his Lordships, and Sir Garrets foresaid letters, thought it no time to stand nicely upon terms of equality, (which might argue his distrust of Tyrone, and awaken in him his old jealousies of our meaning to him), and therefore leaving order that his troup should follow him, did ride from Charlemont and met Tyrone on the nine and twentieth of March, at nine of the clock in the morning at Toker, a place lying five miles beyond Dungannon, where showing him the Lord Deputies protection, he most humbly and thankfully accepted thereof, and so committed himself to the Commissioners, to ride in their company to the Lord Deputy. By the way they delivered his Protection to his own hands, and likewise the letters, which he was to send to the several Governors by his own messengers.  
On the thirtieth of March 1603. they came all together to Mellifant in the afternoon, where Tyrone being admitted to the Lord Deputies chamber, kneeled at the door humbly on his knees for a long space, making his penitent submission to her Majesty, and after being required to come nearer to the Lord deputy, performed the same ceremony in all humbleness, the space of one hour or there about. The next day he also made a most humble submission in writing, signed with his own hand, in manner and form following (as appears upon record.)  
I Hugh Oneale, by the Queen of England, France, and Ireland, her most gracious favour created Earl of Tyrone, do with all true and humble penitency prostrate myself at her royal feet, and absolutely submit myself unto her mercy, most sorrowfully imploring her gracious commiseration, and appealing only to her Princely clemency, without presuming to justify my unloyall proceedings against her sacred Majesty. Only most sorrowfully and earnestly desiring, that it may please her Majesty rather in some measure to mitigate her just indignation against me, in that I do religiously vow, that the first motives of my unnatural rebellion, were neither practice, malice, nor ambition; but that I was induced first by fear of my life, (which I conceived was sought by my Enemy's practice) to stand upon my guard, and after most unhappily led, to make good that fault with more heinous offences, the which in themselves I do acknowledge deserve no forgiveness, and that it is impossible for me, in respect of their greatness, in any proportion even with my life to make satisfaction; I do most humbly desire her Majesty to pardon them, that as I have been already a sufficient argument of her Royal power, having little left but my life to preserve itself, so that it may now please her Majesty, to make me an example of her Princely clemency, the chiefest ornament of her high dignity. And that I may be the better able hereafter with the uttermost service of my life to redeem the foulness of my faults, I do most humbly sue unto her Majesty, that she will vouchsafe to restore me to my former dignity and living, in which estate of a subject I do religiously vow to continue for ever hereafter loyal, in all true obedience to her royal person, crown, prerogative, and laws, and to be in all things as far and as dutifully conformable thereunto, as I or any other Nobleman of this Realm is bound by the duty of a subject to his Sovereign, or by the Laws of this Realm, utterly renouncing and abiuting the name and title of O Neale, or any other authority or claim, which hath not been granted or confirmed unto me by her Majesty, and that otherwise by the Laws of this Realm, I may not pretend inst interest unto, and I do religiously swear to perform so much as is above mentioned, and the rest of these Articles, subscribed by my own hand, as far as shall any way lie in my power, and to deliver such pledges for the performance thereof, as shall be nominated unto me by the Lord Deputy.  
I do renounce and abjure all foreign power whatsoever, and all kind of dependency upon any other Potentate but her Majesty the Queen of England, France, and Ireland, and do vow to serve her faithfully against any foreign power invading her Kingdoms, and to discover truly any practices that I do, or shall know against her royal person or Crowns; and namely and especially, I do abjure and renounce all manner of dependency upon the King or Estate of Spain, or treaty with him or any of his confederates, and shall be ready with the uttermost of my ability to serve her Majesty against him, or any of his forces or confederates.  
I do absolutely renounce all challenge or intermeddling with the Vriaghts, or softering with them or other neighbour Lords, or Gentlemen out of my Country, or exacting any black rents of any Vriaghts (or bordering Lords.)  
I do resign all claim and title to any lands, but such as shall be now granted unto me by her majesties Letters Patents.  
Lastly, as the only being a Subject, doth include all the duties of a Subject, so will I be content to be informed, and advised by her Magistrates here, and will be conformable and assisting unto them, in any thing that may tend to the advancement of her service, and the peaceable government of this Kingdom, as namely for the abolishing of all barbarous customs, contrary to the laws, being the seeds of all incivility, and for the cleared of difficult passages and places, which are the nurseries of rebellion, wherein I will employ the labours of the people of my Country, in such sort and in such places, as I shall be directed by her Majesty, or the Lord Deputy and Counsel in her name, and will endeavour for myself and the people of my Country, to erect civil habitations, and such as shall be of greater effect to preserve us against thieves, and any force but the power of the State, by the which we must rest assured to be preserved as long as we continue in our duties.  
This submission was presented by the Earl of Tyrone kneeling on his knees, before the Lord Deputy and Counsel, and in the presence of a great assembly. At the same time the Earl promised to write unto the King of Spain, for the recalling of his son from thence into Ireland, and to do the same at such time, and in such words, as the Lord Deputy should direct. Likewise he vowed to discover how farré he had proceeded with the King of Spain, or any other foreign or domestical enemies, for past or future helps and combinations. Then the Lord Deputy in the Queen's name, promised to the Earl for himself and his followers her majesties gracious pardon, and to himself the restoring of his dignity of the Earldom of Tyrone, and of his blood, and likewise new letters Patents for all his lands, which in his former letters had been granted to him before his rebellion, excepting only the Country possessed by Henry Oge Oneale, and the Fues possessed by Turlogh Mac Henry, to both which, at their submission the Lord deputy had formerly promised, that they should hold the same immediately from the Queen, to which end this exemption and reservation was now made of these Countries, and the disposing of them left to her majesties power. And likewise excepting and reserving three hundred acres of land, to be laid to the Fort of Mountioy, and three hundred more to the Fort of Charlemont, during her majesties pleasure to hold any Garrisons in the said Forts. To these exemptions of Henry Oge and Turlogh Mac Henry, their Countries and themselves, from the Earls right or power, he gave his full consent as likewise to the reservation of the lands laid to the said Forts. He promised to reduce his Country to pay her Majesty like composition, as Connaght now did, and for long time had paid, and to answer rising out of soldiers, and all charges for advancing her majesties service.  
The third of April, the Lord Deputy, having the Earl of Tyrone in his company road to Tredagh, and from thence upon the fourth day to Dublyn.  
The next day an English ship arrived in that Haven, in which came Sir Henry Davers, who brought with him letters from the Lords in England, advertising the Queen's death, and that james the first was proclaimed King of England, Scotland, France, and 
King james proclaimed.  Ireland, the copy of which Proclamation they sent, to the end it should here be published in like sort.  
Also in the same ship came one Master Liegh, kinsman to the Lord Deputy, who brought his Lordship a favourable letter from the King out of Scotland. This Master Liegh his Lordship presently graced with the honour of Knighthood.  
And concerning the gentleman formerly spoken of, whose servant brought the first news of the Queen's death, I was not deceived in the honour I did ominate to him, (as I have formerly written), for after he had followed my advice, in the manner of his imparting that important news to the Lord Deputy, his Lordship conceived so good an opinion of him, for his discretion, and for the particular affection he had expressed towards him, by the tender of his service in following his fortune this doubtful time, as his Lordship did not only by the way from Meltfant to Dublyn, extraordinarily grace him, and often call him (not without some admiration of the better sort of his train) to ride by his side, talking familiarly with him, but now upon his arrival to Dublyn, upon this occasion of honouring his cousin Leigh, did also knight him.  
In the mean time according to the Lord Deputies commandment, the Counsellors of the State, the Noblemen, Knights, and chief Commanders of the Army, then being at Dublyn, assembled together in the Castle, to whom his Lordship made known the Queen's death, and the King's Proclamation, which he first, than all in course signed, and presently taking Horse, with joyful acclamations, published the same through the chief streets of Dublyn.  
I cannot omit to mention, that the Earl of Tyrone, upon the first hearing the Lord Deputies relation of the Queen's death, could not contain himself from shedding of tears, in such quantity as it could not well be concealed, especially in him, upon whole face all men eyes were cast: himself was content to insinuate, that a tender sorrow for loss of his Sovereign Mistress caused this passion in him; but every dull understanding might easily conceive, that thereby his heart might rather be more eased of many and continual jealousies and fears, which the guilt of his offences could not but daily present him, after the greatest security of pardon: And there needed no Oedipus to find out the true cause of his tears: for no doubt, the most humble submission he made to the Queen he had so highly and proudly offended, much eclipsed the vain glory his actions might have carried, if he had hold out till her death: besides that by his coming in, as it were between two reigns, he lost a fair advantage, for (by England's Estate, for the present unsettled) to have subsisted longer in rebellion (if he had any such end) or at least an ample occasion of fastening great merit on the new King, if at first and with free will he had submitted to his mercy, which he would have pretended to do, only of an honourable affection to his new Prince, and many would in all likelihood have believed so much, especially they to whom his present misery and ruined estate were not at all (or not fully) known.  
The sixth of April the Earl of Tyrone made a new submission to the King, in the same form he had done to the Queen, the name only changed. He also wrote this following letter to the King of Spain.  
IT may please your most Excellent Majesty: Having since the first time that ever I received letters from your highness Father, and your Majesty, or written letters unto you, performed to the uttermost of my power whatsoever I promised: insomuch as in the expectation of your assistance, since the repair of O donnel to your Majesty, I continued in action, until all my nearest kinsmen and followers having forsaken me; I was enforced (as my duty is) to submit myself to my Lord and Sovereign, the beginning of this instant month of April, in whose service and obedience I will continue during my life. Therefore, and for that growing old myself) I would gladly see my son settled in my life time, I have thought good (giving your Majesty all thanks for your Princely usage of my son Henry, during his being in Spain) most humbly to desire you to send him unto me; And for the poucrtie whereunto I was driven, I have in sundry letters, both in Irish and other languages, so signified the same, as it were inconvenient herein to make relation thereof: And so I most humbly take my leave.  
From Dublin, etc. Your highness poor friend that was, Hugh Tyrone.  
Together with the same he wrote another letter to his son Henry to hasten his coming from Spain into Ireland, but without any effect. Lastly, the Lord Deputic renewed to the Earl of Tyrone his majesties Protection for a longer time, till he could sue out his Pardon, and sent him back into his Country, to settle the same, and to keep his friends and former confederates in better order, upon this change of the State.  
Sir Henry Davers, who lately brought letters to the Lord Deputy from the Lords in England, returned back with purpose to repair presently unto the King, whereupon the Lord Deputy commended to his relation the following instructions: signed with his Lordship's hand. Wherein you must note, that his Lordship omits the news of the Queen's death, received by the servant of a Gentleman (as aforesaid), the same being only a private inteliigence, whereupon he could not safely build his late proceedings, and that his Lordship only insists upon letters from the State, which could only give warrant to the same. The instrustions are these.  
You are to inform the King's Majesty, that at your coming over hither, the fifth hereof, with the letters from the Lords in England, signifying the decease of my late Scueraigne Mistress, you found with me here at Dublin the Earl of Tyrone, newly come in upon Protection, and by that means the Rcalme for the present generally quiet, all expecting that upon a conclusion with him (which then every one conceived to be likely, in as much as he put himself into my hand, which till that time he would never do to any) the Country would in short time be thoroughly settled, so that every one thet found himself in danger, did press me (in a manner hourly) for his pardon, foreseeing that he that stayed out longest, was sure to be made the example of the justice of the State, where such as could soon make their way, by assuring their future loyalty and service, were hopeful to lay hold upon their Sovereign's mercy.  
Now to the end you may acquaint his Majesty, how far forth I have proceeded with the Earl of Tyrone and upon what warrant; you shall be hereby thus remembered. He had often made great means to be received to mercy, which as often I had denied him, prosecuting him to the uttermost of my ability, being ever confident in opinion, that until I had brought him very low, & driven him out of his own Country, (as I did the last Summer, and left Garrisons upon him, that took most of the Creaghts, and spoiled the rest of his goods,) he would not be made fit to crauc mercy in that humble manner that was beseeming so great an offender. In December last, when I was at Galloway, he importuned me by many messages and letters, and by some that he trusted very well vowed much sincerity if he might be harkened unto there, and at that time he sent me a submission, framed in as humble manner, as I could reasonably require: To that I sent him this answer, that I would recommed it to her Majesty, but until I had further direction from her, I would still prosecute him as I did before, and get his head if I could, and that was all the comfort I gave him; yet ceased he not to continue a suitor with all the earnestness that he could devise, hoping in the end to obtain that he desired. In the month of March, I received letters from her Majesty, of the sixteenth and saventeenth of February, whereby I was authorised to give him my word for his coming and going safe, and to pardon him, so as he would come parsonally where I should assign him, to receive it, and yield to some other conditions, in the last of those two letters contained. And withal I was specially required, above all things to drive him to some issue presently, because her Majesty then conceived that contrariety of successes here, or change of accidents in other parts, might turn very much to her disadvantage; for which she was still apt to believe that he lay in wait, and would spin out all things further than were requisite, with delays and shifts, if I should not abridge him. Shortly after the Earl renewing his former suit, with very great earnestness, and in most humble manner (as may appear by his letter in March sent me to Tredagh, whether I was then drawn upon special occasion of sevice), I thought it fit to entertain the offer of his submission, and to draw on the speedier conclusion of so important a business, both for that the daily intelligence out of Spain, threatened danger unto this Kingdom, and for that I had then received advertisement from the Counsel in England of her majesties dangerous sickness, the least of which accidents might have revived his hopes, added new life unto his languishing partisans, and utterly changed the whole frame of my proceedings. To this end I signed his Protection for three weeks, with several warrants to the bordering Garrisons of forbearance from doing any hostile act, either upon his person, and the persons of his followers, or upon their goods, during the term aforesaid, appointing Sir Garret Moor (a Gentleman well deserving of the State, and out of ancient acquaintance with the Earl, much respected by him) to repair unto him, and to give him knowledge, that if simply and plainly (according to the tenor of his humble requests) he were resolved (without any delay) to present his petitions unto me in his own person, where I assigned his appearance, he should then receive a protection for his safe coming and return, with assurance for his people and goods during his absence, by the hands of Sir William Godolphin whom I had purposely sent into those part with a sufficient guard, to attend his resolution, and to bring him safely unto me. These conditions (though at first seeming somewhat hard, as both tasting of too great an humbleness, and not utterly free from danger of his person, whose head was set to Sale, by a public act, and private men not bound to take knowledged of the present proceedings), found easier acceptance than almost any man would have imagined, the Earl peremptorily commanding, that none of his, upon what pretence soever; should presume to dissuade him from obeying this summons, seeing no way of mediation was left unto him, save only this, vowing in the presence of a great many that although the Deputies heavy hand had almost brought him to the height of misery, yet should no mortal power have extorted from him a submission of this nature, but that out of long and earnest observation of his proceedings, he had found reason to hope, that when his Lordship should discover the unfeigned penitency of his heart, for his forepast misdeeds, with a firm resolution to redeem his offences, by faithful serving her Majesty, and well deserving of the State, during the whole remainder of his life, that he should then find from him as great commiseration of his present sufferings, and as charitable a repair against the threatened ruins of his house, posterity, and poor distressed Country, as he had tatted bitterness in the whole course of his former prosecution. Thus persuaded, he left directions for settling his Country, the best he might on such a sudden, and with a guard of 50 horse under the leading of Sir William Godolphin, making great marches, until he came unto me within three miles of Tredagh, fell there down on his knees before a great assembly, confessing his unworthiness, yet humbly craving her majesties mercy, which as above all earthly things he protested to desire, so he vowed with the uttermost of his power to deserve the same. It were too long to set down all that passed in this first interview, he striving to express in all his speeches and gestures the lowest degree of humbleness, to me, that was to value and to maintain the greatness of her State and place, whom he so highly had offended. The next morning I sent for him (the Treasurer at Wars being only present with me), and made him see how well I understood his present condition, how unpossible it was for him to subsist, even in the poorest and most contemptible fashion of a Woodkerne, if her Majesty were but pleased to employ the present instruments of his ruin. Finally, finding him most sensible, both of his estate, and the Queen's high favour in remitting his crime, I promised him her gracious pardon, on those conditions, mentioned in the memorial sent by your hands. From thence he attended me to Tredagh, and so to Dublin the fourth of April, where the next day I received letters from the Nobility in England, signifying the death of our late Sovereign: Whereupon I called together the Counsel and such of the Nobility as were in Town, and acquainting them with the contents thereof, I propounded also the present proclaiming of his Majesty, whereunto all most willingly agreed, and among them the Earl of Tyrone, and when they had set their hands to the Proclamation, all together did accompany me the Deputy to the publishing thereof in the City. Since that time I thought fit to dismiss the Earl of Tyrone into his own Country, the better to retain his people and partisans in good order, but first we took from him a new submission to his Majesty, signed by his hand, which now I send by you.  
Also you shall inform his Majesty, that now there is no Rebel in Ireland, who hath not sued to be received to the King's mercy, and that I think fit to yield the same to most of them, leaving only some few to be prosecuted to utter ruin, for an example and terror to other ill affected subjects, wherein I desire to know his majesties pleasure.  
Lastly, you are to present my humble suit unto his Majesty, to be discharged of this Government, or if it shall please his Majesty to employ me further herein, yet that he will vouchsafe me leave to kiss his Royal hands, which I desire not only out of my particular affection to have the happiness to see him, but also out of my desire to inform him thoroughly of the present estate of this Kingdom, wherein I presume that I shall be able to do his Majesty very good service. And if it shall not please his Majesty to resolve for the present on some other man, to undertake this Government, but only to leave the authority to some fit man's hand, during my absence, and if he be resolved to make choice among those that are here present, and therein shall require my opinion, you shall say, that although I will not presume to recommend any to his Majesty, yet I do think Sir George carry Treasurer at wars to be most fit for that place, who hath already been Lord justice of this Kingdom, and howsoever he be no soldier, yet is well acquainted with the business of the war, wherein he hath been ever very industrious to advance the service.  
At the same time the Lord Deputy sent over Master Richard Cook one of his Secretaries, to negotiate his affairs in Court. And because his Lordship desired to retain the superintendency of this Government, with title of Lord Lieutenant, and with two third parts of the Lord Deputies allowances, in regard no man was able to support the place of Lord Deputy with the other third part of that allowance, except he had other great Fees and place of commodity in this Kingdom, his Lordship nominated (as before) Sir George carry to be most fit for that place, some other Counsellors being in this one point joined with him, namely, to sign all such warrants as should be signed for the disbursing of the Treasure. The instructions given to Master Cook were these.  
To procure a new Patent to the Lord Mountioy with title of Lord Lieutenant, and with authority to leave Sir George Carey Treasurer at Wars to be Lord Deputy, and so his Lordship to come presently over. 2. To procure new Patents for Wards, letting of the King's lands, compounding the King's debts, etc. (as before.) 3. To solicit for victual, munition and money. 4. To move the change of the base coin now currant. 5. To advertise the news from Spain. 6. To solicit the sending of new Seals; namely, the great Seal, Signets, Counsel seals, for the State, Monster, and Connaght, for the King's Bench, Common pleas, and Exchequer. 7. To procure authority to pass estates to the Irish Lords.  
After King james his Proclamation at Dublin, the Lord Deputy sent like Proclamations to all Governors, Magistrates, and Officers of Provinces, Cities, and Countries to be in like sort published, and with all made known to them severally his majesties pleasure signified in his letters directed to the Lords in England) to continue all Governors, Magistrates, and Officers, and all his majesties Ministers (as well Martial as Civil of both the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, in as absolute authorities and jurisdictions of their places, as before the decease of the late Queen Elizabeth of famous memory they enjoyed and exercised the same, as also to continue and establish all the Laws and Statutes of both Kingdoms in their former force and validity, till such time as his Majesty should please to take fuller knowledge, and resolve for the public good of any alteration (not intended but upon some special and weighty causes), and should please to give notice of his pleasure. Further his Lordship advised them, to concur with him in the vigilant care, to present all things in the best estate might be, to the first view of so worthy and mighty a Sovereign.  
The twelfth of April the Lord Deputy received letters from Sir Charles Wilmott and Sir George Thorneton, (appointed Commissioners with joint authority for governing the Province of Monster, in the absence of Sir George Carew Lord Precedent, late gone for England), advertising that they had blocked up Mac Morrish in the Castle of Billingarry, belonging to the Lord Fitz-morrice, and hoped by the taking thereof, to clear the Province of all open Rebels.  
The fifteenth of April his Lordship received a letter from Ororke, humbly imploring the Queen's mercy, and the same day after his hearing of the Queen's death, another in like humbleness craving the King's mercy.  
The sixteenth day his Lordship received letters from the Mayor of Cork, advertising 
The mutiny of the Cities in Monster about Religion.  that he had received the King's Proclamation the eleventh of April, and had deferred the publishing thereof to this day, only to the end it might be dove with more solemnity, humbly praying, that in regard the Fort built for defence of the Harbour of Cork from foreign invasion, was not kept by a Commander sufficient to secure the same for the Crown, his Lordship would accept the offer of him the Mayor, and therest of the corporation of the said City, to keep the same for his Majesty at their own peril. Lastly, complaining that the Soldiers now keeping the Fort, did shoot at the Fishermen, and at the Boats sent out of the Town for provisions, using them at their pleasure.  
The same sixteenth day his Lordship was advertised by several letters: First that the Citizens of Waterford had broken up the doors of the Hospital, and had admitted one Doctor White to preach at Saint Patrick's Church, and had taken from the Sexton the keys of the Cathedral Church, of themselves mutinously setting up the public celebration of the Mass, and doing many insolences in that kind. Secondly that Edward Raghter a Dominican Friar of Kilkenny, assisted by some of the Town, came to the Blackfriars, used for a Session-House, and breaking the doors, pulled down the benches and seats of justice, building an Altar in the place of them, and commanded one Biship, dwelling in part of the Abbey, to deliver him the keys of his House, who was to take possession of the whole Abbey, in the name and right of the Friars his brethren.  
The eighteenth day his Lordship was advertised from the Commissioners of Monster, that the Citizens of Cork had not only refused to join with them in publishing the Proclamation of King james, but had drawn themselves all into Arms, and kept strong guards at their Ports, and had absolutely forbidden the Commissioners to publish the same, with such contemptuous words and actions, as would have raised a mutiny, if they had not used greater temper: That the Townsmen had made stay of boats loaded with the King's victuals and munition for the Fort of Haleholin, saying that the Fort was built within their Franchises without their consent, and was meetest to be in the custody of the City. Whereupon they the said Commissioners accompanied with the Lord Roche and some 800 persons of the Country, (all expressing muchioy, but none of the Citizens assisting, or expressing any joy), did publish the Proclamation, upon an hill near the Town, with as much solemnity as might be, and had furnished the Fort with victuals and munition from Kinsale. And they besought his Lordship speedily to re-establish by new Letters Patents the Magistrates authority, because the ceasing thereof by the Queen's death, had especially emboldened these Citizens to be thus insolent.  
The same day one Edward Gough a Merchant of Dublyn, newly coming out of Spain, and examined upon oath, said that at Cales he saw the Ordinance shipped to S. Lucas, for forty sail (as he heard) there ready to go for Lisbon, where was a fleet of 140 ships prepared (as some said) for Ireland, or (as others said) for Flaunders; but he heard no General named, only heard that Don jean de l'Agula, was again received to the King's favour. The 22 day his Lordship wrote to the Soneraigne of Kilkenny, that howsoever he had no purpose violently to reform Religion in this Kingdom, but rather prayed for their better understanding, yet he could not permit, yea must severely punish in that Town and otherwhere, the seditious & mutinous setting up of the public exercise of Popish Religion, without public authority, and likewise with prejudice done to those of the procession established by God, and by the Laws of both the Realms, requiring that he and they should desist from such mutinous disorders, apprehending the chief authors, and if they wanted power to suppress the sedition of a few Priests & Friars, his Lp offered to assist them with the King's forces; for he would not fail to give life to the Laws and obedience due to his Majesty.  
The four & twentieth day, his Lordship was advertised that the Citizens of Lymrick had with their Priests entered into all the Churches of the City, and there erecting Altars, had used the Rites of the Romish Church.  
The 25. day, his Lordship wrote this letter to the Citizens of Waterford.  
YOur letters of the three and twentieth of this instant came this day to my hands. And having duly considered the contents of the same, I find, that they return a double excuse of the courses you have used: first, for your delay of time to proclaim the Kings most Excellent Majesty, according to such directions as was sent unto you, from the Earl of Ormond, by a Counsellor of this State. And the next, for such disorders as were reported to be committed, by the public breach of his highness Laws in matters of Religion: To the which We return you this answer following. First, albeit We would have wished, that you had had a more careful regard to have performed such directions as you received from to Noble a Peer of this Realm, by so reverent a messenger, as you might assure yourselves in such a matter durst not abuse you, his highness sole and undoubted right concurring also with your own knowledge and consciences, yet We will not condemn you for that omission of the time, seeing afterwards you did obey our directions in that behalf, and gave so public a testimony of your joyful allowance and consent to his majesties Right and lawful title proclaimed amongst you. But as in this part you have given unto us a kind of contentment, so in the last point, We cannot forbear to let you understand the Just mislike We do conceive, that you being Citizens of wisdom and good experience, and the Laws of the Realm continuing in force, would be drawn either by your Priests, or any like practices, to commit any public breach of the Laws, and the rather because out of that unspotted duty, which you profess you have ever carried to the Crown, you would not in reason conceive that the example of your offence in such a cause, and in so great and populous a City, could not but in itself be very dangerous, in these disordered times, wherein examples do carry men astray, which in discharge of Our duty to the King's Highness We may not suffer. And therefore have resolved to make Our speedy repair unto those parts, for none other purpose but to establish his majesties Laws, that no public nor contemptious breach be made of them, wherein We wish you had been more wary, contenting yourselves with the long and favourable toleration you enjoyed during the late Queen's reign, rather than in this sort to have prescribed Laws to yourselves; whereby in wisdom you may perceive how much you have prejudiced the very obtaining of your own desire, by the courses you have taken, (as we are credibly informed). And yet because it may be, that the reports of your behaviour have been made more heinous than there is cause, We are well pleased to suspend Our giving credit to such particular informations, until upon due examination the truth may appear, wherein We hope and shall be glad that you can acquit yourselves so of these imputations now laid upon you, or otherwise that you conform yourselves now at last, in such sort to the obedience you owe to his Majesty, and his Laws, as We be not enforced to take severe notice of your contrary actions.  
The same day his Lordship was advertised from the Mayor of Galloway, that howsoever he found no seditious inclination in the Citizens; yet to prevent disorders in these mutinous times, the Governor of the Fort had given him some of his soldiers, to assist his authority, whom he to that purpose had placed in the strongest Castles of the City.  
The same day his Lordship received letters from the Mayor of Cork, signifying that the thirteenth day of this month he had published in the City the Proclamation of the King, with the greatest solemnity he could, and complaining that the Soldiers in the King's Fort offered many abuses to the Town, with offer from the Corporation to undertake the safe keeping of that Fort for his Majesty.  
The 26 day his Lordship wrote to the Sovereign of Wexford, that whereas they excused their erecting of popish rites, by the report they heard of his majesties being a Roman Catholic, he could not but marvel at their simplicity, to be seduced by lying Priests to such an opinion, since it was apparent to the World, that his Majesty professed the true religion of the Gospel, and ever with careful sincerity maintained it in his Kingdom of Scotland, charging him and those of Wexford upon their Wexford to his Majesty, to desist from the disordered course they had taken, in celebrating publicly the idolatrous Mass, lest he at his coming up into those parts, should have cause severely to punish their contempt, showed to his Majesty and the laws of his Kingdom.  
The same day his Lordship was advertised from the Commissioners of Mounst r, that the Citizens of Cork grew daily more and more insolent, defacing places of scripture written on the walls of the Church, to the end they might wash and paint over the old Pictures, and that one termed a Legate from the Pope, with many Priests, had gone in solemn procession, hallowing the Church, and singing Mass therein publicly, the Townsmen having placed guards of armed men, set at the Church door, and at the Porch, yea burying their dead with all Papistical Ceremonies, and taking the Sacrament in like sort to spend their lives and goods in defence of the Romish Religion, and thereupon taking boldness to offer wrong to the English, and to practise the getting of the King's Fort into their hands, yea refusing to sell any thing to the English for the new mixed money, and not suffering the King's victuals to be issued out of the store, till they had assurance that the Soldiers should be sent out of the liberties of Cork.  
The 27 day his Lordship wrote to the Sovereign of Clemmell, commending him and the rest of that City, that they had proclaimed the King with great joy and gladness, but charging them upon their uttermost peril, to cease from the public exercise of the Romish Religion, which they of themselves had mutinously established.  
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter to the Sovereign of Kilkenny.  
AFter my hearty commendations. I have received your Letters of the 25 and 26 of this month, and am glad to understand thereby, that you are somewhat conformable to my directions, being willing to have cause to interpret your actions to the best; but though I mean not to search into your consciences, yet I must needs take knowledge of the public breach of his majesties Laws: and whereas you let me understand, that the Inhabitants are willing to withdraw themselves for their spiritual exercise to privacy, contented only with the use of the ruinous Abbey, that being a public place, I cannot but take notice thereof, and marvel how you dare presume to dispose at your pleasure of the Abbey, or any thing belonging to his Majesty, and therefore again charge you upon your allegiance, to forbear any public exercise of that Religion, prohibited by the Laws of this Realm, and fully to reform these disorders, according to my directions, upon your extreme peril.  
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter to the Mayor of Cork.  
AFter my very hearty commendations, I did first receive some mutual complaints & informations, from the commissioners of Monster & you, whereof so far as they concern your particulars I will take notice, & be glad to hear you both, or your Agents for you, & reform what I shall find amiss in either, but of public offences or errors, I must take public knowledge. And first for the Proclamation of the King, wherein I am informed that you were not only yourselves slow and backward, but made resistance to those, who being Governors in that Province in our late Sovereign's time, and having our directions, were not like to abuse or deceive you, and offered with due forwardness and obedience, after your unfitting and dangerous delays, to have published the same, whereof I cannot but marvel, and think you much to be blamed in so undoubtful a right, and with directions received from those in authority, to make such needless consultations, and much more to offer violent resistance to those, who better understood their duties, and were ever ready in so much loyalty to perform it: yet in regard of your solemn and joyful publication thereof, I am willing to interpret your actions to the best, and take your good performance for an excuse: But I am further given to understand, that you have suffered the public celebration of the Mass to be set up in your City, of your own fancies, and without public authority, both against the laws of this Realm, and (I assure you) contrary to that Religion which his Majesty zealously professeth. Whereof I cannot but take public notice, as you have publicly offended the King and his Laws, and as I have done before, so again I charge you upon your allegiance, to desist from such seditious insolences, and to apprehend the chief Authors thereof, which if you do not presently obey, I shall be forced against my will to use his majesties Sword and Power, to suppress the same. Further you have by your letters made suit unto me, to have the King's Fort Halebolin committed to your custody, and I am informed that you have proceeded in that insolency, as to stay his majesties Munition and victuals, and Artillery, which upon special trust of your loyalty was kept in your City, from being transported from thence to the relief of the Kings Fort. It may be you have rashly and unadvisedly done this, upon some opinion of the ceasing of authority in the public government, upon the death of our late Sovereign, (which is somewhat more, though no way in true and severe judgement excusable), and I think otherwise you would never have been so foolish, to run into so great danger, but since, as it hath pleased his Majesty to renew and confirm unto me, by his royal letters and Letters Patents under his Scale, the place of his Deputy in this Kingdom, and to signify his gracious pleasure, to continue all other his Officers and Magistrates, aswell martial as civil, in their former authority and jurisdictions, so by virtue thereof, and power given me from his Majesty, I have renewed the Lord Presidents Patent, and granted a new commission to Sir Charles Wilmott and Sir George Thornton, with charge and authority to govern the King's Forces, Forts, and places of strength, and to defeud the Towns from foreign invasions, and intestine mutinics or rebellions, and further to govern that Province according to his majesties directions. In which command of theirs there is no derogation from your civil government and limited authority, if you rightly understand the one and the other: Therefore as you should at first have concurred with them, put in so great place of trust over you by your late Queen and Mistress, especially in dangerous times of change, for the peaceable government of all under both your charges, that you might have deserved his majesties gracious acceptance of your service, by presenting all things in the best state you could to his highness first view, so now I require you upon your allegiannce, to be assisting and obedient to them in all things touching his majesties service, and not to presume to interrupt the conveyance of the King's victusls, munition, or artillery, unto such places as shall be thought fit by them, for the furnishing of his Maicstics Forts, or Forces, wheresoever they think convenient. This if you shall perform, I shall be glad to interpret your past actions to the best, finding your endeavours to redeem what you have done amiss, and not be forced against my will to take notice of the height of your offences or errors, and use his majesties power to redress them. I have since the writing hereof, seen a letter presented me by Master Meade, in denial and excuse of these informations, and if I shall find you conformable and obedient to these my directions, I will be glad to have occasion to interpret all things passed in the better part, and take as little notice as I can thereof. And so, etc.  
The same day the Lord Deputy wrote this following letter to the Mayor of Lymricke.  
AFter my hearty commendations, I have not written unto you (that I remember) since I sent you directions for the Proclamation of the King, which because I understand you published according to your duty, with all due solemnity and signs of joy, and continued in dutiful sort, not being seduced unto disorders, as some of the Towns of that Province were, I thought rather to have cause to commend you, and give you encouragement in your loyal proceedings, than any way to blame you, but I have since been informed, that you have taken example of other Cities seduced by their Priests, and against his majesties Laws (and I assure you contrary to the religion he zealously professeth) upon your own fancies without authority, set up the public celebration of the Mass, whereof I cannot but take public notice, as you have publicly offended the King and his laws, and therefore I charge you upon your allegiance, to desist from such seditious insolences, and to apprehend the chief authors thereof, which if you do not presently obey, I shall be forced against my will to take more severe notice thereof, then willingly I would. And so hoping that in a matter of so great consequence you will be better advised, I expect to have answer from you.  
The eight and twentieth day his Lordship wrote this following letter to the Commissioners of Monster.  
AFter my hearty commendations, I have already sent you your Commission renewed, for continuance of your authority, and signed the King's Letters Patents to the Lord Precedent for his government, and as formerly I advised you, so again I pray you, to transport as great a proportion of victuals and munition as you can out of the City of Cork, into the Fort of Halebolyn, and the Castle of Shandon, and if you may, by fair means, you shall do well to endeavour to draw some Companies into the Town, which if you cannot effect, yet I would have you not to slack the carrying of victuals and munition. I have drawn together some 5000 men, and shall be able to employ them in reducing and settling the Towns of those parts, and if the Citizens of Cork, upon the renewing of your authority and my late directions, prove more conformable than they were, you shall do well to govern all without violence, but if they continue obstinate in their former insolences, I advise you to set guards upon the stores of victuals and munition, and to leave the Town.  
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter to Sir Charles Wilmot, one of the said Commissioners.  
SIR Charles', I have received your letter of the twentieth of April, and am glad of the good success you had in taking the Castles in Kerry, and for your men of Cork, I have heard of their insolences, and I believe them, and for any thing I know, all the Towns in Monster stand upon little better terms: Assoon as I could possibly, (for I had no Forces in all Lemster) I have gathered together 5000 men, and am coming towards you, and have so disposed of all things in the North, that if need be, I will draw the whole Army of Ireland ere it be long into Monster, some few excepted to guard the garrisons: With Waterford I think to begin, for they gave the first example, but it is true that if they hold against me, I am ill provided to force them, for at Dublyn we are ill stored of all things, but we will do aswell as we may. I do like your course well to draw as many as you can to one head, and I think it fit, that it were about Cork: If your munition and victuals be in the power of the Town, I know not what to say, but I have first written to the Town, not to interrupt you in the disposing of the King's munition and victuals, and upon my commandment if they deny it, it is treason, therefore I think they will be advised therein. If you may therefore, as suddenly as you can, convey as great a proportion of victuals, but especially and first of munition, out of the Town, than I will command them to receive you (with such forces as you shall appoint) into the Town, which if they deny, it is treason too: And if you have any store out of the Town, and your Forces be gathered together, and they continue obstinate, it were good some little guard (though it were but seven or eight men) were put into the Castles, where the munition and victuals are, and for all the rest of the English to withdraw themselves out of the Town by little and little, and then if they continue obstinate still, in not receiving the King Forces, my desire is that you shall presently invest the Town, which I presume may be done with some 1000 men, if you put two or 300 men into the Fort next to Kinsale gate, (which with so many men will be easily guardable), and with the rest of your foot entrench near to the gate next toward Shandon, and with some 100 Horse beat the ways. When you are in this forwardness, if you think this way feasible, I will send you, either more men (if with those you have you think not fit to engage the Cannon), or if I be lose myself from being engaged in any other place, I will come to you; but if Waterford hold out, I shall for the time have my hands full. Let me hear from you at large of all things, and in the mean time, it is fit you put the best Arlillery you have into Halebolin Fort. I have sent this by one whom I think to be trusty, and I pray you to send him back speedily to me, and to impart this project to as few as you think good. Write to me how Lymricke, and the other Cities do stand. And so, etc.  
The thirtieth day his Lordship received letters from the Mayor of Corcke and his brethren, signifying that the Commissioners had by directions charged them, to suffer his majesties Ministers to pass through their ports with eight and forty barrels of powder, and lead and match proportionable, to be brought from his majesties store in that City to the Fort of Halebolyn, and that in regard they wondered so great a proportion should be carried to the Fort, where no Artillery was yet planted, especially the quantities formerly issued being not yet spent, nor any service being in hand, they fearing the Commissioners purposed to assault the Town, or at least to starve them, were enforced thereby to make stay of the said munition, till his Lordps pleasure were further known, renewing their suit, to have the custody of the Fort committed to the corporation. That they did all they could to cause the mixed money of the new standard to pass currant, but it was with such grief & loss to the poor town as they hoped his Lp would be a means to his Majesty for altering the same; That they had received rebuke from his Lordship, concerning certain insolences, but could not call to mind any particular wherein they had offended the State except that be an offence, after many abuses and wrongs done them, to keep watch and ward, to preserve themselves and keep the City for the King's Majesty, in those doubtful times (as they termed them). That touching the point of Religion, they only exercised now publicly that which ever before they had been suffered to exercise privately, and as their public prayers gave public testimony of their faithful hearts to the King's Royal Majesty, so they were tied to be no less careful to manifest their duties to almighty God, in which they would never be dissembling temporisors.  
Thus they foolishly rushed into apparent treason, by making stay of the King's munitions, and presumed to excuse their mutinous and insolent establishing the public exercise of the Romish Religion (and that upon their own heads, without any direction, yea in opposition of public authority.)  
The Lord Deputy now being ready to take his journey for Monster, and purposing first to attempt Waterford, wrote to the Mayor thereof the first of May to this effect. Because it seems by your neglect of my directions, and your impertinent answers, that you do not know, or have forgotten, both my authority and yourselves, I think good to let you understand, that it hath pleased the most mighty Prince King james the first, Our Sovereign, by his letters Patents, under his Great Seal of England, to make me his Deputy and chief Governor under himself of this Kingdom, and further to command me, by his letters signed with his Royal hands, to cherish his good subjects, and to suppress the Rebellious, the which difference of good and rebellions, I am no otherwise to distinguish in you, but by that obedience which I have required, and do now require of you to his majesties Laws and Royal pleasure. And as, in my duty to God and my King, I should rejoice to find you in the number of those that I am bound to cherish and preserve. So should I be heartily sorry to find you such, as I must be forced to correct or to ruin. And although it be none of my purposes to enter into your consciences, yet if the effects of your consciences be, to disturb the peace of this Kingdom, to violate the Laws thereof, and by force to set up your own Religion; It is my duty to use the King's power to suppress such insolences, and therefore my purpose is to repair myself to the King's City, whereof you are one of his Magistrates, to see his peace and obedience maintained, the which if both I and you, and that Corporation do not (as our duty is) intent, we have a King, that is not only able to call us his poor servants to an account, but to revenge the wrongs of the greatest Monarch of the World.  
The same day his Lordship writ to the Mayor of Cork, this following letter.  
AFter my hearty commendations. I have received two letters from you, the one not signed with any hand, the other signed by you the Mayor and two of your Brethren; and for the first, concerning the stay you have made of the King's munition and Victuals, I marvel greatly at your presumption, to limit and take account what proportions the Commissioners authorised by his Majesty think good to issue, for his service, and wish you in matters of so great consequence to be well advised, not doing any thing rashly, nor consulting or deliberating after your fancies of things not belonging any way to your consideration, but submitting your own judgements to be ruled by those placed in authority over you, I mean Sir Charles Wilmot, and Sir George Thorneton, whose Commissions to govern that Province I have lately by order from his Majesty renewed. For the answer of your second letter, I refer myself to those I sent you by Master Mead, which I think ere this time are come to your hands, and as by them you shall more particularly perceive, so I assure you, that I expect better satisfaction from you, for the late insolent disorders committed or permitted by you in that City, then by these I have received, charging you again (as formerly) to desist from the violating of his majesties Laws, by public celebration of the Mass, set up of your own fancies, without superior authority. In which, if I find you not conformable and obedient to my directions, I must conceive of your loyalty and affection to his majesties service, as I find by the effects testified in your public actions, and be forced to take more severe notice thereof, than I willingly would, in regard of the good opinion I have heretofore had of your proceedings. And for that point in your last letter, touching the Fort of Halebolin, whereof you desire to have the keeping to the King's use, I will deal plainly with you, that since I find you so little able to govern the inhabitants of your Town in due obedience to his Majesty and his Laws, and so easily seduced by your Priests and Friars, to the prejudice thereof, and the hazard of yourselves, and have always found by experience the true integrity and forward resolution of the King's soldiers to advance his service: till I shall see a better reformation of these your proceedings, I must needs think them fitter than you to have places of so great trust committed to their guard and custody.  
The same day his Lordship understood by letters from the Mayor of Cork, that the King's forces, lying near the Town, and their armed men of the City, had proceeded to acts of hostility, some having been killed on both sides, whereof they craved relief from his Lordship, making their contumacy against the Commissioners authority, a private quarrel to the person of one of them, as being their enemy, and seeking their utter ruin. Likewise the Bishop of Cork advertised, that a most seditious sermon was preached at Cork by a Popish Priest, teaching that he could not be a lawful King, who was not placed by the Pope, and sworn to maintain the Roman Religion. Also that one of his men, going to the Port of the Town, was hurt by one of the guard, who wished he had the Traitor his Master there, with threats of death to him. Lastly, that the Citizens, by resolution taken in a public Counsel with their Priests, had written to all the Towns and Cities, to assist them in the defence of the Catholic faith, and had not only stayed the King's munition, but laid it up in their own storehouses, and imprisoned the clerk who kept it.  
The third of May his Lordship being on the way towards Monster was advertised from justice Synot, that the Citizens of Wexford had conformed themselves to his Lordship's pleasure, & had redelivered the Churches to the hands of the English Ministers. The fourth of May, his Lordship in camped at Gracedea, near the City of Waterford, and summoned the Mayor and his brethren to open their Ports, and to receive him and the King's Forces.  
The same day his Lordship wrote this following letter to the Mayor of Cork. For the dispatch of your messenger, and not to omit any thing that heath in me to make you understand your dutiful obedience to his Majesty, and the great errors and insolent demenor you have of self will or malice entered into; I am content to write unto you, though I know not well in what sort to write, for by your courses I cannot take you for subjects, and out of my desire to interpret your actions to the best, I could wish not to have cause to repute you Rebels. To deal plainly with you, for any thing that you selves inform, or I can otherwise understand, I see not that Sir Charles Willmot hath done but as in his duty he was tied to do, but I am presently drawing down to the City of Cork, and having reserved one care for any your just complaints, will judge of your proceedings as I shall find them. I have let you understand my pleasure by my letters, (one sent by Master Meade, which if he have not delivered he is more to blame), and I assure myself some of them came to your hands, and in all I have charged you upon your allegiance (as again by these I do) to desist from public breach of his majesties Laws, in the celebration of the Mass, prohibited by the same, and to yield due obedience to his Magistrates, and especially upon your extremest perils, not to presume to make any stay of his majesties victuals and munition, left (upon special trust on your fidelity) within the walls of that City, but to suffer it by his majesties Commissioners of that Province, to be issued to the Forts, or where they shall think meet for the present service. I shall be glad to find that you conform yourselves to due obedience in all these, and other duties of good subjects; if otherwise you obstinately persist in the contrary, I must needs hold you for enemies to the King and the Peace of these his Realms, and as such think you fit to be prosecuted by the revenging sword of these and other his majesties Forces. From the Camp at Gracedea, near Waterford, the fourth of May, 1603.  
The fifth of May his Lordship was advertised, that the Governor of Loughfoyle, upon Sir Neale Garnes late insolences and disloyal practices, had by force taken from him, his Cows, Horses, and all his substance, and that he himself had given pledges to come to his Lordship. The disloyalties proved against him were these. That he obstinately carried himself in all things concerning the service. That he forbade his people to yield any relief to the English Garrisons. That he restrained his men from building or ploughing, that they might assist him to do any mischief. That be threatened to set fire on the Liffer. That he refused to admit any Sheriff in his Country. That he had long been upon a word with the Rebels. That he swore he would go into Rebellion, rather than any English man should enjoy a foot of Church land in his Country, which notwithstanding was reserved in his Patent. That he had created himself O Donnel, & that he had murdered an honest subject, who would not follow him in those courses, with many like insolences. And hereby the Lord Deputy and State were set at liberty for the promise of Tirconnell made unto him. So as his Lordship had now good occasion to give Rowry O donnel contentment. To which end some good portions of land, being assigned to Sir Neale Garue, his Lp procured the rest of the late O donnels Country, to be given his brother Rowry, whom afterwards in England he procured to be created Earl of Tyrconnel, thereby extinguishing the name of O donnel.  
The Citizens of Waterford, at first refused to receive any Forces into the Town, but only his Lordship and his retinue, yet the chief of them attended his Lordship in the Camp, and for their proceedings in the points of Religion, his Lordship requiring them to bring unto him one Doctor White a jesuit, the chief seducer of them by seditious Sermons, they were ready upon safe conduct or protection to bring him to his Lordship's presence which being granted them by word of mouth, the said Doctor White, accompanied by a young Dominican Friar, came into the Camp, but when they foolishly carried a Crucifix, openly showing the same, the soldiers were hardly kept from offering them violence; and when they put up the Crucifix in their pockets, yet could hardly endure the sight of their habits, which each wore according to his order, Doctor White wearing a black gown and cornered cap, and the Friar wearing a white woollen frock. White being come into his Lordship's Tent, was bold to maintain erroneous and dangerous positions, for maintenance of that which the Citizens had done, in the reforming of Religion without public authority, all which his Lordship did (as no Lay man I think could better do) most learnedly confute. And when White cited a place in Saint Austin for his proof, his Lordship having the book in his Tent, showed all the company, that he had falsely cited that Father; for howsoever his very words were found there, yet they were set down by way of an assertion which Saint Austin confuted in the discourse following. At this surprisal, White was somewhat out of countenance, and the Citizens ashamed. But in conclusion, when those of the Town alleged King john his Charter for privilege why they should not receive the King's forces into the Town, his Lordship replied, that no King could give that privilege to his subjects, whereby his Successors should be prejudiced in the due obedience they were to expect from them, and in a word, told them, that if they did not presently open their Ports to him and the forces with him, he would cut King john's Charter in pieces with King james his sword, and if he entered the Town by force, would ruin it, and strew salt upon the ruins.  
Whereupon they better considering of the business, received his Lordship and the forces into the Town, and the soldiers were so well disciplined, that howsoever they were not a little grieved by this yielding to have the hope of rich pillage taken from them, yet no wrong worth the speaking of was done to any one in the Town. His Lordship here suppressed all public exercise of Romish Religion, and restored the Churches to the English Ministers, and took from the chief Citizens an oath of Allegiance to his Majesty, with an abjuration of all dependency on any foreign Potentate (having held the like course of reformation in his passage hither through Kilkenny, the Citizens whereof had in like sort offended), but his Lordship forbore any way to censure their past sedition, leaving them to the King's mercy for Charter, life and goods, if thereby they had endangered them. Only his Lordship left one thou: sand men in Garrison at Waterford, and made choice of a place of advantage, where they should lie, till such time as a Fort might there be built to command the Town, and bridle it from running into like insolences hereafter. And because the North being now quieted, there was no further use of any Garrison in Lecayle, his Lordship appointed Sir Richard Morryson (formerly Governor of Lecayle) to command this Garrison left at Waterford, and to govern the County of Wexford.   

Certain heads whereupon some Waterford men were examined a part one from the the other, and in a careless manner, yet so as the answers were written out of sight.  
1. What preparations were devised to rescue Waterford, if the Army had laid siege thereunto.  
2. Who were the instruments that were appointed, and were assembling them.  
3. Who were their leaders both in Town and Country, and when and where they should meet.  
4. Whether any thing were published in writing, and set upon the Church doors and other places, to seduce the people, and what the effect thereof was, or by whom it was set up, or whether it was set up in Clomell only, or in more places.  
5. Whether any of them did know Sir Mahowne O Dullany Priest, to come to Clomell the fifth of this month, reporting that Sir donnel O Carol had fifteen hundred men ready to the rescue of Waterford.  
6. Whether any of them knew Humfery Arthur of Lymrick, or any other messengers from thence, to come to Clomell, to report that five thousand were in readiness to the rescue of Waterford also, or whether he be still at Clomell yea or no.  
7. Whether they knew which quarter of the Country was appointed for Father Mulrony to take the charge thereof, to be assembled to the rescue of Waterford.  
8. Whether they knew Father Leinaghs haunt, likewise so of Father Ractor, and the rest, whose names they are not to seek of themselves.  
9 Whether they have or can tell certainly, that any intended yet to draw these Rescues to Cork, or any other head, to prevent the Army.  
10. Whether themselves are sworn to live and die in the quarrel, or what Noble men or Lawyers are sworn also.  
11 Whether they be able themselves to deliver any of these seducers to the Lord Deputy, yea or no, by what reason they should not (if they deny it) being conversant with them daily.  
12. Whether they knew any messengers gone for Spain or elsewhere, to procure help to those confederates, who are gone, when they went, and what they be, or from whence, and what was their message, or how charges were collected for them.  
From Waterford his Lordship by small journeys (in regard of the impediments by the slackness and failing of supplies of Garrons and beeves from the Country) marched to the City of Cork, and coming thither upon the tenth of May, was without any contradiction received into the Town, with all the forces he brought with him, though Sir Charles Willmott had invested the Town, and at the same time (with the forces of the Monster List) lay before it.  
The eleventh day his Lordship, to make it apparent to them and all the World, how willing he was to give them gentle audience in their just complaints, first admitted them to speak what they could of any offence they had received, or justly suspected, before they were called in any question for their own disorders. But their accusations for the most part were such, as if they had been proved (which was not done, the proof as less important being deferred to a more convenient time) yet imported rather imputation of want of discretion in rash speeches, than any just pretext for their proceeding, and therefore were laid a part, as impertinent to the main cause then to be handled. And for the rest of their more selected accusations, they were judged to have in them no important excuse for their seditious carriage, but were such for the greater part, as his Lordship was forced to justify without calling the adverse party to his answer, as being done either by his Lordship's directions, or out of duty imposed upon the Commissioners of this Province by virtue of the place of authority committed to their charge. Thus the Townsmen laboured to divert their public offences by a colourable excuse of private spleen, and some grudges against one of the Commissioners.  
And in regard the Earl of Ormond came that night to Cork, the Lord Deputy (being desirous not only to have his Lordship, but as many of the Nobility, and men of the best rank as he could, to be witnesses of their heinous offences, and of the mild proceedings against them) did defer till next day, the receiving of the townsmen's answers in justification of their own actions. At which time many breaches of his majesties Laws and their duties were objected against them. First, in the public erection of the Romish Religion against the Laws, and the abolishing that profession which was allowed by the same. Secondly, in their maintaining these actions by force and armed men. Thirdly, in their attempt to demolish the King's Fort at the South Gate of the City. Fourthly, in staying the issue of the King's munition and victuals, with the seizing of them into their own hands, and the imprisoning of the King's Officers and Ministers, to whose charge they were committed. Lastly, in bearing Arms, and doing all acts of Hostility against his majesties forces, wherein their insolent proceedings were so far followed, as they had killed a grave and learned Preacher walking upon the Hills adjoining to their walls, and had battered Shandon Castle, wherein lay the Lady Carew (wife to the Lord Precedent then absent in England.)  
After due examination taken of all these points, his Lord ᴾ resolved, as he had formerly done at Waterford, to leave the censure to his majesties pleasure, that he upon view thereof, might use his Royal mercy or justice, in remitting or punishing and reforming the same. Only his Lordship took notice of some few of the principal offenders and ringleaders, whose offences were apparent, and severed from the common action, and them his Lordship commanded to be hanged, for example and terror to others. Some his Lordship left in prison to be tried by course of Law, as Master Meade the Recorder, who was a most principal offender: but he might as well have forgiven him; for no man that knew Ireland did imagine, that an Irish jury would condemn him. The chief Citizens of Cork took the above mentioned oath of Allegiance to his Majesty, abjuring all dependency upon any foreign Potentate.  
From Cork his Lp wrote to the Earl of Tyrone, to meet him at Dublyn, in readidinesse to bear him company into England. This done, his Lordship lest a strong garrison of soldiers in the Town of Cork, and so upon the fifteenth of May matched towards Lymrick, and the Citizens thereof having proceeded to no further disorder, than the public celebration of Mass, were soon reduced to order, and willingly took the oath of allegiance, with abjuration of dependency upon any foreign Potentate, as the other Cities had done.  
The sixteenth of May his Lordship received letters from the Earl of Tyrone, whereby he gave him many thanks, that he had procnred out of England authority to proceed with him according to the instructions he had formerly from the late Queen, promising to be ready at Dublyn to attend his Lordship into England, and touching a complaint of Shane O Neales' sons, for some cows his men had taken from them, promising to make restitution. And because he thought many complaints would be made against his people, by reason of their poverty, he besought his Lordship not to give credit to them, till he might repair to his Lordship to satisfy him, protesting that he would be ready at all times to come unto his Lordship, and to do all duties of a faithful subject.  
The Lord Deputy having given order to fortify the Castle of Lymrick, and having from thence written to the Mayor of Cork to assist the Commissioners in building the Fort at their South Gate, took his journey towards Dublyn the nineteenth of May, and came to Cashell the twentieth of May, where he reform the Town, as he had done the rest, and took the like oath of Allegiance from the Townsmen. There he understood, that a Priest commanding all the people, had tied a Goldsmith of our Religion to a tree, threatening to burn him and his heretical books, at which time he burned some of our books, which he so termed, but that upon a Townesmans' admonition, the Priest set the said Goldsmith free, after he had stood so bound to a tree some six hours before all the people of the Town, in continual fear to be burned.  
The Lord Deputy having quietly settled all the Towns and Cities in Monster, returned to Dublyn, and because upon the first settling of peace, many petitions were exhibited against the late Rebels for restitution of goods, which they had taken in time of rebellion, and were not now able to restore, so as the exacting thereof, was like to produce new troubles, rather than any satisfaction to the plaintiffs, an authentical act of oblivion for all like grievances was published, and sent to the Governors in all parts of the Kingdom.  
In this late Monster journey, his Lordship received letters from the King, whereby 
Sir George Carey left L. Deputy, by the Lord Mountioy, L. Lieutenant returning into England.  he was chosen to be one of his majesties Privy Counsel in England, and being made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with two third parts of the Deputies allowance assigned to him, was licenced to come over into England, and had authority to leave Sir George Carey the King's Deputy during his Lordship's absence, having the other third part of the Deputies allowance, and his own entertainment as Treasurer at Wars for his support.  
And Captain Floyd lying now in the Harbour with the King's Pinnace called the Tramontana, ready to transport him, his Lordship with the Earl of Tyrone in his company, together with his household servants, and some Knights and Gentlemen his followers, took ship in the afternoon, and the next morning early we discovered the desired land of England, the weather being very saire: but within one hour the sky being over cast with a thick fog, and we bearing all sails, we fell suddenly upon the Skerryes an hideous great black Rock, where after so many dangers escaped in the wars, it pleased God miraculously to deliver us from being cast away (as it were) in the very Haven. For certain birds called Gulls, seeing our ship ready to rush upon them, and their desert habitation with full sails, rose crying and fluttering round about us, whereat the Governors of the Pinnace being amazed, looked out, and beholding that terrible spectacle, cried to the Steareman aloof for life, which fearful voice might have daunted him, as it did most in the ship; but he stoutly did his work, answering helm aboard, which done, the ship by force of the stern, and by the help of the tide coming in between it and the Rock, turned about with strange swiftness, and swum along by the Rock, so near to it, as the Beat hanging at the stern, dashed against it. Neither were the most expert men in the ship for a long time free of this fear, knowing that such great Rocks have usually small pinnacles adjoining to them, the least whereof had been as dangerous to us as the main Rock: but the ship (by God's merciful providence) passing on safely, that day by noon we came into the Bay of Beaumarris, and were set on shore by the boat.  
The Earl of Tyrone road from thence to London in the Lord Mountioy his company, and howsoever his Lordship's happy victory against this Traitor, made him gracious in the eyes of the people, yet no respect to him could contain many Women in those parts, who had lost Husbands and Children in the Irish wars, from flinging dirt and stones at the Earl as he passed and from reviling him with bitter words: yea, when the Earl had been at Court, and there obtaining his majesties direction for his pardon and performance of all conditions promised him by the Lord Mountioy, was about September to return, he durst not pass by those parts, without direction to the sheriffs, to convey him with troops of Horse from place to place, till he were safely embarked and put to the Sea for Ireland.  
The Lord Mountioy coming to Court was honoured of all men; and graciously received of the King, being presently sworn one of his majesties privy Counsel. And for further reward of his services shortly after the King made him Master of the Ordinance, gave him two hundred pound yearly old Rent of Assize out of the Exchequer, and as much more out of the Duchy, to him and his heirs for ever, besides the Country of Lecale in Ireland, together with other lands in the Pale there, which after the decease of the Lady Mabell Countess of Kildare were to fall to the Crown for want of heirs males of her body. He had the full superintendency over all Irish affairs, no dispatches passing to and from the Lord Deputy, but through his hands as Lord Lieutenant. And his Majesty likewise created him Earl of Devonshire, which dignity was to descend to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten. But it died with him, and he enjoyed the rest of this worldly happiness but few years. For he was surprised with a burning Fever, whereof the first fit being very violent, he called 
The death of the Lord Mountioy created Earl of Devonshire.  to him his most familiar friends, and telling them that he had ever by experience, and by presaging mind been taught, to repute a burning Fever his fatal enemy, desired them (upon instructions then given them) to make his Will, and then he said; Let death look never so ugly, he would meet him smiling, which he nobly performed, for I never saw a brave spirit part more mildly from the old mansion, than his did, departing most peaceably after nine days sickness, upon the third of April, in the beginning of the year 1606.  
This most worthy Lord, cured Ireland from the most desperate estate in which it ever had been, and brought it to the most absolute subjection in which it had ever been since the first Conquest thereof by our Nation. Yet he left this great work unperfect, and subject to relapse, except his successors should finish the building, whose foundation he had laid, and should polish the stones which he had only rough hewed. And because he knew this relapse would be most dangerous, having observed every rebellion in Ireland to be more dangerous than the former, and that none could be more dangerous than this last, without the loss of the Kingdom, therefore he was most careful to prevent all future mischiefs. To which end, whatsoever effects his designs had, sure I am, that he did meditate these wholesome prciects: First to establish Garrisons in the Cities of Monster, and in the renewing of their forfeited Charters, to cut of many exorbitant privileges granted to their first English Progenitors, from whom they were so degenerated, as the very speaking of English, was by them forbidden to their wives and children. Then by the exchanging of lands, and by the disposing of the new grants of lands to be made to the Irish, to draw them all to inhabit the inland Country, and to plant the English upon the havens, Seacoasts, and Rivers. Lastly, because he knew all endeavours would be in vain, if Civil Magistrates should think by fair means without the sword to reduce the Irish to due obedience (they having been conquered by the sword, and that maxim being infallible, that all Kingdoms must be preserved by the same means by which they were first gained, especially with the Irish by their nature pliable to a hard hand, and jadish when upon the least pricking of provender the bridle is let loose unto them,) therefore his Lp purposed to persuade, that the Army should stand in some convenient strength, till the King's revenues were increased, and established (so as Ireland might be a nursery to maintain some convenient number of old Soldiers, without any charge to England), and till the reformation of Religion and due obedience to the Magistrate were at least in some good measure settled in Ireland, and especially in the foresaid Cities.   

A List of the Army, as it was disposed at the Lord Mountioyes return for England, about the eight and twentieth of May, in the beginning of the year 1603.  
Horse in Lemster.  
The Lord Lieutenant, 100 Master Martial, 50. Sir Henry Harrington, 25. Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir William Godolphin, 50. Sir Richard Greame, 50. Sir Garret Moor, 25. Sir Francis Rush, 12. Captain Fleming, 25.  
Horse in Monster.  
The Lord Precedent, 100 The Earl of Thomond, 50. Captain Taffe, 50.  
Horse in Connaght.  
Sir Oliver jambert Governor, 25. The Earlè of Clanrickard, 50. Sir Oliver S. john's, 25 Captain Wayman Provost Martial; 12.  
Horse in Ulster.  
Sir Arthur Chichester Governor of Carickfergus, 25. Sir Henry Dockwra, Governor of Longfoyle, 100 Sir Richard Trever at the Newry, 50. Sir Henry Folliot at Ballishannon, 50 Captain john jephson, 100  
total of Horse, 1000  
Foot in Lemster.  
The Lord Lieutenant, 200, The Earl of Ormond, 150, Master Martial, 150. Sir Hen. Power, 150. Sir W. Fortescue, 150. Sir Geo. Bourcher, 100 Sir Fra. Rush, 150. Capt. Coach, 150. Capt. Lau. Esmond, 150.  
In all 1350.  
Foot in Monster, first at Waterford.  
Sir Ric Moryson Governor of Waterford, and the County of Wexford, having his own Company yet in Lecale. Sir Fran. Stafford, 200. Sir Ben Berry, 150. Capt. josias Bodley, 150. Cap. Ellis jones, 150. Capt. Hen. Bartley, 150. Capt. Ed. Fisher, 150. Captain leg, 100 Capt. Ralph Counslable 100  
total 1100.  
Foot at Cork.  
The L. Precedent, 200. Sir Christ, S. Laurence, 150. Sir The Loftus, 100 Mr. Treasurer, 100 Capt. Haruy, 100 Sir Ed. Wingfeild, 200. Sir Garret Haruy, 150. Capt. Coote, 100  
In all 1100.  
Foot at Lymrick.  
The Earl of Thomond, 200. The Lord Audley, 150. Sir George Thorneton, 150. Sir Francis Bartely, 150. Sir Francis Kinsmel. 100 Captain Stafford, 100 Captain Thomas Boyse, 100 Captain George Kinsmell, 100  
In all 1000  
At Kinsale, Sir Ric. Percy, 150. In Kerry, Sir Charles Willmott, 150. At Baltemore, Capt. Flower, 100 At Halebolin Fort, Capt. Fr. Slingsby, 100  
In all, 500  
total Foot in Monster, 3700.  
Foot in Connaght.  
Sir Oliver Lambert Governor, 150. The Earl of Kildare, 150. The Earl of Clanrickard, 150. Sir Samuel Bagnol, 150. Sir Edward Harbert, 100 Sir Francis Shane, 100 Sir Oliver S. john's, 200. Sir Tibbot Dillon, 100 Captain Guest, 150. Cap. Skipwith, 100 Cap. Thomas Roper, 150, Captain Thomas Rotheram, 150. Captain Harison, 100 Captain Rorie O donnel, 150. Capt. Tibott Bourke, 100 Captain Tyrrell, 150. For the judges use, 100 Sir Tho. Bourk, 150.  
In all, 2400.  
Foot in Ulster, as at Knockfergus.  
Sir Arthur Chichester Governor, 200. Sir Francis Conwey, 150. Capt. Roger Langford, 100 Capt. Tho. Phillips, 100 Capt. H. Sackford, 100  
In all, 650.  
At Mountioy, Captain Francis Roe Governor, 150. Capt. Edw. Morryes', 100 Cap. George Blount, 100  
In Lecale, Richard Moryson, late Governor, to be removed to Waterford, 200. At Armagh, Capt. Williams, 150. At the Newry, Capt. Trever, 100 At Canan, Sir Garret Moor, 100 At Chhrlemount. Capt. Toby Cawfeild, 150. At Mount Norris, Capt. Atherton, 150. At Dundalke, Capt. Ferdinand Freckleton. 100  
At Monaghan and Ruske, Capt. Edward Blany Governor, 150. Sir james Fitz Peirce, 100 Sir Edward Fitz Garrett, 100  
In all, 1650.  
Foot at Ballishannon.  
Sir Henry Follyot Governor, 150. Capt. Edw. Basset, 100 Capt. I. Phlllips, 100 Capt. Thom. Bourke, 100 Capt. Dorington, 100 Capt. W. Windsor. 150. Capt. Ralph Sidley, 100 Captain Oram, 100  
In all, 900.  
Foot at Loughfoyle.  
Sir Henry Dockwra Governor, 150. Captain Richard Hansard, 200.  
At the Liffer, a place (in the governors judgement) most necessary to be held by the English, and guardable with one hundred men, to be maintained by land annexed to the Town, were left for the present, Sir Matthew Morgan, 150. Capt. Nith. Pinner, 100 Capt. Bassel Brooke, 100  
At Newtowne, a most necessary Garrison, and guardable by 30 men, was left Captain Atkinson, 100  
At Omy, necessary and requirrng this guard, Capt. Edw. Leigh, 100  
At Aineigh, less necessary, Capt. Lewis Orrell, 100 Capt. Ellis Flyod, 100  
At Colmarhetreene, less necessary, Capt. Io. Vanghan, 100  
At Colrane, a most necessary Garrison, and requiring no less number to guard it, left Capt. joh. Sidney 100  
At Ramullan, a necessary Garrison to be held, and guardable with 50 men, left Captain Ralph Bingley, 100  
At Do Castle, necessary, and requiring this guard, Capt. Tho. Badbey, 100  
At Colmore, most necessary to be held, was left Capt. Hart with 20 men, spared out of the former Companies.  
In all 1500  
total of Foot, 11150.  
The charge of the Irish wars in the last year 1602, beginning the first of April, and ending the last of March, besides concordatums, munition, and other extraordidaries, two hundred fourscore ten thousand seven hundred thirty three pound eight shillings nine pence half penny farthing half farthing.  
The charge of the Irish wars from the first of October 1598., to the last of March 1603, being four years and a half, besides great concordatums, great charge of munitions, and other great extraordinaries, eleven hundred fourscore eighteen thousand seven hundred seventeen pound nineteen shillings one penny.  
The charge of the Army (as is abovesaid) forecast for the year following, beginning the first of April, 1603, & to the last of March, 1604, the horse standing as in the former list, but the foot to be reduced to 8000, amounts to one hundred sixty three thousand three hundred fifteen pound eighteen shillings three pence farthing half farthing.  
In the year 1613, by the entreaty of my brother Sir Richard Moryson (Vicepresident of Monster) and out of my desire to see his children God had given him in Ireland, 
Anno 1613  (besides some occasions of my private estate), I was drawn over again into Ireland, where we landed the ninth of September, miraculously preserved from shipwreck. For at nine of the night (being dark at that time of the year) we fell upon the coast of Ireland, and not well knowing the coast, but imagining it to be Yoghall Port, we tacked about, to beat out at Sea the night following. But having some hours before sprung a Leak, and our Pumps being foul, so as they would not work, we had no hope to live so long at sea, and again not knowing the coast, we durst not venture to put in upon it, besides that in case it were Yoghall Harbour, our best fortune was to enter a barred Haven by night. In this distress by divine Providence we were preserved, the Moon breaking out through the dispersed clouds, and shining so bright, as our best Marrines easily discovered the Harbour of Yoghall, and the tide serving happily, we passed the bar into the same. And the next morning we might see the danger we had escaped most apparent; for our ship was so far unable to endure the waves of the sea, with her great leak and the foulness of the Pumps (if we had been forced to keep a board till the next days light might make us know the coast) as the same night she had sunk in the quiet Harbour, if the Mariners had not chosen rather to drive her on ground.  
At this time I found the State of Ireland much changed; for by the flight of the Earl of Tyrone, and the Earl of Tirconnell, with some Chiefs of Countries in the North, and the suppression and death of Sir Cabier Odogherty their confederate, in making new troubles, all the North was possessed by new Colonies of English, but especially of Scots.  
The mere Irish in the North, and overall Ireland continued still in absolute subjection, being powerful in no part of the Kingdom, excepting only Connaght, where their chief strength was yet little to be feared, if the English-Irish there had sound hearts to the State. But the English Irish in all parts (and especially in the Pale) either by our too much cherishing them since the last Rebellion (in which we found many of them false hearted), or by the King's religious courses to reform them in their obstinate adiction to Popery (even in those points which oppugned his majesties temporal power), or by the fullness of bread in time of peace, (whereof no Nation sooner surfeits then the Irish), were grown so wanton, so incensed, and so high in the instep, as they had of late mutinously broken of a Parliament, called for the public good and reformation of the Kingdom, and from that time continued to make many clamorous complaints against the English Governors (especially those of the pale against the worthy Lord Deputy and his Ministers) through their sides wounding the Royal authority, yea, in all parts the Churl was grown rich, and the Gentlemen and Swordmen needy, and so apt to make a prey of other men's goods. The Citizens of Monster had long since obtained the renewing of their old Charters with all their exorbitant privileges, and were now grown most refractory to all due obedience, especially for matters of Religion. In which parts the very numbers of the Priests (swarming among them, and being active men, yea contrary to their profession, bloody in handling the sword) far exceeded the number of the King's soldiers, reduced to very small or no strength. And many loose men flocked into that Province out of the Low-Countries, who being trained there in the Irish Regiment with the Archduke, daily sent over new men to be in like sort trained there, and themselves lay dispersed and hidden in all corners, with hearts (no doubt) apt to embrace mischievous enterprises.  
And howsoever the English Lawyers, coming over after the last war, vaunted Ireland to be reduced to full obedience by their Itinerary circuits, (scarce mentioning with honour the sword that made way to them), yet they were therein deceived, that the Irish in their clamorous and litigious nature, flying to them with many complaints, did it only to get countenance to their causes from them, who were strangers to them (perhaps against former judgements of the Governors, who better knew them, and so to oppose one Magistrate against another), not (as they might perhaps think) in sincere affection to be ruled by the Laws. Yea, those Chiefs of Countries who used to wait on them to the limits of their Country, did it rather to keep the people by their awful presence from exhibiting complaints against themselves, than (as the judges thought) out of their dutiful respect to them or to the State.  
For otherwise, even among the English-Irish, in the inferior persons from the Counstables to the justices of Peace, and so upward, justice had not his due course (which can never have life, but in the moving of all the members with due correspondency), and many outrages were by the English-Irish, and mere Irish, done against the English lately planted there. So as now when Ireland should have enjoyed the fruits of the last war, in the due subjection of the mere Irish, these times threatened the next combustions from our degenerate English Irish. Only the lovers of peace were erected to good hopes by a general confidence that our Sovereign would apply his Royal power, severe justice (most available in Ireland) and other his heroic virtues, to the timely prevention of any mischievous issue, as not long after his Majesty happily began, with bringing those his subjects to conformity of making wholesome Laws for the public good, by common consent of that Kingdoms three Estates, assembled in his Royal Court of Parliament at Dublyn, in the year 1614, to which work and all his Royal counsels, God give happy success.   

The List of Officers General and Provincial, Warders, Horsemen and Footmen, as they stood at this time of Peace.  

Officers General.  
The Lord Chichester Baron of Belfast Lord Deputy of Ireland, having enjoyed that place many years beyond all example of former times. Sir Thomas Ridgeway Treasurer at Wars. Sir Richard Wingfeild Marshal of Ireland. Sir Oliver S. john's Master of the Ordinance. Sir john King Muster-master. Sir Allen Apsley, and Thomas Smith, Commissaries of victuals. Edward Lenton Provost Marshal of the Army. Sir josus Bodley, Directer General and Overseer of the Fortifications. Sir Thomas Dutton Scout-Master. Captain john Pikeman, and Captain William Meeres, Corporals of the field.   

Officers Provincial.  
The Lord Davers, Lord Precedent of Monster, and Sir Richard Moryson his Vicepresident (besides the command in his own right, left him by the Lord Lieutenant Mountioy at his, leaving the Kingdom.) Sir Richard Aldworth, Provost Martial of Monster. The Earl of Clanrickard, Lord Precedent of Connaght, & Sir Oliver S. john's his Vicepresident, besides his employments in his own right. Captain Charles Coote Provost Marshal of Connaght. Sir Henry Dockwra Governor of Loughfoyle. Edmond Ellys Provost Martial there. Sir Henry Follyot Governor of Ballishannon. The Lord Chichester, Governor of Carickfergus. Sir Henry Power Governor of Leax. Sir Edward Blaney, Seneshal of Monaghan, and commander of the King's Forts there. Robert Bowen Provost Marshal of Lemster. Moses' Hill, Provost Martial of Ulster. Captain William Cole for Ballishannon, and Captain Hugh Clotworth for Loughchichester, both Captains of Boatmen.   

Warders.  
Dublin Castle, Roger Davies hath Warders, 14. Maryborough, Sir Adam Loftus warders, 16. Phillipstowne, Sir Garret Moor, warders, 12 Duncannon, Sir Laurence Esmond, warders, 30. Dungaruan. Sir George Carey, warders, 12. Castlemaigne, Sir Thomas Roper, warders, 17. Limrick Castle, Sir Francis Bartley, warders 20. Castle Park, Captain Skipwith warders, 20. Halebolin, Sir Francis Slingesby, warders, 20. Athlone Castle, the Earl of Clanrickard, warders, 20. Ballenfad, Captain S. barb, warders, 10. Dromruske, Captain Griffoth, warders, 9 Carickfergus Castle, Captain Fortescue, warders, 20. Moyry Castle, Captain Smith, warders, 12. Mount Norreys, Master Annesley, warders, 10. Omey, Captain john Leigh, warders, 20. Tomb, Sir Thomas Phillips, warders, 12. Do Castle Captain Samford, warders, 9 Donnegall, Captain Brooke, warders, 9 Cloughaughter, Captain Culme, warders, 9 Eniskillen, Captain Cole, warders, 10. Enishlaughlin, Sir Foulke Conway, warders, 14.  
In all, 335.   

Horsemen.  
The Lord Deputy, 25. The Earl of Clanrickard, 25. The Lord Davers, 25. Master Martial, 20. Sir Oliver Lambert, 25. Sir Edward Harbert, 12. Sir Richard Aldworth. 12. Sir Garret Moor, 25. Sir Henry Folliot, 6. Captain john Kinsmill, 25.- Captain Charles Coote, 12.  
In all, 212.   

Footmen.  
The Lord Deputy, 100 The Earl of Clanrickard, 50. The Earl of Thomond, 50. The Lord Davers, 50. The Lord Cromwell, 50. Master Martial, 50. Master Treasurer, 50. Sir Richard Moryson, 50. Sir Charles Wilimott, 50. Sir Francis Rush, 50. Sir Henry Follyot, 50. Sir Edward Blaney, 50 Sir Francis Roe, keeper of Mountroy and the Territoy, 50. Sir Thomas Rotheram, keeper of the Forcat Galloway and the land, 50. Sir Francis Cook, 50. Sir William Stuart, 50. Sir Arthur Savage, 50. Sir Henry Power, 50 Sir Tobey Cawfeild, keeper of Charlemount and the Territory, 50. Sir Foulke Conway, 50. Sir Oliver S. john's 50. Sir Thomas Roper, 50. Sir Richard Hansard, 50. Sir Thomas Phillips, 50. Captain Craford, 50. Captain john Vaughan, 50. Captain Arthur Basset, 50.  
In all, 1400.  
The total number, 1947.       

THE DISCOURSE UPON SEVERAL HEADS THROUGH THE SAID SEVERAL DOMINIONS. Of traveling in general. PART III.  

BOOK I.  

CHAP. I. That the visiting of foreign Countries is good and profitable: But to whom, and how far?  
SInce the best and most generous wits most affect the seeing of foreign Countries, and there can hardly be found a man so blockish, so idle, or so malicious, as to discourage those that thirst after knowledge from so doing, I might seem to undertake a vain and needless task, if I should persuade thereunto. Wherefore I pass over the abundant fruits it yieldeth. I will not speak of the experience thereby attained, which instructeth the most dull and simple, as the Sun by his beams coloureth the passenger, intending nothing less than to be so coloured, & which neither by hearing, nor any sense can so easily be gained, as by the eyes. For since nothing is in the understanding, which hath not first been in some of the senses, surely among the senses, which are (as it were) our Sentinels and Watchmen, to spy out all dangers, and conduct us through the thorny labyrinth of this life's pilgrimage, not any one is so vigilant, so nimble, so wary, nor by many degrees so trusty, as the sight, according to the saying of the Poet;  

Segnius irritant animos delapsa per aures,  
Quam quae sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus, &c.  
Less doth it move the mind that beats the ears,  
Than what before the faithful eye appears.   
This ground of my discourse being granted, yet I am not so blindly affected to this course of traveling, as I will thrust all into this warfare without difference or choice. First, women for suspicion of chastity are most unfit for this course, how soever the masculine women of the Low Countries use to make voyages for traffic, not only to their own Cities, but even to Hamburg in Germany, and more remote places, neither would I advise Angelica, if she were alive in these days, to trust herself alone and in desert places to the protection of wandering Knights, lest she should mere with more strong encounters, than was that of the weak Hermit.  
Nor yet will I herein give unlimited liberty to married men; holding Alexius unexcusable, who left his Bside upon the very marriage day: yet after a due time of conversation to combine love, why should he not in summer season follow the wars at his Prince's command, yea upon his free will? (since we owe ourselves to our Country, as to our wives), yea why should he not search after politic wisdom, by short excursions into foreign parts? (since we permit Merchants and Mariners, though married, to take long voyages for gain, neither can Gentlemen more enrich themselves, then by the knowledge of military and political affairs). And indeed the civil Law permits men to travel after the Espousals: Always provided that this industry rather increase, then diminish our estates, except our Country be in question, in which case all respects to our private Family, (whether of love, of frugality, or whatsoever private good), must be cast behind our backs, (since the Commonwealth contains each private man's estate, and a part must be put to hazard for the preservation of the whole body).  
Let Plato the Divine Philosopher have patience with me, though I be not of his opinion, who in his twelfth Book of Laws, assigneth to this course the last period of life, from the age of fifty years to threescore. It is true which he saith of that age, to be most able to discern between good and unprofitable Laws, and that it is less subject to infection from corrupt customs. Yet as some young men once freed of the Tutor's awe, be prone and apt to run into vices, so many old men (always comparing like dispositions) having forcibly restrained themselves from natural inclinations, for fear of shame, this cause of restraint once taken away, (while among strangers they are at more liberty), do often return to their own nature, even in vices most improper to that age, and in that case their dotages are more slanderous both to themselves and their Countries. Now that old men may dote in this sort, one example of Tiberius' the Emperor may serve for plane prove thereof, who in his youth and the years of his strength, having dissembled his wicked inclination, at last in his old age gave his nature the rains and retiring himself (as it were out of the sight of the Senate and people of Rome) into the Island Caprea, there he shamelessly gave himself over to all beastly lust, thinking himself safe from the censure of the Romans, though his wickedness was no less known in Rome, then if it had been done in their market places, according to the Italian Proverb;  

L' Amer' e cieco & vede niente;  
Ma nonson' cieche l'altre gente:  
Love is stark blind, and sees nought done amiss,  
But other people are not blind iwis.   
And though we should grant that which Plato attributes to old men, yet they, whose custom is grown to another nature, shall never be able to endure the frequent changes of diet and air, which young men cannot bear without prejudice to their health; except it be by little & little & (as it were) by insensible degrees. Not to speak of the weakness proper to old age, which makes them so sickly, as they are not only unfit for conversation abroad, but also have small hope to return and relate their observations at home. Old men are indeed most fit for Ambassages in neighbour countries, for in this employment they live in the sight of their Countrymen, and may use their accustomed diet, and a little change of air doth but little hurt, which they may prevent or mitigate by the advice of Physicians.  
Neither are children's unripe years fit for this course, howsoever they are more to be excused, who send them with discreet Tutors to guide them, with whose eyes and judgements they may see and observe. Thus the Romans (as Snetonius writes) permitted the visiting of foreign Countries to the Sons of Senators, under the government of one who had borne Office in the City, (for the charge of such children is not to be credited to all of full age without choice). Children like Parrots, soon learn foreign languages, and sooner forget the same, yea, and their mother's tongue also. A familiar friend of mine lately sent his son to Paris, who after two years returning home, refused to ask his father blessing after the manner of England, saying, Cen'est pas le mode de France, It is not the French fashion. Thus whilst (like Apes) they imitate strange fashions, they forget their own, which is just as if a man should seek his perdition, to gain a cloak for ornament. Likewise sickly men are unfit for this course of life, who in regard of their weak health, want the means to make benefit thereof. Lastly, they shall do well to keep them selnes at home, who have a scrupulous conscience, and think themselves so wise, as they will not follow the advice of experienced men. But as in all actions they are happy that hold the mean, so middle age is most fit to visit foreign parts, and to make use thereof, having first laid a good foundation of Arts and Sciences in general, and specially those which they mean to profess, and being of soripe discretion, as they can distinguish between good and evil. And since we must not only respect their ages, but most of all their dispositions, I will add, that it must be diligently observed in each man, whether he naturally affect this course or no: for it is most certain, that the nature of man cannot with good success beforced to any course it liketh not, according to the old saying of the Poet,  
Naturam expellas furc a licet, usque recurrit:  
Though Nature be repelled by force, Yet still it turns to have his course.  
I know that second causes can do nothing without the first, and it is no less true, that the first doth in natural things work by the second, which makes me of opinion, that the position of the Stars in each man's nativity is not altogether vain. This granted, it is not just, that the Commonwealth, Parents, or Friends, should wrest any man's nature to courses contrary thereunto, not leaving each man liberty to show and follow his own inclination.  
To conclude, I think with Plato, that before any man take this course, he must obtain leave of the Magistrate, as the custom is in England, where none but Merchants may without leave go out of the Island, to the end that suspected persons may be kept at home, left being not well instructed in the true religion, they should be seduced by Papists. And I take Parents consent for granted, without which, the sacred power given them by God should wickedly be violated.  
My purpose was thus slightly to have passed over the worthy praises, due to the knowledge of foreign States, wherewith I began, lest (with the vaive rhetorician) I should seem to praise Hercules, whom no man dispraised. But when I consider, that so many heads, so many wits, and remember that myself have sometimes heard (though a man shall be last to hear the detractions of his own courses) some pleasantly, others wittily, and some maliciously to scoff at this kind of industry to gain knowledge, it will not be amiss so far to take in hand again the task I had almost finished, as according to the end of my discourse, I may encourage the indifferent Reader, by fully answering their idle objections. In the first front are the pleasant men, who remember the Italians stale Proverb,  
Chi Asino va a Roma, Asino se ne torna.  
If an Ass at Rome do sojourn, An Ass he shall from thence return.  
The very Asses straying into barren pastures, do after learn more willingly to stay at home with plentiful feeding. And very dull spirited men (at whom this bitter Proverb allegorically aimeth) howsoever by this industry, they do not suddenly become catces, yet (I will be bold to say) they are by nothing more, or with greater ease instructed, according to their capacities, so they travel not alone, as Socrates Laconically said. For if by the way they find good companions, they must needs in some measure be partners of their wits and observations. Neither are the wise observers of human Pilgrimage ignorant, that grave University men, and (as they say) sharp sighted in the Schools, are often reputed idiots in the practice of worldly affairs, as on the contrary blockish men, and (to speak with the Italians) very. Asses, by continual practice in grave employments, gain the wisdom of them whose affairs they manage, and the more they seek to know the World, the more they converse with those who know more than themselves, so much are they more inflamed with sweet emulation, such as 〈◊〉 sleep from Themistocles, reading the Triumphs of Miltiades.  
Secondly, the witty detractors object, that Aglaus Psophidius was judged wise by the Oracle of Apollo, because he never went out of the Grange wherein he was born, according to that of the Poet Claudian.  

Foelix qui patrijs aewm transegit in aruis.  
Ipsa Domus puerum quem videt ipsa senem.  
Happy in native soil his life who spends,  
Whom one house birth, one house a grey head lends.   
But what if passengers should come to a stately Palace of a great King, were he more happy who is led only into the kitchen, and there hath a fat mess of brewis presented him, or rather he who not only dines at the King's Table, but also with honour is conducted through all the Courts and Chambers, to behold the stately building, precious furniture, vessels of gold, and heaps of treasure and jewels. Now such, and no other is the Theatre of this world, in which the Almighty Maker hath manifested his unspeakable glory. He that sails in the deep, sees the wonders of God, and no less by land are these wonders daily presented to the eyes of the beholders, and since the admirablevariety thereof represents to us the incomprehensible Majesty of God, no doubt we are the more happy, the more fully we contemplate the same.  
Thou wilt say, he hath lived well who hath spent his time retired from the world.  

Benè qui latuit, benè vixit.  
Who known is least, hath lived best.   
This may be true in women; and thus among many Roman Gentlemen, when one praised Fulvia, another Claudia, a third with good judgement preferred a Senators unknown wife to both these, and many other severally commended, because she was no less good and fair, yet was known to few or none: Not unlike to that Matron, who thought all men's breath did stink as her husbands did. But it is the part of an industrious man, to act their affairs in the world, though sluggards lie by the fire. Of a man, Parents challenge a part, Friends a part, and the Commonwealth a part, and he was judged an unprofitable servant by the most true Oracle of God, who hid his Talon.  
Neither do the Verses of the Lyrical Poet (objected in the third place) any whit move me.  

Oblitusque meorum, obliviscendus & illis.  
Abroad forgetting thine, at home forgot by thine.   
And in another place;  

Romae laudetur Samos & Chios, & Rhodos absens.  
In Samos, Rhodes, and Chios what may please,  
Let us at Rome commend sitting at ease.   
O poor effeminate Horace (let his Genius, pardon me) a very hog of the Epicures heard, and (to use his own words) borne to consume corn. Is any mutual remembrance of kinsmen more pleasing, then that which is caused by mention of their virtues? If a man should offer to show thee all the strange miracles of afric, wouldst thou answer, go your ways and paint them, which done I will gladly see them: or if one would show thee Paradise, and the infinite flowers and fruits thereof, wouldst thou rather snort in a chimney corner, and not shake off the least drowsiness, for the very possession of that happy inheritance, but if he would go and paint them, then promise, perhaps and at leisure to view them? yet as Socrates for arguments sake, was wont to defend the contrary to all disputers; so I rather judge that Horace thus writes in the person of the Epicure, (after the manner of Poets) or for pastime and spending of vacant time, then that it was his own judgement.  
There want not some, who discourage men from this course, by the manifold difficulties and dangers thereof. But as the Poet saith:  

Per ardua virtus, Virtue climbs craggy Rocks.  
Nec jacet in molli vener anda scientia lecto.  
Venerable science with his grey head, Is never found on a soft feather bed.   
Many more there be, who tremble at the very thought of dangers of death, to which this course of life is subject. Behold Salomous sluggard, who saith, There is a Lion by the way, a Lion is in the streets. Fearest thou the Sea because it swalloweth many? Why fearest thou not a bed, in which more have breathed there last?  
But a greater fear distracteth even the minds of the wiser sort, that they see many return from foreign parts corrupted with vices proper to them, according to the Flemings Proverb: that no man was ever made more healthful by a dangerous sickness, or came home better from a long voyage. And because it is hard to learn virtues, and more hard not to learn vices, or to depose them once learned; from hence they say it is, That so many homebred Angels, return from Italy no better than Courtly Devils. Surely this is just, as if a man should say, I have a ground overgrown with bushes, which I fear to root up, because nettles or darnel will more easily spring then grass or corn. Fields are made fruitful by tillage, so are men made more wise by knowledge of foreign Kingdoms. The Italians say excellently;  

Coglier ' le roso, lasciar' le spin.  
Sweet Roses gathered, make an end,  
And leave the prickles that offend.   
We must observe virtues for imitation, and vices that we may abhor them, Contraries are manifested by contraries; beauty shineth more being set with a deformed foil, and the glory of virtues is more eminent, by the object of base vices. Yet that which was said of the Athenians, may truly be said of the best wits of all sexes and conditions. If they be good, they are best, if ill, worst. Thus Histories witness, that women by nature most witty, have often given extraordinary testimonies of excellent goodness, or monstrous badness. Thus Swetonius saith of Caesar.  

Magnas virtutes magna comitantur vitia.  
Greatest virtues of the mind;  
With like vices are combined.   
Thus the English Proverb saith. No knave to the learned knave. I confess that steep mountains yield most violent streams, but it is a point of Art to lead these streams in a fair bed till they fall into the Sea. This is the scope of all I say: That by this course the good become best, the bad prove worst. Surely, out of the holy Scriptures the Atheist gathereth most profane arguments, as the godly Reader sucks the Eternal food of his soul. Bees and Toads draw honey and poison out of the same herb. To conclude, the ill humours of the body grown predominant, turn the best meats to their nourishment; yet, none but a mad man for the abuse of that which is of itself good, will forbid to read the most holy Scriptures, to gather sweetest flowers, or to eat the best meats. Zwinglius writes of a certain Earl, who after long absence returning to his home, and no less to his former vices, as a dog to his vomit, and being for the same reproved, did answer that his Tailor also returned to his occupation. But Cato the younger, was of a more virtuous mind, whose regular morality could not be corrupted by wanton Asia, but made his familiar friend Curio a false Prophet therein. far greater was the virtue of Scipio, who in Spain left a fair Virgin untouched, and yet would see her, that he might excel Alexander the Great in the rare emulation of continency; who durst not behold the captive daughters of Darius, lest he should be subdued by women, who had conquered men. Live with good men, seek out honest not licentious houses to lodge in; For the Italians say well.  

Dammi con chi tu vivi, io saprò quel' che tu fai.  
Tell me with whom thou dost converse,  
And I will soon thy deeds rehearse.   
Restrain the vices to which thou art naturally most inclined, by forcing thyself to exercise contrary virtues. For the Poet saith truly:  

Animum rege, qui nisi paret, Imperat:  
Be sure to rule thy mind in all thou dost,  
If it obey not, than it rules the roast.   
Let the incontinent man restrain his unbridled lust, by the remembrance of his chaste Mistress at home, which will make him fear the miserable diseases incident to the unchaste, as Seamen tremble to strike upon a Rock. Let him that is given to excessive drinking of wine, while yet he is sober, behold the ridiculous gestures, the dull brain, the shickle memory, the oppressed stomach, with each weakness and deformity of the drunkard: so by one vices remedy, let him learn to cure all the rest. There is no danger to so wary minds, either of losing their own virtues, or of learning foreign vices: beside, that sweet virtues are of such power, as they forcibly draw, even negligent men standing least upon their guard, to admire, love and exercise them. Yea, let these strict censurers of manners tell me, if they have so cleansed the pump of their own Commonwealth, as there is less danger of this corruption at home then abroad. Surely many fall into vices abroad, but more at home; many returning from foreign parts, after they have abroad satisfied their disordinate appetites, by giving youth his swinge (as the Proverbeiss), do at home cast off their vices, and return to the old bounds of shamefastness, which at home they never violated; adding to their old virtues the lustre of foreign ornaments. On the contrary, most men at home, wrapped in the habit of vices, by custom taking away both the shame and sense of sin, never reform their debauched life, nor forsake vices; till in age or death they be for saken by them.  
But among other vices, dissembling, lying, and jealousy, are by popular voice deemed proper to travelers. The first imputation I will refer to the precept of the next Chapter, showing how far it is fit for a wise man to dissemble, and the second to the last precept of the same Chapter, showing how a traveler should govern his tongue. And in this place by the way I will briefly discuss the reproach of jealousy, which the tumultuous flock of Women injuriously thrust upon us: Just as if they should say, that by experience and the industrious search of wisdom, we should be endued with vices, not with virtues, or that those who can see far of, yet cannot discern that which is before their eyes and feet, or that those who are skilful in politic affairs, are ignorant in domestical government, & that those who abhorring litigious suits at law, readily make peace with their neighbours, would nourish household dissensions most odious to a wise man, not knowing the terms of love, wherewith they are in duty bound to entertain their dearest friends, their sweetest wife.  

Et dulces natos ac pignora chara Nepotes.  
And Children sweet sent from above,  
And Nephews, dear pledges of love.   
But to say truth, most honourable titles of old, are by abuse grown most reproachful, as the name of Sophister's, by their continual brawlings about Moon shine in the water, the name of Elenches by intricate fallacies, the name of Tyrants by unlimited cruelties, and the name of jealousy by affecting extremities. As that jealousy is most hateful, which grows from malice of nature, from a mind guilty of wickedness, or from conscience of any defects in a man's own body or mind; so the virtue of jealousy (deer not only to travelers, but to all wise men) is (in my opinion) approved of all men that are in their right wits. Our very God is in a good sense said to be jealous: He that hath a jewel of price, is not willing to have it snatched out of his hands, much less out of his sight. Reason like a severe Schoolmaster, should overlook all thy own actions, and why shoved it not have like authority in directing the behaviour of those, whose honour or shame cannot be divided from thine. And of this judgement (so virtue decline not to the neighbour vice, between which there goes nothing but a pair of shears, as the Proverb is), you shall ever find the chastest Women, desiring an husband virtuously jealous. For others who had rather not be loved, then have their actions observed, leave them to be their husband's executioners, and to the rack of their own consciences, only praying them to take this warning, that their husband's loves (for which perhaps they little care) begin then to freeze, or rather vanish away, when they have once cast away all care of their good name, since only virtue combines true love.  
But the slanderers of this industry press us more nearly, objecting, that vices, ill customs, and very heresies are spread through the World by travelers. Let me ask them, how we should have known the divers elevation of the Poles? who would have taught us Geography, representing painted Worlds unto us? how should we have learned all other Arts? yea, how should we have discovered new Worlds (or rather the unknown Regions of the old) had not this industry of travelers been? Yea, to use the most binding and concluding argument, the saving knowledge of the holy Gospel had been unrevealed to us, had not the Apostles excelled in this industry, of making the whole World their Country to preach the same? When we have thus compared the great and manifest profit of traveling, with the light and doubtful inconveniences objected against it, we must confess, that they who discourage the affecters of these great rewards, by such small dangers, are not unlike the Sophisters, who persuade that blindness, deafness, and the privations of other senses, are not to be numbered among evils, because we see many unpleasing things, often hear that which offendeth the ears, and for one good smell draw in twenty ill savours. For my part, let them dispute never so subtilely, though they convince me, yet shall they never persuade me, to pull out my eyes, stop my ears, or cut of my nose, nor yet to prefer sloth to an active life.  
But we must give ear to Parents, Friends, and as well private as public Commonwealths-men, who not unjustly seem to fear, lest young men by this course should be perverted from true Religion, and by this fear, dissuade passing into foreign parts, as the chief cause of this mischief. Surely if the vessel be new that taketh an ill savour, it will stick much faster thereunto, but I have already professed, that I would have a traveler of ripe years, having first laid good grounds of all Arts, and most especially of Religion. Let me speak of myself: When I beheld the mimical gestures and cerimoniall show of holiness of the Roman Priests, (under the shadow whereof they abuse the superstition of Laymen with unspeakable Arts, to their own ambition and covetousness), and on the contrary observed their corrupt manners, I was so far from being seduced by them, as I could not refrain from laughter, and wondered (as Cicero speaks of Soothsayers), that one Priest did not laugh when he saw another his fellow Priest If you meet a fair painted face, the more near and narrowly you behold it, the less it pleaseth, but if the beauty be true, then there is danger, lest you or your son swallow the bait. Search corrupted Wares narrowly, and they will stink at thy nose, which farther off, seem to be odorifferous. Such is the painting of the Papists. The English and those of the reformed Church, who esteem their Arguments as spears of bulrushes, permit their books to be read in our Universities, but they perhaps guilty of errors, will in no sort give liberty to read our books. We appeal to all that are skilful in Languages for the truth of our translations, they by statute of the Jesuits College, admit no young Scholar to study languages, till he have taken an oath, that he will use that skill to the defence of the Roman translations with tooth and nail, wherein if they offend their consciences, they have the Pope's power of dispensation on their side. Therefore let the Papists fear to give their followers leave to hear us in our Schools or Churches, lest they be chained with the force of truth. And let us securely permit our men to pass into the heart of Italy, so they be first of ripe years, and well instructed. Upon my word they run no other danger; then the escaping the snares of the Inquisition, of which discretion, I shall speak at large in the four and twentieth Precept of Dissimulation, in the next Chapter. If any man object, that some of our young Scholars have passed into their Seminaries beyond the Seas, let him consider, that they were not seduced abroad, but first infected at home, in their parents houses, and our Universities, which mischief Parents and Magistrates ought to prevent, by keeping the suspected at home: for the rest there is no danger.  
But behold, when I thought to have finished my task, carpers consumed with envy, who bark at travelers as dogs at the Moon, and thinking to gain reputation by other men's disgrace, they are not ashamed to say, that vagabond Cain was the first traveler. Old Writers I confess sometimes use the word of Peregrination, for banishment; but God be praised, here is no question made of banished or cursed men driven out from the sight of God. They which spend the greater part of their years in foreign places, as it were in voluntary banishment, may more justly be compared to Cain, and are not unlike to rude Stage players, who to the offence of the beholders, spend more time in putting on their apparel, then in acting their Comedy, (for life is compared to a stage, and our Parents and Kinsmen expecting our proof, to the beholders). Therefore it is fit to restrain this course within due limits, to which the Romans (as Suetonius writes) prescribed (perhaps too strictly) three years.  
In the last place, they that detract from travelers, to the end they may choke us with our own disdain, if not with arguments, send out their spies in their last skirmish to cast this Dart at us. After so many dangers and troubles, how many of you, (after your return) are preferred in the Commonwealth? To what purpose do you tyre yourselves in attaining so many virtues? Is it to exercise them, leaning on a ploughman's or shepherds staff? I should enter a most spacious field of common grief, if I should search the causes, why in our age great part of the counsellors of States, and Peers of Realms, rather desire to have dull and slothful companions, than those that are wise and ambitious; and so in like sort, rather base and expert ready servants, than those thot are free and learned. Knowledge puffeth up, and I remember of late a learned Physician, who being sent for by a great Lord, and he being offended at his long stay, freely and boldly answered; that knowledge could not dance attendance. Hence is our calamity, to omit the more curious search of this evil whose first encounter astonisheth me, though I am not ignorant of the cause: but let him that cast this Dart, tell me, whether this ill be vot common to all men of virtue, and if it be so, he must at least confess with the Poet,  

Solamen miser is socios habuisse doloris:  
Partners in grief, do solace give.   
And let all rare men in any kind of virtue, when they are despised or neglected, comfort themselves with this Philosophical precept of Aristotle, that virtue is desired for itself, not for any thing else. So I say the fruit of travel is travel itself.  
Having thus retorted our enemy's weapons upon their own breasts, because the common sort is more moved with examples, than arguments, it remains, that in the last place I should adorn the triumph of this virtuous industry, with some few and special examples. Many have been found, who have passed into remote parts of the World, only to gain health; far greater is the number of them, who as the Poet saith;  

Pauperiem fugiunt ultra Garamant as & Indos:  
Who further run to shun base poverty,  
Then Garamants and Indians doely.   
And greatest is the number of them, who following the standard of ambition, have pierced to the very gates of hell with sound of Drums and Trumpets. To conclude, as diligent Merchants gather precious wares into one storehouse, so Phylophers have from the first ages of the World, passed by flocks into foreign parts, to gain knowledge, as the Egyptians into Chaldea, the greeks into Egypt, and the Romans into Greece. Pythagorus walked far and near, not only to learn, but also in divers places to get Disciples whom he might teach: for the Poet saith well;  

Scire tuum nihil est, nisi, te scire hoc, sciat alter:  
To know availeth thee no whit,  
If no man know, thou knowest it.   
To be brief, if we will credit old monuments, (which I confess to suspect), he came in person, and sowed the precepts of his Philosophy, even among the Britain's divided from all the World. Plato hath written somewhat too severely against travelers, perhaps like Alexander the Great, who was angry with his Master Aristotle, because he had published the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which he had read unto him, thereby leaving him nothing wherein he might excel others; so Plato having gotten the name of Divine, by his very travels would forbid or limit the same to others, that he might shine among the Philosophers.  

Velut inter stellas Luna minores,  
As the bright Moon, among the lesser stars.   
It is most certain, that he was not only industrious, but even curious in this course, so as he sailed into Sicily, the entrance of which Island was upon pain of death forbidden to strangers, only that he might see the burning of the Mountain AEtna. Apelles by drawing of a most subtle line at Rhodes, was made known to Protogenes. Homer being blind, yet ceased not to travel: In our Age, they which are renowned at home for any Art, are not content therewith, except they may pass into foreign Courts, to make known their skill. The most ancient Lawgivers, got the experience, by which they had rule in their Cities, not by secure study at home, but by adventurous travels abroad, as the Poet saith;  

Ingenium mala saepe movent,  
Adversities do often whet our wits.   
Moses, Orpheus, Draco, Solon, Mines, Rhadamanthus, Lycurgus, and almost all the Consuls of Rome, themselves had been in foreign parts, and granted ample privileges to strangers. Among Physicians we read that Esculapius and Hypocrates traveled, and that Galene was at Smyrna, Corinth, Alexandria, in Palestine, at Lemnos, Cyprus, and at Rome; and Auicenna boasteth, that he had passed through the whole World. I know that many in our Universities become learned Physicians, but no doubt they would have been more learned, if they had passed into foreign parts. One Land yieldeth not all things: A man shall hardly learn at home the divers natures of herbs, and other things, or the divers dispositions of one and the same body, according to the difference of the clime, air, and diet. This the Spaniard wittily observed, who having got the French Pox, sailed into America, and did there learn the cure of that disease, from those who first infected the Spaniards therewith. We praise Physicians especially for experience, as Lawyers for diligence, desiring to have an old Physician and a young Lawyer, to give us counsel and follow our business, but experience is of several things dispersed through the universal World. It is written that of old the Egyptians had several Physicians for each several disease, who would not have returned more learned from their Lectures? Also they laid up approved remedies of diseases in the Temples of Isis and Vulcan. What Scholar then returning from Egypt, should not have gained great reputation to his skill? and we know that opinion many times availeth with the sick even more than the medicine. In this sort ambitious men of old, by the only opinion of their experience by seeing the world, did obtain to be numbered among the Gods. jupiter of Creta in Italy, Bacchus in the furthest East; Hercules in the most remote parts of Africa, towards the West, planted monuments of their travels. The voyage of the Argonauts, the wander of Ulysses and AEneas, are sung by all Ballad-sellers. Alexander the Great passed the monument of Bacchus in the East. It were infinite only to name the Roman Emperors, who excelled in this industry: For as the Wiseman said, that he was a Citizen of the World, so the Romans, by giving remote Princes the privilege to be Citizens of Rome, and by sending Roman Citizens in Colonies, to inhabit remote places, used the whole World for a City, neither did they ever admit any to the highest dignities in the City of Rome, nor yet to the inferior Magistrates thereof, who had not first borne rule or Office in some remote Province. One julius Caesar, came, saw, and overcame with his Army, among the Cimbrians, Germans, Spaniards, Britan's, Grecians, Africans, and those of Asia. The very Western Emperors of later times, have been inflamed with the same desire. Charles the Great made happy war beyond the Pyrenean mountains against the Sarrasens, beyond the Alps against the Lombard's, and in Germany against the Saxons. Who hath not heard of the European Princes, like so many Floods carrying Armies into the East? To omit all other, (for I desire to be brief), Charles' the fifth, inferior to none of his Predecessors, and emulous of Hercules himself, passed his pillars at the furthest strait of the Mediterranean Sea, and added to his Arms the Mot of Hercules; Non plus ulira. No farther beyond this, only leaving out the first word Non, because he had passed the limits of Hercules, as Alexander the Great had done those of Bacchus. Whereby notwithstanding some think that he did rather blemish, then increase the fame of his travels, since that part of Africa was so near adjoining to his Kingdoms of Spain; but in the mean time they forget that he was borne at Gaunt in Flaunders.  
Methinks I have said enough, and too much in so clear a cause, therefore I will only add some choice examples of the holy Scriptures, and so conclude. Abraham left his Country at God's command, and went to the Land of Promise, called also the Land of Pilgrimage: jacob served for his wives in Mesopotamia, and in his old age passed into Egypt. The Israelites were brought by large circuit from the servitude of Egypt, into the Land of Promise, that the protection of God might by adversity be more imprinted in their minds, and they be more stirred up to keep the Laws of so gracious a God. The example of a woman the Queen of Sheba, is famous, who came to jerusalem to be an eye and ear witness of Salomon's wisdom. To be brief, Christ himself lived in the flesh as a Pilgrim, choosing no set place of abode; when he was in the Cradle, three Wisemen came from the East to worship him, and himself being an Infant, was carried into Egypt, to shun Herod's tyranny. He commanded his Apostles to preach the Gospel throughout the World. Among the Fathers, Saint Augustine wished to have seen three things, Christ in the flesh, Paul in the Pulpit, and Rome in the flower. In our Age the Turks and Papists so madly affect Pilgrimages, as they superstitiously think the same available to the salvation of their souls, with which extreme, lest I should seem to know no mean, I will conclude these examples.  
For my part, I think variety to be the most pleasing thing in the World, and the best life to be, neither contemplative alone, nor active altogether, but mixed of both. God would have made eternal spring, had he not known, that the divers-seasons would be not only most profitable to the works of nature, but also most pleasant to his creatures, while the cold Winter makes the temperate Spring more wished. Such is the delight of visiting foreign Countries, charming all our senses with most sweet variety. They seem to me most unhappy, and no better than Prisoners, who from the cradle to old age, still behold the same walls, faces, orchards, pastures, and objects of the eye, and still hear the same voices and sounds beat in their ears; Not the song of the Cuckoo, nor the craking of the Crows, nor the howling of Wolves, nor the bellowing of Oxen, nor the bleying of Sheep, no nor the sweet voices of Larks and Nightingales, if they be shut up in a Cage, do so much please us at home, as the variety of all, composed of divers tunes, delights us in the fields abroad. In like sort, it is manifest that all the other senses are not so much pleased with any thing, as variety. They are in some measure happy, who having but one house, yet have change of chambers, to remove as the season of the year changeth: but I judge Lawyers and Officers more happy, who have their Terms to live in the City, and their Vacations to return into the Country, so often (as it were) renewing their marriage days: And of all, I judge the Nomads most happy, (the comparison holding in other things) who live in Tents, and so by removing, not only escape the heat of Summer, the cold of Winter, the want of pastures, all diseases, and all unpleasing things, but at their pleasure, enjoy all commodities of all places.  
Let us imitate the Storks, Swallows, and Cranes, which like the Nomads yearly fetch their circuits, and follow the Sun, without suffering any distemper of the seasons: The fixed Stars have not such power over inferior bodies, as the wandering Planets. Running water is sweet, but standing pools stink: Take away Idleness, and the bate of all vice is taken away. Men were created to move, as birds to fly, what they learn by nature, that reason joined to nature teacheth us. Nothing can be added to the worthy praises of him as the Poet suiths;  

Qui Mores hominum multorum vidit, & urbes:  
Who many men's manners hath seen,  
And hath in many Cities been.   
In one word, I will say what can be said upon this subject; Every soil is to a valiant man his own Country, as the Sea to the Fishes. We are Citizens of the whole World, yea, not of this World, but of that to come: All our life is a Pilgrimage. God for his only begotten Sons sake, (the true Mercury of travelers) bring us that are here strangers safely into our true Country.   

CHAP. II. Of Precepts for travelers, which may instruct the unexperienced.  
I Will follow my purpose, and give precepts, not to expert men, (as Phormio did to Hannibal in military affairs), but only to the unexperienced, and that not curiously, as if I would prescribe them every step they should go, but such as may whet the wits and memories of other men, well knowing that many things may be added, which are slipped out of my memory, and which others may daily find out.  
1 In the first place, as every man in any course of life, so most of all a traveler, who is subject to many dangers, must by his daily prayers solicit God for his gracious protection. All our actions must take beginning from God, the fountain of all good, if we desire with the Israelites, to have God's Cloud and pillar of fire protect us in our journeys and abodes. Let him daily commend himself to God's protection, and even in his journeys, daily at morning and evening, not while he siumbers in his bed, but in private withdrawn from company, either kneeling as before his father, or standing as before his Master and Lord, make his prayers, though never so short, to his almighty and most merciful God. And let no man take this for a needless precept, for I freely profess, that when I was most devout in this kind, I found myself hedged about with the good Angel, as on the contrary when I neglected the same, I often observed by some manifest accident, that I was left to error and danger.  
2 Let each traveler forecast with himself his own purposes and ends: For they which are unskilful in the Arts of painting, carving, and building, can never worthily praise, nor well imitate the rare works they shall see of these kinds. Experience teathe, that no action is wisely undertaken, whereof the end is not forecast in the first place, howsoever it be last put in execution: but since it were infinite to apply my precepts to the several ends of several men, and no more possible, then for a Physician to cure the Patient, not knowing the causes and the progress of his sickness, I profess to write especially in this place to the Humanist, I mean him that affects the knowledge of State affairs, Histories, Cosmography, and the like, and out of that I write, let other men apply to their use, what they judge fit for them. And if the Humanist judge many things I shall write less necessary for him, let him know, that as an Orator and Poet must have some skill in all Sciences, so the Humanist must have some knowledge of all things which fall into practice and discourse.  
3 Let a traveler observe the underwritten things, & of them some curiously, some slightly, as he shall judge them fit for his purpose. He shall observe the fruitfulness of each Country, and the things wherewith it aboundeth, as the Mines of metals and precious stones, the chief laws and customs of the workers in those Mines, also Batches and the quality of the water, with the diseases for the curing whereof it is most proper, the names springs and courses of Rivers, the pleasant Fountains, the abundance or rarity of Pastures, Groves, Wood, Corn, and Fruits, the rare and precious Plants, the rare and proper Beasts, the prices of necessary things, and what he daily spends in his diet and horsemeat, and in hiring Horses or Coaches, the soil of every days journey, the plenty of Fishes or Flesh, the kinds of meat or drink, with the sauces and the rarer manners of dressing meats, the countries expense in apparel, with their constancy or fickleness in wearing it, the races of Horses, as the Giannets' of Spain, the Coursers of Naples, and the heavy Horses of Freesland, and how they manage and feed these Horses, the situation of Cities and Provinces, the healthfulness of the Air, the Chorography, the buildings, the riches, the magnificence of Citizens, their household stuff, and in general all special things, as Statues, Colossuses, sepulchres with the inscriptions, libraries, with the most rare Books, theatres, Arches, Bridges, Forts, Armouries, Treasuries, Monasteries, Churches, public houses, Universities, with their Founders, revenues, and disputations. To conclude, let him visit the most learned men, and those that excel in military Art or any virtue, and let him confer with them, as his ends require. Thus did I visit Beza at Geneva, thus did I visit Belarmine at Rome, (being ready to take Horse, and in the habit and person of a Frenchman). Thus in my return did I gladly see Henry the fourth of Bourbon, King of France, famous for the feats of Arms and Wisdom; only Lipsius, whom I loved for his Book of constancy, and much desired to see for his universal learning, did bereave me of this hope, when I came into the Low-countrieses, by his inconstant flight to the Spaniards. The traveler shall further observe the policy of each State, and therein the Courts of each King or Prince, with the Courtier's entertainments, fees, or offices, the statures of the Princes, their revenues, the form of the Commonwealth, whether the Prince be a Tyrant, or beloved of the people, what Forces he hath by Sea or Land, the military discipline, the manners of the people, their vices, virtues, industry in manual Arts, the constitution of their bodies, the History of the Kingdom, and since the soul of each man is the man, and the soul of the Commonwealth is Religion, he shall observe the disposition of the people, whether it be religious, superstitious, or profane, and the opinions of Religion differing from his, and the most rare Ceremonies thereof. He shall also observe the traffic of Merchants, and therein the commodities which they carry out, and most want, the Havens and roads for Ships, their skill in navigation, and whether they use subjects or strangers for their Mariners. Lastly, the value of the Coins in each Country, and the several currant pieces, and whatsoever he shall think meet to add hereunto.  
4 And because the memory is weak, and those who write much, are many times like the Clerks that carry their learning in their Book, not in their brain, let him constantly observe this, that whatsoever he sees or hears, he apply it to his use, and by discourse (though forced) make it his own. Thus Students of Rhetoric, at first seeking matter for words, rather than words for matter, at last attain an easy style flowing like a still River, and lay aside the affectation of words. Let nothing worth the knowledge pass his eyes or ears, which he draweth not to his own possession in this sort. In the mean time, though he trust not to his papers, yet for the weakness of memory, let him carefully note all rare observations; for he less offends that writes many toys, than he that omits one serious thing, and after when his judgement is more ripe, he shall distil Gold (as the Proverb is) out of this dung of Ennius. Let him write these notes each day, at morn and at even in his Inn, within writing Tables carried about him, and after at leisure into a paper book, that many years after he may look over them at his pleasure. But great caution must be had, especially in places of danger, how he carry about him these papers, the subject whereof, cannot but in many Places be offensive and perhaps dangerous, if once upon suspicion he chance to be searched. Therefore as he sends his books and heavy things for carriage, half yearly, either into his own Country, or to some place in the way by which he is to return, there to be kept for him, so he shall do well to send these paper books therewith. And for abundant caution, lest any thing he notes by the way, should in any place upon mischance prejudice him, he shall do well to write such things in cyphers and unknown characters, being also ready to give a feigned interpretation of them to any Magistrate, if need be.  
5 Also I advise him to leave a trusty friend at home, who will keep good credit with the Merchant that furnisheth him with money abroad, left his friends ill payments lose him his credit, and so drive him to disgraceful wants. For if his friend pay readily, nothing shall be wanting to him, but Merchants will never trust those which break their day. And for his exchanges, and other ways of receiving moneys, at fit times and places, as also for the value of gold and silver coins, let him read the former last Chapter of the first Part, treating thereof.  
Fifty or sixty pounds sterling yearly, were sufficient at the time when I was beyond sea, to bear the charge of a travelers diet, necessary apparel, and two journeys yearly, in the Spring and Autumn, and also to serve him for moderate expenses of pleasure, so that he imitated not the Germans, who drink and banquet as much abroad, as at home, nor the Italians, who live they among Christians or Pagans, yet cannot restrain their incontinency; nor the Polonians, who being perhaps the sons of Castellani, (I mean such as have the keeping of Castles, or like entertainments from the King only for their life), commonly spend more prodigally in Italy, and like places, then at home, so as many times they spend their whole patrimony abroad. In which kind I cannot but commend our Countrymen, who how soever at home they may have spent prodigally, yet going beyond seas, rather dispose their expenses to repair this former prodigality then otherwise, and practise the rule of the Poet,  

Intra fortunam quemque manner suam:  
Each man his cote to fit,  
As his cloth will permit.   
But I return to the purpose, & since it is convenient, for him that travels, to make two journeys yearly in the Spring and Autumn, and since in these journeys his expenses will be greater, than when he abides in Cities, as well for the hiring of Coaches and horses, as for his diet in common Inns, he must be careful to take the opportunity to moderate his expenses, when he settles himself to abide some months in any place. They which have servants to attend them, must make account, that each servant shall spend as much for his diet as himself, especially in Germany, where passengers of all sorts sit at the same Table, and pay the like shot.  
For the danger or security of carrying money about him in all parts, I shall speak at large in the three & twentieth precept of this Chapter. In general, he must be wary not to show any quantity of money about him, since thieves have their spies commonly in all Inns, to inquire after the condition of passengers. If his journey be long, let him not tell (no not to his companions in his journey) the furthest end thereof, but rather from City to City profess that he intends to go no further. Suppose he be at Paris, if he profess his journey is from thence to Rome, it is all one as if he showed his purse, since all men know, he must have great store of money for that journey, so as it were more fit he should profess only to go for Strassburg in Germany, or for Lions in France, and when he shall come thither, he shall either perhaps have new consorts of his journey, or else may profess to his former consorts, that there he met with letters, which force him to go further.  
6 That he may the better premeditate those things which formerly I advised to be observed by him, and the like, he shall do well before he set forth, to get some skill (at least superficial) in the Art of Cosmography, for if he be altogether ignorant thereof, he shall, like a blind folded man, not know where he is, or which foot first to set forward. No man can read with profit and pleasure the voyages of other men, old Histories, and the marching of Armies, except he have some skill in this Art, how much less shall he be able himself to perform such actions, if he have no skill therein. I contain under this Art, Corography, and the knowledge of those Kingdoms which he is to pass, they being most necessary for his use. Also it is fit for him, aswell to observe the old as the new names of each place, which gives great light in the reading of old writers.  
7 For the Precepts before he set forth, in the last place I advise him to make his will, which no wise man staying at home will have unmade. In which I commend our Progenitors, who made their wills if they took a journey but from York to London, the same being much more necessary in this our age, when we undertake sat more dangerous journeys. And that the rather, for that there be many difficulties in understanding the laws and manners of making wills in foreign parts, and the force they will bear at home, besides that very death, and that in a strange place, is like too much to distract the mind, though it be not afflicted in that sad hour with worldly cogitations.  
8 When he hath once begun his journey, since at the first step the ignorance of language doth most oppress him, and hinder the fruit he should reap by his journey, while he being as it were deaf and doumb, and astonished with this Babylonian confusion of tongues, can neither ask unknown things, nor understand other men's speeches, by which he might learn much. My advice is, that in each Kingdom which he desires most to know, and the language whereof is of most use in his own Country, he go directly to the best City for the purity of language, namely, in Germany to Leipzig, Strasburg, or Heidelberg, and in France to Orleans, etc. where having learned the language, at least as much as is necessary to understand, and to be understood, he shall make his next journey more profitable by discourse, and in the same make his language more perfect. Hearing much increaseth knowledge, what canst thou learn, if at least thou understandest not those who should instruct thee, howsoever thou be'st hardly, or not at all understood by them, except thou hast an interpreter with thee, which a man of small means cannot maintain, and yet in that case doth the rich, only borrow his knowledge, and take it at the second hand.  
I confess, that rich men (having such consorts, and making good use of them) may with more case attain knowledge, while they have the help of other men's Eyes, Ears, Feet, and understandings, and may suck from them the Quintessence of their observations. But poor Cleanthes, while in the day time he drew water to gain his living, did by night more earnestly thirst after knowledge, and gain it, which all rich men do not, whose wits use to be corrupted with their fortunes. And I would think that even for these rich men, it were more honourable and safe, to be able to use their own senses and understandings, than other men's, since we see that Prince's Ambassadors and Peers of other Realms are more welcome and esteemed, and less subject to contempt, if they do but only get the forms of saluting and calling for necessaries in the language of the Country, as if they would not seem strangers.  
And first in the learning of a Language, labour to know the grammar rules thereof, that thyself mayst know whether thou speakest right or no. I mean not the curious search of those rules, but at least so much, as may make thee able to distinguish Numbers, Cases, and Moods. Merchants, Women, and Children, neglecting these rules, and rushing into the rash practice of Languages, do many times pronounce the tongue, and speak common speeches, more gracefully than others, but they seldom write the tongue well, and always forget it in short time, wanting the practice, On the contrary, they who learn the rules, while they be attentive to the congruity of speaking, perhaps do less gracefully pronounce the tongue, but in the mean time they both speak and write pure language, and never so forget it, as they may not with small labour and practice recover it again.  
In the next place, I advise him to gather the choice phrases, that he may speak and write more eloquently, and let him use himself not to the translated forms of speech, but to the proper phrases of the tongue; for every language in this kind hath certain properties of speaking, which would be most absurd, being literally translated into another tongue. To this end the stranger must read those Books, which are best for speeches in familiar conference, in which kind, as also for the instruction of his soul. I would commend unto him the Holy Scriptures, but that among the Papists they are not to be had in the vulgar tongue, neither is the reading of them permitted to Laymen, and were not the phrases so known to those who use to read them, as they would be understood by discretion without knowledge. Therefore to this purpose he shall seek out the best familiar Epistles for his writing, and I think no Book better for his discourse then Amadis of Gaul, for the Knights errant, and the Ladies of Courts, do therein exchange Courtly speeches, and these Books are in all Languages translated by the Masters of eloquence. In the third place I advise him to profess Pythagorical silence, and to the end he may learn true pronunciation, and the properties of each language; not to be attained but by long observation and practice, that he for a time listen to others, before he adventure to speak. As in general to all living in foreign parts, and desiring to search out the knowledge of them, not to be had so well from any, as from the Inhabitants, so particularly to him, that would learn the language, my counsel is, that he shun for the time the conversation of his own Countrymen, only visiting them in their lodgings, and that not often nor long, but that he live not in the house with any of them: For the Dutch travelers conversing, drinking, and lodging with their own Countrymen, hardly attain any small skill; and never the perfect use of any foreign Language; be it never so easy. So as myself remember one of them, who being reprehended, that having been thirty years in Italy he could not speak the Language, he did merrily answer in Dutch; Ah lieber was kan man doch in dreissig jaher lehrnen? Alas good Sir, what can a man learn in thirty years? But the true cause of his not speaking the tongue, was his perpetual converling with his Countrymen. I profess freely, that I never observed any to live less together in foreign parts, than the English, nor any who made more profit of their travel than they: but I return to the purpose. When he that desires to learn any Language, hath observed the former rules, then let him higher some skilful man to teach him, and to reprove his errors, not passing by any his least omission: And let him not take it ill, that any man should laugh at him, for that will more stir him up to endeavour to learn the tongue more perfectly, to which end he must converse with Women, Children, and the most talkative people; and he must cast of all clownish bashfulness, for no Man is borne a Master in any Art. I say not, that he himself should rashly speak, for in the beginning he shall easily take ill forms of speaking, and hardly forget them once taken. The very Artificers of 〈◊〉 can speak Latin, but most rudely and falsely; and I speak of experience, that the Scholars of our Universities, conversant in reading Creero, howsoever they seldom speak Latin, but only in disputations, yea, and shun the occasions of speaking it, yet when they come abroad, and are forced necessarily to make use of the latin tongue, they do perhaps at first speak it less readily, but in short practice they speak it more eloquently and more easily; then the said Polakes, or any other abroad, who have practised the tongue from their young years, and so they might speak readily, neither cited for the quantity of syllables, nor the purity of phrase, nor the strict keeping of Grammar Rules. Moreover I speak by experience, that it is commendable at home before setting forth, to learn the reading and understanding of a language, and the writing thereof, yet cannot then be profitable to practise the speaking of the tongue, 〈◊〉 he can have the foresaid commodities in that part where it is natural. And for this cause, I prescribed Pythagorical silence, and to listen to others, before the practice of speech, and to take more care to speak well, then much: but at last the learner must begin, and he that never did a thing ill, can never do it well.  
But whereas many boast, and have the same to speak many tongues, aswell as their mother tongue, I do not think but know, that it is false. The French have a good Proverb.  

Entre les avengles, les borgnes sont les Roys:  
Among the blind, the poor blind are the Kings.   
And thus they which have no skill in tongues, will boldly say, that this or that man doth perfectly, and without stamering, speak many tongs. But howsoever a stranger living some six or more years in any foreign part, may perhaps speak that tongue as perfectly as his own, yet he that traveleth in few years, through many Kingdoms, and learns many languages, shall never speak all, nor many of them, with natural pronunciation, and without errors, and some stamering, and slowness in speech. Yea he that learns one tongue alone, and that with many years practice, shall more hardly attain the perfect properties and elegancies thereof, than an unskilful man would think. For Theophrastus' having lived many years at Athens, was known to be a stranger, of an old woman selling herbs, only by the pronunciation of one syllable. For my own particular, I remember that I passed from Genoa to Milan on foot, in a disguised habit, and that in an Inn not far from Pavia, I met an Englishman. We satdowne to supper, where he voluntarily and unasked, did rashly profess himself to be a Dutchman, whereupon I saluted him in Dutch familiarly, till he betrayed manifestly his ignorance in that language, and excused himself that he was no Dutchman, but borne upon the confines of France, where they speak altogether French. Then I likewise spoke to him in French, till he was out of countenance, for his want of skill in that language. So as myself being a man in his case, dissembling my Country and quality, ceased further to trouble him. And we after discoursing in the Italian tongue, he chanced to speak these words; Io mi repentiva, whereas an Italian would have said, Io mi ne pentiva. And by this little difference of adding the syllable ne, I knew him to be an Englishman, for I had found before that he was no Frenchman, which Nation together with the English adds that syllable. Thus when supper was ended, I took him aside, and spoke English to him, whereat he rejoiced, and embracing me, swore that he had been in the stable, and commanded his man to make ready his horses, and would presently have rid away, if I had not discovered myself to him. And so we lodged in one chamber and bed. See how small a thing will make it manifest, that we are not that Country men whereof we speak the language.  
The knowledge of tongues hath ever been highly esteemed. Aulus Gellius writes, that Mithridates spoke the languages of two and twenty Provinces, which were subject to him, so as he never spoke with any subject by an Interpreter. Themistocles in one year got so much knowledge in the Persian tongue, as he was able to speak with Artaxerxes without an Interpreter. Ennius' said, he had three hearts, meaning three languages. Claudius' the Emperor put a Grecian Prince from being a judge, because he could not speak Latin, and sent him into Italy to learn the Tongue, as Suetonius writes. To conclude, who hath not heard the worthy fame of that Heroical Woman, Elizabeth late Queen of England, among whose rare virtues, her skill in Languages was not the least, being able to confer with most Ambassadors or Princes in their own tongue. And whereas some Kings think it a base thing to speak in a strange tongue, and take it for honour, if they can induce any Ambassador to speak their tongue, they seem to me like unto those, who being poor and proud, speak much against rich apparel, and extol stuffs and furnitures of small price, that they may seem to do that of election and judgement, which they do only for want. Yet I would not be so understood, as if I thought fit, that one Ambassador at a treaty, should consent to have the same written in the language of another Ambassador, but rather that it should be written in a third tongue, equally known to them both, as in the Italian Tongue, the Treaty being between England and France. But in the mean time; I think it honourable to the most mighty King, to be able to entertain familiar speech with any Ambassador or Prince of neighbour Kingdoms, though less potent than his own. Let us be encouraged by these noble foresaid examples, to labour diligently, that we may attain this rich jewel of speaking Tongues. In the last place I advise the traveler, that if he can have leisure, he join (for greater ornament) the learning to write the hand of each Nation, with the knowledge of each tongue, especially of that which is most of use in his Country.  
9 For Englishmen, they shall do well at their first setting forth, to pass into Germany, and there spend some time: for since we use too much the help of our servants, so as we will scarcely make ourselves ready, and since we use to despise the company of mean people at bed or board, there we may learn to serve ourselves, where he that comes into a shoemakers shop, must find out the shoes will fit him, and put them on himself. There we may learn to admit the company of mean men, where many times poor fellows, yea, very Coachmen shall be thrust to be our bedfellows, and that when they are drunk; and like men will often sit by us at the Table, and in some places (as most part of Low-Germany) they drink always round, so as we shall be sure to pledge like men, and drink to them in the same cup; and if we have a servant of our own, would rather have him sit next us, than any other. There we may learn to feed on homely meat, and to lie in a poor bed. There among many other things we may learn, to moderate our aptness to quarrel, whereof I will speak more in the proper place. To conclude, all in general that pass Germany as strangers, are free among that honest people from all colinages and deceits, to which in other parts they are subject above others, especially unexperienced.  
10 As it is good before his setting forth, to be reconciled with his enemies, that they may practise no ill against him or his friends in his absence, and that his mind may be more religiously composed against all events; so while he is abroad, let him often write to his friends of his health, which precept if Theseus' had not forgotten, he had not been Author of his most dear Father's death, by bearing the false sign of a black sail: And this is no less good to himself, then to his friends, since he that writes often, shall often receive letters for answer: for one hand washeth another, and the Poet saith well;  

Vt ameris Amabilis esto,  
Who will't beloved be, that thou bist loving see.   
For indeed, there can hardly be given a more certain sign of love or contempt, then the frequent, rare, or no writing, or especially answering of Letters: whereof the Italians have a Proverb.  

Chiscrive a chi non respond,  
O egli èmatto, o egli ha di bisogno:  
Who writes to him, that answers not again,  
He is a fool, or need doth him constrain.   
11 When he will observe the situation of any City, let him (if he may without jealousy of the Inhabitants,) first climb one of the highest steeples, where having taken the general situation of the City, he shall better remember in order the particular things to be seen in the City. To which end, let him carry about him a Dial, which may show him the North, South, East, and West, which known, he shall less err in the description of the City, and this he may observe publicly only with his eyes, for avoiding of jealousy, and after, being retired into his Inn, may draw it in paper, if he think good. And lest for the want of a guide, to show the markable things in each City, he should omit any thing worth sight, let him confidently visit some chief Doctor, or man of principal account, (especially in Germany, where they are most affable): For if he shall say, that he comes to see them, as the living monuments of that City, I will be bold to promise, that they will give him a guide, to show him any thing worth sight, and to instruct him in such things as are fit for him to know: For as Women easily believe such as tell them that they are fair, though indeed they be deformed, so men of best quality will easily believe, that their name is known among strangers, and they take these visitations for honours done unto them, yea, many (especially in some places) are viciously proud, that their neighbours should see strangers thus visit them.  
12 Many desire to have their Countrymen and friends to be their companions in these their journeys: And it is well said;  

Comes saeundus in via pro vehiculo,  
A pleasant consort by the way.  
Is like a Coach that glides away.   
But why should he not rather desire consorts of the same Nation, of whom he may learn the language, and all other things worthy to be observed. Myself could never see any profitably spend their time abroad, who flocked together with their own Countrymen, neither do I attribute the little proficiency of the Germans, and their giving themselves to drink, even amongst the sober Italians, to any thing more, then to their living together in foreign parts. For an Italian, conversing abroad with Italians, shall never learn bashful chastity: How shall any man cast off a vice proper to his Nation, it he do not disuse it by little and little, which he shall hardly do among his Countrymen inclined thereunto. Neither is there danger of learning foreign vices by leaving to converse with his Country men, so he propound to himself the foresaid end to learn virtues and cast off vices, and if he bend himself wholly to attain that end. Moreover, in places of danger, for difference of Religion, or proclaimed war, whosoever hath his Countryman or friend for his companion, doth much increase his danger, aswell for the confession of his companion, if they chance to be apprehended, as for other accidents, since he shall be accountable and drawn into danger, aswell by his companions words or deeds, as by his own. And surely there happening many dangers and crosses by the way, many are of such intemperate affections, as they not only diminish the comfort they should have from this consort, but even as Dogs, hurt by a stone, bite him that is next, not him that cast the stone, so they may perhaps out of these crosses grow to bitterness of words between themselves, yea, sometimes filthily end their old friendship with new injuries, if not in single combats.  
Besides, if this dear friend and consort should happen to die by the way, and if other ill accidents should increase this evil, whereof many may be imagined, as namely, if by dying among enemies or Pagans, he cannot have so much as the honour of a grave; surely I speak by experience, nothing can be added to this calamity. This grief threatens sickness unto thee, and to how many ills that State is subject in foreign parts, I shall show in the Precept of preserving health. And this event will take from thee all the pleasure of remembering thy dangers past, after thou returnest home, yea, will make that bitter unto thee, which useth to be most comfortable to others. Therefore I commend the English, who withdraw themselves from consorting with their Countrymen abroad, not shunning them unnaturally out of hate, but only lodging in divers houses, and only spending some hours of the week in their company to nourish acquaintance, that they may bestow the rest of the time among those of the same Country wherein they live, and so better their language, and learn the state of the Country. For my part, if I were to suffer ill, I had rather be alone, then have a friend partner with me, howsoever the Poet saith,  

Solamen miseris soicos habuisse doloris.  
The miserable man doth grieve the less,  
If he have partners in his sad distress.   
Which is to be understood of enemies, or unknown partners, for I cannot think that my torment could be assuaged by the like misery of my friend. Others object, that it is the unspeakable comfort of marriage, that man and wife like well paired Heifers, bear all burdens together. Surely if other kinds of ill could be divided into equal parts, as burdens may, I might be of their opinion, but many kinds of ill are like the soul, which is all in the whole body, and all in every part thereof, neither is the torment of the soul eased, by the bodies suffering with it. Therefore if I were to suffer poverty, banishment, or torment, I had rather be a single man, then married, since the compassion of my wives and children's suffering with me, would infinitely increase my misery.  
These things being granted, I confess it follows, (for of contraries the consequence is contrary) that the traveler is to impart his good successes to his friends, whereof Cicero in the dream of Scipio so disputes, as if a man seeing all the pleasures of Paradise, could take no delight therein, if he were alone, and had no man with whom he might communicate them.  
But in conclusion, since travelers meet with more dangers than pleasures, it is most fit for them to take such consorts abroad, as the way yields, and to defer the imparting of their good successes to their friends, till their happy return home, at which time, as their absence hath sharpened their friends desire to see them, so the discourse of these pleasant accidents, may sweeten their conversation.  
13 In stead of a companion, let the traveler have always with him some good Book in his pocket, as we read that Alexander the Great laid Homer under his pillow, and let this Book be either such, as fits his ends or study, or such as containeth precepts or sentences, which by daily use he desires to make familiar unto him, always bewaring that it treat not of the Commonwealth, the Religion thereof, or any Subject that may be dangerous to him: By this companion he shall make the solitude of the Inns and many irksome things less unpleasing to him.  
14 As we read that Alexander the great set on fire with his own hands the wanes of carriage taken from Darius, and that by his example all the Macedonians cast away the spoils they had taken from the Persians, lest they should hinder them in their expedition against India. So the traveler (comparing small things with great) must carry only most necessary things with him, especially in such places as the Low-Countries, where boats and wagons are changed many times in one days journey, and where (as also in Italy) they bring him not to his Inn, but only to the water side; or to the gates of the City: for in such places heavy carriages will be a great burden or charge to him.  
15 Let him inquire after the best Inns, especially in Germany, and also at night in Italy; for he may take a short dinner in any Inn of Italy, so he lodge safely at night. In the best Inns, with moderate and ordinary expenses, he shall avoid the frauds and injuries of knaves, and shall sleep safely, both for his person and the goods he hath with him. In all Inns, but especially in suspected places, let him bolt or lock the door of his chamber: let him take heed of his chamber fellows, and always have his Sword by his side, or by his bed side; let him lay his purse under his pillow, but always folded with his garters, or some thing he first useth in the morning, lest he forget to put it up before he go out of his chamber: And to the end he may leave nothing behind him in his Inns, let the visiting of his chamber, and gathering his things together, be the last thing he doth, before he put his foot into the stirrup.  
16 Some advise that a traveler should learn to swim, but I think that skill is more for pleasure at home, then of use abroad, and yields small comfort or help in a storm at Sea. Let other men have their free opinion, as I have mine, yet I know that Caesar delivered himself and his Commentaries from perishing, by his skill in swimming, but neither are all as fortunate as Caesar, neither are all Seas like that of Africa. Myself have known many excellent swimmers, whereof some in the sight of the wished Land, have perished by the rage of the Sea waves, and others have sunk by the weight of their fearful companions knowing their skill, and so taking hold of them, while at the same time others, having not the least skill in swimming, but trusting to the hold of broken parts of the ship, or light chests, have escaped that danger, and came safely to shore: But if any man put his trust in swimming, let him conceal his skill, lest others trusting therein take hold of him, and make him perish with them.  
17 In like manner some persuade a traveler to use himself first to hardness, as abstaining from wine, fasting, eating gross meats, and going journeys on foot. But in my opinion, they shall better bear these things when necessity forceth, who cherish their body while they may. Neither do I commend them, who in foreign parts take journeys on foot, especially for any long way. Let them stay at home, and behold the World in a Map, who have not means for honest expenses; for such men, while they basely spare cost, do so blemish their estimation, as they can enjoy no company, but that of such poor fellows as go on foot with them, who can no way instruct them, or better their understanding. Besides, that by wearying their bodies, they are apt to fall into sickness, and basely expose themselves to the dangers of wild beasts, thieves, and their poor companions. I dare be bold to say, that all murders in Germany by the high way, are committed upon footmen; for they who are well brought up, when they are wearied by going on foot, will spend more to cherish themselves in their Inns, and make longer stays therein, by which means they not only spend almost as much, as if they had hired horses or coaches, but also bewray their plenty of money to their foot companions, who being needy, it oftens happens, even among the Germans otherwise of honest disposition, that they plot mischief against them, which once intended, the vast solitudes of the Woods in Germany, offer many opportunities to put their wicked purpose in practice. And it is a hard remedy to be prescribed to one of good education, that after his weary journey, he should also suffer in his Inn. Moreover, the Germans account of strangers according to their outward habit, and their bold or dejected countenance, and do altogether despise passengers on foot. To conclude, the solitudes of the way, by reason of few Towns or Villages, make a journey on foot most tedious in Germany. But in Italy, if any where, this going on foot may be borne with, by reason of the pleasant and fruitful fields, the frequent Cities, Towns, and Villages, the safety from thieves, (except it be upon the confines of Princes, where hosemen and footmen are in like danger) and by reason of the Italians opinion, who respect a man's behaviour, not his habit. Always provided that these journeys be short, and sweetened with a pleasant companion. But for my part, I think the best going on foot, is (according to the French Proverb) when a man leads his horse in his hand, and may mount him at pleasure. And I must confess, that I have observed some of our Country men to err in this kind, of whom though few undertake these foot journeys, yet they generally think, that it is a point of frugality to suffer in foreign parts, as if our abode there should be less profitable unto us, except we should (like Menedemus) vex ourselves with unnecessary sufferings of ill.  
18 The traveler must have great care to preserve his health, neither is it the last point of wisdom to follow the advice of Cicero, who bids him be an old man quickly, that desires to be an old man long. But most of all is this care necessary for a traveler: for those that are sick by the way, suffer many discommodities in all places, and our Country men in Italy and Spain run high dangers, where howsoever being in health, they may discreetly shun the snares of the Inquisition, yet when they are sick, Confession, the Sacrament in one kind, and the adoration thereof as changed into the body of Christ, and Extreme Unction at the point of death, are thrust upon them by the Priests. Men ready to die can ill dissemble, neither is any weight so heavy, as that of a wounded conscience, wherewith if the sick man be so affected, as he professeth himself to be of the Reformed Religion, than the Physician and the Apothecary are forbidden to help him, and very Kitchen physic is denied him by the Priests command, and if he recover, he shall be sure to be brought into the Inquisition: but if he die, his body shall be buried in the highway, not in any Churchyard: of which events, and the examples thereof, I shall speak more largely in the Treaty of Religion in Italy. Formerly I have showed, that sickly men are unfit for this course of life.  
Now the preservation of health consists in the use of six things, namely, of Air, Diet, Purging, Exercise, Sleep, and Accidents, or Passions of the mind. To shun the incommodities of the Air, he must respect the seasons of the year fit for journeys, and the changes of divers climes. The Spring and Autumn are the most fit seasons for journeys, and he shall do well, to go first to cold climes in summer times, and to hot climes in the winter, that he may use his body by little and little to these changes. They who take journeys in Countries continually covered with snow, use to wear some green thing before their eyes, to comfort the sight, and to carry hot odours to comfort the brain. In Moscony subject to great cold, Men cover their necks, ears, and vital parts, with furs; and in time of snow, wear a cot or cover for their noses, and also rub their noses and faces with snow, before they enter into the hot stove, lest sudden heat should putrify the same, as men of good credit report.  
On the contrary, in hot regions, to avoid the beams of the Sun, in some places (as in Italy) they carry Vmbrels, or things like a little Canopy over their heads, but a learned Physician told me, that the use of them was dangerous, because they gather the heat into a pyramidal point, and thence cast it down perpendicularly upon the head, except they know how to carry them for avoiding that danger: Also in the hot climes of Turkey, they were thick garments, but lose, and a thick Tulbant upon their heads, but hollow, and borne up from their heads, and they shave their heads, all to make the Sunbeams to have less power upon their bodies.  
Touching the change of diet, as also of the Air, a young man may change them by little and little, but to old men the least change of them is dangerous. Therefore let the traveler use himself before his journey to these changes by little and little, but in no extremity, which he had better endure only for the time when necessity forceth them, using the best remedies, as Antidotes against poison, namely warm clothes against cold, and the like: And in this he must use moderation, for little ill doth little hurt. In the morning before he takes his journey, let him take a small breakfast, that ill smells may not offend him; let him dine sparingly, lest his afternoons motion hinder digestion: for the precept to make a light supper, is for those that stay at home. In his dinner, often drinking and supping warm broths, helps the purging faculty: The seasons of the year, and the nature of the clime, are to be respected in diet, as well as in the change of Air. In Winter and cold Regions, let him take hot comfortable things, but in Summer and hot Regions, let him take things that cool the blood: It is dangerous to drink when his body is heated, except he first make water, and wash his mouth, and when he is heated, let him not suddenly expose himself to cold. In his Inn let him have care to dry his feet and neck, if they be wet. The rules of health are infinite, therefore let him take the Physicians advice, according to the state of his body: I will only add, that some very curiously think the Art of Cookery necessary for a traveler: It is not amiss that he have the skill to make a Cawdell, or dress some dish he liketh. Homer bringeth in Achilles dressing his meat in the Camp, and we read that King Antigonus did see the Poet Antagoras seething a Conger in the Camp, and said to him; that Homer of Agamemnon spent not his time in dressing conger's, who answered; that Agamemnon used not to go about the Camp to observe who dressed conger's: And indeed this Art is more necessary for a Soldier then a traveler: For the traveler useth not to go into barbarous regions, but to civil places, where for the most part he finds Ministers for this purpose, but the war wastes all Countries, and carries desolation with it.  
Touching the purging of the body, as all repletion is ill, and Socrates well advised to take heed of those meats, which invited men to eat when they were not hungry, so when the humours are grown through intemperancy, it is good to purge them. He that feels any change in his body, let him not neglect it, but take physic, which doing, he may with a small remedy prevent great sickness, and keep his body in health afterwards, not oppressing himself with meat, nor inflaming his blood with violent motion. This I speak of experience, for myself thus taking physic once or twice, had my health in foreign parts for seven years, after which time at last, care which brings grey heirs had almost killed me by grief, conceived for the death of my most dear Brother in Asia. In the morning and at noon let him offer thus to purge naturally, in which nature, for the most part yields to custom. Nothing is a more certain sign of sickness growing, than the obstruction of the body, against which in Italy I took each morning, while I was so disposed, a spoonful of the syrup of Corinthian Currants. Damascus Prunes boiled, and other moist things, as Butter and honey, are good for this purpose, as a Germane Physician writes, whom I follow in this point. And since myself (God be thanked) was never sickly, neither have the Art of Physic, and since I profess in the beginning of this Book, not only to relate things observed, but also those I have gathered by reading, I trust I may without offence add the said Doctor's advice for travelers instruction to my observations. My experience hath taught me, that it is most dangerous to stop the Flux of the body, which experience I dearly bought, by the loss of my foresaid Brother, and there is no better remedy for it, than rest. But if it continue many days, and too much weaken the body, Rice well boiled, hard Eggs, Water tempered with Steel, red and sourish Wines, and Marmalate, are good to bind the body.  
Touching exercise, since it must be gentle, and only till we raise colour into our faces, not till we sweat, it may seem ridiculous to prescribe the same to travelers, who are almost continually in motion. Therefore I will only admonish the traveler, to avoid extremity therein, and that he neither drink when he is hot, nor suddenly expose himself to cold, and that when he is extremely cold, he likewise warm himself by little and little, not suddenly at a great fire, or in a hot stove, and that after dinner he rest a while.  
Touching sleep, breeding by excess raw humours, and watching that dries the body, they are happy who keep the mean, and they are the physicians friends, who delight in extremes, and to their counsel I commend them.  
In the last place, touching accidents or motions of the mind, I will only say, that mirth is a great preserver of health, and sadness a very plague thereunto. The body follows the temper of the mind, as the temper of the mind follows that of the body. Myself have been twice sick to death in foreign parts, 〈◊〉 when I lost my dearest Brother Henry in Asia (whose death I must ever lament with the same passion, as David did that of Absalon, who wished to redeem his life with his own death; and surely I freely profess, his life had been more profitable than mine, both to our friends, and to the Commonwealth.) The second time I was sick to death at home in England, upon a less just but like cause, namely, grief. Thus being at the gates of death twice for grief, I found the Poet to say most truly, that care maketh grey headed; and Seneca no less truly, that he who hath escaped Styx, and the infernal Hags, to him in care he will show Hell itself.  
To speak something of preserving health by Sea: He that would not vomit at all, let him some days before he take ship, and after at Sea, diminish his accustomed meat, and especially drink, and let him take the following remedies against ill smells and weakness of stomach. Some advise, that he should drink Sea water mingled with his Wine, and some more sparing, that he drink Sea water alone, which dries cold humours, and shuts the Orifice of the belly and stomach. But I think they do ill, who altogether restrain vomiting, for no doubt that working of the Sea is very healthful. Therefore I would rather advise him, to use him accustomed diet, till he have sailed one day or two into the Main, or till he feel his body weak, and thinks it enough purged, then let him take meats agreeable to the Sea in small proportion, as powdered Beef, Neates-tongues dried, and like salt meats, and after eating, let him seal his stomach with Marmalate. Let him often eat Pomegranates, Quinces, Corianders prepared, and such meats as are sharp, and comfort the stomach, and let him drink strong Wines, and sometimes hot Waters, but sparingly, and let him dip a piece of biscuit in his Wine. And to restrain the extremity of vomiting, till he be somewhat used to the Sea, let him forbear to look upon the waves of the Sea, or much to lift up his head. To avoid the ill smells of the ship, he may in Summer carry red Roses, or the dried leaves thereof, lemons, Oranges, and like things of good odour, and in Winter he may carry the root or leaves of Angelica, Cloves, Rosemary, and the foresaid Lemons, Oranges, and Rose leaves. To conclude, if there be no Physician in the ship, let him that is sickly, take counsel of the Physician at home, for the remedies of that weakness to which himself is most subject, and of diseases most proper to Seamen, especially if he take any long voyage.  
19 To teach the traveler how to behave himself in foreign parts, is a large and intricate precept, whereof I will handle many branches in this, and the next following Precepts. It is an old saying,  

Cum fueris Romae, Romano vivito more,  
Cum fueris alibi, vivito more loci.  
Being at Rome, the Roman manners use,  
And otherwhere each places custom choose.   
Surely a traveler must live after other men's fashion, not his own, always avoiding extremities by discretion, according to the Italian Proverb,  

Paese dove vai, usa come truovi.  
The Country where thou goest,  
Use thou as do the most.   
Now in this so great variety of fashions in all Nations, it seems unpossible to give any set rules, since the French say well,  

Tant de payis, tant'de guises.  
As many Nations, So many fashions.   
And since no man is able to number these divers events, first, I advise the traveler in general to be so wary, as he adventure not to do any new thing, till the example of others give him confidence. Let him reprove nothing in another man's house, much less in a strange Common wealth, in which kind it is not amiss to seem dumb or tonguetied, so he diligently employ his eyes and ears, to observe all profitable things. Let him be courteous, even somewhat to wards the vice of courtesy, to his Host, the children, and his fellow sojourners in the house. I do not advise him to imitate them, who will put off their hat to a very Dog; for in all actions baseness must be shunned, and decency embraced, but it is venial somewhat to offend in the better part, applying ourselves to the divers natures of men. If he shall apply himself to their manners, tongue, apparel and diet with whom he lives, he shall catch their loves as it were with a fish-hooke. For diet, he needs less care, but for apparel he must sit it to their liking; for it is a good precept aswell at home as abroad, to eat according to our own appetite, but to be appareled to other men's liking. I have observed the Germans and French in Italy, to live and converse most with their own Countrymen, disdaining to apply themselves to the Italians language, apparel, and diet, and the English above all others, to subject themselves to the Laws, customs, language, and apparel of other Nations.  
And hence it is that the conversation of the English abroad, is wonderfully pleasing unto strangers. Only because they are forced to dissemble their Country among Papists, I have found by experience, that other Nations, whose habit and name they take, have reaped the commendation of this their virtue; and it is certain, that the Germans, whom the English do often personate, have thereupon been often praised in foreign parts for their temperance, and other virtues less proper to them. In the mean time the English who are thus pleasing for this virtue, while they dissemble their Country, are by other accidents less agreeable to the liking of strangers in divers places, when they confess what Countrymen they are; as in Italy for the difference of Religion; in the Low-Countries, for that many of them have gone away in their debts; in France and Scotland for the old hatred of both Nations: and in the Hans or seabordering Cities, for the many injuries they pretend to have received from English men of war at Sea.  
Perhaps severe and froward censors may judge it an apish vice thus to imitate other nations, but in my opinion, this obsequiousness of conversation, making us become all things to all men, deserves the opinion of a wise man, and one that is not subject to pride: but he must always shun extremity, lest while he affects to be affable, he incur the infamy of a slatterer.  
20 He must be humble, so it be with decency, and without balenes; yet I think in Germany he shall do well to seem, but not to be proud, where they will take a man to be of base condition, if he be courteous and officious, as in reaching any thing to another, or doing like offices of service, and where they respect especially the outward habit, esteeming a frowning proud countenance, for grave and generous, lastly, where they that sit last at Table, pay the same shot with the first, who have the best meat, the cleanest beds, and best bed fellows, which myself experienced, when I did travel from Stoade to the Low-Countries, in the disguised habit of a servant. In the mean time a stranger may not in any place altogether use the same boldness, as one of the same Nation may. On the contrary, I would rather offend in humility among the Italians, who respect nothing less, than the apparel and outward habit, and are ready to observe with knee and cap a proud stranger, though they scoff at him behind his back, and the hosts will not fail to put their observance and reverence into the reckoning, making him pay for his pride. And from hence it is, that the Polonian Gentlemen (as I said before the sums of Governors of Castles for life), being of their own nature proud, do in the space of one or two years spend all their patrimony among these officious and flattering Italians, which they do not among the Germans, though many of them live long in their Universities, and give themselves to drinking as much as the Germans, though not so daily, and that because the Germans cannot in their nature so observe them and nourish their pride. In general, he shall do best, that keeps a mean;  

—: neque Altum  
Semper urgendo, neque dum procellas  
Cautus horrescit, nimium preanendo   

Littus iniquum.  
Not always bearing to the Main,  
Nor while to shun storms thou dost strain,  
Beating too much on shore again.   
Liberal modesty is decent, but clownish bashfulness disgraceful.  
21 And because the youths of our age, as they hold civil behaviour to consist in bold speaking, and proud looks, so they place the opinion of wisdom in the volubility of the tongue, I must remember the traveler of two god Italian Proverbs:  

In botca serrata mai non entrò mosca.  
Keep close lips, and never fear,  
Any flies should enter there.  
La lingua non ha os so- mafa rompere il desso.  
The tongue is bonelesse, yet doth make,  
The broken backbone oft to ache.   
It is an old saying, sometimes it reputes to have spoken, never to have held thy peace, therefore let him have a flow tongue, let his mind be locked up, but his forehead be clear and cheerful. Let him speak sparingly, and seldom speak of his own commonwealth, private estate, or good qualities, which otherwise known will give him more grace, than his own boasting. Nothing doth more preserve a traveler from falling into dangers, or sooner deliver him in any danger, than the moderate discreet use of his tongue It is an old proverb, that men go to Rome by ask the way of those they meet but I may say, that the way to go thither, and to return safely thence, is silence. The Italians say well.  

Assaisa, chi nulla sa, se tacer' sa.  
Who knows no thing, yet knows his fill,  
To hold his peace if he hath skill.   
There is great Art to shun talkative companions, or not to seem to hear their questions. Two things are necessary to be observed; That he have a cheerful countenance, as an argument of innocency, to free him from suspicion of any wickedness, or of being a spy. The other, that he shun vicious silence, aswell as Clownish bashfulness. He may sparingly and as it were carelessly inquire after things worthy to be observed, and what he learns in this kind, let him diligently note in his Itinearie.  
22. Curiosity to see the burning of the Mountain Vesunius (now called Somma) made Pliny perish, and the like curiosity to see the burning of AEtna, bred like mischief to Empedocles. Likewise the enquiring after the secrets of Religion, and desiring to be present at those Rites, hath made many perish. Therefore he must be wary and discreet in this point. Yet I know not how, as Cicero praised some affectation of speech in a young Orator, so I cannot but allow some curiosity in a traveler, and think the same to be of great use to him, since he runs through the observation of many things in short time, the infiniteness whereof no memory can comprehend, neither is he like ever to see them again. Therefore in my opinion, let him be, so he seem not to be curious.  
23 Some dissuade men from being patient in their conversation, saying, that he invites a new injury, who bears the old patiently, according to the Italian proverb:  

Chi pecora si fa, il Lupo se la, mangia.  
The man who makes himself a sheep,  
The Wolf will eat, whilst he doth sleep.   
But howsoever I may grant, that in thy own Country thou shalt be so much esteemed of others, as thou esteemest thyself, yet he that lives in foreign parts, must with Diogenes beg an alms of an Image, that he may learn patience. The thunderbolt strikes not that which yields. I advise young men to moderate their aptness to quarrel, lest they perish with it. We are not all like Amades or Rinalldo, to encounter an host of men, we have not the enchanted bodies against wounds, which Aehilles and Orlando had, we shall not find abroad the same judges or judgement, which we might have at home, nor the same indulgence or approved customs of single fights.  
In Italy twelve or more armed men will assault one enemy unarmed, and perhaps sleeping in his bed. For the Italians in our age, having for the most part placed 〈◊〉 their happiness in the earthly paradise of Italy, and the pleasures of this world, are not given in their nature to undergo dangerous and equal combats, howsoever honourable. And since the Fathers in the Council of Trent (lest they should seem to have done nothing) did strictly forbid these combats unto them, they willingly obey therein, to shaddow-their want of daring, yet can they not put off their natural pride and desire of revenge, but according to the nature of proud men, are apt to take revenge upon all dishonourable advantages of number or Arms, and that with strange cruelty; so as at this day more perish there by these treasons, than ever perished before the Council of Trent by single combats. When they have a quarrel, they presently arm all their bodies, and, as they vulgarly say, their very shinbones, and hinder parts, with males of Iron, and then, compassed with their friends, servants, and hired Fencers (called Brani) will not stick to fall upon their enemy in this sort, though he be an unwary stranger, wanting friends; and when they have done a murder, they fly without any impediment to the confines of neighbour Princes, living there as banished men for a time upon robberies, till they can obtain pardon, which escape a stranger cannot so easily make. But if they have a quarrel with Italians, using like practices, it is a thing most ridiculous to see, with what proud bragging they thus walk armed, and guarded, and with what wariness and foolish tumult the contrary parts thus walk about the City keeping as far the one from the other as is possible, till bythe intercession of friends, or authority of the Magistrate, they be made friends, which must be done with infinite ceremonies, and cautions of honour, no way blemished but by themselves. Whereas a stranger in Italy may not without licence from the Magistrate, wear a sword in their Cities, no nor so much as a dagger either in the Cities or highways of the Popes State. How much less will it be permitted to any stranger thus to arm himself, if he would (since we are of opinion, that it were better once to die, than always to fear death, even in our private chambers, and to be continually so loaded with iron Arms, as a man can hardly walk or breath) Therefore a stranger must be very wary not to have a quarrel, and if any be thrust upon him, he must be no less wary to shun the danger, by leaving the place or City in Italy. Neither would I advise a stranger to sight for his money, if he be assaulted by thieves (called Banditi) in Italy (except the way from Rome to Naples, where he hath a guard of soldiers to join with) since they are men of desperate fortune, and when they assail the passenger, have not only their bodies armed as aforesaid, but carry Muskets, and have ready means of escape, ever lying upon the confines of Princes But in my opinion, he shall do better to carry letters of credit for receiving money in great Cities as he passeth, and willingly to yield them that which he hath about him, especially since they use not to kill any not resisting, being content with the spoil of them. Yet in general for Italy, I remember not that ever I lived in any place, where fewer wrongs and causes of quarrel are offered then there; for they have a Proverb,  

Portarispetto a tuttie no hauer' paur a dinessuno.  
Give good respect to all, Fear neither great nor small.   
So as the Italians offer mutual honour more than is due, and nothing is more easy then to abstain from words of reproach, which a civil man should hate, aswell in respect of himself, as others. The chief cause of quarrels there, is either making love to other men's private concubines, or the keeping of a private concubine to a man's self. For it is proverbially said,  

Chi Asini caccia e donne mena,  
Non è may senzaguai & pena.  
Who drives an Ass, and leads a Whore,  
Hath toil and sorrow evermore.   
And the stranger who will entangle himself in this mischief, seems worthy to bear the punishment, since there is plenty of grass in the open fields, though a man never break into enclosed pastures.  
As in Italy, so in Germany, Bohemia, the Low-Countries, and Denmark, the Magistrate never pardons any murder, nor manslaughter upon hot blood, nor him that kills in single combat upon those terms which some call honourable, neither is there any way to scape punishment, but by flight. And this is common to all these Nations, that only the Officers of justice, either stop or lay hands upon a Murderer or any offender against the Laws. And this makes great respect of persons, for a poor man having killed one that hath rich friends, shall be pursued with light horses, while either not at all, or slowly, they follow others, and give way to their escaping. Let a stranger consider, how difficult his flight will be in a strange Country, and how hotly he is like to be pursued.  
The Germans are apt to quarrel, and sometimes they fight after their fashion, which is a slash or two with the edge of the sword, and if one of their fingers be hurt, they strait shake hands, and go to the Tavern to drink, but to stab or make a thrust is vulgarly called cin schelemstucke, that is, the act of a villain, and the very judges esteem it a most abominable act. It is ridiculous, that he which is wounded never so flightly, though it be at the first encounter, strait shakes his adversary by the hand and both return again to the City, where he that is hurt pays the Wine to the other, 〈◊〉 new or renewed league of friendship. In Germany, Bohemia and Denmark, no man will part a quarrel, nor put himself between them that are at variance. Neither will they do it in disputations (that I may mingle jest with cusnest), where the argument is seldom or never taken up by the Moderator; for in truth they are not so fierce in any of these kinds, but that they can compose the matter themselves. The little danger in their manner of fight, makes their quarrels very frequent. In these places, as every where, it believes a traveler with his best judgement to shun quarrels, and if he must needs adventure his body, yet to forecast means of escape after victory. Besides the lie, and such words as we account most disgraceful, with many in Germany are made familiar speech, and clounish rudeness esteemed for the neighbour virtue. For the Coachmen, when they are drunk, will easily give ill words, especially to a stranger, and they will not stay a minute for him, either in the Inn, if he be not ready to take Coach, or by the way, if he have any necessary cause to light. Herewith thou being incensed, thinkest him worthy to be strucken, but the Magistrate thinks not so, and will rather bear with him & his partakers, if they tumultiously revenge thy wrong. Who would not with silence and feigned deafness slip his neck out of such base and dangerous brawls. A stranger needs not fear thieves in Germany, for they are most rare, but if any such assault him, let him defend himself the best he can, for they always kill those whom they rob, either out of their nature apt to insult upon the conquered, or because their punishments are most cruel by the Law, neither is there any pardon for capital crimes. The Sweitzers for the most part Soldiers, and stiff drinkers, yet seldom or never have any quarrels, because the Laws impose great penalties upon those that offer injury, and the severe Magistrate never spareth them, there being through all Cities and Villages (with most wise and religious carefulness) officers appointed, who particularly intent the execution of this justice. Theenes or murderers are very seldom or never heard of among them, aswell for the severity of the Law, and the serious execution thereof, as because they are industrious at home, and to shun poverty, are more inclined to serve in foreign war, then to live by infamous courses at home. In Poland, the Gentlemen are most prone to quarrels come bats, and murders, especially if they be heated with drink, as many times they are, and that because of the unfit privileges they have above others, and because they have power of life and death in their own. Territories, neither can be called in question for criminal matters, but in the public Parliament, held once in three years or there about, where they are also tried by Gentlemen, who for consanguinity, friendship, or the common cause, are like to be favourable to them. And they care not greatly upon what unequal terms they offer violence, nor how many they be that set upon their adversary. Some Gentlemen who have been in foreign parts, are much more civil than the rest, but in general there is no place where a stranger aught more to avoid quarrels, especially if he stand not upon equal terms, as not having one or more Gentlemen on his part. In the mean time, all that can here offer violence being Gentlemen, to whom the rest are slaves, either for fear of infamy, or for the abundance they have of all things for life, robbers by the highway are very rare in Poland, and a passenger may safely carry ready money about him, especially if he conceal it.  
It were in vain to give any precepts for quarrels in Turkey, where a Christian not only may not quarrel, but not so much as carry a sword, no nor look a Turk in the face without a Bastinado. For the Turks among themselves, they seldom or never fight a combat. The Citizens and men of inferior degrees stand in as humble awe of their soldiers, as the Christians do of them, neither dare lift up the head or hand against a common Soldier, though they were one hundred against one. And the Soldiers, howsoever they brawl among themselves like butter-wives, yet they never strike one another, the Laws being most severe in the punishment thereof. thieves are less to be feared there, because passengers neither go nor ride alone, but in Caravans, that is, a multitude of men and loaded Camels: yet the Christians commended to the protection of those that lead the Caravans, not only by friends, but by bribes, and chancing to meet by the way any janissaries, shall be forced to give them such victuals as they carry, especially wine, except they have a janisary to protect them, whereof one will serve to defend them against the injuries of a thousand chancing to meet them, but they seldom do the Christian passengers any other wrong, than this consuming of their provisions. Howsoever in all events I would advise no Christian of the better sort, having means for fit expenses, to go any journey without a janissary to protect him, especially since at Constantinople, from one Christian Ambassador or other, he may easily obtain a janizaric to attend him faithfully, and at a very easy rate. At which City it is most fit for a Christian to begin his journey into other parts of Turkey. Howsoever he may likewise obtain such a janizaric of some Christian Consul, either at Halepo in spria, or at Cayro (called also Babylon) in Egypt, and at other frequented places upon the Sea const. And this janizaric for some eight Asper's a day wages, will faithfully help the Christian of whom he is hired, not as a companion, but rather as a free kind of servant.  
Englishmen, especially being young and unexperienced, are apt to take all things in snuff. Of old, when they were sensed with Bucklers, as with a Rampire, nothing was more common with them then to fight about taking the right or left hand, or the wall, or upon any unpleasing countenance. Clashing of swords was then daily music in every street, and they did notionely fight combats, but cared not to set upon their Enemy upon advantages, and unequal terms. But at this day when no nation labours more than the English (as well by travailing into fortaine Kingdoms, as by the study of good letters, and by other means) to enrich their minds with all virtues, I say in these days, they scorn such men, and esteem them of an idle brain, who for ridiculous or trifling causes run the trial of single fight, and howsoever they behave themselves stoutly therein, yet they repute them to have lost as much opinion of wisdom, as they have gained of daring. Much more do they despise them, who quarrel and fight in the streets publicly, and do not rather make private trial of their difference, as also those, who make quarrels with men of base condition, yea they think them in famous who with disparity of number do many assail one man, and for this beastly quality comparing them to Hogs, whereof when one grunts, all the Herd comes to help him, they think them worthy of any punishment: besides that upon killing any man, mercy is seldom or never showed them, howsoever in other fair combats, the Prince's mercy hath many times given life to the manslayer. And the cause why single fights are more rare in England in these times, is the dangerous fight at single Rapier, together with the confiscation of manslayers goods. So as I am of opinion, contrary to the vulgar, and think them worthy of praise, who invented dangerous weapons, as Rapiets, Pistols, Guns, and Gunpowder, since the invention, whereof much smaller number of men hath perished, by single fights, or open war, then in former times: and conquests and such inundations of barbarous people as were those of the Goths, Huns, and Longobards, are much less to be feared. Nothing did in old time more animate strong Tyrants and Giants to oppress weaker men, than the huge weight of their Clubs, and of their arms, where with Goliath had easily quelled David, if God had not put in his mind to fight against him with a new kind of weapon more suitable to his strength. I return to the purpose, and do freely profess, that in case of single fights in England, the Magistrate doth favour a wronged stranger, more than one of the same Nation, howsoever the Law favours neither, and that a stranger so fight, need fear no treason, by any disparity or otherwise. But in the mean time, here & in all places happy are the peaceable. Let me add one thing of corrupt custom in England, that those who are not gown men, never have the opinion of valour, till in their youth they have gained it with some single fight, which done, they shall after live more free from quarrels: But it were to be wished, that a better way were found to preserve reputation, than this of single fights, aswell contrary to the Law of God, as a capital crime by the Laws of men. thieves in England are more common then in any other place, so far as I have observed or heard, but having taken purses by the high way, they seldom or never kill those they rob. The true man, having strength, arms, and courage, may cheerfully resist them, having the Laws, Magistrates, People, and all passengers, together with a good cause on his side: but this is peculiar to the English, that not only the officers of justice, but all private men, present or meeting him by chance, are bound to apprehend a murderer, or any thief, & that the next Constables or under officers are bound to pursue them by hue and cry, from Village to Village, and City to City.  
And howsoever the English are for a great part descended of the French, and so partaking with them nature and manners, have also like customs, more specially in quarrels and single fights, yet in France they have not this custom to pursue and apprehend malefactors. Only they have Marshals in several Provinces, to pursue malefactors with light horses, but otherwise only the officers of justice use to apprehend them in Cities. And of late, to repress the malice of men after a long civil war, breaking out into single fights and murders, they have made severe Laws, and imposed great penalties upon those that quarrel, especially if any blood be shed, whereas in England only man slaiers are called in capital question, and small or no punishment is inflicted upon one that lightly wounds another. For the rest, the French and English, have the same aptness to quarrels, and the same bravery in these single fights.  
Also the Scots are therein like the English, save that the Scots will take parts, and assail an enemy with disparity of numbers and arms, wherein also the Northern English are not at this day fully reform.  
In this kind the Barbarous Irish do offend in Ireland, but the English and Irish-English there have the customs of the English. And in times of peace few or no thieves rob by the high ways of Ireland, but the stealths of Cows, Horses, and Sheep, are frequent. All I have said of this subject is only to this purpose, that the traveler being informed of the condition of justice, Combats, and robberies in foreign parts, may better learn to apply himself to patience, and to use moderation, according to the necessity & danger more proper to him than others, in divers places.  
24 Being to write of simulation, I am at a stay, and grope for passage, as in a dark Labyrinth: for the voice of the Vulgar, esteems the vice of dissimulation proper to a traveler, and highly doth reproach him there with. Shall we then say, that he who knows so to live with Italians, Spaniards, and very barbarous Pagans, as he can gain their well-wishing, will be at home and among his friends subject to the odious vice of dissimulation, the very plague of true friendship? Surely by travel, the good become better in all kinds of virtue, and the ill more wicked in all vices. But let the indifferent judge tell me, if the greater part of Clowns under their rugged coats, and most Lawyers, and Merchants, under the shadow of fair words, and sometimes wicked perjuries, have not more skill to dissemble (if that be to deceive) then any Travaler whatsoever, not excepting Plato himself. No doubt simulation in fit place and time is a virtue. He that cannot dissemble, cannot live. But he that so dissembles, as he is accounted a dissembler, indeed hath not the skill to dissemble, but is noted with that infamy, so as another shall better be believed upon his word, than he upon his oath. Cicero commends the saying of Epicharmus, Remember to distrust, and calls it the sinew of wisdom, and the Italians have a Proverb,  

Da chi mifido, miguarda Dio:  
Da chinon mifido, miguarderò io.  
From him I trust God help me at my need,  
Of him I trust not, myself will take heed.   
Antigonus prays God to defend him from his friends. Let me speak of mine own experience. Myself was never deceived by the Italians, whom I suspected, but by a Germane (which Nation hath a clear countenance, and general reputation of honesty), I was at Lindaw stripped and cozened for a time of all the gold I carried about me. Therefore it is a point of art for a traveler to know how to avoid deceit, and how to dissemble honesty (I mean to save himself, not to deceive others.) Let him have a clear countenance to all men, and an open breast to his friend, but when there is question of his Country's good, of his enemies lying in wait for him, of his own credit or life, let him shut his bosom close from his inward friends. That Counsel thou wouldst have another keep, first keep it thyself. A traveler must dissemble his long journeys, yet only in dangerous places, and among suspected persons. Myself have observed some too wary in this kind, who in most safe ways, used gross caution, to hide from their near friend the purpose of their journey, and sometimes in Cities would conceal where and what hour they dined and supped. In like sort a traveler must sometimes hide his money, change his habit, dissemble his Country, and fairly conceal his Religion, but this he must do only when necessity forceth. Let me insist upon some examples, which are most proper to manifest the truth in a dark argument. Myself in Italy many times passed for a Germane, and then consorted myself with Germane, faithful companions, as they be all in general, haters of drunkenness, as some of them be, either drinking altogether water, or using the French diet, and of the same Religion with me, as those are of the Palatinate of Rhine, and in some other Provinces. Then I covenanted with these my consorts, that when any man spoke Dutch to me (though I had some skill in that Language, especially for vulgar speeches), and most of all if we were in any long discourse, one of them should take the answer out of my mouth, as being slow of speech, though it were done somewhat unmannerly. Secondly, that if I were discovered (in any dangerous place) not to be a German, as I professed, they should say that I was unknown to them, and by the way fell into their company, and so withdrawing themselves out of danger by leaving the place, should leave to me the care of myself. And with these consorts I went to Naples, and there confidently, though less wisely, in respect of the war between England and Spain, I entered to view the strong Fort kept by the Spaniards, and after went to Milan. Another time under the name of a Polonian, I went to the Duke of Lorraine his Court at Nanzi, where being curiously sifted by the guard at the City-gate, and being asked many questions about the King and Queen and State of Poland, I so satisfied them, as they admitted me into the City, but when at the very entrance they bade me hold up my hand, which ceremony the French use in taking of oaths, I was much affrayed, lest they should put me to my oath for my Country, but when they had asked me if I came not from any place infected with the plague, and I had answered no upon my oath, they let me pass into the City.  
There is great art for a traveler to conceal his Religion in Italy and Spain, with due wisdom and without offending his conscience: for if a man would seem (as I may say) a Puritan Papist, (which sort they call piachia petty, that is, Brest-beaters), there is danger to fall into the suspicion of an Hypocrite. For the Italians well know,  

Chi te carezzapin che far' no suole,  
O Che gabbato t' ba, O i gabbar' te vuole.  
Who more than he was wont doth court and woe,  
He hath deceived thee, or feign would so do.   
And they have often read that of Tacitus.  

Quo magis ficta sunt quae faciunt, eò plura faciunt.  
The more any do dissemble,  
The more to do they are nimble.   
Also the traveler must beware not to fall into such errors, as I observed two of my familiar friends (yet in a safe place and free of danger) grossly to fall into. Of which one being a German, and living in the State of Florence, when he returned after dinner to his lodging, and his hostess asked where he had been, made answer, that he came from hearing of a Mass, whereas Masses are only sung in the morning and when the Priests are fasting. The other being an Englishman, and going to Rome in a disguised habit, did wear apparel of so many colours, and so strange fashions, as by the same being most strange and uncomely not only in the sight of his own Countrymen, but also of the Italians, he drew the eyes of all Jesuits and Romans upon him, so as they began to inquire after him, and he hardly escaped thence by speedy flight, and when they pursued him, had fallen into their snares, if he had not been forewarned of his danger by an Italian friend. To these I will add a third, who being an Englishman and by freedom of speech voluntarily professing himself a Frenchman, was discovered by me at that time also disguised, and by chance falling into his company, but he learning at that time, that nothing was more safe than silence, afterwards escaped dangers, into which otherwise he might easily have fallen.  
Myself lived in Italy, and for the space of one year never heard a Mass, but daily I went out of my chamber in the morning, as if I had gone to the Mass. At my very first coming into Italy, I presently went to Rome and Naples, and so at my first entrance passed my greatest dangers, that having satisfied my curiosity, if perhaps in my return I should happen to fear any danger, I might more contentedly and speedily escape away. For they who stay at Paduoa some months, and after go to Rome, may be sure, that the Jesuits and Priests there, are first by their spies advertised, not only of their coming, but also of their condition, and the most manifest signs of their bodies, whereby they may be known. Moreover, I being at Rome in Lent time, it happened, that some few days before Easter, a Priest came to our lodging, and took our names in writing, to the end (as he told us) that we might receive the Sacrament with our Hosts family. Therefore I went from Rome upon Tuseday before Easter, and came to Sienna upon good Friday, and upon Easter-even (pretending great business) took my journey to Florence, where I stayed only Easter day, and from thence went to Pisa, and before the end of Easter week returned in haste to Sienna, where I had a Chamber, which I kept when I was at Rome, and where I meant now to abide for a time. Thus by often changing places, I avoided the Priests enquiring after me, which is most dangerous about Easter time, when all men receive the Sacrament. Yet indeed there is less danger of the Inquisition in the State of Florence, than other where, as there is no danger thereof at all in the State of Venice to him that can hold his peace, and behave himself modestly.  
One thing I cannot omit, that some few days before Easter, when I was ready to come from Rome, I adventured to visit Bellarmine, and that in the lesuites College, professing myself to be a Frenchman, and wearing Italian clothes, and that after their manner, which is a matter of no small moment; for if I had not been wary therein, the crafty spies of Rome would easily have known me by some gesture or fashion of wearing my clothes, which they know to be proper to the English, as the muffling a man's face with his cloak, or the like. But especially I took heed, not to gaze on the College walls, a manifest sign of a stranger, nor to look steadfastly in the face of any Englishman chancing to meet me, whereof some were like to have known me in the University of Cambridge, lest by such beholding of them, I might draw their eyes to look earnestly on me, for one look invites another. And with these cautions, I did happily satisfy this my curiosity. Also upon good judgement I made myself known to Cardinal Allan, when I first came from Naples to Rome, and when he had promised me his protection, holding my peace, and abstaining from public offence, I rested thereupon for the worst events, yet withal, to avoid the conversation and familiarity of Priests and Englishmen, yea even of those that were of the Cardinal's family, I first left the common Inn, then changed my hired chamber, taking another in a poor house close under the Pope's Palace, as a place least like to be searched.  
I do not commend the curiosity to be present at seeing the rites of a contrary Religion, which was the death of two young men, and gave occasion to the first Macedonian war, the people of Rome assisting the murderers, and the King of Macedon desiring to revenge the death of the two young men. Informertimes, and now to this day, the Turks use to fling stones at the Christians (whom they call unwashed dogs, because they use not Baths) when they come near to their Mosques or their sepulchres. The Papists do no less persecute the Reformed Church with fire and sword. And howsoever one of the Reformed profession may live in Italy, and yet never communicate with them in their rites, by the foresaid governing of the tongue, by going out of his chamber each morning, as if he went to Mass (for the Italians generally think they are not safe till in the morning they have worshipped the Hostia at the elevation thereof, which their devotion is done in a moment), and by changing places of abode, with like discreet carriage, yet since it is dangerous to see their rites, yea, perhaps sinful, why should he not restrain his curiosity to hear their Masses, & see their ceremonies, especially all the monuments of the Churches being to be seen at another time of the day. But if any will needs be present at their Masses, either to please his companions, or for his own pleasure, as going to see a stage-play, or for curiosity, wherewith many are led. Of two evils he must choose the least, namely, rather to sign himself with the cross, or negligently to make offer, as if he dipped his hand (or his glove upon it, as their manner is) into the holy water-Box, rather than by omitting these common ceremonies, to fall into suspicion, and being called into question, either be driven to deny his Religion under his hand writing, or be burned with fire.  
Let them stay at home who are so zealous, as they will pull the Hostia or Sacrament out of the Priest's hand. They should do better to avoid the adoring thereof, by slipping out of the way, or restraining their curious walks: for inordinate desire of Martyrdom is not approvable, for the avoiding whereof and all snares, we are bidden join the Serpent's wisdom to the doves simplicity. Saint Paul was not so furious, for he did not cast down the Altars in Athens, but taking occasion by the Altar which Epimenides erected in the time of a plague to an unknown God, he preached Christ peaceably unto them, though he were an Apostle, and so had greater authority than the blind zealous of our time. For my part, I know no reason, why one of the reformed Church may not say his prayers in the Churches of Papists, and I know the greater part of the Mass (I mean the Divine Office) is good, but the chief mischief is the adoration or communication of the Hostia. Ismenius an Ambassador of the Thebans being willed to adore the Persian King, let fall his Ring from his finger, and taking it up, made a show to adore the King, yet was not judged to have offended against the Freedom of the Greek Nation.  
The Papists at the tinkling of a little Bell, lift up the consecrated Bread, to be adored for the true body of Christ, at which time all that are present fall on their knees, and mumble a short prayer, and only the more devout strike their breasts, but all Papists believe Christ to be there corporally present. No doubt they err in that thought, but the question is of the outward reverence exhibited, how far that may offend the conscience of the stranger, who otherwise knows the truth of that point, and believes it.  
The Lutherans, though they do not believe transubstantiation, yet they believe Consubstantiation, which is a corporal presence, yet I neither read nor hear any follower of Caluius doctrine, who hath positively forbidden one of their profession and living among Lutherans, to communicate in Prayers and Sacraments with them, if he may not with his own, and am sure that with common consent they confess, the Lutherans to have true Sacraments. William Perkins a late Writer of singular learning and piety, doth reach, that the preaching of the Word, and the administration of the Sacraments, differ not in substance, and that the Word preached by Heretics is the true Word of God, as their Sacraments also are true. He teacheth, that the pharisees, though in part heretics, and Apostates, yet by Christ's command were to be heard, as sitting in the chair of Moses, so men took heed of their false doctrine. He concludes, that the Word hath his power among heretics. Then so have the Sacraments, which himself saith do not differ in substance from the Word? He teacheth, that some of the levites were Heretics, and did teach after a sort the breach of the Moral Law, and believed justification by works, and yet that the Circumcision administered by them was true. He teacheth that judas was an hypocrite, and was called a devil by Christ, yet that he truly preached and baptised. From all which points he collecteth, that Infants are not to be rebaptised, because the Sacraments are true, the right form being used, which are administered by Papists. Lastly, he concludes, that howsoever the Church of Rome is no true Church, yet it hath true Sacraments, because in that Church the true Church is, though it lie hidden, to which these Sacraments only belong. Yet he denies that it follows thereupon, that it is lawful to communicate the Supper of the Lord with Papists. I will only add one position more of this godly man, in another discourse of his, namely, that in the external worship of God, the particular gestures are not prescribed by the word of God, so they be done decently and modestly, according to the laudable customs of each Church, either standing, sitting, kneeling, or lying prostrate.  
Some may infer from this discourse, and the last positions thereof. That the Gods of the Gentiles are Idols to Papists, Protestants, and to all Men, but howsoever the Papists Hostia is an Idol to them, who think erroneously of it, yet of itself and to others rightly judging of it, that it is a true Sacrament, and so is to have avereverence, according to the custom of the Church wherein a man doth live. That in like sort a Papist praying before the Images of Christ or of the Apostles, doth sin, because he bends his knee to them, and thinks them to be worshipped, but that if another abhorring from such idolatry, should pray in a chamber or Church where such Pictures are, and should kneel before them, yet he should not sin, having no mind to worship them, or kneel to them. That God will be worshipped with holiness, not with faction: That some honest kind of dissembling Religion (within due limits) is tolerable; yea, that the outward gesture and reverence used in the Churches of Papists, even to the Sacrament elevated, is if not lawful, yet not impious.  
For my part, God is my witness, that I abhor from denying my Faith, or my blessed Saviour in any point of my Faith, and would not for a World employ my tongue or pen to give encouragement to any wickedness, yet not to leave the consciences of such as sojourn among foreign Papists altogether upon the Rack, give me leave to say: That the former positions being granted, I cannot but think that there is great difference, between those who superstitiously worship one true God in three Persons, (which Article of the Trinity cannot be denied to be held by Papists), and the Heathen Idolators worshipping imaginary Gods, yea very Devils. That we are not tied to write our Faith in our foreheads, and thrust ourselves into the hands of Inquisitors, but may with godly wisdom avoid their snares. Yea, that I cannot condemn the bare kneeling and praying, or outward reverence in the Churches of Papists, as simply impious, no other circumstances concurring to aggravate such actions, especially they being done in foreign parts, where no offence is given to weak brethren, (which the Apostle 1 Cor. 8. 13, bids us avoid); but rather the offence of those is avoided, who are Christians, howsoever superstitious. And this I am the rather induced to think, because none of our Teachers have (to my knowledge) ever dogmattically forbidden us to hear a Papists Sermon, at which if we may be present without sin, no doubt we may not without sin omit the reverence in our gestures due to the word of God from the Chair of Moses, howsoever spoken by the mouth of Pharyses: But for the main question of hearing a Mass, of adoring the Hostia therein, and of communicating that Sacrament with them, I must confess. That I hold the hearing of a Mass, being always joined with kneeling to the Hostia, to be questionless a sin, which the godly must bewail, who by curiosity or any vain affection have been seduced thereunto, because thereby they have communicated in prayers to Saints, without precept or promise, and so without faith; and have further exhibited the reverence of kneeling to the Hostia, which howsoever it is due to God at the receiving of the Sacrament, yet to beholders only of the elevation, where the Priest only receives it, no pretence is left for such outward reverence or worship. Also I must confess, that whatsoever may be concluded out of the former and like positions to prove that the Papists have a true Sacrament of Baptism, yet in the Lord's Supper they want the true form required by Master Perkins to make a true Sacrament, and in my opinion this one thing alone, makes it most unlawful for us to communicate the Lords Supper with them, namely, that they mangle it and make it lame, by giving it only in one kind of bread, without the other kind of wine, contrary to the institution. And so much may suffice for this kind of simulation.  
Moreover I advise no man to believe that, which some by woeful experience have of late found most false, namely, that men of any Religion may freely come to Rome in the year of jubilee: For the privilege of that year belongs to men banished and indebted, not to Heretics, (as they term us); In sum they who fear God from their hearts, who see before their eyes the misery of them that are infected with the French disease, and who know the chaste pleasures of marriage, they may with honest dissembling and little art keep their chastity in Italy, where a stranger is not less esteemed for not being vicious in that kind, as they commonly are, so he be not an austere and bitter reprover thereof to those with whom he liveth: yea, rather he shall avoid many dangers by not being rival to any of them in their love. In like sort, when he lives in other Countries, nothing is more easy, then by honest dissimulation to avoid the communicating with them in the proper vices of the Country, only the Germans are like fire, which converteth all into his own element, for singular art must be used by him, that will preserve himself from drunkenness among them: And let no man wonder that I say it is easy to preserve chastity in Italy, and most hard to be sober in Germany, since the first is a solitary vice, and hates the rival, but the second is communicative, and requires the emulation of companions, wherein they strive for victory as in games for the wager. Of the art to shun drinking, I shall treat in the following Chapter of the Germans diet, by which it will appear that some dissimulation is honest and virtuous, the vice whereof is to be avoided both at home and abroad, and cannot justly be imputed to a traveler of this kind. To conclude, he that will safely live abroad, and so return home, must carry himself wisely and warily, so shall he not only avoid vices, without the blot of rude austerity, and shall without danger both converse with Papists, and even be present at their rites, if he be so affected, but also with Ulysses shall have the skill, even to steal away the Image of Pallas from the Trojans his enemies, without fear of surprisal.  
25 It remains that to a traveler returning home with experience, I should not give precepts, as to a novice, but friendly admonitions, as to a fellow Soldier. First his discourse must not be generally and continually in dispraise of other Nations: for so he shall be wray want of judgement, except he add some good reason for all general and several imputations: Thus the Italians err, who coming into England, and seeing the familiar conversation of our Women, do repute them for Harlots, who are much chaster than their Women would be, having like liberty as ours have. Thus strangers may easily judge amiss, of the women in Freesland giving kisses to each man to whom they drink, and taking kisses of each whom they pledge. As also of the Virgins in Holland, who hand in hand with young men, slide upon the ice far from their Father's house, and there lodge in a strange Town or Village: for these old customs of particular places, are no certain signs of unchastity. The Italian Sansovinus grossly erreth in this kind, being otherwise a man of great wit and judgement, who affirms that Parents in England take the pillows from the heads of their children ready to die, out of tender pity and charity, to put them out of their pain; because perhaps he heard that some women, hired to keep some that were sick of contagious diseases, and therefore sent with them into solitary places, had sometimes committed this notable villainy. What could he have said more? if he had lived among the Indians, who eat their Parents, that the worms may not eat them. I have heard some complain of England, for the dear rates of diet, and for the peoples in humanity to strangers, because they had been ill used at Gravesend, (where the very English are rudely and ill served), and by some obscure Hosts of London, who use to entertain and wrong strangers, having otherwise never visited the Citizens of London, the Scholars of the Universities, Gentlemen, or learned men, nor having ever gone further than London into the Country, which if they had done; they should have found these men, and the very Country people not only courteous, but too much given to admire strangers, so they could make themselves understood, or had with them a guide skilful of the language & fashions. Others I have heard speak very ill of Italy, whereas there is no Country in the World more commodious, to him (as they say) Chi sa far'i fatti suoi, that is, who knows to do his own business: We betray our ignorance or ourself love, when we dispraise foreign things without true judgement, or prefer our own Country before others, without showing good reason thereof.  
They err no less, who like critics or the Poet Aristarchus, omitting the virtues of other Nations, discourse only of all their vices. Again, it is no less unfit to praise foreign things without good judgement, as I have heard some, beyond measure extol the bridge of Prage in Bohemia, the monuments of Saint Dennis in France, and poor antiquities of Rome. This argues a vulgar man, since the vulgar praise small things, admire mean things, and have altogether no feeling or apprehension of great things.  
26 Also I admonish him, after his return home, to renew his old friendships: and as Soldiers in a good Commonwealth, when the war is ended, return to the works of their calling, (like the followers of Mercury, aswell as of Mars), so that he returning home, lay aside the spoon and fork of Italy, the affected gestures of France, and all strange apparel, yea, even those manners which with good judgement he allows, if they be disagreeable to his Countrymen: For we are not all born reformers of the World. Dancing teacheth good carriage of the body, yet we must not always dance; so divers strange manners teach us good behaviour, yet we must not use inconstancy of manners: Thou didst wisely forbear abroad to offend strangers, with whom thou didst live but from day to day, either with thy apparel or diet, or aulterity of thy Country manners, and why shouldest not thou much more forbear, at home to offend thy own Countrymen, with whom thou art to spend all the rest of thy life, or provoke them to scoff at thee for the foresaid vanities disagreeable to them. Alexander the Great himself, though he were a most powerful King, and most gracious in his subjects love, could not use the Persians apparel and fashions whom he had overcome, without the great offence and repining of his Macedonians.  
Many at the first sight may judge me to err in that I persuade the traveler, when he returneth home, not to use those manners which in good judgement he allows, in case they be not approved, and used by his Countrymen: But this is good in my judgement, for confirmation whereof I will only yield one example. The Italian being a great and somewhat viciously curious observer of ceremonious compliments, when he hath saluted one, and begun to entertain him with speech, if he chance to espy another man, with whom he hath very great business, yet will he not leave the first man without a solemn excuse: But an Englishman discoursing with any man, (I mean in the house or any chamber of Presence, not in the streets), if he spy another man with whom he hath serious occasion to speak, will suddenly without any excuse turn from the first man, and go to confer with the other, and with like negligence will leave and take new men for discourse, which an Italian would take in ill part, as an argument of disrespect. This fashion, and the like curiosities, I would have an Englishman to leave when he returns out of Italy, as tasting of affected niceness, and not in use: Except he be of such place, authority, and grace at home, as he may have confidence to bring any good foreign custom or manner into use and fashion in his own Country: for we seldom commend or follow any man of mean sort, taking upon him to bring in new words into our language, or new manners into practice, or clothes into wearing: And except he shall leave the foresaid curiosities, his company is like to be shunned, as of a nice observer of men's actions and manners, and most men will think that he doth not so much out of judgement allow foreign things, as out of pride despise his own.  
Yet I do not give this admonition so much, that he may not offend others, as that he may not be offended himself by others: For I will be bold to maintain this position against the vulgar opinion, namely, that sharp senses, subtle wits, curious behaviour, and like nice properties, savouring of either extreme, are to be accounted among the owner's calamities, and that a certain dullness (in some mean, not in extremity) doth give the owner great ease and quietness. For since all the objects of human life, are more often accompanied with noisomeness, than pleasure, it comes to pass, that he who hath a quick smell, is troubled with more stinks, than he is refreshed with sweet odours, that an eye offended with any the least error in building, with the very household stuff never so little disposed out of order, with negligent attire, (though it be not slovenly or sluttish), and with like unpleasing sights, is more often offended, and sometimes redeems the pleasing of his eye with extraordinary charge to the purse: That one of a nice taste, finding few things that like his appetite, seldom is pleased with any meat, Cook or Host, while in the mean time they who have more dull senses, use many things with pleasure, and are more rarely offended; That a subtle wit, by all arguments and means enlarging each ill accident, makes them seem unsupportable, and therewith is driven into frenzy, whiles other men of more dull apprehension, though indeed they be oppressed with worse fortunes, yet being not able to search the bottom of their distasters, by blockish oblivion give their souls much rest: For discussing hereof, out of one particular learn to resolve of all. As honour is not in him that receives it, but in him that gives it, so love is not the excellency of the party beloved, but the fancy of the lover. Hence it comes, that witty men wound themselves with the edge of their own wit, while in the mean time they snort in sound sleep, which are more dull than that love or like fancies can disturb their rest: yea, since self love is the very root of love, this blind love of all that ourselves do or think, makes the Ovidian enamoured persons feign in their winding imaginations a graceful comeliness in mere deformity, as they who see an AEthiopian Woman black, yet love her upon the conceit of her white teeth and soft skin, and so they repute their Mistress much fairer and more virtuous than indeed she is, and the more they feed and nourish these fictions of their own brain, the more they love her for them, even to desperate madness and mere Idolatry, while in the mean time the duller lovers more trusting to their eyes, then to their wits, cannot find out these subtle arguments to deceive themselves, and so make them love a black More, a squinteyed, lame, or deformed Mistress. Hence it is also, that howsoever there is but one true beauty, yet divers fancies find several beauties in each complexion, or rather imagine them such to please their own fancies.  
To conclude, hence it is, that he who at home ties himself to the curious manners of Italy, and finds that others observe not the like towards him, is often enraged, as if he were disrespected, and so takes every thing for an injury, being distracted with these falsely conceived offences, which are taken by him, but not given by them who observe not the same nice rules of behaviour as he doth: And myself, though never very ceremonious, speak this of experience, which hath confirmed my judgement, that a traveler must cast away all customs smelling of unpleasing curiosity, and howsoever he doth well to observe curiously all foreign customs and ceremonies, thereby to enrich his knowledge and confirm his judgement, yet he must use them sparingly in his conversation at home.  
27 Lastly, I advise him, that after his return, he sparingly & not without entreaty, relate his journeys and observations. Such must a traveler be, as may be hired with a crust of bread to hold his peace or to speak: how little then doth it become him to be so talkative, as he would higher one to hear him? Myself have heard many, who had scarce seen the Lyone of the Tower, and the Bears of Paris-garden, (as I may well say in comparison of their small journeys and experience with other men's), so engross all the talk of the Table in relating their adventures, as if they had passed the pillars of Hercules: nothing could be asked which they could not resolve of their own knowledge, having well learned the precept of Ovid to Loviers:  

Et quae nescieris ut bene nota refer;  
What thou knowst not, boldly relate, as if thou knewest thereof the state.   
And this they did with great applause of the ignorant, and no less derision of experienced men, who in their discourse had often found them liars, and well knew that as many hastening out at one gate, pass more slowly, so vessels full of good liquor, sound not so much as the empty, and they who understand much, are not so free in imparting it. And these be the men who have branded travelers with the title of Liars, but a wise man ought to distinguish such sponges, from praiseworthy travelers. For in all arts, professions, and courses of life, some take upon them the skill and faculty of the best, who are commonly most ignorant and impotent therein, and it were great injustice to ascribe the weaken effe of the one, to any defect in the other, or in the art and course itself. Therefore,  

Navita de ventis, de Taur is narret Arator.  
Let Mariners of the winds force,  
And Plowmen of their bulls discourse.   
but I would have a traveler after his return (like an Orator or Poet) so well instructed in all subjects of discourse, as nothing should be altogether strange to him, yet so discreet also, as he should not but upon some fair occasion speak of those things, whereof he could discourse most eloquently and judicially. And since stale Harlots by this art make their putrefied wares saleable, how much more shall travelers, whose discourse more pleaseth in the stomach then in the mouth, make the very stones and insensible creatures to dance and hang upon their mouths, as they are said to have been moved by the eloquence and music of Ulysses and Orpheus.   

CHAP. III. Of the opinions of old Writers, and some Proverbs which I observed in firraigne parts by reading or discourse, to be used either of Travellert themselves, or of divers Nations and Provinces.  
OLD Writers affirm, that the Northern men, in respect of their heat kept in by the cold, are generally greater eaters 
Uoraciti  then Southern men. Thus they prove it; Because all men have a better stomach in Winter then in Summer, because Northern men passing towards the South, daily lose their appetite; and because both men and beasts of the South are more lean, than those of the North. This opinion is of itself true, but the arguments for proof admit some exceptions; for the Turks towards the South be fatter generally, than our men of the North, not that they eat more, but that they are eunuchs, and given to idleness, I say therefore, that the opinion is generally true, but by many accidents proves false, namely, in places which suffer not the extremity of cold in the North, or of heat in the South, and comparing barren Pastures in the North, with fertile pastures in the South, and upon like accidents, hindting the true effects.  
The fortitude of the mind, and the strength of the body for the same reason they attribute to Northern men, and show by Histories that hereupon they were 
Fortitude and strength.  ever conquerors, as the Medes against the Assyrians, the Assyrians against the Chaldeans, the greeks against the Persians, the Parthians against the greeks, the Romans against the Carthaginians, the Goths against the Romans, the Turks against the Arabians, the Tartars against the Turks, the English against the French, even in France, though the French called in by the English could never conquer them.  
Lastly, they conclude that the Scythians are most valiant, and the best Soldiers of the World: The truth is, that the Romans were overrun by barbarous people of the North, yet not for their want of valour, but by their dissension, and the vastness of their Empire, falling with his own weight: yet the same Romans subdued, and long held in subjection many Nations of the North, as France, the Low-Countries, and Britanny. And no doubt the hope of spoil, not valour or strength, made the barbarous people overrun the Romans, who might have been quiet from them if they had been poor. No man will fish with a golden hook for a half penny fish. Again, the riches of the Romans, made them effeminate, which likewise encouraged the barbarous people to assail them.  
But it were fitter to say, that wisdom and wit, rather than heat or cold, make men to be valiant. For no man contemns death, or hath due respect of honour but he, with whom reason prevails more than nature. Nature hath his force, as the Eagle begets not a Dove, but reason, rather than nature, is the cause, that when common Soldiers run away, yet Gentlemen choose rather to die, then escape by flight. Not so much because they are borne of a Noble race, as because they will not be a reproach to themselves, and their race. Not because Gentlemen die with less pain than the common sort, but because they better understand that the soul is immortal, that he dies in a good cause who fights for his Country, and that an honourable death is to be preferred before a disgraceful life. In all great Empires, valour and learning flourished together, and decayed together, with the ruins of the Empires following their decay: as in those of the Assyrians, Persians, Medes, and the Empires more known to us by Histories, of the greeks, and Romans. Therefore howsoever strength, and an innated boldness, are propagated, and come by Nature, yet true fortitude is not found in the North, nor in the South, nor proceeds from nature, but where learning flourisheth, and cowardice is reputed baseness, and where the word of God teaching the immortality of the soul, and the vanities of mortal life, most reigneth, there men are most valiant.  
Also they affirm, that the Southern men are more witty, and more wise, then Northern, because the barbarous Goths and Northern people, when they got 
Wit and wisdom.  great victories, yet could not make true use of them, but lost Provinces for want of wit and wisdom, in as short a time, as they got them by their valour and strength.  
Surely variable fortune did exercise and toss part of the Goths, and vandals, yet other part of the Goths, and the Longobards, subdued the plain Country of Italy, and these settled a long lasting Kingdom, calling it Lombardie. And though Hannibal were a Southern man, yet of him, after the field won by him at Canna, it was first said. Hannibal thou knowest how to overcome, but thou knowest not how to make use of thy victory. Besides that wit and wisdom cannot generally be thus joined in one subject, except we will grant that women commonly most witty, are also commonly most wise. There is a mediocrity required in wisdom. Nolt altum sapere. Be not too wise, cven as Solomon adviseth not to be too lust, (meaning in outward appearance, for the inward man cannot be too just.) But mediocrity (perhaps) will be judged rather to be found in the inhabiters of the world's middle regions. Again, howsoever we may grant, that the Italians, in the founding of their Empire, by valiant acts and learned writings, left notable marks and evidences of their wisdom, yet in our age they may (perhaps) be preferred to others, for some endowments of Nature, but must yield the pre-eminence of valour and learning to some other Nations. The vain wisdom of man tires itself in vain, while it attributes so many and so great changes in the world, to this or that Clime, or Star, or any natural cause, rather than to look back to the first mover of all human things, and acknowledge his finger in the disposing of them.  
They affirm that the Northern people are most cruel, and Tacitus accuseth the Germans, Transsilnanians, and old Britons, of cruelty. Bodine disputes wittily 
Cruelty.  against this opinion, first because fat men, as the Northern, are better men than those who are lean, as the Southern men be, and he calls Caesar to witness, who was not afraid of the fat men, Anthony, and Dolabella, but of the lean men, Brutus and Castius.  
In my opinion, fat men, whose heat is decayed, are thereby less bold for any great enterprise. Only I admire Luther, who alone, and weak, did wonderfully oppose himself to the great multitude of Papists, and power of the Popes. But I remember that Melancton, a lean man, and skilful in the Greek & Hebrew tongues, and universally learned, did assist him, yea the Germans say that Melancton was more learned, and Luther more bold. So as, according to the course of the world, it is likely, that Melancton did much in that great work, whereof Luther bore the name. Besides that we must attribute the happy and wonderful reformation of Religion, to higher causes than those under the Moon, namely, not to the natural heat of men, but to the boldness proceeding from the divine heat of the holy spirit.  
Bodine affirms, that Northern men, because they are fat, are less prone to the extremities of good or evil, and so concludes them to be less cruel, which he shows by examples, in that the Carthaginians, and other people of the South, used to pull out eyes, to pull off the skin, to burn with a slow fire, and to empale or set upon stakes, and to use like cruelties towards condemned men, and that those of America, use to smear their children with the blood of their enemies: whereas on the contrary, the Romans were merciful, first beheading condemned men, then by the law of percins, forbidding Citizens to be beaten with rods, after punishing by starving & by banishment. In my opinion he might have added the lenity of the Britan's, being more northward, where the greatest offences are punished with hanging, except 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 drawing and quartering are added, yet the severity thereof is commonly 〈◊〉, by letting them hang till they be dead. Bodine adds, that Northern men did always assail with open force, and were soon pacified, whereas Southern men assuled with Foxlike craft, and were cruel to those that submitted to them: But in the end, while he confesseth, that the Germans being Northern, break the bones of condemned men upon the wheel; and that the greeks being southerly, put to death by 〈◊〉 of the Hemlock, and that in Chios they mingle water to make them die without pain, by these contradictions he rather obscures than illustrates that which he would prove.  
For my part, while I consider these and like examples, so contrary in both kinds, together with the great changes of the World in divers times, so as they, whom one age were cruel, become in another age merciful. While I consider the old in egrity of the Romans, when they reproached the Carthaginians to be breakers of faith, and find them after to become greater breakers thereof, concluding that no faith is to be kept with Heretics, with which note they brand any enemy at pleasure and bringing in devilish equivocation, the plague of integrity, which takes away all faith among men; and lastly, proving these things not with words, but with fire and sword. Upon these considerations, I am induced to conclude, not only for cruelty, but for all vices and virtues: That Southern men, as more witty, if they be good, prove best, if ill, prove worst, and that the degrees of good or ill, proceed not from wit, but from the application of it to good or ill. Therefore not the North, nor the South, but Philosophical precepts, godly laws, and the knowledge of God's word, or otherwise the wants thereof, make men good or ill, and where knowledge, religion, and good laws flourish, there virtues are practised, but among barbarous and superstitious people, living in Cimmerian darkness, all vices have ever, and will for ever flourish. Abraham conceived just fear lest for his wives beauty he should suffer violence and death, only because the fear of God was not in those places where he sojourned: for this fear of God in himself merciful, and so commanding his children to be merciful, doth restrain the most fierce natures from offering any wrong to their neighbours. Also Philosophy did keep the very Heathen within limits of honesty and justice, which as the Poet saith;  

Emollit mores, nee sinit esse feros:  
Doth soften manners with remorse,  
And keeps them from a furious course.   
In like sort old Writers affirm, that Northern men are most perfidious: but nothing 
perfidiousnes  is more easy then in all sorts of men to find examples of perfidiousness. 〈◊〉 witnesseth that the old Egyptians were naturally most perfidious, yet are they most southerly. In like sort, the Southern Carthaginians were of old most infamous for treacherous acts. On the contrary, many Histories tax northern men, for breaking leagues: Also the Northern Goths & Southern Spaniards, objected mutual breaches of faith one to the other. Therefore (as I said) knowledge and religion are the causes of all virtues, as ignorance and atheism or superstition, are the causes of all vices, neither are these causes hereditary to any clime or nation, but are dispersed through the world by supernal distribution diversly at divers times.  
They write that Southern men are rather sparing and frugal then covetous, and that Northern men are prodigal and given to rapine, but the Egyptian Cleopatra 
covetousness and prodigality.  passed the Romans and all others in luxury: And at this day nothing can be added to the rapacity and covetousness of the Turks, and more specially of those most towards the South, daily exercised both against Christians and among themselves. And this seems to be attributed to their corrupt and tyrannical form of government, and to their ignorance of Religion, as also of liberal and manual Arts, not to the situation of the Provinces. I confess that in general Southern men are now more frugal in diet and apparel then Northern. But the jews and Southern men are and ever have been great usurers, extortioners, and amassers of treasure, so as they must also be reputed covetous. And as the Italians are most frugal, so have the Romans in their riches been monsters for Luxury. So as the clime cannot be the cause. But indeed riches are cause of Pride and Luxury, as the examples of all times and nations do teach. And the same riches are cause of covetousness, according to the Poet. Crescit amor nummi quantum ipsa pecunia crescit, As money grows so groweth avatice. Prodigality at this day, not for the climes sake but for some other cavies, may justly be imputed to Northern men, yet this vice dispersing treasure viciously, is not so great a vice as that of rapine and covetousness, hiding those treasures, and burying them from use.  
Old Writers tax Southern men most for jealousy. No doubt the most sharp 
usie.  sights are sometimes dimmed, and so for what cause so ever, it must be confessed, that the sharp witted Southern men are to this day madly jealous, always tormenting themselves with this restless passion, and using their wives like slaves, yet no whit more freed thereby from fatal horns, though to preserve their wives chastity they permit the Stews, and that because they live among men, who no less vex themselves in finding means to enjoy these forbidden Loves, than the other are vexed in the courses to prevent their enjoying thereof, and because their wives so watched, think themselves to bewray simplicity and ignorant folly, if they omit any occasion of offending this way, though it were with never so base a man.  
Having taxed the witty Southern men with jealousy, yet they in general conclude, that Northern men are most suspicious, and that upon a contrary cause, namely 
Suspicion.  the defect of wit. No doubt they who are most guilty of their own defects, take in worst part the whisperings & private laughters of those that are in their company. Yea I will say of experience, that I found the Italians nothing nice to show their strong Forts to me and other strangers, and that in Northern parts the same were not to be seen by strangers, or at least with great difficulty. By which and like arguments easy to be brought, I am induced to think that want of true judgement is the cause of suspicion, but not the sole nor yet the chief cause thereof. To omit many other causes, sometimes an ill conscience makes men suspicious, as we read that our tyrant Richard the third, upon the least shadow or shaking of a leaf, had his hand upon his dagger. Again the best and wisest men are justly suspicious, when they live among wicked men, or have necessary affairs with them. Therefore let Southern men consider, whether they use not more to wound their own consciences with guiltiness of wicked deeds, then Northern men use to do, and whether they be not more justly to be accused of treacheries, poisonings, and like high crimes, than the other. For no doubt the jealous Southern men by guiltiness of these crimes in spite of their wit and wisdom, shall become in all kinds most suspicious.  
Old Writers affirm, that Southern men are more prone to madness then the Northern, and they report that infinite numbers of mad men are found in Africa, 
Madness.  where many alms-houses are built only to receive the sick of this kind, and that the South parts of Spain do abound with distracted men. And this is agreeable to nature, and the Rules of natural Philosophy. For howsoever the situation of places cannot properly be the cause of any virtue or vice, yet it is probable, that it may cause diseases or health.  
Bodine against the judgement of Hipocrates, proveth that Northern men are more venereous than Southern. First, because our bodies have greater inward heat in 
Venery.  Winter then in Summer, and so in Winter are more apt for the act of generation, the same reason being of a Northern and Southern body, as of Winter and Summer. I should think that the hot and dry Southern men are most prone to venery, but that the cold and moist Northern Men are most potent therein.  
Again Aristotle saith, that they who ride most, are most venereous, which Bodine also objecteth against Hipocrates, who falsely holds that the Northern men's riding makes them less fruitful in generation. It is most certain by our and all men's experience, that great part of Asia, and especially the Southern Provinces, lie at this day waste or little inhabited, though Polygamy be permitted among them, (I mean the having of many wives for one man), and that all Europe on the contrary is wonderfully populous, and especially in the most Northern parts, though no man hath more than one wife allowed him: By this one argument it is most manifest that the Northern men are most potent for generation; And it is no less manifest that Southern men have more desire, by the multitude of their wives, their libidinous using the love of boys, and all men's consent so general, as it needs no further proof; yea, men of experience say, that Northern men only traveling towards the South, are more and more troubled with this restless desire.  
Bodine disputes that Southern men are longer lived then Northern, (contrary to the opinion of Pliny): First because Elephants, who (as Aristotle saith) have the longest 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉  lives of all other, are only found in the South. I remember that the Turks at this day repute them old women, or past the age of love, who are come to the age of 25 years, and that myself did see few or no men in Asia, who had grey beards, and it any had grey hairs, it was not for the number of their years, but because they grow old sooner than Northern men. I cannot so well speak of other Nations, where I lived a short time, and as a stranger; but I remember, that in Benerly a Town of Holdernes in England, there lived in our age one jemings a Carpenter, whom the men of those parts report, to have lived 120 years, and that he married a young woman some few years before his death, by whom (being of good fame) he had four children, and that his eldest son by his first wife, then living, was 100 years old, or thereabouts, but was so decrepit, as he was rather taken for the father then the son. And lest I should seem by one Swallow to make summer, as the Proverb is, the men of Hereford-shire can witness, that such examples are not rare in England, where in the reign of King james, they made a morris-dance of fifteen persons, all borne in the same County, or within the compass of 24 miles, who made 1500 years between them, some being little less than 100 years old, and some fair passing that age. Many such examples are not wanting in England and Ireland, to prove that Northern men are longest lived. Myself have known some, and have credibly heard of many more women, of one 100 years age, in these Kingdoms. The Irish report, and will swear it, that towards the West they have an Island, wherein the Inhabitants live so long, as when they are weary and burdened with life, their children in charity bring them to die upon the shore of Ireland, as if their Island would not permit them to die. In ourtime the Irish Countess of Desmond, lived to the age of about 140 years, being able to go on foot four or five miles to the Market Town, and using weekly so to do in her last years, and not many years before she died, she had all her teeth renewed. Again, Bodine may best be confuted with his own argument: for as he saith that Sortherne men are longest lived, so he confesseth that they are most given to venery, whereas they that are like the Cock Sparrow, cannot be long lived: And whereas old writers affirm that the Inhabitants of the middle regions are of shortest life, because Southern men used to great heat, and Northern men used to great cold, can easily bear them both: but the Inhabitants of the middle regions, being oppressed both with cold and heat, are subject to these changes of the Air, which breed diseases and old age. This seems to me as if they should say, that custom makes extreme things, but not temperate things, to be tolerable; since those of the middle regions are no less used to the changes of their temperate air, than the others are to the extremities, and their changes.  
Give me leave to say, contrary to the vulgar opinion, that the pureness or any properties of the air, do not so much cause long or short life, as the changes of air by long journeys, or by removing men's dwellings from one air to another, which changes are more powerful, the more violent they are, and that to men of all climes, whether they journey or remove dwelling, from the North to the South, or from the South towards the North. This experience teacheth by many examples. First, of great travailers, whereof infinite numbers in youth die before they return home. Secondly, of those that dwell in the Fens of Lincolnshire, and of Essex in England, where they that are borne, and live all their days in those Fens, and in that unhealthful air, live to be of very old age, and with good health; but it they remove dwelling to a purer air, soon die, as likewise they that are borne in purer air, and come after to dwell in those Fens, live very short time. This in general I say, because many very aged people are found in those Fens, but particularly I am confirmed in this opinion, as by many other, so by one pleasant example, of a Husbandman, whom myself did see in Essex, who dwelling in the Fens not far off, was threescore years old, healthful, and like to live long, and within few years past had married and buried eight wives, all which he had brought to his house in the Fens, upon one Nag of some forty shillings price, for these women borne in purer air, soon died after they came to dwell with him in the Fens.  
Many prove that Southern men are most religious, by their sumptuous Churches (in which it is a great trespass so much as to sper,) by the very Princes of Africa entering 
Religion.  the profession of Monks, by their Fasts, frequent praying, whipping of themselves, laws made against irreligious persons, and the Pontificial habit of their Kings. On the contrary they affirm that Northern men (as women and children soon make and as soon break leagues of amity) do soon and greedily embrace any Religion, and no less speedily cast it off again. As the Ostrogothes and Visigothes, being driven from their seat, became Christians under the reign of the Emperor Valens, and soon after terrified with burnings, fell from the Christian Faith. And the Goths in Italy first became Christians, than Arrians. Yea, Gotland soon received the Christian Faith, and presently returned to their Idolatry. And the Turks soon fell to the Arabians Religion. As also Tartars were easily drawn on both hands for the point of Religion. And lastly, the Germans taxing the Papal frauds (together with their neighbours) did of their own accord fall from the Pope's obedience, without any force or violent constraining. But on the contrary, that Southern men ever did slowly embrace any new Religion, and howsoever they were often divided into Sects, yet could never be drawn to change their Religion without miracles and force of Arms. So as Antiochus by no torment could draw any one of seven brethren, or their mother that exhorted them to be constant, so much as to taste Swine's flesh. It is easy to oppose examples and arguments to the foresaid examples and arguments. If we behold the Temples, Monasteries, Bells, and other old ornaments or religious vestures of our Northern Island England, no doubt they far passed those of the South, where neither the present Church's building, nor the ruins of like old building, show the like (if any) magniffcence. Yea, rather the Sepulchers than the Mosques (or Churches) of the South, may be thought sumptuous. Neither want we examples of Northern Kings (as of the Saxons in England, and Goths in Italy) who put on Monks habits: nor yet of Nations in Europe, who have violently with much suffering maintained their rites of Religion. Moreover, see how these men omit to distinguish superstition from Religion. They confess that the Northern men first discovered the Papal frauds, yet they will also have them more simple, whence it follows, that the sharp-witted Southern men did first see these frauds, and cover them for fear of the Pope's persecutions, or because they esteemed Religion only a State policy, and knowing the truth yet abstained from reformation. Surely Petrarch, Dantes, and other free wits of Italy did see the Papal frauds before the Germans, and though fearfully, yet plainly pronounced Rome to be Babylox. But our Northern Luther, when at Rome he had seen the licentious Romans, and their criminal frauds, could not abstain, but he must needs diuülge these impostures of Religion, and being weak for his defence, yet could not but oppose himself to most powerful enemies. Northern men are soon drawn with the love of Religion, the of fear due to God, they like Foxes, may command over Lions, which our good Epimethei at last by the events perceiving, do so much abhor all hypocrisy and whorish painting of Religion, as by no danger they can be frighted from professing truth, whose constancy in suffering persecution for the same is abundantly witnessed, by the multitude of them burnt in France, as Sleyden writes of his own sight, and by the more violent, at least, more lasting persecution of them by fire under Marie, late Queen of England. Therefore let us say, that Northern men are easily drawn to the true Religion, and by no terrors can be kept from reforming corruptions growing therein: for in that without torments, and of free will they are drawn to profess the truth, this proves them most religious; and in that Southern men still hold their old opinion, this proves, that they prefer the peace of the World, before the peace of Conscience. And in that the Northern Magistrates (I speak of our Reformed Churches) seek rather to reach and persuade Religion, then to force it by fire and sword, this proves that they are more godly and mild, than those of the South, who tyrannically persecute their own subjects differing from them in Religion. Shall I attribute it to the constancy of the Spaniards, that they dare not lift up a finger against the tyranny of their Clergy? or rather to the baseness of their minds, and the unspeakable tyranny of the Inquisition, punishing innocent and nocent without distinction if they never so little cross the ambitious pride and covetousness of the Clergymen. They who live in the Kings, and generally approved Religion of their Country, enjoying all privileges, these in this particular may rather be thought secure then religious, and they who dare profess the Religion which they judge to be true, though it be done against their King's Edicts, and with loss of goods and life, (of which kind we have notable examples in Northern parts) these men do more fear God then man, and truly deserve to be called religious. Besides it must not be granted, that all Northern people have thus voluntarily and speedily yielded to the profession of the reformed Religion: for in Ireland far towards the North, few or none are found of the Natives, who in this so clear light of the Gospel have cast of the Roman Religion. Yet is not this to be attributed to their constancy in Religion, but rather to the lenity of the reformed profession, which thinks that the conscience must not be forced, or perhaps to the Magistrates fault, having taken small or no good orders to have the people instructed in the truth, or lastly and most of all to the ignorant blindness of this Nation, which doth not willingly receive any Rules and Laws of civil life, or religious reformation, or rather frowardly opposeth the same, and so as children prize their babbles, they more obstinately retain the outward Pharisaical holiness of the South, in burning wax light, having Images, and external pomp of Copes and Processions, and like human traditions. Lastly, if we shall consider well the above mentioned position of old Writers, namely, that Northern men are more blockish and ignorant, by that reason it will follow, that Northern men are more hardly drawn from any received opinion. For ignorant men are also suspicious, and hardly admit any that bring innovations, the rather because they are less capable of their persuading arguments. So the Philosopher said of a City in Greece, that the Citizens were so blockish, as they could not be led by eloquence. In like sort the Professors of Alchumy seldom deceive any ignorant persons, who would answer as Cicero speaketh of Soothsayers: thou promisest me Kingdoms, and yet beggest a groat of me: but we daily see, that witty men and learned, are often caught and drawn to expense by their abstruse dark arguments. Therefore in my opinion it should be said, that the Religion of Southern men, by the outward ceremonies, is, like sepulchres, sumptuous without, but that the Religion of the Northern men is glorious within. Or if, setting human experience aside, we will weight this by the holy scales of the Sanctuary, we shall find undoubtedly, that we can neither in North nor South come to God, or fly from him at our pleasure, but that God in what Country soever, imparteth his light to his chosen children, which he hides from potent Kingdoms, and men more wise and nightie in their own sight.  
Old Writers affirm, that Northern men have softer skins then Southern 
Softness of skin.  men, as women have them in general softer than men. Whereupon Bodine saith, that the transulpine men coming into Italy, are much troubled with Fleaes, and biting Flies. But in my opinion, howsoever we may truly say, that Northern men have whiter skins, and many times by the accident of fatness softer than the common sort there, yet the Ethiopians and other people of Africa dwelling near the extremest South on this side the line, as they have properly white teeth, so is their skin (howsoever tanned) far softer than the skins of any nation whatsoever, by the common consent of all men.  
They account Southern men to be most cleanly and neat of body, as well for their frequent use of Bathing and continual washings, as for that they will not endure 
Cleanliness  any the least filth or spot upon their apparel, especially the Turks upon their Tulbent (or white linen worn upon their heads,) and keep their houses in like sort from all filth, but above all are curious in keeping their Churches, in which it were no small trespass so much as to spit, (which in common conversation they take for an offence, as if he that spits were weary of their company, and in deed by the Nature of the Clime and continual bathing in hot Baths, they take away the rheum, so as they are not troubled with coughing and spitting.) It any man object that the Germans use bathing, if not so continually as the Turks, yet very often, surely the Germans use it not for cleanliness, but to dry up the gross humours which they get by intemperate drinking, and they are otherwise more slovenly in their apparel, in their Stoves and all manner of linen, if they be compared with Southern nations, and nothing less than cleanly if they be compared with other Northerly nations of Europe.  
They write that of old, the Southern men passed all other in luxury, as well of apparel as diet, and they allege that the Romans had Oysters out of Brittany, and 
Luxury.  that Anthony himself being a Roman, and much given to this luxury, yet was far surpassed therein by Cleopatra, a more Southerly Queen of Egypt. But at this day it may be confidently said, that they are nothing less than luxurious in either kind, as shall be showed more at large in this volume, and in the Chapter treating of the divers diets and apparel of soverall nations.  
The French in Europe, and the Syrians in Asia, but most especially the greeks in Europe, being all inhabiters of middle Regions, are by old Writers taxed with levity. 
Levity.  Bodine confesseth that the French are more quick and nimble, and as inhabiters of a middle Region, also more cheerful, since the Northern men by gross humours, and the Southern men by Melancholy, are made more slow, and in this sense he is content levity should be imputed to them, for otherwise he brings many arguments, why Northern men should be light or inconstant, Southern men should be obstinate, and the inhabiters of middle Regions, (among whom he contains the French) should be constant. But how soever he cannot have the patience, to have levity (that is inconstancy in word and deed) attributed to the French, yet no doubt by the general consent of Nations, the French, in apparel, gesture, in counsels of peace and war, and more specially in the raising of civil waters, are nothing lesie then constant and grave, if they be compared with the wise Italians, and dilatory Spaniards. Besides that levity, which they put in swiftness and nimbleness, must be attributed to the Irish, above any Nation, of the middle, or whatsoever Regions.  
The old Writers affirm, that the Southern Nations are more fortunate, which 
Fortunateness.  they prove by many arguments, yet among those, whom they judge thus fortunate, the Egyptians were ever slaves to more Northern nations, excepting those ages, wherein their Pharaoh's, Piolemyes', and Sultan's (Rebels to the Emperor,) ruled over them. And for the most part Southern men have had the fortune to serve others, and no doubt slavery is no badge of good fortune. If they object the old saying, that all ill comes from the North, it is true that Northern men have commonly conquered the South, and so they bring ill to others, rather than have it themselves, and ill may be said to come from the North, rather than to be in the North. But if they judge the South happy, because it first had the knowledge of God's word, the Art Military, learning, policy, civility, and Empires. Some are of opinion that these, and all good or ill things, are circularly carried through the world, and communicated to all Nations at divers times. And (perhaps) justus Lipsius, in our age, observing this, by the reading of Histories, did thereupon prophecy of an Empire from the West, as if the Spaniards with their West-Indians, should have the Empireo the World, and all good things that follow it, which hope of theirs, though formerly feared our age hath broken. I undertake not to know future things, as he did, but for the old Writers opinion, this I know that the above named fortunate things, came from the East, rather than the South: And if they will needs have them to come from the South, yet as it first had them, so it first lost them, neither is it so great happiness to have had any good, as it is misery to have lost it: so as the South may be said to have been fortunate of old, but to be miserable now, and the North now enjoying these things to be fortunate for the present, yet not to have been miserable of old in the want of them, which then they knew not, and so never desired them: For as the Poet saith; Ignoti nulla Cupido: Unknown, undesired.  
Lastly, old Writers affirm, that few or no Devils are in the South, by reason of the plentiful light, which was thought to drive them away, and the subtleness of the 
Devils, and the possessed with devils.  Air, which could not bear them, and that whole Armies of Devils and Witches were in the North. They are very tender hearted to the Devils tormented with fire, in giving them the cold North to in habit: yet of old, they say the gate of hell was at the Lake of Avernus, in the territory of Naples: Have the Roman Bishops possessed this gate with their squadrons, so as Northern men can no more pass that way? Hath wickedness increased? or are they more unkind to us then the Heathen Romans, that now in the age of the World they force Northern men to find out a new gate at the Mountain Heela in Iseland? But to speak seriously: The Platonists, and some of the Christian Fathers following them, do give bodies both to good and ill Angels. Aristotle and his Peripatetikes, and our Schoolmen following them, hold that Angels are simple and abstract intelligences, and substances altogether without bodies Zanchius comparing all their arguments, concludes, that Angels may take bodies, and are not in many places at once, but in one place, and move with these bodies as swiftly as the winds, so as nothing can hinder their motion, being made in time unperceiveable by us. By which it may be gathered, that their substances, not taking any body, are so subtle, as they need not to be sustained by the Air: And if they imagine that Airy Devils are sustained by thick Air, yet watery and earthy Devils, (for such bodies they also give them), are not hindered by any subtleness of Air, to compass the Earth. If Southern men have such store of light as they write, let me merrily ask them, why the Southern, as well Papists, as Turks burn so many candles by daylight, which Northern men use not in these days, nor ever used, but as received from them: but I grant that the light of the Gospel, (not any other light), drives away Devils, since the Devil is the Prince of this World, but not of the Cstildrens of light: And the want of the Gospel's light makes so many Witches in Lapland upon the Baltike Sea, which are most rare in England, (so far in the North, as the old Romans said they were divided from the World). Before the preaching of the Gospel, the druids in France, the Heathen Priests pronouncing Oracles, and the Germane women foretelling things to come, were as I think witches, but all these witchcrafts ceased after the coming of Christ. For Witches and Conjurers, I will not deny them to be here in the North, as in all the World; for the Devil is every where ready to devour his prey: but profane Histories, and even the Holy Scriptures witness that the Egyptians and Chaldeans, were of old most famous Sorcerers: yea, the very Northern Women, which go about and tell fortunes, are for the reputation of their Art called Gypses, and have their faces tanned, that they may seem to be Surtherne Women, (which sort are in Italy called 〈◊〉). In Tripoli of Syria, at Haleppo, and in the Cities of Cilicia, they show places at this day, where frogs and the very sand are enchanted, with pillars erected over the places, lest they should grow  

Italians love a fearful wench, that often flies from Venus' sport.  
To her that at the drinking bench challengeth love, the Dutch resort.   
In love the Germans are said to be ambitious, the French light, the Spaniards impatient, the Italians jealous to their great torment.  
The Germans gesture or behaviour is said to be Fencerlike, the Frenchman's soft and gentle the Italians grave, the Spaniards proud.  
The Germane is said to walk like a dunghill cock, the French in haste speedily, the Italians somewhat slowly, the Spaniards disdainfully.  
The Germans look or countenance is said to be fierce, the French man's flattering, the Italians constant, the Spaniards lofty.  
The Germans speech is said to be manly, the Frenchman's sweet and fluent, the Italians winning the Auditors, the Spaniards flexible.  
The Germans manners are said to be rustical, the Frenchman's light, the Italians gracious, the Spaniards magnifical.  
The Germans apparel is said to be constant without any curiosity, the Frenchman's luxurious and careless, the Italians neat, the Spaniards decent, (me thinks their hose and ruffs are nothing less than comely.)  
For singing Art, the Germans are said to howl, the Flemings to sing, the Spaniards to sob, the French to deskant, the Italians to bleat. Or otherwise: The Italians to lament, the Germans to cry, the French to sing: or otherwise. The Spaniards weep, the Italians sigh, the English bleat like Goats, the Germans bellow, the French sing.  
In speech the Germans are said to be simple, the French ready, the Italians subtle, the Spaniards bragging.  
Towards strangers the Germans are said to be unhospitall (I think otherwise), the French Gentle, the Spaniards flattering, the Italians officious (no doubt, if you respect outward Offices)  
In conversation the Germans are said to be imperious and intolerable (I should say they are peaceable when they are sober, and diversly affected according to their several natures, when they are drunken), the French mild (I would rather say trifling and ceremonious), the Spaniards wary, the Italians wise.  
In hatred the Germans are said to be revengeful (I should grant that they be cruel upon Victory), the French threatening (sure they depose hatred when the blood is cold), the Spaniards obstinate, the Italians secret (no doubt, and both they and the Spaniards great revengers upon any unequal terms.)  
In business, the Germans are said to be industrious, the French careful, the Spaniards vigilant, the Italians circumspect.  
The Germans are said to be singular in manual Arts, the French in Civility, the Spaniards in Navigation, Italians in Learning. But with favour, I should think the Italians were of old more famous for learning, then now they are. And howsoever the Spaniards had the fortune to find out the new world, yet they must yield to the Britain's and Flemings in the Art, or at least the practice of Navigation.  
The Italians and Spaniards are said to be wise before the act, the French in the act, th' Germans after the act. Otherwise it is said in the Italian tongue: I Spanuoli paieno savij e sono pazzi: I Francesi paieno pazzi e sono saveij, l'italianis paieno e sono savij: I Perrtughesi we paieno ue sono savij: that is, The Spaniards seem wise and are fools. The French seem fools, but are wise. The Italians seem and are wife. The Portugals neither seem nor are wise.  
In France the King's Treasurers, in England Dukes, are said to be fatally miserable.  
The Germans are said to invade their enemy's land like lice (that is slowly), the French like Fleaes, (now biting, now driven away), the Spaniards like Crablise (sticking fast.)  
The Italian women are said to be given to the study of humanity, the French to the learning of languages, the Flemings especially to the skill of languages, the Germans to household affairs.  
In apparel the Italian women are said to be neat and grave (only the Venetians show their necks and breasts naked) the French light & variable, the Spaniards proud, the Germans foolish (perhaps because they wear extreme strait sleeves on their arms, and guard one and the same gown with many and divers coloured guards), the Flemings fine (no doubt they, and especially the Brabanders, excel for white and fine linen, and for general comeliness of their garments.)  
The Italian women are said to be sharp witted, the Spanish blunt (I should hardly think it), the French simple (I should rather say most crafty, as most women are every where), the Germans good mothers of family (yea exceeding good.)  
The Spanish women are said to be painted, the Italians somewhat less painted, the French seldom painted, and sometimes the German Virgins (never that I observed, except those of Prussen have perhaps borrowed this vice of the Moscovites their neighbours.)  
She is said to be a fair woman, that hath the face of an English woman, the body (from the neck to the navel) of the French, the other parts of the Flemish. To this purpose are the verses in Latin;  

Triginta haec habeat quae vult formosa vocari  
Foemina: sic Helenam fama fuisse refert, etc.  
She must have thirty things that fair is counted,  
In which they say fair Helena surmounted, etc.   
the rest I omit for the wantonness of them.  
The Italians say in their tongue; quest cose sirichiedono nel'viandante, l'occhio di 
Proverbial speeches of travelers in general.  Falcone (per veder' lontany), l'orcechie d' Asino (per vdir' bone), il viso di simia (per essere pronto all riso), lafoy hocea di porcello (per mangiared ' ogni cosa), le Spalle di Camelo (per portar' some conpatienza) le gambe di Ceruo (per fuggir ' pericolo) eun ' sacchone pien' pieno di danari (perch chi ha danari, signore e chiamato.) That is in English; These things are required in a traveler, the eye of a Hawk (to see far off), the ears of an Asle (to hear the least whispering), the face of an Ape (to be ready to laugh in soothing), the mouth of a Hog (to eat whatsoever is set before him), the back of a Camel (to bear burdens patiently), the leg of a Hart (to fly from danger) a huge great purse top full of gold (because he that hath money, is called Lord) We in England vulgarly say, that a traveler to Rome must have the back of an Ass, the belly of a Hog, and a conscience as broad as the King's high way.  
The Italians say,  

Cinque hore dorme vn' viandante,  
Set vn' studiante, nove ogni furfante.  
A traveler five hours doth crave  
For sleep, a Student seven will have,  
And nine sleeps every idle knave.   
The Italians advise a traveler: Ch' il suo cavallo sia governato d'amico, macavalcato danemico: That he should meat and dress his horse like a friend, but ride him like an enemy.  
The Italian travelers say, Da l'hoste nuovo, & da la putana vecchia Die ciguarda: From a new host, and an old Harlot, God deliver us.  
Of the Cities in Germany, they say in the vulgar tongue: ulm die reichest, Augspurg 
Proverbial speeches in particular of Germany, Bohemia, and Sweitzerland.  die hoffertigest, Trier die eltest, Nurnberg die Witzigest, Strasburg die edlest. That is: Vlms the richest, Augsburg the proudest, Trier the eldest, Nurnberg the wittiest, Strasburg the noblest.  
That all Germany is blind, only Nurnberg hath one eye.  
Of the Bishoprics upon the Rhine. That Chur is the highest (because it is seated upon the highest Alps, near the Spring head of the Rhine), Costnetz the amplest. Basil the sweetest or pleasantest, Strasburg the noblest (because no man is a Canon of that Church, which is not an Earl or a Baron of seventeen descents) Spire the most religious, Metz the most venerable (as the chief among the Electors Clergymen), Colen the richest, Trier the most ancient.  
The Italian Courtesans say, that a German makes love like a Clown, doth that work like an Ass, and pays like a Prince: which the Germans also say in the same words of their vulgar tongue; Eine Deutscher bulet wie ein bawer fúchst wie ein esel, vnd bezalt wie-ein fúrst.  
The Germans say, that Suenia alone hath whores, Franconia robbers and beggars, Banaria pilfering thieves, Helvetia hangmen and Bawds, Frasia and Westphalia perjured persons, and Saxony drunkards, more than enough to serve all long and broad Germany.  
That the Students of Gena ply the Cittern, those of wittenberg the pot, and those of Leipzig the playing at Cards.  
That the Citizens of Lubeck are Lords, those of Luneburg Gentlemen, those of Hamburg Clowns, and of the Hamburgers these verses are vulgar,  

Hamburgenses sunt velu: erses, semper acuti,  
Praelta poscunt, nec bene noscunt ensibus uti.  
Hamburgers be, like swords we see, sharp to dandle,  
Have wars they will, yet have not skill, swords to handle.   
That Westphalians devour gammons of bacon, and have poor Inns (vulgarly arm wirish iusen), brown bread (vulgarly crank broat, that is, sick broad), thin drink (vulgarly din bier) & long miles (vulgarly langhen meylen.) And to this Proverbial speech is added in the vulgar tongue; gloubst du night, lauss da, zu beschawen: that is, If thou believest not, walk thither to try it.  
Of Hessen Land they have this vulgar rhyme.  

Hohe berg, vnd less thall, grobe speisse uberall.  
Hart bet, vnd sawre wein, were wilt ihm land zu hessen sein.  
High Mounts, and Valleys deep, with gross meats all annoide:  
Sour wine, hard beds for sleep: who would not Hessen land avoid?   
The Silesians in reproach are called Esellfrasser, that is, devourers of Asses, and the Silesians She Ass, is called the mother of Hares. And if any Germane will put the Aise upon another cunningly, he will say, that the other was never in Stlesia.  
The Sweitzers are by the Germans in reproach called 〈◊〉, that is, Cow milkers, because the men use to milk cows.  
Bohemia I passed with speed, and was unskilful in the language, so as I never observed any proverbial speech among them of this kind, neither hath it been my chance since that time to read any such speeches in approved Authors.  
Among the Cities of netherlands, Harlam is called great (though at that time the 
Proverbial speeches of netherlands or the Low-Countries.  designed building of Amsterdam made it much greater in circuit.) Leyden is called fair, Delft rich, Terg Catholic. Those of Bruxelles are called devourers of Pullin, or Capon-eacers, the Hollanders rude (vulgarly plump) and the Netherlanders in general hasen kopen, that is, Hare-heads, and because they feed much on butter, they are called butter mouths, and because daily passing to and fro in ships, they use for avoiding of greater expenses in Inns, to carry with them boxes of butter, they are also called butter-boxes by the English.  
As I passed hastily through Denmark and Poland, being ignorent in the languages, 
Of Denmark and Poland.  I did never hear any such Proverbial speeches among them, neither had I ever the hap to find any such in approved Authors.  
Touching the Cities of Italy, it is proverbially said among them. Romala santa, Paduoa 
Proverbial speeches of Italy.  lafoy dotta, venetia la ricca, fiorenza la bella, Milano la grand, Bologna la grassa, 〈◊〉 l'antica, Napols' gentile, Genoria Superba. That is: Rome the holy, Paduoa the learned, Venice the rich, Florence the beautiful, Milan the great, Bologna the fat, Ravenna the ancient, Naples the Gentile, Geneve the proud.  
In general, the Italians are said to be mad twice in the year, at shrovetide (for their unspeakable luxury in meat, wantonness, and all pleasures), and in Lent (for the no less wonderful superstitions of that time) For speech the Hetrutians are said to be elegant, the Milanesi voluble, the Venetians slow, the Genoesi and Bergmaschi ridiculous. The Milanesi are said to excel in the study of the Civil Law, the Florentines in natural Philosophy, the Calabrians in the Greek tongue, the Neapolitans in the Hetrurian or Tuscan tongue, those of Lucca in Divinity. those of Bologna in the Mathematics, the Venetians in Music, those of Ferraria, Paduoa and Salernum in Physic, those of Sienna in Logic, those of Perusium in the Canon Law of the Popes, and those of Pania in Sophistry. They say, that the Merchants of Florence are crafty, those of Lucca covetous, the Venetians most bold (hazarding all in one ship), those of Milan honest (so as if they be put to it, they will confess, that the house they sell is infected with the plague.) The Calabrians are laid to be officious to strangers in hope of gain, the Neapolitans to love all that excel in any virtue, those of Lucca to reverence strangers, and to defend them from wrongs. The Florentines to be officious towards them without hope of gain, and to communicate their fortunes and counsels to them, if they stay long there. The Venetians to be officious in words. Those of Padnoa to be in hospital, and likewise those of Genoa, even towards those who have deserved well of them. The Bergomaschi to be so inhuman as to hate strangers. The Milanesi to be officious towards them, even to their own damage. Those of Parma to be tourtous, but within short time to be weary of them. And those of Ferraria to be secret towards a stranger, though they have eaten a bushel of Salt with him. The Milanesi are said to be little jealous, and to hate fat women. The Mantuans to love women that can dance. The Florentines to love a modest woman, and one that loves home. The Neapolitans to love a stately highminded woman. Those of Lucca are said to love constantly, the Venetians contrarily, and to desire fat women with great dugs, but to love without choice, and to force them if others have enjoyed. The Ferrarians to hate their rival. Those of Sienna to be rapt with fair faces. Those of Perusium to love them white teeth and grey eyes. Those of Padona to love women with little breasts, which makes their women use the juice of Plantain to keep them from growing. Those of Genoa to love fervently, & to desire fat women, to be temperate in the use of them, and to hate those that smell of perfumes. Those of Piacenza to be jealous, and once offended, to practise the murder of their Mistress and rival. Those of Cremona to love one skilful in musical Instruments. Those of Ravenna one ruled at a beck. The Pisanes a plain dealing open hearted wench. Those of Crotona to think themselves never beloved enough, and to kill themselves if they cannot enjoy their love. Those of Pistoia seldom be jealous, but to hate the very wife of him that is of another faction. And those of Viterbo when their lust is satisfied, to set their Mistress to sale for profit. The Neapolitans are said to wooc by Horsemanship and tilting. Those of Milan with feasts, and by slandering the women that refuse them. Those of Ferraria by praises. Those of Mantuoa by masks or dancing. Those of Perusium by threatening. The Venetians by boasting and magnificence. Those of Bologna by gifts. The Florentines by Sonnets. Those of Sienna by feigned tears. Those of Lucca by obstinate loving. Those of Verona by obsequiousness. The Romans and Aretine's by witty jests. In diet, the Neapolitans are said to be gorgeous or honourable (spending more sugar than bread). The Florentines sparing, but wonderful cleanly. Those of Lucca (therein as in all things) to keep the golden mean. The Tyberine pears, and Martiolane cheeses, are accounted dainties. Those of Genoa to be of a most slender diet, and no cleanliness. The Mantuans to feed on base pease. Those of Ferraria to be in hospital. Those of Paduoa to sup with an halfpenny worth of fish. The Venetians to spend little for meat. Those of Sienna to keep an honourable diet, and to hold Kid's flesh, and fresh Cheeses for great dainties. Those of Milan to have a plentiful diet, and to invite appetite with sharp things. The Novocomians to eat without end, and drink stoutly Those of Piedmont to eat after the French manner, and those of Ancona to live most basely for their diet. The women of Lucca are accounted honest, and skilful in Cookery. Those of Sienna fair and well affected to Poets. The Florentines delicate, and good at the needle, and matters of the Family. The Pistoians deceivers. The Perusians delicately handed, and delighting much in fishing. The Novocomians to bless their husbands with the Ram's horn. The Romans to seem religious. The Cayetans to be painted & lustful. The Capuans proud, & excellent in nothing. The Neapolitans delighted in flocks of maid servants & lovers. The Beneventants to be of rude beauty. The Picenes desirous to be observed by their husbands. The Bononians to be somewhat brown coloured with a body full of juice, and loving sighs and tears of their suitors. The Ferrarians robbers of those they love. Those of Vrbino seeming of a rude nature, but none being more gentle. Those of Parma covetous and hard. Those of Piedmont ever begging. Those of Genoa lecherous, talkative, fair, bountiful to their Lovers, and always adorned with sweet flowers. Those of Sienna (liseiate fin'alla fossa), painted to the very grave. The Venetians of a variable disposition, very jealous, and some of them giving the use of their bodies freely without reward (but I should think there be few such, for they pleasantly scoft'at our English women, that they give the fruit of love to their lovers for charity (vulgarly per amor' di Dio, as they give alms to beggars) and affecting to have yellow hair, white skins, and cherry cheeks, all by art, and to have short legs. And of the Venetian most famous Courtesans, it is proverbially said, Son grass di stracci, bianche di calcina, rose di belito alte di zoccole: They are fat with clouts, white with chalk, red with painting, and high with shoes. In general it is said of the Italian women: Sono gazze ale port, Sante in Chiesa, capren'i giardini, Diavoli in casa, Angeli instrada, Siren alla fenestra. They are Magpyes at the door, Saints in the Church, Goats in the garden; Devils in the house, Angels in the street, and Sirens at the window. Of Rome this verse is proverbial.  

Particularly of the Italian Cities.  La corte Romana non vnol' pecora senza lana, Curia Romana non quaerit ovem sine lana:  
The Court of Rome cannot abide, To have a sheep with a shorn hide.  
The old Romans by these letters, S. P. Q. R. did signify Senatum Populum Que Romanum), the Senate and people of Rome, and they being graven upon the gates of the City, one did pleasantly thus interpret them: Stultus Populus Quarit Romans: That is; Foolish people seek Rome. These verses also are proverbial.  

Roma vale, vidi, satis est 〈◊〉; revertar,  
Cum Leno, Macus, scurra, Cynedus ere,  
Rome farewell, I have thee seen, well for me,  
And then I will return again to thee.  
When Lecher, jester, Ingle, Bawdelle be.   
Of Genoa it is said Mar' senza 〈◊〉, montagne senza legni, huomini senza fede, Donne senza vergogna, Mortbianchi, Genoa superba. That is: The sea without fish, Mountains without wood, Men without faith, Women without shame, white Mores, Genoa the proud. Sienna is said to abound with Fountains, Towers, and fair women: And they say in the vulgar tongue; Sienna di sei cose piena: Di Torre e di campane, di scolarie di putane, di becchie di Russiani. Sienna is full of six things, Towers and Bells, Scholars and Whores, Cuckolds and Bawds. They of Sienna have a Proverb: That a stranger once drinking of the Fountain Brando, must needs stay there (as surprised with the love of the City). But the Florentines in their reproach say;  

Chi beve di font Brando, diventamatto.  
Who of the Fountain Brando drinks, becomes a Foole.   
The Florentines are said stoutly to revenge the breach of Faith, and to be mindful of benefits, to have Arms of Iron (for their industry), and the bodies of Ants, (for their spare dict). It is vulgarly said of them: Chi disse Fiorentino, non disse burla, che ditre cose ti fanno dovitia. A Die, A Revederci, vuoitu nulla? He that spoke of the Florentine; said well, that they give plenty of three things: God keep you, Health till we meet again; Will you any thing with me? It is vulgarly said: I Bergomaschi hanno il parlar' gross, & ill far' sottile: Those of Bergame are gross in speech, but subtle in action. Again, Il bianco & ill nero (cioe pepe & cottone) hanno fatto venetiaricca. Black and white, (that is, Pepper and Bombast), have made Venice rich. Again, Il Podesta di Senigallia, comanda, e poifa. The Mayor of Senigallia, commands, and then doth it himself. In reproach of Modena it is vulgarly said: Mener l' Orsia Modena. To lead Bears at Modena. Again, Dala Marca Asinie Pedantifamosi. The Marchians have famous Asses and Schoolmasters: And they say vulgarly that a great lie is, Bugia Marchiana, that is, a Marchian lie. As I hastily passed the vast Empire of the Turks, 
Of Turkey.  and being ignorant of the vulgar languages, I never heard any such Proverb, neither think that the unlearued Turks trouble their brains with these laconical sentences. Only among the Italians I heard this Proverb in their tongue. In Cipro tree cose a buon' Mercato si danno, il Sale, il Zuccaro, e le putane. In Cyprus three things are good cheap, Salt, Sugar, and Whores. In France they say proverbially: Qui feit Picard, il feit la hart (dit le Norman): Pour pendre le Norman ' Covard (dit le Picard) who made a Picard, made a rope (saith the Norman): 
Of France.  To hang the coward Norman (saith the Picard.)  
Again, Qui feit Francois, ilseit curtois: Qui feit Breton'il feit larron. He that made a Frenchman, made a courteous man; He that made a Britain, made a thief.  
The French in reproach to the Normans, salute them with this counterfeit or made word; Fla-va-gou-la-men, as if they should call him, Flateur, vanteur, goula, larron, Menteur, that is, flatterer, bragger, glutton, thief, liar.  
They vulgarly say, Gascon testeverte: Gascon green head, as rash in anger: Bourguignon Sale: The salted Burgundian, which reproach grew, of a strange cruelty used by the Citizens of Aiguesmortes, against a garrison of Burgundians, who in the Reign of Charles the seventh, and in the year 1422, by a sudden conspiracy cast out and killed the Burgundians lying there in garrison, and salted their dead bodies in a vessel of stone, which they show to this day.  
They name three jurisdictions or commonalties, which it seems of old had foolish and great privileges; Lafoy Basoche de Paris: Les Cornards' de Roven: Lafoy Mere Folle de Dijon.  
Of the Cities they say; Paris la grand (the Great) Roven lafoy rich (the Rich) Orleans lafoy bell (the Fair) Dijon lafoy Folle (the Foolish). Angers, base ville, hauts clochers, riches, putaines, pounres Escoliers: Low City, high Steeples, rich Whores, poor Scholars.  
They say vulgarly, Les Badauts, (the Fools, or as we say Cockneys) di Paris: Les Cornards' (the foresaid society of horned) Diego Roven. Les Gue spins, (the word hath some reference to Vespae, a Latin word, signifying those that carry dead bodies to be buried by night, but the French can hardly give a true signification of it) d'Orleans. Les Copienx, (the copious, for their art in jesting), the flesh. Les fanx tosmoing (the false witnesses), quatorze pour vn'fromage (fourteen for a Cheese), du Manz: 〈◊〉 (the novices or simple men), the Solongne, qui s'abusent toussiours a leur profit, (which are abused always to their own profit, as if under colour of simplicity, they were most crafty).  
Of three Cities of champaign: Les Graniers, (the Garners as full of Corn), the Challons. Les Caves, (the Cellars as full of wine), the Reims. Les Bourses, (the Purses as full of money), the Troyes.  
They say vulgarly, Ily a blue de Monmartre a Paris, que de Paris a Monmartre. This speech Ily a is ambiguous or of divers significations: vulgarly it should be thus understood. It is further from Monmartre to Paris, then from Paris to Monmartre: but in this place it is thus meant. There is more of Monmartre within Paris, then of Paris upon Monmartre; because almost all the Houses of Paris are plastered over, and the matter of this plaster is daily brought into Paris from Monmartre.  
Also A Monmartre Ily a plus de Putains, que de vaches: Mais ostes en les Nonnains, Ily aura plus de vaches que de Putains. At Monmartre there be more Whores than Cows: But take away the Nuns, and there will be more Cows than Whores. Also, Fromages (Cheeses) d' Awergne. Angelot's (a kind of Cheese) the Brie. Andovilles (entrails or tripes) the Troy. Saveisses (Sausages) du Pont l'Euesque. Chapons (Capons) du Mans. mustard (Mustard) the Dijon, Pruneaux (Prunes) the Tours. Matrons (great Chestnuts) de Lyon. Pain d'espice (Spiced Bread) the Reims. Raves (rape roots) the Limosin. Pesches (Peaches) the Corheil. pain (Bread) the Genesse.  
The Italiaus say, that the manner of the French, is; Di non dire quando vogliono fare, di non legger' come Scrivotio, e di non santare come notano. Not to speak that they will do, not to read as they write, not to sing as they prick.  
England in general is said to be the Hell of Horses, the Purgatory of Servants, and 
England.  the Paradise of Women.  
The Londoners pronounce woe to him, that buys a Horse in Smythfield, that takes a Servant in Pauls-Church, that marries a Wife out of Westminster. Londoners, and all within the sound of Bow-Bell, are in reproach called Cockneys, and eaters of buttered tostes. The Kentish men of old were said to have ray les, because trafficking in the Low-Countries, they never paid full payments of what they did owe, but still left some part unpaid. Essex men are called calves, (because they abound there), Lancashire egge-pies, and to be won by an Apple with a red side. Norsorlke wiles (for crafty litigiousnes): Essex styles, (so many as make walking tedious), Kentish miles (of the length.) Northumberland men (exercised in roads upon the Scots) are accounted best light Horsemen. Cornish men best Horse riders and Wrestlers, and most active men. Lincolnshire Bells and Bag pipes, Devonshire Whitepots, Tewksbery Mustard, Banberry Cakes, Kings-Norten Cheese, Sheffeld knives, Derby Ale, are proverbially spoken of.  
I hastily passed through part of Scotland bordering upon England, and had no skill 
Poland and Ireland.  in the Irish tongue, so as I observed no such Proverbs in those Kingdoms.    

The second Book.  

CHAP. I. Of the fit means to travel, and to hire Coaches and Horses.  
HEreof I must entreat briefly, and howsoever the subject be large, yet I will compendiously restrain this my discourse, 
Germany and Sweitzerland and Boemerland  praying him that desireth more plain instruction in any particular, to read the following discourse in this third Part of these Nation's diet in general, and expenses in their Inns, as also to gather particular observations for his use out of my daily journeys, related in the first Part.  
The greatest part of Germany is a plain Country, with few Hills, and almost no Mountains, but it is full of vast Woods, and the soil is either sandy, or for the most part dry, and little subject to dirt, so as they use commonly Coaches for their journeys, which are easily to be found in any City, neither shall a passenger long stay for companions to fill up the Coach, so as by this constant manner of traveling, he shall not be put to any extraordinary charge. From Hamburg to Nurnberg, being nine days journey. I remember that six of us in company, hired a coach for fifty collars. That five of us for two days journeys paid five collars. That four of us for three days journey paid seven collars for our Coach. But in our journey from Hamburg to Nurnberg we paid for our Coachman's diet, himself paying for his horse's meat, whereas in the other journeys he paid also for his own diet. The ordinary Coaches hold six consorts, but those of Nurnberg receive eight, bearing two in each boot on the sides. But if companions be not readily found to fill the Coach, the passengers shall do better in going forward with such company as they have, and the Coachmen will rather go for less than stay in the Inn, and spend more in expecting the full number. The top of the Coaches is made with round hoops (covered with leather, or for the most part with black cloth) which are buckled together in the midst when it rains, or the weather is cold, for otherwise the hoops fastened with staples of Iron to the body of the coach, fall backward to the ends, so as the passengers may sit in the open air. In lower Germany a passenger commonly pays about four Lubeck shillings for each meal. In middle Germany he shall pay about four Batzen. And in higher Germany he shall pay about six or seven batzen each meal, and all passengers sit at one common table. At the foot of the Alps, where the fall of waters make the ways dirty, they use to ride on horseback. Sweitzerland consists of hills and Mountains, so as they likewise travel on horseback. And there the passenger shall commonly pay some five or six batzen each meal.  
The horses in both places are to be hired for six or seven batzen by the day, but the travelers expense is doubled, by paying as much for the days in which the Horse returns empty: Besides, that he must hire a Footman to bring back his Horse, and must also bear his charges by the way, which greatly increaseth his expense in these Country's yielding wine, the Footmen being as good or better duakers than the Horsemen. In upper Germany a Horseman shall pay daily about thirty Creitzers for Oats, and about six for Hey. In lower Germany about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shillings for Oats, and almost the foresaid value for Hey.  
This I write more particularly, because he that travels for Italy, cannot take a more frugal course, then to buy a Horse in Germany, which he may sell for gain in 〈◊〉, especially if he sell him by the way, being within few days of his journeys end, whence he may pass by hired Coach or Horse to Padova: For it he bring his Horse thither, those that are to buy him, are such crafty knaves, and will so conspire together against him, as he shall be forced to sell his Horse under hand, being made weary with the great charge of his meat: but this frugalty hath some difficulties if the passenger have no skill in the tongue, (in which case he must hire an Interpreter), and if he have not Horsemen to accompany him, because they pass alloy Coaches, yet if this Horseman will follow the Coach, he may with a small gift induce the Coachman, to teach him the means to provide for his Horse: but this 〈◊〉 is taken away; when he once comes as high as Nurnberg, to which place it is more easy, though dearer, to pass by Coach.  
It is a matter of small moment, yet not unfit to be observed, that the 〈◊〉 Coach men of Germany, have this custom, that the Coaches coming down from the upper parts, give the way to those that come up.  
All Men speak strange things of the Alps, and such as will hardly be believed by 
The Alps.  those, that have not seen them. The way from Vienna to Padova is plain, yet lying between high Mountains, and fetching many compasses, so as it is sit for Horsemen, but I passed that way in the company of a Coach, which went slowly in the slony ways, and was hardly by force of men's shoulders kept from failing. The way from Augsburg to Padova is like this, and of both thoseiourneys I have spoken at large in the first Part. Myself weary of expecting companions and violently carried with the desire to return into my Country, did all a one, without any one in my company, (which I think few or none ever did), pass over the Alps, from Bergame to Chur, save that sometimes I hired a Footman to run by my Horse, and to guide me for a mile or two. In this journey through the Grisones Country, I sometimes (not without horror) ascended very steep passages of Mountains, lying with my face on my Horse's neck, whose bridle I left free to him, holding myself with one hand on his main, and the other on the saddle. Woe to me, if any Mares had then passed that way, at the sight whereof my Horse used to be so surious, as many times at strait passages, and steep falls of the Mountains into low valleys, I was forced to light from him, and on foot to hold his bridle; and yet sometimes he was so fierce, as he plunged out of the way up to the saddle skirts in snow, so as I could hardly recover him. The passages over the Alps towards Geneva and Saucy, especially the Mountains called Farca and Gothardo, are most dangerous of all others. The fittest times to pass the Alps, are the Winter months, when no snow is newly fallen. and the old snow is hard congealed, or else the months of sune, july, and August, when the snow near the high ways is altogether melted: For the middle months are very unfit, either by falling of new snow, or by melting of the old, neither can any man pass, before the Officers appointed to have care of the way, have opened the same. Myself passing over the more easy Alps, in the month of june, did often hear Mountains of melted snow fall into near Valleys, with as violent rushing, as if whole Cities had fallen by an Earthquake Over the Alps towards Geneva and Savoy, passengers are sometimes carried upon sledges, sometimes with gloves and shoes full of nails, they creep over them on hands and feet, and in both these kinds, their Guides ever warn them, to turn their eyes from beholding the steep falls of the Mountains into most deep Valleys. For sometimes it happens, that in a turning or winding way, the sledge whereon the passenger sits, is cast out of the way, and hangs down into a most deep valley, with the passengers head downwards and his heels upward. Woe be to him then, if he let his hold go, or the harness tying the sledge to the Horse should break: yea, very Mules and Asses, going most slowly, and so most firmly, yet sometimes fall into deep valleys, and so perish in the snow. Myself in my journey from Padona to Augsburg, being a less difficult passage, did see an Horse boggling at a casual noise, tumble half a mile into a valley, with his heavy load upon his back, yet have no harm, the snow being so congealed as it bore him up, so as his Master by a large circuit brought him safe again up to the rest of his Horses, on the Moutaines top.  
Bohemia is all plain, but often rising into low and fruitful hills, so as there (as in Germany) they journey most in Coaches. A passenger in this Kingdom shall pay some five Bohemian Grosh, or upon the Confines towards Nurnberg, some eightteene or twenty creitzers, for each meals meat: yet at Prage in most Inns, the Bohemians themselves use to diet by the meal, but upon account, the Hosts having little or nothing for diet in the House to sell, but buying most things without doors for the Guests.  
In the Low-Countries travelers pass most in long narrow Country Wagons, 
Low-Countries.  the sides thereof being like Racks for Horses, and across over them short and somewhat narrow boards, being fastened for Passengers to sit upon, two in a rank, so as they hold some eight or ten passengers; And they have goodly Mares to draw these Wagons, using their Horses for the troops in their Army, or exporting them (as sometimes their Mares also) to sell in foreign parts. I did never see the means of passage so ready in any place, as these Wagons here at all times are, before the door of the wagoners Inn nor consorts so readily found to all places, whereof the numbers are infinite passing both by Wagon and Boat: Neither did I ever see travelers pass at so easy rates, (I mean for their passages, not for the Inns), so they have not heavy luggage: For in that case, the Wagons being left and taken at the gates of the City, (as I think not to wear the brick pavements with their wheels), and the wagons being often changed in each days journey, this carriage to his Inn and from it so often, must needs be a great burden to his shoulders, or charge to his purse: The wagoners being commonly drunken, drive their Mares like mad men, yet without danger of turning over their Wagons, because the ways are most plain, fair, and sandy. From Delft to Hage, being two hours journey, with consorts I paid two stivers for my Wagon, and alone I paid seven. The way lies between ditches, and is plain and safe, the Country people continually repairing it: For otherwise the ways in this low watery soil, could not be so dry and sandy as they are. And because they cast up sand upon the passengers, some curious men use spectacles of glass to preserve their eyes.  
On all sides from City to City, they have ditches cut, upon which boats pass almost every hour to and fro, and give passage at a low rate, and the wind being fair, they bear sails, otherwise they are drawn by Horses or by Mariners, with a rope fastened upon a pole, set up in the hinder part of the boat, and the Mariners being commonly drunk, through their too much haste and negligence, it often happens, that the ropes wherewith the boats are drawn, catch hold on some posts and stakes by the way, or chance to be entangled with the horses or ropes of other boats, meeting them, and so overturn them in the water, with no small danger to the passengers The rates of passages by boat are divers, but ever small. Myself have passed three miles for four stivers, seven miles for six stivers, and fourteen miles (as from Amsterdam to Harlingen) for eight stivers. The Mariners use not to deceive strangers in the rates, neither can they easily do it, they being vulgarly known to every child. Every day and at a set hour, the Boats must go away with those passengers they have, and may not stay for more, and if at any time some few passengers, or any one alone, will pay the whole freight of the Boat, than they must without any delay transport those passengers or that one man. This I will illustrate with one example. A Bark must every day at a set hour set sails from Harlingen a City in Freesland to Amsterdam a City in Holland (and like are the customs of other Cities for mutual traffic), neither may the covetous Mariners stay one minute after the hour, and after it is never so little loosed from the strand, it may not come back to the shore, though never so many passengers should come suddenly, and desire to be received into it, but these new passengers must hire another bark, the price whereof is vulgarly known, and that being offered by them or any one passenger, the Mariners may 〈◊〉 to go presently away. Sometimes it happens, that one Bark receives so many passengers, as the owner gets ten Flemish guldens for one freight; for if great number of passengers comes before the appointed hour, that turns to the Mariners profit. But if one man alone, or few men, do after the appointed hour, offer to give five guldens for the said passage, they may not reruse presently to transport him or them. The like custom is kept in other Cities for small boats and short passages, namely, that ten comforts (which are most readthe found) shall pay each man three stivers for his passage; and if one or two being in haste will pay these thirty stivers, the boat without delay must carry him or them. I cannot deny, but these rates of hiring barks or boats are subject to change. For in the passage from Harlingen to Amsterdam myself paid eight stivers for my transporting, which of old was but five stivers a man. As likewise for small boats we then paid three stivers for a passage, which of old was but one blank. But in the mean time these increases are not raised by the Mariners covetousness after their pleasure, but by the public authority of the Magistrate in lawful and decent manner.  
In the public Inns a passenger pays some ten or fourteen stivers 〈◊〉: but if he drink wine, that will cost as much more, by reason of the great impositions upon the Wines. Besides that, the Flemings his consorts drinking beer stiffly, especially if they light upon English beer, and drink being put into the common reckoning of the company, a stranger shall pay for their intemperancy.  
The Danes have such and the same wagons, as the Flemings, which a man alone 
Denmark.  or few or more consorts may hire some four miles (being a short days journey), for 20 or, 24 Lubeck shillings, or about that rate, travelers use not to pass on horseback. The Coachmen pay for their own diet and their horse's meat. Myself commonly paid each meal for my diet six Lubeck shillings, reckoning three for beer apart, and in some places jointly for both four Lubeck (that is eight Danish shillings. Lastly, I was carried in a boat four miles by the Sea-coast for eight Lubeck shillings.  
Poland for the most part (or almost all) is a plain Country, fit for the passing of coaches, which may be hired in Cities, and a 〈◊〉 to those of Germany. From Dantzke to 
Poland.  Crakaw (being ten days journey) a coach may be hired for some 44 German guldens. Myself paid there for my part six guldens, leaving the Coach after four days journey, because the horses were tired. And for my diet two of those days upon our guides reckoning, my part came to two guldens, but I am sure he deceived us. In one City by the way, five of us paid 2 collars for one supper, but myself after passing alone, commonly dined in villages for 2 or 3 grosh, and supped for 4 or 6 grosh. They use to carry a bed in the Coach, and to sit upon it in the day time, for otherwise no beds are to be found, but only in great Cities, which are very rare. And they who will have wine, must also carry it with them, for it is not to be had but only in great Cities. Our Horses (as I said) being tired, we left our Coach, and by the King's letter or warrant granted to one of our company we took up horses, and that for small prices, namely, one or two Grosh for a Polish or Dutch mile: But the Polonians for the most part ride on horseback, and the most convenient and frugal course for passengers, is to buy horses and sell them in Italy after their journey, neither shall they want horsemen to bear them company from City to City: but he that is a horseman, cannot carry his bed, & so must have patience to rest upon a bench, till he shall find beds upon the confines of Germany. In the mean time his long horsmans' coat (which the Polonians & Hungarians generally use) may (with straw) make his logding more convenient, especially if it be lined with Wolves skins, or like furs, for the Winter time. Neither shall he need to fear any cold, since the Polonians use hot stoves (as the Germans have), and do also lodge all the family therein at night upon straw and benches. Horsemeate will cost some two or three grosh at noon, and some four or five grosh at night.  
In Italy they use few or no Coaches, but only in the State of Venice, where, from Treviso to Padova, being twelve miles, myself and my companions hired a Coach for eighteen Venetian lyres. For other parts of Italy, Traveliers for journeys use 
Italy.  horses or mares in Lombary, and otherwhere upon hilly Countries, and in the Plain towards Naples, they use Mules and Asses much more commonly, than Horses, and the same beasts in like sort are used for all carriages. Post-horses are to be hired in every City, and for one they commonly pay a silver crown, that is seven Venetian lyres, for ten miles. But I do not remember to have seen any use Post-horses as we do for galloping, the Italians using to ride a slow pace. And if any passenger think this rate dear, he may take a more frugal course, by enquiting after Post-horses of return, so called, because they must return home empty, if they find no passengers by chance to use them: for these horses may be had at a lower rate, and if the passenger find them not readily at every stage, it will not be unpleasant for him to walk on foot to the next stage, where or by the way he shall commonly find such horses, so as the want of consorts, or heavy baggage, make not his walking on foot unpleasant; for otherwise the fields and ways are most pleasant, and the Cities, Towns, or dwellings most frequent. But if he ride upon a post-horse of return, he must take heed that he light from his horse at the Towne-gate; for if he ride to the Inn, the Postmaster will force him to take a new Post-horse, or else to go away on foot, whereas if he come to the Inn either on foot, or upon an hackney, it is free for the horse-letters to furnish him and his company with hackney horses. These horse levers are called Vettarini, and let their horses at a lower rate, especially if the passenger have two or three consorts, and they will send a servant on foot to seed the horses by the way, and to bring them back, except their journey be short, as of one or two days, in which case they will let a horse to a passenger being alone, with caution that he shall meat him by the way, and at the journeys end leave him at the Inn which they appoint, without further cure of his meat or return. Yea, if the passenger would ride his horse beyond that Inn, the Host or his servants, knowing the horse, will stay him, and take the horse into their keeping. Also ordinary Carriers from City to City use to let horses, and lead passengers with them Myself hired a horse of return from Bologna to Rimini, being thirty five miles, for ten poali; from Sienna to Lucca, being forty five miles, a Vetturines horse, for fourteen poali, or giulij; from Lucca to Pisa, being run miles, for two giulii; from Pisa to 〈◊〉 being forty one miles, for apiastro, or silver crown; and from Milan to Cremona, being fifty two miles, a carriers horse, for five lyres besides horse-meat. He that hath his own horse, or a Vetturines horse left to his keeping (as I said for a short journey), shall pay for horse-meat after these rates. At Lucca in the State of Florence, he shall pay each night some twelve creitzers for oats, & eight creitzers for the stable (that is hay, straw and stable room) and at Vicenza and in the State of Venice, some eighteen soldi for Oats, and twenty soldi for the stable. The Italians ride upon most hard saddles, having commonly a leather cushian of their own to fasten upon the pummel of the saddle. Touching the charge of diet by the way, a passenger in the State of Venice shall have his supper and bed for forty soldi, and in the upper parts of Italy for three giulij, and he may dine conveniently for one giulio upon reckoning, or at most for a giulio and a half: but if he will eat at the ordinary, he shall pay three. Many agree with the Vetturine, not only for horses and horsemeate, but also for their own diet: but for my part, I would rather live at my own charge and discretion, then at theirs, excepting the journey from Rome to Naples, in which, for the great haste, especially at dinner times, & for the familiarity which the Vetturines have with the Hosts, all men use to agree with them, aswell for diet as for horses and horse meat, which if they should not do, they should spend more, & hardly be used so well In Italy the passenger must be content with a hard flock bed; for by reason of the heat of the Country, they use no feather beds: He shall have clean sheets, at least if he be curious to demand them: but because the beds are suspected for filthiness of the Venerean disease, passengers use to wear lumen breeches of their own. It is good to lodge in the best Inns, especially in Italy, for in them he shall be best used, and shall be most safe from dangers. For other particulars let the passenger read the more full handling of them, in my daily journeys through Italy, in the first Part, and the following Chapter of the Italian diet in this third Part.  
In the Turkish Empire they travel not, as we do, sometimes one man alone, sometimes two, three, or more consorts, at pleasure; but as thieves there go in troops to 
Turkey.  spoil, so Merchants for their security, join together till they have some two or three hundred Camels, loaded with goods, and a convenient number of men to attend them. And this Company is called vulgarly a Carravan, to which passengers join themselves, for their better safety. This Company, to avoid the heat of the Sun, useth to begin their journey in the evening, and to continue the same till two hours after Sunne-rise, resting all the day in Tents: And every man carries his own meat, or provides it by the way. Malem signifies one, that leads Merchant's goods, and Muccaro signifies him that looks to the beasts, and to the loading of them; and these Men let Camels, Horses, and Mules, to passengers, for the whole journey, at reasonable rates, and do wait upon the passengers to feed the bealts, and to load them, as also to buy and dress meat for the Men. Myself and my Brother Henry, in our journey from Tripoli in Syria to Haleppo, paid nine Pyastri for two Asses to ride upon, and for them meat; and for some tributes (vulgarly Cafars) of twenty Meidines or thereabouts, due by the way. And in our journey from Haleppo to Constantinople, we paid to our Muccaro bearing the charge of the beasts meat, seventy and one Pyastri, for a Horse and a Mule to ride upon, and for a Camel to carry our provisions, of Biscuit, Wine, Damask Prunes, and some such comfortable things: For we pitched our Tents near Villages or Cities, from whence we bought Eggs, Hens, and Rice, as we needed them, and sometimes had opportunity to supply that which we had consumed, of those provisions which we carried with us. One Camel will bear a passenger, and good store of necessary provisions with him, but the pace thereof is very hard, and shaketh the body of the Rider, the hinder parts of the Camel being higher than the fore parts. The Horses either go a foot pace, or gallop, but are not taught the paces of ambling or trotting: yet in regard that in these journeys the passenger goes slowly, following loaded Camels, their Horses are easy enough to ride upon. The Mules naturally have easy and slow paces, and are most commodious, especially for sick men. Besides these Caravans, a passenger may light upon other commodities of taking his journey, namely, when Bashaes' or other Turkish Governors are recalled from their governments, and return with their families to Constantinople. For these Magistrates are often changed in Turkey, and so these commodities of passage are frequent. Only the passenger must be commended to the protection of this Bassa or Governor, which upon a small present or gift he will easily undertake, and swear by his head, touching it (as their manner is to swear), that he will bring him safely to his iournyes end. And the passenger who together with this caution, hath a janizare to protect and guide him, shall need to fear no danger, so as he receive this janizare from an Ambassador, Consul, or Christian Merchant, who will ask account of the passengers safety from the janizare at his return.  
They have a third commodious way for journeys, in the company of a troup of Horse, (vulgarly called Cassenda), which often carries the Turks Treasure up to Constantinople. And not only the chief of this troup, upon a small gift, will protect any passenger, but also this course of all others is most commodious for journeys, because they ride a good pace, being not troubled with loaded Camels, and so come speedily unto their journeys end.  
The French seldom use Coaches for journeys, but at Paris he that will hire a Coach about the City, shall pay seven or eight rials by the day. Likewise at Paris, 
France.  very Notaries and ordinary men, hire horses and foot clothes to ride about the City, and they pay ten sou for the horse, and five for the foot-cloth by the day. But for journeys, the French have three sorts of horses; The first is of post-horses, let for a stage of some three miles, shorter or longer, for which a French man shall pay fifteen, perhaps a stranger twenty sou, and as much for a guide, besides some five sou of free-gift. The second sort are called Chevaux derelais, that is, horses to be left at a place. And for the hiring of these for a like distance of miles, a passenger pays some ten sou, and he needs no guide to bring back the horse, because he is to leave him in a place appointed at the end of the stage. But he may not ride these a false gallop, as they use to ride post-horses; for if he that receives the horse, can find either by the note delivered him, or by the swetting of the horse, that he hath ridden an extraordinary pace, he shall pay ten sou, the ordinary penalty for that wrong. The third sort are called Chevaux de lovage, that is, hired horses, and these a passenger may hire to what place he will for some fifteen or twenty sou by the day, for so many days till the horse may be sent back, and at the journeys end he delivers the horse with a note to some friend of the owner, and by the way he pays for his meat, some five sou at noon, and ten at night. I will add one example of my own experience. From Roan to deep are twelve or fourteen miles, to be ridden in some four hours, but the horses being weak, passengers use to bate at a Village called Totes in the half way; and howsoever before the civil war, a horse of hire for this short journey was let for ten sou, yet at the time when I passed that way, they demanded and took thirty sou, reckoning three days for the journey, and the sending back of the horse. He that hired this horse from Roan to deep, and back again to Roan, paid no more, so he returned within three days. But if his occasions were to make any stay at deep, or to sail from thence to England, or to journey from thence to any other place, than he paid the foresaid thirty sou, and left the horse with an host, still paying for his meat some eight or ten sou by the day, till he could be sent back. Yet passengers are so frequent there, as the host doth not only soon free the passenger of this charge for the horses meat, but easily gaineth himself some ten or more sou from him, that undertakes to carry the horse back to Roan. In general, the traveler must be content with hard saddles, and sometimes with a rope for a bridle, who hath them not of his own. The French in their Inns use to eat at an ordinary table together for the most part. In Totes the foresaid Village of Normandy before the great civil war, assoon as a traveler lighted from his horse, they brought him water to wash, and presently set bread and wine before him (for without some refection, the French have not patience to stay for supper.) Then at supper commonly they gave mutton, a capon or pullet and a partridge, or like meats, with some banqueting dishes (as apples, cherries, grapes in Summer, and chestnuts, rice; dried grapes and fruits in winter. Then they brought clean sheets to be aired before the passenger at the fire. Lastly, in the morning they gave him his breakfast (as buttered toasts, or some morsel of flesh), and for all this and his horsemeat, he was wont to pay no more than some 12 sou. As likewise for his dinner and horsemeat some 10 sou. But after the civil war, when I passed these parts, sometimes I paid 12, sometimes 15 sou for each meal, and for my horse-meat at noon five sou, at night ten sou; but an horseman paid nothing for his bed. And if any desired to break his fast, he paid for it apart, but a small matter. Neither at this time was there any ordinary Table (which they call Table de l'hoste, the Hosts table), for since Frenchmen use not to leave it where any such is, I should otherwise have seen it, beside, that they pay not apart for breakfasts, where Ordinary Tables are held, as we did in these Inns. The horseman hath his bed freely, the footman pays some three sou a night. In some places, as upon the confines of France towards Flanders, the Hosts only give Linen, bread and wine; and when the guests will eat, Cooks bring in trays of divers meats ready for dressing, and when the guests have chosen their meat, and agreed for the price, they carry it back, and after it is prepared, bring it in warm with sauces. Is the passenger have a horse of his own (which he may buy here to sell with good gain in Italy) he shall pay for his meat (as I said) five sou at noon, and some ten sou at night. The French have also long Wagons covered with cloth (such as our English Carriers use), wherein women, and such as can endure the slowness thereof, use to travel from City to City. Myself after I had been robbed in champaign, passed in such a Wagon from Challons to Paris, and paid two gold Crowns of the Sun for my passage. Always it is to be understood, that in most Kingdoms and places a stranger shall pay somewhat more, than one that is borne in the Country.  
In England towards the South, and in the West parts, and from London to Barnick, 
England  upon the confines of Scotland, Post-horses are established at every ten miles or thereabouts, which they ride a false gallop after some ten miles an hour sometimes, and that makes their hire the greater: for with a Commission from the chief Postmaster, or chief Lords of the Council (given either upon public business, or at least pretence thereof) a passenger shall pay two pence halfpenny each mile for his horse, and as much for his guide's horse: but one guide will serve the whole company, though many ride together, who may easily bring back the horses driving them before him, who know the way aswell as a beggar knows his dish. They which have no such Commission, pay three pence for each mile. This extraordinary charge of horses hire, may well be recompensed with the speed of the journey, whereby greater expenses in the Inns are avoided, all the difficulty is, to have a body able to endure the toil. For these 〈◊〉 the passenger is at no charge to give them meat, only at the ten miles' end the boy that carries them back, will expect some few pence in gift. Some Nobleman hath the Office of chief Postmaster, being a place of such account, as commonly he is one of the King's Counsel. And not only he, but other Lords of the Council, according to the qualities of their offices, use to give the foresaid Commission signed with their hands jointly or severally: but their hands are less regarded than the Postmasters, except they be favourites, and of the highest Offices, or the business be important. In the Inns men of inferior condition use to eat at the Hosts Table, and pay some six pence a meal: but Gentlemen have their chambers, and eat alone, except perhaps they have consorts and friends in their company, and of their acquaintance. If they be accompanied, perhaps their reckoning may commonly come to some two shillings a man, and one that eats alone in his own chamber with one or two servants attending him, perhaps upon reckoning may spend some five or six shillings for supper and breakfast But in the Northern parts, when I passed towards Scotland, Gentlemen themselves did not use to keep their chambers, but to eat at an ordinary table together, where they had great plenty of good meat, and especially of choice kinds of fish, and each man paid no more than six pence, and sometimes but four pence a meal. One horses meat will come to twelve pence, or eighteen pence the night for Hay, Oates and Straw, and in Summer time commonly they put the horses to grass, after the rate of three pence each horse, though some who ride long journeys, will either keep them in the Stable at hard meat as they do in Winter, or else give them a little Oats in the morning when they are brought up from grass. English passengers taking any journey, seldom dine, especially not in Winter, and withal ride long journeys. But there is no place in the World where passengers may so freely command as in the English Inns, and are attended for themselves and their horses as well as if they were at home, and perhaps better, each servant being ready at call, in hope of a small reward in the morning. Neither did I ever see Inns so well furnished with household stuff. Coaches are not to be hired any where but only at London; and howsoever England is for the most part plain, or consisting of little pleasant hills, yet the ways far from London are so dirty, as hired Coachmen do not ordinarily take any long journeys, but only for one or two days any way from London, the ways so far being sandy and very fair, and continually kept so by labour of hands. And for a days journey, a Coach with two horses used to be let for some ten shillings the day (or the way being short for some eight shillings, so as the passengers paid for the horses meat) or some fifteen shillings a day for three horses, the Coachman paying for his horse's meat. Sixty or seventy years ago, Coaches were very rare in England, but at this day pride is so far increased, at there be few Gentlemen of any account (I mean elder Brothers), who have not their Coaches, so as the streets of London are almost stopped up with them. Yea, they who only respect comeliness and profit, and are thought free from pride, yet have Coaches, because they find the keeping thereof more commodious and profirable, then of horses, since two or three Coach-porses will draw four or five persons, besides the commodity of carrying many necessaries in a Coach. For the most part Englishmen especially in long journeys, use to ride upon their own horses. But if any will hire a horse, at London they use to pay two shillings the first day, and twelve, or perhaps eighteen pence a day, for as many days as they keep him, till the horse be brought home to the owner, and the passenger must either bring him back, or pay for the sending of him, and find him meat both going and coming. In other parts of England a man may hire a horse for twelve pence the day, finding him meat, and bringing or sending him back; and if the journey be long, he may hire him at a convenient rate for a month or two. Likewise Carriers let horses from City to City, with caution that the passenger must lodge in their Inn, that they may look to the feeding of their horse, and so they will for some five or six days journey let him a horse, and find the horse meat themselves form so me twenty shillings. Lastly, these carriers have long covered Wagons, in which they carry passengers from City to City: but this kind of journeying is so tedious, by reason they must take wagon very early, and come very: late to their Inns, as none but women and people of inferior condition, or strangers (as Fleming's with their wives and servants) use to travel in this sort.  
In Ireland since the end of the Civil war, some Lords and Knights have brought 
Ireland.  in Coaches to Dublin, but they are not generally used, neither are there any to be hired, though the ways be most plain and generally good for Coaches. They ride for the most part upon their own horses, but they are also to be hired for some twelve pence, or eighteen pence the day, finding the horse's meat, which in the stable will cost some twelve pence each night, and at grass little or nothing. In every City there be some known houses, where an ordinary is kept for diet, and beds may be had, and the Ordinary is commonly twelve pence each meal. By the way in poor Hamlets, at this time of peace, there be English houses, where is good lodging and diet, and where no such are, passengers must go to the houses of Noblemen, Gentlemen, and Husbandmen English, and Irish-English, where they cannot want entertainment in some good measure, these inhabitants much loving hospitality, but all other houses are full of filth and barbarousness. But there are not any Inns in the very Cities, which hang out Bushes, or any Signs, only some Citizens are known, who will give stable and meat for horses, and keep a table where passengers eat at an ordinary, and some Citizens have cellars, wherein they draw wine, if not all the year, yet as long as their wine lasts: but they have no Taverns with ivy bushes or signs hung cut, save only some few at Dublin.  
In Scotland a horse may be hired for two shillings the first day, and eight pence the day until he be brought home, and the horse letters use to send a footman to bring 
Scotland  back the horse. They have no such Inns as be in England, but in all places some houses are known, where passengers may have meat and lodging: but they have no bushes or signs hung out, and for the horses, they are commonly set up in Stables in some out-lane, not in the same house were the passenger lies. And if any man be acquainted with a Townsman, he will go freely to his house, for most of them will entertain a stranger for his money. A horseman shall pay for Oats and Straw (for hay is rare in those parts) some eight pence day and night, and he shall pay no less in Summer for grass, whereof they have no great store. Himself at a common table shall pay about six pence for his supper or dinner, and shall have his bed freesand if he will eat alone in his chamber, he may have meat at a reasonable rate. Some twenty or thirty years ago the first use of Coaches came into Scotland, yet were they rare even at Edinburgh. At this day since the Kingdoms of England and Scotland were united, many Scots by the King's favour have been promoted both in dignity and estate, and the use of Coaches became more frequent, yet nothing so common as in England. But the use of Horse-litters hath been very ancient in Scotland, as in England, for sickly men and women of quality.   

CHAP. II. Of the sepulchres, Monuments, and Buildings in general; for I have spoken particularly of them in the first Part, writing of my daily journeys.  
AMong all the sepulchres that I have seen in Europe, or in Turkey, that in Westminster erected to Henry the seventh, 
sepulchres in general.  King of England of Copper metal, adorned with vulgar precious stones, is the fairest, especially considering the stately Chapel built over it. The next to that in my opinion is the Sepulchre at Winsore, made of the same metal curiously carved, at the charge of Cardinal Wolfye, had he not left it unperfected, so as none hath yet been buried under it. The next place I would give to the sepulchres of the Turkish Ottomans, whereof the fairest is the monument with the Mosche (or Chapel) built over it, for Sultan Solomon at Constantinople. The other monuments of the Sultan's are built more low, with a little round Mosche over them, all of the best Marble, the top being a round Globe of brass or lead, and for the better show, they are commonly set upon hills. The insides are round, and lightsome with windows, and in the very midst lies the Sultan, with his sons round about him, which (according to their custom) are strangled by the command of their eldest brother, assoon as the father is dead, and his Sultana is laid by his side when she dies. These are all laid in chests of Cypress, lifted up from the ground, with their Tulbents over their heads, which living they wore upon their heads, with some jewels at the crown. And these chests are compassed with a grate of iron, without which is a round Gallery or walking place, spread with Tapestry, upon which the Zantones or Priests that keep the Sepulchre, continually sit, as if the Sultan's would not be left alone without attendance when they were dead. I speak not of the Turks common sepulchres, which have no beauty, being in common fields, with three stones erected, at the head, the breast, and the feet. Neither did I see any other stately monuments erected to the Turkish Viziers and Bashaes'. In the next place is the monument of the Saxon Elector Mauritius, at Friburg in Germany (being of black Marble, three degrees high, with fair statues) and the monuments of English Noblemen in Westminster, and Saint Paul's Church at London (of greater magnificence and number, than I have seen any otherwhere.) In the next place are the sepulchres of the French Kings at Saint Dennys, near Paris, and of the Palatine at Heydelberg in Germany. I speak not of the Prince of Orange his Sepulchre at Delft in Holland, which is a poor monument, far unfit for so worthy a Prince, who deserved so well of the Low-Country men. But they have few or no stately monuments, nor almost any ordinary sepulchres erected to the dead. Of the same degree with the French Kings sepulchres, or rather to be preferred before the most of them, are the sepulchres of Italy, but they are of another kind. Some of them at Rome, and that of the King of Arragon at Naples, and some few other, are stately and beautiful. The rest are erected little from the ground, and sometimes Pyramidal, but the Altars built over them, are adorned with rare pictures, Porphery, Marble, and Lydian siones, and upon these Altars they sing Masses and prayers the dead lying under them.  
As I said that all the Turks, excepting the Sultan's or emperors are buried in the open fields, so I have seen in Germany some fields without the Cities, compassed with fair square walls of stone, wherein Citizens were buried. Of these the fairest is at Leipzig, the walls whereof are built with arched Cloisters, under which the chief Citizens are buried by families, the common sort only lying in the open part of the field, and at one corner of the wall there is a Terrace, covered above, but open on the two sides towards the field, and paved on the ground, wherein stands a Pulpit. This place is called Gotts acre, that is, that Acre or field of God. The like burying place I have seen at Geneva, without the walls of the City. At Pisa in Italy they have a public place of burial like in fashion to these, but within the walls of the City, and the building compassing it, is very stately, and much to be preferred before that of Leipzig. This place is called Campo santo, that is the holy field, either of the use, or because the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, returning from the holy Land, and taking that earth for ballast of his ships, did after lay the same in this place.  
The Exchange, or public place for the meeting of Merchants, and for the selling 
Public buildings for Merchants to meet.  of smaller or richer wares at London, being built of Freestone by Sir Thomas Gresham Knight and Merchant, is the most starely building in that kind that I have seen in Europe or Turkey. For that of Antwerp, in imitation whereof this is said to have been built, was never seen by me, and I have heard many prefer this before that. Ancona in Italy hath such a place, much less, but very beautiful, and that of Hamburg in Germany is much to be commended. That of Constantinople called Besensteine, is markable rather for the precious wares and jewels, then for the building, which is only of Brick, and therein also they sell captives for slaves.  
For public houses built for the meeting of the Senate, there be many in Germany 
Senate-houses.  which are very starely, and among them that of Hamburg seemed to me the fairest.  
The Germans, Low-countrimen and Sweitzers, have in each City public houses, 
Public places for recreation.  where the Citizens meet to walk, and for exercises, as shooting in the piece and Crossbow, and where they also drink and feast together. Those of Sweitzerland are less sumptuous for building, but much more pleasant, having trees, within the boughs whereof they have rooms or arbours built upon the bodies of the trees, whereof divers contain three or four Tables, besides that water is drawn up by pipes to the top of the tree, for washing of glasses, and like uses.  
Among the Stables of Princes, that of the Duke of Saxony at Dresden in Germany, is 
Stables.  the fairest of all other, and a rare building for that purpose.  
For Clocks, that of Strasburg in Germany is most artificial, and to be wondered at, and is much to be preferred before that of Lubeck, or any other in the 
Clocks.  World.  
In Italy there be many wonderful ruins of old theatres, water Conduits, and 
theatres and water Conduits.  like monuments in many places: but these ruins belong not properly to this discourse, and there be few like built of late. Only the water Counduit at Rome, newly built by Pope Sixtus Quintus, is a Kingly work. And the Theatre at Vicenza now standing and in use for Comedies, is fair and starely. The theatres at London in England for Stageplaies, are more remarkable for the number, and for the capacity, then for the building.  
The Bridge at London is worthily to be numbered among the miracles of the world, 
Bridges.  if men respect the building and foundation, laid artificially and stately over an ebbing and flowing water, upon 21 piles of stone, with 20 arches, under which Barks may pass, the lowest foundation being (as they say) packs of will, most durable against the force of the water, and not to be repaired, but upon great fall of the waters, and by artificial turning or stopping the recourse of them. Or if men respect the houses built upon the bridge, as great and high as those of the firm land, so as a man cannot know that he passeth a bridge, but would judge himself to be in the street, save that the houses on both sides are combined in the top, making the passage somewhat dark, and that in some few open places the River of Thames may be seen on both sides. In the second rank, is the bridge of our Lady at Paris in France. The next place belongs to the bridge of Venice, called Rialto, consisting of one, but an high Arch, and built partly of marble, partly of freestone, and to be ascended by many stairs on both sides, and having low shops upon the ascents and on the top, and for the building of the whole bridge, being more stately than that of Paris. In the fourth rank is the bridge of Florence, over the river Arno; and for bare bridges, having no buildings upon them, the bridge of Dresden in Germany, and many other bridges in England, in my opinion might be preferred before that of Florence, had it not those houses built upon it: But the bridge of Rome, called Sant' Angelo, is not worth the naming, howsoever the Italians (after their bragging manner) have made the same appear famous to men that never saw it, as likewise they have spread the fame of the Roman River Tyberis, which at Rome and running under this bridge, deserves rather to be accounted a little brook, or a ditch, than a River. And as for the inundations thereof, they are rather to be attributed to the narrowness of the bed, than the greatness of the River, only increasing upon the fall of rain, or melted snow from the neighbour mountains, and making no Haven at the very mouth, where it enters into the Sea.  
Surely howsoever the Italians were of old very magnificent in many things, yet by obtruding their Latin tongue to all Nations they conquered, they did likewise make them conceive of every spring, brook, and porch, as of the World's miracles. And there be some among them at this day, who in their sleeves laugh at travelers, curiously searching after these Antiquities, thus made famous by old Writers, and who take pleasure to delude this their simplicity, (for such they esteem it, howsoever we do but by the way search after them, having more profitable ends of our journeys into Italy).  
There be some other bridges of exceeding length, as those of Strasburg and Wien, (more known by the name of Vienna) in Germany, but they being only built of timber, and laid over with loose pieces of timber, (that upon danger of Armies and inundations, they may be more easily broken and built up again), and so being nothing less than durable, I do only here mention them.  
The Goldsmith's shops at London in England, (being in divers streets, but especially that called Cheapc-side), are exceeding richly furnished continually with gold, and silver 
Goldesmiths' shops.  plate and jewels. The Goldsmith's shops upon the bridges at Florence and Paris, have perhaps sometimes been as richly or better furnished, for the time or some nuptial Feast of the Princes or like occasion, with Plate and jewels borrowed of private persons for that purpose: but I may lawfully say, setting all love of my Country apart, that I did never see any such daily show, any thing so sumptuous in any place of the World, as in London.  
I will not speak in this place of Churches and Academical Colleges, but refer them to their proper places, where in the last Part, I shall treat of Religion and Universities. 
Churches and Colleges  Only here it shall suffice in a word to say; that the Churches in England, and Colleges in the Universities thereof, (considering due circumstances) are to be much admired, and preferred before any in the World.  
Munster affirmeth that the Romans built in Germany beyond the Rivers Danow & Rhine, more stately Cities, then are to be seen in other parts thereof: But for my part 
Buildings in Germany  I would say that Nurnberg, Dresden, Brestawe, (the chief City of Silesia) and the Cities upon the Sea Coast towards the North, (called Hans stetten, that is, free Cities), are much fairer, and far more magnificently built, than those that he nameth. The Cities within land (excepting Ertford, those of Hessen, and some like, which are built of timber, clay, and plaster, or of dirt, and covered with tiles of wood), are built of great polished and carved free stones, four or five stories high, with an high roof bearing windows, and covered with tiles. Some of the foresaid Cities on the Sea Coast are built of free stone, but for the most part of brick, and in the lower fore room being commonly large, they have great doors (like gates) towards the streets, which being open by day, expose to the eyes of passengers, the bright puter dishes, and other like vessels of tin and brass, which use to be set forth in the upper end of that room: And not only the private houses, but the public streets, are notable for cleanliness, uniformity, and beauty. The houses and buildings upon the alps (excepting some few Cities, which are equal to the foresaid built within land, as Insprucke, lying in the way between Augsburg and Padova) are built much lower, most commonly of freestone, and covered with tiles of wood, and for three parts of the year, they are continually covered with snow; and as through all Germany the casements of the windows are little, so in these parts they are much less, so as a man can hardly put his head out of them, and the windows on the Inside are all to be shut close with wooden windows, they using all possible art to keep the cold out, and to retain the heat of the stoaves within. noblemen's Castles in Germany, are for the most part answerable to the building of the Cities within Land, but they show more antiquity, and are more built for strength then beauty: And the more stately Palaces of Cities, and these Castles, in some places (as myself observed at Augsburg) but very rarely, are covered with copper, which Germany yieldeth, but never with lead, whereof they have none of their own. The building of houses in the Towns, is for matter like to that of the Cities, but lower, and the Villages for the most part are built of timber, clay, and plaster, or dirt, and covered with tiles of wood, or the worst of them with straw. In general, at the most frequented doors of every house, they have ropes, that men without by the ringing of a bell may be let in, and those within may open the doors by the pulling of a rope without going to them, and the doors likewise by weights are made to shut of themselves at the heels of him that comes in, without the help of any hand. The windows in general are of a thick glass, with little casements closed in wood, not in iron, which they seldom open, that the stoaves may be kept warm. To conclude, Germany yields to no place in the World for the number or stately building of Cities, yet so as respecting the greatness thereof, it hath not so frequent and little distant Cities, as netherlands, and other less Dominions have.  
Among the Cities of Sweitzerland, the building of Bern is most uniform and fair; being of freestone, with arched Cloisters towards the street, (as in some parts 
Of Sweitzerland.  of Italy), under which men walk dry footed after the greatest rain: but most of the Cities (as of the Towns and Villages) are fairly built with timber, clay, and plaster, and commonly are seated on the declining sides of Mountains and hills.  
Of the last sort, are the houses of Boemerland, save that the walls and foundations 
Of Boemerland.  are made of whole bodies of trees, as they are cut down, even covered with the bark, and joined together with clay and mortar: And these houses are generally covered with tiles of wood, not with slates.  
In the united Provinces, the houses are most of brick, aswell in Cities as in Villages, and so uniform, as if they had all been built at a time, and by the same workmen. 
Low. Countries.  The fronts of them towards the streets are commonly narrow, (excepting some few that are broad and high), and so are built inward in length, with narrow windows, and nothing at all cast out from the walls, and the roofs have windows for use of the rooms, being covered with tiles, or pieces of wood in the same form. At Leyden and Delft the houses are built very high of many stories, and the roofs are steep, and have also windows for use. At the Hage, being a most pleasant Village, where the States keep their residence, the building is like; but the Castle in which Count Maurice dwelled, and some few gentlemen's houses, are built of freestone, and in some outlanes many houses are covered with straw. The wares of Merchants, the vessels of tin and brass, (being kept most clean) and like ornaments, lie open in the lowest and greatest room, by large doors to passengers view, (as I formerly said of the Cities on the Sea coast of Germany). They build with very slender timber, so as the new built, threaten falling, and upon little force totter and shake. The floares are paved with plaster, boards being more costly, and apt to take fire. And these floares are daily cast over with sand, to keep them from dirt, only by sweeping away the sand at night.  
In the Kingdom of Denmark, there is only one City compassed with walls, called 
Of Denmark.  Kopenhagen, in which (as in the other little Cities, Townss, and Villages) the houses of the Citizens are for the most part of timber, clay and plaster, seldom of freestone. The King's Castle there is built of free stone, but with no magnificence. His second Castle at Elsenure, is very stately built of freestone, and also strongly fortified, to command one side of the strait sea, where great tribute is exacted of all ships entering or going out of the Sound.  
In Poland there be but few Cities for so large a Kingdom, but the houses of them 
Of Poland.  are built of free stone, much like to the Inland Cities of Germany, save that in some places the houses are arched towards the street, like the Cloisters of Monasteries. Some of the houses in the Villages are of timber, clay and plaster, but the greatest part of mere dirt, and covered with straw. Few of the Noble men's houses are of free stone, but the greater part of timber, clay, and plaster.  
The Italians are exceeding rich in their own commodities, and by traffic, 
Of Italy.  which the Gentlemen and Princes scorn not to use, and they spending little in housekeeping or apparel, all their pride is to build stately houses, water Counduits, Fountains, and to have rich jewels, and like permanent things. All the buildings have Thrasonical inscriptions, either engraven or painted upon them of the founder's praise, and almost of his pedigree. The houses of Citizens, and of the common sort are of unpolished stone, and commonly of little flints, lowly built, with a roof almost lying flat (without windows), and covered with tiles. The gentlemen's Palaces are most frequent, and are built (as well in Cities, as in the Country) of carved freestone and marble, and most of them altogether of divers coloured Marbles. For they have many Quarries of marble, so as the same being not far fetched, the magnificence of their building is rather in show, then in charge, to be preferred before our buildings of polished freestone. Many of their Palaces seem fit to receive a King with his Court for the stately building, but not for the capacity, the Italian Families being small and solitary. The building of them is in such fashion, as the first upper chamber is large, and as long as a gallery, fit to entertain great companies, with feasts and dancing, the windows being great, and lying open to admit air, and covered with Arras to lean upon, and having on the inside windows of wood to close by night. The rest of the Chambers are on each side of this Gallery, richly furnished with Hangings, Beds embroidered, and sumptuous furniture, and Tapestry spread under feet where the chairs stand, but the rooms are narrow, and have little windows covered, but not with glass. For the windows of all Italy are covered with linen cloth, or paper, only the City of Venice boasts of the singularity, that the windows thereof are commonly glazed, yet so are also the windows of some few Palaces in other parts. The Italians more willingly spend their money in building (wherein they delight to have cool chambers, with open Terraces, lying upon waters and shades, on the sides of the house where the Sun lest comes), and likewise in adorning Fountains with shade, seats and images, in making caves under the earth, and water-conduits, then in any earthly thing, their mistress always excepted. And because they cannot endure labour (for their diseased joints, or the heat of the Country), they strive to make their stairs very easy, and by much compass to raise the ground by little and little, wherein they use so great Art, as in some places a horseman may with ease, and almost unsensible ascent, ride up to the top of high Towers. The floares of their upper chambers are not boarded, but paved with plaster, or with a matter made of lime and tiles. Some Cities, as Bologna, Padona, and others in the Dukedom of Mantua, are built with arches towards the street, like Cloisters of Monasteries, and how soever the street is dirty, yet under them is pleasant and dry walking, even in rainy weather. For other Cities, the streets whereof lie open, at Rome they are paved conveniently with flints, at Sienna beautifully with bricks, at Florence, Pistoia, Lucca and Naples, stately with Freestone, very broad and easy.  
Touching Tarky, in the Greek islands, in Asia and Africa, commonly the houses 
Of Turkey.  are built of unpolished stones and flint, only one roof high, and many times with arches towards the street, always with windows not glazed or covered but open, and the floor on the top of houses, is beaten plain with plaster, and compassed with a wall, indented on the top some yard high. And here in the open air they eat, and walk by day, and lodge at night, so as a man may see all his neighbours in bed about him. For they are seldom (some once or twice in the year, about September) troubled with rain. Particularly at jerusalem, for their locks, the keys be made of wood, not of Iron. At Constantinople and in the Provinces adjoining, the houses are commonly of impolished stone and flint, or of timber and clay plastered, or of earth form like brick, but not hardened by fire, and are built some two stories high, and with a roof almost lying flat, without windows, and covered with tiles, much after the common building of Italy. In general the houses have large windows, not closed with glass, or other thing, but altogether open, only by night to be closed with wooden windows, after the Italian manner. The streets of Constantinople are narrow, raised on each side for the passage of men and women, but there also narrow, the middle part of the streets being so broad, as one Ass or like beast loaded may pass, for they use no Coaches or Carts. The Sultan's or emperors Palace (vulgarly called Saray, and by the Italians Seraglio) is of some three square Courtyards, built round about of Freestone, and pieces of Marble, with arches towards the yard like Cloisters, which are paved with broad stones, & this Palace hath a very spacious Garden round compassed with a stone wall. Some few Palaces of the Viziers or Bashaes' in this City, are built of polished Freestone, two roofs high with the highest roof almost flat, after the manner of the Italian Palaces. And it is worth the observation, that each Mosche (or Turkish Church) rising in the top with divers Globes, and they being covered with brass or Copper, they make a beautiful show, especially the Sun shining, and more especially, because they are seated upon hills. The Turkish Bashacs' laugh at them, who tell how beautiful and stately the Christians Palaces are builton the outside, as if they only respected the inward magnificence. But Christians do also desite this inward beauty, some more some less. And that the Turks neglect outward beauty, the desire of inward beauty is not the true reason thereof. For as they place all religion in the show and outward things, so no doubt they would in this also greatly respect the outside, were it not that they live under such a tyrannical Government, which makes all the Empire full of desolation, so as they do not preserve the houses they conquered from Christians in their wont magnificence, much less themselves erect such stately building ' yea dare not have any rich household-stuff, at least to be vulgarly seen, lest their riches should make them a prey to their Magistrates or soldiers, finding nothing so safe unto them, as the sordid show of poverty. And this is the cause that many of them hide and bury their treasure under the earth, whereof the free use would prove dangerous to them, and as the Poet saith,  

Quò mihi divitiae? Sinon conceditur uti.  
What do riches profit me?  
Who to use them am not free.   
But the Turks, and especially the Christians subject to them, being borne and from infancy bred under the yoke of perpetual slavery, and having never tasted the sweetness of liberty, do bear with ease this burden, which we think unsupportable.  
In France the houses of Paris are of unpolished great stones, covered over with plaster, and are built stately three or four, sometimes six roofs high (with the 
Of France.  highest roof, which hath windows), and they are covered with tiles. The building of other Cities, is commonly of timber, clay and plaster, sometimes of freestone, and four or five roofs high, whereof each as it is higher, so is more projected into the street, much darkening the same, and causing the rain to fall into the midst thereof. The streets are no broader than for two Carts to meet, and pass one by the other. Almost under every house is a Cellar to lay up wine, Perry, Cider, and all kinds of drink, and few of the windows are glazed, which are also darkened with grates of wood, the rest are altogether open, to be shut by night with windows of wood. The building of the Villages is like ours in England, commonly of timber and clay, and thatched over. The gentlemen's houses are built like those in the Cities, whereof I have spoken: but the Palaces of great Lords for the most part are stately built of free stone; yet more beautiful and stately are the King's Palaces, commonly of free stone curiously carved, with pillars of marble, and sometimes of bricks, with pecces of marble in the parts most open to the eye. Among these Palaces of the King, that of Fontainebleau, is the most stately and magnificent that I did see, and most pleasant for the gardens and sweet Air.  
Caesar in his Commentaries, saith; that buildings of England were then like those of France. Now at London the houses of the Citizens (especially in the chief streets) 
Of England  are very narrow in the front towards the street, but are built five or six roofs high, commonly of timber and clay with plaster, and are very neat and ommodious within: And the building of Citizen's houses in other Cities, is not much unlike this. But withal understand, that in London many stately Palaces, built by Noblemen upon the River Thames, do make a very great show to them that pass by water; and that there be many more like Palaces, also built towards Land, but scattered, and great part of them in back lanes and streets, which if they were joined to the first in good order, as other Cities are built uniformly, they would make not only fair streets, but even a beautiful City, to which few might justly be preferred for the magnificence of the building. Besides, that the Alderman's and chief Citizen's houses howsoever they are stately for building, yet being built all inward, that the whole room towards the streets may be reserved for shops of Tradesmen, make no show outwardly, so as in truth all the magnificence of London building is hidden from the view of strangers at the first sight, till they have more particular view thereof by long abode there, and then they will prefer the buildings of this famous City to many that appear more stately at the first sight. Great part of the Towns and Villages, are built like the Citizen's houses in London, save that they are not so many stories high, nor so narrow in the front towards the street. Others of them are built in like sort, of unpolished small stones, and some of the Villages in Lincolnshire and some other Countries, are of mere clay, and covered with thatch; yet even these houses are more commodious within, for cleanliness, lodging, and diet, than any stranger would think them to be. Most of the houses in Cities and Towns, have Cellars under them, where for coolness they lay Beer and Wine. gentlemen's houses for the most part are built like those in the Cities, but very many of gentlemen's and noblemen's Palaces, aswell near London, as in other Countries, are stately built of brick and free stone, whereof many yield not in magnificence to like buildings of other Kingdoms, as Homby, built by Sr Christopher Hatton, Tybals lately belonging to the Earl of Salisbury, seated near London, & the Earl of Exeter his house near Stamford: by which Palaces lying near the high way, a stranger may judge of many other like stately buildings in other parts. The King's Palaces are of such magnificent building, so curious art, and such pleasure and beauty for gardens and fountains, and are so many in number, as England need not envy any other Kingdom therein. Among them being many, a stranger may see near London, the King Palaces, of Hampton Court, of Richmond, of Greenwich, of nonesuch, of Otelands', of Schene, of Winsore, and in London the Palace of White Hall.  
In Scotland the City Edinburgh, is fairly built of unpolished stone, but the galleries of timber built upon the fronts of the houses, do rather obscure then adorn them: 
Of Scotland  And the King's Palace at one end, and the fortified Castle at the other end of the City, are more stately built then the rest, but all the beauty of the City confirsts of one large street, the by lanes being few, and full of beggary. The houses in Villages, and scattered in the Country, are like to those in England, but the gentlemen's and noblemen's houses are nothing so frequent, nor so stately built as the better sort of the English. Neither are their I owns and Cities in number, building, or pleasantness, comparable to those in England. Lastly, the Villages of clay covered with straw, are much more frequent than in England, and far less commodious within. Among the King's Palaces, that at Edenburg, and that of Sterling for the building, and Fawkland for the pleasure of hunting, are the chief.  
The houses of the Irish Cities, as Cork, Galoway and Lymrick (the fairest of them for building) are of unwrought free stone, or flint, or unpolished stones, built some two 
Of Ireland.  stories high, and covered with tile. The houses of Dublin and Waterford, are for the most part of timber, clay and plaster, yet are the streets beautiful, and the houses commodious within, even among the Irish, if you pardon them a little slovenlinesse, proper to the Nation. In general, the houses very seldom keep out rain, the timber being not well seasoned, and the walls being generally combined with clay only, not with mortar of lime tempered. The Irish have some quarries of Marble, but only some few Lords and Gentlemen bestow the cost to polish it. Many Gentlemen have Castles built of free stone unpolished, and of flints, or little stones, and they are built strong for defence in times of rebellion, for which cause they have narrow stairs, and little windows, and commonly they have a spacious hall joining to the Castle, and built of timber and clay, wherein they eat with their Family. Neither are many of these gentle men's houses void of filth, and slovenlinesse. For other Irish dwellings, it may be said of them, as Caesar said of the old Brittanes houses. They call it a Town, when they have compassed a skirt of wood with trees cut down, whether they may retire themselves and their cattle. For the mere barbarous Irish either sleep under the canopy of heaven, or in cabbines wattled, and covered with turf.  
The Germans long enjoying settled peace, the French and the Nitherlanders for 
Of Forts in general.  many years distracted with wars, have many Cities strongly fortified with ditches and earthen walls. The Turks, Polonians, Sweitzers, Bohemians, Danes, English, Scots and Irish have few Forts or fortified places. The Kings of England, have caused such to be dismantled and pulled down, as encouragement to the Nobles to contemn their authority, only at Barwick against the bordering Scots, and at 〈◊〉 against the neighbouring French, they have maintained fortifications to hinder incursion. The Turks neither fortify themselves, nor maintain the strong places they have conquered from Christians. In Denmark the City Kopenhagen, and in Poland Crakaw and Warsaw are in some sort fortified. And in Ireland the English of late have made small Forts upon some few Havens to prevent foreign invasion, and in some inland territories to suppress the rebellious inclination of some Irish Lords. Otherwise in the said Kingdoms, if any Cities be compassed with walls, they are ready to fall for age, and are rather fit to resist the first fury of ill armed mutineers, then to endure a sharp siege, or the very sight of the Cannon. Like are most of the Cities in Italy, only at Naples and at Milan there be two strong forts, and at Rome a strong Castle, and in Lombardy, and especially in the State of Venice, many Cities and some Forts made as strong, as huge charge and exquisite art can make them.   

CHAP. III. Of Germany, Boemerland and Sweitzerland, touching the Geographical description, the situation, the fertility, the traffic, and the diet.  
THE Geographers search out the greatness of the Globe, and of all the parts in the superficies thereof, by the help 
In general of Geography.  of the Celestial circles, fitted to the Conuex or bending of the earth. The circles of heaven are of two sorts, the greater and the less. The greater are six in number, the AEquator, Zodiac, two Colun, Meridian and Horizon. Of which the Geographers in the description of the World, only make use of the AEquator and Meridian. The 
Equator,  AEquator compasseth the middle swelling of the 〈◊〉 Sphere between both the Poles of the world, and the greatest convexity or bending thereof, from the East towards the West, to which circle when the Sun is come by his proper motion (in each year twice) it makes two Equinoctials (that is, day and night of equal length), one in the Spring, the other at the fall of the leaf. The circle in the convex or bending superficies of the earth, that is directly and perpendicularly under the said AEquator, is called the AEquator of the earth, and compassing the earth from the East to the West, divides it into two Hemispheres (that is, half Spheres), the Northern and the Southern The Meridian Circle is drawn through the Poles of the Heaven (in which the Meridian's meet) and through the vertical point (that is the 
Meridian.  point right over head) of each place, whether the Sun being come by his accidental motion (in each day) it makes noon above the Horizon, and midnight under the Horizon (or with the Antipodes.) The Circle in the convex or bending of the earth, directly and perpendicularly under this circle Meridian, passing by the extreme points of the earth that are under the Poles, and by any appointed place in the superficies (or upper face) of the earth, is called a Meridian of the earth. And because there is no certain number of particular places on the earth, it follows that the Meridian's are innumerable, so as every place distant from another towards the East or West, hath his own peculiar Meridian, divers from the Meridian of another place. Yet for making of maps, and like uses, the Geographers appoint one hundred eighty Meridian's, namely, ninety Easterly, and ninety Westerly.  
The lesser circles are called Parallels, that is, equally distant, because having relation 
Parallels.  one to the other, or to any of the great circles, they are in all parts equally distant For all lesser circles have relation to one of the greater, and are called the parallels of this or that greater circle. But here only mention is made of the Parallels referred to the AEquator, which are lesser circles drawn near the AEquator, from East towards West, or contrary, by the vertical points of several places in heaven, or by the places themselves in the upper face of the earth, & they are the greater, the nearer they are to the AEquator, the lesser as they are more distant from the same towards either Pole, and the Geographeiss call them Northern Parallels, which are near the AEquator in the Northern Hemisphere and Southern Parallels, which are so drawn in the Southern Hemisphere. Also as there is no certain number of particular places, so the Parallels are innumerable, in so much as each place upon the upper face of the earth, distant from another towards the North or South, hath his peculiar vertical Parallel. Yet usually the Geographers number 180 Parallels, namely, ninety Northern, and ninety Southern. Of this number are the four Parallels which include the four Zones (or 
The five Zones.  girdles), by which the upper face of the earth is distinguished into Climes, and the AEquator in the midst of them, and greatest of them is joined to them, and makes the fifth Zone. The whole circle of the AEquator or Meridian, contains 360 degrees, whereof each 
Degrees  consists of 60 minutes. About 500 stadia make a degree, 125 paces make a stadium, an Italian mile makes 8 stadia, a French mile 12, a Germane mile 32, so as 1 degree contains 62 Italian miles and a half, or 15 common Germane miles, and a half, and half quarter.  
Although the earth be convex (or bending) and spherical (orround), yet in a certain respect they give to the same, from West to East, or contrarily, a Longitude in 
Longitude and Latitude  the AEquator and Parallels; and like wise from the South to the North, or contrarily, a Latitude in the Meridian's. And howsocuer the earth in his upper face, by nature hath neither beginning nor ending, yet they appoint the artificial beginning of the Longitude in the Meridian Circle, drawn by the Fortunate or Canary islands; and therefore call it the first Meridian, and so proceeding from it towards the West or the East, they reckon the Longitude of the earth. For example, two Meridian's being drawn, the first by the Canary islands, the second by any place whose situation is inquired, as many degrees as are sound in the Parallel circled proper to the said place, from the first Meridian to the proper Meridian of the place, of so many degrees is the Longitude of that place said to be. In like sort the circle AEquator and the Parallel circle of the place whose situation is inquired being drawn, as many degrees as are included in the Meridian circle of that place, from the AEquator to the Parallel of the place, of so many degrees is the Latitude of that place said to be. As the Parallels are of two sorts, so is the Latitude, namely, Northern from the AEquator towards the Northern Pole, and Southern from the same towards the Southern Pole. Also the Longitude in like sort, but imaginarily, is said to be Easterly & Westerly, beginning at the first Meridian. The places situated under the AEquator, are said to have no latitude and the places under the first Meridian, no longitude. The Zones compassing the earth 
Zones  like girdles, according to the Longitude thereof, divide it by the AEquator, and four parallels into five parts, whereof two are temperate, and three intemperate. One of the intemperate, being the middle, lies under the AEquator, between the two Parallels called Tropici, and this is called the Torride or burnt Zone, because it being under the Ecliptic line, of the suns yearly course, is continually burnt with the beams thereof. This Zone in the Superficies or upper part of the earth, contains the greater part of Africa towards the South, yea, almost all Africa, (excepting Egypt, and Mauritania, towards the Northern Pole, and the furthest parts of Afirick towards the Southern Pole), and it contains the chief islands of the East Indies. Next to this middle torrid Zone, towards the North, lies one of the temperate Zones, seated between the two Parallels, called the Tropic of Cancer, and the artic circle, and it contains the greatest part of America, the Northern part of Africa and almost all Europe and Asia. The other temperate Zone lies by the middle torrid Zone, on the other side of the AEquator towards the South, seated between the two Parallels, called the Tropic of Capricorn, and the Antarctic circle, and contains the part of America called Peru and the extreme Southern parts of Africa, and great part of the Southern World as yet undiscovered. Next to these temperate Zones lie the other two Zones called intemperate for cold, as the first are for heat, and one of them lies under the Northern Pole of the world, containing Noruegia, and the part of Tartary lying within the artic circle, the other lies under the Southern Pole, which part of the World is not yet discovered.  
climes are tracts compassing the earth circularly from the West to the East, and they are much more narrow than the Zones, and not of equal Latitude among themthemselues, 
climes.  but as Zones are the greater, the nearer they are to the AEquator, and the narrower, the more they are distant from the AEquator, towards either of the Poles, so are the climes. The Latitude of each Clime is so great, as from the beginning to the end of it, the greatest Solstitial day may increase half an hour. And because this variation of the day, in parts most remote from the AEquator, happens in shorter distances of the earth, therefore the climes also most remote from the AEquator, are made more and more narrow. In our age wherein great parts of the World are discovered, which were of old unknown, this distribution of the earth from the artic circle to the Antarctic, may be made into 23 climes, the Equinoctial clime not being numbered. But this property must ever be observed, that the Solsitiall day of the following clime, is ever half an hour longer, than the solstitial day of the foregoing clime. The first clime aswell from the Equator towards the North, as from it towards the South is placed, where the greatest day contains 12 hours & a half, & that is next to the AEquator on either side. The second where the greatest day contains 13 hours. The third where it contains 13 hours & an half. The fourth where it contains 14 hours. And so forward, till you have numbered the 23 clime, making the day of 23 hours & a half, & so come to one of the said circles, Arctic towards the North, or Antarctic towards the South, where in the Solstitial day of the one half of the year, the Sun shines 24 hours above the Horizon, & the night is but a moment, & on the contrary, in the solstitial day of the other half of the year, the Sun is hidden 24 hours under the horizon, & the day is but a moment: but beyond these circles, this distribution of the earth into climes ceaseth, because after the day is no more increased by half hours, but the oblique horizon, on both sides, hideth certain portions of the Ecliptic, about the solstitial points, which are perpetual appearings or hidings, & when the Sun passeth them, it makes continual day for some weeks, yea, for some months, or the like continual night, till you come to one of the Poles, under which there is continual day for the six summer months, and likewise continual night for the six winter months. The Earth is divided into five parts, Asia, afric, Europe, America, and Terra Australis, or Southland (not yet discovered). Now I must speak of the parts of Europe. 
Parts of the World.  & Asia, seated in the temperate Zone towards the North, and under the Northern latitude & Easterly longitude, which must always be observed for the understanding of the descriptions now following. The oriental longitude, (namely from the first meridian towards the East) of Germany, with Sweitzerland & Boemerland, from the 23 degree 
Of Germany, Sweitzerland, & Bohemia.  to the 46 degree, extends itself 23 degrees. The Northern latitude, (namely from the Equinoctial to the North), of the same Countries, from the parallel of 45 degrees & a half, to the parallel of 55 degrees & a half, extends itself 10 degrees. Germany is divided into the upper & the lower. The upper lying upon the Alps, & near the River Danow, is subdivided into 11 Provinces, Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Athesis, Rhetia, Vindelicia, Bavaria, Sucuia, Helvetia, (or Sweitzerland) Alsatia, & the Tract upon the River Rhein to Metz. 1 Austria was of old called the upper Pannonia, of the bridges, or of 
Upper Germany, containing Sweitzerland:  the Peones coming out of Greece to inhabit it) and also Auaria, now it is vulgarly called Oestreich, that is, the Easterly Kingdom. Danow the great river of Europe (which going on the course, is called Isther) runs through it, & divides it into Austria on this side, & on the far side of Danow. It hath many ancient & famous Cities, whereof the chief is Uienna, (vulgarly Wien) built upon the bank of Danow, famous not so much for the University, & the traffic of the place, as for that it is most strongly fortified to keep out the Turks, & it is subject to the Emperor, as he is Archduke of Austria. 2 Styria of old called Valesia & japidia, is a small region in the midst of the Alps, & was at first only a Marquisate, whereupon it is vulgarly called Stoirmark, but after by the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, was raised to a Dukedom, & was at this time subject to a Prince of the House of Austria, by division of inheritance. The Cities thereof are Volenburg, Hal, and Griets, (the chief City.) It hath two Rivers, Mour and Draw.  
3 The Inhabitants of Carinthia, are called Carni, vulgarly Kerntheine. The Easterly and Southerly part thereof is called Carniola, vulgarly Krein, and the inhabitants thereof were of old called japides. Here are the spring heads of the Rivers Draws and Saws, in the midst of the Alps. The Cities Philac and Clagefort are of small moment. 4. The Athesine Province lies under Banaria towards the Alps, between Carinthia & Helvetia (or Sweitzerland) and hath the name of the river Athesis, vulgarly called Etsch, which runs into Italy by Trent and Verona, and is there called l'Adice, and so falls into the River Po. This Province is commonly called the County of Tyrol, the Cities whereof are Brixia and AEnipons (vulgarly Inspruck, a fair City.)  
5. The names of Rhetia, Vindelicia & Norira, in these days are out of use, and the limits of them are often confounded. That is properly Rhetia, which lies between the lake of Constantis (or Costnetz towards the North, and the high top of the Alps towards the South, whose chief City is Bregants, & the inhabitants of these Alps are vulgarly called Grisons.)  
6 Vindelicia is the other part of that tract, lying between the Danow and the Alps, which hath fair Cities, as Augusta Vindelicorum, (vulgarly Augsburg, a famous City), Vlme, Ingolstad, Ratisbona, (vulgarly Regenspurg) and Passaw. Observe that the old limits of Rhetia, did reach to Verona and Como in Italy, but now great part of it is laid to Suevia in Germany, as namely the Cities, Augsburg and Vlme, aforesaid.  
7 The Countries of Bavaria, and of the Bishopric of Saltzburg, were of old called Vindelicia Noricum, and the Inhabitants thereof, Taurisci, and it hath these Cities, Scherdung, Saltzburg, and Lintz.  
8 Suevia stretcheth into old Vindelicia, and that which at this day is so called, contains the greater part of Rhetia and Vindelicia. The Suevians (vulgarly Schwaben) of old forsook their dwelling upon the River Elue, and invaded upper Rhetia, which to this day they hold. The Cities thereof are Nerlingen, Gepingen, and the foresaid ulme and Augsburg.  
9 Helvetia (or Sweitzerland) was of old part of Gallia Belgica, now is reckoned as part of Germany. The head spring of the Rhine, (the second River of Germany, next in greatness to the Danow), is in the highest Alps of Helvetia, where it riseth in two heads, and the Northerly head falling from the Mountains Furca and Gotardo, is called the fore Rhine, and the Southerly head, falling from the Lepontine Mountains, is called the hinder Rhine, both which running towards the East, are united at Chur, and then with the name of Rhine, it falls towards the North violently from the Mountains. Helvetia hath many & very famous Cities, namely, Schaffhusen, (as the houses of boats or ships) Constantia (vulgarly Costnetz), Tigurum (vulgarly Zurech) Solodurum (or Solothurn), Bern, Lucern, & Geneva, with Losanna, which two last of old were reckoned in Savoy, but now are confederate with the Sweitzers. The Inhabitants of Helvetia are commonly called Sweitzers, and among themselves they will be called Eidgenossin, that is; partakers of the sworn league. The part of Helvetia between the Rhine and the lake of Constantia, is called Brisgoia, vulgarly Brisgaw, (Bris signifies a price, and Gaw a meadow), and therein is the springhead of the River Danow, and the Towns thereof are Rotwill, Brisach, Friburg, (an University) Basil (a famous University), of old belonging to Alsatia, now confederate with the Sweitzers.  
10 Alsatia, so called of the river Illa running through it, is divided into the upper & the lower: The upper from Basil to Strasburg is called Singaw, and the Inhabitants of old were called Tribocchi, and Tribotes: some hold Strasburg of old to have been the chief City thereof, but it hath now three Cities, Basil, Selestade, and Rusach. The lower lying above Strasburg to the Mount Vogasus, hath these Cities, Haganaw and Sabern.  
11. For the Tract upon the Rhine: first, above Alsatia towards Metz, the Nemetes (whose chief City is Spira), and the Vangiones (whose chief City is Worms), possess the West side of the Rhine. The tract adjoining is called Vetus Hannonia (vulgarly Alt-henegaw.) Something further from the Rhine towards the Dukedom of Luxenburg, are these Provinces. The County Sweybrucken (also called Bipoutanus in Latin, of two Bridges), and the Cities are Sweybrucken and Sarbrucken. Secondly, Austrachia (vulgarly Vestreich, as a vast Kingdom.) Thirdly, the Territory of the Elector Bishop of Trier, whereof the chief City is Treveris (vulgarly Trier.)  
On the other side of the Rhine towards the East, the Marquisate of Baden lies next to Helvetia, whose inhabitants of old were called Vespi. Next lies the Dukedom of Wirtenburg, the Cities whereof are Tubinga and Sturcardia, whereof the former is an University. Then follows the Palatinate of Rhine, the Inhabitants whereof were of old called Intuergi & Phargiones, and are now called Phaltzer, and Heidelberg, seated upon the River Neccar is the chief City, and the seat of the Palatine 
19 Provinces of lower Germany, among which Bohemia is reckoned.  Elector.  
The lower Germany is divided into nineteen Provinces, Franconia, Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Saxonia, Lusatia, Misnia, Turingia, Marchia, the Dukedom of Branswicke, the Dukedom of Meckleburg, Hassia, juliacum, Clivia, Westphalia Frisia Orientalis, Pemerania, Borussia, & Linonia, (for I omit Gallia Belgica to be handled in his proper place.)  
1 Franconia is an ancient and noble Nation, the inhabitants whereof driving the Romans out of Gallia, possessed the same, and gave the name of France to that Kingdom. This Province hath old and fair Cities, namely, Bamberg (a Bishop's seat), Rotenburg, Francfort (famous for the yearly Marts or Fairs), Wirtzberg (a Bishop's seat), Mentz or Metz (the seat of the chief Elector Bishop), and Nurnberg (a famous City, which some hold to be in Bavaria, but the Citizens do more willingly acknowledge themselves to be Franckes.) All the Province (excepting the free Cities, and the three Cities belonging to Bishops) is subject to the Margrave of Brandeburg.  
2 Bohemia hath a language proper to itself, and hath two Provinces belonging to it, Moravia (having his proper language), and Silesia (using the Dutch tongue) and these three make a Kingdom, which is subject to the Emperor, and it is joined by Geographers to the Provinces of Germany, because the same compasseth it almost round about. Bohemia is not divided into Counties, but according to the Territories, belonging to the King, or to Noble men and Gentlemen; this being called the King's land, that the land of the Baron of Rosenberg, or the land of the Popells, and so of the rest. The chief City and seat of the Emperor their King, is Prage. The River Blue hath his head spring in Bohemia, being the third River of Germany, and it runs through Saxony to Hamburg, and after falls into the sea. The inhabitants of Bohemia came out of Dalmatia, as their language witnesseth.  
3 Moravia was of old inhabited by the Marcomanni, and had subject to it Bohemia, Silesia, and Polonia: but at this day it is only a Marquisate, subject to Bohemia, and hath the name of the River Morava. The chief City thereof is Bromia, vulgarly Prim.  
4 The inhabitants of Silesia were of old called Lugij, Dantuli, and Cogni. The River Viadrus, or Odera, runs through it into Pomerania, and so falls into the sea. Silesia is annexed to Bohemia, and so is likewise subject to the Emperor, as King of Bohemia, and the chief City thereof is Vratislavia, vulgarly Bressell, and the inhabitants of this Province are Germane, as well in language as manners.  
5 Saxony contains all that lies between Hassia, Silesia, Polonia, Bohemia, and the Baltic sea, so as at this day, Lusatia, Misnia, Turingia, both the Marks, and the Dukedoms of Brunswick, and of Meckleburg, are contained therein.  
6 Lusatia is a little Region, annexed to the Kingdom of Bohemia. In the upper part are the Cities Gurlitz (an University), and Pautsan, and Siltania. In the lower, Soravick and Cotwick, and the River Sprea runs through them both.  
7 Misnia was of old inhabited by the Hermondari, and Sorabi, of the Sclavonian Nation. It is a fertile Region, and therein begin the Mountains which ptolemy calls Suditi, in which are mines of metals, and especially of silver. The Cities thereof are Misnia (vulgarly Mizzen), Torg, Leipzig, and Witteberg (two Universities), Fryburg (the fields whereof have rich mines of silver), Dresden (the seat of the Saxon Elector), Remnitz, and Suicania.  
8 The Province of Turingia is said of old to have been inhabited by the Goths, because the chief City is called Gota. The Metropolitan City is Erford, being large and ancient, and one of the free Cities of the Empire. This Province is subject to the Duke of Saxony, with the title of Langrave, as Misnia is also, with the title of Marquis.  
9 The River Odera hath his head spring in Marchia, and runs through it, dividing it into the new Mark, and the old. The chief City of the old is Frankford upon the Odera, (so called in difference of the more known Frankford upon the Maene. The new Mark hath these Cities, Berlin, the seat of the Elector, and Brandeburg, of which the Elector of Brandeburg hath that style, and both the new and old are subject to the said Elector.  
10 Brunswick gives the name to that Dukedom, and hath the name of Bruno that built it, and is a free City of the Empire, strongly fortified, and not any way subject to the Duke of Brunswick, though upon some old title he hath the name thereof, and possesseth the rest of the Dukedom, holding his Court at Wolfenbriten, not far distant from Brunswick.  
11 The Dukedom of Meckelburg, was of old inhabited by the Pharadini, as Ptolemy writes. It hath two Cities, both on the Seaside, Wismar, and Rostoch (an University.)  
12 Hassia is a mountainous Country, in which Ptolemy placeth for old inhabitants the Longobardi, the Chatti, the Teucteri, and the Chriones. At this day it is subject to the Family of the Landgraves of Hassia. It hath these Cities, Casseits (the chief seat of the elder brother of that Family) Hersphild, and Marpurg (an University.) The tract upon the River Lovia, is divided into the County of Nassaw (whereof the chief Town is Dillenberg) and the County of Catzmelbogen (so called of the Chatti inhabitants, and Melibots a famous Mountain.) The Bishopric of Colen gives title to one of the Clergy Electors, and was of old inhabited by the Vbijs, of whom the chief City was first called Vbiopolis, which Marcus Agrippae repaired, and called it Agrippina Augusta: but Marcomirus King of the Francs or French, conquering it, called it Colonia. It is a small Country, and the Bishop Elector hath most part of his revenues from other places.  
13 juliacum is a little Region, and hath title of a Dukedom.  
14 The Dukedom of Cleve was of old inhabited by the Vstpetes, and the City Cleve is the seat of the Duke.  
15 Westphalia is a large Region, inhabited by the Cherusci, Teucteri, Bructeri, and the Vigenoves, and it hath these Cities, Padeborn, Munster (which the Anabaptists held in time of Luther), Breme (a free city of the Empire, fairly built upon the River Visurgis), and Mindawe.  
16 Easterly Freesland lies upon the River Aniesus, vulgarly Emms, and is a County, subject to the Count of Emden, who hath his name of the chief City Emden: but of late upon some difference he was for a time driven out of that City, so as it seems he hath not absolute power over it.  
17 Pomerania was of old inhabited by the Hermiones, and lies upon the Baltike sea or Oest sea, and is subject to the Duke thereof. It hath these Towns, Stetin, coberg; (both on the Seaside), Sund, Stutgard, and Grippwalt (which lies also on the sea, and is an old University, but hath few or no Students.)  
18 Bornssia or Prussia, is at this day subject to the King of Polonia, by agreement made between the Polonians and the Knights of the Tentonick order, but the inhabitants are Germans, both in speech and manners. The chief Cities are these, Dantzk (a famous City, acknowledging the King of Poland for tributes, yet so, as they will not receive him into the City, but with such a train as they like.) Another City is Konigsperg (the seat of the Duke of Prussen, who is of the Family of the Elector of Brandeburg, but hath the Dukedom in Fee from the Kings of Poland, to whom it falls in want of heirs males.) The other Cities are, Marieburg, Elbing and Thorn (which lies upon the confines of Poland, and witty Copernicus was borne there.)  
19 Ltuonia is a part of Germany, but hath neither the speech nor the manners thereof. It was subdued some two hundred years past, and was brought from the worshipping of Idols and Devils, to Christian Religion, yet in the Villages they have not at this day fully left their old Idolatry. It is inhabited by the old Saxons, and hath these Cities, Refalia (on the seaside) Derbt (within land), and the Metropolitan City Riga (on the seaside, which the Duke of Moscony hath often, but in vain, attempted to subdue)  
Old Writers affirm (as Munster witnesseth) that the Germans had perpetual Winter, and knew not Harvest for want of fruits. This opinion no doubt proceeded 
The situation of Germany.  rather from their neglect or ignorance of tillage and husbandry, then from the indisposition of the air or soil. Yet I confess that they have far greater cold than England lying more Northerly, especially in lower Germany and the Provinces lying upon the Baltic or Oest Sea, more especially in Prussen (part of that shore, which the more it reacheth towards the East, doth also more bend towards the North) where in September myself did feel our Winter's cold.  
And since the Baltic sea is little subject to ebbing and flowing, and the waters thereof are not much moved, except it be upon a storm, it is daily seen, that in winter upon a North or northwest wind, this sea for a good distance from the land is frozen with hard ice, to which the inland Rivers are much more subject, which argues the extreme cold that this part of Germany suffereth. Also near the Alps, though Southerly, that part of Germany, having the said Mountains interposed between it and the Sun, and feeling the cold winds that blow from those Mountains perpetually covered with snow, doth much less partake the heat of the Sun, than others under the same parallel, having not the said accidents. Upon these alps (whereof I have formerly spoken in this book) the snow lies very deep, and covers all the ground for nine months of the year, yet notwithstanding the valleys and descents of them lying open to the South Sun, and taking life from the heat thereof, are very fruitful. Lastly, in general through all Germany, the abundance of Lakes and Mountains, doth increase this cold of the air in divers places, except they be something defended from the same by Woods adjoining, and in some places (as namely at Heidelberg) where the Cities are almost fully enclosed with Mountains, the cold winds in Winter do more ragingly break in on that side the Mountains lie open, the more they are restrained and resisted on the other sides. As likewise by accident the Sun beams in Summer reflecting against those Mountains (though in a cold Region) are so violently hot, as the Cities at that time are much annoyed with multitudes of flies, which not only vex men, but so trouble the horses, as they are forced to cover them with clothes from this annoyance. The foresaid intemperateness of cold pressing great part of Germany, in stead of fire they use hot stoves for remedy thereof, which are certain chambers or rooms, having an earthen oven cast into them, which may be heated with a little quantity of wood, so as it will make them hot who come out of the cold, and incline them to swetting if they come near the oven. And as well to keep out cold as to retain the heat, they keep the doors and windows closely shut; so as they using not only to receive Gentlemen into these stoves, but even to permit rammish clowns to stand by the oven till their wet clothes be dried, and themselves sweat, yea, to endure their little children to sit upon their close stools, and ease themselves within this close and hot stove (let the Reader pardon my rude speech, as I bore with the bad smell), it must needs be, that these ill smells, never purged by the admitting of any fresh air, should dull the brain, and almost choke the spirits of those who frequent the stoves. When myself first entered into one of them, this unwonted heat did so wind about my legs, as if a Snake had twined about them, and made my head dull and heavy: but after I had used them, custom became another nature, for I never enjoyed my health in any place better than there. This intemperateness of cold, is the cause that a Laurel tree is hardly to be found in Germany, and that in the lower parts towards Lubeck, they keep Rosemary within the house in eartherne pitchers filled with earth, as other where men preserve the choice fruits of the South, yet can they not keep this Rosemary (when it prospers best) above three years from withering. For this cause also, they have no Italian fruits in Germany, only at Prage I did see some few Orange trees, preserved in pitchers full of earth, by setting them fourth in the heat of the Summer days, and after drawing them into houses, where they were cherished by artificial heat. And the like fruits I did see at Heidelberg in the Palatine Electors Garden, growing open in Summer, but in winter a house being built over them, with an oven like a stove, and yet these trees yielded not any ripe fruit, when as at London and many parts of England more Northerly than those parts of Germany, we have Musk Melons, and plenty of Apricots growing in Gardens, which for quantity and goodness are not much inferior to the fruits in Italy. Also this cold is the cause, that in Mizzen (where they plant vines) and in the highest parts of Germany on this side the Alps (where they make wine thereof) the Grapes and the wine are exceeding sour. Only the wines upon Neccar, and those upon the West side of the Rhine, are in their kinds good, but harsh and of little heat in the stomach.  
The cherries called Zawerkersen, are reasonable great, but sour. And the other kind called Wildkersen, is little and sweet, but hath a black juice, unpleasing to the taste. They have little store of pears or apples, and those they have are little, and of small pleasantness, only the Muskadel pear is very delicate, especially when it is dried. And the Germans make good use of those fruits they have, not so much for pleasure when they are green, as for furnishing the table in Winter. For their Pears, and Apples, they pair them, and dry them under the Oven of the stove, and then dress them very favorly with Cinnamon and Butter. In like sort they long preserve their cherries dry, without sugar, and the greater part of their cherries they boil in a brass cauldron, full of holes in the bottom, out of which the juice falls into another vessel, which being kept, grows like marmalade, and makes a delicate sauce for all roasted meats, and will last very long, as they use it. The Italians have a Proverb, Dio da i panni secondo i freddi; that is, God gives clothes according to the colds, as to the cold Muscovites he hath given futtes, to the English wool for cloth, to the French divers light stuffs, and to southerly people store of silks, that all Nations abounding in some things, and wanting others, might be taught, that they have need of one another's help, and so be stirred up to mutual love, which God hath thus planted between mankind by mutual traffic. For this must be understood not only of clother, but also of all other things necessary for human life.  
Germany doth abound with many things necessary for life, and many commodities 
The fertility of Germany  to be transported. For great Cities, and Cities within land (of which Germany hath store) those argue plenty of commodities to be transported, and these plenty of food to nourish much people. And since that paradox of Cicero is most true, that small causes of expense rather, then great revenues, make men rich, surely by this reason the Germans should be most rich. They never play at Dice, seldom at Cards, and that for small wagers. They seldom feast, and sparingly, needing no sumptuary laws to restrain the number or costliness of dishes or sauces. They are appareled with homely stuffs, and wear their clothes to the uttermost of their lasting, their household stuff is poor, in gifts they are most sparing, and only are prodigal in expenses for drinking, with which a man may sooner burst, then spend his patrimony. They have Corn sufficient for their use, and the Merchants in the Cities upon the sea coast, export Corn into Spain, aswell of their own, as especially of that they buy at Dantzke. They want not Cattle of all kinds, but they are commonly lean and little, so are their horses many in number, and little in stature, only in Bohemia they have goodly horses, or at least great and heavy, like those in Friesland: but I remember not to have seen much cattle, or great herds thereof, in the fields of any Town, the reason whereof may be gathered out of the following discourse of the Germans diet. Their sheep are very little, bearing a course wool, and commonly black, which they export not, but make course clothe thereof for the poorer sort, the Gentlemen and for the most part the Citizens wearing English cloth. The liberty of hunting commonly reserved to Princes, and absolute Lords, and they have great store of red Dear, feeding in open Woods, which the Princes kill by hundreds at a time, and send them to their Castlas to be salted, using them in stead of beef for the feeding of their families. They have no fallow Dear, except some wild kinds upon the Alps. They have great store of fresh fish in Lakes, Ponds, and Rivers, among which the Lakes of Sweitzerland are most commended. At Hamburg they catch such plenty of Sallmons, as it is a common report, that the servants made covenant with their Masters, not to be fed therewith more than two meals in the week, and from thence great plenty of Sturgeon is exported. Either the cold drives away birds, or else they labour not to take them; for I did seldom see them served at the table, but only Sparrows, and some few little birds.  
In all their Rivers I did never see any Swans, yet they say, that at Lubeck, and about private Castles of Gentlemen, they have some few. They say that they have some mines of Gold: but surely they abound with mines of Silver above all Europe, and all metals where so ever found, are by a Law of the Golden Bull appropriated to the Emperor, and to the Electors, in their several dominions. Also they abound with copper and brass, where with they cover many Churches, but within forty years past, the English have brought them Lead, which they use to that and other purposes. Also they have great plenty of Iron, and they have Fountains yielding most white Salt, in Cities far within the land, which Cities are commonly called Holla. Austria beyond the Danow yields excellent Saffron, and at judiburg in Styria grows store of Spica Celtica (as the Latin Herbalists call it.) In the season of the year yellow Amber is plentifully gathered upon the Sea coast of Prusfia and Pomerania. The Germans export into foreign parts, and there sell many curious and well prised works of manual Art. And it is worth the consideration, that the Citizens of Nurnberg, dwelling in a sandy and baeren soil, by their industry, and more specially by their skill in these manual Arts, live plentifully, and attain great riches, while on the contrary, the inhabitants of Alsatia the most fruitful Province of all Germany, neglecting these Arts, and content to enjoy the fatness of their soil in slothful rest, are the poorest of all other Germans. Moreover, the upper part of Germany abounds with Woods of Fir, which tree (as the Laurel) is green all Winter, and it hath many Okes also upon the Alps, and not else where, and lower Germany, especially towards the Baltic Sea, aboundeth with Woods of Oak. They convey great store of wood from the Alps into the lower parts, by the River Rhine, cutting down whole trees, and when they are marked, casting them one by one into the River, to be carried down with the violent stream thereof, or otherwise binding many together, to float down, with men standing upon them to guide them. And at many Cities and Villages, they have servants, which know the trees by the marks, and gather them up in places, where they may best be sold.  
The Cities that are one the Sea-coast on the North side of Germany, have very great 
Of the traffic of Germany.  ships, but more fit for taking in great burden, then for sailing or fight, which the Netherlanders more commonly fraught with their commodities, than the Germans themselves, neither are the Germane Mariners much to be commended. The Germane Sea in good part, and the Baltic Sea altogether, are free from Pirates, which is the cause that their ships are little or not at all armed, only some few that trade into Spain, carry great Ordinance, but are generally made large in the ribs, rather fit for burden, then fight at Sea. I never observed them to have any common prayers morning or evening, as our English ships have while they be at Sea, but the Mariners of their own accord use continually to sing Psalms, and they are punished by the purse who swear, or so much as once name the devil, from which they abhor.  
And herein they deserve to be praised above the hollanders, in whose ships a man shall hear no mention of God or his worship. The said free Cities of Germany lying on the Sea-coast, are called Hansen-stetten, that is, free Cities, because they had of old in all neighbour Kingdoms great privileges, of buying any wares as well of strangers as Citizens, and of selling or exchanging their own wares to either sort at pleasure, and to bring in or carry out all commodities by their own ships, with like immunities equal to Citizens in all the said Dominions, and no less prejudicial to them, then advantageous to themselves.  
In England they were wont to dwell together at London, in the house called the Stilyard, and there to enjoy these liberties, which long since have lain dead, the Germans seldom bringing aught in their ships into England, and the English having now long time found it more commodious to use their own shipping, and justly complaining, that the English had not the like privileges in the said free Cities; for which cause the privileges of the Germans were laid dead in England, though not fully taken away. Caesar witnesseth, that the Schwaben inhabiting Suenia, then containing great part of Germany, admitted Merchants not to buy any thing themselves, but only to sell the spoils they got in war. But Munster a German writes, that these Suevians or schwaben are now the only forestallers of all things sold in fairs or Markets, and that for this cause they are excluded from buying any thing through Germany, except it be sold in their own Towns of traffic.  
In general, the Germans do apply themselves industriously to all traffic by land, which only the free Cities on the Sea-coast exercise somewhat coldly by sea. At home the Germans among themselves spend and export an unspeakable quantity of Beer with great gain, which yields great profit to private Citizens, and to the Princes, or public Senate in free Cities, there being no Merchandise of the World that more easily finds a buyer in Germany, than this. For the Germans traffic with strangers, I will omit small commodities (which are often sold, though in less quantity, yet with more gain than greater) and in this place I will only speak of the commodities of greater moment, aswell those that the Country affords, as those that buy in foreign parts to be transported in their own ships. The Germans export into Italy, linen clothes, corn, wax (fetched from Dantzk and those parts) and coined silver of their own, which they also exchange uncoined with some quantity of gold. Into England they export boards, iron, course linen clothes (and of that kind one sort called Diaper, wrought in Mizzen), and bombast or cotton. Into Spain they export linen cloth, wax, brass, copper, cordage, Masts for ships, gunpowder, bombast or cotton, and Nurnberg wares (so they call small wares.) Again, they receive all kinds of silks from Italy, whereof they use little quantity for their own apparel, but send great store over land, to those Cities on the Sea-coast, where the English Merchants reside, to be sold unto them.  
For the English Merchants had their Staple first at Emden, the Count whereof used them well, yet in the war between England and Spain, this place grew dangerous for them, for the enemy often took their goods, and made them prisoners, at the very mouth of the Harbour. Whereupon they removed to Hamburg, where being oppressed with new impositions, and being denied the public exercise of their Religion, they went from thence, and settled their Staple at Stoade. In like sort the English Merchants trading for Poland and those parts, first had their Staple at Dantzk in Prussen (by Staple I mean their residence in a City, giving them privilege to stop any foreign wares, intended to be carried further, and to force the Merchant to sell them there, except he had rather return with them to the place from whence he came.) But when the Dantzkers under pretence of the Suevian war, exacted of them a dolor for each woollen cloth, and as much for a last of any other goods, and after when the war was ended, would remit nothing of this imposition. And further when they forbade the English by a Law to dwell in Poland, the commodities whereof were only sold there, left they should learn the language, and find the mysteries of the trade. And lastly when they exacted as much weekly of an Englishman dwelling in the City, as they did of a jew dwelling there. The English made agreement with the Senate of Meluin for eleven years, to pay them six grosh for each cloth, or other last of goods, and to pay as much more in the City Kettle, to the Duke of Prussen, for his giving them free passage to Meluin, and so they settled their Staple there. Whereupon the Dantzkers being offended with the Citizens of Meluin, and the Hamburgers no less with those of Stoade, procured the free Cities by a public writing to outlaw, not only Meluin and Stoade for receiving the English, to the common prejudice of the rest, but also Koingsperg (the seat of the Duke of Prussen), and the free City Lubeck, for favouring the English in this course, and permitting them being strangers to sell their goods to any other, than the Citizens of each several City.  
But I will return to the traffic of Germany. I formerly said, that the Germans received all kinds of silk stuffs from Italy. From the English they receive woollen clothes, lead, and such like things. From Spain they bring in their own ships wine, fruits, oil, salt, wool, and more commonly coined silver. And because the trade of Prussen (a Germane Province, but lately annexed to Poland) is of great importance with all strangers, I will add this, that the English bring thither great quantity of tin, and woollen clothes, with copper, and like things. And that they bring from thence Pitch, liquid Pitch, Hemp, Flax, Cables, Masts for ships, boards and timber for building, Linen cloates, Wax, mineral Salt (which in Poland they dig out of pirs like great stones, and the same being put to the fire is made pure, and being black, his colour is more durable, and less subject to giving again, than our boiled salt.) Also they bring from thence pine ashes for making of Soap, and great quantity of Corne. Yet the English seldom have need of their Corn for the use of England, which many times of their own they transport to other Nations, but they buy it as the free Cities do, to transport it to others, and the Low-country men buy it as well for themselves, as to serve Spain therewith, so as great quantity thereof is distracted into all parts of Europe. The Amber that is brought from these parts, is not gathered at Meluin or Dantzke, but on the sea side of Konigsperg (where the Duke of Prussen holds his Court), and all along the Coast of Curland, where howsoever it lies in great quantity scattered on the sand of the Sea, yet is it as safe, as if it were in warehouses, since it is death to take away the least piece thereof. When it is first gathered, it is all covered over with dross, but after it is polished, becomes transparently bright. At Dantzke I did see two polished pieces thereof, which were esteemed at a great price, one including a frog with each part clearly to be seen, (for which the King of Poland then beiyg there, offered five hundred collars), the other including a newt, but not so transparent as the former. Some think this Amber to be a gum distilling from trees, and by these pieces falling upon frogs and like things, this opinion should seem true, but those trees from which they hold this Amber to distil, abound in Germany, yet Amber is only found upon this Coast of the Baltic Sea Others think rather that Amber is generated by the Sea, and it is most certain that Mariners sounding far from the Land, often find sand of Amber sticking to their plummets, whereof myself was an eye witness. And Munster holds them to be deceived, who think Amber to be a gum distilling from trees, and because it is fat, and burns being put to the fire, concludes it to be a fat clay, or bituminous matter, affirming that it is not only found upon the Sea Coast, but often caught at Sea in nets, and he adds that being liquid, it often falls upon, and includes little beasts, which grow with it to the hardness of stone, and that it smells of myrrh.  
The diet of the Germans is simple, and very modest, if you set aside their intemperate drinking: For as they are nothing sumptuous, but rather sparing in their apparel 
The Germans diet.  and household stuff, so they are content with a morsel of flesh and bread, so they have store of drink, and want not wood to keep their stoaves warm. And in general, since they affect not foreign commodities, but are content with their own commodities, and are singular as well in the Art as industry of making manual works, they easily draw to them and retain with them foreign Coins. The free Cities use to have always a years provision of victuals laid up in public houses, to serve for homely food for the people, in case the City should happen to be besieged. They commonly serve to the Table sour Cabbages, which they call Crawt, and beer (or wine for a dainty) boiled with bread, which they call Swoope. In upper Germany they moreover give veal or beef in little quantities, but in lower Germany they supply the meal with bacon and great dried puddings, which puddings are savoury and so pleasant, as in their kind of mirth they wish proverbially for Kurtz predigen, lange worsten, that is; Short sermons and long puddings. Sometimes they also give dried fishes, and apples or pears first dried, then prepared with cinnamon and butter very savourily. They use many sauces, and commonly sharp, and such as comfort the stomach offended with excessive drinking: For which cause in upper Germany the first draft commonly is of wormwood wine, and the first dish of little lampreys, (which they call mine augen, as having nine eyes) served with white vinegar; and those that take any journey, commonly in the morning drink a little Brant wein, (that is, their Aquavita) and eat a piece of Pfeffer kuchen, (that is, Gingerbread) which useth to be sold at the gates of the City. They have a most delicate sauce (in my opinion) for roasted meats, of cherries sod and bruised, the juice whereof becomes hard like Marmalade, but when it is to be served to the Table, they dissolve it with a little wine or like moisture. And as they have abundance of fresh fish in their Ponds and Rivers, so they desire not to eat them, except they see them alive in the Kitchen, and they prepare the same very savourly, commonly using aniseeds to that purpose, especially the little fishes, whereof they have one most delicate kind, called Smerling, which in Prussen I did eat, first choked, then sodden in wine, and they being very little, yet sixty of them were sold for nineteen grosh. The foresaid sauce of cherries, they thus prepare and keep, They gather a dark or blackish kind of cherry, and casting away the stalks, put them into a great cauldron of brass set upon the fire, till they begin to be hot, than they put them into a less cauldrons full of holes in the bottom, and press them with their hands, so as the stones and skins remain in this cauldron, but the juice by the foresaid holes doth fall into another vessel. Then again they set this juice upon the fire, continually stirring it, lest it should cleave to the bottom, and after two hours space, they mingle with it the best kind of pears they have, first cut into very small pieces, and so long they boil it and continually stir it, till it wax hard, and notwithstanding the stirring begin to cleave to the vessel. This juice thus made like a Marmalade, may long be preserved from moulding in this sort. They which desire to have it sweet, mix sugar with it, and others other things according to the taste they desire it should have. Then they put it into earthen pitchers; and if it begin at any time to wax mouldy, they put these pots into the Oven, after the bread is baked and taken out. Also these pitchers must be close stopped, that no air may enter, & must be set where no sun or continual heat comes. Lastly, when they will make ready this sauce, they cut out a piece of the said juice, and mingle with it a little wine to dissolve it, (with vinegar, or sugar, or spices, according to their several appetites), and so boil it again some half hour.  
In Saxony, Mizzen, and those parts, they sometimes serve to the Table a calves head whole and undivided into parts, which to us strangers at the first sight seemed a terrible dish gaping with the teeth like the head of a Monster, but they so prepare it, as I never remember to have eaten any thing that more pleased my taste. They use not for common diet any thing that comes from the Cow, neither have I observed them to have any butter in Saxony, or the lower parts of Germany, but they use a certain white matter called smalts in stead of it, not tasting like our butter. They do not commonly eat any cheese, neither remember I that I ever tasted good cheese there, excepting one kind of little cheese made of Goat's milk, which is pleasant to eat: but salt and strong cheeses they sometimes use to provoke drinking, for which purpose the least crumb is sufficient. These Cheeses they compass round with thread or twigs, and they begin them in the midst of the broad side, making a round hole there, into which hole, when the cheese is to be set up, they put some few drops of wine, that it may putrify against the next time, when they eat the mouldy pieces and very creeping maggots for dainty morsels, and at last the cheese becomes so rotten and so full of these worms, that if the said binding that compasseth it chance to break, the cheese falls into a million of crumbs no bigger than moats. They have a kind of bread brownish & sourish, and made with aniseeds, which seemed very savoury to me. They serve in stead of a banquet, a kind of light bread like our fritters, save that it is long, round, & a little more solid, which they call Fastnacht kuchen, shrovetide baking, because then and upon S. Martini day, and some like Feasts they use to make it. They use not in any place almost, to offend in the great number of dishes, only some few Inns of chief Cities give plentiful meals. And for the Saxons, they for the most part set on the pot or roast meat once for the whole week: Yet in the golden bull they have a law, that Hosts shall not serve in more than four dishes, the price of them to be set by the Magistrate, & that they should not gain in the reckoning more than the fourth or at most the third penny, and that the guests should pay severally for their drink, the Germans drinking so largely as it was unpossible to prescribe the rate thereof. It were to be wished by strangers, that not only drink shovid be paid for a part from meat, but that each man should pay the share himself drinks, and no more, so the charges of sober passengers in Germany, having all things reasonably cheap, would not in such measure increase, as otherwise they do through their companions intemperancy. The said Saxons set the dishes on the Table one by one, for the most part gross meats, whereupon I have heard some merrily compare them to the Tyrants of Sirily, of whom one being dead, still a more terrible Monster succeeded him. Here & in these parts of the lower Germany, they use to serve in sour crawt or cabbage upon a void circle of carved Iron standing on three feet, under which they serve in one large dish, roast flesh and pullets, and puddings, and whatsoever they have prepared, which dish a Country man of mine did not unproperly compare to the Ark of Noah, containing all kinds of Creatures. Also in Saxony, for the first dish they serve in stewed Cherries or Prunes, than toasted or sodden Pullet's, or other flesh, and last of all Bar con to fill his belly that hath not enough. Almost all their Tables are round, and of so great a compass, as each dish being served one by one, (not as we use to have the Table fully furnished with meat), they that sit at the corners of the Table, are forced to stand on their feet as often as they cut any meat. The Germans seldom break their fasts, except it be in iournics, with a little Gingerbread and Aquavity. They sit long at Table, and even in the Inns as they takes iournics, dine very largely, neither will they rise from dinner or supper, till though slowly, yet fully they have consumed all that is set before them. And they cannot speak more reprochsully of any Host, then to say; I'th' hab mich da night sat gefressen, that is, I did not eat my belly full there: Yea, at Berne, a City of Sweitzerland, they have a Law that in Feasts they shall not sit more than five hours at the Table. And at Basell, when Doctors and Masters take their degrees, they are forbidden by a Statute, to sit longer at Table, then from ten of the clock in the morning, to six in the evening, yet when that time is past, they have a trick to cozen this Law, be it never so in dulgent to them, for than they retire out of the public Hall into private Chambers, where they are content with any kind of meat, so it be such as provoketh drinking, in which they have no measure, so long as they can stand or fit. Let the Germans pardon me to speak freely, that in my opinion they are no less excessive in eating, then drinking, save that they only protract the two ordinary meals of each day, till they have consumed all that is set before them, but to their drinking they can prescribe no mean nor end. I speak of their ordinary diet, especially at Inns by the way as they travel: In Feasts their provision is rather full then sumptuous. At Leipzig for mere curiosity, I procured myself to be invited to a marriage Feast, in one of the chief Citizen's houses, the marriage was in the afternoon, and at supper they served in a piece of roasted beef hot, and another cold, with a sauce make with sugar and sweet wine, than they served in a carp fried, than Mutton roasted, than dried Pears prepared with butter and cinnamon, and therewith a piece of broiled Salmon, then bloated Herrings broiled, and lastly a kind of bread like our fritters, save that it is made in long rolls, and more dric, which they call Fastnacht kuchen, that is, shrovetide baking, together with Cheese. And thus with seven dishes a Senators nuptial Feast was ended, without any flocks of fowl, or change of fishes, or banqueting stuff, which other Nations use, only their was endless drinking, whole barrels of Wine being brought into the Stoave, and set by us upon a Table, which we so plied, as after two hours, no man in the company was in case to give account next morning, what he did, said, or saw, after that time. To nourish this drinking, they use to eat salt meats, which being (upon ill disposition of my body) once displeasing & unwholesome for me, and I complaining thereof to my Host, he between jest and earnest replied, that the use of Salt was commended in Scriptures, alleging that text: Let allyour speeches be seasoned with salt, and then said he much more should our meats be thus seasoned. Salt thus pleaseth their palate, because it makes the same dry, and provokes the appetite of drinking. For which cause also, when they meet to drink, as they dine with dried pork, and beef heavily salted, together with cheese sharp like that of Parma, so when the cloth is taken away, they have set before them raw beans, waternuts, (wstich I did see only in Saxony), and a loaf of bread cut into shives, all sprinkled with salt and pepper, the least bit whereof will invite him to drink that hath least need. And to say truth, Pork dried, or Bacon, is so esteemed of the Germans, as they seem to have much greater care of their Hogs then of their Sheep's, or other Cattle. For in the morning when they turn them forth, they scratch them with their fingers, as Barbers do men's heads, and bless them that they may safely return, and in the evening when they are to come back with the Herd, a servant is commanded to attend them, who washeth the dust from them as they pass by the fountain, and so follows them till they come home of their own accord, without any beating or driving. The price of a fat Sow is at least five, sometimes fourteen gulden's, yea, at Heidelberg, it was credibly told me, that a Sow, being so fat, as she could not at one feeding eat a raw egg, all her entrails being closed up with fat, had lately been sold for fifty gulden's. With this fat they lard many roasted and broiled meats, aswell flesh as fish: And they never eat any Pigs, but nourish them to full growth, so as myself and some of my Countrymen at Wittenberg, desiring to eat a Pig, hardly bought one for half a dolor, and were ourselves forced to kill, dress, and roast it, the servants abhorring from such a strange work, neither could we entreat any one to eat the least bit thereof. When they roast a shoulder of Mutton, they beat the upper part thereof with the backside of an Hatchet, or like Instrument, before they put it on the Spit, to make that part tender, which they carve as the most dainty part: yet use they seldom to carve any man, lest they should seem to desire that morsel themselves, for they hold it a point of civility not to take that is carved, but to force it upon the Carver. They dip their bread in sauces, but think it ill manners to dip meat therein, as likewise to reach bread with the point of a knife, and not rather to call for it by hand. Lastly, when the Table is to be taken away, they think to offer him courtesy whose trencher they offer to take up, and put into the Voider, and will in courtesy strive to do it. He that will abide in any City, may easily obtain to be entertained for bed and board at a convenientrate, by some chief Citizen or Doctor, as I have formerly said.  
Now something must be said of Inns by the high way. Erasmus Roterodamus faith, that the Inn keepers of Germany are sordid, that is, base or slovenly: but I would rather sav, they are churlish and rudely proud, or rather grave and surly. When you come in, you must salute the Host, and happy you if he salute you again. You must drink with him, and observe him in all things. For your carriage, you must lay it in the common eating room, yet there it shall be most safe; and if you will put off your boots, you must do it in the same room, and there lay them aside. You must expect the hour of eating, for they nothing regard him that desires either to hasten or protract it. You must take in good part what is set before you, demanding nothing for your own appetite. The shot demanded, must be paid without expostulation, for the Hosts seldom deceive strangers or others, and never remit one half penny of that they demand. Above the table hangs a bell (especially through all lower Germany), by founding whereof they call the servants to attend. And at Nurnberg there hangs such a little bell under the table, which they found if any man speak immodestly of love matters or any like subject, and though it be done in sport, yet it serves to remember a wise man of his error. In lower Germany after supper, they lead the guests into a chamber of many beds, and if any man have no companion, they give him a bedfellow Lastly, all things must be desired and entreated, as if the guests were entertained of free cost, for the Host thinks you beholden to him for your entertainment, without any obligation on his part.  
Through all Germany they lodge between two featherbeds (excepting Sweitzerland, where they use one bed under them, and are covered with woollen blankets) and these featherbeds for softness and lightness are very commodious, for every winter night the servants are called into the warm stove, whereof such feathers as are reserved, they pull the feathers from the quill, using only the softest of them for making of beds. The bed lying under is great and large, and that above is narrow and more soft, between which they sleep aswell in Summer as Winter. This kind of lodging were not incommodious in Winter, if a man did lie alone but since by the high way they force men to have bedfellows, one side lies open to the cold, by reason that the upper bed is narrow, so as it cannot fall round about two, but leaves one side of them both open to the wind and weather. But in Summer time this kind of lodging is unpleasant, keeping a man in a continual sweat from head to foot. Yet in Country Villages, and many parts of Saxony, passengers have no cause to complain of this annoyance, since all without exception, rich and poor, drunken and sober, take up their lodging among the Cows in straw, where sometimes it happens, that he who lying down had a pillow of straw under his head, when he awaketh finds the same either scattered or eaten by the Cows: yea; where they have beds, I would advise the passenger to wear his own linen breeches, for their sheets are seldom or never clean. They advise well, who wish passengers to offer the servant drinking money, that he may show them the best bed, yet when that is done, this best bed will prove far unfit to be entered naked, though perhaps the servant will judge it very pure and cleanly. This by experience I often found, once with extreme laughter observing the servants special courtesy to me, who taking my reward, brought me to a bed with clean sheets as he called them, wherein he swore deeply that no body had lain but his own mother, which was an old trot of 90 years age. These servants in Inns expect as it were of duty drinking money from all passengers, and boldly demand it, as if it were their right whether the passenger will or no, which they do rudely in the lower parts of Germany, by offering them a pot to drink at parting, and more civilly in the upper parts, the maid servants offering a nosegay to each several guest. This is peculiar to the Germans, none serve or attend more rudely, none more boldly challenge reward.  
I have formerly advised English travelers, first to pass by Germany, that they may there learn patience by serving themselves. For if you come to a shop to buy shoes, the Master bids you to find out yourself those that will fit you, and then to put them on yourself, which done, he asks the price, whereof he will not bate one half penny, and when you have paid his ask, than the Prentices challenge drinking money as of duty, and the like manner is observed in all other shops, wherein you buy any thing. In the mean time, if in your Inn, you bid the servant reach any thing to you, the same man that when you take horse will in this sort exact drinking money of you, will not reach that you call for, but mumbling that you have as many feet and hands as he, will go away, as if he heard not, or regarded not what you said. The Germans of Prussia near Poland, are much to be praised for Hospitality, who not only entertain strangers at a good rate, and which much cleanliness, and good fare and lodging, (wherein they give clean sheets, and if the passenger stay long, change them often, as once each week, which in so cold a clime may seem less requisite), but also have in custom, (I speak of the Cities of Meluin and Dantzke), to give their guests weekly a bath to wash their feet, and as often beside as they return from any journey, which courtesy I never remember to have been offered unto me, but once in Germany at Lubeck. The Inns of Germany hang out no signs at their gates, but they are vulgarly known, and so may be easily found out, beside that many of them may be known by than Arms of Noblemen and Gentlemen: For they hold it a point of reputation, to pass other Inns in the number of these Arms, fixed on the front of their Inn, and upon the walls of the common eating room, so as I have numbered three hundred or four hundred such Arms in one Inn. Howsoever Germany abounds with all necessaries for life, yet the expense by the way is greater, by reason of the Dutchman's large drinking. In lower Germany, where they drink beer, a passenger shall pay each meal commonly three or four grosh, or about 4 lubeck shillings. In upper Germany, where they drink wine, he shall pay commonly six or seven batzen each meal, and if he have a servant, he shall pay as much for him as for himself. I passed from Stoade to Emden, in the disguised habit of a servant, where I first by experience found, that he who vilifies himself, doth not thereby save one penny, since poor fellows sit at the same Table with Gentlemen, and pay to the uttermost farthing as much as they, howsoever they sit lower, and aswell at board as for bed, are more coursely handled. Yet I say not but such a man may save the poor expense of drinking money, which the servants perhaps will not expect from men of base condition. All Dutch consorts drink stiffly, and assoon as ever the cloth is taken away after supper, except you presently rise before they set the pot of Schlaffdruncke, (or sleeping cup) on the Table, and if you do but slip one drop, you shall beside your ordinary pay, equal share with those that drink all night, till they be drunk and sober again.  
And to say truth, the Germans are in high excess subject to this vice of drinking, scarce noted with any other national vice, so that as their Doctors and Artisans, affecting the knowledge only of one science, or manual art, do become excellent therein, so this nation in general, and every part or member thereof, practising night and day the faculty of drinking, become strong & invincible professors therein. In Saxony, when the gates of the Cities are to be shut, while they that dwell in the suburbs, passing out, do reel from one side of the street to the other, as if it were too narrow for them to walk in, while they stumble and fall in the dirt, while they by straddling with their legs as if a Cart should pass between them, do for the most part bear up themselves from falling, yet jostle every post, pillar, and passenger by the way, while the gates of the City seem not wide enough for them to pass, except the walls also were pulled down.  
Spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici?  
Friends sdmitted to behold, from laughter can you then withhold.  
For howsoever the richer sort hide this intemperance for the most part, by keeping at home, surely the vulgar yield this daily spectacle. Yet in truth it is no shame, especially in Saxony, even to spew at the Table in their next fellows bosom, or to piss under the Table, and afterwards in their beds. And I know not how the fellowship of drunkards is so pleasing to them, as a man shall with no other quality make so many friends as with this, so as he that will be welcome in their company, or desires to learn their language, must needs practise this excess in some measure. When they drink, if any man chance to come in and sit in the room, though he be a stranger of another Nation, they do not only conjure him to pledge them by the bond of friendship, of his Father's Nobility, and his Mother's chaflity, but (if need be) compel him by force thereunto, vulgarly crying, Kanstunight sauffen vnd fiessen, so kanstu keinem hein will dienen; If thou canst not swill and devour, thou canft serve no Master well. In the mean time, they like not to drink great draughts, wherein our Country men put them down, but they will spend an Age in swoping and sipping. Their Coachmen are in this kind so tender hearted to their Horses, that out of a fellow feeling of thirst, they will suffer them to drink in standing water, scarce covering their shoes, when they sweat by the high way. The Germans repute it such honour to them to have abundance of wine, as the very Princes strive, as for a Princely pre-eminence, who shall have the hugest and most capable vessels in his Cellar. Some of these vessels contain more than a thousand measures, each of seventy Cans or Pots, and are ascended by twenty or thirty stairs. Out of this vessel they daily draw wine, and being half emptied, they fill it up again: but at the birth of a child, or any like feast, they turn this Monster loose for all comers, to tame it, and drink it out to the bottom. Passengers in the Inns of lower Germany, so make their reckoning at dinner, as they reserve a grtat proportion to drink before they take Coach. Once I observed that myself and seven consorts after dinner upon a full gorge, had sixteen great pots to drink at parting, at which time one of our consorts being a Horseman, and not fit to ride, was taken into our Coach, and sitting by me, now laughing, then weeping, and often knocking his head against mine, at last defiled me by casting his stomach in my bosom, with no reproach to himself among his Countrymen, but unspeakable offence to me. When they are sit down to drink, if any man come in by chance, each one at the Table salutes him with a Cup, all which garausses he must drink as for a fine, before he can be admitted into their number, for they are very jealous that any man being sober, should behold their quaffing, so as a man had better fall among the thickest of his enemies fight, then into the company of his friends drinking. He that reads this, would think that they drunk sweet Nectar at the least, or some like drink inviting excess; but in lower Germany, sometimes and rarely they drink Rhenish Wine, commonly Beer, and that so thick and ill smelling, and sometimes medicinal, as a stranger would think it more fit to be eaten (or cast into the sink), then to be drunk, whereof a drop once falling on my hand, seemed to me foul puddle water. Their Wines in general are sharp, and those of the Rhine small, which are to be had in their Cities, and when I first passed to Leipzeg, and being ignorant of the language, was forced to commit myself to a Conductor, and after my covenant with him for my diet, desired him to carry some glass bottles of wine in our Coach, yet he could not in the way use it temperately, but either would allow us no wine at all, or at one meal drunk off a whole great bottle, as if he thought it a shame to taste it, and not drink all out at once. Thus as often it falls out in Prince's Courts, that a stranger may die of thirst, but he that is acquainted in Court, shall hardly escape sober, so he gave me either no wine, or too much. In upper Germany for the most part they drink wine, and that with some less excess, then is used in the lower parts, yet so as in this vice they degenerate not from their Countrymen. The Germans of Prussia formerly praised by me, must pardon me if I task them with this vice as much as the rest. When I passed from Meluin to Dantzke, my companion by the way showed me a tower called Groske, where certain Husbandmen being upon a wager to drink twelve measures of wine, which we call lasts, and use for proportions of Merchant's wares, not for wine or beer, did roast upon a spit one of their consorts, because he left them before the task was performed, and to save their lives for this murder, paid their Prince as many silver grosh as could lie between that Tower & the City of Dantzke. In general, the Germans want not many exemplary punishments and effects of this vice: For many quarreling in drink are killed and he that kills, never escapes if he be taken. I remember that a Gentleman of Brunswick, riding from Hamburge to his home, when he was extremely drunken, was next day found torn in many pieces, by the striking of his Horse when he fell out of the saddle, which was a miserable and exemplary kind of death. And the like mischief befell another while I was at Torge in Mizzen. And a Physician a familiar friend of mine, told me that many Germans dying suddenly upon excess of drinking, were ordinarily (for hiding of the shame) given out to die of the falling sickness. In their drinking they use no mirth, and little discourse, but sadly ply the business, sometimes crying one to the other, Seyte frolich, Be merry, Drink aus, Drink out, and as (according to the Proverb) every Psalm ends in Gloria, so every speech of theirs, ends in Ich brings euch, I drink to you. For frolics they pinch, and that very rudely their next Neighbour's arm or thigh, which goes round about the Table. So for equality they drink round, especially in Saxony, except in courtesy they sometimes drink out of course to a Guest; and this equal manner of drinking, they say had his first original from a pleasant or rather wicked Act, of an undutiful Son, who receiving a box of the care from his Father, and daring not strike him again, did notwithstanding strike his next Neighbour as hard a blow as he received, desiring him to pass it round about the Table as a frolic, in these words: Lasset vmb gehen, so kriagt der vatter auch 〈◊〉, Let it go round, so my Father shall have it in his course, and so more modestly or less wickedly he revenged himself. While all drink in this manner circularly out of one and the same pot, they scoff at him that drinks the last remainder, saying proverbially that he shall marry an old trot. At Nurneberg, and some other Inns of higher Germany, each guest hath his peculiar drinking glass set by his trencher, which when he hath drunk out, if he set it down with the mouth upward, it is presently filled again, (in which filling the servants use a singular dexterity, standing in great distance from it), but if he turn the mouth downward, they expect till in sign of thirst it be turned upward; for they are such Masters in this Art of drinking as they are served by dumb signs without speaking a word. In Saxony two use to begin a pot to two, and when each receives the pot, or gives it to his fellow, they curiously look upon certain pegs or marks set within of purpose, that they may divide the drink by the equal balance of justice. Sometimes they take three glasses at once upon 3 fingers, and beginning to another, drink them all of at once, which kind of karaussing they call the crowning of the Emperor. If you begin to any man, you must fill the cup for him with your own hands, or at least deliver it to him yourself, or otherwise for a panelty you must drink it again, and some do willingly make these errors, that they may seem to be compelled to this pleasing penalty. When they are extraordinarily merry, they use a kind of garaussing, called kurlemurlebuff, wherein they use certain touches of the glass, the beard, some parts of the body, and of the Table, together with certain whistlings, and phillipping of the fingers, with like rules, so curiously disposed in order, as it is a labour of Hercules to observe them. Yet he that errs in the least point of ceremony, must drink the cup of again for penalty. They hold it a point of reputation, if themselves having sense and memory, can send their guests home void of sense or reason, or full (as they more gently call drunkenness); and the better to perform this, they will now and then go out of the warm stove to ease their stomachs by casting, which use makes easy and familiar to them. They seldom or never drink with their hats on, for sitting in a warm stove bore headed, they find their heads more speedily eased of the vapours that arise from drinking. Many of the Germans going to sleep, do by the advice of the Physician, put little stones into their mouths, to keep them open: for as a boiling pot better secthes the meat if it be covered, so the fire be moderate: but if it be extraordinarily great and hot, the potlid must be taken off, lest it boil over; so it is good to help a man's concoetion, if he sleep with his mouth shut, so his diet be sparing or moderate: but in such excess as the Germans use, not only the mouth, but (if it might be) the very breast is to be opened, that the heat of the inward parts may have vent. The Germans sparingly and rarely give any gifts to those with whom they drink: but if they do, than (contrary to the custom of the Turks and Polonians) they willingly make them good when they are sober. And for the most part Merchants, and all traffickers of business, make all their contracts of buying and selling and otherwise with the counsel of the pot. Likewise when they sell houses or lands, they bring a tun of beer or vessel of wine into the strecte, and seal the bargain by drinking with their neighbours, in like sort concluding all their contracts, which agreed upon when they are half drunken, yet are confirmed by them when they are sober.  
At Prage I remember the Germans did scoff at a Polake Gentleman, to whom a Dutch Abbot giving a gold ring in his cups, the Polake in requital gave him his horse of price, and though he did earnestly refuse so great a gift, by instance forced him to accept it, yet in the morning being sober sent for his Horse again. To conclude, hardly any man will give his daughter in marriage to a man whom he hath not seen drunken, by which in a moment they are confident to conjecture what life she shall lead with him, since in drink men lively bewray their dispositions, which they can cloak and dissemble when they are sober. And they find by experience, that in drink cholerikemen are prone to quarrels, sanguine men to dancing and embracing, men possessed with melancholy to tears and complaints, and they who are phlegmatic to dull astonishment and spewing. The trade of brewing is more commodious among the Germans, than any other traffic. So as at Torg, (where the best beer is brewed and from thence distracted to other Cities) only the Senate hath the privilege to sell the same by small measures (as also to sell wine), and in the rest of lower Germany, as only the Senate buys and sells wine, so the chief Citizens by turns brew bear, admitting troops of poor people into their houses to drink it out. As the gain of brewing is great, so Princes raise great impositions from it, and the most rich Citizens or Aldermen (as I said) not only disdain not to brew, but even greedily expect their turn, at which time they also sell it by cans, and have their lower rooms full of drinking tables for the common people, where every man pays for his drink before his can be filled, that at least their purse may teach them measure, which otherwise they cannot observe. Yea, myself, not without wonder, have seen in a Senator's house, poor souls pawn their clothes for drink, and go home half naked, yet sufficiently armed with drink against the greatest cold.  
The beer of Torge is most esteemed in higher Saxony, and the most part at Leipzig drink no other, yet for their servants brew a small beer called beer of the covent, and a kind of most small beer, which the students call Rastrum, that is rake. Their is an Imperial Law in the golden Bull against Hosts, Mariners, and Carters, who either in Cellars, or Carriage by the highway, mingle brimstone or water with wine, wherein notwithstanding they daily offend, putting in brimstone to make it heady strong, and water to fill up the measure. There be in the same golden Bull many Laws made against drunkenness, at such time as the Germans having war with the Turks, began to look into themselves, for reforming of notorious vices, wherein it is decreed, that Courtiers given to this vice, should be expelled the Courts of Princes, and that all Magistrates should search out drunkards, and severely punish them: But give me one Prince free of this vice, who may thus punish his Courtiers. Myself being at a great Duke's funeral, did see a Prince his near cousin, drink so stiffly to expel sorrow, as all his senses and almost his spirits were suffocated there with, and of many Princes there present, (pardon me to speak truth) I did not see one sober at this funeral Feast, what would these Princes have done at a Marriage? Princes have a custom to drink by Attorney, when they are sickly or ill disposed, and many times they reward this substitute strongly bearing much drink, as for a good service to the Common wealth, yet except they be very sick, few are found which will not in person perform their own task. Give me one Magistrate of so many thousands, who with his own innocency is armed with boldness to punish others. Give me one, (I am ashamed to say it, but truth is truth); I say give me one Minister of God's Word, who preacheth against excess of drinking. Myself have heard some hundreths of their Sermons, yet never heard any invective against this vice.  

Turpe est Doctori, came eulpa redurguit ipsum,  
The teacher needs must be ashamed,  
Who for the same offence is blamed.   
Only the Women of Germany are most temperate in eating and drinking, and of all I did ever see, most modest in all kinds of virtue: yet the Women of Bohemia use as great (or little less) excess in drinking, as Men, not without a stain to their reputation of chastity. The Women of Germany have a custom to help their Husbands or Friends, by sipping of the cup; but I did never see any chaste woman, (as most of them are) drink largely, much less to be drunken: But for Men of all sorts whatsoever.  

Si quoties peccant, toties sua fulmina mittat  
Princeps, exiguo tempore inermis erit:  
If the Prince smite, as oft as they offend,  
His Sword and Arm will fail him ere the end.   
Thus howsoever the Germans be honest, deceiving neither stranger nor Country man, and have abundance of all things to sustain life, yet strangers, by reason of the general in temperance of the Nation, are either alured to participate this vice of drinking with them, or at least by ill custom are drawn to partake their punishment in paying of the shot, and through their churlish rusticity are ill entertained, and yet forced to reward the servants, whose attendance deserves nothing less.  
It remains that I should inform passengers how to apply themselves to the Germans in this drinking custom, so as at least with less hurt or offence, they may pass through their territories. For those who pass suddenly through the same without long abode in any place, nothing is more easy then to shun all participation of this nice, by consorting themselves with fit companions in their journey, so as they being the greater part as well in the Coach, as at the Table, may rather draw the lesser part in sobriety, then be induced by them to excess. But they who desire to converse with the 〈◊〉, and to learn their language, cannot possibly keep within the bounds of 〈◊〉, and must use art to shun great or daily excess. Such a passenger sitting do 〈◊〉 Table, must not presently drink of all the Cups begun to him from others: for the Germans are so exceeding charitable to all Men, as they will furnish him presently with new Cups on all hands for fear that he should suffer thirst. He shall do better to set the cups in order before his trencher, and first to drink of, those of lesser quantity, but ever to keep one or two of the greatest, to return in exchange to him that drinks to him. For this kind of revenge (as I may term it) the Germans fear, more than the Irish do great guns, and to avoid the same, will forbear to provoke him with garausses. For they love not healths in great measures (which they call Infloribus), but had much rather sip then swallow In this kind I remember a pleasant French Gentleman much distasted them, who invited to a feast, and admonished, that he could not possibly return sober, did at the very beginning of supper, drink great garausles, of himself calling for them, besides the small healths commended to him from others, which unwonted kind of skirmishing when they disliked, he presently replied: Why should we lose time? since we must be drunken let us do it quickly, the sooner, the better; and therewith he so tired those at the table, as he found no man would in that kind contend with him. But to the purpose. If the cups set about his trencher increase in number, he may easily find occasion (as when his consorts go out to make water) either to convey some of them to their trenchers, or to give them to the servant to let away. After supper he may nod and sleep, as if he were drunken, for,  

Stultitcam simulare loco prudentia summa.  
Sometimes the fool to play,  
Is wisdom great they say.   
And so he shall be led to a bed, which they have in all their stoves, and call the Faulbett, that is, the slothful bed. Otherwise he may feign headache, or fear of an ague; or if these excuses prevail not, as seldom they do while he states in the room, because they cannot endure to have a sober man behold them drinking, then as if he went out to make water, or speak with some friend, he shall do best to steal away, and howsoever he have confidently promised to return, yet to come no more that night, no not to fetch his cloak or hat, which are always laid up safely for him, especially if he foresee the skirmish like to be hot. But above all, let him take heed of the old fashion to take leave of his companions and bid them good night, for the Germans upon no entreaty or excuse will suffer any man to go to bed so sober. If there be music and dancing, their dances being of no Art and small toil, he had much better dance with the women till midnight, then return to the table among the drinkers, for one of these four he must do, drink, sleep, dance, or steal away, no fifth course remains. Lastly, let him warily choose his companions of that Nation, with good trial of their honest dispositions. But with strangers, as English, French and Polakes, let him carefully eschew excess of drinking. For these, and especially the English, when they are heated with drink, are observed to be mad in taking exceptions, and in the ill effects of fury, being more prone to quarrels then the Dutch, and having no mean in imitating foreign vices or virtues, but with Brutus, that they will, they will too much.  
For Bohemia and Switzerland, that seated in the centre of Germany, this on the 
Boemerland and Sweitzerland.  Northwest side of the Alps, I have contained their Geohraphicall description in that of Germany, and have spoken something of them in this discourse of Germany. It remains to add something of them, touching the particular subjects of this Chapter. The Bohemians drink the Wines of Hungary, being much better than those of Germany, and have much better Beer, in regard they have great plenof Corn, and the Sweitzers drink the delicate Wines of Italy. Neither of their 
Of both in general!.  traffickes is comparable to that of Germany, because Bohemia is far within land and hath no great commodities to be exported, and Sweitzerland is addicted to the mercenary service of foreign Princes in their wars, changing their cattle for the Wines of Italy, and content with their own, so they want not plenty of good drink.  
Some Cantones of the Sweitzers make great gain of spinning wool, whereof they 
Sweitz. particularly.  make pieces of cloth some 134 else long, and lest covetousness of private men might prejudice the common good, they appoint overseers to this trade, who punish all frauds severely and some capitally. For food, they abound with Honey, Butter, and Milk, and have plenty of Venison found in the wild Alps, and especially of excellent sorts of fish, by reason of their frequent Lakes. In public Inns a meal is given for six or seven batzen. They are hospital towards strangers, and among themselves, they have public houses where they meet, and shoot with Crossbow and musket, with like exercises. There they sometimes eat together and invite guests to these houses as to a Tavern. And to the end all things may there be done with more modesty, the tables of the Magistrates and all other sorts of men, are in one and the same room. In meats they use moderation, and for drinking use far less excess than the Saxons, somewhat less than they of upper Germany. They have strict laws to imprison Drunkards for a year, and at solemn feasts, the vulgar sort are admonished to behave themselves modestly, yet drunkenness hath such patronage among the best sort, as it cannot be banished. They brag of their ancient temperance, and say, that excess came into the Commonwealth, together with the accepting of military stipends from foreign Princes.  
Bohemia abounds with Corn, Cattle, Fish (as plenty of Salmon), Woods, good Horses, but heavy like those of Freesland, and with Niter, which it is death to carry out, 
Dohemerland particularly.  yet for gain of fifty in the hundred, there want not who hazard that danger. I say it hath the commodities, and also produceth Wines, but very sharp and unpleasant, and hath some mines of metals. Howsoever it be much more Southerly than England, yet the Italian fruits (as figs) are there most rare, which in Winter they keep in cellars, and only in Summer time set them abroad in Gardens, and in like sort, but with great difficulty they preserve Rosemary, but they have no Laurel at all. The men drink (if it be possible) more than the Germans, and are much more subject to gluttony, and their women swill Wine and Beer daily, and in great excess, which to the Germans is most reproachful. In the Inns they give large diet for some five Bohemish grosh a meal, and upon the confines of Germany towards Nurnberg, for some twenty creitzers a meal. But the Bohemians eat often in the day, and sit almost continually at the Table, and since at Prage, and in many other places, all things are sold out of the Inns, after the manner of Poland, the Bohemians seldom eat at an ordinary, but demand what meat they will upon a reckoning. For the rest, Boemerland and Sweitzerland little differ from Germany, for the diet, the Hosts, the Inns, excess of drinking, or any like things.   

CHAP. FOUR Of the united Provinces in netherlands, and of Denmark and Poland, touching the said subjects of the precedent third Chapter.  
THE longitude of netherlands lies, or extends seven degrees and a half, from the Meridian of twenty two degrees and a half, to that of thirty degrees, and the Latitude lies or extends five degrees, from the parallel of forty eight degrees and a half, to that of fifty three degrees and a half. It is called netherlands, as a Country lying low, and the people for language and manners hath great affinity with the Germans, both being called Dutchmen by a common name. Of old this Country was a part of Gallia transalpina (that is, beyond the Alps from Italy) which was subdivided into Comata and Narbonensis, and again Comata (so called of the people's long hair) was subdivided into Aquitanica & Celtica, or Lugdunensis, and Belgica. This part called Belgica, contains the Lowcountries, whose dominion hath been by marriage derived from the Burgundian family to that of Austria, and some divide this Country into seventeen Provinces, whereof some still remain subject to the King of Spain, others (of which I am to speak) being united in league, have recovered their liberty by the sword, and at this time did make war with the Spaniard about the same. But some Maps, among these seventeen Provinces reckon the County of Valkenburg, which is part of the Dukedom of Limburg, other Maps make Mechlin and Antwerp to be Provinces, which are both contained in the Dukedom of Brabant. Therefore I better approve those, who divide the whole Country into fifteen Provinces, namely, the Counties of Artois, of Flanders, of Hanaw, of Zealand, of Holland, of Zutphan, and of Namurs, and the Dukedoms of Luxenburg, of Brabant, of Limburg, and of Gelderland, and the territories, of West-Freesland, of Groaning, of Vtrecht, & of Transisola.  
1 The County of Artois hath many fair Cities, whereof Arras is the chief, giving the name to the Province, and to those rich hangings, wherewith our great men adorn their Palaces.  
2 Flanders is the largest County, the chief Cities whereof are Ghant (where the Emperor Charles the fifth was borne), and Bruges (whether great concourse of Merchants was made of old, so as the strangers hearing no other name but Flanders, did by custom impose the name of Flanders on all the fifteen Provinces, and the name of Flemings on all the inhabitants.) Flanders hath other Cities, namely, Calleis, Dunkirk, Ostend, and Sleuse, all lying on the Sea coast; whereof Sleuse is a Municipal Village of Bruges, but at this time was itself strongly fortified, and Ostend taken from the Spaniards by the States of the united Provinces, was at this time committed by them, and under their pay, to the custody of an English Garrison under Sir Edward Norreys Knight. This Province yields plenty of Corn and Flax, and is very rich with making Linen and Woollen clothes. It hath excellent pastures, and is enriched with Cheese, Butter, Oil made of Rape-rootes, Salt, and the fishing of Herrings, but it yields no Wine. The famous Wood Arduenna lies in the confines thereof towards land, where it aboundeth with Wood, but towards the Sea they burn Turf, made of earth, and also burn Cow dung.  
3 The County of Hanaw hath the Principality of Arscot, united to the Dukedom of Brabant, by which the Duke's son hath the title of Prince. The chief Cities of this County are Mons and Valinciennes. It hath mines yielding Lead and Marble of many colours, and a good kind of Coals.  
4 The County of Zealand is by situation, the first of the United Provinces, consisting of many islands, whereof seven are principal, and the chief is Walcherne, the chief City whereof is Midleburg, famous for traffic, and the Staple for Spanish and French Wines. near that is the City Vlishing, strongly fortified, being the chief of the Forts then engaged to the Crown of England, and kept by an English Garrison, under the command of Sir Robert Sidney Knight (for the second Fort engaged to England, lies in another Island, and is called Brill, being then kept by an English Garrison, under the command of the Lord Barrows.) All these islands are fertile, and yield excellent Corn, more plentifully than any other Province, so as one acre thereof is said to yield double to an acre of Brabant. But they have no sweet water, nor good air, and for want of wood burn turf. They take plenty of sea-fish, which they Salt, and carry into other Countries. Madder for dying of wool, grows there plentifully, which likewise they export, and grow rich by selling these commodities, as likewise Spanish and French Salt, and like traffic.  
5 The County of Holland called of old Battavia, and inhabited by the Chatti (as Tacitus writes), is in situation the second of the united Provinces, but the first in dignity. The Cities whereof are Amstelrodam (famous for traffic), Rhoterodam (where Erasmus was borne), Leyden (an University), Harlem, Dort (the staple for the Rhenish Wines), and Delft, all very fair Cities. And I may not omit the most pleasant Village of the Hage, called Gravenhage, because the Count's Court was there, and it is now the seat of the united States, wanting only walls to make it numbered among the most pleasant Cities, being no doubt a Village yielding to none for the pleasant seat. This Province doth so abound with lakes, pools of water, and artificial ditches, as it gives passage by water as well as by land to every City and poorest Village, (which are infinite in number). And these ditches itoweth for the most part to the River Rhine.  
For the Rhine of old running towards Leyden, did fall a little below it into the Sea, but at this day by reason the Land is low and subject to overflowings it hath changed the bed, and at Lobecum in the Dukedom of Cleve, divides itself into many branches. The first runs to Arnheim, (a City of Gelderland) then to Vava, Rena, and Battovodurum, where Lecca receives his waters, and takes away the name from the Rhine, 
The first branch of Rhine.  yet so as a little branch thereof still holds the name of Rhine, which running to Mastricht, there divides into two, one whereof falls into Vecta, and so into an arm of the Sea near Munda, the other runs by Woerden, and after a long course, necre Leyden is divided into five little branches, whereof three fall into a lake, and the fourth turns to Renoburg, and loseth itself in mountains of sand, near the Village Catwicke. I remember that the water falling through Leyden is called Rhine, so as I think it probable that all the standing waters lying between the several pastures there, come from the Rhine after it hath lost the name. I said that the Rhine at Battovodurum is called Lecca, which runs to Culenburg and to Viana, where in a ditch is the fountain of Isala, which runs to 〈◊〉. Thus (to omit the little branch at Battovodurum) the first branch of the Rhine is lost in the Rivers Lecca and Isala. The second branch bends from Lobecum to Neomagum, and falls into the Brook Meroutus (taking the name of 
The second branch.  the old Family of Kings among the Galls, where is an old Castle compassed with the Brook, and of the same name), then running to Dort in Holland, it receives the foresaid Lecca and Isala, and so near Rhoterodame falls into the Mosa, and under that name falls near Brill into the Germane Sea. The third branch of the Rhine running from Lobecum, within two miles of Arnheime, falls into the ditch of Drusus, (or rather of 
The third branch.  Germanicus) and so runs to Dewsborows (the City of Drusus) where it receives the old Isala, (springing in Westphalia), and by the name of Isala or Isell, running to Zutphane, and then to Deventry, falls into Tatus at Amstelrodame, and by an arm of the Sea is carried to West-Freesland, and so falls into the Germane Sea near the Island fly.  
5 To return to my purpose, Holland is little in circuit, but abounds with people and dwellings, and being poor of itself, is most rich by industry, and wanting both Wine and Corn, yet furnisheth many Nations with both. Neither Wool nor Flax grow there, but of both brought in to them, they make linen clothes much prised and also Woollen, both carried to the very Indies. I need not speak of Holland Cheeses so vulgarly known and much esteemed. Lastly, Holland is famous for the traffic of all commodities, and the Romans so highly esteemed the Fortitude and faithfulness of the old Battani, as they had a Band of them for their Guard.  
6 The County of Zutphane is accounted part of Gelderland, and subdued by the States Arinie, was joined to the united Provinces in the year 1591.  
7 The County of Namures so called of the Cheese City, hath Mines of Iron and plenty of stony Coal, contrary to all other Coals in that it is quenched by the infusion of Oil. It hath also an ill smell, which they take away by the sprinkling of Salt, and it burns more clear having water cast upon it. This County hath also quarries of Freestone, and of Marble of divers colours.  
8 The Dukedom of Luxenburg hath the name of the chief City, and the inhabitants of the upper part are Germans, but they of the lower parts, are like the French in language and Manners.  
9 The Dukedom of Brabant hath fair Cities, namely Antwerp, most famous before the civil War, because Maximilian, of Austria, brought thither from Bruges in Flanders, the famous traffic of all Nations, by a ditch drawn to Sluice (only to be failed upon at the flowing of the Sea tides). At this day forsaken of Merchants, it lies overgrown with grass, and the said traffic enricheth Holland and the united Provinces. The next City is Brissell, of old the seat of the Dukes, and now of the Spanish Governors. Then Lovan a famous University. Then Mechlin subject to the united States. Then Bergenapzome a fortified City, at this time committed to the custody of Sir Thomas Morgan Knight, with an English Garrison. The Inhabitants of this Dukedom were of old called Tungri.  
10 The Dukedom of Limburg hath Mastricht for the chief City, & the Bishopric of Licge pertains to it, wherein the City of Liege is the Bishop's seat, and the territory thereof yields a little quantity of a small wine, and hath Mines yielding a little Iron, some lead, and brimstone, and a very little quantity of good gold. The Mountains yield a black Alabaster, with marble and other stones, especially stony coals in great quantity, which being there found at first, are now called generally Liege Coals.  
11 The Dukedom of Gelderland, was of old inhabited by the Menappijs and Sieambri, and aboundeth with excellent pastures and meadows, so as great Herds of Cattle brought thither out of Denmark to be sold, are for great part fatted there. The chief City is Nimmengen, the second Harduike, a fortified City subject to the united States, and the third Arnheim, also subject to them.  
12 The Territory of West-Freessand is divided, as Holland, with artificial ditches, and aboundeth with eocellent pastures for fatting of the greatest herds of Cattle, and yieldeth itself all kinds of cattle of extraordinary bigness, as Horses of Freesland vulgarly known. It hath many Cities, where of the chief are Lewerden, Dockam, Fronikar (an University) and Harlingen, not to speak of nine other Towns, fortified with walls and ditcbes. This Territory is subject or associated to the united States.  
13 The Territory of Groningen, made part of Freesland by Cosmagraphers, is also subject to the States, and hath the name of the chief City, strongly fortified and seated in a fenny soil.  
14 The Territory of Vtrecht is also associated under the same united States, whose chief and very pleasant City is called Vtrecht.  
15 The Territory of Transisole, vulgarly called De land over Ysseli (the Land beyond Yssell) is also associated to the united States, whereof the chief City is Deventry, which besieged by the State's Army in the year 1591., was then subdued, and it lies nearer to the Sea. It hath another City called swoll.  
The united Provinces of netherlands, (through which only I did pass) have a most intemperate Air, the Winter cold being excessive, and the Summer's heat far exceeding 
The situation.  the ordinary heat of that clime. The reason of the cold is, that the Northern winds of themselves ordinarily cold, do here in a long course on all sides glide upon the Germane Sea, thereby gathering far greater cold, and so rush into those plain Provinces, no where stopped either by mountains or woods, there being no Mountains, scarce any hills, no woods, scarce any groves, to hinder them from violent passage with their uttermost force. Like reason may be given for the heat: For the same open Plain, no way shadowed from the beams of the Sun by opposition of Woods or Mountains, must needs in Summer be subject to the heat of the Sun and winds from land. Add that in Winter the frequent Rivers, Lakes, and Pools or standing waters, in finitely increase the coldness of the air. These waters aswell running as standing, are almost all Winter frozen over with a thick ice, so as they will bear some hundreths of young men and women, sliding upon them with pattens, according to their custom. Yea, the Arm of the Sea called Zwidersea, lying within land, between Holland and Freseland, though it be large and deep, having only two flats or shoals, yet being compassed with islands and the Continent, is many times in Winter so frozen over, as Victuallers erect Tents in the midst of it, having Beer and Wine, and fire made upon iron furnaces, to refresh such as pass upon sledges, or sliding upon iron patterns from one shore to the other. This cold is the cause, why their sheep and cattle are kept in stables, to bring forth their young. And howsoever the same be done in Italy, subject to great heat, yet it is not of necessity, as here, but out of the too great tenderness of the Italians, towards the few cattle they have And this is the cause, that how soever they use not hot stoaves, as the Germans do, yet the Women, as well at home, as in the Churches, to drive away cold, put under them little pans of fire, covered with boxes of wood, boared full of holes in the top. And this sordid remedy they carry with them, by the high way in wagons, which the Danes or Mosconites use not, though oppressed with greater cold: only some of the more noble Women, disliking this remedy, choose rather to wear breeches, to defend them from the cold.  
In this distemper of Air, it cannot be expected that there should be plenty of flowers 
The fertility of the united Provinces.  and summer fruits. No doubt, in regard of the fatness of the soil, watered with frequent ditches, and through the foresaid heat of the Summer, they might have plenty of flowers and fruits, were it not impossible or very difficult to preserve them from perishing by the winter's cold, and were not the Inhabitants careless of such dainties, though in later times, as they have admitted foreign manners, so luxury hath more power with them; then formerly it had. I have oft seen one Apple sold for a blank, and those great Cherries which are brought into England, grow not here, but in Flaunders, and the Territories within Land. They have abundance of Butter, Cheese, and Roots, and howsoever they have not of their own full sufficiency of other things to maintain life, yet they abound with the same brought from other parts. Some provinces, (as the Bishopric of Vtrecht) yield corn to be transported, but in general the united Provinces (of which only I discourse in this place) have not sufficient corn for their own use, yet by traffic at Dantzke, they furnish themselves & many other nations therewith. They have little plenty of River fish, excepting only Eales, but in the Mosa, as it falls from Dort to the sea, they have plenty of Salmon, and other fish, which fishing did of old yield great profit to the Prince and Merchants. And for Sea fishes salted and dried, they make great traffic therewith. Myself lying for a passage in the Island Fly, did see great quantity of shellfish sold at a very low rate. Great herds of Oxen and Calves, are yearly brought into these parts out of the Dukedom of Holst, united to the Kingdom of Denmark, (in which parts they feed most on dry and salt meats), and these Herds are fatted in the rich pastures of Gelderland and Freesland. There is great abundance of Sea Fowls, (especially in West-Freesland) and they want not land Fowls. They carefully nourish Storks, as presaging happiness to an Aristocratical government, making them nests on the tops of public houses and punishing any that drive them away, or trouble them. In which kind also they preserve Hernes making nests in those groves, which are only in few Cities. They have a race of heavy Horses, and strong, which they sell in sorraigne parts, using only their Mares to draw Wagons, and for like uses at home. The Provinces on the Sea Coast (as I formerly said) burn their own earth, by the frequent digging whereof, they say the Sea or lake at Harlem was first made. And of these tnrffes they make fires, both clear and of good smell, without smoke, and commodious to dress meat, to starch linen, and like uses.  
They are notable Mariners, yet in that to be blamed, that being at Sea, they use no public prayers, that ever I heard: And several Cities have great numbers of ships, 
The traffic.  wherein they trade with such Industry and subtlety, as they are in that point envied of till Nations.  
The very Italians, who in foreseeing wisdom, would be accounted Promethei, were by them made Epimethei, wise after the deed, too late repenting, that when they came first to settie their trade in Flaunders, they took yowg youths of that Nation to be their Cassiers, who by writing letters for them, learned the secrets of that trade, and after, to the Italians great prejudice, exercised it themselves. Some three Flemings, brethren or partners, use to settle themselves in as many Cities of great trade, where they keep such correspondency, as by buying all things at the well head, where they are cheapest, and transporting them far off, where they are dearest, and especially by living sparingly, both in diet and apparel, and not shaming to retail any commodity in small parts (which great Merchants disdain to sell, otherwise then by whole sale), they have attained the highest knowledge and riches of trading. Thus they buy raw silk of the Turks, and weave the same into divers stusses in Italy, which they sell not there, but transport them into England, and the Northern parts, where they bear highest price, and there retail them by the smallest proportions. They have of their own, very fine Linen, and Woollen clothes, of divers kinds, and many clothes of Cotton, Arras hangings, plenty of Hops (aswell on the Sea-coast of Beabant, as in the East part of Holland) and great store of Butter, Cheese, and Fish salted and dried, all which they transport. Again they bring from Dantzke store of Hemp, whereof themselves make Ropes and Cables, neither transport they any rude matter, but by working it at home, enrich many populous Cities. Also from Dantzke they bring corn, all kinds of pitch, and other commodities of that place, and from Italy many kinds of silk stuffies. Also by the diligent fishing, especially of Herting, on the Sea-coast of England, they grow rich, selling the same to all Nations, and to the very English, who are not so industrious in that trade. Lastly, they draw the commodities of all Nations to them, and fetch them from the very Indies, and in like sort they transport them to the remotest parts, where they yield most gain.  
It is not amiss to add the very words of Marchantius, writing of the old trade of Burges in Flanders, since what I have written, is only to be understood of the united Provinces. Thus he saith. Lodovicus Crassus in the year 1323. granted a staple to Bruges, which his son Malanus confirmed. The Staple is a privilege of staying foreign Commodities in the place, except the seller and bringer choose rather to return whence they came. Bruges hath a Market place, with a house for the meeting of Merchants at noon and evening, which house was called the Burse, of the houses of the extinct Family Bursa, bearing three purses for their Arms, engraveu upon their houses. The Merchants of England, Scotland, France Castilia, Portugal, Arragon, Nanar, Catnlania, Biscaia, the Hans Cities of Germany; (namely Lubeck, Hamberg, Rostoch, Dantzk, eRiga, Renel, and divers other Cities,) the Merchants of Venice, Florence, Genoa, Luca, and Milan (namely fifteen Nations,) had each their College or house here. The Italians brought Chamblets and Grogram in made of goats hair, in Galatia a province of the Lesser Asia, they brought Hides, thread of Silk, of Silver, and of Gold, and clothes made of them, they brought jewels, Wines of Candia, Alum, Brimstone, Oil, Spices, Apothecary Wares, Mithridate, Rhubarb, Mummy, Sena, Cassia, and the soil of Brass. The French brought Salt, Red and white Wines, Oil, and Paper. The English brought Wool, Lead, Tin, Beer, Woollen clothes, especially those so make veils for the Low country women. The Scots brought skins of sheep Conneys and other, and course woollen clothes. The Spaniards and Portugals, brought grain for Scarlet Dye, Gold, Silver, raw Silk, thread of Silk, the wood Guiacum, Salsaparilla, unicorns Horn, and Spices. The Germans, with the Danes and Polakes, brought Honey, Wax, Corn, saltpeter, Wool, Glass, rich Furs, Quicksilver, Arms, Rhenish Wines, Timber for building. Again, they exported out of Flanders, fair and great Horses, fat Beenes, Butter, divers kinds of Cheese, pickled and fumed Herting, divers Sea-fish salted, Woollen and Linen clothes, Tapestry of great variety and beauty, rare pictures, and all manuary works. Thus Flanders gave the name to all netherlands. Bruges 〈◊〉 in the year 1414. got a privilege, that they who were free of that City, by Birth, Gift, Buying or Marriage, should be free from all confiscation of their goods, which exceedeth the privileges of any other City in netherlands, for those of Ypre having the like, yet lose it upon any Force offered to the Prince. The trade at Bruges began to decay in the year 1485, partly for the narrowness and unsafety of the Port of Sluice and the River leading from thence to Bruges, partly by the Fame of the large and commodious River Scaldis at Antwerp, and partly by the civil Wars. For first the Portugals having taken Calicut in the East Indies, carried their famous Spices to the Fair of Antwerp in the year 1503. and contracting with that City, drew the Fuggari and Welfari German Merchants thither. And after the Merchants of Florence Lucca, and the Spinolae of Genor, and those of other Nations (excepting part of the Spaniards) leaving Bruges, seated themselves at Antwerp about the year 1516. And they were invited thither by the privilege of Marriage Dowries, which became shadows to many frauds. For when Husbands either break in life time, or be found banckerouts at death, the Wives are preferred to all debtor in the recovery of their dowry. Notwithstanding Bruges at this day by the third general tax of Flaunders yet in use, pays something more than Ghant for public uses. These be the words of jacobus Marchantius.  
The foresaid trade of the united Provinces, hath at home much commodity and increase by the Rivers, (as the Rhine bringing down the commodities of Germany), and by the standing or little moving waters, which are most frequent, and by channels or ditches wrought by hand, and bearing at least little boats for passage to each City and Village: but these waters for the most part ending in standing pools, by reason they fall into a low ground near the Sea, the Air is unwholesome, the waters are neither of good smell nor taste, neither do they drive Mils, as running waters do elsewhere, of which kind they have few or none. Myself in a dark rainy day passing one of these said narrow channels, numbered an hundred little boats at least, which passed by us, (and are hired at a low rate) whereby the great trade and singular industry of the Inhabitants may be conjectured. Add that beside, the Germane Sea, lying upon divers of these Provinces, they have many Arms of the Sea, that run far within Land. All the Rivers fall from Germany, which in this lower soil often overflowing, have changed their old beds, and falling into ditches made by hand, do no more run with their wont force, but (as I have said in the description of Holland) do end (as it were) in lakes. By reason of the foresaid industry of the people inhabiting the united Provinces, the number of their ships, and the commodity of their Seas and waters, howsoever they want of their own many things for necessity and delight, yet there is no where greater abundance of all things, neither could any Nation endowed with the greatest riches by nature, have so long borne as they have done a civil war, and intolerable exactions and tributes, much less could they by this mischief have grown rich, as this people hath done. One thing not used in any other Country, is here most common, that while the Husbands snort idly at home, the Women especially of Holland, for traffic sail to Hamburg, and manage most part of the business at home, and in neighbour Cities. In the shops they sell all, they take all accounts, and it is no teproch to the men to be never inquited after, about these affairs, who taking money of their wives for daily expenses, gladly pass their time in idleness.  
Touching this people's diet, Butter is the first and last dish at the Table, whereof they make all sauces, especially for fish, and thereupon by strangers they are merrily 
Dict.  called Butter-mouths. They are much delighted with white meats, and the Bawers drink milk in stead of beer, and as well Men as Women, passing in boats from City to City for trade, carry with them cheese, and boxes of butter for their food, whereupon in like sort strangers call them Butter boxes, and nothing is more ordinary then for Citizens of good account and wealth to sit at their doors, (even dwelling in the market place) holding in their hands, and eating a great lump of bread and butter with a lunchen of cheese. They use to seethe little pieces of flesh in Pipkins, with roots and gobbets of fat mingled therewith, without any cutiosity; and this they often seeth again, setting it each meal of the week on the Table, newly heated, and with some addition of flesh roots or fat morsels, as they think needful, and this dish is vulgarly called Hutspot. They feed much upon roots, which the boys of rich men devour raw with a morsel of bread, as they run playing in the streets. They use most commonly fresh meats, and seldom set any salt meats on the board, except it beat Feasts to provoke drinking. They use no spits to roast meat, but bake them in an earthen pipkin as in an oven, and so likewise seeth them: And these meats being cold, they often heat and serve to the Table, so as I have come into an Inn, and being in the Kitchen, could see nothing ready for supper, yet presently called to supper, have seen a long Table furnished with these often heated meats, which smoked on the outside, yet were cold on the inside. This people is proverbially said to excel in baked meats, especially in baking of Venison; yet to my knowledge they have no red Dear in these Provinces, neither have they any enclosed Parks for fallow Dear, nor any Connygrees. Only Count Mauritz hath of late had out of England some Bucks and Does of fallow Dear, which run in the grove at the Hage, and there be some Coneys near Leyden upon the sandy bank of the Sea, which are not sufficient to serve the Inhabitants of those parts, but are accounted good and pleasant to eat. Neither in foreign parts do they much desire to feed on Coneys, either because they are rare, or because the flesh is not savoury. They use to eat early in the morning, even before day, and the cloth is laid four times in the day for very servants, but two of these times they set before them nothing but cheese and butter. They seeth all their meat in water falling of rain, and kept in cisterns. They eat muhrooms and the binder parts of frogs for great dainties, which frogs young men use to catch and present them to their Mistresses for dainties. I have seen a hundredth of Oysters in divers Cities sold sometimes for eight or twelve, yea for twenty or thirty stivers. They dress fresh water fish with butter more then enough, and salted fishes savourly with butter & mustard: where they eat not at an Ordinary, but upon reckoning (as they do in Villages and poorer Inns), there they weigh the cheese when it is set on Table, and taken away, being paid by the weight; and I have known some waggish Soldiers, who put a leaden bullet into the Cheese, making it thereby weigh little less than at first sitting down, and so deceiving their Hosts: But in the chief Inns, a man shall eat at an Ordinary, and there Gentlemen and others of inferior condition sit at the same Table, and at the same rate.  
The Inns are commodious enough, and the Cities being frequent scarce some eight miles distant one from the other, commodities of lodging are as frequent, yea, they hang out signs at the door, (which fashion is not in use in many Cities of Germany, in Denmark, Poland, Scotland, and Ireland, where the Inns are only known by fame); and this made me marvel, that notwithstanding this sign obliging them to lodge strangers, myself though well appareled, have divers times been refused lodging in many of those Inns, which seemed to me a scorn and flat injury. At the fair City of Leyden not wanting many fair Inns. I was refused lodging in six of them, and hardly got it in the seventh, which made me gather that they did not willingly entertain Englishmen: neither did I attribute this to their in hospital nature, but to the licentiousness of our Soldiers, who perhaps had deserved ill of them thereby, or perhaps by ill payment, for which I cannot blame the English in that case, butrather the unequal Law of England, giving all to the elder brothers, lying sluggishly at home, and thrusting the younger brothers into the wars and all desperate hazards, and that in penury, which forcibly driveth the most ingenious dispositions to do unfit things. By reason of the huge impositions (especially upon wines, the passengers expense is much increased, for the exactions often equal or pass the value of the things for which they are paid. And though a man drink beer, subject to less imposition and less dear than wine, yet he must understand that his companions drink largely, and be he never so sober in diet, yet his purse must pay a share for their intemperance. After supper passengers use to sit by the fire, and pass some time in mirth, drinking upon the common charge, and to warm their beer till it have a froth: yet do they not use these night drink so frequently nor with such excess, as the Germans do.  
I remember that having been at Sea in a great storm of wind, thunder, and lightning, about the month of November, when such storms are rare, and being very weary and sad, I landed at Dockam in West-Freesland, where at that time some young Gentlewomen of that Country, passing through that City towards Groaning, according to the fashion of those parts, we did eat at an ordinary Table, and after supper sat down by the fire, drinking one to the other; where after our storm at Sea, the custom of Freesland did somewhat recreate us: For if a woman drink to a man, the custom is that she must bring him the Cup and kiss him, he not moving his feet nor scarcely his head to meet her, and men drinking to them are tied to the like by custom. A stranger would at first sight marvel at this custom, and more specially that their very husbands should take it for a disgrace, and be apt to quarrel with a man for omitting this ceremony towards their wives, yet they interpret this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if they judged their wives to be so foul or infamous, or at least 〈◊〉 as they 〈◊〉 them unworthy of that courtesy. In the first Book of this third Part and in the journal of the first Part, I have particularly set down the rates of expenses for 〈◊〉 through those parts. They greatly esteem English Beer, either for the 〈◊〉 wine, or indeed the goodness thereof; and I have observed some in their cups thus to magnify it, English Beer, English verstant, English bear makes an English wit. So in the Sea towns of England they sing this English rhyme; 〈◊〉 of mutton and English Beer, make the Flemings tarry here. They say that there be 〈◊〉 brewers at 〈◊〉, and there they imitate the English Beer, and call that kind Delphs English. But with no cost could they ever make as good as the English is, though they provided to have English Brewers, either by reason of the difference of the waters, or rather (as by experience I have found), because our Beer carried over Sea (whereby it work a new, and goes a better favour) doth drink much better than that we have at home. They say that of old there were more than 700 brewers at Torgaw, till upon the water 〈◊〉 or corrupted, they forsook that place. It is not lawful to sell Rhenish wine and French white wine in the same tavern, lest they should be mixed: but one man may sell French 〈◊〉 wine and Rhenish wine, which cannot well be mixed, without being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And for the same cause they may not sell in one place divers lands of the same country wine, and of the same colour. The Netherlanders use less excess in drinking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Saxons, and more than other Germans. And if you ask a woman for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, she takes it for an honest excuse, to say he is drunken and sleeps. But I will truly say, that for every day drinking, though it be far from soberness, yet it is not with so great excess as the Saxons use, neither in taverns (where they, and specially the common sort most meet) and in private feasts at home, do they use so great excess as the Saxons. Neither do drunken men reel in the streets of netherlands so frequently, as they do in those of Saxony. Only I did once see, not without astonishment, a man of honourable condition, as it seemed by his apparel, of Velvet, and many rings on his fingers, who lay groveing on the ground, close by the cart rut of the highway, with two servants distending his cloak between the Sun and him, and when we lighted from our wagon, to behold more nearly this spectacle, thinking the man to be killed or sore wounded, his servants made signs unto us, that we should not trouble him, who was only drunken, and would be well assoon as he had slept a little. At this we much wondered, and went on our journey. At feasts they have a fashion to put a Capon's rump in the saltseller, & to contend who shall deserve it, by drinking most for it. The best sort at feasts for a frolic will change hats, whereby it happens that Gallants shall wear a burghers cap, and a Burger an hat with a feather, crying, Tousfoiz a mode de Liege, All fools after the fashion of Liege. Some wanting companions to drink, lay down their hat or cloak for a companion so playing themselves both parts, of drinking to, & pledging, till they have no more sense or use of reason then the cloak or 〈◊〉 hath. Lastly, all bargains, contracts, & solemnities whatsoever are done in 〈◊〉 caps.  
The longitude of Denmark and Norway, extends 8 degrees and a 〈◊〉, from the Meridian 
Denmark.  of 27 degrees and a half, to that of 36 degrees. And the latitude extends 10 degrees, from the parallel of 58 degrees, to that of 68 degrees. The Kingdom of Denmark is divided into six parts, Finmark, Norway, Gothia, Scandia, Seland and jutland.  
1 Finmark reacheth towards the North, beyond the artic circle, to the Castle Warthouse, and therefore must needs be desert and barren.  
2 Norway in the Germans tongue signifies the way to the North, and it is so large, as of old it had and still retaineth the name of a Kingdom, and towards Finmark it reacheth to the artic circle. The Cities are named, 〈◊〉 not far from the narrow Sea, called Der Soundt, and Nidrosia, formerly called Trondia. lying upon the same sea, and Bergiss the seat of a Bishop, and Solzburg a City of traffic. In Norway they catch great store of Stockfish, which they beat with cudgels, and dry with cold, and great store of a fish, from the Greek word called Plaise, for the breadth thereof, and they sell great quantity of this fish to the Germane Cities upon the sea, which they keep to feed the people, in case the cities should be besieged.  
3 The Island Gothia is annexed to the Crown of Denmark, yet the Succians took it in our time, but the Danes recovered it again. Histories, report, that the Goths came out of this Island, yet old Writers under the name of Scandia contain all the tract of the neck of Land, lying from the Hyperborean Sea, between the Northern Ocean, and the Bodick Gulf; from whence it is more probable, that the Goths came out, then only from this little Island, who after seated themselves upon the Euxine sea, and the bank of Danow, and from thence made incursions upon the Roman Empire. And hereupon the said tract, containing not only Scandia and Gothia, but all Norway and Suecia, was by old Writers called the shop and sheath of Nations. The Island Gothia yields the rich Furs called Sabels'.  
4 The Island Scandia is also called Scondia, and Scandinavia, and Schonlandia, that is, fair land, the beauty whereof the Danes highly extol, and for the firtiltie prefer it to Sealand, though it pass the same in the buildings of the King's Court and other houses. The Cities thereof are Helsenburg, Lanscron, and London the Metropolitan City.  
5 The Island of Seland, (whence they hold the Zelanders of netherlands to have come into those parts), is beautified with the City Copenhagen (that is, the Haven of Merchants) where the King hath his Court, and there is an University. It hath also the strong Castle Cronemburg, built in the Village Elsenar, and the City Roschild, so called of a Fountain, being the seat of a bishop, where the Kings are buried. Between the Castle Cronembirg in Seland, and the Castle Helsenburg in Scandia, is the famous strait of the Sea, called Der Soundt, by which the ships enter into the Baltic Sea, and returning from Dantzk and Righa, laded with precious commodities, pay great tributes to the King of Denmark, both at the entry and going 〈◊〉 of that Strait.  
6 jutland signifying a good land in the Germane language, is the Northern part of the Cimbrian Chersonesus (that is, neck of land) whence the Cimbri came, who made war upon the Romans. And this jutland with the foresaid Seland, are properly called Denmark, the other parts being peculiar Regions, at divers times annexed to that Crown. The chief Towns of jutland, are Aleburg, Nicopia and Wiburg. The rest of the tract of the Cimbrian Chersonesus, contains the Dukedom of Holst, vulgarly called Holstein, which of old was part of Saxony, but so, as the Danes often forced it to the paying of tribute, and at last about the year 1465 they fully subdued it. Part of this Dukedom lying upon the Briton Sea, between the Brook Idera and the River Elue, is called Ditmarcia, all fenny, so as by casting down certain banks, they may drown all the Country, and by this strength, the inhabitants keeping their enemies out, long preserved a rude or rural liberty, but at last in our time, Fredrick King of Denmark, upon advantage of a great frost in those Fens, suddenly assailed and subdued them, joining that Country to the said Dukedom of Holst. Of which Dukedom the chief Towns are Flensburg, Slesuick (where of old the Dukes held their Court) being seated on the Sea towards the East, and Gottorp, and Meldorp in Ditmarcia upon the Sea towards the West. Upon the confines of Holst lie the fair Imperial free Cities Lubeck and Hamburg, to the freedom whereof the Dukes of Holst were great and near enemies, challenging the same to be built in their soil, for which cause the Kings of Denmark possessing that Dukedom, are much suspected by these Cities, whom they more and more fear, as their power more increaseth. Some reckon the islands Orcades for part of Denmark, and they say, that the inhabitants speak the Goths language: but Histories witness, that howsoever of old they belonged to the Danes, yet they have long been subject to the Kingdom of Scotland.  
Denmark lying near the artic circle, must needs be subject to great cold, howsoever the misty air, caused by the frequent Isles, doth in some sort mitigate the extremity 
The situation.  thereof.  
In regard of the clime, it cannot be expected, that fruits should grow here, which are only ripened by the heat of the Sun. They have corn sufficient for their own 
The Fertilty  use, and plenty thereof (as of all other commodities) is brought to them from Danizk and all other parts, by reason of the frequent concourse of Merchants into the Sounat, which they enjoy at good rates, and with much ease.  
The Danes exchange great plenty of dried and salted fishes, and of other small commodities; 
The traffake.  for necessaries to cloth and feed them; and being in both these kinds frugal and sparing (as the Germans are) they also attain to some small riches by this poor traffic. And since they feed for the most part on dried fishes, bacon, and salt meats, and little use fresh meats as veal and mutton, they carry great herds of oxen and calves out of Holst into netherlands. Lastly, since they have no other commodities of their own to transport, and Merchants that pass the Baltike Sea, of necessity landing at Elsenar, bring them all necessaries from foreign parts, and also take of them such commodities as they can spare, surely howsoever the ships of Denmark are in strength sailing and lasting next to the English, yet their Merchants seldom make any other voyages then towards the Northern Isles to take fish. In diet they are much like 
The 〈◊〉.  the Germans and especially the neighbouring Saxons. Their dainties are bacon and salt meats, but the common people feeds much on divers kinds of dried fishes, which at the first view of them a strangermay well perceive, by their lean and withered faces, and they likewise feed on bread very black, heavy and windy. I did see no common Inns at Copenhagen, Elsenar, or Rosehilde, but some are there licenced to keep Taverns for selling of wine, where the common table for that purpose is always ready covered with linen. But passengers must obtain diet and lodging with some Citizen, and in their houses they shall find honest manners, moderate diet, and clean beds and sheets. To conclude, the Danes pass (if it be possible) their neighbour Saxons in the excess of their drinking.  
Poland hath the name of Pole in that language signifying a plain, and is a vast kingdom. 
Poland.  The longitude thereof extends 16 degrees from the Meridian of 38 degrees, to that of 54 degrees, and the latitude extends 9 degrees from the parallel, of 47 degrees to that of 56 degrees. It is divided into the greater and the less.  
1 Of the greater Poland these are the chief towns Bosnan seated on the Brook Barta, and Genesua, and Ladistavia seated upon the River Vistula or Wexel.  
2 The lesser Poland lies towards the South, wherein is Craconia (vulgarly Crakaw) the seat of the Kings. The inhabitants come of the Scythians, and the manners of the common people at this day little differ from the old Sarmatians. This Region is fenny, and great part thereof is woody, but it so aboundeth with corn and pastures, as it supplies all Europe with corn, and the neighbour Countries with herds of cattle. It hath no vines, but it yields plenty of pit-coale, and much wax and honey, and it no less aboundeth with many kinds of the said cattle, aswell wild as tame.  
Other Provinces are annexed to this Kingdom, namely, Samogitia, Massovia, Lithuania, Volhinia, Russia, and Podolia, for I omit Borussia, though subject to this Kingdom under a free yoke, because I formerly said, that it is numbered among the Provinces of Germany, the inhabitants being Germane in language and manners, and because I have in that place formerly described the same.  
3 Samogitia hath no walled Town, but the people live in Cottages, and being rude and of great stature, only apply themselves to the plough, and feeding of cattle, not knowing any use of money, scarce the service of God.  
4 The Metropolitan City of Massovia is Warsovia (vulgarly Warsaw), where the Parliaments of the Kingdom are held.  
5 Lithuania gives the title of Great Duke, and is a most large Province, fenny and woody, so as in Summer there is no passage into it, but in winter when the Fens are frozen, Merchant's trade with the inhabitants. Vilna is the Metropolitan city, and seat of the Bishop. It hath very few Towns, and the Villages are commonly distant 20 German miles one from the other. They have plenty of honey, wax, a kind of beast like an ox called Alce, wild beasts and rich furs, but they scarce know the use of money.  
6 Volhinia is the most fertile province of that Kingdom, and fullest of fair towns and Castles.  
7 Russia or Reutenia hath many Towns, whereof the most known is Leopolis (vulgarly Leimpurg) and it is famous for swift and good horses, not to speak of the rich furs and other commodities.  
8 Lastly, Podolia aboundeth with excellent Pastures, but hath few Cities or Towns.  
In general, Poland is subject to as great cold, as the lower part of Germany, lying under 
The situation.  the same Parallel, and the Countries, as they lie more Northerly, so they suffer more cold; for the coast of the Baltike Sea, the more it lies towards the East, the more it still bends to the North, besides that, the plainness of the Country, and the frequency of Lakes and Fens, do more increase the cold. They use stoves heated with earthen ovens, for remedy against cold, as the Germans do.  
The revenues of the King and Gentlemen are moderate, scarce sufficient to maintain a plentiful table, and to exchange with Merchants for Wines and Spices (which 
The fertilty  they much use, especially in dressing of fish) and for foreign Stuffs and Clothes of Silk and Wool. Poland aboundeth with beasts, aswell wild as tame, and yieldeth excellent horses, not great, but quick and stirring. Neither do the Gentlemen more delight in any thing, then in their horses, so as they hang gold chains and lewels at their ears, and paint them half over with exquisite colours, but in that uncomely, that they are not natural for horses, as the Carnatian colour, and their hinder parts they adorn with rich Furs and skins of Lions and Leopards and the like, aswell to terrify their enemies, as to adorn and beautify their horses. Poland likewise aboundeth with Flesh, Whitemeate, Birds, fresh-water-Fish (it being far within land), and all kind of Pulse, as Pease and the like. It hath some, but very few mines of Gold and Silver towards the Carpatian Mountains of Hungary, and of Iron and Brimstone. It abounds with Honey, which they find in hollow trees and caves of the earth, besides the Husbandman's hives. It yields great quantity of Wax, Flax, Linen clothes made thereof, Hemp, Pitch of both kinds, Mafts for ships, Bears and Timber, rich Furs, Salt digged out of pits, Amber, Soape-ashes, and all kind of Grain, especially Rye, which hath made Daniske famous, for relieving all Nations therewith in time of dearth.  
No marvel then if Merchants bring unto them Silks of Italy, Cloth of England, Wine of Spain, and the very Spices of India, with most remote commodities, since 
The traffic.  they not only sell them at what price they list, but also bring from thence such precious foresaid commodities. Poland is all far within land, excepting Borussia (vulgarly Prussen), which with immunities is subject to this Kingdom, though I have described it among the Provinces of Germany, because the people are Germane in language and manners. And the very inhabitants of Borussia have but few ships, using strangers to export their commodities. Poland aboundeth with the foresaid most necessary commodities, and the people live content with their own; yet are they not rich, because they want the foresaid foreign commodities far brought, and so dear. And they have so little Gold and Silver, as despising all in respect of it, they sell all commodities at a most low rate, especially those which are for daily food, and unfit to be exported.  
And in truth, myself having in Poland and Ireland, found a strange cheapness of 
The dyot:  all such necessaries, in respect they want, and so more esteem, Silver. This observation makes me of an opinion much contrary to the vulgar, that there is no more certain sign of a fluorishing and rich commonwealth, than the dear price of these things (excepting the years of famine), nor any greater argument of a poor and weak State, than the cheap price of them, and it makes me confident to conclude, that old wives snared with papistical superstition, do foolishly attribute the late dear prices to the change of Religion in our time, while they ignorantly extol former times, wherein twenty four Eggs were sold for a penny: for in our Age, our Kings have more royal Tributes, our Nobles far greater revenues, our Merchants much greater wealth, than ever our progenitors had, and this is the cause that all things for diet and appartell, and our very wanton desires, are sold at much higher prices then in former ages, because our riches make us not able to want any thing to serve our appetite, at what price soever it is set. Again for Italy, it hath no great store of flesh, birds, fish, and like things for food, in regard of the populousness thereof, yet the Inhabitants holding it no disgrace to be sparing in diet, and modest in apparel (so it be cleanly), in regard of this general temperance, and that the Nobility disdaineth not to weave silks, and trade for them, being the sinew of that Country, howsoever all things are sold there at most dear prices, yet no Princes (considering things to be considered) no Gentlemen, no Merchants of the universal World, have greater treasures and wealth, than those of Italy. I have said that Poland doth abound with all kinds of flesh, whitmeates, freshwater fish, and all things necessary for food, and that it yields no Wine, which the Inhabitants seldom drink, but in place thereof they use Beer, which they of Dantzk brew very strong and good, and they make a drink of Honey, which they esteem almost as much as wine, and the best composition thereof is made in the Province of Masjovia. They have such store of Butter, as I have seen them anoint Cart wheels therewith, but it is more white and less savoury than ours. This Kingdom hath few Cities, and if a stranger will for a time sojourn in any of them, he shall easily find a Germane or Netherlander to be his Host, who will entertain him more commodiously than any of that Nation, though perhaps at extraordinary rates, as myself found, abiding with a Netherlander at Crakaw.  
The Inns in the chief Cities, afford convenient beds, and plenty of flesh and freshwater fish. And these fish they dress with pepper and spice more then enough, for which kind of Cookery, the Polonians are praised above the Germans or any other Nation, yet the spite being far brought and dearly sold, makes the sauce far more costly, than the fish itself. There is scarce any Gentleman who hath not the skill, and doth not use to dress fish for his own eating. In Villages and small Cities, by the highway a passenger shall find no bed, but he may carry a bed in his Coach, and fit upon it conucnicntly. Others use to sleep upon straw, lapped with a furred horseman's coat, which they use to wear, and if they have no such coat, they must be content to sleep upon clean straw: And all the passengers lie together in the warm stoave, with those of the Family, both Men and Women. Neither shall they find in such places any Wine or choice meats, which they use to bring from Cities in their Coaches. For the Inns in such places are poor naked houses, having nothing to sell, but close by them are the shambles, the Bakers & Brewer's houses, where the passengers buy beer & such meat as they like, and bring it to the Inn, which a poor Hostess will dress, affording them only fire, and a course Tablecloth. And it seemed to me, that the Lord of the place useth to impose upon some vassal this charge to entertain strangers: for the Hostess will give her labour for nothing, except in courtesy you desire her to eat with you, and if you freely give her a small reward, as three pence for the whole Company, she will think you deal bountifully with her, but she will ask you nothing Also you may freely carry away in your Coach, flesh, bread, wine, or any thing that remains, which I have seen done many times. No Country in Europe affords victuals at'a lower rate. Myself and a Companion, did in a Country Town invite two Guests, and our dinner for four persons came but to four Grosh and a half. I have formerly set down the ordinary expenses generally, in a Chapter treating of that Subject in the first Book of this third Part, and particularly, in the journey through Poland in the first Part. Now I will only add, that in the Villages and little Cities by the high way, I have bought ten Eggs for one Grosh, a Goose for three, a Partridge for two, a loin of Mutton for two, a Pig for three Grosh, and all like things at a very small price. So as if a passenger have a Cook in his company, or have himself any skill to dress meat for his own appetite. I think he shall there want nothing for necessary or delicate food. But he may not expect, that a Country Hostess should seek out, or curiously dress any dainties for him.  
Lastly, the Polonians are as stout drinkers as the Germans, and pass them all, excepting only the Saxons, yea above all that ever I observed given to this vice, they seemed to me to be mad in this kind, that in drinking they are prone to quarrels, brawling and fight. Give me leave to add one observation, which to me seemed very strange. At Meluin and Dantzke in Prussen, between Michaelmas and Christmas, the Country people bring in sledges laded with dead Hares, all foozen over, which are so preserved aswell and better, then if they were powdered with Salt, till our Lady day in Lent, about which time the frost begins first to break. And if they will eat a Hare in the mean time, they thaw it at the fire, or the oven of the warm stove, or by casting it into water, and so they presently set it to the fire, either to be roasted or boiled. In like sort they preserve Pheasants, or any kind of flesh, being frozen over, aswell as if they were salted. And if any man think this a travelers fiction, let him know, that a most credible person told me, of his certain knowledge and experience, that the Moscovites in Russia, bring the dead bodies of men in winter thus frozen over, and so lay them on heaps in the Bellfrees of the Churches, where they lie without rotting, or ill smell, till about our Lady day in Lent the Snow begins to thaw, and the earth to be fit for digging (for till that time the earth is covered with deep and hard snow, and if it were not so covered, yet is so hard by continual frosts, as it cannot be digged.) And at that time each family takes the bodies of their dead, and taketh care to bury them.   

CHAP. V. Of Italy touching all the subjects of the third Chapter going before.  
THE Longitude of Italy extends fourteen degrees and a half from the Meridian of twenty seven degrees and a 
Italy.  half, to that of forty two degrees. And the Latitude extends eight degrees from the parallel of thirty eight degrees to that of forty six degrees Italy of old was called Saturnia, janicula, Oenotria, and Ausonia, and lastly it had the name of Italy. It was called Saturnia of Saturn, who banished from his Country, taught the Inhabitants of this Country the Art of Husbandry, as Poet's fable, and is accounted the first King of this people, then called Aborigines, as borne there, not coming from any foreign part to inhabit there It was called janicula of janus or Noha, whom they affirm to have come thither after the deluge, and to have taught them the art to plant vines and sow corn, & to have built the City janua, now called Genoa. It was called Oenotria, either of the excellent wines, or of Oenotrius King of the Sabines, as likewise it had the name 〈◊〉 of Ausonius, the son of Ulysses. Lastly, it was called Italy of Italus King of Sicily, or of an old Greek word signifying oxen, and showing the inhabitants to have been Herdsmen. Ptolemy describes it in the form of a Chersonesus (that is, neck of land) or Peninsula (that is, almost an Island), and Pliny in the form of an Oaken leaf, but others more aptly compare it to a man's leg, from the thigh to the sole of the foot.  
Old Writers dividing Italy from Gallia Cisalpina, or togata, enclose Gallia with a line drawn from the River Varus beyond Genoa, by the Apennine Mountain to the Brook Rubico, where it falls into the Sea near Ravenna, and this line is obliquely stretched from the East to the West, and so they divide it from Italy, and make Picmount, the Dukedom of Milan, the Dukedom of Ferrara, the Trevisan Marquisate, and all Histria, to be a peculiar part of Europe. But these Provinces being at this time part of Italy, it is better enclosed and confined by a line drawn from the head of the Brook Varus, through the Coccian Alps to the Mountain Adula, (which lies upon the Alps of Furca or Mount Gothard) and so through the Rhetian Alps towards the East, to the Brook Arsia, (confining Histria), and the rest of Italy is compassed with the Sea. Also the Mount Appenine derived from the Alps, runs all the length of Italy, in the form of a fishes back bone, and almost in the midst divides it into two tracts, one lying towards the upper or adriatic Sea, the other towards the neither of Tyrrhene Sea. For howsoever the Apennine about Ancona, seems to bend towards the adriatic Sea, and there to end; yet after it turns from thence, and divides the rest of Italy, till it ends upon the strait of the Sicilian Sea. Italy worthily called the Queen of Nations, can never be sufficiently praised, being most happy in the sweet Air, the most fruitful and pleasant fields, warm sunny hus, 〈◊〉 thickets shadowing groves, Havens of the Sea, watering brooks baths, wine, and Oil for delight, and most safe forts or defences as well of the Sea as of the Alps. Neither is any part of Europe more inhabited, more adorned with Cities and Castles, or to be compared thereunto for tillage and husbandry.  
The Provinces thereof are numbered 14. First beyond the Apennine towards the Tyrrhene Sea, lie five Provinces, Liguria, Tuscia, Campania (suodevided into Vmbria, Latium, and Campania, the happy): Lucania (vulgarly 〈◊〉), and Calabria, (the upper and the lower). Also on this side the Apennine towards the adriatic Sea, lie five Provinces, (going back from the East to the West), Salentinum, Apulia, Samnium, vulgarly Abrotzo), Ptcaenum, (vulgarly Marca Ancomtana) and Flaminia (vulgarly Romandiola), whereof part beyond the brook Rubico, reacheth into Gallia Cisalpina. Again in the part called of old Gallia Cisalpina, are four Provinces, Lombard's, Marca, Trenisana, Forum julij, and Histria.  
1 The chief City in Liguria, is Genoa, a free City, (or at least having the show of liberty), to which all this Province is subject, which heath all upon the Tyrrbene Sea, and is now vulgarly called La Riviera di Genoa, being of all Italy the most rocky and barren tract: yet whether by husbandmen's art and labour, or by lying upon the South Sun, I know not; but sure I am, and well remember, that passing that way in the beginning of Winter, I took great pleasure in the plenty and goodness of the fruits thereof: Besides that, all Men extol the fertility of Mount Ferrate, (a part of Liguria, enclosed and watered by the Rivers Tanoro and Po)  
2 Tuscia had the name of Frankincense, which they used for Incense, and was formerly called Hetruria, at this day named Toscana. It was an old Dukedom erected by the Longobards, and after was divided into many territories of free Cities and Commonwealths, the liberty whereof (namely of Florence, Pisa, and Sienna) the Family of Medici, invaded in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth, and now possesseth all Toscany with title of great Duke, only the City of Lucca still preserving the old liberty of that Commonwealth. It hath very many Cities, of which these are the chief; Florence, Pisa, (an University), Sienna, and Lucca, (which still is free City).  
3 Campania (vulgarly Campagna) is subdivided (as I said) into Latium, Vmbria and Campania the happy. Latium hath the name of the Fable of Saturn, lurking there in banishment, and it is the Fountain of the famous Latin tongue, and the head City thereof is Rome, which City together with the whole Province, is at this day subject to the Pope, & the Province is vulgarly called Campagna di Roma. The second part is Vmbria, which was held part of Latium, & lieth beyond Rome, amidst the Mount Apennine of whose shadow it had the name of Vmbria, but is now called the Dukedom of Spoleto, to which dignity it was raised of old by the Lombard's, and it is subject to the Pope of Rome. The Cities thereof are Volgineum, Assisium, Spoletum, Perusium, and Otricoli. The third part is Campania the happy, vulgarly called Terra di Lavorae, having the name of the most fertile Plain of Capua, seated upon the bank of the River Volturnus, and to that City it was of old subject, but at this day it is the chief Province of the Neapolitan Kingdom, the head City whereof is Naples, of old called Parthenope, and Dysiarchia, now adorned with stately Palaces, of Dukes, Earls, and Gentlemen, especially those of the Duke of Gravina, and the Prince of Salerno, these Noble men dwelling there the greatest part of the year. The Capuan delights, corrupting the Army of Hannibal, are known to all the World. This Province is an earthly Paradise, where Bacchus and Ceres strive for principality. I pass over Cuma, of old a famous City, and Linternum, famous for the banishment and Sepulchre of Scipio the African, since at this day only remain some ruins of Cuma, and scarce any memory of Linternum. Necre Suessa, is the Mountain Valerius or Falernus, famous for the wine it yieldeth, and the famous Mountains Gaurus, Massicus and Vesunius. The Mountain Vesunius is now called Somma, out of the top whereof, of old great flames broke out, burning the neighbour places, in which flames Pliny (living in the time of trajan) was choked and perished, while he curiously searched the cause of those flames. In our age this Mountain burned, and now daily fire breaks out of it. Here the beauty of all the World is gathered as it were into a bundle. Here be the famous dwellings of the Romans, in the Territory of Napies. Here are the Acherusian Fens, the Lake of Avernus, the Ditch of Nero, the Bridge of Caligula, and other wonders celebrated by Poets. The Kingdom of Naples is subject to the King of Spain, which together with the Dukedom of Milan, also subject to him, is thought to contain more than half Italy, besides the Island of Sicily, annexed to this Kingdom, whereof this is the chief Province, and the bounds of it reach to the Sea, and so lie backward on this side the Apennine towards Samnium, where it is confined, and divided from the Mark of Ancona, by the Brook Truento.  
4 Lucania, vulgarly Basilicata, is a small Territory, the Cities whereof are Folia and Laina.  
5 Calabria a Province of this Kingdom, is divided into the upper and the lower. The upper is called great Graece, being of old inhabited by the greeks, and using still that language corrupted with the Italian. The Cities thereof famous of old, are Rudia (where Ennius was borne), Croto (where Milo was borne, who carried an Ox), Tarentum now the chief City, and Locris. The lower Calabria is called Brutium, the chief City whereof is Reghio, so called, because Sicily is said to have been there divided from Italy by an Earthquake.  
6 Salentinum vulgarly Terra di Ottranto hath the Cities Ottranto, and Brundisium.  
7 Apulia vulgarly Puglia, is divided into Peucetia and Daunia.  
In Pencetia or Mesapia, vulgarly called Terra di Barri, are the Cities Basigno and Bitonto. In Daunia, vulgarly called Puglia Piana, are the Cities Mansfredonia, Beneventum (made a Dukedom by the Lumbards'), Asculum, and the Village Cannae, famous by the old defeat of the Romans. And here is the Mountain Garganus, vulgarly called Sant' Angelo.  
8 Samnium of old called Aprusium, at this day hath the name of Abrozzo, where is Sulmo, in which Oxid was borne, and here the Kingdom of Naples is confined on this side the Apennine Mountain.  
9 Picaenum, vulgarly Marca Anconitana is subject to the Pope, and hath the name of the chief City Ancona, so called of the crookedness of the Haven, which is held the best Haven of Italy. Pesaurum, vulgatly Pesaro, belongs to this Province.  
10 Flaminia or Romandiola, vulgarly Romagna, hath fair Cities, Vrbinum, subject to the Duke thereof (which some make part of Ptcanum), Rimini, Bologna, subject to the Pope, and ancient Ravenna, which with the greatest part of this Province is subject to the Pope, who erected Urbine from a County to a Dukedom, with covenant of vassalage (which the Popes seldom omit) yet some part of the Province is subject to the Venetians.  
11 Lombardy of old was part of Gallia Cisalpina, which the River Padus (vulgarly Po, and of old called Eridanus) divides into Cispadan (on this side the Po) and Transpadan (beyond the Po.) Cispadan (of old called Emilia, now vulgarly di qua del' Po) contains Pigmont (so called, as seated at the foot of the Mountains), whereof the chief City is Turin (of old called Augusta Taurinorum), and this Province is subject to the Duke of Savoy, Also it contains the Territory of Parma, subject to the Duke thereof, wherein are the cities Parma & Piacenza. Transpadane, vulgarly di la del' Po, contains the Dukedom of Milan, the chief City, whereof is Milano, and it hath other Cities, namely Como, where both Plimes were borne, seated on the most pleasant Lake 〈◊〉 vulgarly di Como, abounding with excellent fishes. Also Tic. numb vulgarly 〈◊〉, (where the French King Francis the first, was taken prisoner by the Army of Charles the fifth). Lastly, Cremona, among other things famous for the Tower. This Dukedom is the largest and richest of all other, (as Flaunders is among the Counties) and it is subject to the King of Spain.  
12 Also Transpadane Lombardy contains the Dukedom of Mantua, (subject to the Duke thereof) and Marca Trevisana, or Trivigiana (subject to the State of Venice). Mantua is the chief City of the Dukedom, and Marca Trevisana hath the famous Cities, Venice, Padua, 〈◊〉, Verona, Vicenza, Brescia, and Bergamo The 〈◊〉 of old inhabited all Cisalpina Gailias, who gave the name to the jyrrhene Sea and were expelled by the Galls, and of them the Insubres inhabited the Transpadan part, and there built Milano, and the Senones inhabited the Cispadane part.  
13 Histria is divided into Forum julij, and Histria, properly so called. Vorum julij unlgarly Frieli, and Patria (because the Venetians acknowledge they came from thence), was a Dukedom erected by the Lombard's, the chief City whereof is the most ancient Aguilegia adorned with the title of a Patriarchate, which at this day is almost fallen to the ground. near that City is a Town, in which they write that S. Mark penned his Gospel: Now the chief City is Frioli. The confines of this Region lie upon Marca Trenisana, and all the Province to the River 〈◊〉, is subject to the State of Venice. The other part is subject to the archdukes 〈◊〉 Austria. Here grows the wine Pucinum, now called Prosecho, much celebrated by 〈◊〉  
14 Histria, properly so called, is almost in the form of a Peninsule (almost an Island) and the chief City is justinopolis, unlgarly Capo d'Istria, and all the Province is subject to the State of Venice.  
Italy in Winter time, (namely the months of December, January, and February) hath 
The situation.  a temperate cold, with little or no frosts or Ice: And howsoever myself did see, not only the Rivers of the State of Venice, but the very Inland Seas of Venice, frozen and covered with thick ice, for the space of three weeks, yet the Venetiaos find it was a rare accident. In Summer the heat is excessive, and the dew falling by night is very unwholesome, as also thunderings and lightnings are frequent, which do great hurt both to man and beast then abroad, as sad experience often shows them. But in the Dog-days no man is so hardy as to put his head out of his doors, or to go out of the City. For they proverbially say; Quando il Sole alberga in Leone, 〈◊〉 sano, guadagna assai: that is, When the Sun lodgeth in the Sign of the Lion, he that preserves his health, gains enough. This excess of heat they carefully avoid, by inhabiting upon the sides of the Mountains and Hills towards the Sea, which cooleth the winds, and by retiring into vaults under ground, or open Terraces lying upon Rivers, and free from the Sun. Yea, some have found the means, by an artificial Mill, to draw Wind into a vault, and from thence to disperie it into any room of the house. All Italy is divided with the Mount Apennine, as a back is with the bone, and upon both sides thereof, as well towards the North as South, the Hills and Plains extend towards the Tirrhene and Adriatic Seas, in so narrow compasses, as many times a man may at once see both the Seas, from the top of the Mountain, so as the fresh winds blowing from each Sea, do not a little mitigate the heat of the clime. For the Sea winds blowing from any quarter whatsoever, while they gather cold by long gliding on the water, must needs refresh where they blow, as on the contrary, winds sweeping upon the earth, increase the heat. Thus in the West part of Sicily, when the South East wind blows, and sweeps upon the plain, parched by the Sun, it brings excessive heat, yet the same wind, yea the very South wind in his nature most hot, when they sweep upon the Sea, and after beat upon the Mountains of Liguria, do bring a pleasant coolness with them.  
Touching the fertility of Italy, before I speak of it, give me leave to remember, 
The 〈◊〉,  that Jerome Turler writing of Travel into foreign parts, relates that a Prince of Naples having a kinsman to his pupil, who desired much to see foreign Kingdoms, he could not deny him so just a request, but only wished him first to see Rome, whether he went, and after his return, the Prince took an account of him, what he had seen, and finding him sparingly to relate his observations in that place, he made this answer to his request: Cousin, you have seen at Rome fair Meadows, Plains, Mountains, Woods, Groves, Fountains, Rivers, Villages, Castles, Cities, Baths, Amphitheatres, Playhouses, Temples, Pillars, Statues, Colossuses, triumphal arks, Pyramids, Academies, Gardens, Water-Conduits, Men good and ill, learned and unlearned, more you cannot see in the universal World; then be content, and stay at home. And so he restrained the young Man in his desire to travel, wherein perhaps he rather sought to get liberty then experience. This I write, to show that the Italians are so ravished with the beauty of their own Country, as having by sharpness of wit more than the true value of things, magnified and propounded to stranger's admiration, each Brook for a River, each vice for the neighbour virtue, and each poor thing, as if it were to be extolled above the Moon, they have thereby more wronged themselves then us. For we passing through Italy, though we find ourselves deceived in the fame of things, yet still we hear and see many things worthy to be observed; but of the Italians, holding Italy for a Paradise, very few sharpen their wits with any long voyage, and great part of them have not seen the Villages and Cities within ten miles of their dwellings. Hence it is that great part of the Italians have nothing to boast of, but their natural wit, while our Nations beyond their Alps, besides natural gifts, have wisdom gained by experience. Italy is most populous, so as gentlemen's Palaces & Lands belonging to them, are commonly confined within some few enclosures. The Castles, Cities, Villages, and Palaces, are most frequent, whence it is, that the Land being narrow, and not well capable of so much people, they plant and sow in the very ditches of the high ways, in the furrows of Land, upon the walls and ditches of Cities and Castles, yea, to the very doors of private houses, fitting each least corner, as well to profit as beauty. Only Lombardy hath large and open fields, with pastufes to feed Sheep and Cows, and with plenty of whitmeats: For they have delicate Butter, which is not otherwhere to be found, except in the valley of Pisa, (or of the River Arno), all other places using Oil in stead of it. near Parma and Piacenza, it yields excellent Cheese, much prized of very Princes in foreign parts, whether great quantity thereof is transported, and greater extracted into other parts of Italy.  
Lombardy also affords sheep to Toscany, and other parts of Italy, as Sicily doth Corn, whereby of old it deserved to be called the Garner of Rome. Italy hath great store of Goats, the milk whereof is so nutritive, as they give it to the weakest bodies for a restorative. Great Herds of cattle are brought into Italy out of Hungary, and from divers Countries of the Alps, but the Hungarian Oxen growing lean with driving far, and finding in Italy no Pastures wherein they may be fatted, this makes Italians basely to esteem of Beef. Out of Lombardy the Italians have few or no Catle, all Italy being like a most pleasant Garden, and having few Pastures: And this makes the Italians so tender towards the few Cattle they have, as for fear of cold forsooth in that hot Clime, they lead them into stables, when they are to bring forth their young. In the plain Country of Lombardy they use Horses, and especially Mares, (of an exceeding little race) to ride upon, and for bearing of burdens; and Oxen to draw Carts, and sometimes Caroches, (vulgarly Carozzi): but in the Mountains and hilly Countries they use Asses and Mules, seldom Horses to ride upon, and for burdens. In the Roman territory I have seen mavy Beasts called Buffols, like Oxen, but greater and more deformed, having great horns with foul nostrils cast up into the Air: It is a slow and dull Beast, yet being provoked, hath malice enough, and the back thereof is commonly bare of hair, and ever almost galled. They eat not the flesh thereof, but trade with the hides, as with those of Oxen, and this beast is held commodious for Husbandry and patient of labour. They have no race of Horses for beauty or service, but only in the Kingdom of Naples. Asses are commonly sold for 10 crowns a piece, and a Mule for 50 or 60 gold crowns, which Beasts are only used in all Italy, excepting only Lombardy. Of the Mule I observed, that he will go under a heavy burden from day-break in Summer, to dark night, without any bating or rest by the way, only his meat is tied in a net before his mouth, so as he eats while he goes, and his pace is slow, and when his burden is taken off at night, he tumbles and rubs his back in the dust to cool it, and is thereby more refreshed from weariness, than a Horse can be with lying half the night, otherwise he lies not down in the stable scarcely once in six months. A Mule is begotten between a Horse 〈◊〉 & a she Ass, but a Mule mounting a she Mule, an Ass, or any beast whatsoever, doth never in gender of them, and the heat of his seed is yielded for cause thereof. Narrow Italy cannot bear red or fallow Dear, only the woods of Toscany yield some few wild Boars, which are preserved for the great Duke's game, otherwise a few wild beasts might soon make great spoil in so rich and well tilled fields, as be these of Italy.  
The hills and mountains thereof lying upon the South Sun, are in general most fertile or fruitful of all other, such are the fields and hills or the Neapolitan territory, such are the mountains and hills of Liguria, lying upon the Tyrrhene Sea, such is the territory about the Lake of Gardo, (vulgarly Il lago di Gardo) lying at the feet of the Southside of the Alps. The fields of Lombardy are less happy in yielding fruits, but give excellent pasture and corn, where the Husbandman makes use of the very furrows between the Acres, for as in the Acre he soweth Corn, so in the furrows he plants Elm Trees, the loppings whereof serve him to burn, and likewise plants Vines, which shoot up in height upon the bodies of those trees, but these vines yield but a small wine, by reason they grow so high, and in a plain Country. In the upper part of Italy, they plant in one and the same field, Olive and Almond trees, and under them sow Corn, and in the furrows plant Vines, which shoot up, resting upon short stakes, and yield strong wine of divers sorts, because they grow not high, and the ground being hilly, hath more benefit from the Sun beating upon it. The soil of Toscany being hilly and stony, seemed to me at the first sight to be barren, but after I found it not only to yield fruits plentifully, but also good increase of Corn, as of one measure sowed, commonly eight or ten measures, often fourteen, and sometimes twenty five; neither do they give the ground rest by laying it fallow, as we do, but each second year they sow part of it with Beans and Pulse, yielding plentiful increase, and then burying the stubble to rot in the ground, make it thereby fat to bear wheat again. Myself observed, that at the foot of the Southside of the Alps, they gather Wheat and Rye in the month of june, and then sow the same fields with lighter kinds of Grain, which they gather in the month of October: yet by reason of the multitude of the people, and the narrowness of the Land, the Italians not only carry not any grain into foreign parts, but also the Merchants bringing grain to them, are cherished by the Princes, with fair words and rewards, that they may come again, more specially by the Duke of Florence, who takes care to provide for his Country, not only grain from Sicily and all other parts, but also sheep out of Lombardy, which he divides among his Subjects, at what price he list, taking this charge upon him to see that his people want not victuals, as well for the public good, as his own great gain. Italy yields plenty of Oranges, which Tree is most pleasant to behold, yielding fruit three times each year, and bearing at one time ripe and green Oranges, and buds. They have like plenty of Citron, Limon, and Cedar trees, which in Lombardy grow upon the brick walls of Gardens, as Vines do with us, and are kept in earthen vessels, but upon the mountains and hills of upper Italy, the fields abound with these Trees, which both in body and fruit are as big as our Appletrees, and they transport great store of these fruits into foreign parts. There be many woods of Chestnuts, which they little esteem, only poor people eating them, and with the rest they feed Hogs, as with Acorns. The Chestnut tree is not unlike the Oak tree, but that it is more small, high, and strait There be some woods of Pine trees, which are high, without any boughs or leaves to the very top, where they have a round tuft, and they bear at one time the fruit of three veeres, one pine Apple round and sharp at the top, having some hundredth or more knobs like hazel nuts, in which knob the kernel is of little bigness, but of such virtue to provoke wantonness, as they serve it at all feasts. All the fields are full of figtrees, not small as with us, but as big in the body as some Appel-trees, and they have broad leaves. The fruit hath the form of a long 〈◊〉, and a black skin, and a red juice, being to be sucked like sugar in taste. Neither do I think any fruit to be more pleasant than this pulled from the tree, I say pulled from the tree, because the dry figs exported are not in taste comparable thereunto. In the fields of upper Italy are great plenty of Almond trees, so as you would say, that a whole Province is but one Garden. Like plenty have they of olive trees, which yield a sweet oil, used by them in stead of butter, and in sorraigne parts for wholesomeness, yet I cannot think that it can be whok some when it is heated, as the Italians use it to fry meats. They have some, but not to great plenty of Pomegranates, which tree is not unlike that of the white Role, but the leaves are little, and the flowers and the buds of a red colour. The Husbandmen make ditches about the roots of all these fruit trees, and the inhabitants of pleasant taly are notable in all kind of husbandry. The Cypress, Poplar and Oak trees, grow in many places, but are little esteemed, as bearing no fruit. Italy upon the Hills and Mountains lying towards the Sun, yields rich Wines, and very nourishing, yet some out of experience say they are not wholesome for fat men, as causing obstructions, and hindering the passage of the urine, and other cuacuations: but I am sure they are more pleasant in taste, than any other wine whatsoever brought into England that ever I tasted. But of all the kinds of Wine to be named in my following discourse, I have spoken more at large in the first Part, writing my journal through Italy.  
I have seen Pease, Artichokes, cloved Gilly flowers, and other flowers of the best kinds, sold in the Marketplace of Saint Mark in Venice all the month of February, but they had not the odoriferous smell of Summer-flowers. Also at Genoa in the month of December, I did see the same flowers and fruits sold, and many of them for one bolineo, yea the flowers were odoriferous in smell, and newly gathered, which made me think, that those I did see at Venice, were preserved by Art, and not newly gathered. And they of Genoa acknowledge, that they learned the art to make flowers grow in Winter, of Cows by chance nipping-offsome buds in Summer, which they observed to bud and put forth again in Winter for the Gareners upon this observation, did themselves nip offsome buds newly put forth in Summer, and forbearing to water that root all Summer time, did upon approach of Winter dig about the rout, and sow cloves about it, to make the Winter-flowers have the better 〈◊〉, and then covering the root with earth, began daily to water it, and with this Art sooner or later used, they make the earth yield Roses, or any flowers in what month of the year they will, to that the ground lie upon the South Sun, and fenced from cold winds.  
The Gulf of Venice affords fishing to serve that City in good plenty, the Sea of Rome affords less, and that of Genoa none at all. But in the Sea of Genoa near the islands Sardinia and Corsica, they fish Cora's, sold at Genoa for three lyres the ounce. In the markets at Venice they have great ousters, but in no great plenty, and divers kinds of shellfish, as Cockles, Scalops, and Razors, called in the Italian tongue Cape tonde, (round Cape) Cape Sante (holy Cape) and Cape long (long Cape), and these they have in more plenty, then in most parts of England: but the Oysters are very dear, some twenty for a lyre; and I do not remember to have seen shelfish in any other City of Italy, but only in Venite. Neither have the Italians any store of freshwater fish, so as most of their Markets are furnished in very Lent-time with salted and dried fishes, or at least newly dead, which the Germans cannot endure, using to see them alive before they will eat them. They have at certain times of the year reasonable plenty of birds, but not great in number or variety of kinds, but Hens, and especially those of Turkey or the Indies seem more plentifully served in the Markets, because the common sort feeds only upon roots, divers kinds of pulse, herbs, and small meats dried or salted. I remember not to have seen any Storks in Italy, no not in the free Cities and States, where fabulous Writers say, they most willingly live, as under more just Lords and Governors. The Italian Gentlemen much delight in the art to catch birds, and in Gardens fitted to that purpose, with nets, bushes and glades, sparing no cost or industry in that kind.  
Not only the Gentlemen, but even the Princes of Italy openly profess to be Merchants (which our men, with leave may I say, foolishly 〈◊〉) and only permit the 
The traffic  retailing of their goods to men of inferior sort, keeping all trade in grosle or whole sale to themselves, or at least by their treasures (commonly great) and authority (such as it is) drawing the chief profit thereof into their own purses. And by this course they keep the Patrimonies descending from their Ancestors, and daily increase them (while our Gentlemen prodigal in expense, and ashamed to make honest gain, destroy their Families.) But of all trades, they are most enriched by silk and clothes made of it, especially they of Florence and Lucca, where the Gentlemen for exercise of this trade, keep open shops.  
The Silkworms are vulgarly called Farfalli, which enfold themselves in a piece. 
Silk worms  of silk they weave of an oval form and yellow colour, and some of them so enfolded, are let out for preservation of the kind, by clipping that piece of silk they woven; the other pieces are set in the Sun, that the enfolded worms may die, whereby 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made excellent, which otherwise would be little worth. They feed on the leaves of Mulberry trees, and the Duke of Florence plants these trees in the ditches upon the highway, from which if any passenger pull a bough, he pays a great penalty. Wondering at this making of silk, and the art to weave the same, after I returned into england, by acquaintance with some that for experience kept these worms, I found, that about the month of August they cast seed upon paper or linen cloth whereon they are laid, and soon after die. That this seed laid aside all winter, is set forth in the Sun the next May, or assoon as the Mulberry trees yield leaves to feed the worms. That by the Sun's heat, the worms take life of that seed in the form of an horse hair at the first; after growing to a strange bigness, feeding greedily upon those leaves. That they begin then to be sick, & growing of a yellow colour leave their feeding. That they are then put into a place fitted for their work, with corners little distant one from the other: that they then weave and enfold themselves in their webs (as I said.) That part of the webs are laid aside to preserve the worms, out of which they eat out their way, and come forth winged like butterflies, but little use the wing, and these webs yield no silk thread, but being dressed and severed, do serve for base uses. That the rest of the webs are put into an oven, to choke the worms, which webs yield excellent silk, disloluing itself into small threads Lastly, that the worms preserved by spoiling their webs, out of which they eat their way, do (as I said) cast a seed or glutinous matter upon a paper or linen cloth, and then die. And that all these things, namely, to come to life to be fed up, to weave their web, to leave seed for generation, and to die, are finished in the space of four months.  
After taking my journey into Turkey, I did see infinite numbers of these worms in the greater and lesser Asia, where I found, that these worms grow to full bigness from the month of February to the month of May, then leave their meat, then have houses made of reeds for them of purpose like the hives for Bees, but more large, where (as I said) they involve themselves in their own webs, which being set in the Sun, the worms die within them, and the webs moistened with hot water, are with wheels drawn into small threads. That some of these webs for preservation of the kind, are laid aside within the houses, where the worms eat out their way, and coming forth winged, are laid upon a linen cloth, upon which they leave the foresaid seed or glutinous matter, and so die. That these clothes are laid aside in winter, but in the month of February next following, are set out in the sun, or more frequently carried in the bosoms of country people, both men and women, by which heat the seed yields worms at first no greater than a grain of mustard seed, but after growing to the length of a man's hair as he usually wears it on his head, & to the thickness of a man's little finger. Formerly in the chapter of Proverbs, I said that proverbially the Merchants of Florence were called crafty, those of Lucca greedy, those of Venice bold (venturing all in one vessel) 
The traffic  those of Milan faithful (professing if need be, that the plague is in the house they desire to sell.) And I there mentioned this proverb of the Venetian traffic; Ilbianco & il Nero (cioè pepe & cottone) hanno fatto venetia ricca. Black and white (that is, pepper and cotton) have made Venice rich. English Merchants bring into Italy Tin, Lead, Herrings (especially dried, which they esteem among dainties), Conny skin, Veches, Kerseys, and sometimes English Corne. They also bring thither divers commodities from Dantzk, as Cordage, Hemp, Caviale, Tallow, Wax, Indian Hides, and like commodities of Poland and Moscovy. The Netherlanders bring into Italy dried fishes, and the commodities of all Nations (with which they trade both here and in all places.) Into England, netherlands, and over parts, the Italians send Velvets of Genoa, taffeties of Florence and Lucca, Satins of Bologna and other Cities, Stuffs of Milan as Fustians, and divers kinds of Silk woven and in thread, Gold and Silver, Clothes of gold and silver, Alom, and like commodities brought to Venice out of Turkey. From the islands of the Mediterranean Sea subject to Venice, they send to us Malmsies and Muskedine wines of Candia, Corrands of Zant and Cephalonia. The ships of our parts which bring Corn or any victuals into Italy, are received with all courtesy, especially by the Duke of Florence in the haven of Ligorno, and even by the Pope in the haven of Civita Vecchia. The Italians have great traffic with the Turks in the Mediterranean Sea (whereof we shall speak more hereafter) but out of the straits of that Sea, they trade little in our age, or nothing at all, (except sometimes into Spain) with their own ships. And for Navigation (whereof I must speak in the Chapter of Commonwealths) they have small skill in that art. Their ships are of great but then to receive commodities, and well furnished with Ordinance against the Turkish Pirates, but they are slow, and not easily turned, so as sometimes the Turks less daring at sea, yet take some great Venetian ships with their small barks or galleys. For the Italians and Turks make their Naval fights with galleys, and no other ships, whereof the Venetian and Spaniard have great numbers in this Sea. We read, that the Pope made league with the Venetians and Spaniards for bearing some charge of war against the Turks, and it is likely he hath some galleys, in that one sole haven of Civita Vecchia belonging to him, but I never chanced to see any of the Pope's galleys. The Duke of Florence at this time had ready armed to spoil the Turks some 5 or 6 galleys: the other Princes have none at al. These galleys are much different in bigness, and have their names of the number of the oars rowing them, as Trtremes of three oars on each side. Quindeciremis of fifteen oars, and the Mediterranean Sea, being subject to small ebbings or flow of tides, and little subject to storms, these galleys safely row between the neighbouring shores, and every night put into some Haven or Bay. The Italians are so much enamoured of their own land, as they desire to see no other soil, and abhor from venturing themselves at Sea, so as they seldom prove expert in Navigation, never bold. The Venetians have a Law, that every ship shall carry a young Gentleman of Venice in it, allowing him diet and a stipend, and also shall bring up a Venetian boy in 〈◊〉. Thus their wise Progenitors took care, that neither Gentlemen, nor the inferior sort should be ignorant in Navigation. But the Gentlemen at this day so they may have the benefit of the Law, by receiving the stipend and the value of their diet for the Voyage, care not for the experience, and rather desire to stay at home, then trouble the ship any further. And for this cause the Venetians altogether use greeks aswell for common Mariners as for Officers and Masters of their ships. And these greeks (as I have often found by experience) except they can see the shore (which by reason of the narrowness of the Sea, and frequent Isles, may often be seen), are often in doubt, sometimes ignorant where they are, and the least storm arising, make such a noise and confusion, as they bewray their ignorance and want of courage. Our English ships coming forth of the Harbour of Venice together with a Venetian ship, will sail into Syria and return back again, before the Venetian ship can come thither. Whereof two reasons may be given. One that the English Mariners are paid by the voyage, not by the days or months of absence, contrarily the greeks are paid by the Italians after the days of absence not after the voyage. The other reason is, that not only the Italian ships are huge and great and slow of sail, but also the Masters, upon the first change of wind, or foreseeing of ill weather, either for fear, or because they are paid by the day not by the voyage, presently put into some Haven, whence commonly they cannot come forth, but with one or very few winds, whereas the English on the contrary have not only nimble swift ships, but themselves are so expert and bold, as in regard their loss Is the greater the longer they are from home, they either sail if the wind be any whit favourable, or lie at hull, if the wind be full contrary, and so are reedy to take the first blast of wind serving their turn.  
Concerning the divers kinds of diet in divers Italian Cities, I have before related 
Their diet.  these things proverbially said. The Neapolitans are magnifical, spending more sugar than bread. The Florentines are of spare diet, but wonderful cleanliness. Those of Lucca keep golden mediocritic in all things. The Tyberine Pears and Martioline cheeses are great dainties. Those of Genoa are of most spare diet, and no cleanliness. The Mantuans feed on base beans. The Ferrarians are in hospital. The Padoans sup with half a pennyworth of fish. The Venetians live sparingly. The Siennesi magnifically, and their dainties are goats flesh, and fresh cheese. The Milanesi live plentifully, and provoke appetite with sharp sauces. The Novocomenses eat without end, and drink stoutly. Those of Piedmont diet after the French manner, and those of Ancona basely.  
And these things may perhaps be truly said, if the Italian Cities be compared one with the other, but many things may seem less aptly said, if generally they be compared with the Cities of foreign parts.  
The Italians generally compared with English or French, are most sparing in their diet. Generally they require small preparation or furniture of their table, they eat neatly and modestly but as they are not like the Spaniards, who are said to eat sparingly at their own cost, largely at other men's tables, so howsoever they are not so great flesh-eaters as the Northern men, yet if the bread be weighed, which one of them eats at a meal, with a great Charger full of herbs, and a little oil mixed therein, believe me they have no cause to accuse Northern men for great eaters.  
They seldom make feasts, but if they make any, than out of their innated pride, disdaining to be surpassed by any, they make them sumptnous, and that much more than ours, always making the comparison equal of one degree against the other. And this is most certain, that they infinitely pass us in the expenses about their Gardens, in fitting places for birding, in drawing water to them, and adorning the Conduits head with Imagery, in Chapels, and other buildings, of which things some yield them fruit, the other last perpetually: for they bestow their money in stable things, to serve their posterity, where as our greatest expenses end in the casting out of excrements, which makes me less commend our expenses in great provisions of meat, as well at feasts as daily diet.  
And give me leave to hold this paradox, or opinion against that of the common sort; that the English were never more idle, never more ignorant in manual Arts, never more factious in following the parties of Princes or their Landlords, never more base (as I may say) trencher slaves, then in that age, wherein great men kept open houses for all comers and goers. And that in our age, wherein we have better learned each man to live of his own, and great men keep not such troops of idle servants, not only the English are become very industrious, and skilful in manual Arts, but also the tyranny of Lords and Gentlemen is abated, whereby they nourished private dissensions and civil Wars, with the destruction of the common people. Neither am I moved with the vulgar opinion, preferring old times to ours, because it is apparent, that the Cloisters of Monks (who spoilt all, that they might be beneficial to few), and gentlemen's houses (who nourished a rabble of servants in idleness, and in robbing by the high ways) lying open to all idle people for meat and drink, were cause of greater ill than good to the Commonwealth. Yet I would not be so understood, as if I would have the poor shut cut of doors, for I rather desire, that greater works of charity should be exercised towards them, to which we should be more enabled by honest frugality, then by foolish prodigality; I call it foolish, and think the vulgar sort of prodigals worthy of all ignominy, who with huge expenses keep many kennels of dogs, and casts of hawks, and entertain great numbers of strangers, sometimes not known by name, often scoffing at the entertainer, always ingrateful, and so not only use them to live unlawfully without labour or sweat of their brows, but also in the mean time themselves will have a brother for their Butler, and are so niggardly towards their kinsmen, yea, children and wives, as they provide not necessaries for them, and have no care of their advancement, education, and means to live, but prefer vainglory before these religious cares. How much better were it for these prodigal men to lay aside some good part of their revenue to nourish learned men, to procure good Preachers for their companions and guides, to relieve virtuous men in their wants, and to spend the same to like noble and princely ends.  
But I return to my purpose. A stranger may live in Italy with less expense, then in Germany, where he must bear the charge of his consorts excessive drinking. And if any object the dearth of victuals, and wickedness of Hosts in Italy, he shall find, that this is his own want, not any ill of the Country; and when he hath experience to do his own affairs there, he will be of my opinion. The Italians have small moneys of brass, and for the least of them a man may buy bread, little papers of spice, or any such thing that is to be sold. These small moneys, the abundance of people in a narrow land, and the common people's poverty, but most of all their innated pride, such as they had rather starve for want, then beg, these things make them do any service for a stranger for a small reward, and make the passages of Rivers, or Channels (as at Venice), and all necessaries, to be afforded for a small piece of money. Neither is it a small commodity of these little brass moneys, that it makes the meaner sort more ready to give alms. This benefit the English may well know by the want of like moneys, whereby the hire of Porters, all rewards and each alms being given in silver money, and the small pieces thereof being rare, all expenses are much increased. The women of Italy know not the price of any thing, or ever go to Markets (scarce are allowed to go to Church) neither do they trust their servants to make their market, but the richest of all Italy, and most noble (especially in Venice) daily buy their own victuals and other necessaries. And in all Market-places stand little boys with baskets, to carry any thing that is bought to their houses, which they easily find, knowing all streets and allies, and never fail to perform this honestly, though the buyer leave them, and (according to their custom) go about his other affairs; for if they should fail, they cannot escape punishment, being easily to be found in the Markets where they use daily to stand, and well known by face and name. Yet in truth the Italians diet is so sparing, as almost strangers alone use these little Porters, and the very Gentlemen of Venice (which notwithstanding arrogate to themselves a pre-eminence above all Gentlemen of Italy with the singular title of Clarissimi), carry home what they buy to eat, either in the sleeves of their gowns, or in a clean handkerchief. They spend much bread and oil, and the very Porters feed on most pure white bread, almost without any other meat, except it be some roots. And those that are richer, do for the most part feed on bread, neither remember I to have ever seen brown bread in Italy, only they eat sailets of herbs with their bread, and mingle them with oil. And I remember that I saw a barrel of oil sold for twenty lyres, and a bushel of Wheat (containing forty eight measures, called Sata by the Latins, & used by the Hebrews) for 120 lyres, but the very Gentlemen buy their bread of the Bakers. Many times, especially in short days of Winter, they will break their fasts with a bit of cakebread or sweet bread (called vulgarly pasta real, ciambolini, and generally Gentilezze), and a cup of sweet Wine, and so abstain from dinner.  
For the most part at table they use black or bay salt, which the Venetians having of their own; for bid the use of any white salt brought into the territory, so as it is only sold by stealth, and with danger of penalty. The Magistrate daily useth to set the price of flesh, and all things sold in the Market, especially in the upper parts of Italy, and namely at Sienna, where strangers live very commodiously, and by this custom, a stranger can no more be deceived, than one of the Country. In the State of Florente, and especially at Sienna, a stranger may live more commodiously, then in any other part of Italy, because the inhabitants are most courteous (so as at Sienna they admit strangers to converse and dance with the chief Gentlewomen of the City), and because the language, especially at Sienna, is held the most pure, as also for that victuale are very cheap, and strangers need not stand in fear of being murdered, as in Lombardy they do. In the State of Milan, there is plenty of all kinds of flesh, especially of mutton, and abundance of whittmeates, being commended above all other parts of Italy for delicate butter (not to be had otherwhere, except in some few large Valleys), and excellent cheeses (whereof great quantity is transported into foreign parts.) And they no less than the Netherlanders, serve in butter and cheese every meal for the first and last dishes. In the Market places of Venice, there is plenty of mutton and veal, sold in little portions and by weight (there as in all Italy), and there is also plenty of fish, hens, eggs, Turkey hens, and some store of birds, with great abundance of red herrings and pickled herrings, Sardelle, anchone, and like pickled fishes, of Caviale (a salt liquor made of fish) and Botargo (as I think the rone of a fish), of Piacentine cheese, and cheese of Parma, of mushrooms, snails, the hinder parts of frogs (all held for great dainties). And these things are to be had in more abundance, because the common sort eat little or no flesh, or fish, or birds, but only herbs, pulse, snails, and roots, with white bread. I have spoken formerly of their fishing at Sea, and their shell-fish (which they much esteem), and Sea-fish are indeed rarely found, but only at Venice. Also they have little store of freshwater fish, only there is great abundance of eels, where the River Po ends in a Lake, near the Adriatic Sea, in the Dukedom of Feraria. The upper parts of Italy yield the same things, but in a far less quantity, and in Toscany they frequently eat young goats flesh, which is very good and savoury, and sometimes there will be wild Boars to be sold, and they delight much in fresh curds newly pressed, and made into little cheeses. The Italians sell all kinds of flesh in little pieces, and all things for diet in little portions, that the meaner sort, if they list, may at least taste the greatest dainties. The inner parts of Goats (vulgarly Animale), and the stones of Rams and Regles, (vulgarly Granella), are esteemed great dainties, especially in Toscany, which we cast away, being very good meat fried. And because the land is more populous than plentiful in victuals, they eat lays and other birds, which we esteem unwholesome.  
In general the Italians, and more specially the Florentines, are most near at the Table, and in their Inns from morning to night the Tables are spread with white clothes, strewed with flowers and fig leaves, with Ingestars or glasses of divers coloured wines set upon them, and delicate fruits, which would invite a Man to eat and drink, who otherwise hath no appetite, being all open to the sight of passengers as they ride by the high way, through their great unglased windows. At the Table, they touch no meat with the hand, but with a fork of silver or other metal, each man being served with his fork and spoon, and glass to drink. And as they serve small pieces of flesh, (not whole joints as with us), so these pieces are cut into small bits, to be taken up with the fork, and they seeth the flesh till it be very tender. In Summer time, they set a broad earthen vessel full of water upon the Table, wherein little glasses filled with wine do swim for coolness. They use no spits to roast flesh, but commonly stew the same in earthen pipkins, and they feed much upon little fishes and flesh cut and fried with oil. They have no skill in the Art of Cookery, and the meat is served to the table in white glistering and painted dishes of earth (whereof the finest are much esteemed with us.) They are not willingly invited to eat with other men, esteeming basely of those, who live at other men's trenchers, calling them vulgarly seroccatori d'ipasti, shifters for meals. And the reason hereof is, that they would not be tied to invite others again, which in their pride they would do, if they should be invited to them, and this is the chief cause that makes them nice to converse with strangers. Of the Florentines, though most courteous, yet sparing, other Italians jest, saying, that when they meet a man about dinner time, they ask Vos ' Signoria ha desinato, Sir, have you dined? and if he answer, I, they reply as if they would have invited him to dinner: but if he answer no, they reply Andate Signor, ch'èotta, Go Sir, for it is high time to dine. They think it best to cherish and increase friendship by meetings in Market places and Gardens, but hold the table and bed unfit for conversation, where men should come to eat quickly, and sleep sound. Thus not provoking appetite with variety of meats, or eating with others for good fellowship, they must needs be more temperate, than others enticed by these means to eat beyond hunger. In Cities, where many take chambers in one house, they eat at a common table, but each man hath his own meat provided, the Hostess dressing it, and serving each man with his own napkin, glass, fork, spoon, knife, and ingestar or glass of wine, which after meat are severally and neatly laid up by the Hostess. And at the table, perhaps one man hath a hen, another a piece of flesh, the third potched eggs, and each man several meat after his diet: but it is no courtesy for one to offer another part of his meat, which they rather take to be done in pride, as if he thought that he that had a salad or eggs, could not have a hen or flesh if he listed for want of money. To conclude, they hold it no honour or disgrace to live plentifully or sparingly, so they live of their own, and be not in debt, for in that case they are esteemed slaves. Thus living of their own, they give due honour to superiors, so they return due respect to them, otherwise they despise him that is richer, saying in scorn, Let him dine twice a day, and wear two gounes if he will, it is enough for me to have convenient diet and apparel. They have a very delicate sauce for roasted meats, called Savore, made of slices of bread, steeped in broth, with as many Walnuts, and some few leaves of Marjoram, beaten in a mortar, and mingled therewith, together with the juice of Gooseberries, or some sharp liquor put in when it is set on the table.  
In some Cities and Universities, especially for the Germans sojourning there, and unwilling to buy their own meat, they have ordinary tables to be paid by the week or month, at the rate of some eight or ten Crowns the month, which living they call a la dozina (that is, by dosens or by the great); but it is much more commodious for him that hath some experience and skill in the tongue, to buy his own meat, since in Camere locande (that is, hired chambers) the Hostess at a reasonable rate of the chamber, is tied to dress his meat, and give him napkins with like necessaries, and there wants not good commodity to buy all things he wants, and to live cheaply, as I have showed in the expenses of my journeys through Italy.  
The Italian Hosts are notable in fawning and crouching for gain, so as they meet passengers at the City's gates, and emulously invite them to their houses, with promise of all dainties, as if they would give them for nought, but when they are once come into the houses, all things threaten famine, and for that meat they have, if the passenger first agree not for the price, they extort so unreasonably, as nothing can be added to their perfidiousnes and covetousness. The Germans say, these are fair-spoken, and most obsequious men in all things, till they come to the shot: for if any man love honourable titles, capping, bending of knees, and an humble look, they will observe him to the full, but in the end the shot will be intolerable, and he shall pay for their feigned courtesy and lowliness. And this extortion is not to be avoided by the best experienced, if they stand not continually upon their guard with these Fencers, especially in both the Marks (or Marquisates) where they are not Hosts, but devourers of passengers: And howsoever the Italian Hosts are more excusable in their extortions, because the Princes granting licenses to keep these Inns, do not shear but indeed devour them, and he that buys, must needs sell, yet the Marchians inhospitall nature is singular and above all others. For the Florentines oppressed with like or greater exactions, yet use strangers much more courteously. I would advise the unexperienced passenger, that there being in these Italian Inns two ordinary courses of eating, one alconto, that is upon reckoning, the other all pasto, that is, by the meal at a set rate (seldom exceeding three Giulij) the passengers for cheapness should take his breakfast upon reckoning, or carry about him some almonds, figs dried, or Raisins, that dining upon reckoning, in case the Hosts set an excessive price on me it (for woe to him that eats without first knowing the price), he may seem content to eat of his own, taking only bread and wine, (whereof the prices are known and ordinary), and so may contain their rapacity within some reasonable bounds: But at night because of his bed, he shall do well to sup at the Ordinary, and before supper to know his bed and get clean sheets: yet he must not expect a feather bed, which that clime bears not, as too hot for the 〈◊〉, but an hard mattress, only he shall have clean sheets, at least if he curiously demand them. Howsoever against the worst event, he shall do well to carry linen breeches, and to wear them in the ordinary sheets; for the Italians if they have no kind of the French pox, yet for the most 〈◊〉 are troubled with an itch, witness the frequent cry in their streets of Vnguento per 〈◊〉, Ointment for the Itch. I formerly said that a passenger needs have no care of his Horse by the way, for it is the custom to agree for their meat as well as hire with the Vetturines, (so they call those that let Horses, and go on foot or send a servant to meat them): But since the same Vetturines will also offer a passenger to agree with him in like fort for his own diet, surely (as I have said in the Chapter of the manner to take journeys) the passenger is in ill case, that is dieted by them, neither would I advise any so to do, except only in the way from Rome to Naples and back again, where a passenger in such a tumultuary journey, and by reason of that old custom, should otherwise be worse entreated. Lastly, a passenger shall do wisely, especially at nigh to go to the best Inn and of most fame, that he may be more safe from the loss of his money or hazard of his life.  
The Italians hold it a great shame to be drunken, they sometimes salute one another with a cup, in manner of a health, but leave it to his pleasure when he will pledge them, and then he salutes him that drunk to him, as well as him to whom he drinks, saying; Faccie ragione a vos ' signoria, brindisia vos Signoria. Sir I pledge you, and I drink to you Sir. The word Brindisi comes of the Dutch phrase, Ich brings each, I will bring it to you, used when they drink to any man, and this shows the custom is borrowed from the Germans, and used by the obsequious Italians to please them, yet abhorring from drunkenness, so pleasing to the Germans.  
Italy yields excellent Wines, and the common red wine is held very nourishing, so as the fairest Women will dive with the same, and a sop of bread dipped in it, thinking it will make them fat, (which kind of Women the Venetians most love, all things else being equal), yea, and more fair: So as they Proverbially say; Chibeve branco, piscta bianco, a chi beve rosso, avanza il colore. He that drinks white, pisses white, he that drinks red, gains the colour: These are the most famous Wines of Italy. 〈◊〉 di Christ, (the tear of Christ) and like wines near Cinqueterre in Liguria: Lafoy 〈◊〉, and the white muscadine, especially that of Montefiaschoni in Toscany: Cecubum and Falernum in the Kingdom of Naples, and Prosecho in Histria. In general the grapes that grow high upon Elme-trees in the plain, as in Lombardy, & especially the grapes of Modena, yield very small Wines, but those that grow upon hills and mountains, resting on short stakes, yield very rich Wines. In the shops where they sell Muskadines, there be continually boys attending with little wigs of sweet bread and junkets, which the Italians dip in the wine; and having thus broke their fasts in winter time, they commonly eat no more till supper.    

The third Book.  

CHAP. I. Of the Geographical description of Turkey, the Situation, Fertility, Traffic, and Diet.  
THE Longitude of Turkey extends fifty five degrees and a half, from the meridian of forty four degrees and a half, to that of an hundred degrees, and the Latitude extends forty degrees from the Parallel of ten degrees, to that of fifty degrees. The Provinces of this Empire in Europe, are thus numbered. Illyris, Albania, Epirus, Gracia, Macedonia, Thessalia, Thracia, Mysia, Dacia (or I ransiluania), Hungaria, and the islands under him, that lie in Europe.  
1 Illyris a part of Sclavonia, is subject partlv to the Turks, partly to the House of Austria; the chief Cities whereof are Zara, (which together with the territory thereof, the Turks took from the Venetians, the rest of the Province being still subject to the House of Austria): and Scordona, lying upon the Sea, as doth the former City, and all the Province: Also Croatia vulgarly Cranaten, and of old called Liburnia, belongs to this Province. 2 Albania hath these known Cities, Dirachium, (vulgarly Dorazzo, of old called Epidaurus), and Vallona. 3 Epirus hath these towns Chimaera, Meiandria, Butrinto, Cestrina, and Nicopolis. Of old part of Epirus was called Acarnania. Of the royal blood of this Province was Alexander Scanderbag, who brought up in the Great Turk's Court, and upon occasion falling from him, did so much trouble that vast Empire!  
4 Gracia was of old divided into Peloponesus and Helles. Peloponesus, of old called Aiggealia, Appta, and Pelasgia, is at this day named Morea, and it is a Chersonelus, that is, a neck of Land almost an Island, only joined to the continent with an Isthmus, that is a narrow piece of Land. The rest is compassed with the Sea, and was of old divided into Sutionium (which hath the City's Sution and Carinthus); Argo'is (which hath the Cities Argos and Neapolis), Achaia or Elis, (whereof the chief City was Elis); and Arcadia (whose chief Towns are Psofis and Arcomenus.) And here the River Emaus, or Erimanthus, springeth, and joining with the Brook Alpheus, falls into the gulf of Arcadia. Also the River Inachus springs in the Mountain Parthenius, and falls into the gulf of Neapolis. Moreover Peloponesus hath a fifth Province called Lacedemonta or Laconia, (whereof the chief City was Lacedaemon or Sparta, most famous of old). The sixth Province is Messena, in which is the City Metona, now called Modon. The strait neck of Land joining Peloponesus to the Continent, was against the Turks fortified with a wall by the Christians, but the Turks cast down the wall, and took all the Province. Helles or Achaia, the second Province of Greece, contains Attica, Megaris, Boetia, Phocis, Regio Locrorum, and AEtolis. Attica is more famous than the rest, in which was the famous City Athens. Megaris is a small Region, the chief City whereof was Megaria, in which Euclides was borne Boetia is a very large Region, so called of an Ox leading Cadmus thither, who built the Boetian Thebes, so called for difference from nine other Cities called Thebes. The Mountains Thermopula, derived from the Mountains Acroceraunij, lying upon Epirus, divide Greece from the West to the East, (as the Apenninedivides Italy), and the famous mountains Otris Pelion and Ossa, are parts thereof. Of old Aulis was a famous City of Boetia, in which Iphigenia Daughter to Agamemnon was sacrificed. Phocis is a small Region, the towns whereof were Elatea, and Delphis seated at the foot of the Mountain Parnassus, having the Temple of Apollo, not in the Town, but upon a Rock of the Mountain, where springs the Castalian Fountain, sacred to the Muses, and the Mount Helicon lies near the same. The Region of the Locri is small, and the chief City is now called Lepanto. Of old a people called Peers, coming out of Thrace, dwelled under Farnassus, of whem it was called the Pierian Mountain, and the Muses were called Pierides. Doris pertains to the Region of the Locri, and the chief City is Doricum, whence came the Doric Dialect. The last Province of Helles and of all Greece, is AEtolia, divided from Eptrus by the River Achelon's, falling from the Mount Pindus, and the chief Towns thereof are, Naupactus, now called Lepanto, near the gulf whereof, the Christian Navy under the commaud of Don ivan of Austria, gave a famous overthrow to the Turkish Navy in our Age. The other City is called Chaledon, whence was the Chaledonian Boar, sung of the Poets.  
5 The fifth Province of Turkey is Macedonia, of old called Migdonia, and Emathea, the chief City whereof is Thessalonica, vulgarly now called Saloniche, to the Citizens whereof S. Paul wrote his Epistle. The Mountains of this Province Olympus Pelion Ossa, are famous by the fables of the Giants, & Athos is feigned to pass the clouds with his top. 6. The lower part of Macedonia is called Thessalia, or AEmonia, of Thessalus the son of AEmon, (or as others say of jason) the chief Town whereof was Pharsalos, whose fields are famous by the victory of Caesar against Pompey. 7 Thracia hath fair Cities, Trimontium (of old called Poneropolis and Philippopolis), Adrianopolis, and the head City Constantinopolis, (of old called Bysantium, now Stambol) seated upon the Bosphorus of Thracia. It hath famous Mountains, Rhodope, Mela and Ismarus: Upon Propontis the Thracian Chersonesus (or neck of Land) lies upon the Hellespont, in which are the Towns Sesto and Callipolis. 8 The upper Mista is divided into three parts, Rascia, Bosnia and Servia, and the lower Misia into three parts, Bulgaria, Wallachia and Moldavia. In Bulgaria the River Danubius begins to be called Isther, which falls into the Euxine Sea, with four strong and three lesser channels. 9 Dacia or Transiluania, was of old possessed by the Saxons, who there built seven Cities or Castles, of which the Province is called Septem-Castrensis, vulgarly Sieben burgeon, and of old it belonged to the Kingdom of Hungary, but at this day is tributary to the Turks. 10 Hungaria so called of the people Hunnt, was of old called Fannonia the lower, and of right belongs to the Germane Emperor, but of late the Turks have subdued the greater part thereof. It hath many and strongly fortified Cities, as Debrezinum, Varadinum, Segedinum (vulgarly Seget); Castrum (taken by the Turks) Strigonium vulgarly 〈◊〉 (taken by the Turks in the year 1543) Alba Regalis (at that time also taken by them) Quinquecclesiae (the feat of the Bishop) Buda seated upon the Danow; (twice or thrice taken and regained on both sides, of old the King's seat) called vulgarly Offen, and Pesta (seated on the other side of Danow) vulgarly called New offen. The Hungarian Nation yields to none in strength and courage, not unlike the Scythians in language and manners.  
11 The islands of Europe, in the Ionian Sea are these, Corcira (vulgarly Corfu) Cephalania, and Zaintos, (in Latin Zacinthus, vulgarly now called Zante); all three subject to the Venetians. All the islands in the AEgean Sea, are subject to the Turk, being innumerable, among them are the Cycladeses, so called because they lie round together, the chief whereof are Cytnos, Cyphnos, (vulgarly Sifano); Parus (now called Paris, famous for the Marble), Tenos (now called Tenasa), Naxus, Andros, and Delos the chief of all, where Apollo and Diana were borne. Next them, are the Sporades, so called of lying dispersed, among which are Melos, Lera, Nicaria, AEgina, and Lemnos (vulgarly Stalemine, whether they fable that Vulcan was cast down.) The Island Ibea, now vulgarly Negroponte is attributed to Greece, being separated from the continent with so little distance, as it can hardly be named an Island, and it lies close to the City of Athens.  
The Turk hath great part of Asia, divided into Asia the lesser and Asia the greater. The lesser is now called Anatolia or Anatolia of a Greek word signifying the East, being a kind of Isthmus or neck of land, lying between two Seas, the Euxine towards the North, and the Mediterranean towards the South, as it hath the Thracian Bosphorus (as passable by an Ox swimming) and Propontis (as lying before the Sea) and Hellespont & the AEgean Sea) towards the West, and is confined with the River Euphrates towards the East. This lesser Asia is all subject to the Turk, and hath 16. Provinces. Bithynia, Foetus, Paphlagonia, Capadocia, Gallatia, Frigia (the greater & lesser) Misia, jonia, Charia, Lydia, Pamphilia, Lacaonia, Licia, Cilicia, the lesser Armenia & Chomagena.  
1 Bithynia is at this day called Migtonia, and the chief Cities thereof are Nicaea (the Metropolitan City, famous for the Council in the year 314. of 318. Bishop's meeting to beat down the Arrian heresy, and there making the Nicene Creed), Lybissa (where Hannibal was buried,) Chalcedo (where one of the eight old Counsels was held by 530 Bishops,) Heraclia, Nicomedia, Phrasso, (where Esculapius was born,) and Bursa seated over against Constantinople, where some Turkish Emperors lie buried, and thither the great Turk's eldest son is sent to govern, (or in a kind of exile, for he never sees his Father more till he be dead,) and thither he is sent assoon as he is circumcised. 2. Some account Pontus for part of Bithynia, 3. Paphlagonia is the third Province. 4. Capadocia the fourth so called of the River Capadocis, and the chief City is Trapesuntium, now called Genech. And here the Amazons are said to have lived from the destruction of Troy, to the time of Alexander the Great. 5 Frigia the lesser was called Frixis of Frixus son to the King of Thebes, flying with his sister from his stepmother, who mounted on a Ramm with a golden Fleece (perhaps a Ship so called) his sister being drowned, & giving the name to Hellespont, and he came himself to this part of Asia, which at this day is called Palormi, & yields a most excellent Wine, and in this Province are Ilium (or Troy) the Mountains Ida and Tinolus, and the River Pactolus. The ninth Sibylla that prophesied of Christ, was a Frigian, and here reigned King Tantalus by covetousness losing the use of his goods, of whom the Poets so fable. The greater Frigia is within Land. 6 The chief Cities of Misia are Traianopolis built by trajan and Adramitbium, whereof mentiou is made in the seventeenth Chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, and where Gallene was borne, who lived 140 years. 7 Gallatia or Gallogrecia, was possessed by the Galls under Brennus, whereof the chief City is Laodicia, and to this Province belongs Pisidia, the chief City whereof is Antiochia. 8 The chief Cities of jonia are Ephesus, (where was the Temple of Diana; which Erostrates a Gothe did burn, to be famous), Miletum (where Thales and Anaximines' were borne) & Smyrna. 9 The chief City of Charia, was of old Halicarnassus (in which was the Sepulchre of Mausolius the King, held for one of the seven miracles of the World). 10 The chief City of Lydia was Sardis, where Croesus reigned. 11 The chief City of Pamphilia was Zelotia, and in this Province is the Mountain Chimaera, upon the wild top whereof Lions were found, as in the middle part yielding grass, Goats did feed, and in the bottom were Serpents, whereof came the fiction of the Monster. 12 In Lacaonia of old were these cities, Iconium (Metrapolitan) & Lysire, where Timothy Saint Paul's Disciple was borne, and the River Xanthus runs through this Province 13 Licia lies upon the Sea, between Pamphilia & Charia. 14 Cylicia lies under the Mountain Taurus, upon the furthest bosom of the Mediterranean Sea, or Iccian Gulf, where Alexander the Great overcame Darius, and there is Tarsus, now called Bias, in which Town Saint Paul was borne. 15 Armenia the lesser, is thought by some to be the Land Ararat, upon the Mountains whereof the Ark of Noah rested after the deluge. Under this Province some comhrehend 16 Chomagena, being full of Mountains, and confining upon Asia the lesser towards the East.  
The Geographers divide Asia the greater into five parts, according unto five Empires, the first of the Duke of Moscovia, the second of great Cham over the Tartars, the third of the Persian King, the fourth of divers Indian Kings, the fifth of Ottomen over the Turks. And this last only belongs to my purpose, therefore omitting the rest, I will speak of it. The great Turk hath these Provinces in Asia the greater, namely, Syria, Arabia, Babylonia, Chaldea, Assyria, and divers islands.  
Syria is vulgarly called Sorya, and contains Palestina, Phaenitia, Caelosyria, Damaseena, Sirophaenitia, (and as some account) Mesopotamia, Palestina of old called Canaan, is subdivided into Idumaea, judaea, Samarta, Galilea. Idumea of old called Edom, is not unfertil, and abounds with Palmtrees, but where it confines upon Arabia, is said to be barren, and there are the Mountains called Sur in Scriptures. It had these chief Cities of old, Maresa, Ascalon, Asotos. judea is the second Province of Palestina, so called of the Tribe of judae, and jerusalem the chief City thereof is at this day called Chutz. The most famous places thereof are Bethlehem, Bethania, Mount Olivet, jerico, joppe where S. Peter raised Dorcas from the dead,) Lydda (where he healed the man sicko of the Palsy,) Arimathia (where joseph was borne), and Hebron (where Saray the wife of Abraham and four patriarchs lie buried), The Hebrews say, that the valley called Sittim by Moses, was most 〈◊〉, where now is the Lake Asphaltis, and in this valley stood Sodom and Gomorrah. Beyond jordan is the desert of Betabora, where john baptized, and the Land Gilliad, where the Amonites and Moabites dwelled of old. Samaria the third Province of Palestine, had these Cities, Sichim, Capernaum, seated upon the Lake Geneseret, Nahim, where Christ raised the widows son, Betzaida & Coratzen, & beyond the Lake Gadera is Samaria, the chief City of the ten Tribes, that fell from juda. Galilea the last Province of Palestine, is divided into the upper and the lower. The upper called Gallile of the Gentiles, contains the Kingdom Basin, and hath these Cities, Chana the Greater, Caesarea Philippi, Seleutia, and Gaulon, and this Province had the title of Tetrarch. The lower had the same title, and contains the Regions of Decapolis, and Traconitis, beyond jordan. The chief Cities thereof were Betsaida, Chana the lesser, and Nazaret. And here is the Mount Tabor, where Christ was transfigured: And the River jordan running through all Palestine, hath two heads, jar and Dan upon the Mount Antilibanus, and running thence into the lake Asphaltis, by the way makes two Lakes, Samachonitis (upon the confines dividing the two Galilies), and Genezaret or Tyberias, (upon the confines between the lower Galily and Samaria). Phenicia the second part of Syria, lies upon the Sea, and reacheth to Serophenicia, from the City Dora upon the Sea, to the Mount Carmelus, where it is confined with the Mount Lybanus. The chief Cities thereof were, Dora, Ptolemais, Acon, Tyrus, Sarcpta, and Sydon. Selosiria the third part of Syria, so called as crooked or hollow, had of old the title of Tetrarch, in which is the City Damascus, which gives the name Damascena to the fourth part of Syria, and here alabaster grows, of which they make vessels. Damascus is thought to be built by the servants of Abraham, and near the City is a place, where Christ appeared to Saint Paul, and the Sepulchre of Zachartas is said to be there; and they show a place, where Cain is said to have killed Abel. The soil is most fertile, so as Writers and the consent of all Men witness, that grapes grow there all the year, and that there is plenty of Quinces, Figs, Almonds, and Damascus Prunes. Sirophenitia the fifth part of Syria, hath these Cities, Beritum (of old called happy julia) Biblus, Iripolis, Landicia, Antiochia (of old called Reblatha) which after it had been decayed by a great Earthquake, was rebuilt by the Emperor justinian and called Theopolis, a famous City in which the Professors formerly called Disciples, first had the name of Christians, and Histories testify that Saint Peter was the first Bishop thereof. Mesopotamia the last part of Syria, is so called as lying between two Rivers, swift Tigris (so called of the swiftness, Tigris in the Medes tongue signifying an Arrow) and Euphrates. And by the yearly overflowing of these Rivers after the Solstice (as Egypt by that of Nilus) the soil is made most fertile, whereof Writers report wonders, namely that one measure sowed, yields fifty and in some places sixty measures, and that plants perpetually flourish there, yet that the inner parts want water, so as the Inhabitants finding a spring, use to keep it secret, that it may not be known to their enemies. At this day the Turks call this Province Diarbecke, the Cities whereof are Edessa and Carra (which Moses in the twelfth Chapter of Genesis calls Haram) where Abraham dwelled when he came out of Chaldea.  
2 Arabia is the second part of the Turkish Empire in Asia the greater, which is subdivided into Petrea (rocky), desert, and happy Arabia. The Israelites lived forty years in rocky Arabia, being full of Mountains and barren, whereof proceeded their murmurings. There is famous Mount Sinai, upon which Gods Law was published, and over against it Mount Horeb. In Sinai is the Region Nabathea, and the City thereof Petra (after called Arech) is in the Scriptures called Petra of the desert, and near it lies the Region Agra or Agara, the Inhabitants whereof were called Agarens, as coming of Hagar Concubine to Abraham. Desert Arabia is barren, destitute of waters and covered with deep sand, the Inhabitants whereof do live in Tents, having no certain abiding; but near Euphrates some dwellings are, where is the famous Town Tapsacum, after called Amphipolis. Happy Arabia lies almost in the form of a Chersonesus or neck of Land, between the two great gulfs of the Sea, the Arabian gulf and the Persian, and it yields Cinnamon, Frankincense, Myrrh, the Gum Laudanum, and other precious Odours, and abounds with Honey, Wax, and all kinds of cattle, excepting Swine only. It is said that Grains of Gold as big as Acorres are found here among the clods of the Earth. It hath the Bird Phoenix, of which kind there is never more than one only, which by striking of stones together, kindles a fire and burns herself in her nest of myrrh, and of the Ashes comes a worm, which becomes a Bird and so the Phoenix lives again. They fish pearls in the Arabian gulf, and jewels are found upon the Sea shore. The Nation of the Sabaeans, is more famous than any other in this Province, whose Region called Saba, is celebrated for plenty of Frankincense, and it hath woods of Trees, which being cut, yield a frothy humour that turns into that odour. The Cities of happy Arabia are, 〈◊〉 Tolnaby (that is, the City of the Prophet, because Mahomet is said to have written his Alcorane there) and Mecha (famous by Mahomet's Sepulchre.) The Kingdom of Ormus is part of happy Arabia, having a peculiar King but tributary to the King of Spain, as he is King of Portugal, the Metropolitan City whereof rich in trade, is called Ormus.  
3 Babilonia the third part of the Turkish Empire in Asia, hath the metropolitan City of old called by the same name, but in these days called Bagdet.  
4 Chaldea the fourth part lies on the East side of Babilonia, whereof the chief City is called Vhrr in the Scriptures, from whence Abraham upon God's commandment went to Haran a City of Mesapitania.  
5 Assiria the fifth part is so called of Assur the son of Shem, whereof the chief Cities are Ninus, called Ninive in the Scriptures, (the old seat of the Kings, built by Assur) and Aruela (famous by the victory of Alexander the Great against Darius the Persian King.)  
6 The islands of Asia are the sixth part of the Turkish Empire in Asia the greater, and they lie either in the Mediterranean Sea, or in the Archipelagus, or in the Indian Seas. In the Mediterranean Sea, lies Candia (of old called Creta) famous of old for having one hundred Cities, and by the labyrinth of Daedalus, and it was called Creta of the Earth's whiteness, from whence great quantity of muscadine Wines are exported into divers parts of Europe, and it is subject to the State of Venice. Rhodes lieth in the same Sea, and was of old famous for the residence of the Knights of Jerusalem, but at this day is possessed by the Turks driving out those Knights, (who now have their residence in Malta an Island, near that of Sicily). Cyprus is an Island in the same Sea, and is most fertile, yielding Canes of Honey, whence Sugar is made, and rich Wines, and aboundiug with many things required for life and for pleasure, and this Island the Turks in the last Age took from the Venetians by force of Arms, the chief Cities whereof are Famagosta and Nicosia. The Archipelagus hath innumerable islands, whereof the principal and most fruitful are, Tenedos (small in circuit) but famous by the Navy of the greeks harbouring there at the siege of Troy) Lesbos, Lemnos, Mitelene, (at this day called Metalon of the chief City); Samnus of old called Sicania, (where Hypocrates was borne) and Chios (now called Zio) more esteemed than any of the rest, for the Marble, Malmsey wine, Mastic, (the juice or gum of the tree called Lentiscus), and no less for the many rich commodities it yields, then for the goodness and largeness of the soil.  
The islands of the Indian Sea belong not to the Turks, and therefore I will omit them.  
The Turkish Empire stretcheth itself yet farther, containing great part of Africa, which by the Grecians was called Libya, and the word in the Greek tongue signifying horror and cold, gave the name to Africa, as being void of cold. The Mountain Atlas in Africa (as Taurus in Asia, which in some parts is called Caucasus and Imaus, as the Mountains of Europe are generally called the Alps), doth divide this Country into many parts, stretching itself towards the East, and so forward to Nilus, which parts or Provinces are known by these names; Mauritanta, Africa the lesser, Syrenaica, Marmarica, AEgyptus, Lybia, AEthiopia, the Regions under the Mountains of Luna, and the islands.  
1 Mauritania Tingitana, contains two Kingdoms, Fessa (whereof the King of Spain holds some part) and Morcco (subject to the Turks.) Of old it had these towns Tingis (Metropolitan) and Luxon, (near which are the Gardens Hesperides, which the Poet's fable to have Apples and trees of gold.) At this day the two chief Cities are called Fessa and Morocco. At the Strait Sea, between Spain and Africa, the mountains Abila in Africa, and Calpa in Spain, are of that form, as men would judge they were once joined, whereupon the Poet's fable, that Hercules divided them, and did let in the Ocean, and so made the Mediterranean sea, and for this cause the Strait is called the narrow Sea of Hercules, and the Pillars of Hercules were erected on Africa's side, which the Emperor Charles the fifth added to his Coat of Arms. Mauritania Caesariensis, was also called Numidia; for the people being rich in cattle, and dwelling in Tents, and when they had eaten the grass of one place, then removing to another, were of their pastures called Nomades, and after changing a letter, became to be named Numidae.  
2 Africa the less, a most fertile Region of old, is at this day called the Kingdom of Tunis, and the chief Citis, are Hippon (Metropolitan, where Saint Austin was Bishop), Utica (renowned for having Cato a Citizen), Carthage (where Tertullian was borne), Tunis (at this day chief), Madaura (where Lucius Apuleius was borne), and jacapa (where the Vines are said to yield Grapes twice in the year.) The Brook Rubricatus is famous for the Serpent killed there by Attilius Regulus in the time of the first Punic war. The quicksands or shoals of the Sea adjoining, are much feared of Mariners, lying sometimes deep, sometimes shallow, as the sands are driven into divers parts, by divers winds blowing and storms, and they are two. The less not far from Carthage, the greater towards Syrenaica. At this day all this Sea-coast is called Barbary, and is subject to the Turkish Ottoman.  
3 Sirenaica hath the name of the chief City Siren, which of old had emulation for greatness with Carthage, and therein were borne, Aristippus the Philosopher, Calimachus the Poet, and Eratostines the Mathematician, and (assome say) Simon who carried the Cross of Christ.  
4 Marmarica is sandy, and of old therein was the Temple of jupiter called Hammon of the sands, and these two Provinces are annexed to Egypt.  
5 Egypt is most fertile, the very garner of the universal World, and famous for the antiquity of the Kingdom. The upper part thereof was called Thebais, the lower (towards the Mediterranean Sea) was called Deltica, of the letter Delta. The Cities thereof no less famous in these days then of old are these. Alexandria, built by Alexander the great at the mouth of the River Nilus (whose body there buried, was seen by Augustus), and here Ptolemy was borne, who did gather in this City the famous Library of seven hundred thousand volumes, which were all consumed by fire. The next chief City is Canopus, where stood the Temple of Syrapis or Osiris. Then Pelusium, at this day called Damiata, seated upon the mouth of Nilus called Pelusium. Lastly, the chief City of all, is Babylon, built by the Babylonians permitted to dwell there, which at this day is hugely increased, and is called Alcaiero (that is, This Caiero), from whence some forty stadia distant towards the North, lie the three famous Pyramids. Three days journey towards the East, in a Garden called Matarta, being well fortified, of old grew, and still grows the herb Balsamum, sweeting Balsam out of the boughs, and being cut with a knife, yielding the more precious Opobalsamum, and at this day the same is found even at Caiero in the Gardens of the richer sort. They say also that Coral is found in the Red Sea. I had almost omitted the City Arsinoe, also called the City of the Crocodiles, because the Crocodile was there worshipped. Nilus falls into the Mediterranean Sea in seven great Arms, which have the names of the adjacent Towns, namely, Heracleoticum (or canopicum), Boluiticum, Sebamticum, Patinicum, Mendesium, Caniticum, and Pelusiacum: the first and the last whereof are one hundred and seventy miles distant one from the other. The Nilus doth yearly overflow, and thereby gives incredible fertility to the ground, and the snow melting upon the Mountains of Luna, or the constellation of the Moon and Mercury, are thought to be causes of this overflowing. And the same happening to be greater or less than usual, or coming later or sooner than usual is a sign of dearth to them, whereof Pliny saith, that Egypt in twelve cubits height of the flood, feeleth famine, atthirteene cubits is hungry, but that fourteen makes them merry, fifteen safe, and sixteen brings plenty and dainties. It is strange, that all other Rivers eating and consuming their banks, Nilus rather increaseth them, by bringing with it a mud, that covers the sand, and doth as it were dung the fields, to make them more fertile. In sixty days after the flood, the fields are clear of water. The flood increaseth from the Summer Solstice, to the Suns entering into Libra, and after the water retires into his own bed. About the twelfth of October they sow their fields, and in May following reap their harvest. Egypt with the Provinces belonging to it, hath long been subdued by the Turks.  
6 Lybia hath divers Provinces. Biledurgeret, that is, the Region of Dates, is inhabited by the black Getuli. From thence towards the River Niger, lie the Deserts of Lybia, waste, and full of Lions, pards, and other fierce and venomous beasts (whereof came the fictions of Medusa and Pursues.) The inhabitants of Atsanaga, are of a colour between tawny and black. At the Promontory called the white Cape, is the City called Argen, where the Arabians and portugals trade together. At the Promontory, called the green Cape, the River Niger falls into the Atlantic Ocean, and the inhabitants are called Nigrite. This tract contains many Kingdoms, namely, Senige, Gambrey, Tambot, Guangara (where the Garamantes dwelled of old), two Kingdoms of Nubia, and other Kingdoms, which I omit as subject to their Kings, or to Pretz jan, and so not belonging to our purpose.  
7 AEthiopia is divided by Nilus into inward and outward. Inwad AEthiopia is divided by old Writers into AEthiopia properly so called, Trogloditica, and Barbaria, and in the mids thereof is the Island Meroe, made by Nilus, in which was a City called Meroe, the seat of the old Kings, after called Saba, whence was the queen which came to Solomon, and the Eunuch of Queen Candaces, whom Philip baptised. The Troglodytes live in caves of the earth, and their kingdom is at this day called Adel. Barbaria extends eight degrees beyond the AEquator, from the promontory called Capo di 〈◊〉, to the Gulf of Barbary, and was so called of old. The outward AEthiopia is called AEgisimba by Ptolemy, and contains the Kingdom of Amatzen, and of Vangue, seated under the Equinoctial line. All AEthiopia, and part of Libya, are said to be subject to Pretz jan, therefore I say no more of them, nor of the Kingdoms under the Mountains of Luna, as pertaining not to my purpose.  
8 Only of the many Provinces under the Mountains of Luna beyond the Equinoctial line, I will add, that the inhabitants of Capo dibuona speranza (the cape of good hope) are exceeding black, and nothing different from the AEthiopians and Lybians, though they have a greater latitude by thirty degrees towards the South, equal to the latitude of the farthest part of Spain, and live under the temperate Zone.  
9 The greatest Island of Africa called Madagascar by the inhabitants, and Saint Laurence by the Spaniards, is of the Mahometan Religion, and is said to abound with the medicinal wood Santalum, with Amber and Elephants. The Canary islands called of old the fortunate islands are six (or more as some write) in number, whereof Canaria the greatest gave the name to the rest, which are subject to the King of Spain, as are likewise the Hesperides, little islands seated over against the green Cape. The Turkish Emperor hath (to my knowledge) no other I'll of Africa under him.  
The Turkish Empire being so vast, and containing great part of Europe, Asia, and Africa, the temper of the air can not be otherwise described, then by particular parts 
The situation.  thereof. But out of the description of this Empire (in the journal of the first Part), and by comparing the particular Provinces, with others of the same longitude and latitude, and by the fruits and exported commodities here to be mentioned, the temper of the air may be known, or at least conjectured more easily. To this purpose I will only add, that I landing in Palestine about the end of May, found their wheat harvest almost inned, and in the Haven of joppa, bought about a thousand Apricots for six Asper's. And the year following when I sailed from Constantinople towards Italy, that about the midst of March, I did eat pease and other pulse in the Greek islands.  
Lastly in Palestine, Cyprus and those parts, partly I understood by others, partly I found by experience, that it seldom rains, and that about September and October only, and not often at that time, but so violently for the time, as if it would beat down the very houses, falling (as it were) by palefulls at once, and that the fields are watered with night dews, at the fall whereof no man stirs out of doors, but with his head well covered, for danger of sickness, all men using to keep in the house till the dew be dried, while in the mean time by day the heat is so excessive, as a man can hardly endure his apparel, though it be of linen or silk, if it hang not lose but be close about him.  
The fertility of the soil generally through this Empire, is exceeding great, and the goodness and variety of the fruits, equalleth and in some places passeth Italy. 
The fortility.  The wines of greet, of Mount Libanus, and especially of Palormo in Anatolia, are exceeding rich and good. Yet have the Turks less plenty of all things than Europe, for they very sparingly and only to serve necessity, either set plant or sow, great part of the people being wasted with wars, and they that remain, having not free fruition of their own goods, in the great tyranny under which they live, aswell of the Emporour, as of undergovernours changed at least once a year, and the general rapacity and licentiousness of the soldiers. Hence it is that there be vast solitudes and untilled Deserts on all sides, where yet the ground of itself brings forth divers wild fruits without tillage. They have divers kinds of grain, Wheat, the grain called Milet, Barley, Oats, Rye, Pease, and all kinds of Pulse, which for the kinds are like those of Europe, but the Wheat for the bigness of the grain, and so the rest, are to be preferred before them. There is great abundance of Rice, Flax and Cotton growing in the fields. They have good plenty of all kinds of cattle, yet are no more industrious in grazing and feeding herds, then in sowing or planting, and so they have Eggs, Hens, Rice, honey (which in a composition they drink), Fruits and Bread for daily food, they desire no other dainties or greater riches, since they can neither enjoy their goods while they live, nor yet bequeath them at death, and nothing is more dangerous, then to be accounted rich. The Caloiri or Greek Monks in Candia, with whom I abode for a time, showed me sields, which the year past had yielded them ninety five measures of grain for one sowed: but Candia, though it lie in the compass of the Turkish Empire almost on all sides, yet is subject to the State of Venice.  
The Island Chios (vulgarly Zio) is subiest to the Turks, and is famous for the pleasantness, as also for the fertility, yielding Mastic (the fruit of the tree Lentiscus), and having abundance of partridges, & of all kinds of foul. I have in my jornal of the first Part spoken of the most fertile islands, Cyprus and Mettilene.  
In Syria they have sheep of strange bigness, whereof many have tails weighing twenty, and some thirty pounds, bearing wool, and being wreathed to their heels, more than the horns of Rams are, And let no man think this incredible, since the same is reported of Sheep in Africa; and this is confirmed by consent of all, who have been in these parts. Mules are somewhat rare, but they have innumerable Camels, a beast most apt to carry burdens, and lying patiently down to receive them, and most able to bear hunger, and especially thirst. When the male and female engender, they lie down on their bellies, with tail to tail, and their heads many Eiles distant one from the other, and in the time of the year when they are naturally prone to generation, they are fierce with a kind of madness, so as their masters then take heed of any violence they may do them. The Turks also have many Dromedaties, a kind of beast not unlike the Camel, but far passing horses in swiftness, and very Camels in patience of labour. Their Horses are rather fair then strong, and they make their skin shine, by laying them upon their own dung dried. These horses either run, (which often they put them to for spurts, and in bravery) or go a foot pace (as they use to follow laded Camels in journeys), but they are not taught either to troth, or amble, as ours are, and are good for short iournics, but not able to endure so long journeys as ours do. Therefore the Turkish Cavaltery for war is of more swiftness than strength, and the German horses being heavy, they easily overtake them flying, and as easily fly when they are beaten.  
The Turks have great plenty of sea and fresh water fish, and of birds and all foul, and for Christian buyers (whereof are great multitudes, especially at Constantinople) they furnish their markets therewith. And in truth at Constantinople, there is as great variety and goodness of these kinds as can be wished. Only the Oystors, though pleatifull, yet have not the delicate salt taste that ours have, the Mediterranean Sea being nothing so salt as the Ocean. But in general, the Turks, by reason of the foresaid tyranny, and of their temperance in diet, do little use fishing or fowling, or any like exercise.  
Yea, by reason of the same tyranny of the Emperor, Governors and Soldiers, 
The traffic  the Turks carelessly and coldly exercise traffic with Merchants. I grant, that they trade in Anatolia, and other parts of their own Empire after a cold manner, but they make no voyage by sea into foreign parts, excepting some few that come to Venice. For they do not labour in any kind more than necessity forceth, and are so far from the insatiable desire of riches, as they avoid nothing more, than the opinion to be rich. So as the jews, the greeks subject to the Turks, and other confederate Christians, exporting their commodities, they themselves have very few ships, the Emperor only having some twelve great ships, well armed, to bring him necessaries from Egypt to Constantinople. In like sort they have few Marrines, and those unexperienced and fearful, using the greeks their vassals, and other slaves taken in ward, to that purpose, and they much esteem (that is gently treat) captives skilful in Navigation. Some Towns keep at their private charge a few small Galleys and Barks, to rob the Christians, and the great Turk's Navy consists all of Galleys, nothing comparable to those of Venice, and they winter at Constantinople, and another Haurn in Greece, whereof I shall write more largely in the discourse of the Turks. Commonwealth.  
Among other Cities of trade, they have two very famous, one in Asia, the other in Africa. That of Asia is called Haleppo, and it being within-land, the Port thereof is called scanderona by the Turks, and Alexandretta, by the Christians, whence the commodities of Merchants are carried upon Camels, and the fifth day arrive at Haleppo, whether the commodities of Persia are brought by the River Euphrates, and upon camels backs, from the City Taurus; of old subject to the Persians, but in our age subdued by the Turks. The Indian commodities are brought thither by the red sea, and the Gulf of Arabia. The famous City for trade in Africa was called Babylon, and now is named Alcatero, whence the commodities of India, Egypt, and all Africa are exported. Moreover, upon the mouth of the greatest arm of the River Nilus, the City Alexandria is seated upon the Sea, some few days sail from Aleaiero.  
The Venetians bring into Turkey woollen clothes, which they call broad, being died Scarlet, Violet, and, of all colours, and they are so strong & well made, as they will last very long, so as the Turks prefer them before out English clothes And because the Venetians furnish them in great quantity, they use few other clothes of that kind. Also the Venetians bring to them Satins, and Damasks (made in Italy of Dalmatian silk) and great quantity of Gold and Silver, to buy the precious commodittes of Turkey. Whence they carry out raw silk. For by reason of the foresaid tyranny, as the Turks are negligent in Husbandry and trade, so are they in manual Arts, not drawing their Silk into threads, nor weaving the same into clothes. And howsoever they have infinite numbers of Silkworms, especially at Tripoli, and in most parts of Asia, which make great quantity of Silk, (as I formerly said in the discourse of Italy), yet they sell this Silk raw and unwonen, and buy of the Venetians the foresaid clothes made of their own silk, so as the silkworms, may well be said to be more diligent, and more to promote the public good, than the inhabitants; for they swarming in all Gardens, diligently finish their web, while the idle inhabitants yield the commodity thereof to strangers.  
The Venetians also export from Turkey, Spices, and Apothecary wares, and great quantity of the Dye called Indigo. They export Galls, Cotten, wool, Cotton threads, Chamlets or Grograms, made of the finest hairs of Goats, not sheared but pulled off from their backs, and woven in Galatia, a Province of the lesser Asia. They export Turkey Carpets, Goats skins wrought, and died into divers colours.  
The English bring to the Turks Kerseys wrought and died of divers colours and kinds, but they bring little Broadcloth, wherewith they are abundantly furnished from Venice. They also bring to them Tin, and black Conni-skinnes in such quantitic, as the Turks admiring the same, a Frenchman merrily taxing our women's affability, said, that in England there was such plenty of Connyes, and they so tame, as they were taken in the Taverns. The English export from them Spices and Apothecary wares (for the Trade into the East Indies was not then set up), they also export the foresaid commodities, raw silk, Indigo, and other precious Dies of Scarlet, Purple and the like, Galls, Mastic growing only in the Island Zio, Cotton, and the thread thereof, Turkey Carpets for tables, Chamlets, Grograms of goats hair. The Merchants coming to Constantinople, hardly find there any commodities to export; therefore the English ships having unladed there, sail empty to Alexandretta, and there receive the commodities of Haleppo. Again, the Italians who bring much gold and silver to Haleppo for the commodities there to be sold, do again receive gold and silver for such commodities as they bring to Constantinople, and carry the same back to Venice. The English lying at the islands of Zant and Cephalonia, subject to the Venetians, and at Petrasso, seated in the Gulf of Corinth, and subject to the great Turk) export Corrands: others from Algiers (a Port of Barbary) export Sugar: others from the Island Candia (subject to the Venetians) export Muskadines: and others from divers islands export earthen dishes and vessels painted, which for the pureness are much esteemed and used in Italy, and in our parts Northward.  
The swords of Damascus are famous for the metal, piercing iron, and cutting a nail in pieces, but the exportation of them is forbidden, though out Christians supply the Turks with all warlike munitions, which they might shame to have particularly named in this discourse of traffic. The precious Oriental commodities of Persia and the East Indies, have made the Trade of Turkish Cities to be famous, namely, their spices and rich dies, and jewels, which notwithstanding the Turks have in part of their own. For I formerly said, that Arabia yields Frankincense, Myrrh, Cinnamon, and jewels, and Egypt yields Balsam, and Opobalsam (the more precious gum of the Balmetree) in great quantity, omitting many commodities, which beside they have of these kinds. I speak not of Thessalonica a City of Macedonia, now called Saloniche, nor other Havens and Cities of traffic in Greece, as being of less moment. All the precious traffic of Turkey, by reason of the inhabitants slothfulness, is in the hands of Jews and of Christians, and was long in the sole hands of the Venetians, but the French in the age past, and the English in our age, have had (as I may say) a traffickiug league with the Turks, and so partake that trade. And these three States only (not to speak of the Germans, who at this time had war with the Turks, and never sail so far to exercise traffic) among so many States of Christians, have their Ambassadors at the Turkish Court. And if any other Christians arrive in that Empire (as the Flemings often do), they used at this time to come under the Banner of one of these three Nations. The Reader must understand, that when I was in Turkey, the English and Fleming's had not as yet begun their traffic in the East Indies, which is like to destroy the traffic in Turkey, bringing many rich commodities from the well head.  
For their diet the Turks live sparingly, I had said slovenly, but that I remembered 
Their diet.  their frequent bathe and washings, and the curious cleanliness of the linen, and all other clothes which they wear: but I will be bold to say, they feed negligently, and without any pomp or magnificence. The richer sort do fit at meat like Tailors with their knees bended, upon carpets, or upon the grass when they eat by rivers sides and in Gardens, as they do more frequently then in the house. And their table is so low, as they may well reach to it sitting upon the ground. About this table they cast a long towel to wipe their hands, but passengers by the highway, and generally the ordinary sort of Turks, use grass in stead of this towel. Others carry about a table of leather coloured red or yellow, which table shuts and opens like a purse, and upon it they can set but one dish at once, it hanging hollow upon certain buckels. Commonly they eat by the highway upon the ground, and always with their knees bended like our Tailors. They seeth their meat till it be very tender, so as they may break it with their fingers, for they have no knives, neither have they variety of dishes set before them, but all sitting in a circle, fall upon one dish. Taking meat, they all together say a short prayer or grace, and talk not whilst they eat, but silently fall hard to their work. They have abundance of all things for food aswell of flesh (excepting swines-flesh) as of birds, and other meats, but they abstain from fish. They have plenty of Corn (at least sufficient for their temperate diet), which is exceeding good, and far bigger than ours. They are ignorant of the Arts of birding, fouling, hunting, or cookery, and having no lascivicus appetite provoking them to gluttony, are content with simple meats. Their sobriety in this kind cannot sufficiently be commended, and since their greatest men can be content to feed on rice, and drink water, it is no marvel, that with ease they keep great Armies in the field.  
All the Turkish household-stuff is contained, in one poor pot to seethe meat in, one spoon of wood, one cup of leather or wood to drink in, a poor bed or matresse, yea often a single coverled alone, and the earth serves them for bedstead, table and stools. They have no need of a troup of cooks and scullions to dress meat, and make clean dishes. They willingly eat curds turned sour and mingled with bread and water, commonly called Mishmish, and fresh cheese or curds, and have plenty of milk, aswell of cows as of goats. In stead of bread, they eat unleavened cakes, baked on the cinders, which commonly are mingled with a kind of seed. They feed commonly on hens, and rice (either sod alone, or with a hen or mutton, in a vessel full of holes, without any liquor put in when it is set on the fire, so as there being no other juice, but that of the meat, the rice is made very thick.) Within these narrow bounds is their most costly feeding restrained. In time of the year they feed much upon fruits, and keep grapes all winter, so as you would judge them fresh. They abhor from swine's flesh, as the jews do, for the rest I did never see, nor hear by relations of others, that the richest of them did affect any other variety of meat, than I have named, and I have often seen Men of the better sort eating out of the seething pot, without any dish set before them. The above named flesh of Muttons is very savoury, and the sheep of Syria and the adjoining parts of Asia, are of such greatness, as many times a tail of them, hanging to their heels, and very woolly and fat, and close woven in many plights, doth weigh thirty or more pounds. They have also Venyson, for in the woods there be many wild Goats dispersed, and I have seen a kind of fallow Dear in Syria called Gazelle, of which kind I have seen some brought out of Barbary into England.  
And they much delighting in fruits, have excellent of many kinds, and in great quantity, namely Apricots, and musk Melones, and divers kinds of pompions, whereof one called Angouria, as big as our pompions, is exceeding full of a very cold juice, being most pleasant for the coolness in any great heat, which coolness though I take to be unwholesome for one sick of an ague, yet myself almost wasted with the burning of that disease, did vehemently desire to eat of this fruit, and found it nothing hurtful or rather healthful to me. In the Haven of Alexandretta (or Scanderona) a Grecian the Master of a Venetian ship, gave me a present of four or five Apples, which he called (as they vulgarly do) the Apple of Adam, and I never in my life tasted so delicete a-fruite. It was of form like a long Pear, or rather for the crookedness like a cucumber of the lesser sort, and it had a most thin skin, of colour like a Peeches skin, the least part whereof being opened, the juice was easily to be sucked out, which was very pleasant, and not much unlike to the juice of a fig newly pulled from the tree. If I should particularise all the kinds of pleasant fruits, I might be infinite therein.  
The Turks when they have eaten, not while they eat, go like good fellows together, and like Horses at once drink for that meal, as greedily as if the water were turned into wine, which kind of drink those that are zealous of their Law, and those that journey by the high way, more specially, and all Turks in general most commonly use, for which cause, those that journey use to pitch their tents, upon the banks of pure fountains or running waters, which they no less know, or as curiously search out, as we do the best Inns or Taverns: Besides commonly they have a cup (if I may so call it, being a purse of leather that opens or shuts with strings) hanging at their Horse's saddle pommel, which as they sit on Horseback, they put down into the fountains, and draw water to drink, not omitting to taste a good spring of water, no more than we would a piece of rare Wine. Their water, especially in Provinces lying near the Sun, is in this property contrary to ours, that it loosens the body no less, than the rice binds it. In City's divers kinds of drinks are to be sold, some esteemed as much as wine with us. One kind I remember presented unto us in Palestine by the Sobasha of Ramma, which was made of medicinal herbs, to purify and cool the blood, and they drink it hot, so as it seems a very physical potion. They drink sugar or honey mingled with water, and water sodden with grapes, rose-water, and honey: and they have whole Tons of the juice of Citrons and Lemons, which they willingly drink; and all these kinds are to be sold in their Ctties, Wine is forbideen by Mahomet's law, which permits Aquavite vulgarly called Harech, which Aquavite they often drink even to drunkenness. And whether it be out of the common error of mankind to desire forbidden things, or out of the licentiousness of Soldiers, which every day grows greater than other, howsoever in Idleness they obey their law in not planting Vines, yet not only the janissaries, but even the religious men, will drink wine largely, even to drunkenness, with Christians as well Ambassadors as others, yea, if Christian passengers carry wine by the way for their own drinking, and have a janisary to protect them, yet they will familiarly come to drink with them, and if they have no protector, they will take their wine and whatsoever they have else at their pleasure, so as their false Prophet hath only provoked vice by forbidding it. Many Provinces yield rich wines, the chief whereof are the Greek wines, (which notwithstanding seemed to me for the most part to be corrosive, fretting the stomach and entrails); and as well the white as red wines of Mount Lybanus and Antilibanus, which are carried to Tripoli, and as far as Haleppo, (the wines about jerusalem being sharp and small): but the best wine of all is the white wine of Palorme in Anatolia, which is like the Spanish sack, but more pleasant to the taste, being not so sweet as the Canary wines, nor so harsh and strong as the Sherry sack. This Wine is carried to Constantinople, where also good wines grow, planted by Christians there, but this is most esteemed: For only Christians plant Vines, and make wine, howsoever the Turks are content to take part of them at the Christians charge.  
The Turkish Soldiers being to fight, if they can find no wine, drink the juice of black poppy, called Opium, to raise their spirits to a kind of fury, thinking them selnes made more valiant thereby: For howsoever we think this herb, especially taken largely, to be dangerous for the health, yet there is not a Turk from the highest to the lowest, who doth not as it were daily use it, nothing being more frequently sowed, nothing more plentifully growing, especially in Anatolia, nothing more easily finding a buyer: yea, if their Camels and Dromidaries fail by the way, or upon necessity must go further than they use to journey, as sometimes it falls out in Armies and other journeys, than they give them this herb, by which they report their spirits so to be stirred up, as they will go till they fall down dead.  
In this vast Empire I did see no junes, no not in their Cities, and a man shall rarely find any beds among Christians, and if he do, yet the sheets are made of cotton, intolerable for heat: For in Turkey generally they lie upon Tapestry Carpets, and sometimes in Cities upon a mattress, with a quilt to cover them, and by the high way they lie upon straw, hay, or grass. And in all places near Palestine, they either by night lie upon the house tops on a plastered floor, or in yards upon the earth and in open Air, having the spangled Heavens for their Canopy. And not only passengers, but all Turks daily wear linen breeches, so as in these Provinces not subject to cold, a man may better endure this poor kind of lodging: But the Turkish passengers, in stead of Inns, have certsine Hospitals, built of stone with Cloisters after the manner of Monasteries, where by charitable legacy of Alms, all passengers may have meat for certain meals or days, especially the Pilgrims towards Mecha, for whose sake they were especially founded: And these houses are vulgarly called Kawne (or as others pronounce Cain) and the covered Cloisters of them, (built after their manner but one roof high), are common as well to Turks as any other passengers to lodge in openly, and like good fellows altogether, upon such mattresses as they carry, or upon the bare ground, if straw be not to be had. For Christian passengers carry such mattresses and necessary victuals, which failing, they supply them in Cities and every day in Villages may buy fresh meats, but they must dress their own meat.  
Neither is the Art of Cookery greater in Turkey then with us in Wales, for toasting of Cheese in Wales, and seething of Rice in Turkey, will enable a man freely to profess the Art of Cookery.  
No stranger useth to travel without a janisary or some other to guide him, who knows the places where most commodious lodging is to be had: but passengers by the way use not to go into Cities, but only to buy fresh meats, which done they return to the Tents of their Carravan, which use to be pitched in some field adjoining. In hot climes near the Sun, (as I have said in the first Part writing my journey through Turkey) the Turks there dwelling use to begin their journeys towards the evening, and to end them two or three hours after the Sun rising, resting in their Tents all the heat of the day. Christian passengers shall do well to go to the Italians Friars at jerusalem, and to Merchants their Countrymen, or at least to Christians in Cities of traffic, and to the Ambassadors or Merchants of their own Country at Constantinople, who being themselves strangers, and not ignorant of the evils incident to strangers, will no doubt in courtesy direct them to get convenient lodgings and other necessaries.   

CHAP. II. Of France, touching the particular subjects of the first Chapter.  
THE Longitude of France extends thirteen degrees from the Meridian of sixteen degrees to that of twenty nine degrees, and the Latitude extends eight degrees from the Parallel of forty two degrees to that of fifty degrees. France of old was divided into Cisalpina and Transalpina. In the description of Italy I have formerly spoken of Cisalpina, which was also called Togata of Gowns the Inhabitants wore, and Tonsa because they had short hair.  
1 Transalpina, was subdivided into Comata and Narbonersis. Comata so called of their long hair, was again subdivided into Belgica, (of which I have spoken formerly 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in the description of netherlands), into Aquitanica and Celtica, or Lugdunensis. Aquitanica the second Part of Comata, was of old called Aremorica, lying upon the Mountains Pyrenei, and they differ in Language from the French, being more like to tie Spaniards: next to the Pyreni dwelled the Ansi or Ansitani, called vulgarly Guascons, coming from Spain. Their chief City is Tolouse, where is a famous University, & the Parliament of that Province. Another City called Bourdeaux, hath also an University, but is more famous by the general concourse of Merchants trading for French Wines. Beyond the River Garumna running through the midst of Aquitania, dwell the Santones, an ancient people, whose Country is called Santoigne. Next lie the Pictones or Pictavi upon the River Loyer, whose Country is called Posctou, abounding with Fish, Fowle, and all Game for Hunting and Hawking. It hath three chief Cities, all seats of Bishops, Poitiers, Lusson, and Maillezais. The neck of Land adjoining is called Aulone, and the islands, Noir de Chavet, De Dieu, and Nosire Dame De Bovin, etc. yield great quantity of Salt to be transported. The Country of the Bituriger is called Berry, and the chief City Burges, of old called Auaricum, being an University, and the Citizens at six Fairs in the year, sell great quantity of woollen cloth: for the Country hath rich pastures, feeding many flocks of sheep, of whose wool this cloth is made, besides that it aboundeth also with Wine, Corn, and all kinds of cattle. The City is within Land, and is called in Latin Biturigum of two Towers. Next the same lies the Dukedom Burbonois, and other small territories.  
Celtica or Lugdunensis another part of Comata, contains the part of Transalpina, that lies between the Rivers Loyer and Seyne, beyond which last River France of old extended, and included good part of netherlands. First towards the West lies the Dukedom Bretaigne, which hath three Languages in itself, all differing from the French. The first is of the people called Bretons Bretonnant, coming from the English or Cornish Britons the first Inhabitants, and the chief Cities are Saint Paul, and Treguiers. The second people are called Bretons Galot, being of Language near the French, and the chief Cities are Rhein's, (where is the Parliament of the whole Dukedom), and Dol, and Saint Malo. The third is mixed of the two former, and the City thereof called Nantes, is the Duke's seat, and chief City of the Dukedom. From the Sea Coast thereof great quantity of salt made by the heat of the Sun is transported, and there by mines of Iron and Lead. Towards the East lies Normandy, so called of Men of the North; namely the Cimbri there inhabiting, and the chief City is Roan. Within Land lies Turroyne, upon the Loyer, and the chief City is Orleans Next lies the little Country of France, like an Island between two Rivers, so called of the Franckes a people of Germany, conquering and giving that name to the whole Kingdom. The chief City and seat of the Kings is Paris. Picardy lies towards the North, and the chief City is Amiens. Upon France within Land towards the East lies the Province champaign. Next to it lies the Dukedom of Lorraine, the Dukes whereof bear their Arms, an Arm armed breaking out of Clouds, and holding a naked Sword, to signify that the Dukes have supreme power from God alone. And the chief Cities of the Dukedom are Nancy (the seat of the Dukes), and Toul, and Neufchastell. The next Country of old esteemed part of Lorraine, was inhabited by the Lingones, and by the Mediomatrices, and the chief City by the Lattines called Mediomatricum and Metis, is now vulgarly called Metz, which City the King of France took in the year 1551 from the Empire, in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth, who besieged the same long, but in vain, the Kings of France still holding it. The Dukedom of Burgundy belonged of old to the Empire, but is now subject to the Kings of France, the chief City whereof is Dijon, where the Parliament of the whole Dukedom is held. It hath other Cities, namely Beaulue, Challon, Chastillon, Noyres, and a place called Bourgougne, which gave the name to the Dukedom, yet others write that it had the name of Bourges, (that is Towns). The County of Burgundy belonged of old to the Empire, but is now subject to the King of Spain, whose progenitor married the daughter and heir of the Duke of Burgundy, at which time the Kings of France took the foresaid Dukedom from the said daughter and heir. And this County is vulgarly called Franche Conte, as free from tributes. It hath two free Cities, Dole (an University) and Besancon.  
2 The second part of Transalpina Gallia is Narbonensis; (which only at this day, yet not all, may truly be called Gallia): It was of old called Braccata, of the Inhabitants apparel, and is called Narbonensis of the chief City Narbona, lying upon the River Athesis, near the Mediterranean Sea, which Strabo witnesseth to have been of old a famous City for traffic. The River Rhodanus runs through it, which falling from the Alps, and increased by Araxis, but still retaining the first name, falls into the Mediterranean Sea. This part called Narbonensis, by the benefit of the Air and Sun, yields Figs, Grapes, Citrons, Peaches, Pomegranates, Chessenuts, rich Wine, and all delicate fruits, and all the fields are made odoriferous by wild Rosemary, Myrtels, Palmetrees, and many sweet herbs: and the Inhabitants have lately planted Canes of sugar. To conclude, the Province is very pleasant and plentiful in all things. On the West side of Rhodanus, the Tectosages dwelled of old in the Province called Languadoc, having that name, because the Inhabitants use Oc for the French Ouy. The chief Cities thereof are Narbona (aforesaid) Mompeliers (of old a famous University) & Clermont. The Dukedom of Savoy lies in a corner, from the alps to the mediterranean Sea, of old inhabited by the Focuntij and it lying on the same side of the Alps with France, is reckoned a part thereof, but the Duke thereof is an absolute Prince, and the chief City is Chambery. The Province is very fertile, and where it is more barren, yet affords excellent fruits and all things for food at a convenient price. Dolphiny lies between the River Rhodanus and the Dukedom of Savoy, and gives the name of Dolphin to the French Kings eldest son. Provence is a most sweet Territory, and hath the Cities, Marseile, (famous by trade with the Turks), Arles, and avignon (subject to the Pope; for when many Popes were at one time, john the two and twentieth did long sit in this City, given by joan Queen of Naples to the Popes in the time of Clement the sixth, alienated from the Kingdom of Naples by her, and annexed to the Patrimony of Saint Peter, in the year 1360.) The Principality of Orange is an absolute dominion, having the chief City of the same name, and seated between Languedoc, Dolphiny, and the Pope's Territory of avignon.  
The air of the Northern part of France is purer than that of England, and being not covered with clouds drawn out of the Sea as England is, for that cause in winter becomes 
The situation,  more cold, and in summer more hot, and far less annoyed with mists & rainy weather. But on the other side, more & less according to the clime, the parts of France lying towards the Mountains Pirenei and nearer to the Equinoctial line, are subject to intemperate heat, yet often allayed by the winds blowing from the Sea, and by the shadow of the Mountains. This Southerly part yields all the fruits of Italy, and in the Northerly parts as in Normandy, they have abundance of Apple and Pear trees, of which they make great quantity of Cider and Perry, and this part as towards the Sea it yields also plenty of Corn, so within Land it affords the like of Wines. And in the very Northerly Island called France, they have plenty of Grapes upon pleasant hills watered with sweet Rivers, but the wine made of them is small and sharp. All France is most pleasant, and not only about Narbona, but in many other territories (according to the commodity of the clime), it yields great plenty of red and white wines exported in great quantity, which are held excellent to be drunk, the white in the moaning, and the red with meat, which red is otherwise reputed unwholesome, as provoking and causing rheums. France aboundeth with all things necessary for food, as well Corn as cattle, red Dear, Fowl, and also with all kinds of Fish, by reason it is partly compassed with the Sea, and upon all sides is watered with sweet Rivers. For fire they use wood and coals, yet have they no pit coals or sea coals, but have their sea eoales out of England for their Smith's Forges, and where they have less store of wood within land, there they burn straw, furs, and other kinds of stubble. They have good races of Horses, which the greater part use in the War, who are not able to buy Neapolitan Coursers, Spanish lanets, or English Coursers, bred of the Neapolitan Horses and English Mares: but for their journeys they have no Geldings' or ambling Nags, as we have, but commonly use trotting and stoned Nags.  
The Gentlemen do not meddle with traffic, either because it was of old forbidden 
The fertility and traffic.  to great Lords and Gentlemen, lest the King's impositions should thereby suffer damage, they being by singular privileges exempted and freed from all such burdens, or because in deed they think such traffic ignoble and base, and so unfit for them, which error the French no less dearly buy then the English, (as I have showed in the discourse of Italy, and shall again prove in that of England). In general, the French are less studious of Navigation or industrious in that kind, because they abound almost with all things for plentiful food and rich attire, and if they want any thing strangers gladly bring it to them, and exchange it for their wines, salt, and course linen clothes; neither have I heard or read, that they ever did any brave exploit by sea. They have in time of war some few men of war for piracy, and some few ships to export their commodities, but they sail only to neighbour Countries, as out of Normandy and Bretaigne, into England, Ireland, and the Low-Countries, and only those of Marseile, to Tripoli in Syria. As for the Colonies which in our Age they have led into the West Indies, their unhappy success therein, hath discouraged them from like new attempts. And whosoever sees their rich Cities within Land, witnessing that their wealth consists in native commodities, more than trading by Sea, may easily guess, that they are not much addicted to Navigation. The French have many commodities by which they draw foreign Coins to them, but four especially, Wine; Salt, Linen course cloth, and Corn, which in that respect some call the loadestones of France. Neither is it a matter of small moment, that they have many Riners, giving commodity to the mutual traffic of their Cities.  
They have plenty of Flax and Hemp, whereof they make canvas, sails, ropes, and cables: Neither want they wool, whereof they make cloth, little inferior to the English cloth, but not in quantity to be exported. Bourdeaux is a famous City for exportation of Wines, as Rochel and the neighbour Ports are no less for Salt. France yieldeth Saffron, and Oade for dying, which they call Du Pastell, and many small commodities to be exported, as Cards, pings, Paper, and the like: yea they export into Spain, linen clothes made thin with wearing, and sell them there for a good price. The Spaniards bring into France some quantity of wool, raisins, Olives, Oil, Citrons, and other fruits, whereof France needs no great quantity, and Cochenillo for dying. The Fortingals bring into France holy Thistle, (an herb like a white thorn, having leaves like cotton on them) and sugar, and divers kinds of Indian wood, as 〈◊〉, Schomache, Fustocke, and Logwood, and a small quantity of Dates. And these carry out of France great quantity of Linen cloth, which we call white Roanes, and greater quantity of vittree Canvas, and Paper, some woollen cloth, much Corn, especially Wheat, good quantity of wax and cards, and the like commodities. The English bring into France great quantity of woollen-cloaths, called Kerseys and Cottons, Lead, Tin, English Vitriall, or Shoemakers black, sheep skins, and by stealth other Hides, forbidden to be exported, great quantity of Hearrings, and new found land Fish dried, of wool (though forbidden to be exported), Oil, Soap tunned, Soap ashes, old worn cloaks, and (I know not to what use) very old shoes, with other native and foreign commodities. And they bring from thence Linen clothes, called white Roanes, and Vitree Canvas, Paper, white and red wines in great quantity, Thread, Saffron, Wax, and from Paris Gold and silver. The Hollanders bring into France two or three kinds of their Linen clothes, Copper, Feathers, and wire, and they carry thence the foresaid Linen clothes, Wines, Prunes, Paper, and the above named commodities. The French carry into Italy Tin, Led, dry fish, called Poor john, (brought to them by the English), and their own above named commodities. And they bring out of Italy silk clothes, and other Italian commodities. Among the French, only those of Marseile traffic with the Turks, and their greatest trade is only at Tripoli in Syria, who carry into Turkey Spanish silver, and French Linen clothes, and bring from thence raw silk, spices, galls, cotton, and Indigo for dying.  
Old Writers relate that the Galls used to lie on the ground, to feed on milk and 
Their Diet.  Swine's flesh, and to be given to gluttony. At this day none eat less Bacon or dried flesh for ordinary diet, than the French, yet I cannot commend their temperance, since all, as well Men as Women, besides dinner and supper, use breakfasts and bevers, which they call collations and gouster, so eating four times in the day. All France abounds with necessaries for food, as well all kinds of Cattle, as fruits not inferior in some places to those of Italy, and wild Boars, and Red Dear, (for they have no fallow dear); and Birds and Fowl, and all kinds of Fish, afforded by the Sea, and their many pleasant rivers, but their Beef is neither very good, nor much used. Their Sheep are less than ours in England, but the flesh of them is sweet and savoury. In the Inns they have greater plenty of Partridges, and divers kinds of Birds, because the Country people neither do nor may eat them, and the Gentlemen are generally sparing in their ordinary diet, so as great plenty of these dainties is brought to the chief Inns. Howsoever England be happy in all abundance, and hath some dainties for food proper to itself, as God wits, and some other kinds of Sea Fowle, and especially fallow Dear and Brawn: Though it passeth France generally in plenty of Sea Fowls, and as well the variety as plenty of Sea fishes, yet hath it not such abundance as France hath of Land Fowle, or such as haunt the woods and fields, as Partridges, Feasants, Woodcocks, and the like, or at least by reason of the common sort not feeding thereon, and the said spare ordinary diet of the Gentlemen, France seemeth much more to abound with them, being common in all the chief Inns. I speak of England in general, for in some places they so abound with us, as they bear little or no price.  
The French are commended and said to excel others in boiled meats, sauces, and made dishes, vulgarly called Quelques choses, but in my opinion the larding of their meats is not commendable, whereby they take away all variety of taste, making all meats savour of Pork; and the French alone delight in mortified meats. They use not much whitmeates, nor have I tasted there any good Butter, which our ambassadors cause to be brought unto them out of England, and they have only one good kind of Cheeses called Angelot's, pleasing more for a kind of sharpness in taste, then for the goodness. As well the Gentlemen as Citizens live more sparingly then the English in their ordinary private diet, and have not their Tables so furnished with variety and number of dishes. They dine most with sodden and liquid meats, and sup with roasted meats, each having his several sauce: but their Feasts are more sumptuous than ours, and consist for the most part of made fantastical meats and salads, and sumptuous compositions, rather than of flesh or birds. And the cooks are most esteemed, who have best invention in new made and compounded meats. And as in all things the French are cheerful and nimble, so the Italians observe that they eat or swallow their meat swiftly, and add, that they are also slovenly at meat, but I would rather say they are negligent or careless, and little curious in their feeding. And to this purpose I remember an accident that happened to a Frenchman, eating with us at the Master's table in a Venetian ship governed by greeks, and sailing from Venice to Ilierusalem, who turning her foul trencher to lay meat on the clean side, did so offend the Master and all the Mariners, as well the best as common sort, as they hardly refrained from offering him violence. For Mariners in general, but especially the greeks are so superstitious, as they took this his negligence in turning his trencher, (being of like opinion for the turning of any thing in the ship upside down) as if it had been an ominous sign, that the ship should be cast away.  
In a Village of Normandy half way between Roan and deep called Totes, and in like sort in all the Inns of those parts, before the civil war, assoon as passengers lighted from their horses, the Host gave them water to wash, and bread and wine; for the French have not the patience to expect their supper without some refection. Then at supper the table was served with Mutton, a Capon or Pullet, partridges and like meats, with a kind of banquet, as in Summer, Apples, Cherries, and Grapes, and in Winter, Chessenuts, Rice, Raisins, and stewed Prunes. Then they gave their guests clean sheets, drying them at the fire in their presence, and in the morning gave them for breakfast some buttered tostes, or motsell of meat, and for all this together with horsemeate, each man paid some twenty two or twenty five sou; as likewise the bating at noon for horse and man, cost each some ten sou. After the civil war I passed through these parts, and commonly each meal paid twelve or fifteen sou, with worse interertainment, and for breakfasts paid severally, but no great rate. Towards the confines of Flanders, the Hosts only cover the table, and a side table, upon which every passenger hath his glass, for the French are curious not to drink in another man's cup, and the Hosts are only to be paid for this service. Otherwise at times of eating, they call the Cooks dwelling near the Inns, who bring the best meats they have, and when the guests have chosen their meat, and agreed for the price, they carry it back to dress it, and so send it warm with sauces. In general, through the Cities of France, passengers seldom dine at their Inns, but with some companions go to the Taverns or Cook's shops: but at night they must eat with the Host that gives them beds, where they shall have clean sheets, and see them dried before their faces, but they are of course cloth, and very few chambers are private, but most have three or four beds, wherein they lie not single, but for the most part with bedfellows. Also the guests as well Merchants and Gentlemen, as those of common sort, eat at an ordinary table, and for supper commonly large with divers roasted meats, each man pays some fifteen sou. He that hiers a chamber in Cities, which he may have well furnished at Paris for some two Crowns a month, he must buy his meat at Cook's shops, which are frequent and very cleanly, neither is it any disgrace, as with us, to buy a morsel of meat there, and to agree for the price before it be eaten. And they that higher chambers can have no better conveniency for diet, either at Paris, or in other Cities. But he that stays long in a City, may agree in a Citizen's house, or an Inn for his diet and lodging by the year, which he may have at Paris in extraordinary sort for some one hundred fifty Crowns yearly, and ordinarily for less; and at Rone for one hundred twenty, or one hundred Crowns, and in many Cities for eighty Crowns, and in many good Inns for sixty Crowns yearly. Drunkenness is reproachful among the French, and the greater part drink water mingled with wine, and always French wines, not Sack or Spanish wines (which are sold as Physic only by Apothecaries) or other foreign Wines, whereof I remember not to have seen any in the Northern parts of France. Yet Mariners, Soldiers and many of the common sort used to drink Perry and Cider to very drunkenness, yea, I have seen many drink wine with like intemperance, and when these kinds of men sit at drinking, they use much mirth and singing (in which art they take great delight), as the French in general are by nature cheerful and lively. Women for the most part, and virgins always (except by stealth they offend against the custom) use to drink water, except it be in the Provinces yielding Perry and Cider, which all sorts use to drink without exception. And at Paris I remember to have seen a poor woman to beg a cup of water, which being given her, she drunk it off, and went away merrily, as if she had received a good alms.   

CHAP. III. Of England, touching the particular subjects of the first Chapter.  
THE Longitude of England extends nine degrees and a half from the meridian of thirteen degrees and a half 
England.  to that of twenty three degrees, and the latitude extends fix degrees from the parallel of fifty degrees and a half to that of fifty six degrees and a half. Learned Camden (whom I gladly follow in this description of England) makes the circuit of all Brittany to be one thousand eight hundred thirty six miles. This is the most famous Island of all the World, and is divided into two Kingdoms, that of England, and that of Scotland. England is subevided into divers Counties or Shires and islands.  
1 In the description whereof I will first begin with Cornmall, of old inhabited by the Danmonij. It is for the most part a Mountainous Country, but the soil is not unfirtile, besides that the people incredibly fatten the same with laying upon it the owes of the Sea, called Orwood, and a certain mud. The Sea coast (as Camden writeth, whom I follow) is beautified with very many Towns, which have much shipping. The inward parts abound with a rich vain of Metals, where wonderful quantity of most pure Tin is digged up, and not only Tin, but Gold and Silver with it, and Diamonds form into Angles by nature itself, which we call Cornish Diamonds. Eringo grows plentifully all along the Sea side, and with great labour of the Husbandman, they have such abundance of Corn, as great quantity of wheat is yearly exported thence into Spain. Also the inhabitants make great gain by the fishing of Pilchards, which they salt and dry in the smoke, and export an huge multitude of them yearly into Spain and Italy. Here is the famous Mount Michael (of old called Dinsol, and by the inhabitants the Rock Cana.) This Rock is somewhat high and craggy, upon the top whereof is a Chapel, dedicated to Michael the Archangel. The Town Falemouth hath a fair Haven, capable of very many ships, and most safe from storms, where the Rocks do fortify two Castles, built by Henry the eight, and this Haven is by Ptolemy called Ostium Cenionis.  
2 Devonshire likewise inhabited by the Danmonij, hath fairer Havens, being no less rich in the veins of Tin, and beautified with frequent Towns. In no part of England the ground requireth more expense, for in many places it is barren, till it be fatted with the Owes or sand of the Sea, which makes it wonderfully fruitful, but in the remotest parts from the Sea, this sand is dearly bought? The River Plimus gives the name to the Town Plymouth, of old called Sutton, which grew from a fisher's Village to a fair Town, by the commodity of the Haven, being most safe even for great ships, as well in the said River, as in another called Tamera. Not far from thence is the place, where they fable, that Coryneus wrestled with Gogmagog, and in this Town was borne Sir Francis Drake Knight, the chief glory of our Age for Navigation, who for two years space did with continual victories as it were besiege the Gulf of Mexico, and in the year 15, entering the strait of Magellan, compassed the World in two years and ten months, with many changes and hazards of Fortune. The Town Dortmouth is much frequented with Merchants and strong ships, for the commodity of the Haven, fortified with two Castles. The City Excester called Isen by Ptolemy and of old called Monketon of the Monks, is the chief City of the County, and the seat of the Bishop.  
3 Dorsetshire was of old inhabited by the Durotriges. The Town Weymouth hath a Castle built by Henry the eighth, to fortify the Haven. Dorchester is the chief town of the County, but neither great nor fair.  
4 Sommersetshire was of old inhabited by the Netherlanders, and is a large and rich County, happy in the fruitful soil, rich Pastures, multitude of Inhabitants, and commodity of Havens. The chief Town Bridgewater hath the name of the Bridge and the water. In the Island Auallon, (so called in the Britan's tongue of the Apples), which the Latins calls Glasconia, flourished the Monastery Glastenbury, of great antiquity, derived from joseph of Arimathta. Dunstan casting out the ancient Monks, brought thither the Benedictines of a later institution, and himself was the first Abbot over a great multitude of Monks, endowed with Kingly revenues. In the Church yard of this Monastery, they say that the great worthy of the Britan's Prince Arthur hath his Sepulchre. The Episcopal little City called Wells of the Wells, or Fountains, hath a stately Bishop's Palace. The City Bath is famous for the medicinal Baths, whereof three Fountains spring in the very City, which are wholesome for bodies numbed with ill humours, but are shut up certain hours of the day, that no man should enter them till by their sluices they be purged of all filth. The Bishop of Welles buying this City of Henry the first, removed his Episcopal seat thither, yet still keeping the old name of Bishop of Welles, and there built a new Cathedral Church. The City Bristol is compassed with a double wall, and hath so fair buildings, as well public as private houses, as next to London and York, it is preferred to all other Cities of England.  
5 Wiltshire was also inhabited by the Belgae or Netherlanders, and lies all within land, rich in all parts with pastures and corn. Malmesbury is a fair Town famous for the woollen clothes. The Town Wilton, of old the chief of this County, is now a little Village, beautified with the stately Palace of the Earls of Penbroke. The City of Salisbury is made pleasant with waters running through the streets, and is beautified with a stately Cathedral Church, and the College of the Dean and Prebends, having rich Inhabitants in so pleasant a seat, yet no way more famous then by having john jewel a late worthy Bishop borne there. Some six miles from Salisbury, is a place in the fields where huge stones are erected, whereof some are eight and twenty foot high, and seven broad, standing in three rows after the form of a crown, upon which other stones are so laid across, as it seems a work hanging in the Air, whereupon it is called Stoneheng vulgarly, and is reputed among Miracles, as placed there by Merlin, there being scarce any stone for ordinary building in the Territory adjoining.  
6 Hamshire of old was inhabited within Land by the Belgae or Netherlanders, and upon the Sea coast by the Regni. William the Norman Conqueror, made here a Forest for Dear, destroying Towns and holy buildings for some thirty miles' compass, which ground now well inhabited, yet serving for the same use, we call New-Forest. Southampton a fair little City, lies upon the Sea. Wintchester of old called Venta of the Belgae, was a famous City in the time of the Romans, and in these days it is well inhabited, watered with a pleasant Brook and pleasantly seated, and hath an old Castle; wherein there hangs against the wall a Table of a round form vulgarly called Prince Arthur's round Table: but Gamden thinks it to have been made long after his time. It hath a Cathedral Church, and large Bishop's Palace, and a famous College founded for training up young Scholars in learning, whence many learned men have been first sent to the University, and so into the Church and Commonwealth. In the Town or Port of Portsmouth, lies a Garrison of soldiers, to defend those parts from the incursions of the French by Sea.  
7 Berkshire was of old inhabited by the Atrebatij. Newberry a famous Town enriched by woollen clothes, had his beginning of the ancient Town Spina. Windsor is famous by the King's Castle, neither can a King's seat be in a more pleasant situation, which draweth the Kings often to retire thither, and Edward the third kept at one time john King of France, and David King of Scotland, captives in this Castle. The same Edward the third built here a stately Church, and dedicated it to the blessed Virgin Mary and to S. George the Capadocian, and first instituted the order of Knights, called of the Garter, as an happy omen of victory in war (happily succeeding), who wear under the left knee a watchet Garter buckled, having this mot in the French tongue graven in letters of gold, honey soit qui mal'y pense, and the ceremonies of this order he instituted to be kept in this Church.  
8 The County of Surry was of old inhabited by the Regni. Otelands' is beautified with the Kings very fair and pleasant house, as Richmond is with the King's stately Palace.  
9 The County of Sussex, of old inhabited by the Regni, hath the fair City Chichesler, and the Haven Rhie, known by being the most frequented passage into France.  
10 The County of Kent is rich in meadows Pastures & pleasant Groves, and wonderfully aboundeth with Apples and Cherries. It hath most frequent Towns, and safe Harbours for ships, and some veins of Iron. William the Norman Conqueror, after the manner of the Romans, instituted a Warden of the five Ports, Hastings, Dover, Hith, Rumney, and Sandwiche, to which Winchelsey and Rye, the chief Havens, and other Towns are joined as members, which have great privileges, because they are tied to serve in the wars, and the Warden of them is always one of the great Lords, who within his jurisdiction, hath in most things the authority of Admiral, and other rights. Detford Town is well known, where the King's ships are built and repaired, and there is a notable Armoury or storehouse for the King's Navy. Not far from thence upon the shore, lie the broken ribs of the ship, in which Sir Francis Drake sailed round about the World, reserved for a monument of that great action. Greenwich is beautified with the King's Palace. Eltham another house of the Kings is not far distant. The Town Gravesend is a known Road. The City Rochester is the seat of a Bishop, and hath a stately Cathedral Church. Canterbery is a very ancient City, the seat of an Archbishop, who in the Hierarchy of the Roman Bishop, was styled the Pope's Legate, but the Pope's authority being banished out of England, it was decreed in a Synod held the year 1534, that the Archbishops laying aside that title, should be called the Primates and metrapolitans of all England. Before the Road of Margat lie the dangerous shelves or flats of sand, whereof the greatest is called Goodwin sand. Dover is a Port of old very commodious, but now less safe, only it is more famous for the short cut to Calais in France. The Town Rumney one of the five Ports, in our grandfathers time lay close upon the Sea, but now is almost two miles distant from the same.  
11 Glocestershire was of old inhabited by the Dobuni. William of Malmesbury writes, that this County is so fertile in Corn and fruits, as in some places it yields a hundredth measures of grain for one sowed: but Camden affirms this to be false. The same Writer affirms that the very high ways are full of Appell trees, not planted, but growing by the nature of the soil, and that the fruits so growing, are better than others planted, both in beauty, taste, and lasting, being to be kept a whole year from rotting. He adds, that it yielded in his time plenty of Vines, abounding with Grapes of a pleasant taste, so as the wines made thereof were not sharp, but almost as pleasant as the Fench wines, which Camden thinks probable, there being many places still called Vineyards, and attributes it rather to the Inhabitants slothfulness, then to the fault of the Air or soil, that it yields not wine at this day. Tewksbury is a large and fair Town, having three Bridges over three Rivers, and being famous for making of woollen cloth, for excellent mustard, and a fair Monastery, in which the Earls of Gloucester have their sepulchres. The City of Gloucester is the chief of the County, through which the Severne runs, and here are the famous Hills of Cotsall, upon which great flocks of sheep do feed, yielding most white wool, much esteemed of all Nations. Circester is an ancient City, the largeness whereof in old time appears by the ruins of the walls. The River Onse springeth in this County, which after yields the name to the famous River Thames, falling into it.  
12 Oxfordshire also was inhabited by the Dobuni, a fertile County, the plains whereof are beautified with meadows and groves, the hills with woods, and not only it abounds with corn, but with all manner of cattle, and game for hunting and hawking, and with many Rivers full of fish. Woodstock Town is famous for the King's House and large Park, compassed with a stone wall, which is said to have been the first Park in England, but our Progenitors were so delighted with hunting, as the Parks are now grown infinite in number, and are thought to contain more fallow Deer, than all the Christian World beside. Histories affirm, that Henry the second, for his Mistress Rosamond of the Cliffords house did build in his house here a labyrinth unpassable by any without a thread to guide them, but no ruins thereof now remain. The Town itself hath nothing to boast, but that jeffry Chancer the English Homer was borne there. Godstowe of old a Nunnery, is not far distant, where Rosamond was buried. Oxford is a famous University, giving the name to the County, and was so called of the Ford for Oxen, or of the Ford, and the River Onse.  
13 Buckinghamshire was of old inhabited by the Cattienchiani (which Camden thinks to be the Cassei), and it hath a large and pleasant town called Ailsbury, which gives the name to the Valley adjoining. The city Buckingham is the chief of the County, and the Town of Stonystratford is well known for the fair Inns and stately Bridge of stone.  
14 Bedfordshire had the same old inhabitants, and hath the name of Bedford the chief Town.  
15 Hertfordshire had the same old inhabitants, and the chief Town is Hertford. In this County is the stately house Thibaulds, for building, Gardens and Walks. Saint Albon is a pleasant Town, full of fair Inns.  
16 Midlesex County was of old inhabited by the Trinobants, called Mercij in the time of the Saxon Kings. In this County is the King's stately palace Hamptencourt, having many Courtyards compassed with sumptuous buildings. London, the seat of the Britain's Empire, and the Chamber of the Kings of England, is so famous, as it needs not be praised. It hath Colleges for the study of the municiple Laws, wherein live many young Gentlemen Students of the same. The little city Westminster of old more than a mile distant, is now by fair buildings joined to London, and is famous for the Church (wherein the Kings and Nobles have stately sepulchres) and for the Courts of justice at Westminster Hall, where the Parliaments are extraordinarily held, and ordinarily the Chancery & King's Bench, with like Courts. Also it hath the King's stately Palace called Whitehall, to which is joined the Park and house of Saint james. The City of London hath the sumptuous Church of Saint Paul, beautified with rich sepulchres; and the Burse or Exchange a stately house built for the meeting of Merchants: a very sumptuous and wonderful Bridge built over the Thames: rich shops of Goldsmiths in Cheapside, and innumerable stately Palaces, whereof great part lie scattered in unfrequented lanes.  
17 Essex County had of old the same inhabitants, and it is a large territory, yielding much Corn and Saffron, enriched by the Ocean, and with pleasant Rivers for fishing, with Groves, and many other pleasures: It hath a large Forest for hunting, called Waltham Forrest. Chensford is a large and fair Town, near which is New-Hall the stately Palace of the Rateliffes Earls of Sussex. Colchester is a fair City, pleasantly seated, well inhabited, and beautified with fifteen Churches, which greatly flourished in the time of the Romans. Harewich is a safe Haven for ships. Saffron. Walden is a fair Town, the fields whereof yield plenty of Saffron, whereof it hath part of the name.  
18 The County of Suffolk was of old inhabited by the Iceni, and it is large, the soil fertile, pleasant in groves, and rich in pastures to fat Cattle, where great quantity of Cheese is made and thence exported. Saint Edmondsberry vulgarly called Berry, is a fair Town, and so is Ipswich, having stately built Churches and houses, and a commodious Haven.  
19 The County of Norfolk had of old the same Inhabitants, and it is a large almost all Champion Country, very rich, and abounding with sheep, and especially with Coneys, fruitful and most populous. The City Norwich chief of the County, deserves to be numbered among the chief Cities of England, for the riches, populousness, beauty of the Houses, and the fair building of the Churches. Yarmouth is a most fair Town, fortified by nature and diligent Art, and hath a very fair Haven. Upon the bay which Ptolemy names, AEstuarium Metaris, vulgarly called, the Washeses, lieth the large Town of Linne, famous for the safety of the Haven, most easy to be entered, for the concourse of Merchants and the fair buildings.  
20 Cambridgeshire had of old the same Inhabitants, and consists all of open corn fields, (excepting some places yielding Saffron), and it gives excellent Barley, of which steeped till it spring again, they make great quantity of Malt to brew Beer, in such quantity as the Beer is much exported even into foreign parts, and there highly esteemed. Cambridge is a famous University, seated upon the River Grant, by others called Came, of which and the Bridge over the same, it is called Cambridge. The Northern part of this County consists of islands green and pleasant in Summer, but all covered with water in the Winter, whereof the chief called Ely, gives the name to all the rest, called (as if they were but one Island,) the I'll of Ely, the chief Town whereof called also Ely, is famous for being the seat of a Bishop.  
21 Hunting donshire had of old the same Inhabitants, the chief Town whereof is Huntingdon.  
22 Northamptonshire was of old inhabited by the Coritani, and is a Country most painfully tilled and full of Inhabitants. Northampton is the chief City large and walled. Peterborow is the seat of a Bishop. near Stamford is the stately Palace Burleigh, built by William the first, Lord Burleigh.  
23 Leycestershire had of old the same Inhabitants, a Champion Country and fruitful in bearing Corne. In Lutterworth a little Town of Trade, john Wickliff was Pastor or Minister. Leicester the chief City, hath more antiquity than beauty.  
24 Rutlandshire had of old the same Inhabitants, and is the least County of England, and had the name of the red Earth. The Town of Vppingham deserves no other mention, then that it is the chief Town of the County.  
25 Linconshire had of old the same inhabitants, and is a very large County, rich in Corn and Pastures, and abounding with Fowl and Fish, and all things necessary for food. The great Washeses of Holland when the Sea flows are covered with water, but when it ebbs, the ground is discovered to be passed, but not without danger and with a good guide. Lincoln the chief City, was of old one of the most populous Cities of England, and one that had greatest trade, and hath a sumptuous Cathedral Church.  
26 Nottinghamslire had of old the same inhabitants, the chief City whereof is Nottingham pleasantly seated. In the Western part is the Wood called Shirewood, feeding infinite numbers of Fallow and Red Dear, whether the Kings of old were wont to retire for hunting.  
27 Darbyshire had of old the same inhabitants, the chief town whereof is Derby, fair and well inhabited, the Ayle whereof is for goodness proverbially preferred before that kind of drink in any other Town. The Western part hath high Mountains, called Peake, yielding Lead, which they make into Sows, and stibium in his proper veins is there found. Likewise there Millstones are out out, and there is the old Castle, called the Castle in the Peake, near which is a great hole or cave in the Mountain gaping wide, and having many inward caves, and this hole (with reveuerence be it spoken) is vulgarly called, The devils arse at Peuke, of which many fables are told, and the place is accounted among the miracles of England. The like fables are told of 〈◊〉 hole not far distant, very steep and deep.  
28 Warwickshire was of old inhabited by the Cornavij; wherein is Coventry a large, fair and walled City, so called of the Covent of Monks, and at this day it is the fairest City within-land, whereof the chief trade of old was making round caps of wool, but the same being now very little used, the trade is decayed. Warwick is the chief City of the County, and near the same upon the hill Blacklow, Peter of Gaveston was beheaded by the Lords of the Kingdom. Not far thence is a transparent and pleasant, but little Wood, and there be clear Fountains, which place yields sweet solitude for the Muses, and there they report, that the famous worthy Guy of Warwick after many adventures achieved, did first live an hermits life, and was after death buried.  
29 Worcestershire had of old the same inhabitants, which after in the time of Beda were called Wiccij, either of wic, signifying a corner or bay, or of wyches signifying 〈◊〉 in the Saxons tongue. And there are excellent salt-pits or Brooks, and new fountains of salt are daily found. The Country is happy in the healthful air, tertility of soil, and sweet Rivers, but especially yieldeth abundance of Pears, of which they make Perry a counterfeit wine, but cold and flatuous, as all those kinds of drink are. Worcester the chief City of the County was built by the Romans, and is compassed with a wall, and hath the seat of a Bishop, and a fair Cathedral Church, with the Monuments of john King of England, and Arthur Prince of Wales. It is also beautified with many inhabitants, rich trade of woollen cloth, fair buildings, and the number of Churches.  
30 Staffordshire had of old the same inhabitants, and towards the South it hath pit-coales, and some veins of Iron (but the greatest quantity and best kind of pit-coales is in Nottinghamshire.) Stone is a Town of Traffic. Lichfeild is a large and fair City, so called, as the field of dead bodies, and it is beautified with the seat of a Bishop, his Palace, and the house of the Prebends. Myself passing that way, did read these Epitaphs in the Cathedral Church. The first of a Dean;  

Sis testis Christ, quod non jacet hic lapis iste  
Corpus ut ornetur, sed spirittus ut memoretur.  
O Christ me witness bear, that this stone lies not here,  
To grace the vile body, but the soul's memory.  
And another excellent Epitaph but superstitious and I know not whose.  
Quisquis eris, qui transieris, sta. perlege, plora,  
Sum quod eris, fuer amque quod es, pro me precor ora.  
Who ere thou be, that passest by, stand, read, and howl,  
Such shalt thou be, I was like thee, pray for my soul.   
Yet I remember not well, whether these were two Epitaphs, or only one and for one man.  
31 Shropshire had of old the same inhabitants, and was a fortified and manned frontyer against the Welsh then divided from the English and their enemies, and thereupon was named the Marches. Ludlow is a Town of more beauty than antiquity, beautified with the Palace of the King (or rather of the Prince of Wales), and there is a Counsel or Court of justice erected for Wales & the borders, not unlike to the French Parliaments, and instituted by Henry the eight. It consists of the Precedent of Wales there residing, of a Secretary, an Attorney, a Solicitor, and four justices of the Counties of Wales, and as many Counsellors as the King shall please to appoint. In Hackstow Forrest, at the hill Stiperstons, are great heaps of stones, which the vulgar sort dream to have been the devils bridge. Wrockceter of old the chief City burt by the Romans, is now a pretty village, and from the decay thereof grew the well known City Shrewesburie, now the chief City, fortified by art and nature, rich by making woollen cloth, and trading with the neighbouring Welshmen, where Henry Percy the younger with his forces, was overthrown by Henry the fourth.  
32 Cheshire is a great County of Gentlemen, no other County having so many Knight's houses. Westchester is a fair City, where the twentieth Legion called victrix lay in Garrison, in the time of Vespasian the Roman Emperor. Most white Salt is made at Nantwich, and less white made at Middlewich and Norwich. It is rich in Pastures, and sends great quantity of cheeses to London. I know that Worcester cheeses are most esteemed, but there is not such quantity to transport them. I know that Suffolk and the Fens of Essex yield huge cheeses in great number to be exported, but they are not so pleasing to the taste as these. I know that in all the Counties, some quantity of very good cheeses is made for private men's uses, but not in proportion to be exported. Whereas Cheshire yields great quantity of very good cheeses, comparable to those of Holland, serving the greatest part of London therewith, and exporting the same into other parts. When the heirs males of this County faced, Henry the third added this large patrimony to the Crown, so as the King's eldest son should be Earl of Cheshire. And Richard the second, of a County made it a Principality, and himself was called Prince of Cheshire: but Henry the fourth reduced it again to a County Palatine, and at this day it hath Palatine jurisdiction, administered by a Chamberlain, a special judge, two Exchequer Barons, three sergeant at Law, a Sheriff, an Attorney, an Escheator, etc.  
33 Herefordshire was of old inhabited by the Silureses, and it so much abeundeth with all things necessary for the life of man, as it is not content in that respect to have the second place among all the Counties of England. Hereford is the chief City thereof, Lemster justly boasteth of the sheeps wool feeding in those grounds, with which no part of Europe can compare, excepting Apulia and Tarentum. It yields excellent Fiax, and so good Wheat, as the bread of Lemster, and drink of Weabley (a neighbour Town) are proverbially praised before all others.  
34 Radnoxshire had of old the same inhabitants, and is the first County of Wales, 
The shires of Wales.  whereof Radnox is the chief Town.  
35 Brechnocshire the second County of Wales, had of old the same inhabitants, and hath the name of the chief Town, seated in the midst thereof, where Henry the eight instituted a Collegiate Church.  
36 Monmouthshire had of old the same inhabitants, and is so called of the chief Town, no way so glorious, as in that Henry the fifth Conqueror of France was borne there. It hath also another fair Town called Chepstow.  
37 Glamorganshire the fourth County of Wales, had of old the same inhabitants, and the chief City Caerdiffe hath a commodious Haven.  
38 Caermardenshire the fifth County of Wales, was of old inhabited by the Dimetae, and is fruitful in Corn, abounds in Sheep, and in some places yields Pit-coale. It hath the name of the chief City, where Merlin was borne, begotten by an Incubus Devil, whom the common people took for a most famous Prophet.  
39 Pembrookeshire the sixth County of Wales, had of old the same inhabitants. Here a long neck of land makes an Haven, called Milford haven, than which Europe hath not a more noble Haven, or more safe, or more large, with many creeks and safe roads, made more famous by the landing of H. the seventh. Pembroke is the chief Town of the County. The Fleming having their Towns drowned by the Sea, had a Territory of this County given them to inhabit by Henry the first, before Wales was subdued, and they ever remained most faithful to the Kings of England.  
40 Kardiganshire the seventh County of Wales, and had of old the same inhabitants, and hath the name of the chief City.  
41 Montgomeryshire the eight County of Wales, was of old inhabited by the Ordovices, and hath the name of the chief Town.  
42 Mertonethshire the ninth County of Wales; had of old the same Inhabitants, where upon the mountains great slockes of sheepefeede, without any danger of the wolf: for the wolves were destroyed through all England, when Edgar King of England imposed the yearly tribute of three hundredth wolves upon 〈◊〉 Prince of Wales. The little and poor town Bala, is the eheefe of this Mountenous people.  
43 Caernaruonshire the tenth County of Wales, had of old the same Inhabitants, and was called Snodenforest, before Wales was reduced into Counties, so called of the mountains, whose tops are always white with snow, deserving to be named the Alps of Brittany; and it is certain that there be lakes and standing waters upon the tops of those Mountains. The walled City Caernaruon checfe of the County, hath a most fair Castle, built by Edward the first, wherein his son Edward the second was borne, and named thereof. Bangor (that is, fair Chancel) is the seat of a Bishop. Aberconway deserves the name of a strong and fair little City, rather than of a Town, save that it is not full of Inhabitants.  
44 Denbighshire the eleventh County of Wales, had of old the same Inhabitants, and hath the name of the chief Town, well inhabited. The little Village Momglath had the name of the mines of lead, which that pleasant territory yields. Not far thence is the Town Wrexham, beautified with a most saire Tower, called the Holy Tower, and commended for the musicali Organs in the Church.  
45 The little County Flintshire the twelfth of Wales, had of old the same Inhabitants, the fields whereof the first year after they have line fallow, yield more than twenty measures for one, in some places of Barley, in other places of Wheat, and generally of Rye, and after for four or five years, yield Oates Holiwell (named of the sacred Fountain) is a little Town, where is the Fountain of Winefrede a Christian Virgin, who being deflowered by force, there was killed by the Tyrant, and this Fountain is far and greatly famous for the Moss there growing of a most pleasant smell. A fair Chapel of Free stone is built upon the very Fountain, and a little stream runs out of it among stones, upon which a certain bloody humour grows. The Castle Flint gave the name to the County.  
46 I will omit Anglesey the thirteenth County of Wales, because it is to be described among the islands.  
47 Yorkshire is the far largest County of all England, and was of old inhabited by 
Other shires of England.  the brigants. In the Forest called Hatfield Chase, are great Herds of red Dear and Hearts. The Towns of Sheffeld and Dancasler are well known, but of all other Hallifax is most famous, for the Privileges and the rare Law, by which any one found in open theft, is without delay beheaded, and boasteth that john de sacrobosco (of the Holy Wood) who writ of the Sphere, was borne there. Wakefield is a famous Town for making Woollen cloth. Pontfreit named of the broken bridge, is a town fairly built and hath a Castle as stately built as any can be named. near the little Village Towton are the very Pharsalian fields of England, which did never see in any other place so great Forces, and so many Nobles in Arms, as here, in the year 1461, when in the civil wars, the faction of York in one battle killed five and thirty thousand of the Lancastrian faction. near the Castle Knarshorow, is the Fountain called Droppingwell, because the waters distil by drops from the rocks, into which any wood being cast, it hath been observed, that in short space it is covered with a stony rind, and hardens to a stone. Rippen had a most flourishing Monastery, where was the most famous needle of the Archbishop Wilfred. It was a narrow hole, by which the chastity of women was tried, the chaste easily passing through in, but others being detained and held fast, I know not by what miracle or art. Near the little town Barrobridge, is a place, where stand four Pyramids, the Trophces of the Romans, but of 〈◊〉 workmanship. York the chief City of the brigants, is the second of all England, and the seat of an Archbishop. The Emperor Constantius Chlorus died there, and there begat his son Constantine the great of his first wife Helena, whereof may be gathered, how much this scare of the Emperors flourished in those days. By a Pall (or Archbishop's cloak) sent from Pope Honorius, it was made a Metropolitan City over twelve Bishops in England, and all the Bishops of Scotland, but some five hundred years past, all Scotland fell from this Metropolitan fear, and itself hath so devoured the next bishoprics, as now it only hath primacy over four English Bishops, of Durham, of Chester, of Carlisle, and the Bishop of the I'll of man. Henry the eight did here institute a Council (as he did also in Wales) not unlike the Parliaments of France, to give arbitrary justice to the Northern inhabitants, consisting of a Precedent, Counsellors, as many as the King shall please to appoint, a Secretary, etc. Hull a well known City of trade, lies upon the River Humber, where they make great gain of the Iseland fish, called Stockfish. Upon the very tongue, called Spurnchead of the Promontory, which Ptolemy, calls Ocellum, vulgarly called holderness, is a place famous by the landing of Henry the fourth. Scarborrough is a famous Castle, where in the sea is great fishing of Herrings.  
48 Richmondshire had of old the same inhabitants, and the Mountains plentifully yield lead, pit-coales, and some brass, upon the tops whereof stones are found, which have the figures of shelfishes and other fishes of the neighbouring sea. Near the Brooks Helbechs' (as infernal), are great herds of Goats, Fallow and Red-Deare, and Hearts (notable for their greatness, and the spreading of their horns.) Richmond is the chief City of the County.  
49 The Bishopric of Durham had of old the same inhabitants, and the land is very grateful to the plougher, striving to pass his labour in fruitfulness. It is pleasant in Meadows, Pastures and groves, and yields great plenty of digged Coals, called Sea-coals. The Bishops were of old Counts Palatine, and had their royal rights, so as traitors goods sell to them, not to the Kings. Edward the first took away these privileges, and Edward the sixth dissolved the Bishopric, till Queen Mary restored all to the Church, which it enjoys to this day, but the Bishop in Queen Elizabeth's time, challenging the goods of the Earl of Westmoreland rebelling, the Parliament interposed the authority thereof, and for the time judged those goods to be confiscated towards the Queen's charge in subduing those Rebels. Durham is the chief City of that County.  
50 Lancashire had of old the same inhabitants, and hath the title of a Palatinate. Manchester an old town, fair and well inhabited, rich in the trade of making woollen cloth, is beautified by the Marketplace, the Church, and College, and the clothes called Manchester Cottons are vulgarly known. Upon the Sea-coast they power water upon heaps of sand, till it get saltness, and then by seething it, make white Salt. There be some quicksands, wherein footmen are in danger to be wrecked, especially at the mouth of Cocarus. Lancaster the chief Town hath the name of the River Lone. The Dukes of this County, obtained the Crown of England, and Henry the seventh Duke of Lancaster, united this Duchy to the Crown, instituting a Court of Officers to administer the same, namely, a Chancellor of the Duchy, an Attorney, a Receiver, a Clerk of the Court, six Assistants, a Pursuivant, two Auditors, twenty three Receivers, and three overseers.  
51 Westmoreland had of old the same inhabitants, and Kendale the chief Town well inhabited, is famous for making of woollen cloth.  
52 Cumberland had of old the same inhabitants, and hath mines of Brass and veins of silver, in all parts yielding black lead used to draw black lines. Carleile a very ancient City is the seat of a Bishop. In this County still appear the ruins of a wall, which the Romans built to keep out the picts from making incursions, being so poor as they cared not to subdue them. And the Empiric Surgeons (that is, of experience without learning), of Scotland come yearly to those fields of the borders, to gather herbs, good to heal wounds, and planted there by the bordering soldiers of the Romans, the virtue of which herbs they wonderfully extol.  
53 Northumberland was of old inhabited by the Ottadini, and the inhabitants of our time, now exercising themselves in war against the Scots, now resisting their incursions upon these borders, are very warlike and excellent light Horsemen. In very many places this County yields great quantity of Sea coals. Newcastle is a fair and rich City, well fortified against the incursions of the bordering Scots, whence abundance of Sea coals is transported into many parts. Berwick is the last and best fortified Town of all Brittany, in which a Garrison of Soldiers was maintained against the incursions of the Scots, till the happy Reign of james King of England and Scotland.  
To describe briefly the islands of England. In the narrow Sea into which the Severne falls, are two little islands 1 Fatholme, and 2 Stepholme, and the 3 Island Barry, which gave the name to the Lord Barry in Ireland. There is also the 4 Island Caldey, and that of 5 Londay much more large, having a little Town of the same name, and belonging to Devonshire.  
On the side upon Pembrookeshire, are the islands 6 Gresholme; 7 Stockholme and 8 Scalmey, yielding grass and wild thime. Then Northward follows 9 Lymen, called Ramsey by the English, and Saint David's islands, right over against the seat of the Bishop of Saint Davy. Next is the 10 Island called Enhly by the Welsh Britan's, and Berdsey (as the I'll of Birds) by the English, wherein they report that twenty thousand Saints lie buried.  
Next lies 11 Mona, (that is the shadowed or dusky Island) which after many years being conquered by the English, was by them called Anglesey, (as the Island of the English). It is a most noble Island, the old seat of the Druids (Priests so called of old), and so fruitful, as it is vulgarly called the Mother of Wales, the chief Town whereof is Beaumarish. near that lies 12 Prestholme, (that is, the Priest's Island), whereof the Inhabitants and Neighbours make incredible reports for the multitude of Sea Fowle there breeding.  
Next follows 13 Mona or Monoeda, (as the farther Mona), which we call the I'll of Man, the Inhabitants whereof are like the Irish in language and manners, but have something of the Norway men. It yields abundantly Flax and Hemp, hath pleasant Pastures and Groves, and is fruitful of Barley, Wheat, and especially of Oats, the people feeding on Oaten bread, in all parts are multitudes of Cattle, but it wants wood, and for fire useth a kind of Turf. Russia which of the Castle we call Castle-Towne, is the chief Town, and hath a Garrison of Soldiers; but Douglas is the most frequented and best inhabited Town, because it hath an excellent Haven easy to be entered. In the Western part Balacuri is the seat of the Bishop under the primacy of the Archbishop of York, and there is the Fort called the Pyle, wherein a garrison of Soldiers is kept. Upon the Southern Promontory lies a little Island, called the Calf of Man, which aboundeth with Sea Birds, called Puffins, and a kind of Ducks engendered of rotten wood, which the English call Barnacles. In general the Inhabitants have their proper Tongue and Laws, and had their proper Coin. They abhor from stealing, and from begging, and are wonderfully religious generally, and most readily conforming themselves at this day to the Church of England, and the people in the Northern part speak like Scots, and in the Southern part like Irish. Edwin King of Northumberland, subdued the Northern people, and subjecteth them to the Crown of England, yet with many changes of Fortune, this Island long had their own Kings, even since the Normans conquered England, and since the time that john King of England passing into Ireland, by the way subdued this Island about the year 1210, till the Kingdom came to the Scots in the year 1266. After that time, Marry the daughter of Reginald the last, laid claim to the Island before the King of England, as supreme Lord of Scotland, and when sheecould not prevail, William Montague her Kinsman took the Island of Man by force, which his Heir sold for a great sum of money in the year 1393, to William Scroop, who being beheaded for Treason, the Island fell by right to Henry the fourth King of England, who assigned the same to Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland, with proviso that he and his Heirs at the coronation of the Kings of England, should carry the Sword, (vulgarly called Lancaster Sword) before the King, but the same Persey being also killed in civil war, the King gave that Island to Stanlye, from whom descend the Earls of Derby, who kept the same, till Ferdinand Earl of Derby dying without heir male, and the Earldom falling to his Brother, but this Island to his Daughters, as Heirs general, Queen Elizabeth thinking it unfit that Women should be set over her Soldiers there in garrison, gave the keeping thereof to Sir Thomas Gerrard. But King james the fourteenth of August in the fifth year of his Reign, granted by Letters Patents this Island with all things thereunto appertaining, to Henry Earl of Northampton, and Robert Earl of Saltsbury, their Heirs and Assigns for ever, they upon doing homage for the same, presenting his Majesty with two Falcons, and his Heirs and Successors at their Coronation in like sort with two Falcons. And howsoever no use or intent of this grant be mentioned in these Letters Patents, yet no doubt the grant was made to the use of those upon whose humble petition to his Majesty the Letters Patents were granted, as therein is expressly declared, namely of William Lord Stanley, Earl of Derby, heir male to john Lord Stanley, and of Elizabeth Countess of Huntingdon, Anne wife to the Lord Chandois, and Francis wife to Sir john Egerton Knight, being the Heirs general of the said john Lord Stanley.  
The famous River Thames falls into the Germane Ocean over against Zealand, and before it falls into the same, makes the (14) Island Canuey upon the Coast of Essex, so low as it is often overflowed, all but some higher hills, to which the sheep retire, being some four thousand in number, the flesh whereof is of delicate taste, and they are milked by young men. near that is the (15) Island Sheppey, so called of the sheep, wherein is Quinborrough a most fair Castle kept by a Constable. Without the mouth of Thames, lie the shelves or sands dangerous to Sea men, which of the greatest, are all called Goodwin sands, where they say an Island the patrimony of the same Earl Goodwinn was devoured by the Sea in the year 1097.  
In the Britain Sea lies the (16) I'll of Wight, having in the Sea most plentiful fishing, and the Land being so fruitful, as they export Corn, besides that in all parts it hath plenty of Coneys, Hares, Partridges, and Feasanes, and hath also two Parks of Fallow Dear. Also the sheep feeding there upon the pleasant hills, yield wool in goodness next to the Fleeces of Lemster and Cotsall Flocks. It hath six and thirty Towns and Castles, and the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction thereof belongs to the Bishop of Wintchester. Towards the West lie other islands pretended to be French, but subject to England, namely, (17) Gerzey (whither condemned men were of old banished) & (18) Garnsey, neither so great nor so fruitful, but having a more commodious Haven, upon which lies the Town of Saint Peter: both islands burn a weed of the Sea, or Sea coals brought out of England, and both speak the French Language. I omit the seven Isles called Siadae, and others adjoining, and will only add that the islands lie near Cornwall, which the greeks called Hesperides, the English call Silly, and the Netherlanders call Sorlings, being in number some 145 more or less, whereof some yield Wheat, all abound with Coneys, Cranes, Swans, Hirnshawes, and other Sea Birds. The greatest of them is called Saint Mary, and hath a Castle wherein Soldiers lie in Garrison, committed in our time to the keeping of Sir Francis Godolphin, and after to his son Sir William Godolphin, being of a noble Family in Cornwall. Also many of the said islands have veins of Tin, and from hence was Lead first carried into Greece, and the Roman Emperors banished condemned men hither, to work in the Mines of metal.  
The air of England is temperate, but thick, cloudy and misty, and Caesar witnesseth, 
The situation.  that the cold is not so piercing in England as in France. For the Sun draweth up the vapours of the Sea which compasseth the Island, and distils them upon the earth in frequent showers of rain, so that frosts are somewhat rare; and howsoever Snow may often fall in the Winter time, yet in the Southern parts (especially) it seldom lies long on the ground. Also the cool blasts of Sea winds, mitigate the heat of Summer.  
By reason of this temper, Laurel and Rosemary flourish all Winter, especially in 
The fertility and traffic.  the Southern parts, and in Summer time England yields Apricots plentifully, Musk melons in good quantity, and Figs in some places, all which ripen well, and happily imitate the taste and goodness of the same fruits in Italy. And by the same reason all beasts bring forth their young in the open fields, even in the time of Winter; and England hath such abundance of Apples, Pears, Cherries, and Plums, such variety of them, and so good in all respects, as no country yields more or better, for which the Italians would gladly exchange their Citrons and Oranges. But upon the Sea coast, the winds many times blast the fraites in the very flower.  
The English are so naturally inclined to pleasure, as there is no Country, wherein the Gentlemen and Lords have so many and large Parks only reserved for the pleasure of hunting, or where all sorts of men allot so much ground about their houses for pleasure of Gardens and Orchards. The very Grapes, especially towards the South and Westare of a pleasant taste, and I have said, that in some Countries, as in Glostershire, they made Wine of old, which no doubt many parts would yield at this day, but that the inhabitants forbear to plant Vines, aswell because they are served plentifully, and at a good rate with French wines, as for that the hills most fit to bear Grapes, yield more commodity by feeding of Sheep and cattle. Caesar writes in his Commentaries, that Brittany yields white Lead within land, and Iron upon the Seacoasts. No doubt England hath unexhaustible veins of both, and also of Tin, and yields great quantity of Brass, and of Allom and Iron, and abounds with quarries of Freestone, and Fountains of most pure Salt; and I formerly said that it yields some quantity of Silver, and that the Tin and Lead is mingled with Silver, but so, as it doth not largely quit the cost of the labour in separating or trying it. Two Cities yield medicinal Baths, namely, Buxstone and Bath, and the waters of Bath especially, have great virtue in many diseases. England abounds with Sea-coals upon the Sea-coast, and with Pit coals within land. But the Woods at this day are rather frequent and pleasant then vast, being exhausted for fire, and with Iron-milles, so as the quantity of wood and charcoal for fire, is much diminished, in respect of the old abundance; and in some places, as in the Fens they burn Turf, and the very dung of cows. Yet in the mean time England exports great quantity of Sea-coal to foreign parts. In like sort England hath infinite quantity, as of Metals, so of Wool, and of Woollen clothes to be exported. The English Beer is famous in netherlands and lower Germany, which is made of Barley and Hops; for England yields plenty of Hops, howsoever they also use Flemish Hops. The Cities of lower Germany upon the sea, forbid the public selling of English Beer, to satisfy their own brewers, yet privately swallow it like Nectar. But in netherlands, great and incredible quantity thereof is spent. England abounds with corn, which they may transport, when a quarter (in some places containing six, in others eight bushels) is sold for twenty shillings, or under; and this corn not only serves England, but also served the English Army in the civil wars of Ireland, at which time they also exported great quantity thereof into foreign parts, and by God's mercy England scarce once in ten years needs supply of foreign Corn, which want commonly proceeds of the covetousness of private men, exporting or hiding it. Yet I must confess, that daily this plenty of Corn decreaseth, by reason that private men finding greater commodity in feeding of Sheep and cattle, then in the Plough, requiring the hands of many servants, can by no Law be restrained from turning corn fields into enclosed Pastures, especially since great men are the first to break these Laws. England abounds with all kinds of foul, aswell of the Sea, as of the land, and hath more tame Swans swimming in the Rivers, than I did see in any other part. It hath multitudes of hurtful birds, as Crows, Ravens, and Kites, and they labour not to destroy the Crows, consuming great quantity of Corn, because they feed on worms and other things hurting the Corne. And in great Cities it is forbidden to kill Kites or Ravens, because they devour the filth of the streets. England hath very great plenty of Sea and River fish, especially above all other parts abundance of Oysters, Makrell, and Herrings, and the English are very industrious in fishing, though nothing comparable to the Flemings therein.  
The English export into Italy great quantity of red Herrings, with gain of two or three for one, (not to speak in this place of other commodities which they export with great gain), and in this fishing they are very industrious, as well in the Sea upon the coasts, as in the Northern islands. To conclude, they export in great quantity all kinds of salted fishes, and those dried in the smoke and pickled, as Pilchards Poor john, Caviale, Botargo, and the like, which they sell in Italy, and those parts at a dear rate. England abounds with pulse of all kinds, and yields great quantity of Saffron and of Flax, whereof they have also great quantity from Dantzke, whence also they have like plenty of Pitch, and of Fir trees for Masts of ships, which two things if England wanted not, I durst say that this Island (or part of an Island) abounds with all things necessary for honest clothing, large and dainty feeding, and for war by land and sea. As for war, it hath not only the aforesaid metals, but also great quantity of saltpeter. Besides the famous Broad cloth, it yields for clothing many Stuffs, whereof great quantity is also exported. And I will not omit, that howsoever it hath silk from foreign parts, yet the English silk stockings are much to be preferred before those of Italy, Spain, or any part in the World.  
England abounds in cattle of all kinds, and particularly hath very great Oxen, the flesh whereof is so tender, as no meat is more desired. The Cows are also great with large udders, yielding plenty of Whitmeates, no part in the World yielding greater variety, nor better of that kind. And the hides of Oxen are (contrary to the common good) exported in great quantity by uniustifiable licenses, though strictly forbidden by many Statutes. The flesh of Hogs and Swine is more savoury, then in any other parts, excepting the bacon of Westphalia, and of the Southern islands, where they commonly feed on Roots and Chestnuts. The goodness of the Sheep may be conjectured by the excellency of the wool, and woollen clothes, which Sheep are subject to rotting, when they feed on low wet grounds, excepting the Marshes overflowed by the sea, which for the saltness are held very wholesome for them, and these rots often destroy whole stocks, for they seldom drink, but are moistened by the dews falling in the night. And the feeding of Sheep, upon like accident of discases, often undoes the ownet in his estate, but more commonly preserved from that ill, they enrich many, so as it is proverbially said, He whose Sheep stand, and wives die (the husband's gaining their dowries) must needs be rich.  
The King's Forests have innumerable herds of Red Dear, and all parts have such plenty of Fallow Dear, as every Gentleman of five hundredth or a thousand pounds rend by the year hath a Park for them enclosed with pales of wood for two or three miles' compass. Yet this prodigal age hath so forced Gentlemen to improve their revenues, as many of these grounds are by them disparked, and converted to feed cattle. Lastly (without offence be it spoken) I will boldly say, that England (yea perhaps one County thereof) hath more fallow Dear, than all Europe that I have seen. No Kingdom in the World hath so many Dove-houses.  
I formerly said, that the Wolves were altogether destroyed in England and Wales, so as the Sheep feed freely in the fields and Mountains. England hath much more Dogs aswell for the several kinds, as the number of each kind, than any other Territory of like compass in the World, not only little Dogs for beauty, but hunting and water-Dogges, whereof the bloodhounds and some other have admirable qualities. It hath infinite number of Coneys, whereof the skins (especially black and silver haired) are much prised, and in great quantity transported, especially into Turkey. The Nags and Geldings' are singular for the Gentle ambling pace, and for strength to perform great journeys. So are the hunting Horses of exceeding swiftness, much esteemed in foreign parts, especially in France and Scotland, and of both kinds the number is infinite. The great Horses for service, and to draw Coaches and carts, are of like number and goodness, and one kind for service, called the Corser (as bred of the Neapolitan Corsers and English Mares) yields not for bravery of race to the Neapolitan Corsers, or Spanish Gennets. I said that they are all strong, and the horses for journeys in defatigable, for the English, especially Northern men, ride from day break to the evening without drawing bit, neither sparing their hories nor 〈◊〉, whence is the Proverb, that England is the Hell of Horses, the Purgatory of Servants, and the Paradise of Women; because they ride Horses without measure, and use their Servants imperiously, and their Women obsequiously.  
The Gentlemen disdain traffic, thinking it to abase Gentry: but in Italy with graver counsel the very Princes disdain not to be Merchants by the great, and hardly leave the retailing commodity to men of inferior sort. And by this course they preserve the dignity and patrimony of their progenitors, suffering not the sinew of the Commonwealth, upon any pretence to be wrested out of their hands. On the contrary, the English and French, perhaps thinking it unjust, to leave the common sort no means to be enriched by their industry, and judging it equal, that Gentlemen should live of their revenues, Citizens by traffic, and the common sort by the Plough and manual Arts, as divers members of one body, do in this course daily sell their patrimonies, and the buyers (excepting Lawyers) are for the most part Citizens and vulgar men. And the daily feeling of this mischief, makes the error apparent, whether it be the prodigality of the Gentry (greater than in any other Nation or age), or their too charitable regard to the inferior sort, or rashness or slothfulness, which cause them to neglect and despise traffic, which in some Commonwealths, and namely in England passeth all other commodities, and is the very sinew of the Kingdom. I have at large related in this book treating of Poland, the English traffic in the Baltic Sea, and treating of Germany, their traffic with the Hans Cities, and so treating of other several States, the English traffic with each of them, so as it were lost labour to repair it again. Only for Spain, whereof I had no cause to speak touching their traffic with England, I will add, that the English carry into Spain woollen clothes, Saffron, Wax and Corn, and bring from thence Oil, Fruits, Sacks and sweet wines, Indian spices with God and Silver.  
And in general I will observe, that England abounds with rich commodities of their own, and exports them with their own ships, from very Iseland and Moscovye to both the Indies, and at this day buy not so much of the Turks as they were wont, but by long Navigation fetch Spices and like commodities from the farthest East Indies. So as the shipping of England must needs be very great in number and strength. But of England's Naval glory, I must speak at large in the discourse of that Commonwealth. In the mean time I freely profess, that in my opinion the English Mariners are more daring then any other Nation, in storms of winds, raging of Seas, and thundering of Ordinance in Naval fights. And if any stranger take me of too much boasting in this point, I desire him to consider of Martin Furbushers attempts in the frozen Sea, of Sir Francis Drakes, and Sir Thomas Candishes dangerous Navigations round about the world; and if these things shall not move him, the worst I wish him is, that in person he may experience their courage and art in a fight upon equal terms.  
Caesar in the fourth Chapter and fifth book of his Commentaries, writes thus of 
Their diet.  the Britan's diet. It is unlawful for them to taste Hares, Geese, or Hens, yet they keep them all for their pleasure, and the inward parts sow no Corn, but live upon milk and flesh. At this day the English inhabitants eat almost no flesh more commonly than Hens, and for Geese they eat them in two seasons, when they are fatted upon the stubble, after Harvest, and when they are green about Whitsuntide, at which time they are held for dainties; and howsoever Hares are thought to nourish melancholy, yet they are eaten as Venison, both roasted and boiled. They have also great plenty of Coneys, the flesh whereof is fat, tender, and much more delicate than any I have eaten in other parts, so as they are in England preferred before Hares, at which the Germans wonder, who having no Venison (the Princes keeping it proper to themselves, and the hunting of Hares being proper to the Gentlemen in most parts), they esteem Hares as Venison, and seldom eat Coneys, being there somewhat rare, and more like roasted Cats then the English Coneys.  
The English Husbandmen eat Barley and Rye brown bread, and preserre it to white bread as abiding longer in the stomach, and not so soon digested with their labour, but Citizens and Gentlemen care most pure white bread, England yielding (as I have said) all kinds of Corn in plenty. I have formerly said, that the English have abundance of Whitmeates, of all kinds of Flesh, Fowl and Fish, and of all things good for food, and in the ducourle of the French diet, I have showed, that the English have some proper daintics, not known in other parts, which I will in a word repeat. The Oysters of England were of old carried as far as Rome, being more plentiful and lavorie, then in any other part. England hath abundance of Godwits, and many Sea-fowles, which be rare, or altogether unknown elsewhere. In the seasons of the year the English eat Fallow dear plentifully; as Bucks in Summer, and Does in Winter, which they bake in Pasties, and this Venison Pastry is a dainty, rarely found in any other Kingdom. Likewise Brawn is a proper meat to the English, and not known to others. They have strange variety of Whitmeates, and likewise of preserved banqueting stuff, in which Preserves France only may compare with them. It is needless to repeat the rest, and I should be tedions, if I should search particularly like dainties, which the English have only, or in greater abundance than other Nations. In general, the Art of Cookery is much esteemed in England, neither do any sooner find a Master, than men of that profession, and howsoever they are most esteemed, which for all kinds are most exquisite in that Art; yet the English Cooks, in comparison with other Nations, are most commended for roasted meats.  
As abundance of all things makes them cheap, so riches (preferring a gluttonous appetite before Gold), and the prodigality of Gentlemen (who have this singular folly, to offer more than things are worth, as if it were a point of dignity to pay more than others), and lastly the great moneys of silver, and the not having small coins or brasle moneys to pay for small matters, these things (I say) in this great plenty make us poor, and greatly increase the prices of all things. Also the said abundance, and the riches vulgarly increased, and the old custom of the English, make our tables plentifully furnished, whereupon other Nations esteem us gluttons and devourers of flesh, yet the English tables are not furnished with many dishes, all for one man's diet, but severally for many men's appetite, and not only prepared for the family, but for strangers and relief of the poor. I confess, that in such plenty and variety of meats, every man cannot use moderation, nor understandeth that these several meats are not for one man, but for several appetites, that each may take what he likes. And I confess, that the English custom, first to serve gross meats, on which hunger spares not to seed, and then to serve dainties, which invite to eat without hunger, as likewise the long sitting and discoursing at tables, which makes men unawares eat more, than the Italians can do at their solitary tables, these things (I say) give us just cause to cry with Socrates, God deliver me from meats, that invite to eat beyond hunger. But the Italian Sansovine is much deceived, writing, that in general the English care and cover the table at least four times in the day; for howsoever those that journey, and some sickly men staying at home, may perhaps take a small breakfast, yet in general the English eat but two meals (of dinner and supper) each day, and I could never see him that useth to eat four times in the day. And I will profess for myself and other Englishmen, passing through Italy so famous for temperance, that we often obseraed, that howsoever we might have a Pullet and some flesh prepared for us, eating it with a moderate proportion of bread, the Italians at the same time, with a Charger full of herbs for a salad, and with roots, and like meats of small price, would each of them eat two or three pennyworth of bread. And since all fullness is ill, and that of bread worst, I think we were more temperate in our diet, though eating more flesh, than they eating so much more bread than we did. It is true that the English prepare largely for ordinary diet for themselves and their friends coming by chance, and at feasts for invited friends are so excessive in the number of dishes, as the table is not thought well furnished, except they stand one upon another. Neither use they to set drink on the Table, for which no room is left, but the Cups and Glasses are served in upon a side Table, drink being offered to none, till they call for it. That the old English Hospitality was (I will boldly say) a mere vice, I have formerly showed in the discourse of the Italian diet, which let him read, who shall think this as dissonant from truth, as it is from the vulgar opinion.  
If any stranger desire to abide long in a City or University, he may have his Table with some Citizen of the better sort, at a convenient rate, according to his quality, from ten pound to twenty pound yearly.  
I have heard some Germans complain of the English Inns, by the high way, as well for dearness, as for that they had only roasted meats: But these Germans landing at Granesend, perhaps were injured by those knaves, that flock thither only to deceive strangers, and use Englishmen no better, and after went from thence to London, and were there entertained by some ordinary Hosts of strangers, returning home little acquainted with English customs. But if these strangers had known the English tongue, or had had an honest guide in their journeys, and had known to live at Rome after the Roman fashion, (which they seldom do, using rather Dutch Inns and companions), surely they should have found, that the World affords not such Inns as England hath, either for good and cheap entertainment after the Guests own pleasure, or for humble attendance on passengers, yea, even in very poor Villages, where if Curculio of Plautus, should see the thatched houses, he would fall into a fainting of his spirits, but if he should smell the variety of meats, his starveling look would be much cheered: For assoon as a passenger comes to an Inn, the servants run to him, and one takes his Horse and walks him till he be cold, then rubs him, and gives him meat, yet I must say that they are not much to be trusted in this last point, without the eye of the Master or his Servant, to oversee them. Another servant gives the passenger his private chamber, and kindles his fire, the third pulls of his boots, and makes them clean. Then the Host or Hostess visits him, and if he will eat with the Host, or at a common Table with others, his meal will cost him six pence, or in some places but four pence, (yet this course is less honourable, and not used by Gentlemen): but if he will eat in his chamber, he commands what meat he will according to his appetite, and as much as he thinks fit for him and his company, yea, the kitchen is open to him, to command the meat to be dressed as he best likes; and when he sits at Table, the Host or Hostess will accompany him, or if they have many Guests, will at least visit him, taking it for courtesy to be bid sit down: while he eats, if he have company especially, he shall be offered music, which he may freely take or refuse, and if he be solitary, the musicans will give him the good day with music in the morning. It is the custom and no way disgraceful to set up part of supper for his breakfast: In the evening or in the morning after breakfast, (for the common sort use not to dine, but ride from breakfast to supper time, yet coming early to the Inn for better resting of their Horses) he shall have a reckoning in writing, and if it seem unreasonable, the Host will satisfy him, either for the due price, or by abating part, especially if the servant deceive him any way, which one of experience will soon find. Having formerly spoken of ordinary expenses by the high way, aswell in the particular journal of the first Part, as in a Chapter of this Part purposely treating thereof, I will now only add, that a Gentleman and his Man shall spend as much, as if he were accompanied with another Gentleman and his Man, and if Gentlemen will in such sort join together, to eat at one Table, the expenses will be much diminished. Lastly, a Man cannot more freely command at home in his own House, than he may do in his Inn, and at parting if he give some few pence to the Chamberlain & Ostler, they wish him a happy journey.  
England hath three public Feasts of great expense and pompous solemnity, namely the coronation of the Kings, the Feast of S. George, as well upon his day yearly, as at all times when any Knight of the Order is installed, and the third when Sergeants at the Law are called. The Lord Mayor of the City of London, upon the day when he is sworn & enters his Office, keeps a solemn Feast with public shows of great magnificence, besides that he and the Sheriffs of the City, daily keep well furnished Tables, to entertain any Gentleman or stranger that will come to them, to the great honour of the City, in this particular passing all other Cities of the World known to us.  
For the point of drinking, the English at a Feast will drink two or three healths in remembrance of special friends, or respected honourable persons, and in our time some Gentlemen and Commanders from the wars of netherlands brought in the custom of the Germans large garaussing, but this custom is in our time also in good measure left. Likewise in some private gentlemen's houses, and with some Captains and Soldiers, and with the vulgar sort of Citizens and Artisans, large and intemperate drinking is used; but in general the greater and better part of the English, hold all excess blame worthy, and drunkenness a reproachful vice. Clowns and vulgar men only use large drinking of Beer or Ale, how much soever it is esteemed excellent drink even among strangers, but Gentlemen garrawse only in Wine, with which many mix sugar; which I never observed in any other place or Kingdom, to be used for that purpose. And because the taste of the English is thus delighted with sweetness, the Wines in Taverns, (for I speak not of Merchants or gentlemen's Cellars) are commonly mixed at the filling thereof, to make them pleasant. And the same delight in sweetness hath made the use of Corands of Corinth so frequent in all places, and with all persons in England, as the very greeks that sell them, wonder what we do with such great quantities thereof, and know not how we should spend them, except we use them for dying, or to feed Hogs.   

CHAP. FOUR Of Scotland touching the Subjects contained in the first Chapter.  
THE Longitude of Scotland extends five degrees from the 
Scotland.  Meridian of sixteen degrees to that of one and twenty degrees, and the Latitude extends four degrees from the Parallel of fifty six degrees and a half, to that of sixty degrees and a half. In the Geographical description whereof, I will briefly follow the very words of Camden (as near as I can), being an Author without exception.  
1 The Gadeni of Scotland were of old next neighbours to the Ottadini of Northumberland in England, and inhabited the Country now called Teyfidale, wherein is nothing memorable but the Monastery of Mailors.  
2 In Merch, (so called as a bordering Country) the Castle Hume is the old possession of the Lords of Hume, near which is Kelso the ancient dwelling of the Earls of Bothwell, which were long by inheritance Admirals of Scotland, and the Merch is mentioned in Histories for nothrng more, than the valour of the said Earls.  
3 Laudania of old called Pictland, shooteth out from Merch towards the Scottish narrow Sea, called the Frith, and is full of mountains, but hath few woods. In this Country are these little Cities or Towns, Dunbarre, Haddington, and Musleborrow, places wherein hath been seen the warlike virtue of the English and Scots. Somewhat lower and near to the foresaid Frith, lies Edinburgh, which Ptolemy calls Castrum Alatum, a rich City of old compassed with walls, and the seat of the Kings, whole Palace is at the East end in a valley, over which hangs a mountain, called the Chair of Arthur (our Britain Prince) and from this Palace is an easy ascent to the West end, where the length of the City ends in a steep rock, upon which is built a most strong Castle, called the Maiden's Castle, the same which Ptolemy calls Alatum. This City was long under the English Saxons, and about the year 960, (England being invaded by the Danes) it became subject to the Scots. Leth is a mile distant, and is a most commodious Haven, upon the narrow Scottish Gulf, vulgarly called Edinburgh Frith.  
4 Towards the West lay the Selgovae upon another Gulf, running between England and Scotland, vulgarly called Solway Frith, of the said Selgovae, inhabiting the Countries called Eskedale, Annandale, and Nidtsdale (in which is the little Town Dunfrise.)  
5 Next lay the Novantes in the Valleys, where galway and Whitterne (which City Ptolemy calls Leucopibia) are seated.  
6 In the little Country Caricta having good pastures, is the little Town Gergeny, which Ptolemy calls Rerigonium.  
7 More inward lay the Damnijs, where now Sterling, Merteth and Claidsdale are seated. Here the River Cluyde runs by Hamelton (the seat of the Hameltons' Family of English race, of which the third Earl of Arran liveth in our days) and after by Glascow (the seat of an Archbishop, and a little University.) Here is the Territory called Lennox, whereof the Stewards have long time been Earls, of which Family the late Kings of Scotland are descended, and namely james the sixth, who raised this Earledom to a Dukedom, giving that title to the Lord d'Aubigny, and these Daubignij serving in the French and Neapolitan wars, were honoured by the Kings of France, with addition of Buckles Or in a field Gueules, to their ancient coat of Arms, with this inscription Distantia jungo (that is, Distant things I join.) Sterling, or Strivelin lies not far off, a little City of the Kings, having a most strong Castle upon the brow of a steep rock.  
8 Next these towards the North lay the Caledonijs, somewhat more barbarous than the rest (as commonly they are more rude towards the North), where not only the air is cold, but the Country waste and mountainous. And here was the Caledonian Wood, so known to the Roman Writers, as it was by them taken for all Brittany, and the Woods thereof. At this day this Region is called by the Scots Allibawne, and by the Latines Albania, and contains the Bishopric Dunkeledon, and the Territory Argile (so called as near the Irish), of which the Cambellan Family hath the title of Earls of Argile, who are the general justices of Scotland by right of inheritance, and Great Masters of the King's Household.  
9 Towards the West lay the Epidij, inhabiting a waist and Fenny Country, now called Cantire (that is, a corner of land), and next lies Assinshire.  
10 Next lay the Creones, which Region is now called Strathuaern.  
11 Next lay the Cornovacae, at the Promontory hay.  
12 On the eastside of the Caledonians lay the Vernicones, in the fruitful little Region called Fife, where is the Town of Saint Andrew, Metropolitan of all Scotland.  
13 The little Region Athol is fertile, of which the Stewards of the Family of Lorne have the title of Earls. Here is Strathbolgy the seat of the Earls of Huntly, of the Family of the seaton's, who took the name of Gordan by the authority of a Parliament.  
14 Next lies Goury, having fruitful fields of Wheat, whereof john Lord Rethuen was of late made Earl: but Arrell in this Region, hath long given the title of Earl to the Family of Hayes.  
15 under Fife lies Angush, where is Scone, famous for the King's consecration. Montrose hath his Earls of the Family of the Grahames: but the Douglasses Earls of Angush, of an honourable Eamily, were made Governors by Robert the third of this Region; and these Earls are esteemed the chief and principal Earls of all Scotland, and it is said, that they have right to carry the King's Crown at the solemn assemblies of the Kingdom.  
16. 17 Next lie the two Regions of Marnia and Marria upon the sea, where is Dunetyre, the chief seat of the Family of the Keythes, who by warlike virtue have deserved to be the Marshals of the Kingdom, and Aberdene (that is the mouth of the Dene) is a famous University. And Queen Mary created john Ereskin Earl of Marre, who lately was the Regent of Scotland, and is by inheritance Sheriff of the County of Sterling.  
18 Next lay the Taizeli, where now Buquhan is seated.  
19 Then towards Murrey Frith, the V ocomagis of old inhabited Rosse murray and Nesseland. 20 More innerly is the Gulf Vararis, right over against the Town Inuernesse.  
21 The Cantae possessed the corner of land shooting towards the Sea, where is the most safe Haven Cromer. 22. 23 Yet more inwardly where Bean, Rosse, and Southerland are seated, the Lugi and Mertae of old inhabited. Thus far Edward the first King of England subdued all with his victorious Army, having beaten the Scots on all sides. In Southerland are Mountains of white Marble, (a very miracle in this cold clime), but of no use, the excess and magnificence in building having not yet reached into these remote parts. 24 Further near Catnesse the Catni of old inhabited, the Earls of which Country, are of the ancient and Noble Families of the Sint-cleres.  
25 Vrdehead is thought the remotest Promontory of all Brittany, where the Cornabijs of old inhabited.  
26 I will in one word mention the islands. In the Gulf Glotta, or Dunbritten Frith, 
The islands.  lies the Island Glotta, called Arran by the Scots, giving the title to an Earl. Next that lies Rothesia, now called Buthe, whence are the Steward's Kings of Scots, as they say. Then Hellan the Island of the Saints. Without the foresaid Gulf, many islands lie thick together, vulgarly called the Western islands, and numbered forty four, being of old called by some Hebrides, by others Inchades, and Leucades, and by many (as Ptolemy) Ebudae. Ina one of these islands have a Monastery, famous for the burial of the Kings of Scotland, and for the habitation of many holy men, among which was Columbus, the Apostle of the Picts, of whose Cell the Island was also named Columbkill. The Scots bought all these islands of the Norwegians, as a great strength to the Kingdom, though yielding very little profit; the old inhabitants (whether Scots, or Irish) being of desperare daring, and impatient of being subject to any laws. Near these lie the Orcadeses (vulgarly Orkney) about thirty in number, yielding competent quantity of Barley, but no Wheat or trees. The chief whereof is Pomonia, well known by the Episcopal seat, and yielding both Tin and Lead. These Orcadeses islands were subject to the Danes, and the inhabitants speak the Goths language, but Christiern King of the Danes sold his right to the King of Scotland. Five days and nights sail from the Orcadeses, is the Island Thule, so often mentioned by Poets to express the furthest corner of the World, whereupon Virgil saith; Tibi seruiet ultima Thule: that is, The furthest Thule shall thee serve. Many have thought, that Iseland was this Thule, condemned to cold air and perpetual Winter: but Camden thinks rather, that Schotland is Thule, which the Mariners now call Thilensall, being subject to the King of Scotland. In the Germane Sea, towards the coast of Brittany, are few islands, save only in Edenburg Frith, where these are found, May, Basse, k, and Inche-colme (that is, the Island of Columbus.)  
Scotland reaching so far into the North, must needs be subject to excessive cold, yet 
The situatio  the same is in some sort mitigated by the thickness of the cloudy air and sea vapours. And as in the Northern parts of England, they have small pleasantness, goodness or abundance of Fruits and Flowers, so in Scotland they have much less, or none at all. And I remember, that coming to Barwick in the month of May, we had great storms, and felt great cold, when for two months before, the pleasant Spring had smiled on us at London.  
On the West side of Scotland are many Woods, Mountains and Lakes. On 
The fertility  the East side towards the Sea, I passed Fife, a pleasant little Territory of open fields, without enclosures, fruitful in Corn (as be all the parts near Barwick, save that they yield little wheat, and much Barley and Oates), and all a plain Country, but it had no Woods at all, only the gentlemen's dwellings were shadowed with some little Groves, pleasant to the view. Scotland abounds with Fish, and hath plenty of all cattle, yet not so big as ours, and their Horses are full of spirit, and patient of labour, but very little, so as the Scots then would give any price for one of our English Geldings', which notwithstanding in Queen Elizabethe time might not upon great penalty be sold unto them.  
The Navy or shipping of Scotland, was of small strength in the memory of our Age, neither were their Mariners of greet experience, but to make them more diligent 
The traffic  Merchants, their Kings had formerly laid small or no impositions or customs on them: And while the English had war with the Spaniards, the Scots as neutrals by carrying of English commodities into Spain, and by having their ships for more security laden by English Merchants, grew somewhat richer and more experienced in Navigation, and had better and stronger ships then in former time. And surely since the Scots are very daring, I cannot see why their Mariners should not be bold and courageous, howsoever they have not hitherto made any long voyages, rather for want of riches, then for slothfulness or want of courage. The Inhabitants of the Western parts of Scotland, carry into Ireland and Neighbouring places, red and pickeled Herrings, Sea coals, and Aquavitae, with like commodities, and bring out of Ireland Yarn and cows hides or Silver. The Eastern Scots, carry into France course clothes, both linen and woollen, which be narrow and shrink in the wetting. They also carry thither Wool, Skins of Goats, Wethers, and of Coneys, and divers kinds of Fishes, taken in the Scottish Sea, and near other Northern islands, and after smoked, or otherwise dried and salted. And they bring from thence Salt and Wines: but the cheese traffic of the Scots is in four places, namely at Camphire in Zealand, whether they carry Salt, the skins of Wethers, Otters, Badgers, and Martens, and bring from thence Corne. And at Bordeaux in France, whether they carry clothes, and the same skins, and bring from thence Wines, Prunes, Walnuts, and Chessenuts Thirdly, within the Baltic Sea, whether they carry the said Clothes and Skins, and bring thence Flax, Hemp, Iron, Pitch and Tar. And lastly in England, whether they carry Linen clothes, Yarn, and Salt, and bring thence Wheat, Oats, beans, and like things.  
The Scots have no Staple in any foreign City, but trade in France upon the League of the Nations, and in Denmark have privileges by the affinity of the Kings, and stock in great numbers into Poland, abounding in all things for food, and yielding many commodities. And in these Kingdoms they lived at this time in great multitudes, rather for the poverty of their own Kingdom, then for any great traffic they exercised there, dealing rather for small fardels, then for great quantities of rich wares.  
Touching their diet: They eat much red Colewort and Cabbage, but little fresh meat, using to salt theit Mutton and Geese, which made me more wonder, that they 
The diet  used to eat Beef without salting. The Gentlemen reckon their revenues, not by rents of money, but by chauldrons of victuals, and keep many people in their Families, yet living most on Corn and roots, not spending any great quantity of flesh.  
Myself was at a Knight's house, who had many servants to attend him, that brought in his meat with their heads covered with blue caps, the Table being more than half furnished with great platters of porridge, each having a little piece of sodden meat; And when the Table was served, the servants did sit down with us, but the upper mess in steed of porridge, had a Pullet with some prunes in the broth. And I observed no Art of Cookery, or furniture of Household stuff, but rather rude neglect of both, though myself and my companion, sent from the Governor of Berwick about bordering affairs, were entertained after their best manner. The Scots living then in factions, used to keep many followers, and so consumed their revenue of victuals, living in some want of money. They vulgarly eat hearth Cakes of Oats, but in Cities have also wheaten bread, which for the most part was bought by Courtiers, Gentlemen, and the best sort of Citizens. When I lived at Berwick, the Scots weekly upon the market day, obtained leave in writing of the Governor, to buy Pease and beans, whereof, as also of Wheat, their Merchants at this day send great quantity from London into Scotland.  
They drink pure Wines, not with sugar as the English, yet at Feasts they put Comfits in the Wine, after the French manner, but they had not our Vintner's fraud to mix their Wines. I did never see nor hear that they have any public Inns with signs hanging out, but the better sort of Citizens brew Ale, their usual drink (which will distemper a stranger's body), and the same Citizens will entertain passengers upon acquaintance or entreaty. Their bedsteads were then like Cubbards in the wall, with doors to be opened and shut at pleasure, so as we climbed up to our beds. They used but one sheet, open at the sides and top, but close at the feet, and so doubled. Passengers did seek a stable for their Horses in some other place, and did there buy horse-meat, and if perhaps the same house yielded a stable, yet the payment for the Horse did not make them have beds free as in England. I omit to speak of the Inns and expenses therein, having delated the same in the Itinerary of the first Part, and a Chapter in this Part, expressly treating thereof. When passengers go to bed, their custom was to present them with a sleeping cup of wine at parting. The Country people and Merchants used to drink largely, the Gentlemen somewhat more sparingly, yet the very Courtiers, at Fcasts, by night meetings, and entertaining any stranger, used to drink healths not without excess, and (to speak truth without offence), the excess of drinking was then far greater in general among the Scots then the English. Myself being at the Court invited by some Gentlemen to supper, and being forewarned to fear this excess, would not promise to sup with thembut upon condition that my Inuiter would be my protection from large drinking, which I was many times forced to invoke, being courteously entertained, and much provoked to garaussing, and so for that time avoided any great intemperance. Remembering this, and having since observed in my conversation at the English Court with the Scots of the better sort, that they spend great part of the night in drinking, not only wine, but even beer, as myself will not accuse them of great intemperance, so I cannot altogether free them from the imputation of excess, wherewith the popular voice chargeth them.   

CHAP. V. Of Ireland, touching the particular subjects of the first Chapter.  
THE Longitude of Ireland extends four degrees from the 
Ireland.  Meridian of eleven degrees and a half, to that of fifteen and a half, and the Latitude extends also four degrees from the Parallel of fifty four degrees to that of fifty eight degrees. In the Geographical description I will follow Camden as formerly.  
This famous Island in the Virginian Sea, is by old Writers called jerna Inuerna, and Iris, by the old Inhabitants Eryn, by the old Britan's Yuerdhen, by the English at this day Ireland, and by the Irish Bards at this day Banno, in which sense of the Irish word, Avicen calls it the holy Island, besides Plutarch of old called it Ogigia, and after him Isidore named it Scotia. This Ireland according to the Inhabitants, is divided into two parts, the wild Irish, and the English Irish, living in the English Pale: but of the old Kingdoms five in number, it is divided into five parts.  
1 The fast is by the Irish called Mown, by the English Monster, and is subdivided into six Counties, of Kerry, of Limricke, of Corcke, of Tipperary, of the Holy Cross, and of Waterford, to which the seventh County of Desmond is now added. The Gangavi a Scithean people coming into Spain, and from thence into Ireland, inhabited the County of Kerry, full of woody mountains, in which the Earls of Desmond had the dignity of Palatines, having their House in Trails, a little Town now almost uninhabited: Not far thence lies Saint Mary Wic, vulgarly called Smerwicke, where the Lord Arthur Grace, being Lord Deputy, happily overthrew the aiding troops sent to the Earl of Desmond from the Pope, and the King of Spain. On the South side of Kerry lies the County of Desmond, of old inhabited by three kinds of people, the Lucens (being Spaniards), the Velabri (so called of their seat upon the Sea waters or Marshes), and the Iberns, called the upper Irish, inhabiting about Beerehaven & Baltimore, two Havens well known by the plentiful fishing of Herrings, and the late invasion of the Spaniards in the year 1601. Next to these is the County of Mec Carti More, of Irish race, whom as enemy to the Fitz-geralds Queen Elizabeth made Earl of Glencar in the year 1556. For of the Fitz-Geralds of the Family of the Earls of Kildare, the Earls: of Desmond descended, who being by birth English, and created Earls by King Edward the third, became hateful Rebels in our time. The third County hath the name of the City Cork, consisting almost all of one long street, but well known and frequented, which is so compassed with rebellious neighbours, as they of old not daring to marry their Daughters to them, the custom grew and continues to this day, that by mutual marriages one with another, all the Citizens are of kin in some degree of Affinity. Not far thence is Yoghall, having a safe Haven, near which the viscounts of Barry of English race are seated. In the fourth County of Tipperary, nothing is memorable, but that it is a Palatinate. The little Town Holy-Cresse, in the County of the same name, hath many great privileges. The sixth County hath the name of the City Limerike, the seat of a Bishop, wherein is a strong Castle built by King john. Not far thence is Awue the seat of a Bishop, and the lower Ossery, giving the title of an Earl to the Butlers, and the Town Thurles, giving them also the title of Viscount. And there is Cassiles, now a poor City, but the seat of an Archbishop. The seventh County hath the name of the City Watersord, which the Irish call Porthlargi, of the commodious Haven, a rich and well inhabited City, esteemed the second to Dublyn. And because the Inhabitants long faithfully helped the English in subduing Ireland, our Kings gave them excessive privileges, but they rashly failing in their obedience, at King james his coming to the Crown, could not in long time obtain the confirmation of their old Charter.  
2 Lemster the second part of Ireland is fertile, and yields plenty of Corn, and hath a most temperate mild Air, being divided into ten Counties, of Catterlogh, Kilkenny, Wexford, Dublyn, Kildare. the King's County, the Queen's County, the Counties of Longford of Fernes and of Wickle. The Cariondi of old inhabited Caterlogh (or Carloo) County, and they also inhabited great part of Kilkenny, of upper Ossery and of Ormond, which have nothing memorable, but the Earls of Ormond, of the great Family of the Butlers, inferior to no Earl in Ireland, (not to speak of Fitz pairic Baron of upper Ossery) It is redicnious, which some Irish (who will be believed as men of credit) report of Men in these parts yearly turned into Wolves, except the abundance of melancholy humour, transports them to imagine that they are so transformed. Kilkenny giving name to the second County, is a pleasant Town, the chief of the Towns, within Land, memorable for the civility of the Inhabitants, for the husbandmen's labour, and the pleasant Orchards. I pass over the walled Town Thomastowne, and the ancient City Rheban, now a poor Village with a Castle, yet of old giving the title of Baronet. I pass over the Village and strong Castle of Leighlin, with the Country adjoining, usurped by the Sept of the Cavanaghss, now surnamed Omores. Also I omit Kosse, of old a large City, at this day of no moment. The third County of Wexford, (called by the Irish County Reogh) was of old inhabited by the Menappijs, where at the Town called Banna, the English made their first descent into Ireland, and upon that Coast are very dangerous flats in the Sea, which they vulgarly call Grounds. The City Weshford, Weisford, or Wexford, is the chief of the County, not great, but deserving praise for their faithfulness towards the English, and frequently inhabited by Men of English race. The Cauci, (a Seabordering Nation of Germany), and the Menappijs aforesaid, of old inhabited the territories now possessed by the Omores and Ohirns. Also they inhabited the fourth County of Kildare a fruitful soil, having the cheese Town of the same name, greatly honoured in the infancy of the Church by Saint Bridget. King Edward the second, created the Giralds' Earls of Kildare. The Eblani of old inhabited the territory of Dublin the fifth County, having a fertile soil and rich pastures, but wanting wood, so as they burn Turf, or Sea-coal brought out of England. The City Dublyn called Divelin by the English, and Balacleigh (as seated upon hurdles) by the Irish, is the chief City of the Kingdom and seat of justice, fairly built, frequently inhabited, and adorned with a strong Castle, fifteen Churches, an Episcopal seat, and a fair College, (an happy foundation of an University laid in our Age), and endowed with many privileges, but the Haven is barred and made less commodious by those hills of sands. The adjoining Promontory Hoth-head, gives the title of a Baron to the Family of Saint Laurence: And towards the North lies Fengall, a little Territory, as it were the Garner of the Kingdom, which is environed by the Sea and great Rivers, and this situation hath defended it from the incursion of Rebels in former civil wars I omit the Kings and Queen's Counties, (namely Ophaly and Leax) inhabited by the Oconnors and Omores, as likewise the Counties of Longford, Fernes, and Wicklo, as less affording memorable things.  
3 The third part of Ireland is Midia or Media, called by the English Methe, in our Father's memory divided into Eastmeath and Westmeath. In Eastmeath is Drogheda, vulgarly called Tredagh, a fair and well inhabited Town. Trim is a little Town upon the confines of Ulster, having a stately Castle, but now much ruinated, and it is more notable for being the ancient (as it were) Barony of the Lacies. Westmeath hath the Town Deluin, giving the title of Baron to the English Family of the nugent's, and Westmeath is also inhabited by many great Irish Septs, as the Omaddens, the Magoghigans, Omalaghlens, and MacCoghlans, which seem barbarous names. Shamon is a great River, in a long course making many and great lakes (as the large Lake or Lough Regith), and yields plentiful fishing, as do the frequent Rivers and all the Seas of Ireland. Upon this River lies the Town Athlon, having a very fair Bridge of stone, (the work of Sir Henry Sidney Lord Deputy) and a strong fair Castle.  
4 Connaght is the fourth part of Ireland, a fruitful Province, but having many Bogs and thick Woods, and it is divided into six Counties, of Clare, of Letrim, of Galloway, of Rosecomen, of Maio, and of Sugo. The County of Clare or Thowmond hath his Enrles of Thowmond, of the Family of the Obrenes the old Kings of Connaght, and Toam is the seat of an Archbishop, only part but the greatest of this County was called Clare of Phomas Clare Earl of Gloucester. The adjoining Territory Clan Richard (the land of Richard's sons) hath his Earls called Clanricard of the land, but being of the English Family de Burgo, vulgarly Burck, and both these Earls were first created by Henry the eight. In the same Territory is the Barony Atterith, belonging to the Barons of the English Family Bermingham, of old very warlike: but their posterity have degenerated to the Irish barbarism. The city Galway giving name to the County, lying upon the Sea, is frequently inhabited with civil people, and fairly built. The Northern part of Connaght is inhabited by these Irish Septs, O Conor, O Rorke, and Mac Diarmod. Upon the Western coast lies the Island Arran, famous for the fabulous long life of the inhabitants.  
5 Ulster the fifth part of Ireland is a large Province, woody, fenny, in some parts fertile, in other parts barren, but in all parts green and pleasant to behold, and exceedingly stored with cattle. The next part to the Pale, and to England, is divided into three Counties, Lowth, Down, and Antrimme, the rest contains seven Counties, Monaghan, Tyrone, Armach, Colrane, Donergall, Fermanagh, and Cavon. Lowth is inhabited by English-Irish, (Down and Antrimme being contained under the same name), and the Barons thereof be of the Berminghams' family, and remain loving to the English. Monaghan was inhabited by the English family Fitzursi, and these are become degenerate and barbarous, and in the sense of that name are in the Irish tongue called Mac Mahon, that is, the sons of Bears. I forbear to speak of Tyrone, and the Earl thereof, infamous for his Rebellion, which I have at large handled in the second part of this work. Armach is the seat of an Archbishop, and the Metropolitan City of the whole Island, but in time of the Rebellion was altogether ruinated. The other Counties have not many memorable things, therefore it shall suffice to speak of them briefly. The neck of land called Lecale, is a pleasant little territory, fertile, and abounding with fish, and all things for food, and therein is Down, at this time a ruined Town, but the seat of a Bishop, and famous for the burial of S Patrick, S. Bridget, and S. Columb. The Town of Carickfergus is well known by the safe Haven. The River ban running through the Lake Euagh into the Sea, is famous for the fishing of Salmon, the water being most clear, wherein the Salmon much delight. The great Families (or Septs) of Ulster, are thus named, O Neale, O Donnel, (whereof the chief was lately created Earl of Tirconnel) O Buil, Mac Guyre, O Cane, O Dogharty, Mac Mahown, Mac Gennis, Mac Sorleigh, etc. The Lake Ern, compassed with thick Woods, hath such plenty of fish, as the fishermen fear the breaking of their nets, rather than want of fish. Towards the North in the midst of vast woods (and as I think) in the County Donergall is a lake, and therein an Island, in which is a Cave, famous for the apparition of spirits, which the inhabitants call Ellanui frugadory, that is, The Island of Purgatory, and they call it Saint Patrick's Purgatory, fabling that he obtained of God by prayer, that the Irish seeing the pains of the damned, might more carefully avoid sin.  
The land of Ireland is uneven, mountainous, soft, watery, woody, and open to winds and floods of rain, and so fenny, as it hath bogs upon the very tops of Mountains. 
The funation  not bearing man or beast, but dangerous to pass, and such Bogs are frequent over all Ireland. Our Matriners observe the sailing into Ireland to be more dangerous, not only because many tides meeting, makes the sea apt to swell upon any storm, but especially because they ever find the coast of Ireland covered with mists, whereas the coast of England is commonly clear, and to be seen far off. The air of Ireland is unapt to ripen seeds, yet (as Mela witnesseth) the earth is luxurions in yielding fair and sweet herbs. Ireland is little troubled with thunders, lightnings, or earthquakes, yet (I know not upon what presage) in the year 1601, and in the month of November almost ended, at the siege of Kinsale, and few days before the famous Battle, in which the Rebels were happily overthrown, we did nightly hear and see great thunderings & lightnings, not without some astonishment what they should presage. The fields are not only most apt to feed cattle, but yield also great increase of Corn I will freely say, that I observed the winter's cold to be far more mild, than it is in England, so as the Irish pastures are more green, and so likewise the gardens all winter time, but that in Summer, by reason of the cloudy air, and watery soil, the heat of the Sun hath not such power to ripen corn and fruits, so as their harvest is much later than in England. Also I observed, that the best sorts of flowers and fruits are much rarer in Ireland, then in England, which notwithstanding is more to be attributed to the inhabitants, then to the air. For Ireland being oft troubled with Rebellions, and the Rebels not only being idle themselves, but in natural malice destroying the labours of other men, and cutting up the very trees of fruits for the same cause, or else to burn them. For these reasons the inhabitants take less pleasure to till their grounds, or plant trees, content to live for the day in continual fear of like mischiefs. Yet is not Ireland altogether destitute of these flowers and fruits, wherewith the County of Kilkenny seems to abound more than any other part. And the said humility of air and land, making the fruits for food more raw and moist: hereupon the inhabitants and strangers are troubled with looseness of body, the Country disease. Yet for the rawness they have an excellentremedy by their aquavitae, vulgarly called Vsqucbagh, which binds the belly, and drieth up moisture, more than our Aquavitae, yet in flameth not so much. Also inhabitants aswell as strangers are troubled there with an ague, which they call the Irish. Ague, and they who are sick thereof, upon a received custom, do not use the help of the Physician, but give themselves to the keeping of Irish women, who starve the ague, giving the sick man no meat, who takes nothing but milk, and some vulgarly known remedies at their hand.  
Ireland after much blood spilled in the Civil wars, became less populous, 
The fertility and traffic  and aswell great Lords of countries as other inferior Gentlemen, laboured more to get new possessions for inheritance, then by husbandry and peopling of their old lands, to increase their revenues, so as I then observed much grass (wherewith the Island so much abounds) to have perished without use, and either to have rotten, or in the next spring-time to be burnt, lest it should hinder the coming of new grass. This plenty of grass, makes the Irish have infinite multitudes of cattle, and in the heat of the last Rebellion, the very vagabond Rebels, had great multitudes of Cows, which they still (like the Nomads) drove with them, whither soever themselves were driven, and fought for them as for their altars and families. By this abundance of cattle, the Irish have a frequent, though somewhat poor traffic for their hides, the cattle being in general very little, and only the men and the Greyhounds of great statute. Neither can the cattle possibly be great, since they eat only by day, and then are brought at evening within the Bawnes of Castles, where they stand or lie all night in a dirty yard, without so much as a lock of hay, whereof they make little for sluggishness, and that little they altogether keep for their Horses. And they are thus brought in by nights for fear of thieves, the Irish using almost no other kind of theft, or else for fear of Wolves, the destruction whereof being neglected by the inhabitants, oppressed with greater mischiefs, they are so much grown in number, as sometimes in Winter nights they will come to prey in Villages, and the subburbes of Cities. The Earl of Ormond in Monster, and the Earl of Kildare in Lemster, had each of them a small Park enclosed for Fallow Dear, and I have not seen any other Park in Ireland, nor have heard that they had any other at that time, yet in many Woods they have many red Dear, loosely scattered, which seem more plentiful, because the inhabitants used not then to hunt them, but only the Governors and Commanders had them sometimes killed with the piece. They have also about Ophalia and Wexford, and in some parts of Monster, some Fallow Dear scattered in the Woods. Yet in the time of the war I did never see any Venison served at the table, but only in the houses of the said Earls, and of the English Commanders. Ireland hath great plenty of Birds and Fowls, but by reason of their natural sloth, they had little delight or skill in Birding or Fowling. But Ireland hath neither singing Nightingale, nor chattering Pie, nor undermining Moule, nor black Crow, but only Crows of mingled colour, such as we call Royston Crows. They have such plenty of Pheasants, as I have known sixty served at one feast, and abound much more with Rails: but Partridges are somewhat rare. There be very many Eagles, and great plenty of Hares, Coneys, Hawks called Gosse-Hawkes, much esteemed with us, and also of Bees, as well in Hives at home, as in hollow trees abroad, and in caves of the earth. They abound in flocks of Sheep, which they shear twice in the year, but their wool is course, & Merchants may not export it, forbidden by a Law made on behalf of the poor, that they may be nourished by working it into cloth, namely, Rugs (whereof the best are made at Waterford) & mantles generally worn by men and women, and exported in great quantity. Ireland yields much flax, which the inhabitants work into yarn, & export the same in great quantity. And of old they had such plenty of linen cloth, as the wild Irish used to wear 30 or 40 else in a shirt, all gathered and wrinkled, and washed in Saffron, because they never put them off till they were worn out. Their horses called hobbies, are much commended for their ambling pace & beauty: but Ireland yields few horses good for service in war, and the said hobbies are much inferior to our geldings in strength to endure long journeys, & being bred in the fenny soft ground of Ireland, are soon lamed when they are brought into England. The hawks of Ireland called Goss-hawks, are (as I said) much esteemed in England, and they are sought out by money & all means to be transported thither. Ireland yields excellent Marble near Dublin, Killkenny, and Cork; and I am of their opinion, who dare venture all they are worth, that the Mountains would yield abundance of Metals, if this public good were not hindered by the inhabitants barbarousness, making them apt to seditions, and so unwilling to enrich their Prince & Country, and by their slothfulness, which is so singular, as they hold it baseness to labour, and by their poverty, not able to bear the charge of such works, beside, that the wiser sort think their poverty best for the public good, making them peaceable, as nothing makes them sooner kick against authority than riches. Ireland hath in all parts pleasant Rivers, safe and lange Havens, and no less frequent Lakes of great circuit, yielding great plenty of fish. And the sea on all sides yields like plenty of excellent fish, as Salmonds, Oysters (which are preferred before the English,) and shel-fishes, with all other kinds of Sea-fish. So as the Irish might in all parts have abundance of excellent sea and freshwater fish, if the fisher men were not so possessed with the natural fault of slothfulness, as no hope of gain, scarcely the fear of authority can in many places make them come out of their houses, and put to sea. Hence it is, that in many places they use Scots for Fishermen, and they together with the English, make profit of the inhabitants sluggishness. And no doubt if the Irish were industrious in fishing, they might export salted and dried fish with great gain. In time of peace the Irish transport good quantity of Corn, yet they may not transport it without licence, left upon any sudden rebellion, the King's forces and his good subjects should want Corne. Ulster and the Western parts of Monster yield vast woods, in which the Rebels cutting up trees, and casting them on heaps, used to stop the passages, and therein, as also upon fenny & Boggy places, to fight with the English. But I confess myself to have been deceived in the common fame, that all Ireland is woody, having found in my long journey from Armah to Kinsale, few or no Woods by the way, excepting the great Woods of Ophalia, and some low shrubby places, which they call Glinnes. Also I did observe many boggy and fenny places, whereof great part might be dried by good and painful husbandry. I may not omit the opinion commonly received, that the earth of Ireland will not suffer a Snake or venomous beast to live, and that the Irish wood transported for building, is free of Spiders and their webs. Myself have seen some (but very few) Spiders, which the in habitants deny to have any poison: but I have heard some English of good credit affirm by experience the contrary. The Irish having in most parts great Woods or low shrubs and thickets, do use the same for fire, but in other parts they burn Turf, and Sea coals brought out of England. They export great quantity of wood to make barrels, called Pipe-staves, and make great gain thereby. They are not permitted to build great ships for war, but they have small ships in some sort armed to resist Pirates, for transporting of commodities into Spain and France yet no great number of them. Therefore since the Irish have small skill in Navigation, as I cannot praise them for this Art, so I am confident, that the Nation being bold and warlike, would no doubt prove brave Seamen, if they shall practise Navigation, and could possibly be industrious therein. I freely profess, that Ireland in general would yield abundance of all things to civil and industrious inhabitants. And when it lay wasted by the late Rebellion, I did see it after the coming of the Lord Montioy daily more and more to flourish, and in short time after the Rebellion appeased, like the new Spring to put on the wont beauty.  
Touching the Irish diet, Some Lords and Knights, and Gentlemen of the English-Irish, 
The Diet,  and all the English there abiding, having competent means, use the English diet, but some more, some less cleanly, few or none curiously, and no doubt they have as great and for 〈◊〉 part greater plenty than the English, of flesh, fowl, fish, and all things for food, if they will use like Art of Cookery. Alwases I except the Fruits, Venison, and some dainties proper to England, and rare in Ireland. And we must conceive, that Venison and Fowl seem to be more plentiful in Ireland, because they neither so generally affect dainty food nor so diligently search it as the English do Many of the English-Irish, have by little and little been infected with the Irish filthiness, and that in the very cities, excepting Dublyn, and some of the better sort in Waterford, where the English continually lodging in their houses, they more retain the English diet. The English-Irish after our manner serve to the table joints of flesh cut after our fashion, with Geese, Pullet's, Pigs and like roasted meats, but their ordinary food for the common sort is of Whitmeates, and they eat cakes of oats for bread, and drink not English Beer made of Malt and Hops, but Ale. At Corck I have seen with these eyes, young maids stark naked grinding of Corn with certain stones to make cakes thereof, and striking of into the tub of meal, such relics thereof as stuck on their belly, thighs and more unseemly parts.  
And for the cheese or butter commonly made by the English Irish, and English man would not touch it with his lips, though he were half starved; yet many English inhabitants make very good of both kinds. In Cities they have such bread as ours, but of a sharp favour, and some mingled with Annisseeds, and baked like cakes, and that only in the houses of the better sort.  
At Dublyn and in some other Cities, they have taverns, wherein Spanish and French Wines are sold, but more commonly the Merchants sell them by pints and quarts in their own Cellars. The Irish Aquavitae, vulgarly called Vsquebagh, is held the best in the World of that kind; which is made also in England, but nothing so good as that which is brought out of Ireland. And the Vsquebagh is preferred before our Aquavita, because the mingling of Raisins, Fennell seed, and other things, mitigating the heat, and making the taste pleasant, makes it less in name, and yet refresh the weak stomach with moderate heat, and a good relish. These Drinks the English-Irish drink largely, and in many families (especially at feasts) both men and women use excess therein. And since I have inpart seen, and often heard from others experience, that some Gentlewomen were so free in this excess, as they would kneeling upon the knee, and otherwise garausse health after health with men; not to speak of the wives of Irish Lords, or to refer it to the due place, who often drink tell they be drunken, or at least till they void urine in full assemblies of men, I cannot (though unwilling) but note the Irish women more specially with this fault, which I have observed in no other part to be a woman's vice, but only in Bohemia: Yet so as accusing them, I mean not to excuse the men, and will also confess that I have seen Virgins, as well Gentlewomen as Citizens, commanded by their mothers to retire, after they had in courtesy pledged one or two healths. In City's passengers may have featherbeds, soft and good, but most commonly lousy, especially in the high ways; whether that came by their being forced to lodge common soldiers, or from the nasty filthiness of the nation in general. For even in the best City, as at Corck, I have observed that my own & other English men's chambers hired of the Citizens, were scarce swept once in the week, & the dust then laid in a corner, was perhaps cast out once in a month or two. I did never see any public Inns with signs hanged out, among the English or English-Irish; but the Officers of Cities and Villages appoint lodgings to the passengers, and perhaps in each City, they shall find one or two houses, where they will dress meat, and these be commonly houses of Englishmen, seldom of the Irish: so as these houses having no signs hung out, a passenger cannot challenge right to be entertained in them, but must have it of courtesy, and by entreaty.  
The wild and (as I may say) mere Irish, inhabiting many and large Provinces, are barbarous and most filthy in their diet. They scum the seething pot with an handful of straw, and strain their milk taken from the Cow through a like handful of straw, none of the cleanest, and so cleanse, or rather more defile the pot and milk. They deum our great morsels of beef unsalted, and they eat commonly Swine's flesh, seldom mutton, and all these pieces of flesh, as also the entrails of beasts unwashed, they seeth in a hollow tree, lapped in a raw Cows hide, and so set over the fire, and therewith swallow whole lumps of filthy butter. Yea (which is more contrary to nature) they will feed on Horses dying of themselves, not only upon small want of flesh, but even for pleasure. For I remember an accident in the Army, when the Lord Mountiey, the Lord Deputy, riding to take the air out of the Camp, found the buttocks of dead Horses cut off, and suspecting that some soldiers had eaten that flesh out of necessity, being defrauded of the victuals allowed, them commanded the men to be searched out, among whom a common soldier, and that of the English-Irish, not of the mere Irish, being brought to the Lord Deputy, and asked why he had eaten the flesh of dead Horses, thus freely answered, Your Lordship may please to eat Pheasant and Partridge, and much good do it you that best likes your taste; and I hope it is lawful for me without offence, to eat this flesh that likes me better than Beef. Whereupon the Lord Deputy perceiving himself to be deceived, & further understanding that he had received his ordinary victuals (the detaining whereof he suspected, and purposed to punish for example), gave the soldier a piece of gold to drink in Vsquebagh for better digestion, and so dismissed him.  
The foresaid wild Irish do not thrash their Oats, but burn them from the straw, and so make cakes thereof, yet they seldom eat this bread, much less any better kind especially in the time of war, whereof a Bohemian Baron complained, who having scene the Courts of England and Scotland, would needs out of his curiosity return through Ireland in the heat of the Rebellion; and having letters from the King of Scots to the Irish Lords then in Rebellion, first landed among them, in the furthest North, where for eight days space he had found no bread, not so much as a cake of Oats, till he came to eat with the Earl of Tyrone, and after obtaining the Lord Deputies Pass to come into our Army, related this then want of bread to us for a miracle, who nothing wondered thereat. Yea, the wild Irish in time of greatest peace impute covetousness and base birth to him, that hath any Corn after Christmas, as if it were a point of Nobility to consume all within those festival days. They willingly eat the herb Schamrock, being of a sharp taste, which as they run and are chased to an fro, they snatch like beasts out of the ditches.  
Neither have they any Beer made of Malt and 〈◊〉 nor yet any Ale, no, not the chief Lords, except it be very rarely: but they drink Milk like Nectar, warmed with a stone first cast into the fire, or else Beefe-broath mingled with milk: but when they come to any Market Town, to sell a Cow or a Horse, they never return home, till they have drunk the price in Spanish Wine (which they call the King of Spain's Daughter), or in Irish Vsqueboagh, and till they have outslept two or three days drunkenness. And not only the common sort, but even the Lords and their wives, the more they want this drink at home, the more they swallow it when they come to it, till they be as drunk as beggars.  
Many of these wild Irish eat no flesh, but that which dies of disease or otherwise of itself, neither can it scape them for stinking. They desire no broth, nor have any use of a spoon. They can neither seethe Artichokes, nor eat them when they are sodden. It is strange and ridiculous, but most true, that some of our carriage Horses falling into their hands, when they found Soap and Starch, carried for the use of our Laundresses, they thinking them to be some dainty meats, did eat them greedily, and when they stuck in their teeth, cursed bitterly the gluttony of us English churls, for so they term us. They feed most on Whitmeates, and esteem for a great dainty sour curds, vulgarly called by them Bonaclabbe. And for this cause they watchfully keep their Cows, and fight for them as for religion and life, and when they are almost starved, yet they will not kill a Cow, except it be old, and yield no Milk. Yet will they upon hunger in time of war open a vain of the Cow, and drink the blood, but in no case kill or much weaken it. A man would think these men to be Scythians, who let their Horse's blood under the ears, and for nourishment drink their blood, and indeed (as I have formerly said), some of the Irish are of the race of Scythians, coming into Spain, and from thence into Ireland. The wild Irish (as I said) seldom kill a Cow to eat, and if perhaps they kill one for that purpose, they distribute it all to be devoured at one time; for they approve not the orderly eating at meals, but so they may eat enough when they are hungry, they care not to fast long. And I have known some of these Irish footmen serving in England, (where they are nothing less than sparing in the food of their Families), to lay meat aside for many meals, to devour it all at one time.  
These wild Irish assoon as their Cows have calued, take the Calves from them, and thereof feed some with Milk to rear for breed, some of the rest they 〈◊〉, and seeth them in a filthy poke, and so eat them, being nothing but froth, and send them for a present one to another: but the greatest part of these Calves they cast out to be eaten by Crows and Wolves, that themselves may have more abundance of Milk. And the calves being taken away, the Cows are so mad among them, as they will give no Milk till the skin of the Calf be stuffed and set before them, that they may smell the odor of their own bellies. Yea when these Cows thus madly deny their milk, the women wash their hands in cows dung, and so gently struck their dugs, yea, put their hands into the cows tail, and with their mouths blow into their tails, that with this manner (as it were) of enchantment, they may draw milk from them. Yea, these Cows seem as rebellious to their owners, as the people are to their Kings, for many times they will not be milked but of some one old woman only, and of no other. These wild Irish never set any candles upon tables; What do I speak of Tables? since indeed they have no tables, but set their meat upon a bundle of grass, and use the same Grass for napkins to wipe their hands. But I mean that they do not set candles upon any high place to give light to the house, but place a great candle made of recdes and butter upon the flower in the midst of a great room. And in like sort the chief men 〈◊〉 in their houses make fires in the midst of the room, the smoke whereof goeth out at a hole in the top thereof. An Italian Friar coming of old into Ireland, and seeing at Armach this their diet and nakedness of the women (whereof I shall speak in the next book of this Part, and the second Chapter thereof) is said to have cried out,  

Civitas Armachana, civitas vana,  
Carnes crudae, mulieres nude.  
Vain Armach City, I did thee pity,  
Thy meatesrawnes, and women's nakedness.   
I trust no man expects among these gallants any beds, much less featherbeds and sheets, who like the Nomads removing their dwellings, according to the commodity of pastures for their Cows, sleep under the Canopy of heaven, or in a poor house of clay, or in a cabin made of the boughs of trees, and covered with turf, for such are the dwellings of the very Lords among them. And in such places, they make a fire in the midst of the room, and round about it they sleep upon the ground, without straw or other thing under them, lying all in a circle about the fire, with their feet towards it. And their bodies being naked, they cover their heads and upper parts with their mantles, which they first make very wet, steeping them in water of purpose, for they find that when their bodies have once warmed the wet mantles, the smoke of them keeps their bodies in temperate heat all the night following. And this manner of lodging, not only the mere Irish Lords, and their followers use, but even some of the English Irish Lords and their followers, when after the old but tyrannical and prohibited manner vulgarly called Coshering, they go (as it were) on progress, to live upon their tenants, till they have consumed all the victuals that the poor men have or can get. To conclude, not only in lodging passengers, not at all or most rudely, but even in their inhospitality towards them, these wild Irish are not much unlike to wild beasts, in whose caves a beast passing that way, might perhaps find meat, but not without danger to be ill entertained, perhaps devoured of his insatiable Host.    

The fourth Book.  

CHAP. 1. Of the Germans, Bohemians, Sweitzers, Netherlanders, Danes, Polonians and Italians apparel.  
ONE thing in general must be remembered touching the divers apparel of divers Nations: That it is daily subject to change, as each Commonwealth by little and little declines from the best constitution to the worst, and old manners are daily more and more corrupted with new vices, or as each Commonwealth is by due remedies purged and reform.  
The most rich among the Germans (as old Writers do 
Germany.  witness) used of old strait apparel, expressing to life the lineaments of the whole body (which kind of apparel the Schwaben or Suevi use at this day), and the women were appareled as men (of which wicked custom we find at this day no remainder, except the soldiers wives following the Camp may perhaps somewhat offend that way.) They add that the Suevi (under which name the Romans comprehended all the Germans) used of old to be clad in skins. No doubt the Germans, as they 〈◊〉, so are at this day, in their apparel, constant, and modest (and I had almost said slovenly.) Surely if a man observe the time they spend in brushing their apparel, and taking out the least spots, aswell at home, as abroad when they come to their Inns, they will seem cleanly, but if we behold their apparel, so worn to proof, as the nap of the cloth, and that somewhat course) being worn off, the ground plainly appears, and spotted with grease and wearing, especially the sleeves, which they wear large, and at table not without cause, lift up with one hand, while they take meat with the other, lest they should fall into the dish, no doubt (without offence be it spoken), they are somewhat slovenly. And for this imputation of old laid on the Germans, I appeal to Tacitus, writing to this purpose in the Latin tongue. The slovenly and naked Germans live in the same house among the same beasts. And he that at this day looks upon their Schwartz Reytern (that is, Black Horsemen) must confess, that to make their horses and boots shine, they make themselves as black as Colliers. These Horsemen wear black clothes, and poor though they be, yet spend no small time in brushing them. The most of them have black Horses, which while they painfully dress, and (as I said) delight to have their boots and shoes shine with blacking stuff, their hands and faces become black, and thereof they have their foresaid name. Yea, I have heard Germane say, that they do thus make themselves all black, to seem more terrible to their enemies. I have often heard their Preachers declaim against the common inconstancy in apparel: but they do herein according to the art of lefting, which is ever most pleasing, when it tasks men with vices whereof they are not guilty, but never with those that may be truly imputed. For Drunkenness, the famous, yet almost sole vice of the Germans, is in the mean time silently passed over by them in their Pulpits, or else out of a guilty conscience slightly reproved.  
No doubt the Germans are of all other famous and great Nations least expenseful in apparel, whether a man consider the small prices of the garments, or their long lasting. By an Imperial Law, Husbandmen are forbidden to wear any stuffs, that cost more than half a Gulden the ell, and men that live by their Art and Hand, are forbidden to wear any thing that costs more than the third part of a Gulden the ell, and servants to wear any ornament of Gold, Silver, or Silk, and gentlemen to wear any Gold, or more than two ounces of silver, and Doctors of the Civil Law, (who have many privileges from the Heralds, and are much respected in Germany), and likewise Knights, not to wear more than two ounces of gold upon their Apparel, and lastly Citizens are permitted to face their garments with silk or velvet, but are forbidden to wear any gold or silver. By the same Imperall Statutes enacted in the year 1548, Noble women, (that is Gentlewomen), are permitted to wear a chain of gold worth two hundred gulden's, and ornaments of the head worth forty gulden's, and the Doctors of the Civil Law are permitted to wear like chains, and their wives have the same privilege with Noblewomen. In the Statutes of the year 1530 Citizens Wives are permitted to wear gold chains of fifty gulden's, and silver girdles of thirty gulden's, and their Daughters to wear Ornaments of ten gulden's upon their heads. And these Laws are wisely made to restrain that Nation, though by nature and custom most modest in Apparel, because the richest things they are to wear, be not made in the Empire, but to be bought with money. They have not so much as woollen or linen cloth of their own, but such as is course, which makes them thát wear silk or velvet, as well as others, wear shirts of course cloth. I did see Rodolpus the Emperor when he mourned for his sister, appareled in English black cloth, who otherwise used to wear for the most part the same cloth of a watchet or some light colour, seldom wearing any richer Apparel, and the scabbard of his sword was of leather, not of velvet, as we use. The men in Germany wear shirt bands of course linen short and thick, only in Prussia I observed them to wear long ruffs, with rebatoes of wire to bear them up, such as our women use, which seemed to me less comely, because they were seldom made of fine cloth, as cambric or lawn, but of their own course linen, such as I have often seen the Spaniards to wear.  
Their handkerchiefs are very large, and wrought with silk of divers light colours, with great letters signifying words, as for example D. H. I. M. T. signifying Der her Ist mein Trost, that is; The Lord is my comfort, so as they seem more like wrought saddle clothes, than handkerchiefs. Many of the Saxons wear thrummed hats, which are called Brunswick hats, as most used in those parts, being so stiff as a sword will hardly pierce them, especially with the brass hatbands they wear about them, and being so heavy as they lie upon the ears, and make them hand down with small comeliness. Few wear feathers in their hats, yet the Doctors of the Civil Law have the privilege to wear them, and myself have seen many Students in the Universities, and most Coachmen of Germany, wear feathers costing each some twelve or sixteen batzen. The mention of the said shirt bands, used in Prussia, makes me remember that the Citizens of Dantzke, seated in that Province, do generally wear more rich Apparel, than any other Germans. And I remember that their said shirt bands or ruffs were little less than a quarter of an ell long, and hung upon their shoulders, notwithstanding they had stays to bear them up, which mad fashion, but not so long, the English used of old, and have long since laid aside. The men in these parts commonly wear silks and velvets, without any decent distinction of degrees, and the women seemed much prouder in apparel then the men. I have seen married women not of the richest sort, daily wear hats of velvet, though some wear also felt hats, and others to wear frontlets of velvet, and others wearing hats, had their hatbands all set with pearl, and many of their Daughters did wear chains of pearl, worth three hundred guldens, yea some of these Virgins have showed me their chains of five hundred guldens value, being the Daughters of Citizens and Merchants. As well married as unmarried women in the chief Cities of that Province, did wear short cloaks, and for the greater part of silk or satin, (the use whereof is vulgar among them), and that of changeable or light colours, with Petticoats and Aprons of like colours, but not so frequently of silk; and I have seen Virgins of ordinary rank in those Cities, daily wear silk stockings.  
But I return to the general discourse of the Germans Apparel: Citizens and men of inferior rank, wear course cloth of Germany, and only the richer sort use English cloth; and this cloth is commonly of a black or dark colour, and they think themselves very fine, if their cloaks have a narrow facing of silk or velvet. The Gentlemen delight in light colours, and when I persuaded a familiar friend that black and dark colours were more comely, he answered me, that the variety of colours showed the variety of God's works: And the Gentlemen wear Italian silks and velvets of these colours, but most commonly English cloth, for the most part of yellow or green colour. The Saxons in stead of Swords, carry Hatchets in their hands, being very skilful in the use of them, so as they will hit any small mark therewith, and they wear hanging daggers with massy sheaths of silver or iron. The Gentlemen, and others that have the privilege to wear Swords, as the Doctors of Civil Law, have plain pommels to them, never guilded; and the scabbards (not excepting the Emperor) are always of leather. Many of the Germans in steed of hats, wear caps lined with fur, and they use large stomachers of fur or lambeskinnes, keeping their stomachs very warm, either for the coldness of the clime, or rather because their stomachs need more cherrishing, in regard they are often oppressed with excess in drinking. Most of them wear great large breeches, excepting the Suevi (vulgarly Schawbon) who wear such strait breeches as our old men use, with stockings of the same cloth, fastened to them: And generally their doublets are made strait to the body, upon which in Winter time they wear jerkins lined with fur.  
Few men or women wear gold rings, pearls, or jewels: but Bohemia yields false stones like the oriental precious stones, yet of small or no value, and I have seen some Gentlemen wear these false stones, and brass rings guilded over, the wearing whereof is held disgraceful with us. At Magdeburg I did see a young-Gentleman having all his fingers loaded with rings, which I thought to be of gold, till myself saw him buy a ring of three hoops for some fifteen pence in English money, and so found his foolish pride. The Statutes (as I formerly said) permit Noblewdmen (that is Gentlewomen) to wear chains of gold, which notwithstanding they wear very seldom: And in like sort their Earls, (vulgarly called Graves) and their Knights, sometimes wear gold chains, made of extraordinary great links, and not going more than once about the neck, nor hanging down further than the middle button of the doublet. The Germans in great part measure a stranger's dignity by the richness of his Apparel, and by his grave or (to speak plainly) proud look. Citizen's Wives in some places wear upon their heads little caps, in the form of an Oyster-shell, and they wear short cloaks, reaching no further than their elbows. Citizen's daughters and Virgins of inferior sort, wear nothing upon their heads, but their hair woven with laces, and so gathered on the forepart of the head, with the forehead stroked up plain; and upon the forepart of the head the Gentlewomen wear a border of pearl, and all other from the highest to the lowest, commonly wear garlands of roses, (which they call Crantzes.)  
For they keep Roses all Winter in little pots of earth, whereof they open one each saturday at night, and distribute the Roses among the women of the house, to the very kitchen maid; others keepethem all in one pot, and weekly take as many Rolls as they need, and cover the rest, keeping them fresh till the next Summer. And the common sort mingle guilded nutmegs with these Roses, and make garlands there of: Only women wear these Garlands in Winter, but in Summer time men of the better sort wear them within doors, and men of the common sort wear them going abroad. They keep Roses all Winter in this sort, they choose the closest and thickest buds of all kinds of Roses, but the Damask Roses best keep the smell, and other kinds the colour. Then they take a pot of earth, and sprinkle some bay salt in the bottom, and lay these buds severally, not very close one to the other, in two rows one above the other, which done they sprinkle the same, and wet all the buds with two little glasses of Rhenish Wine, and again sprinkle them with bay salt in greater quantity, yet such as it may not eat the leaves. In like sort they put up each two rows of buds, till the pot be full, which they cover with wood or lead, so as no air can enter, and then lay it up in a cold cellar, where no sun comes. When they take out the buds, they dip them in luke warm water, or put them into the Oven when the bread is taken out, which makes the leaves open with the turning of the buds between two fingers, than they dip a feather in rhenish wine, and wipe the leaves there with, to refresh the colour, and some do the like with rose water, to renew the smell. Give me leave by the way to relate, (though out of due course), that I observed women at Leipzig, in like sort to keep Cherries all Winter, after this manner. They enclose some Cherries in a glass, so as no air can enter, and then fasten the glass to some low shrub or bough of a tree, so as the glass may hang in a brook, running gently.  
Now I return to my former discourse. Many of the said Virgins have their neck-bands set with spangles, such as some children with us wear. The married women wear their gowns close about the breast and neck, with a very short ruff about their necks, (such as men also wear) set with poking sticks as small as reeds, and they wear little hats upon their heads. The Virgins in general, wear linen sleeves about their arms, as close as they can be made, for they esteem it the greatest grace to have the smallest arms, and their petticoats are guarded with some ten or more fringes or laces of silk or velvet, each fringe being of a different colour one from the other, making the skirts thereof as variable in colour as the Rainbow. Citizen's wives put off their ruffs when they go out of the house, covering their necks and mouths with a linen cloth for fear of cold. And they wear great heavy purses by their sides, with great bunches of keys hanging by chains of brass or silver: and all generally, aswell married women as Virgins, go with bare legs: and I have seen a Virgin in Saxony, refuse a pair of silk stockings offered her of gift: and the maid servants and married women of the inferior sort wear no shoes except they go out of the house, and great part go also abroad bore footed. The married women hide their naked feet with long gowns, but the maid servants wearing short gowns, and girding them up into a roll some handful under the waist about their hips, (especially in the lower parts of Germany), many times offend chaste eyes with showing their nakedness, especially when they stoop for any thing to the ground. And in those parts of Germany the Citizen's wives, like our little children, wear red and yellow shoes, and guilded at the toes. In general, it is disgraceful to married women or Virgins (excepting at Augsburg, and some few other Cities), to go out of doors without a cloak, which commonly is of some light stuff, as Grogram, or the like, faced with some furs, and at Hidelberg they never go abroad without a little basket in their hands, as if they went to buy something, except they will be reputed dishonest. The married Women always have their heads covered, in some Cities with a piece of velvet, other where with little caps of velvet, silk, or felt, or with some like fashion, according to the use of the Country. And very many wear such crosse-clothes or forehead clothes as our Women use when they are sick. In many places the ordinary Citizen's Wives have their gowns made with long trains, which are pinned up in the house, and borne up by maid servants when they go abroad, which fashion of old only great Noblemen used with us: And in many Cities, aswell the married as unmarried Women, wear long farthingales, hanging about their feet like hoops, which our Women used of old, but have now changed to short farthingales about their hips.  
The Bohemians are appareled much like the Germans, and delight in green, yellow, and light colours, but more frequently wear silks and velvets than the Germans, 
Bohmerland  and also false jewels of their own. And many times they wear black cloth with many laces or fringes of light colours, each fringe differing in colour one from the other. And in respect of foreign Ambassadors coming from all parts to Prage, and of Italian Merchants frequenting there, the Bohemians are more infected with foreign fashions, than the Germans. The married Gentlwomen attire their heads like our Virgins, and in like sort bear up their hair on the forehead with a wire. They use with the Germans to make their gowns with trains, or to bear them out with long farthingales, and to wear short cloaks. Citizen's wives wear upon their heads large grey caps, rugged like grey Connie skins, and form like the hives of Bees, or little caps of velvet close to the head; of a done colour, with the hinder skirt (or hinder part) cut off and open: And upon their legs they wear white buskins, wrought with velvet at the toes; but upon their arms they wear large sleeves, and contrary to the Germans, think them to be most comely.  
The Sweitzers, being Citizens (for their nobility is long sincerooted out by popular seditions) wear large round caps, (such as are used by our Prentices and Students 
Sweitzerland.  in the Inns of Court), and together with them they wear cloaks (whereas with us they are only used with gowns), yea, and Swords also (which seemed strange to be worn with caps). They wear great large puffed breeches, gathered close above the knees, and each puff made of a divers light colour; but their doublets are made close to the body. The married Women cover their heads with a linen coif, and upon it wear such caps as the men use, (which are broader than we used in England), and commonly wear a linen crossecloth upon the forehead. To be brief, the Virgins go bare headed with their baire woven up, and use short cloaks, and aswell married as unmarried Women, as also the Men, are appareled like the Germans, and affect nothing less than pride in their attire.  
In the united Provinces, the Inhabitants being for the most part Merchants and Citizens, the Men use modest attire of grave colours, and little beautified with lace or 
netherlands  other ornament. They wear short cloaks of English cloth, with one small lace to cover the seams, and a narrow facing of silk or velvet. Their doublets are made close to the body, their breeches large and fastened under the knees commonly of woollen cloth, or else of foam light stuff, or of silk or velvet. They use very little lace, no imbrodery, yet the Hollanders of old accounted the most rude of the other Provinces, at this day increased in wealth, and reputation of the State, do by little and little admit luxury, and their sons apply themselves both to the apparel and manners of the English and French. Women aswell married as unmarried, cover their heads with a coif of fine holland linen cloth, and they wear gowns commonly of some flight stuff, & for the most part of black colour, with little or no lace or guards, and their neck ruffs are little (or short) but of very fine linen. For aswell men as women for their bodies and for all uses of the Family, use very fine linen; and I think that no clowns in the World wear such fine shirts as they in Holland do. Some of the chief Women not able to abide the extreme cold, and loath to put fire under them for heat (as the common use is) because it causeth wrinkles and spots on their bodies, do use to wear breeches of linen or silk. All Women in general, when they go out of the house, put on a hoyke or vail which covers their heads, and hangs down upon their backs to their legs; and this vail in Holland is of a light stuff or Kersie, and hath a kind of horn rising over the forehead, not much unlike the old pummels of our women's saddles, and they gather the vail with their hands to cover all their faces, but only the eyes: but the Women of Flanders and Brabant wear Veils altogether of some light fine stuff, and fasten them about the hinder part and sides of their cap, so as they hang loosely, not close to the body, and leave their faces open to view, and these Caps are round, large, and flat to the head, and of Velvet, or at least guarded therewith, and are in form like our potlids used to cover pots in the Kitchen: And these Women, aswell for these Veils, as their modest garments with gowns close at the breast and neck, and for their pure and fine linen, seemed to me more fair than any other Netherlanders, as indeed they are generally more beautiful.  
I did see the King of Denmark entered a days journey in his progress towards Holsatia (vulgarly Holst), and he wore a loose gippoe of black velvet, sparingly adorned 
Denmark.  with gold lace, and in the Town he wore a large broad brimmed felt hat, with the brims in part buttoned up, but in his Coach he wore a rough Brunswick hat, used in the lower parts of Germany, and had a large chain of gold hanging under one arm so low as it was folded about his girdle: And when he walked abroad, he carried his Sword upon his shoulder with the point in his hand, and the hilts hanging down behind him. His chief Courtiers and his younger brother were all attired in an English cloth, which they called Kentish cloth, we call Motley, but much finer than that whereof we make cloakebags, and of purpose made for them, costing some two collars the ell. They wore gold chains, so short as they reached not further than the sixth or seventh button of their doublets, but the links were great, and they had a Tablet of gold annexed to them. They carried their swords as the King did, with the hilts hanging over the shoulder, and they wore daggers with heavy sheaths of silver, like those used in Saxony. The King's Guard wore huge breeches puffed, and of divers colours like the Sweitzers hose. In general, the Danes are appareled like the Germans, and especially like the Saxons, constantly and modestly, and they so abhor from strange fashions, as the King's Father lately deceased, was reported to have given the strange apparel of certain Gentlemen newly returned from foreign parts, to the infamous Hangman, that they might be despised of the Gentry. Gentlewomen Virgins go with their heads bare, and their hair woven and adorned with rows of pearl. And the married Gentlewomen go with their heads covered with a fine linen coif, and wear upon their foreheads a French shadow of velvet to defend them from the Sun, which our Gentlewomen of old borrowed of the French, and called them Bonegraces, now altogether out of use with us; and they adorn their heads with borders of Gold. Women as well married as unmarried, Noble and of inferior condition, wear thin bands about their necks, yet not falling, but erected, with the upper bodies of their outward garment of velvet, but with short skirts, and going out of the house, they have the Germane custom to wear cloaks. They also wear a chain of Gold like a breastplate, and girdles of silver, and guilded.  
At Dermind the Haven of Dantzke in Prussen, I did see the King of Poland ready to sail into Suevia or Suecia, his Father's Kingdom of Inheritance, for whom lately 
The Polonians.  dead, he then wore mourning Apparel, namely a long black cloak of woollen cloth, and a cap or low hat of black silk with narrow brims, with a falling band about his neck, a black doublet close to his body, and large breeches fastened under the knee. The Queen being of the House of Austria, was attired like the Noblewomen of Germany, and being then ready to take ship, her head was covered with a coif of fine linen, and upon her forehead she wore a crossecloth almost down to the nose. The King's Courtiers wore two long coats, the upper coat (or cloak with sleeves was longer than the other, the skirts whereof on the right side, were so fastened on the shoulder with silver buttons, and so cast upon the left shoulder, as they had their right arms altogether free; and this upper coat was of English cloth, faced before with silk. The lower or inner coat was of silk or some light stuff, hanging down on one side to the knees, on the other side doubled and fastened to the girdle, and both coats were of light colours, but without any lace of Gold or Silver, or other ornament whatsoever. They wore breeches and stockings of the same cloth, like those of our old men, or the truses of Ireland, and their shirts were of much finer linen than the Germans use. And they wore a fine and very large linen handkerchief, fastened to their Girdles behind: but they had no ruffs nor any bands of linen about their necks, which are only used by some few Gentlemen, who have lived in foreign parts, but the 〈◊〉 of their coats wear raised with a peake behind to keep the neck warm. They wore extraordinary little caps, hardly covering the crown of the head, and in them wore some six feathers, not of mixed or light colours, nor broad, as we wear them, but white and narrow, such (or the same) as are pulled from Capon's tails. The Polonians shave all their heads close, excepting the hair of the forehead, which they nourish very long and cast back to the hinder part of the head. They carry for Arms a Turkish Cemeter, and wear shoes of leather and also of wood, both painted and both shod under the heel and toes with pieces of Iron, making great noise as they go. The Gentlemen wear chains of gold folded about their girdles, and carry in their hands a little hammer of silver, and perhaps guilded, and these of inferior sort one of Iron. The Hungarians in their attire differ little from the Polonians, but no Hungarian may wear a feather, except he have done some noble act, and according to the number of his brave actions, so many feathers he may wear, to witness his valour. At Crakaw I did see the Castellani (that is, Keepers of Castles) and many Gentlemen riding to the Court, and other places in the City, and the Gentlemen attending them, went on foot before their Horses, with Feathers in their little caps, and the vulgar attendants followed their Horses. The buttocks of their horses were covered with cloth of gold, or the skin of some wild beast, or some like ornament, and about many of their Horses ears, hung chains of gold or silver, their bridles were guilded, and set with buttons of gold, and the horsemen not only wear swords by their sides, but also every Horseman (especially riding in the highway, or being in foreign parts upon any embassage or in like pomps, hath another, and some a third sword (or Scimitar) fastened to their saddles and girths, besides that both on foot and on horseback they carry a hammer in their hands.  
The Gentlewomen, after the Netherlanders fashion, cover the head with a coif of fine linen, and wear a crosscloth upon the forehead, and as the men, so they wear no ruff or linen band about the neck, but many have about their necks chains of Pearl worth two hundred, yea, five hundred collars, and some line the collar of the upper body of their Gowns with fur, and so cover the nakedness of the neck behind. The unmarried women wear aprons of fine linen, and go with bare heads, having their hair woven, as our women use, with a narrow piece of Velvet crossing the midst of their heads, and going out of the house, they cast a white Veil upon their heads and backs, but show their faces open. The meaner sort of married women either wrap their heads and mouths with a narrow long piece of linen, or only cover their mouths with linen, and wearing a low hat cast a Veil from it, to cover the hinder part of the head, and all the back, and they wear loose Kirtles over their other apparel, which are tied behind with strings. The common sort of Country women cover themselves all over with linen cloth or skins of beast.  
The Prussians are tributary to the King of Poland, and upon free conditions acknowledge themselves subject to the Crown of Poland, and their attire as also language little differs from the Germans, save that their apparel is more sumptuous, but of them I have formerly spoken in the discourse of the Germans attire.  
Of the Italians it is proverbially said, that the Venetians are gowned, yet by night 
Italy  going to visit their Mistresses, wear short Spanish cloaks. That those of Terrara and Mantua are proud in their attire, with their caps set with gold buttons. That the Florentines are ridiculous, (yet I observed none more modestly attired.) That those of Genoa are neat and comely in attire, but wear no gowns, nor lace, nor guards. That those of Milan are decent, and the Neopolitans are glittering and sumptuous. Surely the Italians in general, respect the conveniency more than ornament of their apparel. When they take journeys, they wear large boots, that they may fling off being untied, but such as keep them dry in all weathers; and to the same end they wear thick felt hats, and shortfelt cloaks, which no rain can pierce, respecting the health, not the ornaments of their bodies. And howsoever their apparel is soft and delicate, yet they only wear cloth and stuffs made at home, not any brought from foreign parts. Their garments are commonly of silk, but seldom embroidered, and never laid with gold or silver lace, and commonly of black colour. And howsoever all those mixed colours which we so highly esteem, come from thence, yet are they not invented by the Italians, but by the Factors of our Merchants, who lie there of purpose, to feed the fantastical pride of our Youth, in new Stuffs, or at least new colours and names.  
The Citizens of Genoa, wear gold Chains, and might seem proudly attiredin garment of Velvet, save that we must remember, that they are not only Merchants but Gentlemen, and some of them Princes.  
The Venetians, by reason of their strict Laws from all antiquity restraining excess in apparel, howsoever many times they wear sumptuous garments, yet are they hidden under their gowns, not to be seen but by their Mistresses at night. They make woollencloth of such lasting, as they bequeath their gowns by their last testaments. All the Gentlemen, not one excepted, wear black cloth gowns, buttoned close at the neck, with the sleeves put on over their doublets, aswell young as old men, but some under this civil gown we are rich furs, and embroidered garments. And the Senators, Doctors, and Knights, we are Scarlet gowns, with large sleeves, lined in winter with rich furs And their Senate is no less or more glorious in public pomps, than the Roman Senate was of old. And the Gentlemen constantly wear these gowns, either in singular pride to be known from others, (for no Citizen, nor any Gentlemen of other Cities wear gowns), or for obedience to the Law, or out of an old custom, which the most wise Magistrates permit not to be broken. And for the same cause, all the Gentlemen, none excepted, wear little caps of freeze or Cloth, hardly covering the crown, or the forepart of the head.  
All other Italians in general wear stuff cloaks, and commonly of Silk in summer, and cloth in winter, and light felt hats with narrow brims, and large breeches, sometimes wide, and open at the knee, after the Spanish fashion, but more commonly tied under the knee, and a loose coat or gippo, but not wide, and a doublet close to the body, both of silk, and lined with silk, and silk stockings. Also many wear jewels, but as it were hidden, to be seen only by chance. Lastly, in great wisdom they care not to have rich apparel, but hold it honourable to live of their own. They make no fine linen, & therefore use course linen, both for shirts, and other uses of the Family, and commonly wear little falling bands, and many times ruffs of Flanders linen, sometimes wrought with Italian Cutwork, much used with us, but their ruffs are not so great as ours, and they have little skill in washing, starching, or smoothing linen. They wear very short hair, as all Nations do that live in hot climes, the contrary vice of wearing long hair being proper to the French, English, and Scots, but especially to the Irish. The Italians cloth very little children with doublets and breeches, but their breeches are open behind, with the shirt hanging out, that they may case themselves without help. Among other Princes of Italy, I did see Ferdinand the third, Duke of Florence, who did wear a cloak of English cloth, with one little lace, and breeches of Veluct without any ornament, and stockings of leather, and a leather scabbard to his sword, and his Coach was lined with old green Veluct, and the Horses seemed taken out of the Plough.  
The women in general are delighted with mixed and light colours. The women of Venice wear chopines or shoes three or four hand-bredths high, so as the lowest of them seem higher than the tallest men, and for this cause they cannot go in the streets without leaning upon the shoulder of an old woman. They have another old woman to bear up the train of their gown, & they are not attended with any man, but only with old women. In other parts of Italy, they wear lower shoes, yet somewhat raised, and are attended by old women, but go without any help of leading. The women of Venice wear gowns, leaving all the neck and breast bare, and they are closed before with a lace, so open, as a man may see the linen which they lap about their bodies, to make them seem fat, the Italians most loving fat women. They show their naked necks and breasts, and likewise their dugs, bound up and swelling with linen, and all made white by art. They wear large falling bands, and their hair is commonly yellow, made so by the Sun and art, and they raise up their hair on the forehead in two knotted horns, and deck their heads & uncovered hair with flowers of silk, and with pearl, in great part counterfeit. And they cast a black vail from the head to the shoulders, through which the nakedness of their shoulders, and necks, and breasts, may easily be seen. For this attire the women of Venice are proverbially said to be, grand dilegni, Gross di straci, rose dibettito, bianche di calcina: that is tall with wood, fat with rags, red with painting, and white with chalk. The women of Genoa are attired much after the French fashion, and by reason of neighbourhood, borrow divers manners from France, (which is also to be understood of other Cities lying under the French Alps), and they go abroad either alone, or attended by men, not by women as in other parts; yea, by night, and early in the morning to the Church, (which suspected fashions other Italians cannot endure) They wear nets and black veils, covering there with their faces, contrary to the French manner, without which the poorest woman goes not abroad.  
In general the Women of Italy, (for divers Cities have some fashions differing from other) most commonly (but especially the wives of shopkeepers) wear gowns of silk and light stuffs, yea, woven with gold, and those close at the breast and neck; with a standing collar, and little ruffs close up to the very chin, and showing no part naked. And Gentlewomen in general, wear gowns lose behind, with a close collar, hiding all nakedness, and with trains borne up by waitingmaides, and sometimes with open hanging sleeves. The married women wear their heads bare, or covered with a fine linen coif, and a hat, and a vail hanging down from the hinder part of the head to the back. The unmarried have their heads bare, with their hair knotted like snakes, and tied with gold and silver laces, or else they are covered with a gold netted cawl, and they wear also gold chains. The married women wear chains of pearl about the head and neck, which in some places are forbidden to Virgins; and these pearls are many times (especially at Venice) counterfeit, and made of glass, but very beautiful to the eye. Widows and Women that mourn, cover all their head and shoulders with a black vail, and upon the forehead they wear a shadow or bongrace, and about their necks a white vail, hanging down before to their feet.) The Country wenches wear upon their heads gold and silver cawles, or at least seeming such, and straw hats, and guilded girdles, and for the rest as other women are delighted with light colours.  
The City Virgins, and especially Gentlewomen, cover their heads, face, and backs with a vail, that they may not be seen passing the streets, and in many places wear silk or linen breeches under their gowns. Also I have seen honourable Women, aswell married as Virgins, ride by the high way in Princes trains, appareled like Men, in a doublet close to the body, and large breeches open at the knees, after the Spanish fashion, both of carnation silk or satin, and likewise riding astride like men upon Horses or Muses, but their heads were attired like Women, with bare hairs knotted, or else covered with gold netted cawles, and a hat with a feather. And many times in the Cities (as at Padua) I have seen Courtesans (in plain English, whores) in the time of shroving, appareled like men, in carnation or light coloured doublets and breeches, and so playing with the racket at Tennis with young men, at which time of shroving, the Women no less than Men, (and that honourable women in honourable company,) go masked and appareled like men all the afternoon about the streets, even from Christmas holidays to the first day in Lent. The Women wearing men's breeches, have them open all before, and most part behind, only buttoned with gold or silver buttons: And the Courtesans make all the forepart of their gowns in like manner open, to avoid wrinkling.  
Lastly, the Italians use to tie themselves upon a vow for recovery of health, or like cause, to wear certain apparel for a time or for life; and if the vow be in repentance of sin, the colour is ash colour, vulgarly Beretino, which I have seen some wear for long time constantly, with purpose to wear them during life.   

CHAP. II. Of the Turks, French, English, Scottish, and Irish Apparel.  
THe Turks shave their heads, but only in the very crown, where they leave a tuffr of hair; and they do not now as 
Turkey.  of old, only nourish the hair of the upper lip, but all the beard growing round. They cover their head thus shaved with a close cap of Scarlet, and above it wear some twelve or twenty else of fine white cotton cloth, woven into a round globe, which in their tongue is called a Tulbent, and by some Tsalma: neither do they ever uncover their heads in honour to any man, but salute by bending the body, and laying their left hand on their right side. This cap (or this head, as they call it) is hollow, and so admits air, being borne up by little hoops, and so cools the head, yet being thick, keeps out the Sun from piercing it, and being of most fine linen, is much lighter than our hats. All the Orders or degrees among the Turks, are known by the ornament of the head (or by their heads, as they speak.) The Azimoglanes wear Pyramidal caps like sugar-loves, of a mingled colour and light stuff. The janizares wear the said Tulbent, but have also a cap peculiar to their Order, vulgarly called Zarcola, which they wear going abroad into the City, being a standing cap, plain at the top, with an hood hanging down behind (like that part of our French hoods), with a guilded horn of brass upright above the forehead. The janizares that are Courtiers, wear a Feather hanging down from the hinder part of the head to the very heels. The Chausses, and all degrees upward to the very Emperor, wear the said Tulbent or Cap., with a little piece of red velvet appearing at the very crown, upon which they set jewels and Feathers, whereby these higher orders and degrees in the war are distinguished. Like white Tulbents, but altogether plain, are worn by inferior Turks, that are not Soldiers, and they cannot be more provoked, then by casting any spot upon their white heads, which they wear as an holy badge of their Religion, placing the purity of the foul for a great part in the outward purity of the body, Tulbent, and garments. All these Tulbents be of pure white; but the greeks and other Christians, aswell subjects as strangers, wear Shasses, that is, striped linen (commonly white and blue), wound about the skirts of a little cap. Such a Shasse myself did wear, costing fifteen Mcidines.  
The Persians wear such Tulbents for the form, but the cloth is of green colour. And the Turks (as I think) called Seriffi, and by others called Hemir, namely, the Kindred or race of Mahomet, (who make great show of hereditary holiness, and are of singular reputation), do not only wear green Tulbents, but all garments of the same colour, yet some of them wear garments of other colours, with a green mark to be known from others. They say, that Mahomet used to wear green garments, whereupon in superstition they only permit this colour to his race; and if any chance to wear a shoestring or garters of that colour, by ignorance of this rite, they will fly upon him, and beat him with cudgels, and if he still wear them, will punish him more severely. Myself ignorant of this rite, passed most part of Turkey, with my doublet lined with green taffeta, but sleeping by nights in my doublet, and hiding the silk, lest they should think me rich; by great chance this error of mine was never detected, till I came to Constantinople, where our Ambassador observing it, and telling me the great cruelty they use towards such as wear any green thing, did much astonish me, yet did I still wear the same, being safe in the privilege of the ambassadors house, till I went into a Venetian ship, to sail into Italy. Besides these hypocrites of Mahomet's race, (for that cause so much respected, as the witness of one of them avails more than of ten common Turks), they have other orders of religious men, whereof the chief, and (as it were) Metropolitan Bishop is called Mophty, whom the Emperor highly respects, and takes counsel of him when he goes to war. Also the Cady is a chief judge of Ecclesiastical causes: And all these wear silk gowns of sky coloured blue, which colour is esteemed next green, and proper to some such orders. And these religious men wear their gowns long to the ground, with close sleeves, and their tulbents are larger, but flatter, than other Turks wear.  
Neither men nor women of the Turks, wear any neck bands or collars, but their gowns are cut close to the lowest part of the neck, and there made fast, so as all the neck is naked. And the gowns of men and women little differ, save that the men have them large, the women close at the breast. They hate the black colour, as infernal, and much used by Christians In general, the men wear a long coat to the knee; and upon it a long gown with gathered sleeves, hanging to the calf of the leg, and buttoned at the breast, and a third longer gown hanging behind to the ground, with sleeves close to the arm. They wear a girdle of silk or linen twice or thrice about the waste, or of fine leather with plates of gold and silver. Their breeches and stockings are of one piece of Kersey, like Irish Trousers, but larger, the stockings hanging loose without any garters. They wear their shirts hanging over their breeches, under which they have linen breeches, which they wear also by night, in stead of sheets: And they pull out their shirts by day, lest they should be spotted by their privy parts, making it a point of religion, to keep their garments clean. Last; they wear red and yellow shoes, of most thin leather, pointed sharp at the toes; and two fingers high at the heel, with pieces of iron under the soles, or else leather buskins; and both these they put off within doors; sitting upon the ground, spread with Carpets, crossing their naked feet like our Tailors. Their upper gown and breeches are commonly of English or Venetian cloth, and many times of satin or damask, or some light stuff: And their coats are loose, and commonly lined with black Conie skins, brought out of England, and much esteemed by them; as being soft, and cool, and keeping out the Sun in a loose garment, and also warm in a close garment. Thus they wear the finest cloth, silks, and stuffs, but not one is found so prodigal or ridiculous, as to wear any lace, and much less to cut any stuff, all wearing them plain, and laughing at our contrary fashions. They have no glooves, and I remember that myself in Syria being poorly attired, yet was taken for a great man, only for wearing gloves. They wear very large handkerchiefs, and wrought all over with silk of light colours, which they hang by their sides about the girdle. They use linen cloth or cotton cloth very thin and fine, but of brown colour, for thinness not unlike our bolting clothes, but most pure and clean, in which they are curious for all things worn about the body. The chief pride of the Turks, is in having the pummels of their Cemeters (or short and broad Swords) set with jewels, which are many times counterfeit, and commonly of small value, and likewise in having good Horses, with bridles and saddles rich and set with like jewels. I never observed any Turks to wear gold Rings or jewels on their fingers, excepting only some Soldiers in Syria, whom I have seen wear great rings of white bone upon their thumbs. But the great men highly esteem Christian jewellers, not to wear the jewels, but rather to have their treasure portable, and easy to be hidden. The Turks wear no Swords in the Cities, but only in the Camp, or in journeys: For janissaries and other Soldiers have such authority without arms, as no man dares resist them so as carrying only a long and heavy cudgel in their hands, one of them will therewith beat multitudes of Turks, like so many dogs: yet the janissaries in Syria wear at their girdles short and heavy Knives, like daggers.  
The Turkish women wear smocks (of which fashion also the men's shirts are) of fine linen, wrought with silk at the wrists, upon the sleeves, and at the skirts; and a long cote of silk, wrought with needlework, and edged, with sleeves close to the arm, and at the breast, with their necks naked. The women's gowns are much like those of the men, for cloth and fashion, and in like sort without lace, and plain without cutting, and open before, so as the smock is seen; and they wear linen breeches as men, by day and night, or else such breeches of cloth, as men wear, and both these open at the knee; and as the men, so likewise the women, have no collar of any garment, but their necks be naked, and the women have Pearls hanging in their ears. But they seldom wear shoes or flockings like men, but commonly Buskins of light colours, adorned with gold and silver, or with jewels if they be of the richer sort, or wines of great men; and these they wear only abroad, for at home their feet be naked, & as men, so they sit cross-legged upon carpets. They weave up their hair in curious knots, & so let them hang at length, & deck the hair with Pearl and buttons of gold, and with jewels & flowers of silk wrought with the needle. The women in Syria cover their heads with little pieces of coined moneys joined together with thread, instead of a linen coif. No Turkish woman, that ever I observed in that vast Empire, at any time goeth forth to buy any thing, or for any business of the family, but when upon other occasions they go forth, than they cover their heads and foreheads with a white vail, their eyes with a black Cipers, and muffle their mouths and necks with white linen, and hide their very hands under their veils, though their hands be all painted over with a red colour, made of an herb, which in the Eastern parts is held a great ornament, so as the very men in some places paint their hands. Also the women, over their garments (be they costly or poor) wear a gown of a dark coloured cloth, which both rich and meaner women all generally use of the same kind of cloth and the same colour, whensoever they go out of the doors, so as thus muffled and covered, they cannot be distinguished in condition or beauty. Neither go they abroad in any pomp to be seen, nor without the leave of their husbands, to whom, and to no other at any time, they show their face open, and their hands unpainted, except they will by immodesty procure their own danger. Under the neck of this gown covering all their apparel, they thrust the end of their white vail hanging down from the hinder part of the head; yet the Greekish women wear this vail loose over that gown. And this singular modesty is attributed to these women, that they blush to come into Market places, or public meetings, or great companies, and are not displeased to be strictly kept at home. Lastly, in respect of their frequent bathing, and their faces covered when they go abroad, and so never open to the Sun, wind, or any ill weather, the Turkish and Greekish women have most delicate bodies, and long preserve their beauties.  
The French, if we respect the time of these late Civil wars, wear light stuffs and woollen cloth, with a doublet close to the body, and large easy breeches, and all things 
France.  rather commodious for use, then brave for ornament; and scoffed at those who came richly attired to the Camp, or wore long hair. But if we consider their apparel before the misery of the said civil wars, we shall find them authors to us English, of wearing long hair, doublets with long bellies to the navel, ruffs hanging down to the shoulders, and breeches puffed as big as a tun, with all like wanton levities'. In time of peace, Gentlemen wear mixed and light colours, and silk garments, laid with silk lace, and satins, commonly razed, and stockings of silk, or of some light stuff, but never woollen or worsted (which only Merchants wear,) and embroidered garments, with great inconstancy in the fashion, and negligently or carelessly, which the Germans call slovenly, because they many times go without hatbands and garters, with their points untrust, and their doubtless unbutned. The sumptuary laws forbid Gentlemen to wear cloth or lace of gold and silver, but when the King proclaims an honourable war against any fortaine Prince, he permits any bravery to his soldiers, yet so, as the war ended, after a fit time to wear out that apparel, they must return to their former attire, except the king be so weak, as he cannot give life to these laws. Aswell men as women commonly wear course linen, and gentlemen's Lacqueis or servants ruffle in plain rags. In general, men and women (excepting Courtiers and some of the Gentry) wear light stuffs, and rather delicate then sumptuous garments. And howsoever the Law forbids to wear silk lace upon silk stuff yet the execution of the Law being neglected, they ever offend more or less, according to the liberty of the time, against this old Law, never yet abolished, but rather in time worn out of respect. Merchants wear black garments of cloth, or light stuffs of silk, commonly after a modest fashion. The Senators wear cloaks and hats (not gowns and caps as ours use), and only the Precedents and Counsellors of Parliaments wear scarlet gowns, and that only at solemn times, as the first day that the Court sits, and all the Procurators daily wear gowns. The Country people commonly used to wear blue cloth, in loose coats and close breeches, with stockings hanging over their shoes. But they have left this fashion, and now for the most part, wear close doublets, and large breeches, with a large coat hanging down to the knees, all of light stuffs made at home, and stockings of course wool. And their wives in like sort attired, have their heads all over-wrapped in linen.  
In general the women, married, cover their heads with a coif or netted cawl. The Gentlewomen bear up their hair on the foreheads with a wire, and upon the back part of the head wear a cap of other hair than their own, over their cawl, and above that they wear a coif of silk, lined with Velvet, and having a peake down the forehead. Or else the Gentlewomen and wives of rich Merchants, with small difference of degree, wear upon their heads a black vail of Cipers, peaked at the forehead, with a velvet hood hanging down behind; only the Gentlewomen wear this hood gathered, and the Merchant's wives plain. Women of inferior sort wear like hoods of cloth, and sometimes of silk, or a light stuff. And some Merchant's wives and women of ordinary condition, wear a white coif of linen (fine or course according to their condition) with certain high and not very comely horns, wreathed up on the forehead. Both men and women lately used falling bands, which the better sort starched, and raised up with wire, showing their necks and breasts naked. But now both more commonly and especially in winter, wear thick ruffs. Gentlewomen and Citizens wives when they go out of doors, wear upon their faces little Masks of silk, lined with fine leather, which they always unpin, and show their face, to any that salutes them. And they use a strange badge of pride, to wear little looking glasses at their girdles. Commonly they go in the streets leaning upon a man's arm. They wear very light gowns, commonly black, and hanging loose at the back, and under it an upper-body close at the breast, with a kirtle of a mixed or light colour, and of some light stuff, laid with many guards, in which sort the women generally are attired They wear sleeves to their gowns borne out with whalebones, and of a differing colour from the gown, which beside hath other loose hanging sleeves cast backward, and aswell the upperbodies as the kirtles, differ from the gown in colour and stuff. And they say, that the sleeves borne up with whalebones, were first invented, to avoid men's familiar touching of their arms. For it was related unto me (I know not how credibly), that by physicians advice the French make issues in their arms for better health, as the Italians use to make them under the knees covered with a close garter of brass. In France as well men as women, use richly to be adorned with jewels. The men wear rings of Diamonds, and broad jewels in their hats, placed upon the root of their feathers. The Ladies wear their jewels commonly at the breast, or upon the left arm, and many other ways; for who can contain the mutable French in one and the same fashion? and they commonly wear chains of Pearl, yea, the very wives of Merchants wear rings of Diamonds, but most commonly chains of bugell and like toys of black colour.  
The Gentlemen have no plate of silver, but some spoons and a salt, much less have they any plate of gold. But the great Lords or Princes eat in silver dishes, and use basons and ewers of silver, and no other kind of plate, using always to drink in glasses, and each several man to have a glass by himself.  
Caesar reports that the old Britan's were appareled in skins and wore long hair, 
England.  with the beard all shaven, but the upper lip. Now the English in their apparel are become more light than the lightest French, and more sumptuous than the proudest Persians. More light I say then the French, because with singular inconstancy they have in this one age worn out all the fashions of France and all the Nations of Europe, and tired their own inventions, which are no less busy in finding out new and ridiculous fashions, then in scraping up money for such idle expenses: yea, the Tailors and Shopkeepers daily invent fantastical fashions for hats, and like new fashions and names for stuffs. Some may think that I play the Poet, in relating wonderful but incredible things, but men of experience know that I write with historical truth. That the English by God's goodness abounding at home with great variety of things to be worn, are not only not content therewith, and not only seek new garments from the furthest East, but are beside so light and vain, as they suffer themselves to be abused by the English Merchants, who nourishing this general folly of their Countrymen, to their own gain, daily in foreign parts cause such new colours and stuff to be made, as their Masters send painted out of England to them, teaching strangers to serve our lightness with such inventions as themselves never knew before. For this cause the English of greater modesty in apparel, are forced to cast off garments before they be worn, since it is the law of nature, that every man may eat after his own appetite, but must wear his apparel after the vulgar fashion, except he will look like an old picture in cloth of Arras. I have heard a pleasant fable, that jupiter sent a shower, wherein whosoever was wet, became a fool; and that all the people were wet in this shower, excepting one Philosopher, who kept his study: but in the evening coming forth into the market place, and finding that all the people mocked him as a fool, who was only wise, was forced to pray for another like shower, that he might become a fool, and so live quietly among fools, rather than bear the envy of his wisdom. This happens to many wise men in our age, who wearing apparel of old and good fashion, are by others so mocked for proud and obstinate fools, till at last they are forced to be foolish with the fools of their time. The English I say are more sumptuous than the Persians, because despising the golden mean, they affect all extremities. For either they will be attired in plain cloth and light stuffs, (always provided that every day without difference their hats be of Beaver, their shirts and bands of the finest linen, their daggers and swords guilded, their garters and shoe roses of silk, with gold or silver lace, their stockings of silk wrought in the seams with silk or gold, and their cloaks in Summer of silk, in Winter at least all lined with velvet), or else they daily wear sumptuous doublets and breeches of silk or velvet, or cloth of gold or silver, so laid over with lace of gold or silk, as the stuffs (though of themselves rich) can hardly be seen. The English and French have one peculiar fashion, which I never observed in any other part, namely to wear scabbards and sheaths of velvet upon their rapiers and daggers: For in France very Notaries use them in the Cities, and ride upon their footecloaths, or in Coaches (both hired), and in England men of mean sort use them. In the time of Queen Elizabeth the Courtiers delighted much in dark colours, both simple and mixed, and did often wear plain black stuffs; yet that being a brave time of war, they, together with our Commanders, many times wore light colours, richly laced and embroidered, but the better sort of Gentlemen then esteemed simple light colours to be less comely, as red and yellow, only white excepted, which was then much worn in Court. Now in this time of King james his Reign, those simple light colours have been much used.  
If I should begin to set down the variety of fashions and foreign stuffs brought into England in these times, I might seem to number the stars of Heaven and sands of the Sea. I will only add, that the English in great excess affect the wearing of jewels and Diamond Rings, scorning to wear plain gold rings, or chains of gold, the men seldom or never wearing any chains, and the better sort of women commonly wearing rich chains of pearl, or else the light chains of France, and all these jewels must be oriental and precious, it being disgraceful to wear any that are counterfeit. In like manner among the better sort of Gentlemen and Merchants, few are sound, who have not cupboards of silver and gold plate, to the value of two hundred pounds at the least. And if a feast last longer than one day, they seldom use the same plate of silver or guilded: yea, not only the great Lords, but the better sort of Knights and Gentlemen, use to eat in silver dishes. And whereas the French and Italians use to drink in glasses, and have few vessels, no pots or boles of silver, and the Germans drink in pewter or stone pots, having little or no plate; most of the householders in England of any reasonable condition, drink in silver: yet howsoever the Gentlemen are served with pots and boles of silver, they rather delight to drink in glasses of Venice, only the common sort using other kinds of glasses.  
In the general pride of England there is no fit difference made of degrees; for very Bankrupts, Players, and Cutpurses, go appareled like Gentlemen. Many good Laws have been made against this Babylonian confusion, but either the Merchants buying out the penalty, or the Magistrates not inflicting punishments, have made the multitude of Laws hitherto unprofitable. Like 〈◊〉 is the excess of all ages and sexes, but (God be thanked) not of all particular orders; for only the Merchants and Students of the Universities, with great comeliness, and no less neatness, are appareled in light stuffs, or silk or cloth of grave colours, and much keep their old fashions, or at least are not curiously addicted to new. The wives of Merchants, though little yielding to others in pride or expense, yet have long used, and still retain a decent attire, with little or no inconstancy in the fashion. They wear a gown of some light stuff or silk gathered in the back, and girded to the body with a girdle, and decked with many guards at the skirt, with which they wear an apron before them, of some silk or stuff, or fine linen. They wear upon their heads a coif of fine linen, with their hair raised a little at the forehead, and a cap of silk, or a little hat of beaver, yet without fit difference of estate or condition, and some wear light French chains and necklaces of pearl. The graver sort of Citizens wear gowns and caps, others wear hats and cloaks, and their prentices cloaks and caps. No Citizens wear any swords in the City. At public meetings the Aldermen of London wear Scarlet gowns, and their wives a close gown of scarlet laid with guards of black velvet.  
Husbandmen wear garments of course cloth, made at home, and their wives wear gowns of the same cloth, kirtles of some light stuff, with linen aprons, and cover their heads with a linen coif, and a high felt hat, and in general their linen is course, and made at home.  
Gentlewomen virgins wear gowns close to the body, and aprons of fine linen, and go bareheaded, with their hair curiously knotted, and raised at the forehead, but many against the cold (as they say) wear caps of hair that is not their own, decking their heads with buttons of gold, pearls, and flowers of silk, or knots of ribben. They wear fine linen, and commonly falling bands, and often ruffs, both starched, and chains of pearl about the neck, with their breasts naked. The graver sort of married women used to cover their head with a French-hood of Velvet, set with a border of gold buttons and pearls: but this fashion is now left, and they most commonly wear a coif of linen, and a little hat of beaver or felt, with their hair somewhat raised at the forehead. Young married Gentlewomen sometimes go bare headed, as virgins, decking their hair with jewels, and silk ribbens, but more commonly they use the foresaid linen coif and hats. All in general, wear gowns hanging loose at the back, with a Kittle and close upper-body, of silk or light stuff, but have lately left the French sleeves borne out with hoops of whalebone, and the young married Gentlewomen no less than the Virgins, show their breasts naked.  
The servants of Gentlemen were wont to wear blue coats, with their Master's badge of silver on the left sleeve: but now they most commonly wear cloaks guarded with lace, all the servants of one family wearing the same livery for colour and ornament; and for the rest, are appareled with no less pride and inconstancy of fashion then other degrees.  
The Husbandmen in Scotland, the servants, and almost all in the Country did wear course cloth made at home, of grey or sky colour, and flat blue caps very broad. The Merchants in Cities were attired in English or French cloth, of pale colour or mingled black and blue. The Gentlemen did wear English cloth, or silk, or light stuffs, little or nothing adorned with silk lace, much less with lace of silver or gold, and all followed at this time the French fashion, especially in Court. Gentlewomen married did wear close upper bodies, after the Germane manner, with large whalebone sleeves after the French manner, short cloaks like the Germans, French hoods, and large falling bands about their necks. The unmarried of all sorts did go bareheaded, and wear short cloaks, with most closelinnen sleeves on their arms, like the Virgins of Germany. The inferior sort of Citizen's wives, and the women of the Country, did wear cloaks made of a course stuff, of two or three colours in Chequer work, vulgarly called Plodan. To conclude, in general they would not at this time be attired after the English fashion in any sort, but the men, especially at Court, follow the French fashion, and the women, both in Court and City, as well in cloaks, as naked heads, and close sleeves on the arms, and all other garments, follow the fashion of the women in Germany.  
In Ireland the English and the English Irish are attired after the English manner, 
Ireland.  for the most part, yet not with such pride and inconstancy, perhaps for want of means: yet the English Irish forgetting their own Country, are somewhat infected with the Irish rudeness, and with them are delighted in simple light colours, as red and yellow. And in like sort the degenerated Citizens are somewhat infected with the Irish filthiness, as well in lousy beds, foul sheets, and all linen, as in many other particulars; but as well in diet as apparel, the Citizens of Dublyn most of all other, and the Citizens of Waterford and Galloway in some good measure, retain the English cleanliness. Touching the mere or wild Irish, it may truly be said of them, which of old was spoken of the Germans, namely, that they wander slovenly and naked, and lodge in the same house (if it may be called a house,) with their beasts. Among them the Gentlemen or Lords of Countries, wear close breeches and stockings of the same piece of cloth, of red or such light colour, and a loose coat, and a cloak or three cornered mantle, commonly of course light stuff made at home, and their linen is course and slovenly. I say slovenly, because they seldom put off a shirt till it be worn: And these shirts in our memory before the last Rebellion, were made of some twenty or thirty else, folded in wrinkles, and coloured with saffron to avoid lousiness, incident to the wearing of foul linen. And let no man wonder, that they are lousy, for never any barbarous people were found in all kinds more slovenly than they are, and nothing is more common among them, then for the men to lie upon the women's laps on green hills, till they kill their louse, with a strange nimbleness, proper to that Nation. Their said breeches are so close, as they expose to full view, not only the noble, but also the shameful parts, yea they stuff their shirts about their privy parts, to expose them more to the view.  
Their wives living among the English, are attired in a sluttish gown, to be fastened at the breast with a lace, and in a more sluttish mantel, and more sluttish linen, and their heads be covered after the Turkish manner, with many else of linen, only the Turkish heads or Tulbents are round in the top: but the attire of the Irish women's heads, is more flat in the top and broader on the sides, not much unlike a cheese mot, if it had a hole to put in the head. For the rest, in the remote parts where the English Laws and manners are unknown, the very chief of the Irish, as well men as women, go naked in very Winter time, only having their privy parts covered with a rag of linen, and their bodies with a loose mantel, so as it would turn a man's stomach to see an old woman in the morning before breakfast. This I speak of my own experience, yet remember that the foresaid Bohemian Baron, coming out of Scotland to us by the North parts of the wild Irish, told me in great earnestness, (when I attended him at the Lord Deputies command,) that he coming to the house of Ocane a great Lord among them, was met at the door with sixteen women, all naked excepting their loose mantles; whereof eight or ten were very fair, and two seemed very Nymphs: with which strange sight his eyes being dazzled, they led him into the house, and there sitting down by the fire, with crossed legs like Tailors, and so low as could not but offend chaste eyes, desired him to set down with them. Soon after Ocane the Lord of the Country came in all naked excepting a loose mantle, and shoes, which he put off assoon as he came in, and entertaining the Baron after his best manner in the Latin tongue, desired him to put off his apparel, which he thought to be a burden to him, and to sit naked by the fire with this naked company. But the Baron when he came to himself after some astonishment at this strange right, professed that he was so inflamed therewith, as for shame he durst not put off his apparel.  
These Rogues in Summer thus naked bear their arms, girding their swords to them by a with in stead of a girdle. To conclude, men and women, at night going to sleep, lie thus naked in a round circle about the fire, with their feet towards it, and as I formerly said, treating of their diet, they fold their heads and upper parts in their woollen mantles, first steeped in water, to keep them warm. For they say that woollen cloth wetted, preserves heat, (as linen wetted preserves cold) when the smoke of their bodies hath warmed the woollen cloth.   

CHAP. III. Of the Germans, and Bohemians Commonwealth, under which title I contain an Historical introduction; the Prince's pedigrees, and Courts, the present state of things, the tributes and revenues, the military state for Horse, Foot, and Navy, the Courts of justice, rare Laws, more specially the Laws of inheritance, and of women's Dowries, the capital judgements, and the diversity of degrees in Family and Commonwealth.  
COnstantine the great made Emperor about the year 306, 
The historocall introduction.  removed his seat from Rome to Constantinople, and at his death divided the Empire among his children. And howsoever the Empire was after sometimes united in the person of one Prince for his reign, yet it could never be again established in one body, but was most commonly divided into the Eastern and Western Empires. In the time of Augustulus Emperor of the West, the remote Countries of the Empire recovered their liberty by the sword, and barbarous Nations in great armies, invaded the Empire, till they possessed Italy, so as this Emperor was forced to depose his Imperial dignity about the year 476. And thus the Western Empire ceased, till Charles the great, King of France, about the year 774 subdued the Lombard's, and was at Rome saluted Emperor of the West by Pope Leo the third, and the Princes of Italy. From which time the Empires of the East and West, of old divided by inheritance among brothers and Kinsmen, had no more any mutual right of succession, but began to be severally governed. Histories write, that Charles the great, King of France, was descended of the Germans, and that all Gallia Transalpina (that is beyond the Alps) and upper Germany, as far as Hungary, were by a common name called France, only divided into Eastern and Western France. And the divers Nations of Germany, formerly governed by their Kings and Dukes, were at this time first united under this Charles the great. About the year 911. Conrade the first, jon to the Duke of Franconia (a large Province of Germany), was first out of the race of Charles the great saluted Emperor of the West, by the Princes of Germany, though Charles the Simple, and others of the race of Charles the great, still reigned France to the year 988, yet with less reputation than their progenitors had, and troubled with many confusions. Thus Germany dividing itself from France, drew to itself the Empire of the West, whereof in our age it retaineth rather the shadow then the old glory. Four Dukes of Saxony succeeded Conrade in this Empire, and in the time of Otho the third Duke of Saxony and Emperor, contrary to the former custom, whereby the Emperors succeeded by right of blood, or the last testament of the deceased Emperor, or by the consent of the Princes of Germany, the election of the Emperor was in the year 984 established hereditary to seven Princes of Germany, called Electors, by a law made by the Emperor and the Pope. From that time the Empire hath remained in Germany, with free election, yet so as they most commonly therein respected the right of blood, in which respect the house of Austria hath long continued in the possession of the Empire. And the Emperors of Germany for many ages, by this right governed Italy, and received their Crown at Rome, till wearied and worn out by the treacheries of the Popes, and forced to bear the public burden upon their private revenues, they were made unable to support their former dignity. For these causes Rodulphus of Habsburg of the house of Austria chosen Emperor in the year 1273, first laid aside all care of foreign matters. Then the riches of the Emperors daily decreasing, and the riches of inferior Princes no less increasing, the Emperors in process of time, for great sums of money, sold liberty and absolute power to the Princes and Dukes of Italy and Germany, yea, their very right of investing, to the Princes of Italy.  
Most of the Cities in netherlands, and all the Cantons of the Sweitzers, were of old subject to the Germane Emperors, till by the dissensions between them and the Popes, they found means to gain their liberties. Of old ninety six greater Cities thus made free, still acknowledged the Emperor in some sort: but after many of them, leagued with the Sweitzers and Netherlanders, quite forsook the Emperor, many of the rest, and many less Cities, either pawned to Princes for money borrowed, or given to Princes for their good service to the Emperors in their wars, became subject to divers Princes by the emperors consent: so as at this day there be only sixty Cities, all seated in Germany, which are called Free and Imperial Cities, having absolute power within themselves; and howsoever these in a sort acknowledge the Emperor their chief Lord, yet they little or not at all fear or respect his weak power.  
Hitherto the Roman Bishops, not enduring a superior Lord, first cast the Emperors of the East out of Italy, and after by all means weakened their power, till Mahumet the second Emperor of the Turks, about the year 1453, swallowed that Empire within his foul jaws. Hitherto the said Bishops, that they might reign alone, sometimes bewitched the barbarous Kings, which had destroyed the Empire of the West, and then reigned in Italy, for Religion's sake to promote the Church of Rome, and at other times oppressed them with open treacheries, till they had conferred the Kingdom of Lombardy and the Empire of the West upon Charles the Great, King of France. Hitherto the same Bishops, for the same causes, had troubled the Empire of the West with Civil dissensions, till at last Italy (as I said) having bought liberty of the Emperors, and the said Germane Emperors containing themselves at home, (for no Emperor after the said Rodulphus of Habsburg, but only Lodowick the Bavarian, did ever lead any Army into Italy), they now thought good to rage no more against this dejected Empire, but rather to cherish it, converting themselves wholly to bring all Christian Kings under their yoke. And now the Turkish Emperors began to threaten ruin to the Germane Empire, and in very Germany, the Pope's stage, where they had played their bloody parts, by continual raising of civil wars, the reformation of Religion began freshly to spring, and to pull the borrowed plumes of the Popes. Therefore the Emperors from that time to this our age, have been wholly busied in resisting the Turks, and composing the domestical differences of Religion.  
And from the same time forward, the Court of Rome was continually distracted with the factions of France and Spain, till the Popes, skilful to use the ambitious discussions of Princes to their own profit and greatness, made them all subject to the Roman yoke. And the Kings on the contrary laboured nothing more, then to have the Pope on their party, at whose beck all Christendom was governed, to which end they gave large bribes to the Cardinals, who had now assumed to themselves the election of the Popes. To conclude, the Popes to make their own power transcendent, kept the power of the Princes in equal balance, by sowing dissensions among them, and favouring now one now the other party, till for scare of the reformed Religion now also springing in France, they could no longer keep this equality, but were forced to forsake the Kings of France distracted with civil wars, and to advance the Kings of Spain, as protectors of the Church, whose Clients at last got the power to govern all things in Rome at their pleasure: And the Spaniard at this time distracted abroad with the French and English wars, and besieged at home with the power of the Jesuits and religious men, seemed less to be feared by the Romans in that respect, as likewise the Kings of Spain doubted not to maintain the awful authority of the Popes, which they knew must always be favourable to their designs, as well for the protection which they gave to the Roman Church, against the reformed Religion, as for that the massy gold of Spain, bore so great sway in the Colleague of the Cardinals, that by strange success, the Pope's less inclined to the Spanish faction, were soon taken away by untimely death. To omit many other, I will only mention Pope Sixtus Quintus, who lived happily in that Chair, so long as he favoured Spain, but assoon as he was thought to decline from that faction, and when he saw a white Mule presented him for the tribute of the Neapolitan Kingdom, was said to weep, that so little a Mule should be given for so great a Kingdom: he lived not long after, but suddenly vanished away. At Rome are two Images called Pasquin and Marphorius, upon which libels use to be fixed: And of late when the Pope by the mediation of the King of France, had made peace with the Venetians, contrary to the liking of the King of Spain, a white sheet of paper was fixed on Pasquin, and another demanding what that paper ment was fixed on Marphorius, and a third paper was fixed on Pasquin, answering, that the clean paper was for the Pope to make his last Will and Testament, as if he could not live long, having offended the Spanish faction. Yet in our age the Kings of France, after the civil wars appeased, began to recover their former power in the Roman Court: but I leave these things as somewhat straying from my purpose, and return to the affairs of Germany.  
In the said Family of Austria, the Western Empire hath grown old and weak, 
The House of Austria.  by little and little from that time to this our age: For howsoever the Emperor Charles the fifth of the said Family, heir to eight and twenty Kingdoms, in respect he was borne at Gant in netherlands, and so reputed a Germane, was chosen Emperor in the year 1519, by the Electors, rejecting the King of France Francis the first, as a stranger, and at that time the power of this Emperor seemed fearful to the Italians, at the first blush: yet the Pope of Rome in the Triumuirall war of England, France, & Spain, did with such art support the weaker part, and by contrary motions in one and the same cause, so favoured now one, now the other side, and so dispensed with the breaking of oaths on the part they took, as while the power of these Kings was weakened by mutual wars, Italy in the mean time received small or no damage. True it is, that Charles the fifth by subtle art and open force, had almost subdued Germany distracted by dissensions of religion, & had almost brought the free Empire into the form of a subdued Province, till Mauritius Elector of Saxony, obtained help of the King of France Henry the second, who came with a great Army to the confines of the Empire, professing himself the Champion of the German liberty. At which time Mauritius besieging Magdeburg with the emperors army, received that City into the protection of the Empire and of himself, and lest he might seem to deal perfidiously with the Emperor, if he should assail him with forces under his own pay, dismissed the whole Army, yet so, as himself presently entertained in his own pay the greatest part thereof, willing to serve him: And with these forces he so speedily came to Insprucke, where the Emperor than lay, as his sudden repair made the Emperor hastily fly out of the Empire into Italy. Thus Mauritius caused the captive Princes of the reformed religion to be set at liberty, gave peace to the reformed religion, and restored liberty to the oppressed Empire: And how soever he cunningly had advanced himself and his posterity, by the dejection of his own kinsmen suffering for the reformed religion and for the liberty of the Empire, yet he repaired the public losses of his Religion, and of his Country. But they who more judicially observed the affairs of this age, confess that nothing hath more kept the house of Austria from subduing the West, than those of the same House. For the foresaid confident proceeding of Mauritius, was caused by the distrusts and jealousies between Charles the fifth and his brother Ferdinand, springing from the following cause, namely that Charles the elder brother, to the end that he might keep the Empire in his own Family, had caused his brother Ferdinand, at Colen in the year 1531, to be chosen King of the Romans, (so they call him that is chosen in the emperors life to succeed him) hoping that when his son Philip should come to age, his brother for some increase of his patrimony, would be induced to surrender his right in the Empire: But Ferdinand at this time having had large offers made him to resign the same, could not be induced to do that wrong to his children: And because he suspected that Charles the Emperor might force him thereunto, he is said to have gladly borne the adverse fortune of his said brother, and all troubles rising against him, yea, (if men of experience may be believed) to have himself encouraged Mauritius to the foresaid attempt. Therefore Charles failing of his hope, and for age and weariness of the World, retiring himself to a private life in a Monastery of Spain, in the year 1558, his brother Ferdinand took possession of the Empire, which remaineth to this day in his posterity, the Electors always using to respect the right of blood, in choosing the new Emperor. And under their poor estate and unwarlike minds, the Empire at this day languisheth like a spark lapped in ashes: And the Popes held for Gods upon earth, have no more feared the Emperor's authority, but rather supported it against the reformed religion, and the invasions of the Turks, the Emperors always acknowledging this unprofitable servant of their Progenitors for their Benefactor and spiritual Father. The Emperor Rodolphus at this time living, is of the House of Austria, whose pedigree I will set down. The first Family of the House of Austria gave many Emperors 
The Empe rours' pedigree.  to Germany, but that was extinguished in Conradine the son of Frederick, few years before Rodolphus of Habspurg, came to the Empire, who is the root of this second Family of Austria.  

Rodulphus of Habsburg, of the House of Austria, was chosen Emperor in the year 1273.  
Albert the first, Heir of the Dukedoms of Austria, Stiria, and Carniola, (after his Father had subdued the Kingdom of Bohemia, & joined it to the Empire), was chosen Emperor, and died in the year 1308. 

Rodulphus Duke of Austria died in the year 1308.  
Frederick made Duke of Suenia and Morania by the emperors gift, died in the year 1330.  
Leopold Duke of Austria.  
Albert the second, Count of tyrol by the Marriage of his Son to the Niece of the King of Bohemia, died in the year 1359. 

Albert the third, Duke of Austria, died in the year 1395. 

Albert the fifth, Emperor, and by marriage of the Daughter of the Emperor Sigismond, made King of Hungaria and of Bohemia, died in the year 1439. 

Frederick the third, Emperor died in the year 1493. 

Maximilian the first, Emperor, after the death of Mathias King of Hungary, recovered that Kingdom, which he had usurped, then retaining to himself the right of succession yielded it to Ladrslaus, and marrying the daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy made that Dukedom, and all the Provinces of netherlands hereditary to the House of Austria. He died in the year 1519. 

Philip marrying the Daughter of Ferdinand King of Spain, became Heir to those Kingdoms, and died young before his Father, in the year 1506. 

Charles the fifth, Emperor, died in the year 1558. 

By his Wife Isabel, daughter to the King of Portugal. 

Philip, King of Spain. 

This is the first Family of the Archdukes of Austria, to this day reigning in Spain.  
Philip King of Spain, borne of Anne of Austria in the year 1578.  
Two sisters, Catherin-borne of Isabel of Valoss, wife to the Duke of Sanoy; and Isabel Clara Eugenia wife to archduke Albert, and borne of Anne of Austria.  
By Anne of Austria. 

james died of nine years of age.  
Ferdinand died a child.    
Charles Dentatus, by Marie of Portugal, by his Father's permission, put to death by the Inquisition anno, 1568.    
Ferdinand died an Infant.  
Two Sisters, Marry, wife to the Emperor Maximilian the second; and jone, wife to the King of Fortugall.    
By jone his concubine 

Don ivan, Victor of the Turks in naval fight, dying an. 1578.  
jone, wife to the Duke of Florence; Marry, wife to the Duke of Parma.      
Four Daughters, Elinora married to Francis the first, King of France, died ann. 1558. Isabel, wife to the King of Denmark, died ann. 1525. Marry, wife to the King of Hungary, & after governing netherlands, died ann. 1558. Catherine, wife to the King of Portugal.  
Ferdinand Emperor after the unhappy death of Lodonicus King of Hungary, in a battle against the Turks, in the year 1526, by the right of his wife, sister and heir to 〈◊〉, & the said contract made by Maximilian I, Emperor, was crowned King of Hungary, and also by his said wives right K. of Bohemia, & died anno 1564. 

Maximilian the second, Emperor, married to Mary, sister to Philip King of Spain, died anno 1576. 

This is the second Family of the archdukes of Austria, to this day succeeding in the Empire of Germany.  
Ferdinand died a child in the year 1552.  
Rodulp. 2 of that name, and the eighth Emperor of this Family, chosen King of the Romans, 1575., Emperor 1576. succeeding King of Hungary, 1572, King of Bohemia 1575. He was at this time Emperor, and lived unmarried.  
3. Son Ernestus governed netherlands, and died unmarried.  
4. Matthew, unmarried.  
5. Maximilian, unmarried.  
6. Albert surrendered his Cardinal's Hat, married Isabel daughter to the K. of Spain, and governs netherlands, but hath no children.  
7. Wencestaus. 8. Frederick. 9 Carolus, all three died young.  
Four sisters, Anna, married to the King of Spain, anno 1563, died anno 1580. Elizabeth married to Charles the 9, King of France, anno 1570. Mary & Margaret died young.    
Five sisters, Elizabeth married to the King of Poland, died an. 1545. Anne wife to the Duke of Bavaria; Marry wife to the Duke of Cleve. Magdalen unmarried, and Catherine wife to the Duke of Mantua, and after to the King of Poland.  
Ferdinand of Ispruck, so called of that City, wherein he holds his Court. He married the daughter of the Duke of Mantua, by whom he had some daughters, but no heir male. But by a Citizen's daughter of Augsburg his wife, he had two sons. 

This is the third Family of the archdukes, called of Ispruch, the City wherein they live.  
Charles Marquis of Burgh.  
Andrew a Cardinal.    
john died a child.  
Six sisters, Leonora, wife to the Duke of Mantua. Barbara, wife the Duke of Feraria. Margareta, Ursula, Helena, and joanna.  
Charles of Gratz, so called of that City where he held his Court. He is the fourth son of the Emperor Ferdinand by Marie, the daughter of the Duke of Bavaria. He begat twelve children, and dying in the year 1519, left two sons, besides divers daughters. 

This is the fourth Family of the archdukes of Austria, called Zu Gratz, of that City wherein they hold their Court.  
Ferdinand zu Gratz.  
Carolus Posthumus.        
Margeret governed netherlands and died in the year 1530.          
Leopold the second, Duke of Austria, died in the year 1386.  
Frederick proscribed in the Counsel at Constantia, died in the year 1440. 

Sigismond died in the year 1497.    
Ernestus of Iron, died in the year 1435. 

Ladislaus Posthumus, King of Bohemia (under George Pochibraccius his Tutor), and King of Hungary, (under john Huniades Tutorage) died in the year 1457.         
Thus I have showed, that besides the branch of the House of Austria now reigning 
The house of Austria.  in Spain, there remain three branches thereof in Germany, the first of the Emperor Rodolphus and his brethren Ernestus (dying in his life time) Mathias and Maximilianus and Albertus, Whereof four lived unmarried, the fifth named Albertus hath long been married, but hath no child. The second branch is that of Ferdinand of Ispruch, waa married Philippina the daughter of a Citizen in Augsburg, whereupon his kinsmen difdaining that her ignoble Issue should inherit with them, forced him to agree, that the County of tyrol should not descend upon his son, whereupon his eldest son by her named Charles, possesseth only the City and territory of Burgh, (which was in his Father's power to give) with title of the marquess of Burgh, and the said County at the Father's death fell back to the Emperor. His second son Andrew Cardinal of Brixia, besides the spiritual possessions of that County, hath also the Bishopric of Costnetz in Suevia: But Ferdinand, of his second wife daughter to the Duke of Mantua, had some daughters, but no heir male. The third branch is of Charles of Gratz, who besides his heirs males, left eight daughters, whereof one is now married to Sigismond King of Poland by election, and of Suecia by inheritance, the second to the Prince of Transiluania, the third to Philip King of Spain.  
The Emperor by right of his own inheritance, (not of the Empire) is Lord of many and large Provinces, namely, King of Hungary, King of Bohemia, with the annexed 
The emperors Dominions.  most fertile Provinces, of Moravia, Silesia, and Lusatia. Also towards the Alps he hath by Inheritance many large Provinces, gotten by his Progenitors, (as appears by his Pedigree), namely, the Archdukedome of Austria, the Provinces of Styria, Carinthia, Carmola, Tyroll, and other large territories in Suevia and Alsatia, besides great jurisdictions among the Sweitzers called the Grysons.  
Ferdinand the Emperor, brother to the Emperor Charles the fifth, married the sister 
Bohemia.  and heir of Lodovicus King of Hungary and Bohemia, and after the unhappy death of Lodovicus, killed in the field by the Turks, in the year 1526, was chosen King of Bohemia, which Kingdom with the Empire, descended to his heirs. And this Kingdom is exempted from the Parliaments and Contributions of Germany, by a privilege granted by Charles the fourth Emperor, and King of Bohemia, of whom the Germans complain, as more respecting Bohemia then the Empire. In which point he is less to be taxed, because howsoever that Kingdom freely elects their Kings, yet the heir is therein always respected before any other, and being an Infant, yet is commonly chosen King, with a Tutor for his Nonage. The three States of Barons, Knights, and Citizens, choose the King; but Ferdinand the Emperor in his life time, caused his son Maximilian to be chosen King. In like manner this Emperor Rodolphus was chosen King of Bohemia, and also King of Hungaria, while his Father lived: And howsoever he being unmarried, hath less care of his Successor, yet custom and the public good have such force, as Bohemia seems hereditary to the House of Austria, either for fear of so great a Family bordering upon the Kingdom, or because they justly triumph to have the Emperors sent at Prage, the cuecfe City of Bohemia, especially since no Prince out of that Family is able to bear the burden of the Empire, if they observe the Law, binding the Electors to choose an Emperor among the Princes borne in Germany. As the said three States choose the King, so they choose a Viceroy for life, to govern the Kingdom at the King's death, and to be one of the Electors as King of Bohemia, at the choice of the Emperor, dead in the same person. Yet commonly before this time, wherein the unmarried Emperor neglects the succession, the Germans were wont while the Emperor lived, to choose his successor, entitled King of the Romans: At this time the Baron of Rosenburg was Viceroy of Bohemia for life, who held his Court near Lintz upon the confines of Austria, and was said to have the keeping of the King's Crown, in a Castle called Carlstein.  
Touching Hungary, it had the name of the people called the Hunns, who under 
Hungary.  their King Geysa, received the Christian Religion: his son Stephen was chosen King in the year 1002, from whom in order many Kings have been chosen, so as due respect was always had of the eldest sons to the deceased, who sometimes refused, did stir up civil wars. King Andrew about the year 1230, first gave great privileges to the Nobility, which their Kings to this day have used to confirm, as soon as they were elected. King Vladislaus in the year 1490, first joined the Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary together, whose son Lodovicus perished in the unhappy battle against the Turks in the year 1526: At which time Ferdinand of the House of Austria, brother to the Emperor Charles the fifth, and successor to him in the Empire, was chosen King of Hungary, as well by the covenant which the Emperor Maximilian the first made with Mathias Huniades, as by the right of his wife, being sister and heir to the said Lodovicus, and he caused his son Maximilian the second, to be chosen King in his life time, as his son Rodolphus at this time Emperor, was chosen King ' while his Father lived: and under them, through civil dissensions, and the fearful neighbourhood of the great Turk, great part of this Kingdom hath been subdued by that Tyrant, and for the rest, the Emperor Rodolphus, to the great reproach of the Empire, was forced to send yearly tribute to Constantinople, till the free Cities of Germany slacking to pay this tribute, the Great Turk took that wished occasion to make war against the Christians, and finding none weaker to resist him then the Emperor, hath in our age horribly wasted Hungary, and subdued the greatest part of that Kingdom. The said tribute was said to be seven tons of gold each three years, as I have heard by grave and learned men, but I know not how conversant in matters of State.  
Rodolphus the Emperor was of a middle stature, somewhat corpulent, with a ruddy 
The Emperor and his Court.  but sour countenance, a short thick beard, and brown coloured hair: At that time mourning for his dead sister, he wore black garments of small price: He was said to love solitariness, and to exercise the Arts of Alchumy and Painting. He was most easy of access, and very affable, so as every man spoke to him with small reverence, and in the Chamber of Presence the Courtiers and strangers gave no reverence to the Chair of Estate, the Sword, and the Sceptre, but stood by with their heads covered, yea, laid their hands or leaned upon the cushion, without any ceremony of reverence. He was esteemed sparing of speech, and liberal in his nature, so as he rewarded his Courtiers honourably, though slowly, for want of money, which made him not able to show any magnificence. Nothing was more common in every man's mouth, as well German as Bohemian, then that he was much addicted to the warfare of Venus, bearing in his body strange scars and privy maims thereof, but abhorred from the war of Mars.  
At Vienna I did see Ernestus and Mathias, brothers to the Emperor, eating at one Table together, for they admit all subjects and strangers to come into the room where they eat, at the times of dinner and supper. Before the archdukes came in, all stood with their heads covered: Then the Carver making himself ready to serve at the Table, laid his hat upon the Chair of Estate, contrary to our English manner, who give reverence to that Chair, though our Princes be absent. When the archdukes sat down at Table, all the standers by bended their knees: They both sat on one side, with their backs to the wall, and each had a Fool to stand by him, one at the Tables end, another on the opposite side, to whom with their own hands they gave largely to eat, which they greedily devoured. The two archdukes did both together feed on spoonemeates: For other dishes liking either of them, each called for them by a beck or dumb sign, and so refused other: but if any one dish liked them both, it was first set before Ernestus, and after before Mathias. Both had one taster, but each had his Cupbearer. They spoke not a word one to the other, or to any attending, and Ernestus did swallow his drink, Mathias did sip it. Ernestus was somewhat like the Emperor his brother, save that his hair was blacker, and his countenance more warlike. Mathias was very slender with a more effeminate face, and a thin or no beard, and whitish hair: Their apparel was nothing less than sumptuous. These brothers of the Emperor, had no possessions of inheritance allotted unto them, but were content to have their expenses borne by the Emperor.  
Many Pensioners lived in the emperors Court, but few had diet and lodging therein. The Emperor had one hundred Hascheres, to whom he gave for diet to each twelve Rhenish gulden's by the month, and for apparel to each four & twenty gulden's by the year. He had one hundred for his Guard, (called Trabantoes), of which each one had eight gulden's by the month for his diet, and if any one of them had served ten years, to him the Emperor used to give a pension above his wages, granted for life, and to dispose them in Monasteries when they grew old and unfit for service. Ten Hascheres and twelve Trabantoes attended each day, and watched the night in the Court, who for that time had at the emperors charge plenty of bread and wine. Many Gentlemen had pensions to keep Horses, to the number of some 1500, and for each Horse they were allowed ten guldens by the month: but these stipends being paid but once in two years, and then not fully, they kept not these Horses at all times in full number, but only when they heard that the payment was like to be made, & because they were so paid, the officers never mustered them but at that time. Some few had diet and lodging in the Court, as 6 Gentlemen of the Chamber, whereof each had a pension of forty gulden's by the month, and six under them, who had twenty gulden's by the month. Likewise sixty Truxes, who had each a Pension of thirty gulden's, and sixty Horsemen called Hofdiener (that is, Servants at Court), who were allowed for each horse (as I formetly said) ten Rhenish gulden's by the month, and no man had allowance for more than three horses. Likewise a Master of the Wardrobe had twenty gulden's, and a controller had the like pension. Sixteen Boys, the sons of Gentlemen were Pages to the Emperor, to whom he gave apparel and diet in the Court. The very chief Counsellors had yearly pensions from the Emperor. He had three Favourites, a Bohemian Baron of the Popells, the Lord of Firstemburg a German, and Rumpf a Gentleman of Ausirta, who was in chief grace with him, and was said to have a pension of five hundred Dollars by the month, and to have received by gift in the space of one year eighty thousand gold gulden's. The wages and pensions were very uncertainly paid, so as the Courtiers used diligently to observe, when the revenue of any Province was brought in, that by such opportunity they might get part of the money due to them. But when the emperors coffers were full, these payments were easily obtained, so as I have known forty thousand collars distributed for wages, and Pensions at one time. The Emperor had five stables, and in one sixty heavy horses of Germany, in the second twenty Spanish Genets, and in the other three 60 foreign horses of the best races.  
From Charles the Great the Western Emperors were either appointed by the dying 
The 〈◊〉 rors Election.  emperors Testament, or chosen by the general consent of the Princes, in both which courses the next heirs were commonly preferred, till the reign of Otho 3. in his time his Kinsman Brenno a Saxon was chosen Pope, taking the name of Gregory, and he first instituted the seven Electors of the Emperor, which institution some attribute to Pope Silnester. But whether Gregory made this Law or confirmed it, no doubt about the year 1002 the Electors were established, about which time many tumults were at Rome between the Emperors and the Roman Prince Crescentius, for the choice of the Pope, and the common opinion is, that Pope Gregory in the year 997 made this Law of seven Electors to choose the Emperor, and that Pope Silvester restrained it to certain Families. And this Institution seemed to give great strength to the Empire, since the former seditions were thereby taken away, and it was likely these Princes would choose a man of the greatest virtues and power. But Charles the fourth chosen Emperor, with condition not to meddle with Italy, first obtained of the Electors to choose his son to be Caesar in his life time, and so made this Institution of no effect, all Emp. after him chiefly labouring as much as they could, to make the Empire hereditary by like means. And the successor thus chosen in the life of the Emp. was called King of the Romans, and after his death receiving the Crown, was styled Emp.  
Of the Electors, 3 are Churchmon and Archbishops, 3 are Lay-Princes of Germany, and least by faction of six Churchmen and Laymen the voices should be equal, the 
The institution of the Electors, and divers constitutions of the Empire, concerning the Electors and other Officers, and the Emperor himself.  King of Bohemia was added for the seventh Elector. The Archbishop of Trier, Chancellor for France, sits before the Emperor. The Archbishop of Mentz Chancellor for Germany, sits at the Emperor's right hand, in all places but in the Diocese of Colon, where he gives place to the Archbishop thereof. The Archbishop of Colon Chancellor for Italy, sits on the Emperor's right hand in his own diocese, but on his left hand in all other places. The K. of Bohemia Arch-butler of the Empire, sits next the Archbishop of Mentz, on the right hand of the Emperor. The D. of Saxony, the Marshal of the Empire, carrying the sword before the Emperor, sits on his left hand next the Archbishop of Colon. The Count Palatine of the Rhine carries the first dish at the feast of the Emp. coronation, and sits on his right hand next the K. of Bohemia. And the Marquis of Brandeburg Great Chamberlain, sits on the left hand of the Emp. next to the D. of Saxony. It is to be remembered, that for long time, the Emperor having been also King of Bohemia, to the end that upon the death of the old Emperor, there should not be wanting one to supply the place of the King of Bohemia at the Election of the new Emperor, the Bohemians have always a Viceroy chosen for life, who not only supplies that place, but also governs Bohemia, till the new Emperor be chosen, and after received for King at Prage.  
The Emperor Charles the fourth, made many Laws concerning the Emperor, and the Electors, which Laws are all collected together, and by the Germans called the Golden Bulla, and it will not be impertinent to remember some of them. It is decreed, that no Elector shall lie in ambushment for another Elector, coming to choose the Emperor, neither shall deny him safe conduct through his Country, under the pain of perjury, and loss of his Voice for that Election. Under the same penalty, that no man whosoever, lie in wait to intercept the person or goods of any Elector: That the Archbishop of Meuts shall apdoint the day of the Election by letters Patents, so as the Electors, or their Deputies having full power, may meet for that purpose at Franckfort upon the main, within three months, and if the Archbishop fail to appoint the day, yet that the Electors uncalled, shall meet there within that time. That no Elector nor Depute shall enter the City attended with more than two hundred horsemen, nor above fifty of them armed. That the Elector or Deputy called, and not coming, or departing before the Emperor be chosen, shall lose his Voice for that time. That the Citizens of Franckfort, if they protect not those that come to the Election, shall be proscribed and deprived of their privileges and goods. That no man be admitted into the City, besides the Electors and their Deputies, and the horsemen attending them. That the next morning early after their entry, Mass be sung in the Church of Saint Bartholomew, and that done, the Archbishop of Mentz at the Altar give an oath to the Electors in these words: ay N. N. swear by the faith that I owe to God and the sacred Empire, that I will choose a temporal Head of Christian Princes, and give my Voice without any covenant, stipend, reward, or any such thing howsoever it may be called, as God help me, etc. That if they shall not agree of the Election within thirty days, they shall eat bread and water, and shall not go out of the City, till the Election be finished. That the greater part be held for a general 〈◊〉 consent. That the Elector slacking his coming, shall notwithstanding be admitted, he come before the Election be finished. That the person elected shall presently swear in the royal name of King of the Romans, to the Electors, Princes Secular and Spiritual, and to all the Members of the Empire, that he will confirm all privileges, customs, &c.; and that after his Coronation he shall swear the same in the name of Emperor. That an Elector shall have his Voice in the choice of himself to be Emperor. That the Archbishop of Mentz shall ask the Voices, first, of the Archbishop of Trier, then of the Archbishop of Colon, then of the King of Bohemia, then of the Palatine, then of the Duke of Saxony, then of the Marquis of Brandeburg, and lastly that these Princes shall ask the Voice of the Archbishop of Mentz. That the Empire being vacant, the Count Palatine shall be Provisor of the Empire in Suevia and Franconia, as well in judgements, as in conferring Church-livings, gathering of Rents, investing of Vassals (which investing notwithstanding is to be renewed by the Emperor when he is chosen), and Alienations, etc. That the Duke of Saxony shall have the same right in his Provinces. That when the Emperor must answer any cause he shall answer before the Palatine, so that be in the Imperial Court. That no man in the Court shall sit above the Electors. That to a Secular Prince Elector his eldest Lay son shall succeed, or for want of sons, the first of the father's Line; and if he be under age, that the eldest brother to the deceased father shall be his tutor, till he be eighteen years old, and that this Tutor for that time shall have all his right, which he shall then restore to him, and for want of heirs males, that the Emperor shall give the Electorship to whom he will, excepting the King of Bohemia, who is to be chosen by the Bohemians. That mines of metals found in the Territories of any Elector, shall be proper to himself. That the subjects of the Electors shall not be bound to answer the Law out of their own Province, nor may appeal to any Court but their Lords, except justice be denied, in which case they shall only appeal to the Chamber of the Empire. That the Electors shall meet in some City once in the year, where they shall have no feasting, to the end that the causes may be heard with more expedition. That the privileges of Cities and Universities in any thing derogating from the right of the Electors, shall be revoked, and made void, notwithstanding the Letters Patents may except all eminency of persons. That the resignation of fees, except they be personally made, shall make the vassals infamous in denouncing enmity to their Lords. That conventicles of Cities, made to the prejudice of their Lords, shall be punished with loss of fame, goods, and privileges. That no Citizens subjects to Princes, and incorporating themselves in free Cities, shall enjoy the privileges thereof, except they dwell there, under a great penalty to be imposed on the City receiving them with any other condition. That the Fees of the Electors or Officers of the Empire, shall not be divided by their heirs. That they who conspire the death of any Elector, shall be guilty of treason, and their sons deprived of their Inheritance even from the mother's side, shall live infamous, and they shall be noted who make intercession to restore them to grace; but that the Daughters less daring for the weakness of the sex, shall have part of the inheritance, and that no enfranchisement of sons, or alienation of goods, shall frustrate this Law. That all accessaries shall be so punished, only he that bewrays the conspiracy may be held worthy of pardon. Also this penalty shall be of force against those that are dead, if the crime be not known till after their death.  
In solemn Court, that the Emperor shall sit in his throne, and the Duke of Saxony 
At Coronation and like Feasts.  laying an heap of Oats as high as his Horse's saddle, before the Court gate, shall with a silver measure of twelve marks price, deliver Oats to the chief Equerry of the stable, and then sticking his staff in the Oats, shall depart, and the Vicemarshall shall distribute the rest of the Oats. That the three Archbishops shall say grace at the emperors Table, and he of them who is Chancellor of the place, shall lay reverently the Seals before the Emperor, which the Emperor shall restore to him, & that the staff of the Chancelorship shall be worth 12 marks of silver. That the Marquis of Brandeburg, sitting upon his Horse with a silver basin of 12 marks weight, & a towel, shall light from his Horse, & give water to the Emperor. That the Count Palatine sitting upon his Horse, with four dishes of Silver with meat, each dish worth 3 marks, shall light, and set the dishes on the table. That the King of Bohemia sitting upon his Horse, with a silver Cup worth twelve marks, filled with water and wine, shall light, and give it the Emperor to drink. The Gentleman of Falkenstein, under-chamberlaine, the Gentleman of Norsemberg, Master of the Kitchen, and the Gentleman of Limburch Vice-Buttler, or in their absence, the ordinary Officers of the Court, shall have the said Horses, Bason, dishes, Cup, staff, and measure, and shall after wait at the emperors table. That the emperors table be six foot higher than any other table, where he shall sit alone, and the table of the Empress shall be by his side, three foot lower. The Electors tables shall be three foot lower than that of the Empress, and all of equal height, and three of them shall be on the emperors right hand, three on his left hand, and one before his face, and each shall sit alone at his table. When one Elector hath done his Office, he shall go and stand at his own table, and so in order the rest, till all have performed their Offices, and then all seven shall sit down at one time. The Emperor shall be chosen at Franckfort, crowned at Aquisgranum (vulgarly called Ache), and shall hold his first Court at Nurnberg, except there be some lawful impediment. The Deputy of an Elector absent, howsoever he hath his voice in choosing the Emperor, yet at the said feast shall not sit at the Electors table. Prince's receiving their fees, shall pay sixty marks to the Officers of the Court, excepting the Electors, who are not bound to give any thing, but of free will, since the Officers are their Substitutes, and the Horse upon which the Prince sits when he is invested in his fees, shall be given to the Marshal, or to the Vicemarshall. The Electors are presumed to be Germane, and their sons at the age of seven years shall be taught the Grammar, and the Italian and Selavonian tongues, so as at 14 years age they may be skilful therein, and be worthy Assessors to the Emperor. These things for this purpose, taken out of the Golden Bulla, shall suffice.  
Touching the present general estate of the Empire. The Emperor & his brethren 
The general date of the Empire.  were not much esteemed among their own subjects, and had little or no authority in the rest of the Empire. The Germans confess, that the House of Austria is most fit to bear the burden of the Empire, especially since no stranger may be Emperor, the Law binding to choose a Prince borne in Germany; and because the Empire hath no principality belonging to it, nor any certain revenues, but only some accustomed Subsidies, which upon some occasions were of old granted by Parliament, & these occasions being taken away, the subsidies for them have also in latter times been discontinued, so that the common affairs are to be administered with the charge of the emperors private inheritance. And lastly, because they justly fear, if any other Prince of Germany should be chosen Emperor, that the House of Austria, having in a long line succeeded in the Empire, and possessing large Dominions by inheritance, would either altogether separate itself from the Empire, or at least their inheritance in Hungary, Germany, and Bohemia, through mutual dissensions between them and the Emperor, would be a prey to the Turkish Tyrant, only kept back by the House of Austria, according to the weak means it hath, from invading Germany at this day: But when the Germans do particularly observe the persons of the Princes of the House of Austria, they judge again none more unfit to bear up the Empire, and to defend it from the Turks invasions; and this common diffidence is infinitely increased, by the mutual jealousies of Germany. There want not jealousies in the House of Austria between themselves, were they not forced to compound them by fear of the Turks. In general, the Gentlemen fear the conspiracy of the common people, lest after the example of the Sweitzers, they should root out the Gentry, or at least yield either none or voluntary obedience, at their own pleasure. The Princes fear the free Cities, so as they dare not exact absolute obedience of the City's subject to them, lest they should thereby be provoked, to make leagues with the free Cities, and so make themselves free: And this cause alone makes the Princes less able to give strong helps to the Emperor, if they were willing to do it. Again, the free Cities fear the ambition of the neighbouring Princes: For as most of the Cities of old subject to the Emperor, or to particular Princes, got their freedom in civil wars, by assisting one of the parties, or else by privileges, granted by favour, or bought for money, or else by open force of arms, so they think it likely, that the Princes, upon the change of the state of things, will omit no fit occasion to bring them again into subjection. And the said Princes do not only fear the said free Cities, for combyning with their Subjects, but have also mutual jealousies among themselves, as well for inheritance, as for the difference of Religion. Lastly all, and each of these states, fear the power of the Emperor, lest he should break the absolute power they have in their own territories, or lest he should by force of arms make them more obedient to himself, or lest he should oppress them in the cause of Religion, either of his own motion, or by the instigation of the Pope. Hence it is, that he who dares not make war upon the Emperor, yet dares deny to help him, and he that dares not deny help, yet dares either fail in performance, or by delays make it unprofitable. Besides that by nature, the decrees and counsels of many heads, are carried with less secrecy, and are seldom executed with convenient speed, and that for which many care, each one neglects, as Piato faith, disputing against community. Also the emperors power is many other ways weakened: First that the Germans in the very war against the Turks, slowly grant, or plainly refuse any contributions or subsidies, and would little rejoice that the Emperor should have a great victory against the Turks, partly lest he should turn his Forces upon the absolute Princes or Cities of Germany, partly lest the Emperor then being (as they openly professed) should spend the money contributed in his private lusts, not in the public affairs, and lastly, because the charge of the War should be common, but the profit of the Conquest should only be to the advancement of the House of Austria: For which causes the Princes and Cities used to deny contributions of money towards the Turkish wars, and rather chose to send and maintain bands of Soldiers in Hungary, under their own pay for a set time: And these bands were so commonly sent without order or mutual consent, and so slowly, as when some of the bands came to the Army, other bands having served out the appointed time, desired leave to return home. Thus they seldom met together to attempt any brave enterprise, & while part of the forces was expected, the occasions of good adventures were lost: Secondly, the Emperor is more weak; because the meetings of Parliaments (which they call Dytetaes') require the expectance of some months, besides the delays of Counsels after the meeting, and the contrariecy of opinions, which must needs be great in minds so ill united. Thirdly; because the Germans unwisely think, that the tyranny of the Turks hanging over them, yet is a less and more removed evil, than the jealousy of their private estates, and fear to be oppressed in the cause of Religion. Lastly, because the Germans think it not equal, to be at public charge, to recover the private Cities of the House of Austria from the Turks. These things make the great power of Germany so weak, that as the whole body pined away, while the hands denied meat to the belly, so not only the Empire, to the general shame of Christians, draws the last breath under the Turkish tyranny, while the disagreeing and sluggish Christian Princes deny help in this case to the House of Austria, and oppose the weaker branch of that House to the most powerful force of the Turks; but also it may justly be feared lest other Kingdoms and the very name of Christians, should be utterly consumed in this fire daily creeping and increasing upon us, which God in his mercy forbid.  
Next to the said vassals to the Emperor, a King, a Palatine, a Duke, a marquess, 
The state of certain Princes.  and three Archbishops, the seven Electors, of old were instituted four Dukes of the Empire, namely, the Dukes of Bavaria, of Brunswick, of Suevia and of Lorraine, and four Langraves, and of each degree four, whereof some are at this day extinguished, and many other have since been created by divers Emperors. In like sort of old were instituted four Metropolitan Cities of the Empire, namely, Augsburg, (called of the Vandals for difference), Aquisgranum (vulgarly Ache), Mentz, and Lubeck. 
Of Cities.  Bishop's spiritual Princes were of old twenty seven in number, whereof some 
Of Bishops.  have secular Dominions, only by habit distinguished from secular Princes: but the Churchmen knowing no mean, not content with tithes, but scarce leaving that portion to the Laymen, have caused Princes first to make Laws against inordinate jousts to the Church, and then by other vanities provoked them to reform this abundance of their riches, the impurity of their lives, and the falsehoods of their Doctrines; so as at this day many bishoprics are in the hands of secular Princes, within their own Dominions, under the title of Administrators. In this sort (to pass over the rest) the eldest son of the marquess of Brandeburg, was in his Father's life time called the Administrator of Holla. Not only the Emperor, but also many 
Of secular Princes.  Princes of Germany, as well secular as spiritual, have Kingly power in their own Dominions, and these absolute Princes are so many in number, as a passenger in each days journey, shall observe one or two changes of Prince, Money, and Religion. Furthermore in free Cities, here the Patrician Order, there the common people, and 
Of free Cities.  other where both with mixed power, govern the City, in such absolute freedom, as most of the Cities have regal rights, of making peace or war, of coining moneys, and of like privileges: But the Plebeians among them, prove they never so rich, cannot have any higher degree, and their governments are with such equity, equality, and moderation, as no degree is subject one to the other, but all equally to the Law. Of these Prince's secular and spiritual, and of the Deputies for free Cities, meeting in 
Of the Dietaes'.  Parliaments (which they call Ditetaes') is the true Image of the Empire, where they deliberate of great affairs, and impose contributions, from which only the King of Bohemia is free, by privilege granted from Charles the fourth Emperor and King of Bohemia, as I have formerly said.  
The form of the Commonwealth in the Empire is Aristocratical, over which the 
Of the Empire's Commonwealth in general.  Emperor should be as head, appointing the meetings with the consent of the Princes, and causing the Decrees to be put in execution. But at this day the name of the Emperor is become a mere title, and his authority hath no sinews, so as he can neither call them if they think not good to come, nor decree any thing if they be unwilling, nor compel those that are refractory. And the very Princes are not constant to their own judgement, if you respect the imminent dangers from the Turks, nor active in their own motions concerning the public cause, but are diversly distracted between fear to increase the suspected power of the Emperor by helping him, or to stir up Civil wars, to the ruin of the disunited State, by making open opposition to his authority. In the mean time nothing is more frequent with them, then boldly to refuse either appearance in the emperors Court, or obedience to any other of his commandments, that are unpleasing to them. And give me leave to say, that myself there observed, that a great Prince of Germany (for good respect nameless), to whom the Emperor had engaged certain Cities for money borrowed of him, when the Emperor lending the money by Ambassadors, desired restitution of the towns, not only refused to restore the same, but could not be induced to appear at Prage by his Substitute, to compound this difference; and it seemed more strange to me, that divers other Ambassadors coming to the City the same time, had all audience before those from the Emperor, who stayed long before they were admitted to speak with the said Prince.  
The declining generosity of the Princes of Austria, and the fearful danger hanging over them from the Turks, nourish this confidence in the Princes of Germany; and indeed the Turkish war doth so employ, or rather bind the hands of the Princes of Austria, as were they never so valiant, yet they should be forced, rather to suffer any thing from these Christian Princes, then by opposing them, to be devoured by Infidels. Neither can the private calamity of Germany, and the public misery of all Christians in this point, be sufficiently bewailed. I say the private calamitic of Germany, because the members being most strong, if they were united, yet are without sinews thus disjoined, and have no common force, though in each part they be strong. I say the public calamity of Christians, because howsoever the private Princes of Germany be of great power, yet the whole body of the Empire being weak, the daily victories of the Turks, threaten destruction not only to Germany, but to the name of Christians. The Dukes of Florence, of Savoy, and of Mantua, and all the Princes of Italy, whom the Pope hath not drawn to be his vassals, the Dukes of Lorraine, of Burgundy, with divers Dukes and Earls of netherlands, after a sort acknowledge the safe and far removed patronage of the Emperor; but they neither come to the Parliaments about the affairs of the Empire (as not pertaining to them) nor contribute any money to uphold the dignity thereof, except perhaps sometimes in the common cause of the Turkish war, they lend the Emperor some money, which no doubt all other Christian Princes would no less do, who have no bond of subjection. The King of Denmark, by a double bond of his Kingdom and of the Dukedom of Holst, the King of Swetia, the Cantons of the Sweitzers, and the Grisons inhabiting the Snowy Alps, were of old members of the Empire: but in time these Feathers plucked from the Eagle, have grown into new bodies, and at this day do not at all acknowledge the Emperor.  
In Germany the Tolles and Taxes are frequent, as the number of absolute Princes is 
The Taxes, Impositions and Renenews.  great, who impose them in their several Territories upon all passengers, and kinds of Merchandise or very small packs, Scholars of Universities only excepted, who pass free for their persons and goods. But above all other Princes, the Elector of Saxony (as shall be showed in his due place) seems best to have learned the art of shearing his subjects, so as he not only imitates, but is equal in this point to the Princes of Italy. Boterus relates, that the Emperor of his own hereditary dominions, hath the yearly rent of two thousand five hundred thousand Crowns, and beside exacts five hundred thousand Crowns ordinarily, and as much more by extraordinary means. Men of good credit have affirmed to me, that the Province of Silesia alone subject to the Emperor as King of Bohemia, yields him each quarter of the year 60000 gold gulden's or Crowns; by which may be conjectured what he receives of his other large Dominions. Yet Silesia yields more than any one of the rest, in respect that of the twelve Dukedoms therein contained, eight are fallen to the Emperor, for want of heires-maies. The Bishop of Silesia is called the Golden Bishop, and the same Province hath thirty Abbeys, being most rich in that and all other respects. At Prage, subject to the Emperor, as King of Bohemia, I observed, that every house paid him yearly three collars; but this burden equally imposed on thatched houses and stately Palaces, seeming unequally shared, the Citizens agreed among themselves of a more equal division thereof; so as I remember, that my Hosts house, purchased for three hundred collars, paid yearly to the Emperor nine collars, besides other charges of maintaining poor Scholars; of Watches, and the like, imposed upon each Master of a Family, in each several parish, for which he also paid two collars yearly. In the Dominions of the Emperor, the Brewers of Beer for each brewing, paid six collars to the Emperor, which tribute in one City of Prage, was said to pass five hundred collars weekly. Also the Emperor exacted of his subjects, for each Tun of Wine drawn, a Doller, and ten Grosh; for each bushel of Corn, bought in the Market (not the private Corn of their own, spent in their houses) one silver Grosh. These and like tributes were at first granted for certain years, by consent of the three Estates: but Princes know well to impose exactions, and know not how to depose them. The Emperor gives a City to the jews for their dwelling at Prage. (who are admitted in no City of Germany, excepting only at Franckfort, where they have assigned to them a Street for their dwelling), of which jews upon all occasions he borrows money, and many ways shears those bloodsuckers of Christians. The Germans impose great taxes upon all foreign commodities brought into their Havens, and not only upon men's persons, and upon commodities laded on beasts to be distracted from City to City, but even upon small burdens to be carried on a man's shoulder, as they pass through their Forts or Cities, which they use to build upon their confines to that purpose, and only Scholars of Universities are free from these frequent exactions, for their bodies and goods.  
Touching the revenues of the Empire itself, Boterus relates, that it receives yearly seven thousand thousand Crowns, or gold gulden's; and this revenue is of small moment for such great affairs, if he contain all the Princes of Germany under this taxation, since otherwise a communication of treasure cannot be expected from so disunited minds as they have. He adds, that the free Cities of the Empire yield a small yearly tribute to the Emperor of fifteen thousand gulden's. It is well noun that those Cities of old custom maintained twenty thousand foot, and four thousand Horses for the emperors Army, when he went to be crowned at Rome: but this custom by long discontinuance is vanished, since the Emperors for many ages have forborn this expedition. The matter of greatest moment is the contribution, which for the doubtful affairs of the Empire hath been accustomed to be granted by the three Estates in Parliament. And these, such as they are, yet are more easily or hardly obtained of that free Nation, as the Emperor hath more or less reputation with them. But that it may appear, that the Empire wants not treasure, the sinew of war, let us gather by one particular example, what may generally be judged of this subsidy. In the time of the Emperor Maximilian the first, the following subsidy was granted in a Diet or Parliament at Worms by consent of the Estates, for the use of the Commonwealth, and especially for the war against the Turks, which at that time much less pressed Germany, than it doth in these our days. First, it was decreed, that for four years next following, each person of any sex or quality howsoever possessing (through long and broad Germany), or being worth by all means 500 gold gulden's, should yearly pay half a gold Gulden to this purpose, and each one of less value should pay a quarter of a gold Gulden, and all jews, as well men as women and children, should pay yearly by the Pole one gold gulden. That Princes & Barons for decency, yet of their free will should contribute much more. And that this collection should be made not only in the private Dominions of the Emperor, but in the private Territories of all Princes, and the money first delivered to the Superintendents or chief Ministers of God's word, and by them be conveyed to seven Treasurers residing at Franckfort (the first appointed by the Emperor, the second by the Electors, the third by other Princes, the fourth by the Prelates, the fifth by the Earls and Barons, the sixth by the Knights, the seventh by the free Cities), all which were to take their oaths for the faithful execution of this office. After it was again decreed in the Diet held at Nurnberg, that for the Turkish war, each 40 inhabitants (reckoning the husband, wife and children for one person) should maintain one Footman. That men and maid servants should give the sixth part of their yearly wages, and each one having no wages, should pay a shilling of Germany. That spiritual persons, men and women (that is, Nuns as well as others) should for each forty gulden's value, pay one gold Gulden, and in like sort the spiritual Orders of Knights, and namely those of Saint john, and all Monasteries and alms-houses, and whatsoever spiritual communities, should give the like contribution, excepting the four Orders of Mendicant Friars, of which each five Monasteries were to maintain one Footman. That men and maidservants of Spiritual persons, should pay as much as those of the Laity. That no Elector or Prince should maintain less than five hundred Horses, and each Earl should maintain one Horseman. That Knights should contribute according to their estates. That the jews should pay by the Pole one gold Gulden yearly, the rich paying for the poor. That all Preachers should in the Pulpit exhort men willingly to give these contributions, giving hope that they shall be diminished according to the booties gotten by victories. And that Bishops should make collection of this money, and deliver it over to the Counsellors of the States. Twenty Noble men were at that time chosen to have care of the Commonwealth for matters of peace and war, who in difficult accidents were to call unto them the six Electors (the King of Bohemia in the emperors person not reckoned), and certain other Princes. And this must always be understood, that these collections are made in Germany with great severity or strictness, where he that dissembles his full wealth, shall be forced to repair all the damage the Commonwealth hath sustained thereby, and shall be also deeply fined, when the fraud is made known, which at least will appear at the death of each private man, by his last will and testament. So as these subsidies must needs be of great moment. But the Germans in our days, though ready to be devoured by the jaws of the Turkish Tyrant, yet for the abovenamed causes, very unwillingly grant these contributions, yea, for the very Turkish war.  
The Germans for the said mutual jealousies, at this day in the greatest Peace at 
Their warlike provision in time of peace.  home, yet live as in the time of a Civil war, at least in common fear of surprising, so as almost in all Cities, they have victuals laid up in Storehouses to bear a years siege; and besides this public provision, all householders are commanded to make their private provisions before hand, of dried fishes, corn, and like things to eat, of fuel to burn, and of all necessaries to exercise their manual trades. The Cities have Watchmen continually dwelling with their families on the top of high Steeples and Towers, who by sound of Trumpet, and by hanging out flags of divers colours, one for horsemen, another for footmen, continually give warning what people approach to the Town, and in what number, and besides these Watchmen are enjoined to sound their Trumpets at certain hours of the day and night. The very recreations of the Citizens are no other, then shooting in Pieces and Crosebowes at marks in public houses, and thus they exercise themselves on Holidays and at all idle times, shooting for wagers, both private and public, and for like rewards and prizes. So as they must needs be thereby much better trained up for war. Yet their footmen in war do not so much use the Piece as the Pike, and their Horsemen contrary to the custom of other Nations, are generally armed with two short Pistols, not at all with Lances. To conclude, if any man in this time of peace, shoot ofa piece within the walls of a City, he shall no less then in a Town of Garrison, be drawn by the sergeant before the Magistrate, & be sure to pay a mulct for his error.  
Caesar reports, that the Schwaben (or people of Sueuta, a great Province in Germany, 
Their Ward fare of old.  most part of upper Germany having been so called of old) were most warlike, yet at the first hearing, so feared the Romans, as some thought to leave their dwellings, some made their last wills, and all mourned and were sad. He reports also, that the half part of this people was employed and nourished in Arms, and the other half gave themselves to Husbandry, and that so by yearly course they were one year Husbandmen, another year Soldiers. That none of them had any private fields, nor dwelled in one place more than a year. Lastly, that freedom in youth, and hunting after they came to ripe years, made them of huge stature. Many witness, that the Germans of old, in feasting took counsel of Peace and War, thinking the vigour of the mind then to be most enlarged, when they were warmed with Wine. They were wont to promise their neighbours that they would overcome in fight, or else die valiantly, and so were led forth to the war with the people's acclamations, exhorting them to valour, and at their return were not praised, except they showed scars gotten in fight. It was infamous for any of them to lose his shield, so as many for that cause hanged themselves; for it was not lawful for them to be present at their Sacrifices or Counsels. Being ready to fight, they called upon Hercules, and their Horsemen used Target and Lance, their Footmen Darts. Their Army lay compassed with Chariots and Carts, in stead of trenches. Lastly in Counsels, they signified consent by shaking of their Spears, and dissent by murmuring.  
At this day the Horsemen of Germany are vulgarly called schwartz Reytern, that is, 
Their horsemen at this day.  black Horsemen; not only because they wear black apparel, but also for that most of them have black Horses, and make their hands and faces black by dressing them, and by blacking their boots, wherein they are curious; or else because custom hath made blackness an ornament to them; or else because they think this colour to make them most terrible to their enemies. For the Germans using more to brawl then fight, and rather to chide, then fight themselves friends, desire rather with fierce looks to strike fear into their enemies, then by concealing their strength, to draw them to fight. The best Horses and Horsemen are of the Territories of Brunswick, Cleave, and Franconia: but howsoever their Horses are strong, yet they have less courage, because they are taken from the Plough, and are of an heavy race. Neither the Horses nor the Horsemen are armed, so as both may easily be hurt by Footmen. Thus being Light-horsemen, yet are they less fit for that service, by reason of their heavy Horses, unapt to follow the enemy flying, or to save themselves by speedy retreat. And this hath often been observed in their war against the Turks, having swift Horses, whom they could neither overtake in flight, nor escape from them, when they pursued. Such and so heavy Horses are throughout all Germany, excepting Westphalia and those parts, where their Wagons are drawn with very little Horses, though perhaps they have greater for service in war. These Horsemen carry each of them two short pistols at their saddles, with a sword, and like short weapons, but without any Lances, and their saddles are little, such as are commonly used by passengers, not such as our Horsemen use in war, so as they may easily be cast from their Horses, and have the disadvantage, being assailed with Horsemen bearing Lances.  
Their Footmen are vulgarly called Lantzknechten, that is, Servants with Lances, 
Their footmen at this day.  and the best of them are those of tyrol, Suevia, and Westphalia. Commonly they are corpulent, and of a dull or less fiery spirit, yet are of great strength in fight a battle, by reason of their strong members, and the constant order they use in fight. And they are armed with Lances most fit for their strength, rather than with Calivers, requiring nimbleness in charging and discharging.  
In general, the Germans willingly hear themselves compared to Bulls: for as 
Their warfare in general at this day.  Bulls bearing their horns on the ground, with firm foot attend the assault of the Dogs; so the Germans, neither rush fiercely on their enemies, nor can easily be broken by any charge. The Provinces of Germany being populous, and the soldiers being Mercenary, foreign Princes commonly supply their Armies with them. And for the faithfulness of the Nation, and the strength of their bodies, the Princes of France and Italy willingly entertain them for the guard of their persons. The Princes of Germany levy soldiers by absolute command, in their own wars, but only voluntary men are sent to foreign wars, which they willingly undertake, out of all men's general affection to the dissolute liberty of the wars, and because the Germans have ever been mercenary, besides that the pleasant wines of France and Italy draw them to those wars. In our age, the French having had civil wars between the Papists and Protestants, both parts have often hired the Germans. And they being for the most part Lutherans, and so hating both parts, as well the Papists, as the Caluinists, (so I call them for distinction, being so termed by their common enemies, though they follow neither Calvin nor Luther further, than they agree with the Word of God); I say that they hating the Papists, and most of all the Caluinists, nearest to them in Religion (as the Potter hates the Potter, and the beggar hates the beggar, and each one his next neighbour, more than any other), and being blamed for serving them, they would freely profess, that it was all one to them, to serve the one devil as the other, (so they called them both.) Thus serving more for booty then for love, they demeaned themselves so frowardly in those wars, as they much impaired the old reputation of their Nation in warfare. The French, I say, having justly no confidence in their own footmen, for the most part used the Germans (as also the Sweitzers) in that service, and found by experience, that the firm and constant body of their foot, was most fit to receive the loose wings of the French, cheerfully assaulting, but soon driven back; and that after the first fury of the French, the body of the Dutch Foot, like the Triarij among the Romans, stood firm. And the great Victory of the French at Ravenna, against the Spaniards and Italians, was in great part attributed to the Germane Footmen, who received the French Foot, and namely the Guascons (the best Foot of France) into their body, when they were put to flight. But they are most unfit to besiege strong Forts, and have been found no less unfit to defend them being besieged; whether it be, for that they are less serviceable in things requiring witty resolution, and fury in sudden assaults, then in a firm and constant strength; or for that, contrary to their old reputation, they are not found able in this our age to bear hunger, thirst, cold and watching, the necessary evils of a siege. And it is certain, that the Netherlanders, using them in this kind, as the course of their war consists, especially in defending and assailing Forts, have taxed them with bitter jests on this behalf, which I willingly pass in silence, desiring more to express virtues then to impute vices. Yet the Germans have many very strong and well fortified Cities, of which some are judged impregnable, in which they place greatest hope of safety from the incursions of the Polonians, or of the Turks. For the Polonians trusting to their famous strength of Horse, brag that they despise the force of the Germans in open field, and the Turkish Horse, praised for swiftness, seems not to fear the heavy horses of Germany.  
Surely, though I do not think the Germans to degenerate from the valour of their old Progenitors, yet I have read the Histories, and have heard the Gentlemen of France in our time, much inveighing against them: First, that being in neutral or friends Countries, far distant from the enemy, they consumed wine and victuals, as if they had been borne to no other end, and spoiled all men's goods: but when the enemy drew near, that not content with their former spoils, they would then murinie for pay, and refuse otherwise to fight, when the Princes had no present means to satisfy them; yea, and for want of it, would threaten to leave their party, and go to the enemy, bearing no more affection to the one than the other, Secondly, that in all Armies, wherein their strength was predominant, and especially upon the approach of the enemy, they were prone to threatenings and seditious demeanour. Thirdly, that the horse having given one assault without success, could by no entreaty, no reward, no hope of victory, be induced to give a second charge. Fourthly, that once put out of order and routed, they could never be gathered again together. Fiftly, that in the battle of Mountcontour, by confused fear, they had almost exposed themselves and the whole Army to the sword; and that in the next battle, having the victory, they spared neither man, woman, nor child, but like Bears raged against their yielding suppliants, still crying Mountcontour, Mount contour, for the word of revenge. Lastly, that the levies of them are an excessive charge, that they consume abundance of victuals, and especially wine, and cannot bear with any want of the least of them, and are a great burden to an Army with their baggage. Touching victuals, I have heard the Citizens of Vienna, being themselves Germane, yet freely professing, that when the Turks made a show to besiege them, and encamped on one side of the town, they suffered far greater loss by the soldiers received into the Town to help them, then by the enemies spoiling all abroad. Touching their baggage, every footman hath his wench, that carries on her back a great pack, and a brass pan, while the soldier himself goes empty, carrying nothing but his Arms. And at Strasburg I did see certain troops of horse enter the Town, sent from the Marquis of Brandeburg, to aid the Citizens against the Duke of Lorraine, which horsemen had an unspeakable number of carts, to carry their Arms and other necessaries, and upon each cart sat a Cock, which creature, as most watchful, the Germans have of most old custom used to carry with them to the wars.  
I cannot pass in silence the judgement of an Italian well known, though by me unnamed, who because the Germans in our age have had some ill successes in the war, doth attribute the same to the impurity of the reformed Religion processed by them, wherein he sophistically obtrudes the false cause for the true; not much unlike the old man recorded in our Histories, who being asked (for his age and experience) what he thought to be the cause of Goodwin sands, near the mouth of the Thames, answered, that he thought the building of Tenterton Steeple was the cause thereof, because no such sands were seen, till the time when it was built. Nothing is more manifest, then that the Germans of the reformed Religion, nothing yield. or rather much excel, the Germane continuing Papists; in all manual Arts, Liberal Sciences, and all endowments of Nature; which may clearly be proved by one instance of the Norenbergers and Sweitzers, professing the reformed Religion, who in all Arts, and the military profession, pass all other Germans whatsoever. Neither am I of the same Italians opinion, who to make the Germans active in war, thinks they must have an Italian, or some foreign Prince for their General, which none in the World can less endure, since they not only most willingly hear, read, and obey the Preachers, Authors, and Superiors of their own Country, but above all other Nations singular in self-love, do also despise all strangers compared with themselves, (though otherwise they be not unhospitall towards them.)  
They have one commendable custom, proper to them with the Sweitzers only, namely, that after a years or longer warfare, they return home uncorrupted with the dissolute liberty of the wars, and settle themselves to their manual trades, and tillage of the ground. The Emperor Charles the fifth did lead against the Turks an Army of ninety thousand foot, and thirty thousand horse. And the Emperor Maximilian the second, did lead against the Turks an Army of one hundred thousand foot, and thirty five thousand horse. And in the Civil war between the Emperor Charles the fifth, and the Protestants, besides the emperors Army consisting partly of Germans; partly of Italians and Spaniards, the Protestant Princes had of their own Country men an Army of eighty thousand foot, and ten thousand horse. And in all these Armies there was no complaint of any the least want of victuals. So as by these examples it appears, that the Empire can levy and nourish a most powerful Army.  
And for better understanding of their warfare, I will add the decree of the Emperor & the Electors in the Expedition against the Turks in the year 1500. Albert Palatine of the Rhine was confirmed General of the Empire, and six Counsellors were chosen to assist him. And it was further decreed, that the General should not make war upon any without direction from the Council of the Empire, then chosen and consting of six spiritual, and six temporal Princes, three Abbots, six chosen by the people, and eight chosen by the free Cities. That the soldiers should swear obedience to the General, and he give like oath to the Emperor and the Empire. That the General should have the command of three hundredth Horse, with eight gulden's by the month allowed for each Horse. That the General should further have one thousand three hundredth gulden's by the month, or more by consent of the Council. That each Horseman should have eight gulden's by the month, and each Poorman four gulden's. That the General should have twenty four for his guard, with five gulden's by the month for each of them. That the General should have pay for thirty two carts, each cart drawn with four horses, and allowed two horsemen's pay. That the General happening to be taken by the fortune of the war, the Empire should readily pay his ransom and redeem him. That no peace should be made without the consent of the General. Lastly, that the General should depose this dignity when he should be directed so to do by the Council, within three months if he were within the Empire, or within six months, if he should then be out of the confines of the Empire. To conclude, he that shall particularly visit and behold the Armouries and storehouses for military provisions, as well of the Princes as free Cities, shall be forced to wonder at the quantity, variety and goodness thereof, which if they were all under the command of one Prince, no two of the mightiest Kings of Christendom might therein compare with him.  
It remains briefly to add something of the Naval power of the Germans. Almost 
Their Naval power at this day.  all Germany being within land, only the Cities upon the Northern Ocean, and upon the Baltike sea, have any exercise of Navigation. And I did never read or hear that any of them did ever undertake any long and dangerous voyage by sea, nor can their Mariners be praised for their experience or boldness, compared with the English and Netherlanders. The City of Dantzk (which for agreement of tongue and manners, I reckon among the Cities of Germany, though it be in some sort annexed to Poland), howsoever it is famous for concourse of Merchants, and rich commodities, yet not using to export them in their own ships, but rather to sell them to strangers, or to lad their ships, & especially those of the Hollanders, I could not understand, that forty ships belonged to that City. Among the other Cities, Lubeck and Hamburg are far more powerful in this kind, than all the rest joined together. The Haven of Hamburg hath commonly great number of shipping, and they said, that more than six hundred ships did then belong to the City. But they being vast, and built only for burden are held unfit for war. The City of Hamburg and the other Cities upon the Northern Ocean, having long enjoyed peace, as neutrals, while all their neighbours have made war one with the other, and none of the Cities, excepting Hamburg, sending out ships further than upon the coast, it cannot be that the ships should be strongly armed. At Hamburg I did see a ship then building for a man of war, of one thousand two hundred tons, and among the other ships belonging to that City, the greatest was called the golden Lion, strongly built, and bearing eighteen brass pieces on each side, which they named their Admiral. But our best Sea men thought them both more fit to defend the Haven, as Forts, then to make any fights at Sea. In our age thirty seven ships of Hamburg were laded by the Flemings with Dantzk Rye for Spain (where they had free traffic in the heat of the war between England France, netherlands and Spain), and of these ships six perished in the very going out of the Ell, by tempest while English and other ships safely put to sea; and the rest despaiting of the Voyage into Spain were unladed. Not long before my being there, they had sent some eight or ten ships into Spain, whereof only one returned in safety to Hamburg. The City Lubeck hath a greater number of ships than Hamburg: but they commonly trading within the Baltic sea, (seldom troubled with war or Pirates), and their ships being only built for burden, are slow of sail, and unfit to fight at sea. Besides that for the foresaid reason, they carry few or no pieces, or other arms. To conclude, while I was at Lubeck, a great ship of that City of one thousand four hundred tuns, called the Eagle, & laded with salt, perished in the return from Spain. Whereupon I then heard our best Seamen impute great ignorance to the Germane Mariners of those Cities. This shall suffice for their skill in Navigation, whereof I have formerly spoken in the third Book of this Volume or Part, treating of the traffic of Merchants in Germany.  
Touching their Laws and judicial courses in general: Of old the Magistrates of Germany were as Captains of Cities, who determined of Civil causes at home, and had public meetings yearly for that purpose, most commonly in the month of May, or at the times of the full and new Moons. They came armed to these meetings not all together, but every man at his pleasure, and as it pleased the multitude, so they sat in judgement. Silence was commanded by the Priests, who had power to punish them. Then the Prince or King, or any eminent person in eloquence or in favour, was heard to speak, yet as persuading, not commanding; and if the speech pleased, the people showed consent by murmuring, or otherwise descent by striking their spears together. Here they determined all controversies, and chose new Captains or Governors. They had a custom, that if any man complained of another, he should make a supper for a hundred men, who duly examined the cause; and if the plaintiff had the right, the defendant paid the charge, otherwise he scaped free. They gave of free will to their Prince of their cattle and Corn, as much as they thought fit for his honour and necessity. Tacitus writes that the old Magistrates of Germany did nothing unarmed, publicly or privately: And the Germans themselves confess, that their old Progenitors seldom tried injuries by Law, but commonly revenged them with fire and sword, and that they shamed not to take preys by stealth or source. Quintilianus Varus appointed Governor of Germany by the Emperor Augustus; did first appoint the judgement of Scabines, (which in the Hebrew tongue signifies a judge: for he had formerly been Governor of jury). These Scabines determined all controversies, and to this day the Germans in most places so call their judges. The lower and upper Saxony hath a provincial Law, yet determines also many causes by the civil Law. The Statutes of the Diots or Parliaments bind all, but the Statutes of private Princes only bind their own subjects.  
The greatest part of Germany is governed by the Civil Law: And therefore the Doctors of the Civil Law are much esteemed among them, and are Counsellors of Estate aswell to the Emperor as to other Princes, which place they think unfit to be conferred on any Doctors of Divinity. Yea, the Princes of Germany have this peculiar fashion, that no son useth his Father's old counsellors, but rather new chosen by himself. The said Doctors of the Civil Law have privilege by their degree, to wear chains of gold about their necks, and feathers in their hats.  
There be in Germany four kinds of Law giving, or rather four chief Courts of justice. The first is that of the Diets or Parliaments, vulgarly called 〈◊〉, that is, Days of the Kingdom, which meetings by the Law should be made once in the year, and last no less than a month at least, no man having liberty to depart from them without leave of the Council: Neither may the Emperor or his son, or the elect King of the Romans, make any war or league, without consent of the same. The second Court is called Landgericht, that is, the justice of the Land, wherein the chief men of each Province are to be called together thrice in the year, and are to sit three weeks, to determine the chief affairs of the Province, as the Parliaments handle the chief affays of the Empire. The third Court is vulgarly called Camergerichl, that is, the justice of the Imperial Chamber, which is held at Spirit four times each year, each time lasting forty days, to determine the general causes of the Empire. The fourth Court is the Burgraves' right, by which debts by specialty are recovered.  
The Kingdom of Bohemia hath a provincial Law, derived from the Law of Saxony, and for that cause there be few Students of the Civil Law: but because the Emperor hath instituted three Chaunecries, one for the Law of Saxony, (which Province lies upon the North side of the Kingdom:) the second for the Law of Bohemia: the third for the Civil Law, (in respect of the emperors subjects of Austria, lying on the South side o. Bohemia,) for this cause there be many Doctors of Civil Law, and they also much esteemed in the emperors Court. If a Bohemian have a cause in any Court of the Germans, he is tried by the Civil Law, or by the Law of Saxony; and if a Germane answer in the Court of the Bohemians; he is tried by the provincial Law of Bohemia; and the Defendant draws the cause to his own Court. Moravia, a Province incorporated to Bohemia, useth the Language and Law of that Kingdom. In the old City of Prage, howsoever almost all speak Dutch, yet the Law is given in the Bohemian tongue, by a statute lately made. Silesia, a Province incorporated to Bohemia, hath the manners and language of Germany, and justice is there administered by the Law of Bohemia, derived from the Law of Saxony; but for the greater part by the Civil Law. Generally in Germany, if a cause be received into any Court, and the defendant escape to another City, the Magistrate of the place must send him back, to answer the Plaintiff his accuser.  
The causes of the Empire (as I formerly said) are handled in the Imperial Chamber 
The Imperial Chamber.  at Spire. And therefore it will not be amiss to relate some Statutes made in the Imperial meetings, which are collected into a Book, vulgarly called Reichs abscheidt, that is, the Epitome or abstract of the Kingdom; but I will only set down briefly some of the chief statutes. It was decreed in the year 1556, that no subjects of the Electors, nor any Inhabitants, or Earls of their Provinces, should appeal from them to this Court of the Imperial Chamber. The Emperor Frederick the third, in the year 1442, made these statutes: That no Prince should by arms right himself against another, before justice have been denied to him in this Imperial Court. That the judge of the Chamber should be a Prince or Barron, and of sixteen Assessors, half should be Civil Lawyers, and half of the Knightly Order. That the greater part should carry the cause, and the voices being equal, the judges voice should cast it. That the judge should not be absent without leave of the Assessors, nor they without his leave, and that without some great cause, more than four of them should not be absent at one time: That in absence they should have no voice: That the chief judge being sick, shall substitute a Prince in his place, who shall first take his oath. The Proctors and Advocates shall take no more of their Clients, than the judges shall appoint, and shall swear to avoid slander and malice. The Notaries shall execute the judgements in the name of the Emperor. Appeals shall be of no force, except they be made in order to the next superior Court, and so ascending. All that belong to this Chamber, shall be free from all payments, but not one of them shall either keep an Inn, or trade as a Merchant. The judge shall deliver over to the Senate of the City, those that are guilty of death. By the same decree, all fees for writing and processes are set down, so as the Client swearing poverty, shall go free, so as he swear to pay the fees when he shall be able. Further it was decreed, that the seat of this Chamber or Court, should not be changed but by the consent of the Imperial diet or Parliament. That the Defendants hiding themselves, the Princes or Citizens to whom they are subject, shall swear upon a set day, that they are not privy to any of their actions, or else shall satisfy all damages. That the Proctors shall speak nothing but to the purpose, and for jests or impertinent things in word or writing, shall be punished by a mulct in money, and by being put to silence in that cause. By the Emperor Charles the fifth, in the Diet at Augsburg, the year 1518, two new Assessors were added, and it was decreed, that Charles as Emperor, should appoint the chief judge, two Assessors of the Law, and two Gentlemen Assessors, and as heir to his patrimony, should appoint two learned Assessors. That three Gentlemen Assessors should be named by the three secular electors, three learned by the three spiritual Electors, and three Gentlemen with three learned, by the common consent of the six Communities. (For the Empire was divided into six Communities, vulgarly called Kreysen, for the collection of tributes and like duties, as other Kingdoms are divided into Counties; and since that time in the year 1522, for the same purposes, the Empire was divided into ten Communities). Further it was decreed, that twenty two persons should with like equality be named yearly to visit this Chamber or Court. That no appeal should be admitted into this Court under the value of fifty gulden's; and that the executions of judgements should be done by the next Magistrates, and they not willing or not daring to do it, should be referred to the Emperor. At a Parliament in the year 1522, it was decreed, That no stranger should be appointed chief judge: That for absence the pensions should be abated, after the rate of the time, and be distributed among the present: That the judges should swear to take no gifts; not to prolong causes, and to do right without respect of persons; and that the Proctors should take no fees, but such as are set down by statutes. At the Parliament in the year 1555, it was decreed, that no Assessors should be of any other Religion, then of the Roman, or the Confession of the Protestants, made at Augsburg. That one Assessor should not interrupt the speech of another, nor should rise to confer one with the other, and that all speeches of anger should be punished, and all be sworn to keep secret the Acts of the Council: That Advocates should not be more than four and twenty in number: That any man should be admitted to speak for himself, first swearing to avoid slander: That this Chamber or Court should be yearly visited, upon the first of May, by the Archbishop of Mentz, as substitute to the Emperor; by three other, each chosen by one of the Electors, by two Princes, one temporal, the other spiritual, and by one Counsellor, chosen by each order, (namely one by the Earls, and one by each free City) to whom the complaints should be presented upon the first of March. That no man should forbid his subjects to appeal to this Court, except they should willingly renounce the appeal; but that all froward appeals for unjust causes should be punished, by paying charges, and being fined; and that no appeal should be admitted under the value of fifty gulden's, excepting those who have privilege to appeal for less sums, and that no appeal be made for corporal punishments: That the Chamber should be held at Spire, till it be otherwise decreed by Parliament, but that in time of famine or plague, they may for the time choose another place: That two brothers should not be the one an Assessor, the other a Proctor: That the judges shall meet three days in the week, and eight of them at the least shall be present: That execution of judgement shall first be required by letters of the Court, to which if the Defendant shall not yield obedience, he shall be cited to appear, and shall be condemned in costs, and the Plaintiff shall be put in possession of his goods, and the Defendant by the Pope's privilege granted to this Court, shall be excommunicated, and then execution shall be desired from the Magistrate of the Community, or in case the defendant be powerful, it shall be desired from the Emperor himself. Lastly, that no appeal nor petition against the judgement of the Chamber shall be admitted.  
And thus much briefly written of the Imperial Chamber or Court, shall suffice. Only I will add, that appeals were of old granted to the Electors subjects, and at this day in some cases and above a certain value, are granted to the subjects of Princes and Cities; and that in difficult causes, the Germans often refer them, to beiudged by the Colleges of civil Lawyers in the University: but since Princes and Cities weekly hold Courts of judgement, so as execution is done before appeal can be made, and since many Cities and Princes have privileges against appeals, granted to them from the Emperor, these appeals are many times and by divers means made void. In this Chamber the Emperor himself may be accused, and many times a Gentleman, or any man of inferior condition, having difference with a Princes gains the cause against him, and the great differences of Princes, wont to break into war, use quietly to be composed in this Court. The chief judge, if he be Earl or Barron, hath two thousand gulden's yearly, by the statute made in the year 1548, and hath more if he be a Prince. An Assessor, if he be an Earl or Barron, hath yearly by the same statute seven hundred gulden's; if he be a Doctor of the Civil Law, or a Gentleman, he hath five hundred gulden's, and each Advocate in Exchequer causes, hath yearly three hundred gulden's; and by a statute in the year 1557, they receive for each Gulden 77 Creitzers, for bettering of their pensions, whereas formerly each Gulden was valued at sixteen Batzen, or sixty four Creitzers.  
Touching capital judgements. By the Civil Law, in most heinous offences, 
Capital judgements.  the affection is punished, though it take no effect: yet in common custom, and after the form of the Statutes of Italy, he that hath a mind to kill, is not punished, except he do kill. The old Law of Saxony respects the fact, not the will: but of late the Electors of Saxony have made a Statute (which is yet in vigour), that he that provokes a man to fight, or threatens death to him, shall die, though he never assail him. The Germans hold it reproachful to apprehend any malefactor, which is only done by the sergeant of the Hangman's disgraceful Family. Myself observed, that a young man, Kinsman to the Consul or Mayor of a City, having killed a Gentleman, remained two hours in the City, and then fled, without any stop by the sergeant, who notwithstanding did afterwards for fashion sake pursue him, some few hours. Yet I must needs confess, that the Germans are generally most severe in justice, sparing not the Inhabitants more than strangers, yea, in some cases favouring strangers more than the Inhabitants, (as in debts, which a stranger cannot stay to recover by long process.) Myself having a suit for money at Lindaw, my advocate would by no means take any fee of me, and the judge gave me right with great expedition. In criminal offences they never have any pardons from Court; (which are common in foreign Kingdoms), but the punishment is known by the fact, so the malefactor be apprehended. For all hope of safety is in flight, yet I deny not that favour is often done in the pursuit. For since only the sergeant can apprehend, there is no place, where more malefactors escape by flight. In the City of Lubeck, most honoured for justice, the common report was, that the very judges and Senators, had lately winked at a Gentleman's breaking of prison and flight with his keeper, whom being imprisoned for a murder, they could neither execute; without greatly offending the King of Denmark, nor otherwise set free, without scandal of justice. A man suspected of any crime, or accused by one witness, is drawn to torture, yet is never condemned upon any probability, till himself confess the fact, which confession is easily extorted, because most men had rather die, then endure torment. So as many times innocent men have been after known to have perished by their own confessions, as with us sometimes innocent men have been known to die, being found guilty by a jury of twelve sworn men. And because it cannot be that the judgements of men should not often err; hence it is that the Civil Lawyers have a strange, yet good saying, that a mischief is better than an inconueniency, namely, that it is better one innocent man should die by trial, than many nocent persons should escape for want of trial. In Germany not only men but women also being accused, are put to torture. And for divers great crimes, the Law judgeth them to death with exquisite torments. And because they can hardly be endured with Christian patience, lest the condemned should fall into despair, the very Preachers, when they have heard their confessions, and settled their minds in true faith, by rare example of too great charity, permit and advise, that they be made drunken, to stupefy their senses, so as thus armed, they come forth with more bold than holy minds and looks, and seem not to feel unsufferable torments of death.  
Near Lindaw I did see a malefactor hanging in Iron chains on the gallows, with a Mastiff Dog hanging on each side by the heels, so as being starved, they might eat the flesh of the malefactor before himself died by famine. And at Frankford I did see the like spectacle of a jew hanged alive in chains, after the same manner.  
The condemned in Germany lose not their goods, but only in case of Treason against their absolute Lords. But in Bohemia the goods of the condemned, fall to the Emperor, as he is King of Bohemia, in the Territories belonging to the King; and to the Princes and Gentlemen, in the Territories whereof they are absolute Lords (as they are all, in their own lands.)  
In Germany Courtiers and Students of Universities, have their proper judges and Prisons, so as by singular privilege they may not be tried in any other Court. And of old the Students of many Universities had such privileges (at this day not fully allowed), as for murder they could not be punished further, then with expulsion. In Germany they have a custom to give a condemned man to a Virgin that desires him for her husband, but according to the circumstances of the crime, they grant or deny the same.  
The office of the hangman is hereditary, so as the son cannot refuse to succeed his father: And of late the hangman's son of Hamburg being a Student, and learned if not a graduate, in the University of Basil, after his Father's death, was called home by the Senate of Hamburg, and forced to do his Father's Office, which is most ignominious, but of great profit: For the Germans hold it reproachful to take off the skin of any beast, dying of itself, so as the hangman doing that Office, hath the skins for his labour. The Germans are so superstitious, as they think it a great reproach to touch the head or body of any put to death, and think it most ridiculous for any man to salute the hangman, or speak courteously to him, and esteem it a foul fault to eat or drink with them, or any of his Family. Therefore the Hangman and those of their Family, who help them in their Office (and succeed them having no children) do all wear a green cap, or some apparent mark, by which they may be known, or at least are tied to profess their quality, when they come into any company, left any man should offend in the former kinds. And in public Taverns they have Tables proper to them, at which the basest body will not sit for any reward. If they perform not their Office with dexterity, they fear to be stoned by the people, whose rage many times in that case they have hardly escaped; but being expert in doing their Office, and having most sharp Swords, they commonly show great dexterity in beheading many at one time, and (as it were) in a moment. They are commonly thirsty of blood, so as the common report was, that the hangman of Torge beheaded some of his companions with the Sword of justice, because they would not pledge him, when they were so fully drunken, as they could no more; whereupon the Sword was taken from him, and is to this day kept in the Senate-house, and only delivered to him at times of execution: And that this rascal could not live a week without drinking the blood of some Beast. Besides at Breme not long before this time, forty freebooting soldiers being beheaded at one time, and the hangman having failed in giving a foul wound to the first man executed, and having with much difficulty appeased the people's anger for the same, he presently drunk some of the man's blood that was dead, and after he had fetched a frisk or two, beheaded all the rest with strange dexterity (as it were) in a moment.  
Of old among the Germans manslaughter was punished by a mulct of cattle, but no man escaped death for adultery. At this day (as after will appear) they punish mankillers more severely, and adultery in most places is death, and in no part of Germany free from severe punishment. Not only the free Cities of the Empire have the privilege of the Sword, or capital justice granted to them by Emperors; but also many City's subject to inferior Princes have that privilege granted by some of their Lords: and those Cities that have it not, yet upon accidents of capital offences, obtain it for the time by petitionary letters at Court, so as the Prince permits justice, the City gives sentence, and sees execution done in the place where the crime was committed, and presently after the fact, never using (as we do) to send judges from County to County at set times of the year: For casual manslaughter, or by chance medley (as we term it), the Civil Law gives arbitrary punishment; but the Law of Saxony punisheth it with a certain and express mulct, namely of one Wehrgeld, and by the Civil Law not only the principal, but every one that is accessary, pays the whole mulct, whereas by the Saxon Law, if it be not known which of them killed him, all jointly pay but one mulct. Killing in sudden anger (which we call manslaughter) is punished with beheading through all Germany and Bohemia, and that without delay: for if the offender be apprehended, he shall within few hours, or next day be beheaded, and put in the same Coffin with him that he killed, and so both are buried with one funeral pomp, and in the same grave: and if upon escape, the manslayer live within the confines of the Empire, whensoever his fact is known, he shall be sent back to the place where he committed it, contrary to the custom of Italy, where the Princes cherish, or at least give safe abode to the banished men of the next Countries: Only I must except the Lords and Gentlemen of Bohemia, who upon capital offences are not presently judged, but are referred to the next Parliament. In free Cities I have observed this form of judgement and execution. The judge sits before the tribunal, covered with black cloth, and the Senators and Consuls sit upon a bench above him; and this place of judgement is commonly in a Porch or Terras under the Senate-house, having one side all open towards the market place. Then the Crier, who carries the Sword before the judge, calls out the accuser; and the hangman coming forth, accuseth the Malefactor, which done, the Crier leads the Malefactor before the Tribunal, where he is again accused, and confesseth the fact, according to his confessions formerly made either in torture or before the Senators appointed to examine him: Then the judge gives sentence, and breaks his white rod. This done, the Hangman repeats the sentence in the market place, and presently the Malefactor is brought forth to be beheaded. This manslaughter in sudden sury, is very frequent among the Germans, by reason of their excessive drinking. In the City of Hamburg I observed thirty seven to be thus killed in the space of six weeks, and only three of the manslayers to be beheaded, the rest escaping by flight. And at Prage in Bohemia, I observed fifteen servants of the Polonian Ambassador (whereof many were Gentlemen), and thirteen Bohemians and Germans, to be wounded to death in their cups, within the space of three weeks, all the manslayers escaping, excepting one poor clown, who was executed. It is true that Post-Horses are kept for the Sergeants to pursue Malefactors, yet they slowly follow Gentlemen, or those that have good friends, howsoever they would soon apprehend a stranger, or a poor offender, neither use they earnestly to pursue any, except they be hired by the friends of him that is killed, or be otherwise terrified by the Magistrate.  
For combats in Germany, read the precept of patience in the Chapter of Precepts, being the second chapter of this 3 Part. Here I will only say, that in combat very few, or no Germane are killed, few hurt, and that lightly; which I rather attribute to their peaceable nature, not apt to take things in reproach, then to their severe Laws. I have said that manslayers die without hope of pardon, if they be apprehended, but otherwise the Germans have no severe Laws to punish injuries, (in which justice the Sweitzers of all Nations excel), without which Laws, no capital punishment can keep men from revenge, especially in a warlike Nation, and unpatient of reproach: Only at Augsburg I remember severe Laws, made to keep the Garrison Soldiers from combats, where they have a plat of ground, to which they call one another to fight upon injuries; but it serves more to make show, than proof of their valour: For a Soldier wounding another, pays four gulden's: He that draws his Sword, though he draw no blood, pays two gulden's: He that upon challenge and the greatest provocation, kills another, is banished: And the Magistrate gives such real satisfaction to the wronged by deed or word, as they may with reputation forbear revenge: yea, he that doth a wrong, is bound under great penalty, that he himself shall presently make it known to the Magistrate, craving pardon, and submitting himself to punishment, howsoever the wronged never complains.  
At Prage in Bohemia, manslaughters committed by Gentlemen against strangers, and those of meaner condition, are much more frequent, because Gentlemen can only be judged in Parliaments, which are not often called, and are then tried by Gentlemen, who are partial in the common cause, and commonly acquit them, or delude justice by delays: Otherwise the Bohemians punish manslaughter, murder, robbery, and like crimes, as the Germans punish them.  
By the Civil Law the punishment of a boy for manslaughter, is arbitrary, but he is not subject to the Cornelian Law, or capital punishment, except he be capable of malice. By the Law of Saxony, a boy for manslaughter is punished by the foresaid mulct, if he be capable of malice, otherwise he is subject to no punishment, and in like sort if he deprive one of the use of any member: but in custom if he be seventeen years old, he may be, and is commonly put to death. By the Civil law, the punishment of real and verbal injuries is arbitrary, and as many wounds as are given, so many are the punishments. But by the law of Saxony, he that strikes another, so as he loseth the use of a member, is punished by a mulct of money uncertain, which is given always to him that is maimed, and if he die not, a thousand wounds or maims are punished only with one mulct, except they be done at divers times and places, in which case several mulcts are inflicted. Always understand, that these judgements are given, where the offender is civilly accused, for if these wounds be given of set malice, and if he be capitally accused, he shall die, according to the circumstances, which the Germans much regard. Thus at Lubeck a man was beheaded, for striking a Citizen in his own house. And in the way from Stoade to Breme, I did see a sad monument, of a wicked son, whose hand first, and then his head was cut off, for striking his father. He that kills a man of set malice, and like heinous murderers, have all their bones broken upon a wheel, and in some cases their flesh is pinched off, with hot burning pincers, and they that kill by the highway, are in like sort punished. And many times for great crimes, the malefactors some few days before the execution of judgement, are nailed by the ears to a post in a public place, that the people may see them. After the execution, the bones and members of the malefactor are gathered together, and laid upon the wheel, which is set up in the place of execution (commonly where the crimes were committed), for eternal memory of his wickedness, with so many bones hanging on the sides of the wheel, as he committed murders or like crimes; and myself have numbered sometimes eighteen, often fourteen bones thus hanging for memory of so many murders, or like crimes committed by one man. These marks long remaining, and crosses set up in places where murders were committed, though the murderer escaped by flight, make passengers think these crimes to be frequent in Germany; yet the highway is most safe, and the nature of the people abhorring from such acts, which are never committed by Gentlemen, but only by rascals against footmen in the highway, and those that dwell in solitary houses. Yet the severity of punishments, & the more fierce nature of the Germans (retaining some kind of fierceness from their old progenitors) make such as are thus given over to wickdnes, to be more barbarous & unmerciful, and when they have once done ill, to affect extremity therein. To conclude, I have said, that the law of Saxony condemns a man to death, who threatens to kill another, though he never do the act. By the Civil law, difference is made between a day & a night thief, because we may not kill him that steals by day, but may kill him that robs by night, if we cannot spare him without danger to ourselves. By the law of Saxony, he that by night steals so much as a little wood, shall be hanged: but stealing that or like goods by day, shall only be beaten with rods. In the civil law, it is doubtful whether theft is to be punished with death or no, & most commonly it concludes, that only theft deserves not death, if it be not accompanied with other crimes. But the law of Saxony expressly condemns a thief to be hanged, if he steal above the value of five Hungarian Ducats of gold, or under that value to be beaten with rods, and to be marked with a burning iron, in the ears or cheeks and forehead, and so to be banished. And howsoever generally a thief may not be hanged by the Civil Law, yet in some cases it condemns him to be hanged. By the law of Saxony the thing stolen must be restored to the owner, and may not be detained by the Magistrate, and they who wittingly receive stolen goods, or give any help to thieves, are subject no less than the thieves to the punishment of hanging. In Germany there be very few robberies done by the highway, and those only upon footmen; for they that pass by coach or horse, carry long Pistols or Carbiners, and are well accompanied. But if any robbers affaile, in respect of the severe punishment, they commonly kill. In Germany they who are hanged for simple theft hang in iron chains upon the gallows till they rot and consume to nothing, but in Bohemia after three days they are cut down and buried. I did see one that had stolen less than five gold guldens, whipped about the town, one that consented being led by his side for ignominy, but not whipped. I did see another small offender led to the gallows with a condemned man, that he might beware by that example. And I have seen others for stealing under the said value, put in a basket, and thrice ducked in the river, for a warning upon the first fault. And I have often heard them tax our English justice, for hanging those that steal above the value of thirten pence halfpenny, which will hardly buy a rope. By the Civil Law he that finds any thing, and for gain keeps it, is guilty of theft; for he ought to make it publicly known, and to restore it being owned, or other wise if he be poor to keep it, if he be rich, to distribute it among the poor.  
By the Law of Saxony, it is a thievish thing not to make publicly known any thing that is found; but he that so doth, shall not suffer death or any corporal punishment, because he did not of purpose take it away: but if he that lost it, do cry it in the Church or marketplace, then if it be more than the value of five shillings, he is thought worthy to be beaten with rods, or to endure such arbitrary punishment, according to the value of the thing found.  
By the Civil Law, he that cuts down trees secretly, shall pay the double value: but by the Law of Saxony, the mulct is according to the value. By the Civil Law, they that steal the necessaries belonging to husbandry, shall restore four fold, and also incur infamy. But one Law of Saxony condemns them to have their bones broken with wheels; and another Law makes the punishment arbitrary. The Civil Law confiscates goods for which custom is not paid, but the Law of Saxony imposeth Fine aswell upon those which pay not customs and duties, as upon those that pass not the beaten way, where they are paid, but go some by way, to defraud the Prince. By the Civil Law, sacrilegious persons are beheaded: but by the Law of Saxony their bones are broken upon the wheel, and marks are set up according to the number of their offences in that kind. By the Civil Law, no offender may be burnt in the forehead, because the face may not be dissigured, as created to the similitude of God: but in Saxony, those which are beaten with rods, or banished, are also many times marked, by being burnt in the hand, or by cutting off their ears, or by pulling out their eyes, or by being burnt in the cheeks, so as the hair may not cover the mark but it may be manifest to strangers in foreign parts. Yet the interpreters of that Law, think at this day, that offenders can not be so punished by that Law, and that a thief ought not so to be marked. By the civil Law, witches doing any act whereupon a man dies, are to be beheaded, but by the Law of Saxony, they are to be burnt. Yet by a late Statute of the Elector, they are sometimes beheaded, (for you must understand that in all places, the Provincial Law is daily increased by new Statutes of Princes) And by the Law of Saxony, a witch having done no hurt by that art, is punished arbitrarily. And the Germans credibly report, that there be many witches in the Country's lying upon the Baltic sea, and especially upon the Northern side thereof, as in Lapland, being part of the kingdom of Suetia; and that in those places they have general meetings, and Colleges of witches, who will tell any man what his friends do at anytime, in the remorest parts, one of them falling down as in ecstasy, and when he comes to himself, relating the particulars thereof, and that they ordinarily sell winds to the Mariners, to carry them out of the haven to the main sea.  
In Germany those that set houses on fire, either hired thereunto, or of there ownemalice, and also witches use to be burnt, or if their crime be heinous, use to be put to death with a 〈◊〉 iron on spit, thrust into their hinder parts. Coins of counterfeit money, are by the Law to die in boiling lead. By the Civil Law the goods of a banished man may be seized to repair any loss, but it is not lawful for any man to kill him, neither is he infamous. But by the Law of Saxony, he that is banished by the Empire, may be killed; because he broke the peace, and after a years banishment, he is infamous; always understanding, that he is lawfully banished, By the Civil Law, a traitor to his country, is to be burned to death; but by the Law of Saxony, his bones are brokn upon the wheel, and by custom many torments are in some crimes added to this punishment. By the Civil Law, he that steals a virgin, widow, or Nun, and all that help him in that rape, are beheaded: but by the Law of Saxony, besides the beheading of the offenders, the places are to be laid waste where the force was offered, and the beasts to be killed that helped to do the force, as the horses which carried them away; yet this is not observed, but in practice only he is put to death that offered the force.  
Of old the women of Germany, were wont to purge themselves from suspicion of adultery, by the combat of champions, or by treading on shares of hot burning iron with their naked feet, with out taking any harm, and this purgation should still be observed; neither is it abrogated in Saxony, but only is vanished by difusing. And the Germans have not only of old been severe punishers of breaches in wedlock, so as it was lawful for the husband to expel his adulterous wife out of his house before all his neighbours, with her body naked and her hair shorn, and so to beat her with rods through the streets; but also even to this day, the chastity of wives, through the severity of the Law against the incontinent, is no where so preserved, as in Germany. If a married person lie with one that is unmarried, aswell on the man as the woman's side, the married party is put to death, and the unmarried is punished by the purse, and with ignominy; and if both parties be married, boo die. And our age hath seen two notable examples of this justice in Germany, one of a Duchess, who by authority of her husband and of her own brother, was for this crime forced to drink poison secretly, for preserving of all their honours. The other of another Duchess who was bricked up in a most narrow room, having an hole in the wall by which she received her meat, to prolong her miserable life, while her husband had another wife and lived with her in the same Castle, in which she thus languished. In most places of Germany this sin is punished no less than with death; yet in some places, and upon some circumstances, (as of a man having an old and barren wife) the delinquent sometimes escapes with a mulct of money: and otherwhere the judgement is drawn out with delays of the suit, to spare the parties without manifest breaches of the Law. In Bohemia adultery is also punished with death. In Germany I did see a poor knave hanging and rotting on the gallows, being condemned to that death for having two wives at one time in two several Cities, and I did see another beheaded for lying withhis wives sister.  
In Civil causes, I observed these laudable customs in Germany, namely that in many Courts, they that go to Law lay down a caution or pledge, which he loseth, 
Civil judgements.  who in the end of the trial, is found rashly and unjustly to have sued the other. That the Fees of Lawyers are limited, and that icasts or impertinent speeches are punished, and they are tied to speak nothing that is not to the purpose.  
Of old, no beauty, age, nor riches, helped a deflowered virgin, to get any husband at any time. And no doubt virgins to this day are no where so careful of their good name as in Germany; no where virgins more modestly behave themselves, no where virgins live to so ripe years before they be married, as in Germany. At Wittenberg I did see harlots punished by standing at the Altar with a torch lighted in their hands, and by being whipped with rods, while many drums were beaten, & basons tinckled about them. At Heidelberg I did see an harlot put in a basket, and so ducked into the river Neccar; and because she whooped and hollowed as in triumph, when she rose out of the water, she was for that impudence ducked the second time. At Prage in Bohemia, howsoever harlots be there as common as in Italy, and dwell in streets together, (where they stand at the doors, and by wanton signs allure passengers to them) yet I did see some men and women of the common sort, who for simple fornication, were yoked in carts, & therewith drew out, of the City the filth of the streets. But while the Bohemians thus chasten the pooter sort, I fear the greater Flies escape their webs.  
In Germany at the time of public Fairs, after the sound of a bell, it is free for debtors, harlots, and banished people to enter the City; but they must have care to be out of the territories before the same bell sound again at the end of the Fair, they being otherwise subject then to the Law. At Leipzig I did see an harlot taken after this second sound of the bell, who had been formerly banished, with two of her fore-fingers cut off; and she, not for incontinency, but by the law of banishment, was next day beheaded. Whiles I lived in the same City, it happened that a virgin of the better sort being with child, and cunningly concealing it, was surprised with the time of birth in the Church upon a Sunday, and silently brought forth the child in her pew or seat, covering it with rushes being dead, which was unknown to all in the body of the Church, only some young men sitting in a rood or fit with the musicans, perceived the fact, and accused her for murdering the child: In the mean time, she went home from the Church, in the company of the other virgins, without any show of such weakness, & after, upon the said accusation being imprisoned, the report was that she should be judged to death, after the old Law mentioned by the Poet Propertius, namely, being sewed in a steke with a living cat (in steed of an Ape), and a living Cock, Snake, and Dog, and so drowned in the river with them. But delay being used in the judgement, and her honourable friends making intercession for her, and the murder of her child being not proved, when I left the City after six months she remained in prison, and it was not known what would become of her.  
Aswell in Germany as Bohemia, bastards are excluded from public profession of liberal or mechanical arts, only they may exercise them in the houses of private Gentlemen, (in which course of life as servants they commonly live) but never in open shops. All graduates in Universities take an oath, that they were begotten in lawful matrimony. And if any man ignorantly should marry a woman great with child, howsoever the child be borne in marriage, yet it shall inherit nothing from the husband. Bastard's cannot be sureties for any imprisoned or delinquent man, nor enjoy the extraordinary benefits of the law, and are commonely named of the City or Town where they were borne, for a mark of ignominy, not after any man's surname. But the public Notaries by privileges granted to them from Emperors and Popes, have power to make their posterity legitimate.  
In the lower part of Germany, which was all named Saxony of old, a debtor shall not be received into prison, except the Creditor allow the jailor two pence by the day to give him bread and water, and after a years imprisonment, if the debtor take his oath that he is not able to pay, he shall be set free, yet the creditor hath still his right reserved upon his yearly wages for his labour, and upon his gains by any art or trade, and upon any goods whatsoever he shall after possess. And before any debtor be imprisoned, the Magistrate gives him eighteen week's time to pay his debt, and commits him not till that time be past. And in some places the debtor lines at his own expense, and shall be tied to pay his creditors charges, if he be able to do it.  
In some places, especially at Lubeck, I have observed that strangers being Creditors, have more favour than the Creditors of the same City against a Citizen debtor, because strangers by reason of their traffic, and hast homeward, cannot well expect the delay of suits, in which respect their debtors shall presently be imprisoned, whereas mutually among the Citizens, they give the foresaid or like time of payment, before they will imprison them: Debts without specialty are tried by Oath. In Bohemia the debtors are imprisoned presently, and maintain themselves, not being released till the creditors be satisfied.  
In Germany, if any man draw other men's moneys into his hands, and being able, yet pays not his debts, he is guilty of capital punishment; but that ingenious and honest Nation hath few or no such bankrupts. By the Law of Saxony, he that deceives by false weights and measures, is to be whipped with rods.  
The Emperors of old granted the privilege of coining Money, to many Princes and free Cities; and the Emperor in the Diet or Parliament of the year 1500, commanded all Princes, Persons, and Bodies so privileged, to send their Counsellors to him at Nurnberg, and that in the mean time all Coining should cease, under the penalty to lose the privilege of Coining. In the same place, the year 1559, many Laws were made for coining moneys, whereof I will relate some few. First the weight and purity of the metal was prescribed, together with the Inscriptions to be set upon the Coins. Then it was decreed, that after six months no strange moneys should be currant, whereof many are particularly named. That all foreign Gold should after the same time be forbidden, excepting the Spanish single and donble Ducats, the Portugal Crowns with the short cross, the Crowns of Burgundy, netherlands, France, Spain, and Italy, to each of which pieces a certain value was set. Moreover it was decreed, that counterfeit coining or melting, should be punished according to the quality of the offence. That uncoyned gold and silver should be delivered by each man into the Mints of his own Prince. That it should be lawful to Goldsmiths for exercise of their trade, (and no more) to melt gold and silver, and to divide it into parts, so as they export none of it. That no man should sell or pawn the privilege of Coining, heretofore granted him from the Emperors, and that like privileges hereafter to be granted, should be of no force, without certain conditions there prescribed. Other Laws of Coining I have formerly set down in the Chapter of Coins.  
Germany hath few or no beggars, the Nation being generally industrious, excepting leprous men, who live in alms-houses, and standing far off, beg of passengers with the sound of a bell, or of a wooden clapper, but no man denies alms to him that begs, they having small brass moneys of little value. The Law forbids any to beg, but those that are lame, and chargeth Magistrates to bring up their children in manual Arts. The Laws wisely provide against all frauds in manual Arts and in Trades, and since no Trade can do more hurt then the Apothecaries, for the preservation of health, or the less hurt of the sick, the Law provides that their shops be yearly visited, and purged of all corrupted drugs, which the visitors see burned. The Germans freely permit usury to the jews, who at Franckfort, at Prage, in the Province of Moravia, and in many places under Princes of the Papacy, have Cities, or at least streets to dwell in, where they live separated from Christians, and grind the faces of the poor with unsatiable avarice. For they take fifty in the hundred by the year, with a pawn of gold or silver, and one hundredth in the hundredth by the year, with a pawn of apparel or household stuff, never lending any thing without a good pawn. But the Germans among themselves cannot by the Law take more than five or fix in the hundredth for a years use. Yet among Christians, there want not some, who use both the name and help of the jews, to put out their money with greater gain.  
Of old among the Germans, with out respect to last Wills and Testaments, the 
The Laws of Inheritance.  sons lawfully begotten succeeded alone in the Inheritance, and for want of them, first brothers; then uncles. Caesar in his Commentaries writes, that the fields were yearly divided by the Magistrate, no man having fees or inheritance proper to him, lest husbandry should take away their warlike dispotion, or they should become covetous; and adds, that they loved vast solitudes upon their confines, as if no people durst dwell near them; or at least to the end they might live more safe from sudden incursions of enemies. At this day all barbarousness being abolished, they succeed according to the laws in the Fees and inheritances of their parents and Kinsmen, and affect peace as much as any other Nation. But they trust not so much to solitudes or the naked breast for defence from their enemies, as in strong forts and well fortified Cities.  
By the Civil Law, as the son, so the nephew, or sons son, (representing his father) succeeds in land granted by fee. By the Law of Saxony, only the son succeeds, excluding the nephew: and if there be no son, the Fee returns to the Lord. But howsoever the old Interpreters have so determined, yet the later Interpreters, judging it most unequal so to exclude the nephew, so interpret the Statute of the Saxonicall Law, as they make the Fee granted to the Father and his children, to extend to the nephews (or the sons of any his son,) so as the sons cannot exclude them. By the Feudatory Civil Law, brothers and collateral cousins, succeed in the Fee of the Father, sometimes to the seventh degree, sometimes infinitely: for the Interpreters extend the succession of the right line without end, but the succession of the collateral line only to the seventh degree. But in the Law of Saxony, collateral kinsmen have no right of succession in the Fee, except they have it by right of joint investiture. These Laws differ in numbering the degrees. For the Saxons make the first degree in cousin-germans by the father's side, namely the sons of two brethren; and the second degree in the sons of two cousin-germans: whereas in the Civil Law, cosengermen are in the fourth degree of consanguinity. By the Civil Law, brothers dividing a fee, prejudice not themselves in mutual succession; so as two brothers dividing, and after one of them dying without a son, the part of him that is dead, shall return to him that lives. But by the Law of Saxony, the succession depends upon using it in common, from which if they depart, they are judged to have renounced the mutual right of succession; so as one brother dying after the division, the other hath no right to his part: therefore by custom one brother useth to retain the fee, and to satisfy his brethren in money and goods, commonly with condition that this money and goods shall be bestowed in getting another fee. By the Civil Law, if the vassal have built houses, or bestowed money in bettering the old houses, the Lord of the Fee shall either satisfy the heir according to the estimation of the expense, or shall suffer him to carry away the houses. But by the Law of Saxony, the fee lies open to the Lord, with all the houses built, one case excepted. By the Civil Law, if the vassal die without heir male before the month of March, the fruits of that year pertain to the Lord: but if he die after the Calends of March, before the month of August, the fruits pertain to the heirs. But by the Law of Saxony, if the vassal live past the day when the rent is due, the heirs shall enjoy the fruits of his labour. By the Civil Law, if the Fee upon the death of the Lord, fall to all his sons, either equally or otherwise, the investiture must be desired of all: but by the Law of Saxony, it sufficeth to ask it of one son of the dead Lord. By the Civil Law, a servant or a clown may be invested in a Fee; which done, the clown becomes a Gentleman, if the nature of the fee require it: But by the Law of Saxony, only he that is borne of the knightly order by father and mother is capable of a fee, though custom prevail to the contrary. By the Civil Law, if the vassal leave an heir, he cannot refuse the inheritance, and retain the fee, but must hold or refuse both: but by the Law of Saxony, he may retain the fee, leaving the inheritance, and in that case is not bound to satisfy creditors. By the Civil Law, a man may give or sell his land to a Prince or Prelate, and take it again of him in fee. But by the Law of Saxony, except the Prince or any buyer whatsoever, retain the land a year and a day, before he grants it back in fee, he that gave or sold it, or his heir, hath right to recover the land. By the Civil Law, if the vassal have lost his horse or arms in war, he hath no remedy against the Lord, because he is tied by duty to help him: but by the Law of Saxony, the Vassal is not tied to serve the Lord any longer, except he repair his loss, and the Lord is tied to pay a certain ransom for his captive Vassal. By the Civil Law, the Lord, or the Father of the Vassal being dead, the Vassal is bound to ask investiture within a year and a month: but by the Law of Saxony, either of them being dead, he must ask it without delay. By the Civil Law, the Vassal must serve the Lord at his own charge: but by the Law of Saxony, he is only tied to serve him six weeks, and by custom the Lord must feed him and his horse, or give him a competent allowance.  
By the Civil law, the pupil is excused from the Lords service: but by the law of Saxony, the Tutor must serve in his place. By the Civil law, a Fee falling to a Monk, belongs to the Monastery during his life: but by the law of Saxony, it returns to the Lord. And touching the succession of Monks in any inheritance whatsoever, though by the Civil law they are accounted dead, yet the same law admits them to succeed with the children of the intestate father: but by the law of Saxony, they are not capable of any inheritance; yet this Law seeming unjust to the Popes, it was corrected, so as their succession was given to the Monastery. But in our age, the judges have pronounced a Monk himself to be capable of inheritance, notwithstanding the Papal Law gives his inheritance to the Monastery, and that because the Monkish Vows being against the word of God, the persons of Monks are free to take inheritance. By the Civil Law, the Vassal is bound to accompany his Lord when he goes with the King of the Romans, to take the Crown of the Empire at Rome but by the Law of Saxony, he may redeem this service with paying the tenth part of his yearly rent; and since, the golden Bulla hath restrained this service, to twenty thousand foot, and four thousand horse, and the payment of them hath since been equally divided through Germany, allowing a horseman twelve gulden's, and a footman four gulden's. By the Civil Law, he forfeits his Fee, who cuts down fruitful trees, or pulls up vines, but by the Law of Saxony, it is free to the possessor, to make the lands or houses of the Fee better or worse, at his pleasure. By the Civil Law, if the Lord deny investiture, it must be asked often and humbly: but by the Law of Saxony, if the Vassal ask it thrice, and hath witnesses that the Lord denied his service, afterwards, so he have good witnesses thereof, he and his heirs shall possess the Fee, without any bond of service, and his heir is not bound to ask investiture. By the Civil Law, if two Lords of one Vassal shall both at one time require his service, he is bound to serve the most ancient Lord: but by the Law of Saxony, the person of the Vassal must serve the Lord that first calls him, and he is to pay a sum of money (as the tenth pound) to the other.  
By the aforesaid Laws and daily practice, it appears, that the Territories of Princes (according to the old Feudatory Laws) either fall to the eldest son (who gives his brother's yearly Pensions, or according to his inheritance, recompenseth them with money, or other lands), or else are equally divided among the brothers. Yet some Fees are also feminine, and fall to the daughters and their husbands, and some may be given by testament: but others, (as those of the Electors) for want of heirs males are in the emperors power, who with the consent of the Princes of the Empire, commonly gives them to the husbands of the daughters, or to the next heirs by affinity, if there be none of consanguinity. I have heard of credible men, that the Dukedom of Austria first falls to the sons, then to the cousins, and for want of them to the daughters. The Duke of Wineberg and the Duke of Coburg (sons to Frederick Duke of Saxony and Elector, but deprived of his Electorship by the Emperor Charles the fifth, for his Religion), did equally divide their father's inheritance, (the Electorship being given away, the inheritance whereof could not be divided): but I did observe, that the brother to that Duke of Coburgs' son being unmarried, had no inheritance subdivided to him, which was said should be done, when he took a wife. The Count Palatine of the Rhine, not long before this time deceased, did divide all the inheritance with his brother Duke Casimere, excepting the Palatinate; which with the style and dignity of Elector, belongs to the eldest son. But they say that many times the Knights and chief men of the Province, will not for the public good, lest the Prince's power should be weakened, permit this division among their Princes, but force the younger brother to take money or yearly pension for the part of his inheritance; and that this division is also many times forbidden by the dying father's last Testament. And they seem to do this not without just cause, since the great number of children often oppresseth divers principalities. Thus 17 brothers, all Princes of Anhalt (for the title is common to all the younger brothers with the eldest, even where the patrimony is not divided) dividing their father's estate between them, were said to have each of them ten thousand gold gulden's by the year; and if all these brethren should have children, it was probable that the Principality could not bear so many heirs. I remember that I did see one of them at Dresden, in the Court of Christian Elector and Duke of Saxony, who received of him a pension to maintain certain horses, and was one of his Courtiers. The like happened in our time to the Counts of Mansfeild, whereof twenty seven lived at one time, and some of them followed the wars of netherlands, the revenues of so narrow a County sufficing not to bear up the dignity of their birth, howsoever it yieldeth Mines of Silver, which were at that time pawned for money to the Fuggari of Augsburg.  
I observed that the younger sons of Protestant Princes, whose Fees could not be divided, yea, and the eldest son during his father's life, enjoyed the revenues of Bishoprics as Administrators (being so called), besides money and pensions, and some lands of inheritance, and otherwise for better maintenance followed the wars. In this sort when the Elector Christian Duke of Saxony died, his three sons being yet under age, enjoyed three Bishoprics, namely, those of Mizzen, Nauberg, and Mersberg, though the Emperor and the Gentlemen of those parts in a Provincial meeting, were instant to have three Bishops chosen, and the Emperor desired that dignity for one of his brothers. The same three Princes yet being under age, I did see coins of Gold and Silver bearing the images of all three: but when they came to age, the Electorship and the Inheritance belonging to it, fell to the eldest son, the younger retaining the said Bishoprics for life, and their part of other lands that might be divided, for inheritance to them and their children.  
The Fees of Princes are given by the Emperor, and the Fees of many Gentlemen and of some Earls are given by Princes: but I return to the Laws of Succession.  
By the Civil law, they that disscend of the right line, have the first place in succession, all which without respect of sex or fatherly power, do succeed equally, the sons by the Pole, the nephews to their part, namely, to the part which their father should have had, if he had been then living; so as it seems, that four or more nephews, the sons of a third brother dead, dividing with two brothers living, all the nephews shall only have a third part, belonging to their father being dead, and each of the two living brothers shall have another third part. The Law of Saxony changeth nothing touching the persons, but differs in the succession of goods: For the daughters shall by privilege have their mother's apparel, and other ornaments, with all vtensiles (or household stuff), so as they shall be valued to them in their due parts. And the niece, borne of one of the sisters being dead, hath the same right with the other sisters for her mother's part: but none can have these vtensiles, save the women on the mother's side, (vulgarly called Spieimagen), for the brother's daughter hath no right to them. And I have heard of learned men, that these vtensiles cannot be alienated by the last testament, namely, vessels of brass (but not of pewter), linen, beds (excepting the heirs of Innkeepers, whose chief wealth commonly consists in such furniture) also sheep, geese, jewels of gold, and like ornaments of the mother, excepting the seal ring of gold, and pearls, and other jewels, which men use to wear as well as women. By a Law made in the Dukedom of Meckelburg, because the women in the year 1388 redeemed theeir captive Prince with their jewels, many privileges of succession are granted to women. By the Law of Saxony, as the vtensiles belong to the daughters, so besides the decree of the Civil Law, in the Knightly Order all goods of expedition (as Arms, and the like) belong to the sons, and the sword is always given to the eldest son. But these things are not observed among those of common or plebeian rank, except custom have made them as Law, so as the Daughters by custom have the vtensiles, and the eldest son have the chief horse for the plough. I have formerly said, that by the Law of Saxony, the nephew is excluded from succeeding in a Fee with his uncle on the father's side (that is, his father's brother), but that in our days the nephew is admitted according to the Civil law. I have said, that in the succession of movable goods, the sons succeed the father by the Pole: but the nephews (or sons of another son deceased) succeed their Grandfather only in the part belonging to their father. I have said, that the Law of Saxony changeth nothing touching the persons, but only differs in the succession to some goods, as the vtensiles. Now I add further, that the nephews succession and equal division with his father's brothers, is decreed by an Imperial Law, abrogating all contrary customs.  
By the Civil Law, brothers on both sides, and together with them, the children of their dead brothers and sisters, are then first called to inheritance, when the deceased hath no heirs in the right line descending or ascending: but without any respect to the Imperiallisaid Law, (as speaking of custom, not written Law), or to the last Civil Law, the Law of Saxony decrees, and of old custom it is observed among the Saxons, that in the succession of Collaterals, the living brother excludes the children of his dead brother, (I say in freehold, not in fee) and the brother on both sides excludes the brother on the one side only in the third degree, and the brother on both sides excludes the children of his dead brother in the third degree. But I have observed that this law is thus practised among the Saxons, as imagining there be three brothers, Thomas, john, and Andrew, and it happening, that Thomas first dies leaving a son, and then john dies unmarried, or without issue, the goods of john at his death shall not fall to the son of Thomas his eldest brother, but to his brother Andrew yet living; and Andrew dying last, as well his own as his brother john's goods fall to his own son: but if he have no son, than they fall to the son of Thomas. And again putting the case, that Thomas and john are both dead and each of them hath left a son or sons, if Andrew die without a son, the son of Thomas succeeds him, without any respect to the son of john. By the Civil law, the uncle of the deceased by the father's side, is not only excluded by the brother of the deceased, but also by the brother's children: but by the Law of Saxony, since the right of representation simply hath no place, and these persons are in the same degree, namely, in the third degree, they are called together to the inheritance, yet the Scabines (or judges) of Leipzig, have pronounced the contrary to this judgement of the judges in the highest Court of the Duke of Saxony rather following the Civil Law, which prefers the brother's son, before the uncle on the father's side. By the Civil Law in the successions of Collaterals, the brothers of both sides are for a double bond preferred to the brothers by one parent only, so as the privilege be not extended to things in Fee, but to things in freehold; because in Fees the bond on the mother's side is not regarded. By the Law of Saxony a brother on both sides excludes a brother by one parent, as nearer by one degree.  
By the Civil law Bastards are admitted to the inheritance of the mother, and the brother lawfully begotten is called to the inheritance of a dead bastard brother by the said mother, but by the Law of Saxony, as a bastard cannot be admitted to inherit with one lawfully begotten, so he that is lawfully begotten, cannot succeed a bastard, that is not legitimated, and by the law of Saxony a mother having a bastard daughter, and dying without any other child, cannot leave her vtensile goods to that daughter. Yet in all cases concerning bastards, the judges leave the law of Saxony as unequal, and judge after the Civil law, so as in Saxony bastards both succeed, and are succeeded unto, and always part of the goods is given, if not by law, yet by equity, to maintain the bastards, and the Interpreters will have the law of Saxony understood of those, that are borne in incest, who have not the benefit of legitimation. By the Civil law he that is borne in the seventh month after marriage, is reputed lawfully begotten: but by the law of Saxony, he is reputed a bastard that is borne before the due time; yet because Physicians agree, that the seventh month may be called due time, in custom and practise the law of Saxony agrees with the Civil law.  
By the Civil Law the Testament is broken by the birth of a Posthumus, (that is, a son borne after his father's death), if it give no part to this child; so the birth be proved by two witnesses: but by the Law of Saxony four men by hearsay, and two women by sight, must testify the birth. In the Civil Law it is controverted how sons of brothers shall succeed the uncle by the father's side; and the greater part saith, that they succeed to the parts of the brothers: so as one child of a brother shall have as much as two or more children of another brother: but by the Law of Saxony when the inheritance falls to any that are not brothers and sisters, they succeed by pole, so as one brother having many children, each of them shall have equal part with the only child of another brother; and if they be further off in degrees, those that are equal in degree, have equal portions. But both these Laws are made to agree by a Statute of the Emperor Charles the fifth in the year 1539, whereby it is determined that the sons of brothers shall not succeed to parts, but by pole, to the Uncle by the Father's side; not withstanding any Statute or custom to the contrary.  
By the Civil Law the division of Inheritance must be made by Lots, and if the parts be not so made equal, the judge must determine it; but by the Law of Saxony, if there be only two persons, the elder divideth, and the younger chooseth, and if there be more persons, then according to the Civil Law, the inheritance is divided equally, and they cast lots for their parts.  
In this division I have observed such equity among the Saxons, as if one son of a Citizen, have been brought up in the University, or instructed in any Art or Science at the Father's charge, something shall be taken from his part, and given to the other brothers wanting like education, or being tender in years: And the Germans being less apt to disagreement, seldom go to Law about inheritance, and if any difference happen, an Arbiter is appointed, and the Magistrate determines it with expedition. By the Civil Law the Son of a banished man is deprived of his Father's inheritance, but by the Law of Saxony he shall enjoy it.  
By the Civil Law the degrees of Consanguinity, end in the tenth degree, excepting Barons and noble persons, who dying without heirs, the kinsmen succeed, though it be in the hundredth degree; and if all the Family of a King should die, and leave no man nearer than one of the old blood removed a thousand degrees, yet he should succeed in the Kingdom. The degree of Consanguinity by the Law of Saxony, ends in the seventh degree, for that is the tenth by the Civil Law, the sons of two brothers being by the Law of Saxony in the first degree, who by the Civil Law, are in the fourth degree. By the Civil Law Cities howsoever privileged, cannot possess the vacant goods of men dying without heirs, but they fall to the Emperor; but by the Law of Saxony Cities that have absolute power, confiscate these goods by custom, so as the goods of a stranger, or any dying without heirs, are brought to the judges of the place, who keep them for one whole year: yea, they challenge unmovable goods, but with prescription of years: And these goods use to be converted to godly uses, and I have observed some to be deeply fined, for fraudulent detaining these goods.  
By the Civil Law he that is of age, so he be in his wits, and no prodigal person, may freely sell, give, or by any course alienate his goods: but by the Law of Saxony this power is restrained, for no man without the consent of the next heirs can alienate unmovable goods gotten by his Progenitors, (vulgarly called Stamgûtter), but only for godly uses, or dowries given upon marriage, (for contracts of dowry are of force for use and property without consent of the heirs, though made after the marriage, if the gift be confirmed by the givers death): but if any man will sell his Progenitors goods, first by the Civil Law he must offer them to be bought to the next heirs, and they refusing to buy them, he may then freely sell them to any man, and if they were never offered to the heirs, notwithstanding the possession is transferred, but the heirs have an action for their interest.  
By the Civil Law, weakness (as of old age) doth not make the gift of less force: but by the Law of Saxony, a man or woman sick to death, cannot without the consent of the heirs, give any goods above the value of five shillings, so as a certain solemnity is required among the sick, and also those that are healthful, in the gift of any movable or unmovable goods: For among the sick or healthful, he that will give any goods, if he be of Knightly Order, he must be of that strength, as armed with his Sword and Target, he can upon a stone or block an ell high mount his horse, and his servant is admitted also to hold his stirrup. If he be a Citizen, he must beable to walk in the way, to draw his Sword, and to stand up right before the judge, while the gift is made: And a Clown must be able to follow the Blow one morning. Lastly, a woman must be of that strength, as she can go to the Church of a certain distance, and there stand so long till the gift be made: but these things are understood of gifts among the living, not of gifts upon death. By the Civil Law gifts are of force, though made out of the place where the goods are seated: but by the Law of Saxony for unmovable goods the gift must be made in the place, and before the judge of the place, where the goods are seated, only some cases excepted.  
By the Civil Law, the heir that makes no Inventory, is tied to the Creditors, above the goods of Inheritance; but by the Law of Saxony he is neither tied to make an Inventory, nor to pay further than the goods of the deceased extend. By the Civil Law, within ten days, and by the Law of Saxony, within thirty days after the death of him that dies, the heir may not be troubled by the creditors. An Imperial Statute decrees, that he who makes a Testament, must be in his right mind, so as he speaks to the purpose, and must have witnesses, who have no profit by his Testament, and such as themselves have power to make a Testament. He that disinherites the next heir, is bound to give him a lawful legacy according to his goods. By the Civil Law leprous persons and borne unperfect, are not excluded from inheriting: but by the Law of Saxony, the lame, dumb, blind, leprous, and the like, are not capable of inheritance, or see, yet if any man after his succession shall become leprous, he shall enjoy the inheritance.  
By the Law of Saxony, Tutorage belongs only to the Kinsmen, by the Father's side, and not (as by the Civil Law) to all in the same degree, but ever to the next, and if many be in the same next degree, then to the eldest of them only, yet so as the danger of Tutorage belongs to all together. Thus Christian Duke of Saxony dying, the Duke of Winberg only, (not the Duke of Coburg in the same degree with him); was Tutor to his children, though the Electorship was taken from their Grandfather, and given to this Family with great and just envy by the Emperor Charles the fifth. In common judgement, especially respecting such cases, the kinsmen on the mother's side seem more fit to be Tutors, who have no profit, but rather loss by the death of the Pupil, whereas the kinsmen on the Father's side are heirs to him. Yet the common practice to the contrary, (as in this particular example) produceth no tragical events among the Germans, being of a good and peaceable nature. By the Civil Law, a Pupil is said to be in minority till he be five and twenty years old, and the tutorage ceaseth, and the Pupil is capable of investiture at ripe age, namely the Male at fourteen, the female at twelve years age: but by the law of Saxony the Pupil is said to be in minority till he be 21 years old, and the Male is capable to be invested in his fee when he is 13 years & six weeks old: for the Saxons make difference between these two things, Binnen jahrens unnd binnen Tagen, that is, under years, and under days: for the Pupil is held under years for inheritance till he be fourteen years old, and for Fees till he be thirteen years and six weeks old: but he is held under days or in minority, till he be twenty one years old. The Imperial law of the golden Bulla not withstanding, makes the Electors sons to be of ripe age, and free from Tutors at eighteen years age. I have observed that Tutors in Saxony allow the Pupils five in the hundredth for all their money which they have in their hands. Females are under Tutors till they marry, and they cannot marry without their consent, but refusing to give consent, they are bound to yield a reason thereof before the judges, lest they should fraudulently deny consent. By the Civil Law the Tutor is not bound to give account, till the Tutorage be ended, but the Administrator may yearly be called to account, and the eldest brother must give account to the younger, of the inheritance which he administereth undivided: but by the Law of Saxony, if the Tutor be not heir to the Pupil, (as the Kinsman by the Father's side, while the Mother lives, who excludes him from succession), he is tied yearly to give account, but if he be heir to the Pupil, he is not bound to give account, which notwithstanding is restrained to Parents and Brothers, who for reverence of the blood, and natural affection, are freed from suspicion of fraud or fault, especially where the administration is of goods, which either they possess with the Pupils undivided, or in which they have right of succession. Also by the Law of Saxony, the elder brother (when his brother hath no mother living) as heir to his brother, is not tied to give account to his brother, or to his joint heir for the administration of a common and undivided Inheritance. In like sort by the Civil Law, the Tutor is bound to give sureties or sufficient caution, for preserving the Pupils goods; but by the Law of Saxony, (as formerly), if the Tutor be heir to the Pupil, or joint heir with him in undivided Inheritance, he is not tied thereunto. By the Civil Law whatsoever falls to the son in the power of the Father, of his mother's goods, either by Testament of the Mother, or from her dying intestate, the Father shall have the use and full administration thereof for his life, and for the confidence and reverence of a Father, he is not tied to give sureties or caution for using or restoring those goods to his son, as others having like use thereof are bound to do, yet so as in regard of this use for life, the Father is bound according to his power to give a gift in marriage to his son leaving him: but the mother hath no, right to the use of her sons goods. By the Law of Saxony, the use is so long granted to the Father, till his children depart from him: but the Lawyers so interpret this, if the Father because of the separation; for if the Son will depart of his own motion, except he be out of minority, and will take upon him the care of a Family, the Father shall retain the use, and is bound after to restore these goods, except they perish by mistortune without his fault. And the same Law, is for the Mother also, touching the goods of her Son, when the Father is dead: but the Law concerning the Father, must be understood of the unmovable goods falling unto the Son from the Mother.  
By the Civil Law the Father and Mother, or others in the ascending line, succeed the Son or Daughter dying, in equal portions with the Brothers and Sisters: but by the Law of Saxony, the Parents of the Son dead, or if they be dead, the Grandfather and Grandmother, or any ascendants whatsoever, exclude brothers and sisters by both Parents, and collaterals whatsoever; and indeed by the Law the Father alone succeeds the dying Son or Daughter, excluding the Mother, excepting the vtensile goods, in which the Mother is preferred: but by the late Statute of the Electors, this Law is changed, so as the Father and Mother succeed together: yet these things must be understood of the goods in freehold; for in Fees they of the ascendant line succeed not the descendants, but as every stranger may succeed, by contract expressed in the investiture. By the Civil Law the Father cannot make a gift to the Son being under his power: but by the Law of Saxony he may, yet the son receiving the gift, is bound to acknowledge it when his Father dies, and to abate so much of his portion in the division with his brothers, if it be of any value, and not given to supply his wants at that time: And by both Laws the gift is good from the Father to the Son going to warfare:  
By the Civil Law the Wife in time of marriage, may have goods, in which the Husband hath no right, either to alienate or to administer them, as those goods which she brings to her Husband above her dowry, and never gives them to him: but by the Law of Saxony the Man and Wife have all goods in common, so as all are said to be the Husbands, and the Wife can call nothing her own, and the Husband hath the use of all without exception, even while they live together, for the burdens he bears, yet he hath not the property of these goods, only they both possess them undivided so long as they live together. The Husband at marriage takes his wife and all her goods into his tuition, but this tuition is only understood for the use, which ends when the wife dies, but the wife hath not like use in her husband's goods: And the husband in administering the goods of his wife, must deal honestly, and neither sell nor engage them, because he is only her Tutor. By the Civil Law the wife hath power, without the presence or consent of her husband, to give or alinate her movable or unmovable goods, only during the marriage she cannot give away her dowry to the prejudice of her husband, without his consent; but by the Law of Saxony, the wife cannot give her unmovable goods, nor sell or alienate any goods without her husband's consent, because she is under his power as her Tutor. Yea, the wife cannot give her goods to her husband, because he being her Tutor, cannot be actor to his own profit: but if before the Magistrate she choose another Tutor, by whose authority the gift is made, than it is of force. For in all cases in which a gift between man and wife is of force by the Civil Law, in the same cases at this day by custom it is of force among the Saxons, so as the former manner be observed: But all these things of the wives gift to her Husband, and of alienating her goods by contract, (which she cannot make without the consent of the Husband her Tutor), are not understood of the alienation by her last Will and Testament. For by the Law of Saxony it is controverted, whether the wife may give a gift to her husband at her death, without the authority of the foresaid Tutor chosen by her, and if it be given without the same, whether after the death of the wife, (according to the Civil Law) this gift be confirmed. And some interpreters say, that the same authority of a chosen Tutor, and the same solemnity is required, as in a gift between the living, others determine that the gift at death without a Tutor is of force, so it be made before the judge, because it is not a simple giving, but participates some thing of the last Will and Testament, and for that cause five witnesses are required to it, or that it be registered, which done, the gift is of force, because favour is to be given to the last Testament, which must not be captious, but free. Also because he that is of ripe age, but in minority, though he cannot give or contract without the authority of his Tutor, yet he may give for death. And so it is concluded, that in doubtful cases the gift must be favoured, that it may subsist, rather than be made void. Lastly, the Law of Saxony in this, consents with the Civil Law; that a wife may make a Will, and for death give her unmovable goods to any other but her husband, without the consent of the husband her Tutor. But by the Statute of the Elector, the gift of vtensile goods made to the husband in prejudice of her next kinswoman, is of so little force, as with death it is not confirmed, except it be remuneratory. Yet among the living, this gift of stuff (as some restrain it, so it be not to the husband) is of force, if it be made before a Notary, and with witnesses. By the Civil Law, the husband may not have the care of his wives goods, lest she upon affection should remit his ill administration, & so should be in danger to lose the goods of her dowry: but by the Law of Saxony, presently upon marriage, the husband is lawful Tutor to his wife. By the civil law the dowry of the wife given by her father, upon the death of the wife, returns to the father, except it be covenanted to the contrary in the contract of the dowry: but by the law of Saxony, the husband upon his wives death, gains all movable goods, and so much of the dowry as was in ready money, except it be expressly covenanted to the contrary in the contract of the dowry, and all the goods of the wife above that she brought in dowry, fall to the husband, nothing excepted, but only the vtensile goods, yet this Law is not extended to the perpetual and yearly rents of the wife, which are reputed unmovable goods. By the Civil Law, if either the man or the wife marry the second time, the party may in no case give more to the second husband or wife, then to the children of the first marriage: but among the Saxons this Law is abolished by contrary custom, so as not only the Step mothers use to have much more of the husband's goods, than the children of the first marriage, but on the other side also, the second husbands upon the death of the second wife, being to have all her movable goods, excepting the vtensiles, commonly gain more than her children of her first marriage.  
By the Civil Law, a Widow retains the dwelling house, honour, and dignity of her Husband deceased, till she marry to another, and by the Law of Saxony the dead Husband leaves his widow the right of his Family and blood, and custom so interprets this Law, as all privileges and dignities are thereby granted, as by the Civil law. Widows & Virgins by the Law of Saxony, if they be of such age as they have no Tutors, may give or alienate their goods, which a wife cannot do, being under the Tutorage of her husband yet the interpreters restrain this to movable goods, being otherwise in unmovable goods, but by last will & testament they may dispose of both.  
By the Civil Law, if there be no Letters of Dowry or jointure, the Husband dying, the Wife must have the fourth part of his goods: but in some parts of Saxony the custom is, that the Wife being a Widow, shall have the third part of her Husband's goods, as it is in all Mizzen: but in other parts, as in Thuring, the Civil Law is observed, and she hath the fourth part, if the Husband leave but 3 or four children, but if he have more, than the widow hath only an equal part with each of them: But in Mizzen the wife hath not the vtensile goods, which use nor to be given to women having a third part. And moreover the widow is tied not only to leave her own goods, but her part of goods gotten in marriage by her husband, and whatsoever her friends gave to her in the life of her husband, or she any way gained, to their children at her death, whether she gave them to her husband in time of his life, or no, for it is always presumed that she got these things out of her husband's goods: And if in any place there be no custom to determine this, than the widow besides her fourth, or equal part, hath also the vtensile goods. And in case the husband leave no children, than the widow hath her choice, whether she will receive the third part, or renouncing the same, will retain vtensile goods, and all other her own goods movable or unmovable, together with her dowry. But if the husband leave children, the widow hath not this choice, but must renounce all the rest, and stick to her third part. And by custom of the Country, her dowry and gift for marriage is doubled; so as she that brought one thousand guldens for her dowry, shall have two thousand guldens in the division of her husband's inheritance. And the right which married parties by statute have in one another's goods, cannot be taken from them by last Will and Testament. Discoursing with men of experience, I heard that the widows of Princes, whiles they remain widows, possess all their husband's estate (excepting the Electorships, which the next kinsman by the Father's side administers by his right, during the minority of the son) and enjoy also the tutorage of their children: but if they marry again, the country frees itself from them, with giving them a tun of gold for Dowry. And that the Daughters of Princes have Dowries from the subjects by subsidies collected, & use to swear before the Chancellor, that their husbands being dead, or upon any accident whatsoever, they will not return to burden the Country. That the Daughters of Gentlemen never marry to any of inferior degree than Gentlemen, (which is constantly kept by both sexes) and are commonly bestowed with a small Dowry: and since by the Law they cannot succeed in fees, have at the parent's death only a part of their movable goods with the utensils proper to them: and one sister dying, her portion goes not to the brothers or their children: as also the married Sister dying, and leaving no Daughter, her portion goes not to her own sons, (except living & in health she bequeathed it to them in her Testament) but to the Niece on the Mother's side. Lastly, that in case the goods of a dead woman are neither given by her last Testament, nor any Kinswomen to her on the Mother's side can be found, her goods go not to her own Sons or male-Kinsmen, but are confilcated to the Prince, or in free Cities to the Commonwealth.  
It is said that the Roman Emperor Caracalla was wont to say, that only that Nation knew how to rule their wives, which added the feminine article to the Sun, 
The degrees in Family.  and the masculine to the Moon; as the Germans do, saying; Die son 〈◊〉 der Mont. And no doubt the Germans are very churlish to their wives, and keep them seruily at home: so as myself in Saxony have seen many wives of honest condition and good 
First the Wives.  estate, to dress meat in the kitchen, and scarce once in the week to eat with their husbands, but apart with the maids; and after the meal, to come and take away their husband's table; and if they came to sit with him at table, yet to sit down at the lower end, at least under all the men. Myself have seen husbands of like quality to chide their wives bitterly, till they wept abundantly, and the same wives (of good rank) very soon after to bring a chair to the husband, and serve him with a trencher and other necessaries. The men being invited to friends houses, or any solemn feasts, never go in company with their wives, who go alone with their faces covered. It is no novelty for a husband to give a box on the ear to his wife. And they scoff at the Law in Nurnberg, which fines the husband three or four collars for striking his wife, as a most unjust Law. It is ridiculous to see the wives of Germane foote-soldiers going to the war, laded with burdens like she-Asses, while the men carry not so much as their own cloaks, but cast them also upon the women's shoulders. And I should hardly believe that the Germans can love their wives, since love is gained by loveliness, as the Poet saith:  

ut ameris amabilis esto.  
He that for love doth thirst,  
Let him be loving first.   
But they while they command all things imperiously, in the mean time neither for dullness court them with any pleasant speech, nor in courtesy grace them in public, so much as with a kiss. It is a common saying,  

Dotem accepi, Imperium vendidi.  
I took a Dowry with my Wife,  
And lost the freedom of my life.   
But howsoever the Germans have great Dowries in marriage, and their Wives have power to make a Testament, for disposing their goods, with many like privileges; and howsoever they be also provoked with these injuries, yet the men keep them within terms of duty. May not we then justly marvel, that Englishmen having great power over their Wives, so as they can neither give any thing in life, nor have power to make a will at death, nor can call any thing their own, no not so much is their garters, yea, the Law (I must confess too severely) permitting the Husband in some cases to beat his Wife, and yet the Husbands notwithstanding all their privileges, using their Wives with all respect, and giving them the chief seats with all honours and pre-eminences, so as for the most part, they would carry burdens, go on foot, fast, and suffer any thing, so their Wives might have ease, ride, feast, and suffer nothing, notwithstanding, no people in the World, (that ever I did see) bear more scorns, indignities, and injuries, from the pampered sort of Women, than they do. Surely either these our Women want the modesty of the Wives, or else our Men have not. I will not say the severity, (which I less approve), but rather the gravity and constancy of the Husbands in Germany.  
But while the Germans thus use their Wives like Servants, they behave themselves 
Of servants.  as Companions towards their Servants, who bring in meat to the Table with their heads covered, and continually talk with their Masters without any reverence of the cap or like duty:  
The Germans are neither too indulgent, nor too stern to their sons and daughters, 
Of Sons and Daughters.  yet they give them no tender education, but as they bring their children naked into the hot stoaves, so they expose them naked to frost and snow. Neither do they exact any humility or respect from their children, who in all places are familiar with their Parents, & never stir their hats when they speak to them, & when they go to bed they ask not blessing on their knees, as our children do, but shake hands with them, which is a sign of familiarity among friends in Germany, as in most other places.  
A Gentleman never so poor, will not marry the richest Merchants Daughter, nor 
The degrees in Commonwealth.  a Gentlewoman upon any condition any other than a Gentleman: Neither is there any juster cause of disinheriting, then base marriage, which pollution of blood the Kinsmen will not suffer, as in our age hath been seen by notable examples: One in the House of Austria, whereof the Arch Duke of Inspruch married the Daughter of 
Gentleman.  a Citizen in Augsburg, which his Kinsmen would not suffer, till he conditioned, that her children should not succeed him in his Fees, as they did not, though at this time they were living. The other of an Earl, who marrying the Daughter of a Citizen in Nurnberg, was cast in prison by his Kinsmen till he left her. He is not accounted a Gentleman, who is not so by four descents at the least, both by the Fathers and the Mother's side; and I remember that the Monks of Luneburg by Statute may not admit any man into their number, who hath not eight degrees on both sides: yea, the Germans are so superstitious in this kind, as a Gentleman may have an action against him, who saith he is no Gentleman. For the better conjecture of gentlemen's estimation in Germany, I remember one of the chief called Von (of) Shulenburg, whom I did see, and he was said to have fourteen thousand gold gulden's yearly rend, and never to ride without forty or fifty Horse to attend him: But I cannot sufficiently marvel, that the Gentlemen, howsoever sometimes learned, yet proudly despise Graduates of the University, no less or more than Merchants, which I found, not only by common practice, but also by my private experience: For converting with a Gentleman, he perceiving that I spoke Latin better than he thought became a Gentleman, asked me how long I did study in the University; and when I said that I was Master of Arts, (which degree our best Gentlemen disdain not), I found that he did after esteem me as a Pedant, whereupon finding by discourse with others, that Gentlemen despise these degrees, I sorbore after to make this my degree known to any: And it seemed more strange to me, that Gentlemen first rising by learning, warfare, and traffic, they only judge warfare worthy to raise and continue Gentlemen: but indeed the traffic of Germany is poor, being chiefly of things wrought by manual Artists, which they have some pretence to disdain, whereas in Italy traffic is the sinew of the Commonwealth, which the most noble disdain not: And it were to be wished, that in England (where traffic is no less noble) the practice thereof were no stain to Gentry. When I told an English Gentleman the pride of the Gentlemen in Germany, despising degrees of Learning, and he heard that the Gentlemen were vulgarly called Edelmen, he pleasantly said, that they were so called of the English words, Idle Men. The Gentlemen of Germany bear the Arms of their Mother, though she be no Heir, as well as of their Father, and commonly they join to them, in steed of a mot or sentence, certain great letters, that signify words, as D. H. I. M. T. signifying Der herr Is't Mein Trost, that is; The Lord is my comfort, and likewise F. S. V. signifying Fide sed vide, that is, Trust, but beware. Also Citizens and Artists, bear Arms of their own invention, and tricked out fully as the Arms of Gentlemen, only the helmet is close, which Gentlemen bear open.  
Among the general Orders of Knights, into which Gentlemen of all nations are 
The general Orders of Knights.  admitted, the Templaries in the year 1124, were confirmed by Pope Honorius, being so called of the Temple at jerusalem, in part whereof they dwelled. Histories report that Pope Gregory the ninth incited them to do great damage by their treachery to the Emperor Frederick, making the holy war in Asia. At last the inducing of heathenish Religion, all kinds of lust and intemperance, and the suspicion of their conspiring with the Turks, or the fear of their too great power, made Pope Clement the fifth, a Frenchman, and residing at avignon, first to extinguish the Order in France, then in all Christendom, in the year 1312; The second Order of the johanites (or Saint john), was instituted by Balduine the second King of jerusalem. Then in the year 1308, they took the I'll of Rhodes, and were called the Knights of Rhodes, till they were expelled thence by the Turks, in the year 1522, and then possessing the Island of Malta, they are to this day called the Knights of Malta: And great part of the Templaries rents, was given to this Order, into which of old none but Gentlemen were admitted. The third Order of the Teutonikes, that is, Germans, was instituted in the year 1190, in the time of the Emperor Henry the sixth. They were 
The Order of the Germane Knights  called Hospitals of the Hospital which they kept near the Sepulchre of Christ, to entertain Pilgrims: At last all Christians being driven out of Palestine, they removed their seat to Venice, whence being called by the Duke of Moscovy against the Prussians, they seated themselves in Prussia, Livonia, and Curlandia. They were all borne of noble Parents, and did wear a white cloak, with a black cross. The Polonians in the year 1410, killed the Master of the Order, and many thousands of the Knighs. When many Cities under the protection of the King of Poland, sought their liberty in the year 1450, and this Order had won a battle against the King, at last because the Citizens refused to pay the Soldiers, the Knights themselves betrayed their Cities to the Polonians, and after much blood shed on both parts, at last in the year 1466, peace was made, with covenants, that the King of Poland should have Pomerella with other Castles and Towns, and that the Order should retain Kingspurg.  
And finally in the year 1547, this Order was totally extinguished, the Master 
Upon the dissolution of this Order, the Duke of Prussia was created.  thereof being (as they said) forced to these conditions, namely that Albert marquess of Brandeburg, (being of the E'ectors Family) than Master of the Order, should become vassal to the King of Poland, and should possess Konigspurg with title of a Duke, to him and his brethren of the same venture, and their Heirs Males for ever: (In which Dukedom were fifty four Castles and eighty six Towns). Moreover that the said Duke should take new Arms, and a Dukall habit, and when he came to do his homage at Crakaw in Poland, should have his seat by the King's side, but that upon Male Heirs failing, the Dukedom should fall to the Kingdom of Poland, which was to provide for the Daughter and Heir according to her degree, and to appoint no other Governor of the Province, than a Germane having inheritance in Prussia. In the time of my being at Dantzke, it was said, that Duke Albert was grown into a Frenzy, by a poisoned cup given him, at his marriage with the Daughter of the Duke of Cleve: and the common speech was, that the eldest son to the Elector of Brandeburg was daily expected in the Duke's Court, to marry the Daughter and Heir to the sickly Duke, to whom himself was next of kin by the Father's side, and Heir. And it was a common speech, that the said sickly Duke had lately lent forty thousand gulden's to the King of Poland, and that the Elector of Brandeburg had offered seven Tons of gold to the King of Poland, that his Grandchild might succeed in the Dukedom of Prussia, but that it was flatly refused by the Senate of Poland: so as it was diversly thought, according to men's divers judgements, what would become of the Dukedom after the said sickly Duke's death, some judging that the King of Poland would keep the Dukedom falling to him, others that the powerful Family of Brandeburg, would extort the possession thereof, by force of money, or of arms.  
I omit the military Orders of Knights in England, France, and netherlands, to be mentioned in their due place.  
Among the Germans I could not observe any ordinary degree of Knights, conferred 
The ordinaery degree of Knighthood in Germany.  in honour upon such as deserve well in civil and warlike affairs, such as the Kings of England give to their Subjects, with the title of Sir to distinguish them from inferior Gentlemen: But in our age we have seen Master Arundel an English Gentlemen, created Earl of the Empire for his acceptable services to the Emperor. Christian Elector of Saxony deceased, did institute a military Order of Knights, like to the Teutonike Order, save that it is no Religious Order; and he called it, Die gulden geselschaft, that is, the Golden Fellowship, by which bond he tied his nearest friends to him: And the badge of the Order, was a jewel, hanging in a chain of gold, having on each side of the jewel engraven a Heart pierced with a Sword and a Shaft, and upon one side near the Heart, was the Image of Faith holding a Crucifix, with these words graven about the Heart; Virtutis amore, that is, for love of Virtue, upon the other side near the Heart was the Image of Constancy holding an Anchor, with these words graven about the Heart, Qui persever at adfinem, saluus erit, that is: He that perseveres to the end shall be saved. Lastly, about the circle of the jewel, these great letters were engraven: F. S. V: that is, Fide, sed vide, namely in English, Trust, but beware.  
The Provinces of the reformed Religion, have no Bishops, but the revenues of 
Bishops.  the bishoprics are either conucrted to godly uses, or possessed by the Princes, under the title of Administrators: And in like manner the revenues of Monasteries for the most part are employed to maintain Preachers, and to other godly uses; but in some places they still permit Monks and Nuns, (I mean persons living single, but not tied with Papistical vows), for the education of their children, and the nourishing of the poor. In each City, and each Church of the City, many Ministers or Preachers serve, who have no tithes, but only live upon Pensions, commonly small, and not much unequal: For Ministers commonly have one or two hundredth gulden's, and the Superintendants one or two thousand gulden's by the year, besides wood for fire, and Corn, and some like necessaries for food. These Superintendants are instead of Bishops, to oversee the Clergy, but are not distinguished in habit or title of dignity from the other Ministers: yet to them as chief in virtue and learning as well the Ministers as all other degrees yield due reverence, and in all Ecclesiastical couses they have great authority: But otherwise Germany hath many rich and potent Bishops, of whom general mention is made in the Chapter of Proverbs, and particularly in this Chapter, much hath been said of the three spiritual Electors.  
The Husbandmen in Germany are not so base as the French and Italians, or the 
Husbandmen.  slaves of other Kingdoms, but much more miserable and poor than the English Husbandmen: yet those of Prussia, a fat and fertile Country, come necrest to the English in riches and good fare. The other being hired by Gentlemen to plough their grounds, give their services at low rates, and pay so great rent to their Lords, as they have scarcely means to cover nakedness with poor clothes, and to feed themselves with ill smelling coleworts and like meat, In Moravia incorporated to Bohemia, and lying between it and Polonia, the husbandmen are mere slaves. And at my being there I heard that the Baron of Promnetz having been lately in Italy, did make free a slave of his, who was there a Apothecary, and gave him a present. Also I understood by discourse, that the marquess of Anspach in Germany, hath many mere slaves for his husbandmen. But all other in Germany are free, howsoever without doubt they be greatly oppressed not only by the Gentry, but also by the Churchmen, so as we find in late histories, that the Bawrens (or clowns) in the year 1502 made a rebellion, perhaps with the mind after the example of the Sweitzers to get liberty by the sword, but yet pretending only revenge upon Bishops and Churchmen, proverbially saying that they would not suffer them to draw breath. And it is probable that the neighbourhood of the Sweitzers, who rooted out their Noblemen, & got liberty by the sword, makes the Gentlemen of Germany less cruel towards the poor clowns. For either upon that cause, or for the fertility of the Country, no doubt the clowns in Suevia and places near Sweitzerland, live much better than in any other parts; as likewise in places near Denmark and Poland, admitting slaves generally, the poor people are more oppressed than any where else through Germany.  
In Bohemia the highest degree is that of Barons, and the Gentlemen have the same 
The degrees in Bohemia.  privileges with them; all other in towns and fields are mere slaves, excepting Cities immediately subject to the Emperor as King of Bohemia, where many are either emancipated for money, or find more clemency under the yoke of a Germane Prince. For in lands belonging to the Barons and Gentlemen, the King hath no tribute, but all is subject to the Lord, with absolute power of life and death; as likewise the King hath his lands, and some thirty Cities in like sort subject to him. And howsoever the Gentlemen do not commonly exercise this power against the people, left the Germans should repute them tyrants, yet with wonder I did hear at Prage; that a Baron had lately hanged one of his slaves, for stealing of a fish. It is free for a Gentleman to hang any of his slaves for going into strange Countries without being made free, if he can apprehend him. Many times they give them leave to go into foreign parts, to learn manuary arts, but they call them home at pleasure, and when they come back, make them work for the Lords behoof. They take their Daughters for maid servants, and Sons for household servants at pleasure. And these poor slaves can leave their children nothing by last Will and Testarnent, but all their goods, in life and at death, belong to the Lords; and they will find them, be they never so secretly hidden. In the Province of Moravia, incorporated to Bohemia. I have formerly said that the Gentlemen have like privileges, and absolute power over their subjects, being all born slaves. And in Germany that the Marquis of Anspach hath like born slaves. And I shall in due place show, that in Denmark and Poland, the people are mere slaves, so as the Gentlemen and Lords reckon not their estates by yearly rents, but by the number of their Bawrens (or clowns) who are all slaves. In Bohemia the goods of condemned persons fall to the Lord of the fee. Among the Barons, the Baron of Rosenburg was chief, who for life was chosen Viceroy, and dwelled upon the confines of Austria, being said to have the yearly rents of eighty thousand collars; but in respect he had no Son to succeed him, he was less esteemed, especially himself being decrepit, and his brother also old and without probable hope of issue. The second family of the Barons, was that of the Popels, having many branches, and plenty of heirs. One of them was at that time in great grace with the Emperor Rodulphus; And the whole family for the issue was much esteemed of the people and States of the Kingdom. In Bohemia (as in Poland) Gentlemen cannot be judged, but at four meetings in the year, and then are tried by Gentlemen; so as the accusers being wearied with delays, the offenders are commonly freed, but men of inferior condition, are daily judged and suddenly tried. The Bohemians give greater titles to Gentlemen by writing and in saluting, than the Germans, where notwithstanding (as appears in the due place) there is great and undecent flattery by words among all degrees. I did not observe or read that the Bohemians, have any military or civil order or degree of Knights, as the English have. The Hussites having changed nothing in religion, save only the communicating of the Lords Supper in both kinds, with some other small matters, yet I did not hear that they have any Bishops, and I am sure that the Bishopric of Prage had then been long void. They and all of the reformed Religion in Bohemia, send their Ministers to Wittenberg an University in Saxony for receiving of Orders with imposition of hands, from the Lutheran Superintendant and the Ministers of that place.   

CHAP. FOUR Of the particular Commonwealths, as well of the Princes of Germany, as of the Free Cities, such of both, as have absolute power of life and death.  
IT remaineth to add something of private Prince's Courts, 
The Princes of the Empire and free Cities.  and the Government of the free Cities. And since I have formerly said, that these Princes and Cities, having absolute power of life and death, are many in number, and that according to the number of the Princes, the places also where taxes and impositions are exacted, are no less frequent, as well for subjects as strangers passing by, both for persons and for wares. And that they who deceive the Prince in any such kind, never escape unpunished. Now to avoid tediousness, I will only mention the chief Princes and Cities, by which, conjecture may be made of the rest; and this I will do briefly, without any repetition of things formerly set down. Touching the Electors, I have formerly related the principal laws of the golden Bulla. The Duke of Saxony is one of these Electors, many ways powerful, and he derives his pedigree 
The Duke of Saxony Elector.  from Witikind, a famous Duke of the Germans, in the time of the Emperor Charles the Great, who forced him to lay aside the name of King, permitting him the title of a Duke, and to become Christian in the year 805.  

Witikynd the second.  
Deitgrenius 

Fredrick. 

Frederick invested Marquis of Mizzen by the Emperor Henry the first, he died in the year 925.  
Bruno    
Dittimare. 

Christian invested Marquis of Lusatia by the Emperor Otho the first. 

Theodorike died in the year 1034. 

Henry Marquis of Mizzen and Lusatia, died in the year 1106.  
Timo. 

Conrade the Great died in the year 1150. 

Otho the Rich built Friburg, where he had found Mines of Silver, and died in the year 1189. 

Theodorike was poisoned by the Citizens of Leipzig, in the year 1220. 

Henry by right of inheritance became Langrave of Thuring, and died 6287. 

In right line from Henry, descends Frederick, who chosen Emperor, yielded the Empire to his Competitor the Emperor Charles the fourth, taking money for giving up his right, and he died in the year 1349. 

In right line is Frederick the Warlike, who overcame the Bohemians rebelling against the Emperor, received the Scholars of Prage to study at Leipzig, restrained the title of Dukes of Saxony to Families, which after the Emperors of Saxony had been confusedly usurped, and lastly appropriated the title of Elector to his Family. He died in the year 1423. 

Frederick the Gentle died in the year 1464. 

Ernestus the Elector died in the year 1486. 

The Elector Fredrick the Wise, who put the Empire from himself, & chose Charles the fifth. He did found the University at Wittenberg, and died 1525.  
john Elector exhibited the eformed Confession at Augsburg, and died 1533. 

john Fredrick for the Reformed Religion deposed from the Electorship by the Emperor Charles the fifth. He married Sibyl, daughter to the Duke of juliar, and died 1554 

john Fredrick proscribed by the Empire, and prosecuted by Augustus' Elector of Saxony in the emperors name, was taken prisoner by him at the taking and razing of Gotha. john Casimire borne of his father's second wife Elizabeth, daughter to Fredrick Elector Palatine. He was borne 1564, and married Anna, daughter to Augustus' Elector of Saxony. john Ernest, then unmarried, borne in the year 1566. These Dukes of Saxony then living, were called the Dukes of Coburg.  
john William served the King of France in those Civil wars, and died 1573. Will. Frederik borne of another daughter to Fredrick Elector Palatine 1562, he buried the daughter to the Duke of Wirtenberg, and married the daughter of Philip Lodowick Prince Palatine 1591. He was Tutor to the sons of Christian Elector, preferred to the Duke of Coburg, because his father was proscribed, and never restored. john born 1570 then unmarried. This Duke of Saxony was called the D. of Wyneberg.    
The last Elector of this branch.      
Albert the Stout, Duke of Saxony, died in the year 1500. 

George of Leipzig, called the Popish, was Duke of Saxony, and died in the year 1539.  
Henry Duke of Saxony, made Governor of Friesland by his father, was there in danger to be put to death, had not his father come to deliver him he died in the year 1541. 

The first Elector of this branch.  
Mauritius made Elector by the Emperor Charles the 5, was borne 1521, died 1553.  
Augustus' Elector married Anne daughter to the K. of Denmark, and died 1586 

Eight Boys, and three Girls died.  
Christian the Elector married the daughter to the Elector of Brandeburg and died 1591. Three young daughters. Christian the second Elector, but then a Pupil borne 1583, the five and twentieth of September, at three of the clock in the morning. john George, borne 1585., the fifth of March, at ten of the clock in the night. Augustus' borne the seventh of September, 1589. These three were Pupils under William Fredrick D. of Wyneberg, whereof the elder was to be Elector, the other two Dukes of Saxony.  
Elizabeth married to Casimire Administrator of the Electorship of the Palatinate.  
Dorothy, married to the Duke of Brunswick; and Anne to john Casimire Duke of Coburg.              
This is the seventeenth Duke of Saxony, and the first Elector of Saxony in his Family.                    
Witikynd the third, of whom are the Capeti Kings of France.   
The Princes borne of these three Families, are Dukes of upper Saxony (for there be also poor Dukes of lower Saxony, as one residing at Angria). While I lived at Leipzig, Christian the Elector of Saxony died 1591., whose Uncle by the Father's side Mauritius, was the first Elector of that Family. For the Emperor Charles the fifth making war against john Fredrick then Duke and Elector of Saxony, and against the Langrave of Hessen, as Rebels to the Empire; but indeed with purpose to suppress these chief defenders of the Reformed Religion, and to bring the free Empire of Germany under the Spanish yoke, he cunningly warned Mauritius, as next heir, to seize the lands of john Fredrick, or otherwise they should fall to him that took possession of them. Whereupon Mauritius, though he professed the Reformed Religion, which now had great need of his help, yet invaded his kinsman's lands, under a fair pretext, that he took them, lest the Emperor should alienate them to strangers, professing that he would restore them to his kinsman, when he should be reconciled to the Emperor. But such is the power of ambition, as in the end he did nothing less, but further received the title of Elector, taken from john Fredrick and his children, and conferred upon him and his heirs males, by the Emperor. The report was, that Luther seeing Mauritius brought up in the Court of the Elector john Fredrick, foretold the Elector that he should one day confess, he had nourished a Serpent in his bosom. True it is, that Mauritius shortly after restored the cause of Religion, in like sort deceiving the emperors hope, by making a league with the King of France. But ever since, the posterity of Mauritius hath been jealous of the heirs to john Fredrick, and hath gladly taken all occasions to suppress them. Whereupon Augustus succeeding his brother Mauritius, was easily induced, by virtue of his Office, as Arch-marshal of the Empire, to prosecute with fire and sword john Fredrick, the eldest son of the said john Fredrick, whom the Empire had proscribed. At which time he besieged him in Gotha, a strong Fort, which he took and razed to the ground, coining collars in memory of that Victory, with this inscription; Gotha taken, and the proscribed enemies of the Empire therein besieged, either taken or put to flight, in the year 1567., Augustus' Elector of Saxony coined these.  
And it is not unlikely, that Christian, son to Augustus, especially for fear of this Family, fortified Dresden with so great cost and art, howsoever the common people thought it rather done, because he affected to be chosen Emperor at the next vacation. Of this Family thus prosecuted and deposed from the Electorship, are the two Dukes of Saxony, the one of Coburg, the other of Wineberg, so called of the Cities wherein they dwell. And the Duke of Coburg having been proscribed by the Empire, and never restored, the Duke of Wineberg, though more removed Kinsman, yet was made Administrator of the Electorship, with title of Elector, as Tutor to the son of Christian & his two brethren, who were brought up by him in the Court at Dresden, under their mother the Widow to Christian, being of the house of Brandeburg. So as, were not the Germans nature honest and peaceable, had not the power of the Elector of Brandeburg stood for the Pupils, it was then thought, that the wronged Family had great means of revenge. This example makes me think, that it is far more safe to make the next Kinsman on the mother's side Tutor, who can have no profit, but rather loss by the death of the Pupil, than the next Kinsman by the Father's side, being his heir.  
The Dukes of Coburg and of Wineberg, are Dukes of Saxony by right of blood, and of possessions therein: but the Family of the Elector hath nothing either in upper or lower Saxony, but only Wittenberg, belonging to the Electorship, which was conferred upon them by the Emperor Charles the fifth. The Elector holds his Court at Dresden, in the Province of Mizzen. Touching Christian the Elector, he was reputed to be much given to hunting, to be prone to anger, not to be solicited by petition, but at some fit times; to affect solitariness, and little to be seen of the people, hardly to admit strangers to his presence at any time, much less when he sat at the table to eat, (contrary to the use of the Princes of the house of Austria), to have skill in the Art of Goldsmith's, and to spare no charge in keeping brave Horses. And no doubt he was so carried away with this last delight, as he would take in gift from his very enemies, any beautiful thing belonging to the Stable. And while I was at Wittenberg, a Scholar having spoken some words, that he loved Horses better than Scholars, was sent to Dresden, and there whipped about the streets. Beyond measure he was given to large drinking, (in plain terms to drunkenness), and that of the most strong Wines, so as this intemperance was thought the cause of his untimely death. And for these drinking games, he had certain fair chambers over his Stable, something distant from his lodgings of his Court, which were appropriated to festival solaces. As soon as he was made Elector, he presently ordained the new judges for the Saxon Law, vulgarly called Schoppenstuel, and the Consistories. In the year 1586 he had a meeting at Lubeck, with the King of Denmark, and the Elector of Brandeburg. In the year 1589, at Naumberg he renewed the hereditary league, between his Family, and the neighbour Princes, namely, the Elector of Brandeburg, his eldest son 〈◊〉 Fredrick, then called Administrator of Hall, the three brothers a William, Lodwick, and George, Langraves of Hessen, Fredrick William Duke of Saxony, (for one man hath often times two names in Baptism), john Duke of Saxony, (for the title is common to younger brothers and houses of one Family with the elder), john Casimire (Tutor to his Nephew the Elector Palatine); john Ernest Duke of Saxony, Christian Prince of Anhalt, Wolfang and Philip Dukes of Grubenhagen. And to knit his friends love more firmly to him, I have said that he did institute an Order of Knighthood, called the Golden Fellowship. He had for his Counsel, his Officers of Court, and some Doctors of the Civil Law, and among them, Crellius Doctor of the Civil Law, and the Master of his Game or hunting (whose name I have forgotten), were in special grace with him; for the Princes of Germany admit no Physicians nor Divines to their Counsel, as having care of the body and soul, not of the worldly estate. Neither doth any young Princes keep their Father's Counsellors, but such as served them in their father's life time. Mysen, Voitland, and part of Thuring, Provinces subject to the Elector, have fertile fields, frequent Cities, many Castles proper to the Elector, innumerable Villages, and near Friburg rich Mines of Silver, (as I have showed in the first volume or part, where I treat of my journey through these parts). But howsoever these Provinces excel in these things; yet because they are of no great circuit, the Elector is not so powerful in the number of vassals, as in yearly revenues. So as at a public meeting, he had no more than some two thousand vassals, when the Elector of Brandeburg had eight thousand, who notwithstanding is far inferior to him in treasure and warlike power. He then fortified the City of Dresden, as a Fort, and so strongly, as it was thought impregnable by force, and all the Citizens were bound to have Corn and all necessaries for the food of their families, for six months always laid up in store. And in time of that secure peace, yet the walls were furnished with Artillery, as if an Army had line before the City. And in times of Divine service, the streets were chained, and guards of soldiers were set in the Market place, and other parts of the City, so as nothing could be added in time of the greatest war. The Elector had in the City three hundredth Garrison soldiers, whereof those that were Citizens had three gulden's, and the old soldiers six gulden's by the month. The Captain had the pay for eight and the Lieutenant for two horses, each horse at twelve gulden's by the month. The Ensign had sixteen gulden's by the month, four Corporals or Campe-Masters had each ten gulden's, the Scout-Master ten gulden's, and the quartermaster eight gulden's. He gave honourable stipends to four great Captains, who lived at home, but were bound to serve him when he should call them. His Court was no less magnifical, wherein he had three Dukes for his Pensioners, namely Christian Prince of Anhalt, john D. of Winbrooke (both younger brothers), and the Duke of Desh, whose Dukedom lies upon the confines of Hungary. And to each of these he gave the pay of twenty Horse, each Horse at twelve gulden's the month. He had also in his Court three Earls, Bastian Stick a Bohemian, Philip Count of Hollock, and one of the Counts of Mansfeild, and to each of them he gave the like pay for twelve Horses. He had also in his Court five Barons, namely, two Cousins Barons of Zantzke in Bohemia, the Baron of Ausse, the Baron of Shinck, and the Baron of Done, and to the four first he gave like pay for ten, and to the last for twelve Horses. He had in his Court twenty young Gentlemen, who carried his Lance and Helmet, vulgarly called Spissyongen (Youths of the Spear), to whom he gave yearly coats of Velvet, and all necessaries, and to each of them he gave a chain of gold to wear. He had twelve Gentlemen of his chamber, and to each of them he gave a chain of gold, his diet in Court, and like pay for ten horses. He had sixteen youths of his Chamber, and to six of the eldest (yet not bearing Arms) he gave each like pay for two Horses, and the other ten he maintained with all necessaries. He had fifty Pensioners to wait at his table, vulgarly called Drnckses, and these did ride before him, and to each of them he gave his diet in the Court, and like pay for three horses. He had twelve Sexhsruss, and to each of them he gave like pay for six horses He had fifty Audlepursen, so called of a short piece they carried (in English we call them Calbiners), and to each of them he gave the pay of one Horse, apparel twice in the year, and two hundred Goldens yearly stipend. These (as all other degrees) had their Captains and Lieutenants, and each third night by turns, they did watch at the door of the Electors Chamber, having no diet in Court, but only the night of their watch, both living otherwise, and lying in the City. He had fifty Einspauners with a Captain and Lieutenant, who did ride as Scouts far before the Elector, and looked to the safety of the ways, each of which had pay for one Horse. He had sixteen Trumpeters, whereof three did ride always with the Elector, and two Drums beating a Drum of brass, vulgarly called, Kettell Drummern, and each riding, had sixteen gulden's by the month, out of which they kept each Man his Horse, and each staying at home, had ten gulden's monthly stipend, and all of them at solemn Feasts were appareled by the Elector. He had of his Guard one hundred, (vulgarly called Trabantoes), whereof the Gentlemen had eight, the rest six guldens monthly; and the Gentlemen kept watch at the door of the Electors Chamber, carrying Holbeards, and the rest kept watch at the gates of the Court, armed with Muskets, and yearly they were appareled. He had three Chaplains, whereof one was always to be at the side of the Elector. He had sixteen Singingmen, whereof ten being Men, had each of them 400 collars stipend, & six being boys, had some 100 collars for maintenance. He had 18 Musicians of divers Nations, whereof each had some 140 collars yearly stipend. He had two Tumblers or Vaulters, one an English man, the other an Italian, with the like, or somewhat greater stipend. He had eight French and two Dutch Lacqueis, to run by his stirrup, or the side of his Coach, whereof each had some 100 collars stipend, & apparel, besides extraordinary gifts.  
The Duke's Stable may not be omitted, being more magnifical, than any I did ever see in the World, (whereof I have at large spoken in the first Part, writing of my journey through Dresden): for therein I did see one hundred thirty six foreign Horses of the bravest races, (besides two hundred Horses kept in other Stables for drawing of Coaches and like uses); and in this chief Stable a boy and a man were kept to attend each horse, the men having for diet thirty grosh weekly, the boys twenty four grosh, (that is, a Doller), and the men for yearly wages had also sixteen collars, besides apparel twice in the year, and boots both to Men and Boys. It cannot be expressed, at least this is not the fit place to write, how sumptuously and curiously all things were prepared for the Horses and their Keepets. A Gentleman of special account was overseet of this Stable, and had a great stipend for his care thereof. He had eight Leibknechten, (that is, Servants for the body), who did lead the Horses for the Electors saddle, whereof each had the monthly pay for two Horses, and three hundred gulden's yearly stipend. He had four Riders, whereof each had two hundred collars yearly stipend, and apparel. One chief and two inferior Horseleeches and Smiths, four Armourers (to polish the Arms for Tilting), three Sadlers, two Cutlers (to polish the Swords), two Feathermakers, and two Porters of the Stable, had each of them one hundred gulden's yearly stipend, and apparel twice in the year.  
Besides, the Elector Christian had a Kingly Armoury, or Arsonall for Artillery and Munitions of war, which they said had furniture for an Army of eighty thousand Men, overseen by a Captain or Master of the Ordinance, his Lieutenant, and three Captains of the watch, who had no small stipends; besides fifty Gunners, who had each of them six guldens by the month, with yearly apparel: But when I was at Dresden, this Armoury was much unfurnished by aids newly sent into France to King Henry the fourth, at the instance of his Ambassador the Earl of Tarine. These aids, though sent with the consent of the foresaid Princes confederate, yet were levied as at the charge of the King of France, and as voluntary men, because the Princes are bound upon pain to lose their fees, and by the covenants of the peace given to the confession of Augsburg, not to undertake any waire without the emperors knowledge, which bonds are often broken, the Princes of Germany administering all as absolute Princes, only with consent of their confederates: But I pass over this, and return to the matter in hand.  
The foresaid so many and so great stipends, were most readily paid without delay out of the Exchequer, called the Silver Chamber, monthly or yearly, as they did grow due. And all the Pensioners aforesaid, did keep the horses in the city, for which they had pay; to which if you add the 136 horses of the chief stable, and the 200 kept by the D. in other stables, you shall find, that Dresden was never without a 1000 horses of service, for any sudden event. And the number was not less of the horses which the Elector kept in his Castles not far from the City; so as he had ever (as it were in a moment) ready 2000 horses for all occasions. This Christian Elector of Saxony, was said to impose most heavy exactions upon his subjects (no less than the Italian Princes, who place all their confidence in their treasure, none at all in the love of their subjects, or then the Netherlanders, who for fear to become slaves to the Spaniard, bear untolerable exactions) The Country people about Dresden cried, that they were no less oppressed than the jews in Egypt, being daily forced to labour at their own charge in fortifying the City. And many complained, that the Red Dear, wild Boars, and like beasts destroyed their fields (for I said that the Duke was much delighted in hunting, which is also forbidden to all, even the best Gentlemen) no man daring so much as to drive the beasts out of their pasture and corn he that sets a Dog on them, being subject to great penalty, and he that kills one of them, being guilty of death. But nothing did more cause the Duke to be maligned, then that he had left the positions of Luther in religion, and carefully endeavoured to establish those of Calvin, as shall be showed in due place. His subjects were wont to pay for several goods, as a sheep, a cow, and the like, a yearly tribute; but of late it had been decreed by the 3 States, that after the value of goods, each man for 60 grosh should pay two fennings yearly, I mean as well movable goods (namely, wares and ready money), as houses lands, and all unmovable goods, and that not according to the yearly value, but yearly according to the value at which they were (or might be) bought or sold. Neither could any man dissemble his wealth, since that deceit will appear at least upon the last Will and Testament, and once found useth to be punished with repairing the loss, and a great fine. This tribute was at first granted only for 6 years, but those ended, the term was renewed, and so it continueth for ever. And this tribute alone was said to yield yearly 600000 guldens: but the chief revenue of the Elector was by the imposition upon Beer, which (as I have formerly said) that people drinks in great excess. And they said, that this tribute also at first was imposed only for certain years. But the Elector meaning nothing less than to ease them of this burden, of late there had been a paper set by some merry lad upon the Court gates, containing these words in the Dutch tongue: Ich woundschihm lang leben; vnd kein gutten tag darneben: vnd darnoch den hellisch fewr: der hat auffgehebt dab bearstewer: Vndergeschreiben. Das wort Gottes vnd das berestewer, wherens in ewigkeit. That is:  

I wish long life may him befall,  
And not one good day therewithal:  
And Hell-fier after his life here,  
Who first did raise this Tax of Bear.   
Postscript. The Word of God, and the Tax of Bear last for ever and ever.  
The Brewers pay tribute according to the value of the brewing, not according to the gain they make, namely, some eighth part for one kind of Bear, some fifth part for another kind in most places. At Wittenberg I observed, that for one brewing of some 48 bushels of Malt, worth some 48 guldens, the Duke's Treasurer received 8 guldens. This Treasurer doth four times yearly view the brewing vessels, and number the Students of Wittenberg, to prevent any defrauding of Tribute. For howsoever in all these parts they drink largely, yet at Wittenberg, in respect of the great number of Students, and at Leipzig, for the same cause, and in respect of a great Fair, this tribute grows to an higher rate, then in other cities; yet the City Torge, though less in circuit then these, only exceeds these and all other, in yielding this tribute, because the bear thereof is so famously good, as it is in great quantity transported to other Cities of these Provinces, where the better sort most commonly drink it and no other; so as that City alone yields one year with another seventeen thousand gold gulden's for tribute of Bear. The same City makes yearly seven thousand woollen clothes, each cloth thirty two else long, and worth some fourteen collars; yet for each cloth they pay only one silver Grosh, whereby it appears, that the tribute of cloth and like commodities, is lightly esteemed, as of less importance, than the transcendent traffic of Bear. Torge likewise yearly pays to the Elector 500 collars for the fishing of a Lake near the City, which once in 3 years was said to yield 5000 Dollars to the City: One sole Province, yet much inhabited, and very fertile, namely Mizzen, was said one year with another to yield 1800000 collars for all tributes, and half part thereof only for Bear. The Mines of Silver are of great importance, which by the Law belong to the Electors in their Provinces, not to the Emperor. And this Elector hath many of these Mines-namely, those of Friburg, those of Scheneberg, those of Anneberg, and those of the valley of joachim, of all which I have written at large in the Geographical description. And no doubt this Elector is potent in treasure, so as how soever he be inferior in dignity to the Elector Palatine, yet he is most powerful of all the Electors.  
Among the walled Cities subject to him (not to speak of the Towns, Castles, and pleasant Villages), Leipzig is next to Dresden, to which it only yields for the fortifications, and the Electors Court. Leipzig gives the Law to the upper Territory, as Wittenburg doth to the lower, and both are adorned by being Universities: but at Leipzig the Scabines sit, judges of great Authority for the Law of Saxony, being in number seven, namely, three Senators of the City, and four Doctors of the Civil Law. But Wittenberg hath not the right of the Sword to execute malefactors, which the Elector Augustus (they say) translated to Leipzig, because the judges obstinately denied him power to pardon malefactors, or to moderate the Law. So as when any man is capitally accused at Wittenberg, the cause is first referred to the Scabines at Leipzig, who finding him guilty, give power to the Senators of Wittenberg, to pronounce sentence, and do execution. Wittenberg is no fair City, but a famous University, and at this time had a great many of Students, and it is not subject to the Duke as inheritance from his progenitors, but as he is Elector, for to the Electorship it properly belongeth. Besides the great tributes it pales for Bear, it also yields yearly to the Duke 1500 gold gulden's, for the Bridge built over the Ell. Here, as in all other places, Lime and Brick are sold in the Duke's name, and to his use. As well Leipzig as Wittenberg, in difficult cases, ask counsel for the Civil Law, of their own and (if need be) of foreign Universities, where the Doctors of the Civil Law, in the name of the Faculty, write down their judgement in the case propounded. These Doctors are also Advocates, whereof there were twenty two at this time at Leipzig, and because this profession is much esteemed, the Germans willingly apply themselves to the study thereof.  
The Count Palatine of the Rhine, by old institution is chief among the temporal 
The Count Palatine of the Rhine, Elector, and the Duke of Bavaria.  Electors, and is of the same Family, of which the Dukes of Bavaria descend. The Pedigree of them both, is derived from the Emperor Charles the Great. Otho the elder brother Palatine of Wirtelbach, upon the proscription of the Duke of Bavaria, had that Dukedom conferred on him in fee by the Emperor in the year 1180. From his younger brother descend the Counts of Psalms now living. But from the said Otho the elder brother, are descended, both the Palatines Electors, and the Dukes of Bavaria now living.  
Lodowick Duke of Bavaria, who died in the year 1231, received the Palatinate of the Rhine in fee from the Emperor Frederick the second. Otho the fourth, succeeded him in the Dukedom of Bavaria, and the Palatinate of the Rhine, and was the first Elector of this Family, who died in the year 1253. His son Lodowick the severe, Elector Palatine and Duke of Bavaria, made Rodolphus of Habsburg Emperor, who was the first Emperor of the House of Austria. He married this emperors Daughter, & died in the year 1294, leaving two sons, who divided the inheritance, as followeth.  

From this Rodulphus, descend the Counts Palatines and Electors.  
Rodulphus the elder Brother was Count Palatine of the Rhine, & Elector, who died 1319. 

Rupert Palatine of the Rhine Elector, founded the University in Heidelberg, in the year 1346. 

Rupert Elector and Emperor, died in the year 1410. 

Lodowick Count Palatine and Elector. 

The Elector Fredrick the second, descending from him, freed Vienna from the siege of the Turks, and died 1556. 

Otho Enrich his Nephew died 1559 without heirs males, and so the Electorship fell to the Duke of Zweybruck.      
Stephen Duke of Zweybruck. 

Fredrick Palatine. 

john the first. 

john the second. 

Fredrick the third succeeded Otho Enrich in the Electorship, and died 1576. 

Lodowick the fourth Elector Palatine married the daughter of the Langrave of Hessen, and died 1583. 

Fredrick the fourth Elector than Pupil to john Casimire his uncle. 

The first house of the Palatines and Electors, in two branches.    
Christian his sole Sister.    
john Casunire was Tutor to his Nephew, and Elector in his nonage, and married Elizabeth sister to Christian Duke of Saxony, and died 1592. 

Dorothea his sole Daughter.    
Elizabeth married to john Fredrick Duke of Saxony, called of Coburg.  
Susan Dorothy married to john William, Duke of Saxony, called of Wineberg. Anna Maria married to Philip the 2, Langrave of Hessen. Kunigunde jacobe married to the Count of Nassawe.    
Richard D. of Hunneseruck living when I wrote this. 

The 2 brach of the first house.         

Lodowick the black. 

Alexander. 

Lodowick. 

Wolfgang D. of Sweybruck married the Daughter to the Langrave of Hessen, and died in the French wars 1569. 

Philip Lodowick married the daughter to the Duke of julice. 

Of three Daughters, one married to Fredrick William Duke of Saxony.  
Wolfgang born 1578.  
Augustus' born 1582.  
john Fredrick born 1587.    
john married to another Daughter of the Duke of julce. 

Two Sons and two Daughters. 

The second House of the Countess Palatines in four branches then living, the last branches being multiplied from Philip Lodowick being then children.      
Fredrick married the Daughter of the Duke of Lignic. 

Two Twins borne 1591.    
Otho Enrich married the Daughter to the Duke of Wirterberg. 

He had both sons and daughters.    
Eight Sisters, partly dead, partly living then.      
Rupert. 

Of Rupert is George, borne of the Daughter to Gustanus King of Swetia, who then was living. 

He had 3 sons and divers daughters. 

A fifth branch of the second house of the Countess Palatines.                    
Thus of Rodulphus the eldest son to Lodowick the Severe, descend two houses in many branches of the Countess Palatines, whereof the chief and first hath the Electorship. And of Lodowick the Emperor the second son to Lodowick the Severe descend the Dukes of Bavaria, as followeth.  
Lodowick the younger Brother was D. of Bavaria, and was made Emperor, who died 1347. 

The Dukes of Bavaria.  
Lodowick the Emperor had two sons. 

Stephen Duke of Bavaria, who died 1392. 

Fredrick Duke of Bavaria died 1404. 

George the rich founded the University of Ingolstat, and built the College of Saint George, and died 1503. 

Elizabeth his Daughter was married to Rupert Count Palatine, and to Rupert George by his last Will gave the Dukedom of Bavaria, but the Emperor Maximivan would not confirm this gift, as injurious to the next heir in this pedigree, whence rose the war of Bavaria.      
john of Monach Duke of Bavaria died 1397. 

Albert the third refused to be chosen King of Bohemia, and died 1460. 

Albert the fourth brought the cannons of 2 Monasteries to Monach, and that of his own authority, for which he hardly escaped the proscription of the Empire; and to him the Emperor adjudged the inheritance of George against the Palatine, who had married the daughter of George, and was by his last Will made his heir. He died 1508. 

Albert the 5, built 3 Colleges for the Jesuits. He married Anna, daughter to the Emperor Ferdinand, and died in the year 1579. 

William borne 1548, married Rinata, Daughter to Francis Duke of Lorraine in the year 1568. 

Maximilian D. of Bavaria.  
Philip Bishop of Ratisbona.  
Ferdinand a Praepositus of Colen, and Cannon of Trier.  
One Sister, Maximiliana.    
Ferdinand borne in the year 1550.  
Ernestus Bishop of Liege, after Archbishop and Elector of Colon, borne in the year 1554.  
Maria Maximilian born 1552.  
Maria borne 1553, and married to Charles Archduke of Austria, 1572.    
William made war against the Duke of Wirteberg, and died in the year 1577.  
Sibyl married to Lodowick the fourth, Elector Palatine, died in the year 1511.  
Sabina married to Vlrich Duke of Wirteberg, died in the year 1564.  
Sidonia married to Philibert Marquis of Baden.          
William Count of Holland by right of his wife. Of him descended the Counts of Holland.      
From this Lodowick descend the Dukes of Bavaria     
It was covenanted, and stands agreed between the House of the Electors Pallatines', and the house of the Dukes of Bavaria, that upon want of heirs males, one of them should succeed the other; and when the Daughter to the Duke of Bavaria, in the time of the Emperor Maximilian, opposed herself to this contract, she was forced to yield to it by the Emperor.  
I return to the Electors Palatines. The foresaid Frederick the fourth, Palatine and Elector, being under age, had Duke john Casimire his father's brother for his Tutor, 
The Elector Palatine of the Rhine.  who at his brother's death besieged the City of Colen, in the name of the Bishop, whom they had driven out for being married. This Casimire, in his brother's lifetime had a noble inheritance beyond the Rhine, to him and his heirs, and then hearing of his brother's death, hasted to Heidelberg, where he brought the people to obedience, who would not have him Administrator, because he professed the Reformed Religion after Calvin's doctrine, not after that of Luther. And he presently sent back the emperors Ambassadors, who were come thither about that controversy, refusing to yield his right in the Tutorage of his Nephew, which he defended in the Imperial Chamber at Spire. After he brought up his Nephew wisely and religiously, appointing him his diet apart with his Teachers and the Steward of his Court, to whose table one Professor of the University was daily invited, who had charge to propound a question to the Prince, out of the Histories, and controversies of Religion. And the Prince did not presently make answer, except it were in a common subject, but asked time to consider of it, and consulting apart with his Teachers, after some half hover returned to give his answer. Thus by daily practise the chief accidents of Histories, and controversies of Religion were made familiar to him. The City Heidelberg, sometimes held in Fee from the Bishop of Wormz, was in time beautified with buildings and an University, and became the seat of the Electors. The said Elector Fredrick the fourth, being a pupil, was after the foresaid manner brought up in the Reformed religion, according to the doctrine of Caluine: but in the mean time Richard the Duke of Hunnesruck his next heir, if he should die without issue male, did obstinately follow the reformed doctrine of Luther, and so did the rest of his kinsmen, the Dukes of Zweybruck (their town being so called of the two Bridges) excepting the second brother of them who consented in Religion with the Elector. This Elector Frederick the fourth, married the daughter to the Prince of Orange, by his wife of the French family de Chastillion. His Court was not great, nor any way comparable to that of the Elector of Sexony. For he had scarce thirty Gentlemen to attend him, and to them he gave no more than some twenty five gulden's for stipend, which they spent upon their servants that attended them and kept their horses. And he had no more than eight Yeomen for the Guard of his body. Wine was sparingly drawn, and all expenses made with great frugality. But the fame of this Electors wisdom and affability, made him much esteemed of strangers, and while he conversed with his Citizens often coming to the public place for exercise of the Piece and Crossbow, and being easy of access, yet carried himself like a grave and noble Prince, he became dear to his subjects. Of whom he exacted moderate tribute for their lands, houses, money, and goods, and some two small fennings for each Moss or measure of wine. In five places upon the Rhine he exacted impositions or taxes, which one year with another yielded some twelve or sixteen thousand French Crowns, and they said, that he received yearly some fifty or sixty thousand Crowns by the silver Mines of Anneberg, besides extraordinary subsidies, which his subjects use to grant him upon occasion of war, or like necessities of the Commonwealth. And I remember, when the Citizens of Strasburg his neighbours made war with the brother of the Duke of Lorraine, about their Bishopric, so as the Palatine was forced to levy soldiers for defence of his people from the rapine of both Armies, that he imposed an extraordinary subsidy upon his subjects, of a quarter of a Doller for each hundred collars any man possessed, in movable or unmovable goods.  
The Margrave (or Marquis) of Brandeburg is by the first institution the last of the 
The Margrave of Brandeburg Elector.  Electors, but more powerful than any of them in the number of Vassals; and his territories are much larger than those of the Elector of Saxony, but his revenues are nothing so great. He held his Court at Berlin, some twelve Germane miles distant from Wittenberg in Saxony. His pedigree is derived from Peter Columna (a Roman Patrician, of the ancient blood of the Camills), who banished by Pope Gregory the seventh, had lands given him in Suevia by the Emperor Henry the fourth, and built the castle of Zagaroll, and about the year 1120 had a son called Burchard.  

Burchard Count of Zoller (his Castle so called.)  
Frederick, the first race of the Burgraves of Nurnberg being extinct, was invested 1273 of that dignity by the Emperor Rodulphus, whose sister was mother to Frederick. 

Frederick the second Burgrave of Nurnberg, died in the year 1330. 

Frederick, Burgrave of Nurnberg, had the Marquisate of Brandeburg conferred on him by the Emperor Sigismond, and also the Electorship in the year 1427, and he sold the Castle and Burgraveship of Nurnberg to the City of Nurnberg. He died in the year 1440. 

john, Marquis of Brandeburg, at his father's commandment, yielded the Electorship to his second brother, and died in the year 1464. 

Frederick Marquis and Elector going into Palestine, did yield the Electorship to his brother Albert, and died in the year 1470. 

Albert, Marquis and Elector, called the Achilles of Germany, overcame the Citizens of Nurnberg in eight battles, and in the ninth being overcome, promised them peace. He first made league with the Elector of Saxony and the Langrave of Hessen, and died suddenly in a Bath in the year 1486. 

By his first Wife, Daughter to the Marquis of Baden, he had john Marquis and Elector, commonly called the Cicero of Germany, he died 1499. And had two sisters by his mother. 

joachim the first, Elector, founded the University at Franckfort upon Viadrus, in the year 1506, he married Elizabeth, daughter to the King of Denmark, and died 1535. 

joachim the second, Elector, for killing a Turk, had a Military Girdle of Charles the fifth, to whose part he was firm, and obtained life for the captive Elector of Saxony, he died 1571. 

By Magdalen, daugh. to Geo. the Bearded, D. of Saxony. 

johannes Georgius the Elector then living, borne in the year 1525. 

By his first wife Sophia (as some say) daughter to the Count of Barba, he had joachim Frederick borne 1546, heir to the Electorship, at this time Administrator of the Archbishopk. of Holla. He married one of the House of Brandeburg in the year 1570, & (if I be not deceived) had at this time a second wife, the daughter of the Duke of Wirteberg. 

john Sigismond born 1572.  
Anna Catherina born 1575.  
George borne 1577.  
Augustus' born 1580, Cannon of Strasburg.  
Albert Fredrick born 1581.  
joachim a Twin borne 1582.  
Ernest a Twin borne 1582.  
Christian Wilhelm borne 1588.      
By Sabina daughter to George Marquis of Brandeburg married 1547, and dying 1574. He had three daughters, Ermund married to john Frederick D. of Pomern. Anna Maria married to the eldest brother D. of Pomern, and Sophia married to Christian Elector of Saxony 1582.  
By Elionora daughter to the Prince of Anhalt married 1577, at the fifty three year of his age, and fourteenth of her age, he had three sons, Christian, and joachim Ernest, and a third whose name I know not; and in the year 1592. when he was 67 years old, he had a daughter, besides two other daughters formerly begotten.    
Barbara married to the D. of Bregan in Stlesia.  
Elizabetha Magdalena married to Otho D. of Luneburg.  
Heduigis married to julius, Duke of Brunswick.  
Sophia married to the Baron of Rosenburg Viceroy in Bohemia, 1564.      
john leagued with the Protestants, yet served the Emperor at his brother's persuasion, but after joined with Mauritius Elector of Saxony against the Emperor, he died 1570.  
Five sisters, Anne married to the Duke of Meckelburg. Elizabeth to the Duke of Brunswick. Margaret to the Duke of Pomern, Elizabeth to George Marquis of Brandeburg. And Catherine to be.    
Anna, married to the King of Denmark Frederick the first, died 1521.  
Ursula married to the Duke of Pomerania; another Ursula to the Duke of Meckelburg.  
Albert Archbishop and Elector of Mentz & Cardinal, made the war of Religion, which Lodowick Elector Palatine appeased. He died 1545.    
By his second wife Anne, Daughter to Frederick the second Elector of Saxony, he had Frederick the fifth Marquis of Brandeburg in Franconia and Voytland. He married the daughter of Casimire King of Poland, and died in the year 1536. He had five sisters by his mother, three married, two Nuns. 

Casimire married the daughter to the D. of Banaria, he died 1577. 

Albert, called the Alcibiades of Germany, most warlike, was proscribed by the Empire, and died in banishment, in the year 1557.  
Marry married to Frederick Elector Palatine; died 1567.    
George gave the Confession of Religion at Augsburg, 

Geo. Fred. recovered Prustia from the K. of Poland, & took it in Fee 1578. He married Elizabeth of Brandeburg 1558, and Sophia, daughter to the D. of Brunswick 1579. He had five sisters.    
William Bishop of Regenspurg, died 1563.  
Albert Mr. of the Teutonike Order, being overcome by the King of Poland, was made D. of Prussia, the Order being extinguished, and founded the University at Konigsberg, he died 1568. 

By the daughter of the Duke of Brunswick, he had Albert Frederick borne 1553, said to be frantic, so as George Frederick his uncles son governed the Dukedom of Prussia, he was at this time living. 

By the daughter of the D. of julec he had some daughters. How the Tentonike Order was extinguished, and of the succession in Prussia is formerly spoken in this Chapter, and in the Geographical description of Germany.    
By Dorothy Queen of Denmark he had Anna Sophia, married to the Duke of Meckelburg, and she died 1591. Besides males and females dying young.    
Five sisters all married.        
The first Marquis and first Elector of this Family.    
Conrade dividing the Principality with his brother, governed at Nurnberg, and four of his posterity were great Commanders of the Order of the Teutonike Knights.    
Eitel Frederick Count of Zoller.     
Hitherto I have spoken of the Temporal Electors. The fecond among the Spiritual Electors is the Archbishop of Mentz, which Seat, when I passed through Germany, 
The Spiritual Electors.  was possessed by Wolfgang of the noble Family of Dalberg, and all his Kinsmen, dwelling hear Heidelberg, were of the Reformed Religion after the doctrine of Luther, and therefore less esteemed him, who notwithstanding was thought no enemy to the Reformed Religion, but rather willing to permit it, did he not fear the opposition of the Chapter. For Gebhard Truchsesse Archbishop of Colen and Elector, had lately been deposed, and another placed in that Seat, because he married Agnes Countess of Mansfield, with whom at that time he lived, being made a Cannon at Strasburg, (for that city having abolished the Roman Religion, yet kept the places of Cannons without any bond of superstition, and used to bestow them only upon Princes and Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion), and in this city he then lived a quiet life, after he had in vain tried by force of Arms to regain that Archbishopric. The third Spiritual Elector, but first by institution, is the Archbishop of Trier, a City seated beyond the Rhine, upon the confines of France, which Seat, when I passed through Germany, was possessed by john (if I mistake not his name) of the Noble Family of Schonburg. And whereas the other Electors dwell in the cities whereof they are named for the most part, his continual abode was at the castle Erbrotsteine, seated near the Rhine, some half days journey from Trier. All these archbishops have not only Spiritual but also Temporal power in all their Territories.  
The Families of the Langraves of Hessen is derived from Lambert Count of Hannow, 
The Langraves of Hessen.  who died in the year 1015. Of his first branch come the Margraves of Berg, and also the Barons of Grimberg. Of the second branch come the Langraves of Hessen, whose Progenitor Lodowick, called the Gentle, being chosen Emperor, refused that burden, and died in the year 1458. Philip united to the Protestant Princes in the league of Smalcald, and joining his forces with the Elector of Saxony, against the Emperor Charles the fifth, was persuaded by his friends, when the Electors Army was broken, to yield himself to the Emperor, by whom he was kept prisoner for a time, contrary to promise. He founded the University at Marpurg, and died in the year 1567.  

The said Philip married the Daughter to the Duke of Meckelburg, and by her had the following issue. 

William borne 1532, held his court at Cassiles, having half the inheritance. He delivered his father out of prison, and married Sabina, daughter to the D. of Wirteberg, and died not long before I passed through Germany. 

Mauritius a most Noble young Prince, Langrave of Cassiles upon his Father's late death.  
Anna Maria married to Lodowick Count of Nassawe, 1589.  
Heduigis then a Virgin.  
Sophia then a Virgin.    
Lodowick born 1537 held his court at Marpurg, & had a fourth part of his father's inheritance. He first married Heduige daughter to the D. of Wirteberg, & after Mary of Mansfield, both barren. And at this time he lived, but without any child.  
Agnes married to Mauritius Elector of Saxony 1541, and after to john Frederick D. of Saxony.  
George borne 1547, held his court at Dormstat, and had a fourth part of his father's inheritance, and married Magdelen, daughter to Bernard Count of lip, & she was dead, but he then lived. 

Lodowick oldest, his Father yet living.  
Philip.  
john George.  
Two Sisters, Christian and Elizabeth.    
Anna married to the Duke of Zweybruck, died 1581.  
Barbara married to George Earl of Mompelgard.  
Elizabeth married to Lodowick the fourth, Elector Palatine.  
Christina married to Adolphus, of the royal blood of Denmark.    
His Sister Elizabeth was married to john Duke of Saxony.   
The foresaid William Langrave of Hessen, of his chief City called the Langrave of Cassiles, had in division with his brethren half his Father's inheritance, the other half being divided between his two brothers. And since that time I heard, that his brother Lodowick of Marpurg was dead without issue, and that his fourth part of this inheritance was returned to Mauritius, eldest son to William. Yet because Mauritius was addicted to the reformed Religion, after the doctrine of Calvin, which he and his Courtiers with many subjects professed, how soever he had not yet made any general alteration, whereas his Uncle Lodowick persisted in the doctrine of Luther, I remember the common speech in the land of Hessen, that Lodowick had threatened his Nephew Mauritius to disinherit him, and give his lands to the children of his brother George of Dormstatt, if he made any general alteration in Religion.  
I have formerly said, that the dignity of the Empire decaying, many Principalities were given in Fee, and the Lords thereof became absolute Princes. At that time many great Cities were immediately subject to the Empire, whereof many were at sundry times after engaged for money to the said Princes. At last the power of the Empire being more fallen by many Civil wars raised by the Popes, to confirm their usurped power over the Emperors, these Cities with money bought their liberty, partly of the Emperors, partly of the said Princes, from which time these Cities being called Imperial, and having freedom with absolute power, became daily more and more beautified with buildings, and strong by fortifications; yet some Cities still subject to divers Princes, yield not to them in beauty and strength, as Dresden and Leipzig subject to the Elector of Saxony, Monach and Ingolstat subject to the Duke of Bavaria; and Breslaw the chief City of Silesia, a Province joined to the Kingdom of Bohemia.  
The Emperor at his election swears, that he will maintain these Cities in their freedom, and not suffer them to be drawn back to the subjection of the Empire, or the said Princes. Also I have formerly spoken of the many and just suspicions between the Emperor, the Princes, and these Free Cities, which it were needless to repeat. Of old the great Cities of the Empire were ninety six in number, but many of them have since been alienated to the Princes of netherlands, or united by League to the Cantons of Sweitzerland, so at this day there remain only sixty Free Cities of the Empire.  
Of the Commonwealths of these Cities, it shall suffice in general to have said, that the Government is very moderate and equal. The patricians live upon their revenues, as Gentlemen. The Plebeians intent Traffic and Shopkeeping; and be they never so rich, never so wise, can never become patricians, but still keep their own rank, as all other Orders do. And the Artisans so they keep the Laws, (which bind the highest as well as them) are secure from the injuries of any greater man. In civil causes they judge not after strict Law, but according to equity, and without delay: but more easily to conjecture of all in general, It will not be amiss particularly to observe the government of some few.  
And because Nurnberg is one of the chief, I will begin with it. The Margraves 
The City of Nurnberg.  of Brandeburg were of old Burgraves of Nurnberg till Frederick the fourth about the year 1414, sold that his right, and the Castle of Nurnberg to the Citizens thereof. Albert his son, called the Achilles of Germany, for some duty denied to him, made war upon the City, drawing seventeen Princes to take his part, as the other free Cities assisted Nurnberg. At this day the Margrave of Anspath, being of that Family, calls himself Burgrave of Nurnberg, but hath only the bare title, without any command in the City: yet because his lands lie on some sides under the very walls thereof, the Citizens repute him a dangerous neighbour. The common report was, that this Margrave had lately sold to the City a great wood, growing very near the walls thereof, and that shortly after he was at variance with them, as if he had sold only the wood, and not the soil, so as (if vulgar speech may be believed) they were forced again to buy the ground: And yet he hath not renounced his right of hunting therein, which he challengeth proper to himself. Give me leave to digress so much from my purpose, as to say, that the neighbourhood of this Margrave, is no less suspected by the free City Wasenburg, not far distant, where upon a mountain in his own ground, hanging over the City, he hath built a strong Castle. And because all the streets of that little City lie open to it, the Citizens when first he began to build, complained to the Emperor of that wrong, and obtained letters to command the Margrave to build no further, but he not only disobeyed those letters, but built the same with more speed and strength. Now I return to Nurnberg, the Commonwealth whereof is Aristocratical. The great Counsel hath no set number, but commonly consists of some three hundred persons, whereof many are Patricians, living honourably upon their rents, as Gentlemen, others are Merchants, and some few Artisans, of the best and richest workmen. The Senate refers to this Counsel, the impositions of tributes, and the decrees of peace and war, which Subjects of Counsel being rare, this Counsel is seldom called together, but the authority of them is so great, as the seals of any two of them, set to any last Testament, serves in steed of seven witnesses required by the Civil Law. Out of this great Counsel, the new Senate is yearly chosen, and when the time of Election is at hand, this great Counsel names a Consul and a Scabine, of the Gentlemen called ancient, or out of the chief of the next Order; and in like sort the old Senate of the year past, names three of the ancient Gentlemen. These five are called the Electors of the new Senate, and as soon as they are chosen, all Magistracy ceaseth. Then these Electors being sworn, are shut up into a Chamber, whence they come not forth, till they have chosen twenty six Consuls and Scabines, of each thirteen. Then they choose the rest of the new Senate, and assoon as they are chosen, they name among themselves those that are called ancient, which are commonly the same men, except some be put in the place of them that are dead, for it is a disgrace to be put from that dignity. This Election is made in one day, and the Senate consists of forty persons, whereof thirty four are Patricians or Gentlemen, and so the government is especially in the hands of the Gentlemen, as a thing whereof they hold the common people to be uncapable. Of these Gentlemen are 〈◊〉 the seven Men, and the Senate of the ancient, as also the 
chosen  Captains and Treasurers.  
To be a Doctor of the Civil Law, makes a Gentleman, or any other, to be uncapable of a Senators place. But when in dificult cases they need the advise of Doctors, they send two Senators to consult with them, who relate their judgement to the Senate. For this cause, and because all judgements are according to equity, not after the strict Law, there be fowe Doctors in that City, neither have they many Advocates; the Senate giving stipend onlyto four, who plead all causes. Yet the City entertains some Doctors, to advise them, at I formerly said, & to assist them in judgement, exhibiting the cause in writing, as also to be Ambassadors. To the said 34 Gentlemen, 8 Plebeians are added, which make the said Senate, and these Plebeians have free voices, but are removed from secret Counsels, and having liberty to be absent, seldom meet with the Senate, except they be called. So as the common people have little or no authority, and are kept under, in so much as meetings (excepting funerals and like ceremonies) and walkings by night are forbidden, yet they have their privileges inviolably kept, and live in great liberty, under a most equal government. Of these Gentlemen governing the City, they have (as I have heard) twenty eight honourable Families, or there about. And of the said thirty four Gentlemen of the Senate, eight are called the Ancient, who like old soldiers are freed from service, the other twenty six diligently attending the public affairs, with capital and Civil judgements, and one of them is chosen, to entertain passengers worthy of Honour, by presenting wine to them in name of the Senate, and also to call the Senate together, to propound the causes upon which they deliberate; to ask their Voices, and to do many like duties. These twenty six Gentlemen are divided into thirteen Consuls, and thirteen Scabines, and these Scabines judge capital causes (first examined by the whole Senate) as the Consuls judge Civil causes. And they so divide the year between them, as each of them for a month is Consul or Scabine. Out of them are chosen seven men, who have the greatest authority, and determine all secrets of State, and to them the Treasurers make account. And howsoever two of one Family may be Senators, yet two of one Family cannot be of these seven men. Three of these seven are chosen Captains, who have the keeping of the Armoury, and the keys of the Gates, and upon any tumult all fly to them, and yield them obedience. Two of these Captains are Treasurers, where of the chief hath the first place in all Assemblies. To these Treasurers one of the Plebeians is added, to oversee the expense of the treasure, and two of the best sort of the Plebeians are Clerks of the Exchequer, but only the two chief Treasurers disburse and lay up all moneys. They have in all public Counsels two chancellors, whereof one always attends the Counsel of seven men, and these chancellors write the Decrees of Counsel, receive and read, write and send, all letters, being as Secretaries, and they have six Clerks to write under them. All the Senators have their several stipends out of the common Treasure. Each of the seven men hath yearly five hundred gulden's, besides gainful Offices, as the keeping of the Seals, and each Treasurer hath eight hundred gulden's, and each Chancellor two hundred gulden's yearly. In judgements they do not much use the plead of Proctors or Advocates, but use to judge summarily upon oath, or to appoint Arbiters to compound controversies.  
But among the Courts of judgements, one is of five men, from whom there is no appeal, yet they refer the greatest causes to the Senate. The second Court is of eight men, and hath two Tribunals, where the causes of citizens are determined, which exceed not the value of thirty two Crowns, and these two Tribunals in greater causes are united, and have three or four Doctors appointed by the Senate to advise them, for only the Scabines judge, and from these Tribunals appeal is granted to the Senate, if the cause exceed the value of five hundred Crowns. These choose a judge to see their Decrees put in execution, and to see capital offenders executed. They appoint a judge for the Villages and territories subject to the City, for whose assistance the Senate chooseth some out of the great Counsel. These weekly give the Law to the Villages and Country people, and by the exercise of this Office, the judges are enabled for the Office of Scabines. Also they choose a judge to have care of the Fairs and Markets, who sets the price of Bread, Flesh, and all things there sold, and he hath four Senators to assist him in weekly enquiring after the works of Artificers, that they sell no unperfect works, nor use any fraud. Of the Senators, three are chosen supreme Tutors for pupils and widows, who divide inheritances, see that all Testaments be performed, and appoint new Tutors, in case the old be dead, suspected, or absent. These supreme Tutors provide, that the monies of pupils be put forth to use, and that the profit returns to the pupils. They receive the accounts of the Tutors, and provide that the Pupils be religiously and honestly brought up. One Senator is set over each Church, Monastery, and Alms house, to see the revenues well administered, and to promote the causes thereunto belonging. Five Governors are set over the Territory without the walls, among which, the Chancellor hath yearly one hundredth Crowns, each of the rest twenty five Crowns for stipend. In time of war, they choose seven Senators, who take upon them the care to provide all necessaries for the same. I understood there, that not long before, they had numbered in the City twenty two thousand Artificers, servants, and people of inferior rank, and that the last subsidy imposed in time of war, was one Gold Gulden in the hundredth, of every man's movable and unmovable goods, and one gold Gulden by the Pole, for all such as had neither inheritance nor Art to live upon.  
Augsburg is one of the Imperial Cities (vulgarly Ein Reichs statt) and in the year 
Angsburg.  1364. the Senate consisted of two Patrician Consuls, and of ten Merchants, and seven Artisans, with power of Tribunes, all yearly chosen. The Emperor Charles the 4 gave the City new privillges, & confirmed the old, because the Citizens swore obedience to his Son. And the Emperor Sigismond confirmed and increased the same. When the Emperor Charles the fifth held a Parliament in this City, (as many Parliaments have been held there) the old honour was restored to the patricians, & the Plebeian Tribunes were taken away, two Advocates being set in their rooms. Two Gentlemen Consuls, at this day govern the City, with six judges for criminal causes, whereof three are Gentlemen, two Citizens, one Plebeian. These are chosen by the great Senate, consisting of those three Orders: but in causes of Religion, the City is subject to the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Tilling. This City hath many noble and rich Merchants, whereof many have privileges of Barons, and some of Earls; and among them, the chief Family is of the Fuggari, famously known, being at this time both boys and men some thirty in number, and the chief of them was Mark of the Fug gari, who had married the Daughter to the Earl of Schwartzenburg, and was much delighted in the gathering of antiquities, with much courtesy using to show the same to such passengers as took pleasure therein. Three Cousins of this Family had great and large, but dispersedly scattered possessions, besides that they were rich in treasure, for supply whereof, the Emperor Charles the fifth, and his son Philip King of Spain, often made use of them, engaging to them the impositions & custom of Havens for ready money, and giving them great privileges of traffic. In which kind the said King of Spain so obliged them to him, as the heart being always where the treasure is, he made them no less obsequious to him then subjects, so difficult a thing is it, for covetous Merchants to preserve their liberty. Great jealousies were between this City and the Duke of Bavaria, whose territory extends to the very walls of the City. And I remember at my last passage through Augsburg, this Duke attempted to stop the course of water from the City, whereupon the Citizens sent out Soldiers to beat back the Duke's workmen, but the controversy was soon after appeased, and came not to blows. They perpetually, even in time of peace, keep some five hundred Soldiers in the City, who dwell in a street by themselves, and the City being seated upon the mouth of the Alps, leading into Italy, and the Citizens being diligent in traffic, it cannot be that it should not abound in riches. Augsburg in the foresaid Parliament held there, after Charles' the fifth had overcome the Protestant Princes, was said to have bought their peace of the Emperor with 3000 gold guldens. I know not for what cause they are severe towards strangers, but I observed, that they have a Law forbidding strangers to dwell in the City, allowing them only a short time of abode, and during the same, curiously observing what business they have.  
Strasburg is also a free City of the Empire, and (as the rest) governed by a Senate 
Strasburg.  yearly chosen: for howsoever it is one of the Cities leagued with the Cantons of Sweitzerland, yet it is still numbered among the free Imperial Cities: And it is stately built, and rich in treasure, for so it must needs be, since the ordinary tributes and taxes are so great, as I have heard the Citizens profess, that they yearly pay one dolor in a thousand, for the value of their movable and also unmovable goods, (wherein the full value of Land, not the yearly rent, is reckoned), and that if any fraud be detected, in the last Testament, or otherwise, the heir or the party offending (if he live) is deeply fined for the same. While I passed through the City, they had begun a war with the Duke of Lorraine, about the choice of their Bishop which war they had unprovidently denounced, before they had levied Soldiers, or made provisions to make it, so as their territories were exposed to many oppressions, before they could gather troops to defend them, and offend the enemy: And it was vulgarly reported, that they could deliberate of nothing in counsel so secretly, as it was not presently made known to the enemy.  
The Imperial City Franckfort, is famous for the two yearly Marts, one at Midlent, 
Franckfort  the other at the midst of September, at which times all neighbour Princes keep Horsemen to guard the Merchants passing that way, to which Horsemen I remember that each passenger gave 6 creitzers, either of duty or in courtesy, for his person. Also this City is famous for another privilege contained in the Laws of the golden Bulla, namely, that all Emperors must be chosen there, and in case two Emperors be chosen, the same Law defines, that if one of them shall besiege the City, and there expect his enemy half a month, and if in that time he come not to break the siege, than it shall be free for the City to receive the first, as having the victory: For of old custom the new chosen Emperors keep their coronation Feast in this City, with great magnificence, which was lastly kept (as they said) by Maximilian the second, at which time among other solemnities, they roasted an Ox in the midst of the field for the people, and when the Marshal of the Court had cut a piece as for the Emperor, the rest of the Ox was in a moment rend in pieces by the common people.  
I must make at least some mention of the Cities lying upon the Sea of Germany towards the North, whereof most are not only called free, because they are Imperial Cities, but by the same name, though in divers signification, are called Hans steten, that is, Free Cities, in respect of the privileges of traffic granted to them of old in the neighbour Countries.  
Among these Lubeck is the chief of the neighbour Cities joined in league for common defence, whither the Senators of all the other Cities come once in the year, to 
Lubeck  consult of public affairs. The territory of the City reacheth not above a Germane mile, but after some few miles distance, there is a certain Town which belongs to Lubeck and Hamburg, by common right, being engaged to them for money by the Duke of Lower Saxony, of whom they after bought the rest of his Inheritance. This Town for six years space was wont to be kept by those of Lubeck, appointing the Governor, and receiving the rents; which time ended, those of Hamburg were wont to have it in like sort for six years, and so by turns they were wont to enjoy it. Lubeck of old had a Duke, till it was subjecteth to the Empire by the Emperor Frederick the first, after whose death it became subject to their Duke again, and after five years became subject to the Danes, but by the help of Frederick the second it freed itself from the Danes in the year 1226, and after by favour of the Emperors obtained freedom and absolute power: Both Lubeck and Hamburg are said of old to have acknowledged the Kings of Denmark, but at last expelling the King's Proctors, they became free, and submitted themselves to the defence of the Empire: For which cause to this day they warily observe the actions of the Kings of Denmark, and live in fear and suspicion of their attempts, and howsoever they have freedom and absolute power, yet they are careful to have the favour of the Kings of Denmark, because they have power to hinder their traffic in the Baltike Sea: yet sometimes leagued with the neighbour cities (which in the common cause of freedom are easily drawn to give mutual aid), they have made wars against the Kings of Denmark with good success. Lubeck is commended for just government, (not to speak of their hospitality, very fair and uniform buildings, and the very pleasant seat of the Town). It is governed by the civil Law, and by statutes made by the Senate; as also some made by the consent of the confederate cities. No appeal to Universities or to the Chamber of the Empire is admitted, except the cause be above the value of five hundred collars. They lately made sumptuary Laws, restraining the number of guests and dishes in Feasts, with penalties according to the excess. The Citizens yearly choose twenty new Senators, and this 〈◊〉 chooseth of their number four Consuls, with a judge skilful in the civil Laws. These Magistrates define all civil and criminal causes, the whole Senate first examining them, and judgements are given by common consent with the doors shut: but when any capital judgement is to be executed, at the day appointed to the Malefactor, and the very hour he is to die, the hangman pronounceth the sentence in the market place. The consuls take the highest place by turns, one in the morning, the other in the afternoon, at which times they also by turns hear Ambassadors, and receive complaints. Many Offices are divided among the Senators, two gather the rents, others have care of the wines, (which are sold in a public house to public use, no private man being allowed to make that gain), others oversee the buildings, that they be uniform and strongly built, and free from danger of fire, and likewise the fortifications of the City. Four sergeant attired in red gowns, attend the Senate, and summon men to appear, (besides twelve inferior sergeant), and they neither carry Sword nor any Mace before the Magistrates, but follow them in the streets like Servants. They do not imprison any debtor or light offender, but only summon such to appear before the Magistrate, and declare to them the fines imposed for not appearing: but they apprehend capital offenders, and prevent their escape by flight. It is not lawful for a creditor to put his debtor in prison, but after a set time and with cautions, prescribed in the Law of Saxony, wherein notwithstanding, they of Lubeck so favour strangers, as they only have right in this kind with expedition, and have a proper tribunal (or seat of judgement) for themselves only: yet herein they seem not favourable to strangers, in that they permit them not to dwell in the City, otherwise they do as the common use is, to keep all commodities in the hands of Citizens, not to be sold to strangers, but by a Citizen, especially since without the help of strangers they have their own ships to bring in and carry out all commodities.  
Hamburg is in like sort governed, but I cannot so much commend them for hospitality, 
Hamburg.  being rude to all strangers, and malicious to Englishmen above others, for no other cause then for that our Merchants leaving that City, seated themselves at Stoade: so as it was not safe for any stranger, much less for an Englishman, to walk abroad after dinner, when the common people are generally heated with drink: And the very justice was herein commonly taxed, not that they punished whoredom (which no good man will disallow) but that they permitted whores in great multitudes, and yet favoured the knavery of the Sergeants, who combining with the whores, entrapped men in their houses, so as not only the whores & Sergeants made profit thereby, but the very Magistrates were justly suspected, to approve this course for their own gain.  
Brunswick an Imperial City, worthily to be numbered among the chief, & so called as the Village of Bruno, is not far distant from Hamburg, and seated in the centre 
Brunswick.  of Saxony, was of old (as they say) the Metropolitan City thereof. It consists of five Cities gathered into one, whereof each hath his several privileges, and they are thus seated, Alstatt is the part on the West side, Newstatt on the North side, Imsacke the part towards the East, Imhagen, & Altweg (built first of all the rest) are the part towards the South. And howsoever all these have each their several Senators and privileges, yet all of them jointly making the city of Brunswick, live under one common Law and government, the Senators of each by yearly courses governing the whole body of that commonwealth. For howsoever ten Consuls be yearly chosen, two of each City, yet to the two Consuls of that City which by course is to govern for the year, the other eight as inferior, and much more all the Senators of the five Cities, yield for the time great reverence in the Senate and all meetings, and great obedience in all things commanded. One Senate house is common to all the five Cities, yet each of them hath also a private Senate-house. The form of the public government is democratical (or popular.) They live in such fear of the Duke of Brunswick, left he should take away their liberty, as they have not only fortified the Town very strongly against assaults or sieges, but also willingly employ their Citizens in foreign wars as hired soldiers, insomuch as no man is made free who hath not first served one or two years in the wars.  
The Dukes of Brunswick & of Luneburg, derive their pedigree from one root, namely, 
The Dukes of Brunswick and of Luneburg.  from the old family of the Dukes of Bavaria: for Henry called the Lion, D. of Bavaria, (who was Duke and Elector of Saxony also, commanding a most ample Territory), being proscribed by the Emperor, and for a time living as a banished man in England, the Dukedom of Bavaria was by the Emperor given in Fee to the Palatines of the Rhine, and so passed to a new Family. This Henry the Lion died in Brunswick about the year 1195. His eldest son Otho the fourth being chosen Emperor, was overcome by his Competitor, and being again raised to that dignity, was put from it by Fredrick the second, and died 1218. Otho his brother's Son, was forced to yield the Dukedom of Saxony to the Elector of Saxony Albert the second. And the Emperor Frederick the second cast his Garrison out of Brunswick, with the help of the Citizens, and made Brunswick a free Imperial City. But at last the Emperor upon the submission of Otho forgave him, and created him Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg. This Otho died in the year 1252, from whom this house was subdivided into the following Families. From Henry the Wonderful, descend the Lords of Ember and Grobenbagen. From Albert the Fat, dying in the year 1318, descend the Dukes of Brunswick and of Luneburg, as followeth.  

Magnus Torquatus heir of both Dukedoms, (whose garrison the citizens of Luneburg cast out of the castle Calkberg) left three sons. 

Frederick chosen Emperor against Wenceslaus, killed by treachetie in the year 1400.  
Bernard after the kill of his brother yielded the D. of Brunswick to his Nephew William, & retaining the D. of Luneburg, died 1434. 

From Bernard descend Otho, who exhibited the Reformed Confession at Augtburg and died 1549. 

Otho Lord of Harburg, had to his first wife the daughter to the Earl of Schwartzenburg; and with the second Wife, Daughter to the Earl of Emden, he then lived when I passed though Germany. 

Otho had by his first wife two sons, Otho Enrich, borne 1555; and john Frederick borne 1557; and one daughter, Elizabeth, borne 1553, and married to the King of Suecia. And by his second wife, six sons. William borne 1564. Euno born 1565. Christopher borne 1570. Otho born 1572. john born 1573. Frederick borne 1578. And three daughters, Anna Margarita born 1567. Heduigis born 1569. Catherina Sophia born 1577. 

The first house of the Dukes of Luneburg and Brunswick (for the titles are common to al.)      
Anne borne 1526.    
And Ernest, who reform Religion, and died 1546, buried at Cella. 

Henry married the daughter of the D. of the lower Saxony, dwelling at Angria. 

Henry had three sons, julius Ernestus born 1571. Francis Cannon of Strasburg, borne 1572. And Augustus borne 1579. And two daughters, Sibilla Elizabetha born 1576. And Sidonia born 1577. 

The second branch likewise Dukes of Luneburg and Brunswick.      
William in the year 1561, married Dorothy, Daughter to Christian King of Denmark. 

William had seven sons, Ernest borne 1564. Christian borne 1561. Augustus' born 1568. Frederick borne 1574. Magnus' born 1577, than Rector of the University of jena. George borne 1582. john born 1583. And seven daughters, Sophia married to George, Marquis of Brandeburg 1579. Elizabeth to the Count of Hohelm 1585. Doroty borne 1570. Clara 1571. Margaret 1573. Marry 1575. And Sibilla 1584. 

The third branch with the same titles.        
Francis of the reformed religion, left two daughters no heirs males; and died 1549.    
Henry died before his brother Frederick. 

William the Victorious, at the death of his Uncle Frederick possessed the Dukedom of Brunswick, which his Uncle Bernard did yield to him. He died 1482. 

Dukes of Brunswick.  
From William the Victorious descends Henry, who twice in vain besieged Brunswick aided by other free Cities. He died 1514. 

Henry made captive by the Elector of Saxony 1545, twice besieged Brunswick. He had two sisters and four brothers; Ericus, Christopher Bishop of Verden, Francis, and George Archbishop of Breme. The eldest married Mary, Daughter to the Duke of Wirtenberg, and died 1568. 

julius, his two elder Brethren being killed, left his Priesthood, reformed Religion after Luther's doctrine, founded an University at Helmstat, and called it julia; married Heduigis, daughter to joachim the second, Elector of Brandeburg, and died in the year 1589. 

Henry julius borne 1562 Administrator of two Bishoprics of Halberstat and Mind, first married Dorothy Daughter to Augustus' Elector of Saxony, than Elizabeth daughter to Fredrick King of Denmark, yet living. 

By his first wife he had Dorothy Heduigis borne 1587. by the second Fredrick Vdalrike borne 1591.    
Three brothers, Philip Sigismond Bishop of Verden, borne 1568. joachim Carolus born 1573. julius Augustus borne 1578.  
Five sisters, Sophia married to Ernest Duke of Pomeru. Marry to Francis D. of lower Saxony 1582. Elizabeth to the Count of Schaumberg, Dorothy borne 1577. Heduigis 1580. 

The second house of the Duke of Brunswick, more powerful than all the former joined.      
He had four sisters, Catherine married to john Marquis of Brandeburg. Margaret to the D. of Munsterberg. Clara first an Abbess, then married to Philip Lord of Grachenhage. And Mary an Abbess.      
And Ericus, called the Popish. 

Ericus called also the Popish, married his daughter to john Prince Dauria of Genoa in Italy. He had a base son, who died without issue, and lies buried with his Father at Pavia in Italy.           
The Duke of Brunswick keeps his Court at a strong Castle, within the little City Wolfeubeiten, less than a Germane mile distant from Brunswick, of which City he bears 
The Duke of Brunswick.  the title, in respect it of old belonged to his Progenitors (in which kind he is also called Duke of Luneburg, to which he hath right of succession, and Purgrave of Nurnberg, which title hath been long extinct), not that he hath any least power over the City, or so much as a house therein, whom the Citizens rather wish many miles removed from them. I have said that Henry julius Duke of Brunswick hath three brothers, and that the eldest of them was Bishop of Verden, but when myself passed that way, I understood that of these three younger brothers, the eldest was Bishop of Osenburg, the next Cannon of Strasburg, and that the youngest was a Student in the University of Helmstatt, founded by his Father: And it is worth observation, that the Duke himself was Administrator of two bishoprics. I have showed that the City of Brunswick got their liberty by the Sword, in the time of Duke Otho, and with the aid of the Emperor Frederick the second: And as they gained it by Arms, so they maintain it, having been often besieged by the Dukes, and to this day bearing up the same against the Dukes, with whom they cease not to expostulate, that they usurp the title of their City. And not long before my passage that way, when at the marriage of the Duke with the sister to the King of Denmark, the Citizens of Brunswick discharged some great Pieces of Artillery in honour of the marriage, yet so great are the jealousies between the Duke and them, as he took it in ill part, and shaking his head for anger, said it was done in ostentation of their strength, and as the threatening of enemies rather than the triumph of friends: And the Senators of Brunswick, though invited to the marriage, yet would not come thither. Neither do they willingly suffer the Duke to come into their City. And not long before, when the Duke for pleasure disguised himself as a Carman, and drove a Cart of wood into the City, to be sold there, the chief Consul having notice thereof, commanded the gates to be shut, and the streets to be chained, & when the Duke had long sat upon the cart, with some annoyance by reason of rain, and found he could not go back, and thought it dangerous to go into any private house, at last the Consul bought his wood, and so drew the Duke to his house, where he entertained him honourably, yet remembered him that he had put himself in needle's danger, knowing the ill affection of the common people towards him, and then sending for the Duke's servantes to attend him led him out of the city with honour.  
Luneburg a free City of the Empire, is strongly fortified, and stately built, but hath no less jealousy with the neighbour Dukes, bearing the title of the City, yet they neither 
The City & the Dukes of Luneburg  dwell in the City, nor meddle with the government thereof, but abide at Cella, and at Setherns, some twelve miles distant, and in other Cities of that Province, according to the division of their inheritance between them. The Citizens of Luneburg knowing that of old they bought their liberty of these Dukes, and that to this day they pay them some tributes, justly fear lest the Duke or his Brothers and Cousins, being many in number, should practise any thing against their liberty, or at least being poor, should seek new occasions to extort money from them. The Duke of old had a strong Castle, built upon a Mountain hanging over the City, vulgarly called Kalckberg, that is the Mountain of Chalk; but the Butchers of the City, at a shrovetide, making show of mustering in Arms, took this Castle, for which service to the Commonwealth, the Butchers to this day have the keeping thereof. But the Citizens are so suspicious, lest it should be betrayed to the Duke for money, as if any of them who keep it, do at any time go forth of it, into the City or to any other place, they are no more permitted to enter the same.  
Upon the furthest shore of the Baltike sea towards the northeast, the free City 
Dantzke.  of Dantzke is seated. It is free in respect of privileges for traffic, and for that it is governed by the Senators and the Laws of the City, yet not numbered among the Imperial Cities, because it in some sort acknowledgeth the King of Poland, and pays some covenanted tributes to his Minister residing in the City. In the time of Stephen Bathory Prince of Transiluania and King of Poland, this City was by him besieged, and forced to pay these tributes. Whereupon the Citizens to pay them without their own prejudice, doubled all Impositions upon strangers trading there. The Consul of the City there, (as in all Germany) is vulgarly called Burgomaster, & he judgeth all civil & criminal causes, but appeals are granted from him to the College of civil Lawyers, & from them to the Senate of the City, and in some causes, from the Senate to the King of Poland. This City consists of three Cities, vulgarly called Reichstat, Furstat, & Altstatt (that is, the City of the Kingdom, the fore City, and the old City), and each hath his gates, and his Senate, and the Consul may be chosen out of either Senate, so as for the time of his Office, he reside in the chief City, called Reichstatt. Here be the furthest limits of the Empire towards the North and the East.  
And from hence towards the West Iles the shore of the Baltic Sea, and of the Germane Ocean, upon which are seated Stetinum, Meckleburg, Lubeck, Hamburg, and bream, Imperial Cities, and free, as weli for privileges of traffic in neighbour Kingdoms, as for absolute government at home: And in East-Freesland (for West-Freesland belongs to netherlands) the furthest limits of the Empire towards the West and North, end in the City of Emden.  
This City hath his Count, bearing title of the City, and of late he kept his Court 
Emden.  therein: but the Citizens professing the reformed Doctrine of Calvin, and the Count attempting to force them to the profession of Luther's Doctrine, not long before I passed that way, the Citizens expelled the Count, and gave oath to the Senators of the City, to obey them, to be ready in arms for the defence of the City, and not to remove their dwellings from thence without leave of the Senate. And the Citizens were thus confident, because the City lies upon the confines of the Netherlanders, who maintained men of war in that Inland Sea, and upon the River passing by the walls of the City, to stop any passage, and to defend the ships of Merchants, forced in those flats to expect the return of the tide. And generally it was thought that Emden would join in league with the united Provinces of netherlands, but as yet it remained under the Empire, not free by privilege, nor yet subject to the Count of Emden. This Count at this time had two sons by the daughter of the King of Suelia, and howsoever his younger brother by the love of his mother, had obtained the best part of the inheritance, yet he had no children, nor was thought likely to have any, so as no doubt was then made, but that the whole inheritance would after his death return to the children of the elder brother. And these things shall suffice, briefly written in general of the Commonwealth of Germany, and in particular, of the absolute Dominions under the Empire.   

CHAP. V. Of the Commonwealth of Sweitzerland, according to the divers subjects of the former Chapters.  
THE Sweitzers derived of divers people's (and among others of the Schwalen and Friselanders), howsoever they be Germans both in language and manners, yet because the old Galls gave them a seat at the foot of the Alps, they were accounted Galls (or French) till the time of julius Caesar. In the Commentaries of Caesar, we find their Commonwealth divided into four Communities, whereof one, namely that of Zurech, had not long before overthrown the Army of Lucius Cassius Consul of Rome. About this time the Sweitzers weary of their barren seat, attempted to seek a new place of dwelling, had not Caesar overcome them, and contained them at home. And from that time to the days of Charles the Great, and so long as his race possessed the renewed Empire of the West, they were still esteemed Galls: but when that imperial dignity fell to the Germans, they became subjects to those Emperors, and were numbered among the Germans, having the same manners, laws, and customs with them, as at this day they have. The Emperors governed this Nation, by Governors vulgarly called Reichs vogt, till at last the Commonwealth of the Sweitzers was severed from that of the Germans, and made a free state, which in the age before ours, hath gotten great reputation: And here it is worthy to be observed, that the ambition of Popes, and their devilish tyranny over the Emperors, not only (after some eight hundred years from Christ) caused almost all the Garboils of States, whereof we have heard, or read, or which with our own eyes we have seen, but in particular were the chief, yea, sole causes, of rending this strong member from the body of the Empire. Sweitzerland about that time, abounded with noble Families, and them the Governors favoured, to increase their own power, whereupon they oppressed the common people, and provoked their extreme hatred, so as they were forced to combine themselves in mutual league against this oppression: yet the common people had never dared to oppose themselves to the Gentry, if the Empire had enjoyed peace: But when the Bishops of Rome, often cast out their spiritual thunderbolts (I mean excommunications) against the Emperors, and aswell absolved all subjects from the Oath of Allegiance, as heartried ambitious Traitors to be competitors against the Emperors, yea, stirred up their Kinsman and their very Children to make civil war with them: in this confused Anarchy, a Patron was not wanting to the most wicked person, to defend him, so he would follow his party. Hence it came, that when the Emperor Frederick the second, in the year 1240, received the common people of Sweitzerland into his protection against the Gentlemen, they likewise, as the Clients of Monasteries, followed the Pope's party, whereupon the people of Zurech, the Vrij and Suitij, (of whom the whole Nation is called Sweitzers) being three Communities, first in the year 1251, made a league for three years against the Gentlemen, lying in wait to entrap them; and after by little and little, they made more firm and perpetual leagues for defence of absolute liberty: and serving divers Emperors in the Parall tumults, from time to time obtained great privileges. Then they drew other Communities and neighbour Cities to be partners of their leagues. Finally, after they had rooted out the Families of Gentlemen, and had by conspiracy castout the Governors of the archdukes of Austria (to who in the Lordship of Sweitzerland was fallen), they in process of time attained this absolute State, which we see them enjoy at this day: For the foresaid strife continuing between the Emperors and the Popes, and Lodowick of Bavaria contending for the Empire with Frederick of the House of Austria, the Sweitzers took part with Lodowick, who expressly ratified the freedom or liberty of then Commonwealth.  
And that consists of three parts, the communities (vulgarly called Cantons) the 
Four parts of the Commonwealth.  fellows or confederates, and the stipendiary Cities, or governments, to which Semler addeth the forraigue leagues for a fourth part.  
The communities are vulgarly called Orts, and by the Italians Cantons of the 
Thirteen Cantons.  Sweitzers, (as we will hereafter call them), and they are thirteen in number. Among these Cantons, the Vrij (coming from the Taurisci) the Suitij (coming from the Cimbri) the Vnderualdij (of the race of banished Romans) about the year 1308, made a mutual league for ten years, and having overcome in battle Leopold Archduke of Austria, in the year 1315, made this league perpetual Lucerna the fourth Canton, being much wronged, while it was under the Patronage of the House of Austria, to avoid tyranny in that confusion of the Empire, did in the year 1332, join itself in perpetual league. Zurech a free City of the Empire, was in like sort received for the 5 Canton. When these cantons made war upon Glarona, to have the possession of a country most commodious for the common good, all the people so hated the Governors appointed by the House of Austria, and so desired freedom, as they yielded up themselves to the Cantons, and so Glarona the foresaid year became the sixth Canton: Likewise when the Canton Zurech made war upon Zug, a Town (possessed by gentlemen subject to the House of Austria) whence they were much annoyed, the Citizens being forsaken by the Gentlemen, yielded themselves, and being received into the league, became the seventh Canton. 〈◊〉 a free city of the Empire, and under the power of the Governors, having found the faithful love of the Cantons, in the said confusion of the Empire, did in the year 1352, make a perpetual league with the three first named Cantons, wherein notwithstanding Zurech and Lucerna are contained, the three Cantons being bound to those two, for the succour of Bern, and being bound to Bern, for the succour of the two Cantons, and so Bern became the eight Canton. The Town Friburg, subject to the House of Austria, being many ways oppressed in the said confusion of the Empire, made league with Bern, and when the House of Austria, upon pretence to visit them, did for that cause, spoil them of their goods, they in the year 1481, after the end of the Burgundian war, became the ninth Canton. Solothara a free City of the Empire, had made a perpetual league with Berne in the year 1351, and after in the year 1481, was received for the tenth Canton. Bizila free City of the Empire, had in the year 1327 made a perpetual league with the 3 first Cantons, & after provoked by many injuries of the house of Austria, did in the year 1501 make a perpetual league with all the Cantons, and so was received for the Eleventh Canton. 〈◊〉 an Imperial city, first sold or engaged to the house of Austria, and again united to the Empire, when the Duke of Austria was proscribed in the Council of Costnetz, because the Emperor Frederick the third in the year 1454, exacted an oath of the citizens, as Duke of Austria not as Emperor, they first made a league for certain years with six Cantons, and after at the end of the Suenian war made a perpetual league in the year 1501 with all the Cantons, and so became the twelfth Canton. Abbatiscella vulgarly called Apinzill, containing eight Villages, after it had obtained freedom from the Abbot of Saint Gallus by Arms and money, had war with the house of Austria about the year 1408, at which time it made a league with the Cantons, and after provoked by the injuries of the said Abbot, in the year 1452; it made a perpetual league with the seven first Cantons, and at last in the year 1513 became the thirteenth Canton.  
Among the fellows in league, first the Abbot of Saint Gallus in the year 1451, 
Fellows in league.  obtained to be made a citizen of the four Cantons, zurech, Lucerna, Suitia, and Glarona, which right all the Abbots renew, and promise that all their possessions shall lie open to the said Cantons, and that in controversies they will rest in the judgement of the cantons, and by another agreement each of these Cantons appoint a captain to be Assessor to the Abbot in judgement, and the cantons have half of all mulcts or fines imposed, and the subjects of the Abbot are bound to serve them in war. And howsoever some of the cantons at this day are of the reformed religion, yet they send a captain according to the covenant, and defend all the rights of the Monastery. In the second place, is the town of Saint Gallus, which having bought freedom from all rights of the Abbot and of the Empire, made a perpectuall league with six Cantons, Zurech, Bern, Lucerna, Suitia, Zug, and Glarona, which was confirmed in the year 1454.  
In the third place are the Rhaeti, called Grisons by the Itallians, divided into three leagues. The first is called the upper league, consisting of nintene communities, and was made with the seven old cantons in the year 1407. The second, in respect of the Bishopric of Chur, is called the league of the house of God, consisting of nineteen communities, (whereof two use the Language of Germany, the rest the Language of the country, being corrupt Italian), which the year following joined in league with the cantons. The third league called the ten judgements, (or jurisdictions) & consisting of ten communities joined in the league with the Cantons in the year 1498, and at the same time the house of Austria preparing war against the Rhetians, they all jointly made a perpetual league of fellowship with all the Cantons.  
In the fourth place the seven tenths of the Valesians, and the Bishop of Sedune Earl of Valesia, for the controversies of religion in our time, made a perpetual league of fellowship with seven Cantons of the Roman Religion, Lucerna, Vria, Suitia, Vnderualdia, Tugium, (vulgarly Zug), Friburg, and Solodurum, vulgarly Solothurne).  
The Town Rotevilla in the fifth place, made a perpetual league of fellowship with all the Cantons, in the year 1519; but because it is seated in Germany, out of the confines of mountainous Sweitzerland, caution was made that without the consent of the Cantons, they shall make no war, nor give any aids, and if war be made upon them, in case the enemy consent, they shall rest in the judgement which the Cantons shall hold just and equal: And that they shall make no league without the consent of the Cantons, and in time of civil war shall follow the greatest part of them.  
In the sixth place Mulhusium of old an Imperial City, was incorporated to the City of Bazill in the year 1506, and after nine years, made a perpetual league of fellowship with all the Cantons.  
In the seventh place, the Town Bienna (or Bipennium) enjoying all privileges under the Bishop of 〈◊〉 in the year 1303, made a more firm league with Bern in the year 1352.  
In the eighth place is Geneva, which gave all rights, and kept all old covenants with the Bishop thereof, till he sold the same to the Duke of Savoy. After that time, this City made divers leagues with the Cantons for certain years, and at last covenanted the right of Citizens with the Canton of Bern, and being assailed for Religion, confirmed the same more strictly, in the year 1536, since which time some motions have been made, to unite Geneva with the Cantons in public league, but hitherto it could not be effected.  
In the ninth and last place is the Town Neocomum, with the County thereof, which the Sweitzers took in the war against the King of France, Lewis the twelfth, and because it belonged to the Duke of Longoville in France, his widow in the year 1529, obtained to have it restored to her upon certain conditions, yet still it hath league of fellowship with the Cantons of Bern, Lucern, Friburg, and Solothurn, and the Lords of the County have a particular league with the Canton of Bern.  
Touching the people governed by the Sweitzers in common, they be five stipendiary 
Stipendiary Cities and governments.  Cities, and nine governments. The Cities are so called, because they serve the Sweitzers in war at their stipend, and having their own Magistrates, yet are subject to the Cantons, and ruled by their statutes. These Cities of old subject to the House of Austria, became subject to the Cantons, upon condition that keeping their privileges, they should obey them in the same manner, as formerly they did the house of Austria. The Sweitzers took Baden, Brimigart, and Mallinga, when the Duke of Austria was proscribed, & after the Emperor engaged those cities to the Canton of Zurech, which made other 7 cantons partners of that engagement, namely, Lucerna, Suitia, Vnderualdia, Vria, Tugium, Glarona, and Berna. The Sweitzers took Rapersuilla in the year 1458, being received into the city, and helped by those of their faction. And they took the fifth city Frawenfield, in the year 1460, when the Duke of Austria was excommuned, upon the Pope's command well pleasing to them. Among the Governments, that of Baden is subject to the foresaid eight Cantons. The second of Turg is subject to all the same Cantons, excepting Bern, but the judgements & Fines belong to the ten old Cantons. The third of the free Province, was given to the Sweitzers in fee from the Emperor, when the said Duke of Austria was proscribed, and it is subject to the same Cantons, excepting Bern, but the Governor dwells not among them, only using to come to them for the judgement of causes. The fourth is the country of the Sarunetes, sold by their Earl to the said Cantons, excepting Bern, in the year 1483. The fist of the Rhegusei was sold to the Canton Apenzill in the year 1460, and the Cantons drew it to common subjection, when Apenzill was admitted into the number of the Cantons, so as Apenzill also is partner in that Government.  
In the last place are the four Governments beyond the Alps, seated in Italy, namely the town Lucanum, the Locarnenses, the Medrisians, & the middle valley, which the Duke of Milan gave to the Cantons for a reward, upon the casting out of the French in the year 1513, and yet the King of France, Francis the first, after upon the casting out of that Duke, confirmed this gift to the Cantons. To these is added the town Bilitioni sold to the Cantons, Vria, Suitia, and Vnderualdia, in the year 1422, the country whereof is divided into three Governments, commanded by the said three Cantons, by courses or turns.  
Touching foreign leagues. Among those made for certain years, Pope Sixtus 
Foreign leagues for 〈◊〉, namely the papal leagues.  in the year 1478 made league with the Sweitzers, and gave them large spiritual indulgences. Likewise at the end of the Sweitzers league with the king of France Lewis the twelfth, in the year 1509, Pope julius the second in the year 1510 made league with the Sweitzers, but the soldiers levied under the pay of Pope julius, perceiving that he dealt not directly and truly with them, employing them to expel the king of France out of Milan, whom he had hired under pretence to defend the Church against the Duke of Ferrara, they could not contain themselves from returning suddenly into their country, and being dismissed without pay, they ceased not with many threatenings to storm against the Pope. Yet in the year 1511 the same Pope julius being overcome by the French, he called the Sweitzers again to his aid, who sent him an Army of 20000 foot, at which time the Sweitzers being offended with the French, cast them out of Milan, whereupon Pope julius gave to this commonwealth the title of the Defender of the Church, & divers. Banners charged with divers Images, and a Cap for sign of liberty, with a sword. Also Maximilianus Sfortia by their aid being then put into the possession of the Dukedom of Milan, made league with the Sweitzers, and gave them the foresaid Governments in Italy. Also Pope Leo the tenth in the year 1515, joined himself to the league, made between the Emperor Maximilian, and Sfortia Duke of Milan, and the Sweitzers, against the King of France. Lastly, Pope Clement the eight, sitting in the chair of Rome when I passed through Italy, had also league with the Sweitzers.  
But I must come to the hereditary foreign leagues, which only, and no other, can truly be called part of the Commonwealth.  
Among the chief of them, is that of Milan: And not to speak of the ancient leagues, which some of the Cantons had with the Insubres, old inhabitants of Lombardy, 
Foreign hereditary leagues, as that of Milan.  Galeacius Duke of Milan in the year 1466, made a league with eight Cantons, (wherein mention is made of the said leagues with the Insubres), and he granted to the Vrij, that they should possess the Lepontian Valley, for which they were to send unto the Duke yearly four Hawks and a Crossbow: Moreover he granted to the eight Cantons, that in his Dukedom they should be free from all impositions and taxes. Afterwards these and other heads of that league, were confirmed and renewed by the Duke his successors: And Ferdinand Gonzaga in the name of the Emperor Charles the fifth, confirmed the same in the year 1551. And among other heads of that league, it is covenanted, that it shall be free for the Sweitzers to buy corn, yet in time of dearth, they may carry none out of the Dukedom, only some 200 bushels shall in that case be sold to them, as friends. Also cautions are inserted about the buying and carrying of salt, and that they shall freely pass to and fro without safe conduct, excepting those times in which Sweitzerland shall be infected with the plague, and that they shall be free from impositions in all places, excepting the city of Milan; where they shall pay custom at the gates. Lastly, that the Sweitzers thus privileged, shall not take any others to be partners in traffic with them, to the prejudice of the Dukedom; and that all such shall be excluded from these privileges, as have fled out of the Dukedom, whether they live in Sweitzerland or else where: And this league was made to continue four years after the death of the Emperor Charles the fifth, and this time expired, howsoever the league was not for a time renewed, yet the Sweitzers enjoyed all these privileges. This hereditary league descends to the Kings of Spain, who succeed Charles the fifth in the said Duchy of Milan, and all his possessions in Italy.  
The Sweitzers have had sharp wars with the House of Burgundy, and long continuing wars with the House of Austria, which at last were ended in league and 
The Burgundian and Austrian league.  friendship. The first war of Burgundy began in the year 1474, the House of Austria using the pride & ambition of the Dukes of Burgundy, to keep down the Sweitzers, with whom themselves had often fought with no good success: For the cause of the war sprang from certain Countries, to this end engaged by Sigismond Duke of Austria, to Charles' Duke of Burgundy, whence the desired & expected jealousies grew between them, which Lewis the TWO King of France did nourish, bearing a spleen to Duke Charles, and for that cause did furnish the Sweitzers with money to make that war: And Sigismond Duke of Austria more to encourage the Sweitzers, made league with them against the Duke of Burgundy. Also the Emperor Frederick of the House of Austria, leading an Army against the said Duke, did stir up the Sweitzers to assail him. But when they had with good success pierced into Burgundy, the Emperor made peace with the said Duke, wherein the Sweitzers were not contained, so as the Duke turned all his Forces upon them; and not to speak of light skirmishes and fights, the main business was tried between them in three battles, wherein the Duke himself was in person. First at the town Granson, where the Sweitzers had the victory, but they having no horse, (which could not so soon be sent to them from their confederates), and the horse of the Duke defending the foot in their flight, few of the Burgundians were killed there. Secondly, they fought at Morat; where they write that 26000 of the Burgundians were slain. And to this day huge heaps of dead bones lie in that place, to witness that great overthrow. The third battle was at Nancy, a City of Lorain, where Charles Duke of Burgundy besieged Renatus Duke of Lorraine, confederate with the Sweitzers, and then 8000 Sweitzers & 3000 of their confederates sent to help them, overcame the Duke of Burgundy, and himself being killed 〈◊〉, his death gave an end to that war in the year 1477.  
After the house of Austria had made many wars & leagues for years with the Sweitzers, at last Sigismond Duke of Austria, before the Burgundian war, made an hereditary league with them, Lewis the French King mediating the same, that he might draw the Sweitzers to make war with Charles the proud Duke of Burgundy. By this league it was agreed, that any controversies falling, they should be put to Arbiters, both parts binding themselves to stand to their judgement. That all old leagues always preserved, they should serve the Duke of Austria in his wars, upon the same pay they have at home serving the State. On the other side, that the possessors should hold all places, without calling into question for them. That neither part should join in league the subjects of the other, or make them free of their Cities. That neither part should burden the other with customs or impositions. At this time in the year 1474, many neighbour Princes, Cities, and Bishops, did join themselves in league for years: but the foresaid league with the house of Austria, ceased in the time of the Emperor Maximilian the first, who made League with the Princes and cities of Germany, against the Sweitzers (called the great League of Sucura.)  
That war ended, Maximilian in the year 1511, renewed the former League, joining therein the house of Burgundy, and his grandchild Charles (after made Emperor the fifth of that name), so uniting all the thirteen Cantons with both those houses, and he promised in the name of Charles, that he should yearly pay in the Town of Zurech two hundred gold crowns to each Canton, for a testimony of love, and for the Abbot of Saint Gallus, and the Town, and beside for Apenzill he should yearly 
The Germane Emperors renew the League of Austria.  give each of them one hundred Crowns, and that he should confirm this league. This was done in the year 1543, wherein Charles the Emperor renewed the League of Burgundy, and his brother Ferdinand succeeding him in the Empire, renewed the League of the House of Austria.  
At this time whereof I write, the Ambassador of the King of Spain resided at 
Philip King of Spain renews the Leagues of Burgundy and Milan.  Frihurg, and Philip King of Spain, son to Charles, had (as I understood by Sweitzers of good credit) renewed the Leagues of Burgundy and Milan, with the Cantons of the Roman religion, to last five years after his death; and this was done in the Church of Milan, where the Ambassadors are said to have hung up their Shields in memory thereof, and to have given a thousand gold crowns to the beautifying of the Church, at which time the King of Spain divided twelve thousand gold crowns between the Ambassadors, besides the charges, passing three thousand crowns. But the Ambassadors of Solothurn, withdrew themselves from this League, because the King of France was indebted to them, which debt the King of Spain refused to pay. By this League they are mutually bound to aid each other with one thousand two hundred foot: and the King of Spain promised yearly Pensions in general to the Cantons, and in particular to divers chief men and Captains. For the Sweitzers use to make no League without profit, since the Neighbour Princes grew of opinion, that they could not make war, except their Armies were strengthened with a firm body of Sweitzers. Not only Solothurn renounced the said League, but also the Cantons of the reformed religion, partly not to do any thing against their League with France, partly left they should take part with a King, whom they judged most ambitions, and a great enemy to the Reformed Religion, howsoever he covered that hatred; and partly lest they should advance the House of Austria, justly suspected by them, whose victories might turn to their ruin. And at the same time the Cantons and Fellows in League, being of the Reformed Religion after the doctrine of Caluine, made a League for defence of religion among themselves, and with Strasburg, a neighbour free city of Germany, being of the Reformed Religion after the doctrine of Luther.  
The Duke of Savoy had his Ambassador residing at Lucerna, (where the Pope's Ambassadors also reside, of whose Leagues for years we formerly spoke.) The old 
The League of Savoy.  Allobroges, now called Savoyans, had old Leagues with the Cantons of Bern, Friburg, and Solothurn: but Charles Duke of Savoy in the year 1512, made a League for twenty five years with all the Cantons, by which, among other things, it was covenanted, that the Duke should aid the Sweitzers with six hundred or more horse at his own charge, so he were not distracted with wars at home, and that the Sweitzers should aid the Duke with six thousand foot for any war in his own Country, to whom the Duke should pay each man six Frankes by the month. But he should not employ them to fight at sea, nor lead them beyond the sea, but only to defend his own Country, and the confines thereof. And it was covenanted, that during this League the Duke should yearly pay at Bern two hundred gold crowns to each Canton. When this League was expired, Duke Charles put out of his Dukedom by the French King Francis the first, followed the Emperor Charles the fifth, and the renewing of this League was intermitted. But the King of France restoring Philebert his son to the Dukedom, this Duke in the year 1560 made a new and perpetual League with six Cantons, namely, Lucerna, Suitia, Vria, Vnderualdia, Zug, and Solothurne. And after, the rest of the Cantons upon like conditions, renewed the old league with this Duke, only in this last league no mention is made of mutual aids covenanted by the former league.  
The French Ambassador resided at Solothurn, (who of old used to reside at Bazil) 
The French league.  and the league of the French Kings with the Sweitzers, is of far greater moment than any of the rest. The first of the French that made war with the Sweitzers, was Lewis the French Kings son (after the eleventh King of that name) who leading an Army to assist Pope Eugenius in dissolving the Council at Bazill, was persuaded by the Emperor Frederick to assail the Sweitzers, but a small number of them possessing strait passages, did so annoy his Army, as he soon retired. He made peaco with the Sweitzers in the year 1450, and having tried their strength, made league with them for ten years. His son Charles the eighth in the year 1483, renewed this league, and used the Sweitzers in his wars with the Duke of Brittany, and for the Kingdom of Naples. Lewis the twelfth, after the league for years was expired, renounced the payment of all public or private pensions, wherewith the Sweitzers were so greatly offended, as after they refused to renew that league with him, and joined in league with the Pope and the Duke of Milan against him, so as by their aid he was in the year 1512, cast out of the Dukedom of Milan. The French King Francis the first, fought with the Sweitzers, joined against him in league with the Emperor Maximilian, Pope Leo the tenth, and Sfortia Duke of Milan. For howsoever the Sweitzers suspected the proceeding of their confederates, and purposed to return home, yet the Praetorian Sweitzers of the Duke of Milan, assailing the French, the rest of the Sweitzers, though called home, yet lest they should seem to forsake their companions, joined with the Praetorian Sweitzers, and so by art and cunning drawn to fight, gave the French a notable overthrow, at which time the Sweitzers had the greatest Army they ever brought into the field, being 31000 foot: but the French King Francis, the next day fight again with the Sweitzers, overthrew them, yet so as the retreat (as they write) was nothing like a flight: And so the King casting Sfortia out of the Dukedom of Milan, recovered the same.  
After this prosperous success, the French King sought nothing more than to be reconciled and joined in league with the Sweitzers he had overcome, which he did, the league consisting of 13 heads. 1. They covenanted for taking away all injuries & controversies. 2. For freeing of captives. 3. How the Sweitzers may plead any cause in judgement against the King. 4 That all should enjoy the benefit thereof, being borne within the confines of Sweitzerland, & speaking the Dutch tongue. 5. Privileges are confirmed to the Merchants of Sweitzerland. 6 For charges in the siege of Dyiune and in Italy, the King covenants to pay them a great sum of money by yearly portions. 7. It is agreed that all controversies shall be determined by courses there set down, not by war. 8. That neither part shall give passage to the enemies of the other. 9 That Merchants & all subjects on both parts, shall freely pass, not offended with reproaches, or oppressed with impositions. 10. That the King shall yearly pay to each Canton 2000 Franks, and to the Abbot of S. Gallus and his subjects, and to those of Toggenburg 600 Frankes, and to the City of S. Gallus 400, to the Mulhusians 400, to the Gruerians 600, to the Valisians 2000, and to the Grisons the pensions given by Lewis the 12: and moreover yearly 2000 Franks (but howsoever the Rhetians or Grisons by this league serve the King in his wars with the Sweitzers: yet Semler witnesseth, that they serve severally under their own Captains). In the 11 Article all immunities in the Dukedom of Milan are confirmed to the Bilitianenses, the Inhabitants of the middle Valley, the Luganenses, & the Locarnenses. 12. Choice is given to the Sweitzers to retain the Castles they had, or to take money for them. Lastly, it is agreed & covenanted, that the league shall be peripetuall, & not be broken upon any fraudulent pretence. In this league the King excepts all his confederates, & the Sweitzers except Pope Leo the 10, the Emperor Maximilian, the Empire, and the House of Austria; and all old leagues: so as if the King should make war upon any of these in their own countries, it may be free to the Sweitzers to observe their leagues with them, but if any of them assail the King in his own Kingdom, the Sweitzers shall not permit any of their subjects to serve them, but shall call them home. This League was made at Friburg, in the year 1516, the month of November, and upon the day of Saint Andrew.  
And the King rested not, till after five years since this Peace was made, he leagued himself more strictly at Lucerna with all the Cantons (that of Zurech only excepted) and with all their fellows in league; of which league I will briefly relate some heads added to the former: namely, that if any man should make war upon the King in France, or in the Dukedom of Milan, the King at his pleasure might levy in Sweitzerland an Army of six thousand at the least, or sixteen thousand foot at the most (except the Senate should grant a greater number.) That the King might choose the Captains, and the Senate without delay should permit them to march within ten days, and not recall them till the war should be ended, if the King shall please so long to use them. That by the same right, and under the same conditions, the King making war upon any, may freely levy soldiers, but with this caution, that the Sweitzers troubled with war at home, should be free from these covenants. It was further cautioned, that the King should not divide the Army of the Sweitzers into divers places or Forts, but should keep it vaited in one body. That he should not use it for any fight at Sea. That they should receive pay the same day they should march out of their country, and were they never so soon sent back, yet three months' pay, should be presently due unto them, and that the first months pay should be given them within the confines of Sweitzerland. That the King to aid the Sweitzers having any war, should send them two hundred armed horse, and twelve great pieces of Ordinance with all furniture (namely, six battering pieces, and six middle pieces) and beside towards the charge of their war, should each three months pay a certain sum of money at Lions, and if the Sweitzers shall choose rather to have money in stead of the armed horse, the King should further pay them two thousand crowns each three months. That if in time of war, the Sweitzers shall be forbidden to buy Salt in other places, they may buy and bring Salt out of France. That neither part shall make the subjects of the other free of their Cities, or receive them into patronage. That the King, to declare his good will towards the Sweitzers, shall beside the two thousand Franckes promised by the former League to each Canton, pay yearly one thousand Franckes more to each of them during this League; and moreover shall besides the former Pensions, give to their Confederates yearly half as much more. In this League the King excepts Pope Leo the tenth, the Emperor, the Kings of England, Scotland and Denmark, with other Princes; and the Sweitzers except the Pope, the Emperor, the House of Austria, the house of Medici, the D. of Sanoy, and some others. But if these so excepted should make war upon either part, within their territories, that aids should be sent mutually without any respect. This League was made to last three years after the death of the French King Francis the first, and was renewed by his son Henry the second at Solotburn, in the year 1549, & by all the Cantons (excepting Zurech and Bern), and was after renewed by Charles the ninth, and the succeeding Kings. But in the leagues made with the successors of Francis the first, caution is inserted, that the Sweitzers shall not serve the King in any war for the recovery of any part of the Dukedom of Milan: but if the King shall recover it with any other Army, than they shall aid him to defend his possession, as formerly.  
And whereas the Cantons of Zurech and Bern refused to join in the Leagues made with Francis the first, and Henry the second, these reasons thereof were then alleged. First, because the Canton of Zurech was then alienated from the French by the Cardinal of Sedon. Secondly, because Zwinglius a notable Preacher of the Reformed Religion, did in many Sermons sharply inveigh against mercenary warfare. Thirdly, because this League much displeased the military men of Sweitzerland, in that the Senate had no liberty to look into the cause of the war; in that the Soldiers and Captains were not to be chosen by the Sweitzers, but by the King at his pleasure; in that the large profits of the League redounded to few; in that the armed horse to be sent by the King, were of no use to the Sweitzers wars, commonly made in mountainous places and craggy passages. Lastly, because it seemed a point of great inconstancy, that the Sweitzers, who lately when the French King Francis, and Charles' the deceased Emperor's grandchild, were competitors for the Empire, had written to the Electors, that they would yield no obedience to the French King, in case he were chosen, should so suddenly change their minds, and make a more strict league with the French: but the greater part was of a contrary judgement, because Soldiers were not bound curiously to inquire after the causes of war, for which only the King in his conscience was bound to give account. And because their barren Country being also populous, was most fit for a mercenary war, and that military experience was thereby to be retained and gained; by which and like reasons, they persuaded the necessity of this league.  
Thus have I (according to the description of Sembler) briefly showed, that the Sweitzers 
Of the Sweitzers Commonwealth in general.  Commonwealth consists of three parts at home, (not to speak of the foreign leagues), namely of the Cantons, of the Fellows in league; and of the stipendiary cities and prefectures or governments. Each community is vulgarly called Ort, and the Italians call them Cantons, whereof (I have said) that there be thirteen in number, namely, Suitia, (vulgarly Schweis, whereof the rest have the name of Sweitzers), Vria, Vnderualdia, Lucerna, Tigurum, (vulgarly Zurech), Glarona, Tugium, (vulgarly Zug) Berna, Friburgum, Solodorum, (vulgarly Solothurn), Basilea (vulgarly Bazill), Seaphusium, (vulgarly Shafhusen), and Abbatiscella (vulgarly Apenzill). I have said that the Fellows in league, are the Abbot and Town of Saint Gallus, the Rhetians or Grisons, the Bishop of Sedun, the Valcsians, and the Towns Rotavile, Mulhasium, and Bipenue: And the governments are Turgea, that of Baden, of the Rhegusci, of the Sarunetes, of the free Province, the Lugani, the Locarnenses, the Inhabitants of the middle Valley, and the Bilitionenses. That of Turgea is subject to the seven old Cantons, yet Bern, Friburg, and Solothurn, have also their rights in capital causes. That of Raden, the Sarunetes, the Rhegusci, and the free Province, are subject likewise to the seven old Cantons, only Bern hath been admitted partner in that of Baden, and Apenzill in that of the Rhegusci. The four Italian governments are equally subject to all the cantons, excepting Apenzill: and the Bilitionenses are subject to the three old Cantons. All these joined, have these Cities and Towns, Zurech, Bern, Lucern, Zug, Bazill, Friburg, Solothurn, Schafhusen, the Town of S. Gallus, Chur of the Grisons, Sedun of the Valesians, Rotevil, Mulhuse, & Bipenne, all the rest dwell in Villages. Among the cantons, Bazill of the Rauraci, Schafhusen of Germany, Glarona in part of the Grisons, Vria in part of the Lepontij, are seated out of the old confines of Sweitzerland; and so are all the fellows in league, excepting the Abbot, and Town of S. Gallus, and the Town Ripenne. Among these, the old Nation of the Rhetians, now called Grisons, were of old called Valesiani, Viberi, Seduni, and Veragri: And Rotevile is a city of Germany, and Mulhuse of the Sequavi in France. Among the governments, the Rhegusci and the Sarunetes, are of the old Rhetians, and the Luganenses, the Locarnenses, the Mendrisij, and the Inhabitants of the middle Valley, and the Bilitionij, are of the Lepontij, and Italian Nation, which tongue they speak. Many doubt to number these confederates among commonwealths, since each of them is no otherwise tied to the decrees of the other, then by free consent, as all private societies are, whereas in a commonwealth the greater part binds all: yet because they have one common council, and most of the Provinces are ruled thereby, because war and peace is made by common consent, and they live almost under the same laws and customs, and are united strictly in perpetual league, Semler concludes, that this society comes nearest to the form of a commonwealth: for whereas some hating the nation, object Anarchy to them, and say they got freedom by killing the Gentlemen; and others interpreting it more mildly, and confessing the oppression of the Gentlemen, yet judge the revenge to have exceeded all measure, the truth thereof will appear by the History of Semler and others, showing that great part of the Gentry was extinguished by the House of Austria. Therefore it must be a mixed commonwealth, (if such it may be called) being neither a Monarchy (of one just King) Aristocraty (of just great men) nor Democrity (a popular state) much less any of the corrupt commonwealths, called Tyranny, Oligarchy, and Anarchy, (that is, the tyranny of a King, or of noble men, or a confused State), the equity of the government showing that it much differs from them. The Vrij, Suitij, Vnderualdij, the Glaronenses dwelling scattered, and Zug, (though it be a Town), govern all with the consent of the people. Zurech, Bern, Lucern, Bazill, Friburg, Solothurn, and Schafhusen, are governed by the chief men; but since the Magistrates are chosen by the people, some of these Cities are more, some less Aristocratical, or popular. The Ambassadors sent to public meetings have Aristocratical form, but since they are chosen by the people with limited power, it may seem popular: And it is not unequal that the people having settled freedom with their danger, should be partners of their government: but in the mean time the Sweitzers avoid as much as they can, the discommodities of a popular State, while none but the best and most wise are sent to the meetings, and howsoever their power is limited, yet when they return, they so relate all things to the people, as they easily understand them, and give consent thereunto.  
But to make the strict union of these confederates more apparent, it will not be amiss to peruse some of the heads of the league between the eight old Cantons. Therein first is cautioned, of sending mutual aids, so as first in public counsel the justness of the war may be examined. Then the aids are not to be required of all, but of each particular Canton, according to their mutual leagues. Zurech by old league hath right to require aids of the first six Cantons, and by a new league also of Bern. And Bern requires aid of the three first Cantons, and they of Bern. Lucerna requires aid of five Cantons. The three first Cantons require mutual aids of one another, and of all the rest. Zug and Lucerna are bound to aid the five Cantons. Glarona requires aid of the three old cantons, and Zurech. Thus while one Canton calls the next joined to it in league, howsoever each one cannot require aid of all or each one by right of league, yet in any common danger, all the Cantons bring their forces, being called of some one or more Cantons in league with them: beside, that they have wisely decreed, that in sudden dangers, all shall bring succours, whether they be called or no. They which are called to give aid by virtue of any league, serve at their own cost, without any pay. Between Bern and the three old Cantons it is decreed, that if the aids be sent beyond certain bounds, than they which called them shall give them pay, and in like sort certain bounds of sending aids are limited between all the rest of the Cantons, in their several leagues, with all conditions expressed. In any siege, the Canton which causeth it, is bound to find many necessaries, but if the cause be public, all provisions are made at the public charge. The four old cantons and Glarona, cannot make any new league, which is free to the rest, always preserving the old league, which they also may increase or diminish by common consent. It is decreed, that every five or ten years, this league shall be renewed by word or writing, or (if need be) by oath. Zu reach, Bern, Vria, Suitia, and Vnderualdia, in this league except the rights of the Roman Empire. Lucerna and Zug the rights of the Dukes of Austria, Glarona the rights of their lawful Magistrates, and each Canton the rights of old leagues.  
When the said eight Cantons received the other five into their number, besides the foresaid heads, it was decreed among other things in their league, that the five last cantons howsoever wronged, should make no war without the consent of the eight old Cantons, and in like sort that they should make no league without their consent, neither in time of war should refuse good conditions of peace. And lastly it was decreed, that without great cause, no war should be made in places out of the mountains and difficult passages of that Province, where they could not fight with advantage.  
The thirteen Cantons have that privilege, that they deliberate and determine the affairs of the commonwealth in public meetings, by voices, and govern by equal right the governments gotten jointly by them, and have equal part in all booties. The greatest Senate is when all the Ambassadors (that is, chosen Burgesses of the cantons, and Fellows in league) are called together, which is seldom done, but in the causes of making war or peace only the Ambassadors of the thirteen Cantons being commonly called to counsel: All Ambassadors have equal right in giving voices, but two or more being sent from one Canton, have but one voice. In causes concerning the governments belonging to seven or eight or 12 Cantons, only the Ambassadors (or Burgesses, or States) of those Cantons meet, to whom the government belongs, and so the Burgesses of all other severally for things belonging to themselves: but where the cause concerns the public State, the full Senate of all the Cantons is called to the meeting. Since the late differences of Religion, new and particular meetings have been instituted. The Cantons of the Roman Religion, Vria, Suitia, Vnderualdia, Lucerna, and Zug, joined in a more strict league; do often meet together, & when any man names the five Cantons simply, they mean them, not the hue old cantons, howsoever naming the three, seven, or eight Cantons, they are taken according to the time of their entering into league. And sometimes the Cantons of Frihurg and Solothurn, being also of the Roman Religion, come to the meetings of the said five Cantons: Greatest part of the Citizens of Glarona and Apenzill, are of the reformed Religion, and the four Cities chief of the Cantons, namely Zurech, Bern, Bazill, & Schafhusen, have altogether cast off the Roman Religion, & have particular meetings, but not often: yet when I passed through this Province, I understood that Glarona was altogether of the reformed Religion, and that Apenzill was numbered among the Cantons of the Roman Religion. The great Senate determines of war, peace, & leagues, (each having freedom to refuse any league), likewise of making Laws, of sending, receiving, & answering Ambassadors, of governments, of distributing gainful Offices, of difficult causes referred to the Senate by Governors, & of appeals made from Governors to the Senate. Ambassadors (or Burgesses in place of judges are sent about the month of june to hear the causes of the Italian governments, from whom they may appeal to the Senate, and these appeals (as all other) are determined by the Senate in the meetings at Baden; where also they deliberate of customs & impositions, & the revenues, and if need be of punishing the Governors, or displacing them, (in which case the Canton which sent that Governor, appoints another.) The City Zurech chief of the Cantons, hath the first place, not by antiquity, but dignity, and of old custom hath the highest authority to call the Senate together, signifying to each canton by letters the cause & the time of each meeting: yet if any canton think it for the public good, to have an extraordinary meeting, they write to Zurech to appoint the same, or if the cause admit no delay, they meet uncalled. Most commonly the general meetings are at Lucern, Zurech, Bremogart, and Baden; but more commonly in these days & almost continually they are at Baden, in respect of the commodity of the houses and Inns, the pleasant situation & famous medicinal Baths; and because it is seated in the centre of Sweitzerland, and is subject to the 8 old cantons. The cantons of the Roman religion, commonly have their particular meetings at Lucerna, sometimes at Bockenried of the Vrij, or Brame of the Suitij, & are called together by the canton of Lucern: and the cantons of the reformed religion have their particular meetings commonly at Arowike under Bern, sometimes at Bazil, & are called together by the canton of Zurech. Foreign Ambassadors require of Zurech to have audience in the Senate: but the peculiar meeings for French causes are called by the French Ambassador as often as he will at Solothurn where he resideth, or at Lucern: & other Ambassadors should not be denied extraordinary meetings, so they pay the expenses, as the French Ambassador doth. The full Senate yearly meets about September at Baden, about which time I said that Burgesses in place of judges are sent to hear the causes of the Italian governments: And in this first meeting, the greatest causes are not determined, either because the Ambassadors (or Burgesses, or States), have not full power, or for other causes, but another meeting is there appointed, and howsoever this Senate is only called for public causes, yet those being ended, they use to hear private causes also. Assoon as the said Burgesses or States at the appointed day come to the City, the Burgess of Zurech sends the Vice-governor of Baden to salute them, & to acquaint them with the time of meeting. Then they sit down in the Court, first the Burgesses of Zurech in a place raised higher than the rest: 2. Those of Bern: Thirdly, Those of Lucerna, as chief, though not in antiquity, yet in dignity; and after the rest, according to the antiquity of their Cantons. The Burgess of Zurech first makes an Oration, and propounds the causes upon which they are to consult, adding what his Canton hath commanded him in each particular, and then the rest speak in order, according to the directions given them at home. The under Governor of Baden, of what Canton soever he be, asks and numbers the voices. The peculiar meetings of particular Cantons, and those for French affairs, have no set times.  
Each Canton hath public Magistrates, vulgarly called Vmbgelten, who administer the Impositions upon wine and corn, and gather them by their deputies. They pay 
The Tributes.  tribute only for that wine which is sold in Taverns, and for that corn which is exported or used by Bakers, for otherwise the Citizens pay not for wine and corn brought iuto their private houses, and spent therein. And I have observed that they pay in some places the value of 24 measures tribute, for a vessel of wine containing ninety six measures: The salt which is brought in, is only sold by the Senate of each City or Canton: and I understood by discourse, that the Citizens may not buy salt, or take it of gift out of the City. Particularly at Schafhusen the Customs are great, especially for salt, in respect that the water of the Rhine hath a great fall from a rock, so as all ships must be unladed before they can pass by that City. In general, the Sweitzers especially want wine, corn, and salt, as may appear by the covenants of their foreign leagues, and otherwise the tributes are small, which can be imposed upon such a free Nation.  
Concerning their Laws, I have formerly said that the senerall Cantons are not bound one to the decrees of the other, except they freely consent thereunto; yet that 
The Laws.  they all have one Common Council, and almost all have the same common Laws and customs, which they inviolably keep. They long suffered the Governors of the Empire to be over them in capital causes, though with prejudice to their freedom, till at last in the Suevian war, about the year 1499, the judgement of capital causes was granted to them by the Emperor, among the conditions of peace. Whereupon the ten oldest Cantons who made this war, have equal right of capital judgements in the stipendiary Cities and governments, with the Cantons to whom they are subject, though gotten before they entered into the common league, howsoever they have no right in the Civil causes, nor any other command over them. In the old leagues, besides the Articles concerning union, many Laws for the public good are contained and established. Such is that of the old league between the eight first Cantons, wherein they set down cautions for peaceable determining of public controversies between the Cantons, and thereby, two Cantons being at strife, are to choose two honest men, who give their oaths, to make an equal composition between them, and the rest of the Cantons are to add one Arbiter to them; and in case one of the Cantons consenteth, the other refuseth to stand to their judgement, all the rest are to help the Canton consenting thereunto And in the league of the five last Cantons, as in all other, they justly give curious cantions for taking away all controversies, and especially labour to effect, that they break not out into Civil war, in which case they should be diversly distracted, according to their divers combinations and leagues among themselves. Therefore of old, when the Abbot of Saint Gallus attempted to remove the trade of clothing, and the holy relics (the superstitious worship whereof brought great profit) from Apenzill, to Rosake (where the Abbot had absolute command) and this matter drew them to Arms, wherein the Abbot called the four Cantons his confederates, and Apenzill the six Cantons with whom it had league, to give them aid, according to their mutual leagues, the said Cantons thus called to aid both parts, earnestly endeavoured to make peace, whereby they preserved the commonwealth. For if they should not alwaiea carefully so do in like occasions, many times the dissension of one or two Cantons, might draw all the rest into a pernicious Civil war. In the foresaid league between the eight oldest Cantons, and in the Stantian Transaction in the year 1481 Laws were established. That he who killed any confederate (vulgarly called Eidgenossen, that is injoyers of the oath) should be beheaded, except he had sufficient witnessea that he did it to save his life; and in case of flight, he being banished by one Canton, should also be banished by all the rest, and that he should be judged guilty of the crime, who should help him; and that sentence should be given upon him in the Canton where the crime was committed. That there should be no general meetings of the people without consent of the Magistrate. That none of the Cantons should support any disobedient subject of another Canton, but should force them to obedience. That a lay person shall not use the help of an Ecclesiastical judge, but in causes of matrimony and manifest usury, which are referred to Ecclesiastical judgement. That pledges or gauges be not taken at private men's pleasures, but with consent of the judge. That causes be judged in the Canton, wherein the act was done, and sentence be given without fraud or deceit, and that every man be content and rest satisfied in the judgements, Laws and customs of another Canton. That all booties in war be divided among the Cantons, according to the number of Soldiers which each of them sent, but that Towns, Tributes, and like things gained by war, shall be under the common command of all the Cantons, of which commodities, the subjects of stipendiary Cities and fellows in league, shall have no part, though their Forces be joined in the same war with the Forces of the Cantons, howsoever they are to have part in the division of all other booties.  
In like sort the league of Schafhusen with the Cantons of the Sweitzers, determineth how debts are to be recovered, and what law is to be used in such suits, and that no leagues be made by one without the privity and against the will of the rest, and that the oldest leagues be ever most respected.  
The Commonwealth is administered with great equity, yet with no less severity of justice, than the Germans use: And howsoever all the Country lies within mountains & woods, yet the high way for passengers is no where more safe from thieves, so as it is there proverbially said, that you may carry gold in the palms of your hands: For all crimes are severely punished without all respect of persons. The scope and butt whereat all their leagues aim, is that every man may peaceably enjoy his own, and that the best men among them, may in public counsel examine the causes of war, that they be just and lawful, to the end they may never rashly make war upon any: And because the common people being burdened with debt, is more prone to seditions, curious orders are set down in their leagues, for the manner of exacting debts, and taking pledges, neither giving liberty of oppression to the creditors, nor permitting fraud to the debtors.  
Also because military men, and such as drink in excess, are prone to brawling and blows, most heavy penalties are thereby insticted upon such as are Authors of injuries, 
Duels.  and the leagues make not more frequent mention of any other thing, then of reproaches, for which they prescribe such good remedies and real satisfactions, not passing over the least injury of the poorest man, as among the very Soldiers, yea, half drunken, there very seldom happeneth any murder: Wherein I could wish that our inferior Magistrates would apply themselves, and our Laws were accommodated to the Sweitzers government. For the English being most impatient of reproaches, and the law giving ridiculous satisfactions for injuries by word, and all wrongs, excepting maims, it hath been accounted a disgraceful course to seek remedy that way, and most injuries have commonly been revenged by the Sword in single combat: But in Sweitzerland all standers by are bound to keep the peace, and compose the strife, and if they who strive, being remembered of the Laws, do not obey, they use to punish them most severely; and if any kill another, he is sure to be beheaded, except he escape by flight, (in which case he shall be banished by his own and all other Cantons) or except he can prove by witness that he killed him in defence of himself.  
And such is the fame of the Sweitzers sincere justice, as many strangers their neighbours, 
judgements  desire to have their controversies ended after the manner of the Sweitzers, and by them: When causes are to be pleaded before the Senate, most men plead their own cause; some use Lawyers, brought by them from home, or sound there by chance, and the causes are not determined after the civil, but after the provincial law, or according to that which seems good and equal, and by the statutes and customs of each Canton. They have no quirks or obscurities to protract judgement, and they think it better sometimes to err in a doubtful cause, then to follow the Lawyers, judging according to Law, not equity, and so making the suits perpetual. In the governments, all controversies are determined by the Governors and judges of the place, yet so, as appeal is granted from them to the common Senate. In private Cantons, causes are judged by the Senators and judges of each Canton, yet they have some public judgements, namely, when the Cantons have any controversy one with another, or a private man with a Canton, for which cases they have many cautions in their Leagues; and at this day they are determined after this manner. Each part chooseth two judges of his own Citizens, who are absolved in that case from their oath given to their own Canton, and then they are sworn, that they will consider of the controversy, according to that which seems good and equal, and that they will faithfully endeavour to compose it, at least so as it shall be decided by Law, not by Arms. And in the old leagues certain places are appointed, in which these judgements are handled. The 7 Cantons commonly meet for them in the Monastery of the hermits within their own confines, and so other leagues in other appointed places. The judges and Burgesses of those Cantons, with which those that have controversies have more strict league, determine these causes, if the first arbiters cannot compose them, and both parts are bound to rest in the judgement of the greater part; and if the Voices be equal on each part, as many times it falleth out, a new judge or Arbiter is chosen, who doth not give a new judgement of his own, but approveth one of the judgements given by the equal Voices of the said Burgesses. And this Arbiter is chosen by those Burgesses, and so he be a Citizen of any one Canton, it is not required, that he should be of either of the Cantons, to whom the cause belongeth. Thus if Bern be plaintiff against the 3 Cantons, 16 men are chosen by the Cantons, out of which Bern chooseth one to be Arbiter: but if the Cantons be plaintiffs against Bern, they choose an Arbiter out of the lesser Senate of Bern. Likewise in controversies between Zurech, and Bern, the plaintiff chooseth an Arbiter out of the Senate of the other City. To conclude, in all judgements public and private, they use such integrity, as this simplicity of their judgements, disallowed by subtle politicians, happily succeeds in all occasions, and so they retain their old virtue, is like ever so to succeed. In most of the Cantons, namely, at Zurech, Basil, and Schafhusen, no Bastard may bear public office, nor be a Senator, or judge, which Law is common to the Sweitzers with the Germans, first instituted to restrain fornication, and to preserve the dignity of marriage. In some places, he must have been a Citizen ten years, in other places twenty years, who is chosen to be of the common Counsel; and at Zurech no stranger is ever chosen to be a Senator or judge; and by Common law, no Homicide, Adulterer or infamous person for any crime, may be of the Senate.  
In all the Cantons, they are no less careful to prevent damages by fire, then to keep out their enemies; for which cause they hire watchmen to walk the streets 
Lawer.  by night, and Belmen to tell the hours, and in some places, as the Town of Saint Gallus, they have nightly thirty two Watchmen, and choose Citizens to visit the chimneys and ovens, that they be free from danger of fire. In other Cantons they have public Officers, who in any such chance, see that all things be done in order, and that no tumult be raised upon such occasions, to which end they appoint some to quench the fire, and draw others in arms to defend the walls and the gates. And at Zurech able young men are yearly chosen, to be ready for the quenching of any such casual fire.  
In Lucerna the Law of Retribution (an arm for an arm, a leg for a leg) is in many cases observed, where he that kills a Citizen, be the cause never so just, as repelling force by force, shall die if he be taken, or be perpetually banished, if he escape by flight, yet when he hath satisfied the Kinsmen of him be killed, he is permitted to return from banishment. And in all the Cantons where they dwell in Villages, he that kills a man in his defence, shall be banished, and his own Senate cannot permit his return, which can only be obtained from the great and public Senate. And in the same Cantons, no lands may be engaged to any stranger, neither may any stranger buy any possessions, but only a house and a Garden for herbs.  
And if any man often offend in Drunkenness, he is imprisoned, and may drink no Wine for a year, till he have procured pardon of the public Senate (which me thinks should easily be granted him, by judges guilty of the same fault, except they mean quarrels and like offences, not simple drinking, which I think probable, because generally the Sweitzers drink as stiffly, as those of the upper part of Germany.  
In the same Cantons, Matrimonial causes are referred to the Consistory of the Bishop of Costnetz: but all adulteries are punished by the Senate at home, commonly with the loss of goods, sometimes with a fine of ten pounds, that is ten collars with them.  
The public Edicts are yearly in these Cantons confirmed or abrogated by the Voices of the common people. And in the Town of Friburg and the Territory, if a debtor pay not his debt, the Creditor sends certain servants and horses to the public Inn, the charge whereof is paid by the debtor, till he satisfy his Creditor. Besides in any controversy, if sureties be thrice demanded of any man, and he bring not in surety (or caution), he is punished with banishment, and the same punishment is inflicted on them, who violate the command of keeping the peace, and who without just cause take part with either of them that are at variance. In general, for the Gentry of the whole Province, mention hath been, and is after to be made, that the same is extinguished, so as it were in vain to seek for any Knightly order among these men, who howsoever they be military men, yet universally are Citizens, or of common Plebeian rank. They take to themselves coats of Arms devised by themselves, and tricked after their own fancies, yet not with open Helmets, as Gentlemen bear them, but with closed Helmets, after the manner used by the Citizens in Germany. And their Laws of inheritance and the dowries of wives, do come nearest to those of Germany, the Civil law, (if I be not deceived) passing with them into Provincial laws and customs (by which they are governed) upon the old and long continued use of them. In one particular example I observed, that the younger brother, in the division of his father's inheritance, first chose his part, and had liberty to buy the parts of his brethren if he would, and not otherwise. But I shall have occasion to speak of the common laws more at large in the discourse of the several Commonwealths among them.  
The leagues which the Sweitzers have with foreign Princes, do manifestly show that they profess Mercenary Arms, no less, yea much more, than the Germans: For 
Their Warfare.  whereas the Germans are hired for present service in time of war, these men besides that pay, must have ample pensions in time of peace, as their league with France especially showeth. In this they differ, that the Sweitzers only send aids of foot, but the Germans are hired both horse and foot. And both these Nations have one commendable property, that after their service one or more years in the wars, peace being made, they return home nothing corrupted with military licentiousness, and roundly fall to the Plough, or any other their trade of life. By the same leagues it appears, that they will not serve in any sea-fights, nor in the defence or taking of forts, neither will have their forces divided, as if they reputed the strong bodies of their bands only fit to fight in a pitched field, and to defend the great Ordinance and carriage. Neither use they to fortify their own Cities (excepting few which of old were fortified, and after received into the number of the Cantons), bragging with the Lacedæmonians, that valiant breasts are brazen walls. In the time of julius Caesar, we read, that this Nation being populous, and weary of the barren soil wherein they dwelled, resolved to seek a new seat: but were soon restrained and kept at home by the Arms of Caesar. From that time we read of no great warlike exploit done by them, till they laid the first foundation of their Commonwealth by mutual leagues. The first perpetual league made between the three first Cantons, was in the year 1315 from which time the rest of the Sweitzers, having long been subject to the house of Austria, began by parts to rebel against that house, and to win their liberty by the sword. But all their war was at home, long continued against the said house, and at last breaking out against the Duke of Burgundy upon their confines, till the year 1477, when in the third battle the Duke of Burgundy was slain, and so that war ended. At which time only eight Cantons were united in perpetual league, the other five Cantons being after united at several times, from the year 1481 to the year 1513, when the 13 and last Canton was united to the rest in perpetual league.  
Touching their foreign wars, the first league they made for years, was in the year 1478, and the second in the year 1510, with two Popes. The first perpetual foreign league they made, was with the Duke of Milan, in the year 1466; wherein mention is made of former leagues with the Insubres; but we read no effects of war produced by them. And the first perpetual league they had with France was in the year 1483, when Charles the eight made war in Italy for the kingdom of Naples, about which time the Sweitzers Arms began to be known in foreign parts. Guicciardine the famous writer of those Italian wars, among the Actions of the year 1500, saith, that the Sweitzers hired by Lodowick Sforza Duke of Milan, fought well on his side at the taking of Novara; but after, that their Captains were corrupted to betray him, by the Captains of other Sweitzers serving the French king, whereupen they provoked the multitude to Mutiny for pay; but the Duke appeasing them by loving words, by present pay in good part, and promise of the rest upon the coming of money from Milan daily expected; that the Captains of the Dukes Sweitzers conspired with the Sweitzers of the French king, to make the French presently draw to Novaria, which done, the Duke prepared to fight, but the Captains of his Sweitzers answered him, that without special authority from their Magistrates, they would not fight against their Kinsmen and Countrymen on the French side, and that so the Sweitzers serving the Duke, upon their Captain's instigation, mingled themselves with the Swissers on the French side, as if they had been both of one Army, saying they would depart home. And that the Duke could with no prayers nor promises move their barbarous treachery, to stand with him in this distress, nor so much as to conduct him to a safe place, only granting him to march in their bands on foot disguised like a Sweitzer, in which disguise taken of force, he with some of his chief friends were taken by the French, moving compassion of all men, towards him, and detestation of their treachery. And this Author leaves it in doubt, whether they were found out in this disguise by the French spies, or rather vilely betrayed. Semler a famous writer of the Sweitzers Nation, thinks that soldiers in general might be excused, who being in a town unfortified, and having other just causes (as disability to withstand the Enemy) should make peace and return home, but granting this fact to be unexcusable; yet whether it were done by the Captains, or by the common soldiers, or by both, and that on both sides, he thinks it a great wrong to impute the same to the whole nation, especially those Soldiers being levied secretly, and without leave of the Magistrates.  
The foresaid Author Guicciardine in the Actions of the year 1511, writes of the Sweitzers to this effect; The Sweitzers of old called Heluetians, inhabit the high places of the Mountain jura, men fierce by nature, clowns, and by reason of the barren soil, rather Crasiers then Ploughman. Of old they were subject to the Princes of Austria, but casting off their yoke, have long been free, living after their own Laws, and yielding no sign of obedience to the Emperors or any other Princes, divided into thirteen Cantons, whereof each is governed by their own Magistrates, Laws & customs. The name of this so wild and uncivil Nation, hath gotten honour by concord and the glory of Arms. For being fierce by nature, and trained in warlike discipline, and keeping their Orders (or ranks) they have not only with valour defended their Country, but in foreign parts have exercised Arms with high praise, which no doubt had been greater, if they had fought to enlarge their own Empire, & not for wages to enlarge the Empire of others; & if nobly they had propounded to themselves other ends then the gain of money, by the love whereof being made abject, they have lost the occasion to become fearful to all Italy: for since they never come out of their confines, but as mercenary men, they have had no public fruit of their victory but by covetousness have become intolerable in exactions where they overcome, and in demands with other men; yea, at home froward and obstinate in traffic, and in following their Commands, under whose pay they serve in war. Their chief men have pensions of Princes to favour them in their public meetings, and so public Counsels being referred to private profit, they are apt to be corrupted, and by degrees fall at discord among themselves, with great lessening of the reputation they had gotten among strangers. He adds, that the Sweitzers, at the Pope's instigation, armed against the French in Milan, as if it were only the act of Suitia and Friburg, who pretended offence against the French, for a messenger of theirs killed by them. And that the French King for sparing a small addition to their Pensions neglected to reconcile himself to them, and so lost their friendship, which after he would have redeemed with great treasure, hoping that either they would not arm against him, or if they did, that having no horse nor artillery, they could do him small hurt.  
The same Guicciardine in the actions of the year 1513 witnesseth, that the Sweitzers had then gotten great reputation by the terror of their Arms, and that it seemed then, that their States or Burgesses, and soldiers, began to carry themselves no more as grasers or mercenary men, but as Senators and subjects of a well ordered Commonwealth, and that they now swayed all affairs, almost all Christian Princes having their Ambassadors with them, by pensions and great rewards seeking to have league with them, and to be served by them in their wars. But that hereupon they grew proud, and remembering that by their Arms the French King Charles the eighth had got the Kingdom of Naples, and Lewis the twelfth the Dukedom of Milan, with the City and State of Genoa, and victory against the Venetians, they began to proceed insolently in the affairs with Princes; that the French King Francis the first than wooed them, and to have audience, gave them the Forts of Lugana and of Lugarna (with such indignity did Princes then seek their friendship.) Yet that he could not obtain his demands, but that they rather chose, upon ample conditions of profit, to assist the Duke of Milan.  
Also in the actions of the year 1516, when the Emperor joined with other Princes in League against the King of France, he writes, that the Sweitzers, according to their Leagues, served both on the Emperors, and the French Kings side. And that the Emperor knowing the hatred that Nation bore to the House of Austria, feared lest the Sweitzers on his own part, should serve him, as they served the Duke of Milan at Novaria, thinking it more probable, in that he wanted money to content them, whereof the French King had plenty. And that he feared this the more, because their general Captain had with much insolency demanded pay for them. And that hereupon the Emperor retired with his Army, the Sweitzers not following him, but staying at Lodi, which after they sacked, and so returned home. Of the other side he writes, that only some few of the Sweitzers were at first come to the French party, who professed to be ready to defend Milan, but that they would in no wise fight against their Countrymen on the other side. That the French complained of the slow coming of the rest, and at first doubted lest they should not come, and when they came, feared no less, lest they should conspire with their countrymen serving the Emperor, or left upon pretence of their Magistrates command, they should suddenly leave them and return home. That the French justly complained thus of their slow coming, purposely used to be affected by them, and continued to doubt of their faith, especially because they had always said, that they would not fight with their country men, and to fear as before, lest the Cantons should recall their men from serving the French, which fear after increased, when they saw two thousand of them already returned home, and doubted that the rest would follow.  
Also in the actions of the year 1526, he writes, that the French King made request to have a great levy of Sweitzers, hoping they would readily serve him, the rather to blot out their ignominy in the battle of Pavia: but that this Nation which not long before by their fierce nature had opportunity much to increase their State, had now no more either desire of glory, or care of the Commonwealth, but with incredible covetousness, made it their last end to return home laded with money managing the war like Merchants, and using the necessity of Princes to their profit, like mercenary corrupt men doing all things to that end in their public meetings. And that the private Captains, according to the necessity of Princes, stood upon high terms, making most impudent and intolerable demands. That the French King requiring aids of them, according to his league, they after their accustomed manner made long consultations, and in the end answered, that they would send no aids, except the King first paid them all pensions due in areare, being a great sum, and not suddenly to be provided, which their delay was very hurtful to the King, making his Army long time lie idle.  
By the premises we may gather, that the Sweitzers Arms were first made known to foreign parts about the year 1483; that they increased in reputation to the year 1513, when they attained to the height of their glory, which fell in few years, by the foresaid jealousies, and covetous practices. And no marvel; for their leagues and levies are made with huge expenses. Their Bands are great consumers of victuals, and wasters of the Countries they pass. They make frequent and great mutinies for pay. They have league with the Emperor, as possessing the Archdukedome of Austria; with the Kings of Spain as archdukes of Austria by title, as heirs to the Duke of Burgundy, and Conquerors of the Dukedom of Milan, and with the Kings of France upon ample Pensions. Now all the wars of those times having been managed by these Princes, and the Sweitzers by league serving on all sides, since they will not fight against their Countrymen, small trust can be placed in their auxiliary Bands. If any man speak of the King of England, he did not in those times lead any army into the continent, but associated with one of the Kings of Spain or France, or with the Emperor, in which case the Sweitzers served upon the same condition on both sides. And if any of their confederates should make war with the King of England at home, they shall have no use of Sweitzers, who condition in their leagues not to be sent beyond the Seas, nor to be employed in Naval fights. If any man speak of the wars in netherlands, the Sweitzers will be found no less unprofitable to their confederates, those wars consisting in taking and defending strong places, and the Sweitzers covenanting in their leagues, not to have their bodies divided, nor to serve in that kind. And in truth since all the rage of late wars commonly lies in defending and assailing Forts, and set battles are rarely fought, it may seem strange they should thus divide themselves from the common dangers of the Armies in which they serve. And all these things considered, I find not what use their confederates can make of them, but only in civil wars against their own subjects, with whom the Sweitzers have no league. For the rest, as we read of some Indians, who light one candle to the Devil, left he should hurt them, and another to God that he may do them good; so I think Princes still entertain their expensive leagues, rather left their enemies should be strengthened by their entire aids, then for any profit themselves can reap thereby.  
The Sweitzers have no horse, which are of no use in the Mountains and craggy places of their Country: but when they make their own war out of their own confines, their confederates are by league bound to supply them therewith; and if the war be not their own, their confederates only expect auxiliary Bands of foot from them. The Roman Boterus writes, that in his judgement the Sweitzers can make six score thousand foot for the defence of their own Country. No doubt that Nation is very populous: but the greatest Army we ever read them to have carried out of Sweitzerland, was that of thirty one thousand, when they joined with the Pope Leo the tenth, the Emperor Maximilian, and Sfortia Duke of Milan, being confederates against the King of France. Nature and necessity have framed them to the war; for a Mountainous Region, and Woody (as of old it was, being still somewhat barren and laborious to the Husbandman) breeds a rude people, patient of hardness, and of warlike disposition, and as taller trees and larger cattle, so stronger bodies of men, so as they seem to be borne soldiers. Necessity likewise forced them to Arms, when the Gentlemen and Princes oppressed them, and they had no means of liberty, but Arms, wherein long use hath made them expert. And their very laws and customs are fitted to the wars. All Citizens and Plebeians use and are commanded continually to wear their swords. All their several exercises have a reference to the war as shooting with muskets at Butts (which they practise for wagers both in Cities and Villages), leaping, casting of stones, wrestling, fencing, swimming, continual hunting, wherein they pursue Bears, wild Boars, and Lynx's (a kind of Wolf), the shooting of the boys in bows, the use of Drums in stead of music, even at feasts of marriages, where the Bridegroom is thought most honoured, who is met by his friends with most shot and Pikes. All private men are bound to have their Arms sit for war, and there with are commonly armed, though many times the worst furnished are supplied out of the Armouries of the Cities. Their kinds of Arms are muskets, calcivers, ashen pikes 18 foot long halberds, long twohanded swords (which they carry on their shoulders, and with them they defeated the Burgundians coming to hand strokes with them), and another long sword gift to their side, with a dagger very heavy, the haftes of silver or guilded, and armour of solid steel for breast and back: but the poorer sort have only helmets of iron, and thick leather pelts in stead of armour; and some in stead of armour, wear coats of quilted taffeta, wrought with aglet-holes. They who will appear braver than the rest, carry feathers, white, or of some other colour, commonly near the colour of their own Banner. Each wear a right cornered cross upon his Arms, which is the military badge of the Sweitzers. All follow the Colours and Banners of their own Canton, & use drums, trumpets and bagpipes, & a man can hardly distinguish between the beating of the drums of the Sweitzers, and Germans, save that the former march is more grave and slow, and not so tumultuous as that of the Germans. The Vrij blow a horn of a wild Hart, which they call the Bul. The Vnderualdij have the like, but those of Lucerna use a horn of brass No man that can wear Arms, is excused from war at home, and no doubt their foot are of great force to fight within their mountains, and keep themselves from tyranny of strangers, howsoever they have not so much strength, when with the snail they come out of their house. Men chosen in peace are trained for the wars, but in foreign expeditions one man chooseth another, that being acquainted and friends, they may stick closer together, and when they are to march, the Law commands them to lay aside all private quarrels, so as they may more truly be called brothers, than the Landtznechts' or foot of Germany, who calling themselves brothers, yet bring home more wounds and scars from their private quarrels, then from the Enemy. It is a capital crime with the Sweitzers, to fall to the spoil, before the Enemy be fully overcome. The public spoil, as Artillery, Castles, Countries, and tributes, or any revenues, belong equally to all the Cantons, though some of them set forth five times more men than others, yet extraordinary rewards are given to the best deserving Cantons and private men. They justly give all protection to those that bring victuals to the Campe. They have an old Law always to spare holy places, and the sex of women, excepting such women as give weapons to their Enemy, or by casting down stones, and like helps, do hurt unto their Army. They boast that their fouresquared body of foot, is the best form of battle to resist horsemen, & that thereby they having no horse, did overthrow the French horse at Novaria; and when for want of artillery, and by the great number of the French, they were beaten by them at Marignano, yet that they retired in a close body & good array to Milan, so as they could not be justly said to fly.  
It remains to speak something, but briefly of the government of the particular Cantons, 
Particular Commonwealths.  because they have absolute power within themselves. Among them such as have no towns, but dwell in villages, call the heads of their Counsels Ammans, & the chief power is in the common people. Such are Urania, Suitia, Vnderueldia, Tugium, Glarona, 
13 Cantons in three fermes.  Ahatis ella. Again some have towns or Cities which command the Cantons, and the same especially those that were built by Princes, or were subject to them are governed Aristocratically by chief men (namely, a Senate chosen out of all the citizens) & call their chief Magistrate Scultet, (vulgarly Schuldte Hessen) such are Bern, Lucerna, Friburg, Solothurn. Thirdly, other towns or cities are divided into tribes or companies, and the Senators are chosen out of these Tribes by the voices of the people, whereof the chief is called Burgomeister. Such are Zurech, Basill, and Schafhusen,  
Among those of the first form dwelling in Villages, I named Glarona, Abatifcella, 
The six Towns and Villages of the first form.  (vulgarly Apenzill) and Tugium (vulgarly Zug), for howsoever they have Towns, yet the territory or Canton is not commanded by the Towns, having only equal right with all the Inhabitants of the Country. All Towns and Villages of this form (whereof I named six) have a Precedent of their Counsels, called Amman, that is, Amptman, signifying a man of Office. The Vrij are divided into ten parts, called Tenths by the vulgar name. The Suitij are divided into four parts, called quarters. The Vnderualdij are parted with a wood of Oakes, and thereby are divided into the upper and lower, and the whole canton hath the name of the lower, as dwelling under the wood, and Stantium is their chief Village. Zug for the Town consists of two, and for the county, of three, convents or meetings. Glarona consists of fifteen Tagwans (signifying a days tillage) Apenzill as well town as country, consists of twelve Roden, whereof the six inward were of old under the Abbot, and the six outward were out of his territory, either free, or subject to private Gentlemen. Out of each of these convents or parts, the Senators of the whole canton are chosen in equal number, being in most of them threescore in number, besides those who having had public honours, remain perpetual Senators. Zug hath forty five Senators, that is, nine of each convent, the town being taken for two convents. Apenzill hath 144 Senators, namely twelve for each convent. In weighty affairs, for which it seems not good to call the people together, the Counsels of Senators in most places are doubled or trebled, each Senator choosing one or two Assessors: But only citizens are capable of this dignity, and it is much more difficult to obtain freedom of being a citizen with these cantons, then with the cities. The highest power is in the general meeting of the people, to which all are admitted of fourteen or sixteen years age, and they meet in the midst of the territory, or in the chief Village of the canton, and there is first chosen the Amman, in most places for two years, and out of all the people, of what part or convent soever he be: but at Apenzill he must remove his dwelling to the Town, where public counsels use to be held, and there abide during his office. And at Zug he is chosen out of the convents by order & course, and for the time of his Office must dwell in the city. Next to the Amman, they choose his Deputy called Statthalter, than the Treasurer called Seckelmeister, that is, Master of the Purse, than the Scribes or Clerks, and other Officers in order: And this is peculiar to these Cantons, in the seeking of any public Office, that they who seek it, are themselves present at the giving of voices, and themselves, their Parents and children, give voices in their election, which are given by lifting up the hand from an high place, and in case of doubt, are numbered by the Pole. The Senators are not chosen by the whole Assembly, but each by the Inhabitants of his own convent or part: Besides this public meeting, other meetings use to be appointed upon extraordinary occasions, namely, when Ambassadors are to be sent, or any decree is to be made of league, peace, or war: Besides the two counsels, of all the people, and of chosen Senators, most of the cantons have a privy counsel of few men: Thus the Suitij have a privy counsel of one Senator, and one Amman chosen of each convent or part, and this counsel governs the public rents and expenses. They have two courts of judgement, one of nine men, in which the Amman is Precedent, and that determines the weighty causes of inheritance, of defamation, and injuries. The other of seven men; in which the Ammans Deputy is Precedent, and that determines civil causes of debts and contracts. The Vrij (or canton of Urania) have the same course, where the Court of fifteen men, in which the Amman is Precedent, determines civil controversies of greatest moment, and the court of seven men, in which the Ammans Deputy is Precedent, judgeth of debts under the value of threescore pound. The Vnderualdij have one court of judgement at Stantium, and another at Sarna, and each hath an Amman for Precedent. The town or city of Zug, besides the public counsels of the Canton, hath his proper Senate and Magistrates or judges. In the canton of Glarona, the indiciall court of nine men, determines of inheritance, defamation, and injuries: And that of five men judgeth debts, but only in the two months of May and September, judgements are exercised by the judges yearly chosen at the general meeting of the Canton. The Canton of Apenzill hath two Courts of judgement, one of twenty four men (two of each convent or part), wherein fines are imposed, and defamations and injuries are judged. The other of twelve men called the sworn Court of judgement, because it judgeth of doubtful controversies, and such as are tried upon oath, and this also observes the breaches of Statutes, and determine what causes are to be propounded before the Senate, and this Office is perpetual. Of Consistories, and Matrimonial, and Spiritual causes, handled in other, Courts, I shall speak hereafter in the Chapter of Religion. Capital causes almost in all these Cantons are judged by the Senate, or public Counsel, and that commonly doubled, the Amman of the Canton, or his Deputy being Precedent. At Zug Assessors out of each Convent or part are associated to the Senate, and they sit in a public place, where all men may behold the judges, and hear their sentences: For the Courts of judgements in the prefectures or governments, commonly a Deputy Governor, and Assessors, are chosen of the Inhabitants, to join with the Governor, and they determine as well of civil as criminal causes, and these Governors in some places are chosen for three years. Some Villages have municipal rights under the Cantons, and there they choose Magistrates out of their own Village, yet they yearly crave this privilege at the public meeting, and it is granted them as a singular favour. And some of these Villages have also their peculiar Banners and Ensigns; but they bear them not where the great and common Banner of the Canton is displayed.  
In the second place are the Cantons (as formerly is showed) over which the Towns 
Four Towns of the second Form.  command not divided into Tribes or Companies, namely, Bern, Lucern, Friburg and Solothurn, in which it is forbidden by the Law that they should be divided into Tribes. But the Artisans have their Colleges (or halls) not for the choosing of Magistrates, but for orders of the Art, and these they call Geselscafften, that is, Societies or Fellowships, not Tribes or Companies, which are vulgarly called Zunfften. In these Cantons the chief Magistrate is vulgarly called Schuldthessen, that is set over debts, whom I may call Consul, and they have two Counsels, the greater and the less. The greater at Bern hath the name of two hundred, though they be more in number, and the lesser is of twenty six men. At Lucern the greater is of one hundred men, and each half year eighteen govern the Commonwealth by courses. At Bern when they choose the Senate, the four Ensigns of the City take to them sixteen out of all the Citizens, and these twenty men with the Consul, choose the greater Senate. First, they inquire after those two hundred that were of the Senate, and if any of them hath disgraced his dignity by any ill act, they put him out of his place, and towards Easter they choose new Senators into the places of them, and of such as are dead, and the sergeant make this election known to them that are chosen. All the Magistrates are chosen, and then all the Citizens have feasts in their several Colleges or halls, and after dinner they pass the time in games and divers exercises. Then the Consul with the twenty men called the Electors, do meet again, and choose the Senators of the lesser Counsel, who the day following are approved by the greater Counsel. At Lucern twice each year they make election of Senators into the greater or lesser Counsel, if any places be void, namely, about each Solstice of the year. And the Senators are chosen by those of the greater Counsel, who governed the last half year. The Consuls are chosen by the common voices of both the Counsels, and these Consuls are chosen for a year at Lucern, for two years at Bern, (though for form yearly Voices be given, and so they may seem to be newly chosen.)  
At Bern the chief authority next to the Consuls, is given to the four Ensigns vulgarly called Venner, which are chosen of the four Colleges or Hals of the Smith's Shoemakers, Bakers, and Butchers, and the City is divided into four parts, each part committed to one of the Ensigns, to visit their Arms, and oversee all military duties, and they execute this place four years, though for form they yearly resign their Banners up to the Senate; and if in the mean time any one of them die, another is set in his place, to fulfil the rest of the years, as deputy to his Predecessor and then exercise the place four years more for himself.  
In all the Cities of Sweitzerland, the Treasurers or Tribunes of the Exchequer, are of great reputation, who exercise that Office not for any set time, but so long as the Senate will, and themselves like. At Bern the Consuls, the Ensigns, and the Treasurers, adding one Senator of the Counsel of 200 make the Privy Counsel, to which all secrets are first brought. In these Cantons (as I said) the Magistrates are chosen by public voices, and so are the officers, but the places of less dignity, as sergeant & watchmen, are bestowed by the lesser counsel. It is peculiar to those of Bern, that they admit no man into the lesser counsel, who was not borne in the City, and of old they admitted not the very sons of Senators into that Counsel, if they were borne out of the City: but in these days for the public good, the Sons of the absent are as if they were borne in the City: but into the greater counsel they admit those that are borne out of the City, so they be the children of Sweitzers or any confederates, for strangers are also excluded from being of the Senate of 200. All bastards or infamonus persons are excluded from being of any Senate at all.  
The Canton of Bern hath three Courts of judgement, the judges of them being chosen by the Ensigns and Treasurers, and confirmed by the lesser counsel. The first is called the outward Court, in which the Consul is Precedent, but almost continually the chief Apparater or Sergeant supplies his place, and he hath twelve Assessors or Assistants, whereof one is the last chosen Ensign, and another is chosen of the lesser Counsel, the rest being ten, are chosen out of the greater counsel, or Senate, and to them be added one Clerk and two Appariters. This Court judgeth of debts, of lesser injuries, as ill words and light blows, and appeal is granted from it to the lesser Senate, from that to the sixty men, (being Senators chosen out of both the Senates), and from them to the great Counsel, and these judges meet daily, Tuesday only excepted, on which they have a market. The second Court of judgement hears the appeals made from those of the Canton which dwell in the territory of Savoy, whereupon it is called Das Weltsch gericht, that is, the stranger's justice, in which the Treasurer of the French revenues is Precedent, and he hath ten Assessors, but only Losanna, though of the same territory, is exempted from this judgement, whether once every two years, a judge is sent, with certain Assessors, to hear their appeals. A third court of judgement called the Consistory, belongs to the discourse of Religion.  
The Canton of Lucerna hath two Courts of judgement, one called Das Wuchengevicht, that is, the weekly justice, which determines of debts and contracts: The other of nine men, in which injuries and reproaches are punished. In the Cantons of Bern & Lucern, capital crimes are not tried by any special judges, but both the Senates sit, & give sentence upon them.  
At Bern after sentence is given in the Senate, the Consul sets in the public tribunal, where the Clerk reads in writing the prisoners confession, and the sentence of the Senate, which done, the Consul commands the hangman to do execution, and the Prisoner to be delivered to his hands. And at Lucerna the Senate judgeth all capital crimes, not only for the Canton, but also for the Presectures or governments, and all executions are done within the City, whereas Bern appoints special judges for capital crimes in the governments, the Governor being Precedent, but their sentence there given may be changed, or mitigated by the Senate of Bern, which commandeth over larger governments, than any other Canton.  
At Friburg the greater Senate consists of two hundred Senators, which manageth all public affairee, and things of greatest moment. The lesser Counsel or Senate is of twenty four men, and judgeth of Citizen's causes, and appeals made by the subjects, and the Consul is Precedent of both Senates, who is chosen by all the people for 3 years, upon the day of S. john Baptist, as the choises of Senators is yearly made upon the Sunday next before that feast. The four Ensigns are next to the Consul, and are set over the 4 parts of the city, and howsoever they are not Senators of the lesser Senate, yet they are always present at their meetings, in the name of the people, & they perform this office for three years, being chosen by both the Senates as most of the Magistrates are likewise chosen by them. The Treasurer is next in dignity, who oversees the treasure and the buildings, and holds his office for three years, but yields account twice every year to the Senate. They have four chief Clerks or Secretaries, and the Office of the chief Apparater, exercised by one man for three years, is honourable here, as at Bern, for commonly he assists the Consul, and when the Senate meets, stands at the door, takes the Senators voices, and hath the care of captives. At Friburg they have a Court of justice, called the City's Court, which judgeth the citizen's causes, takes the examination of captives, and puts the accused to the rack or torment, but after, refers all to the Senate. They have another Court of justice for the country, wherein the causes of subjects dwelling out of the city are determined. In both Courts are two of the lesser Senate, and eight judges of the greater Senate, chosen for three years, and they meet thrice every week, and appeal is admitted from them to the lesser Senate. Also twelve judges chosen out of both the Senates, determine the appeals of the prefectures or governments, meeting once every month for that purpose, and from them there is no appeal. The Governors are chosen by both the Senates, and hold that Office for five years, but give account yearly before the lesser Senate, and they judge capital crimes in their governments; but the Senate hath power to change, mitigate, or approve their sentence, as they judge meet.  
In the third place it remains to speak of the third form of government in the 
Three Cities of the third form.  three Cities distributed into tribes or companies, namely Zurech, Bazill, & Schafbusen, wherein the state is divided into two Orders of the noble and plebeian. They have a peculiar society of those called noble (which is vulgarly called Eingeselschafft, and at Zurech, Etn Constaffell): but Bazill for the great number of them, had two societies, which had the chief authority, the Consul being chosen of one, and the tribune (next in dignity) chosen of the other, till the nobility was removed from government, or rather freely gave it over: For these Gentlemen first joined with the House of Austria, and were after banished with them, till the year 1501, a perpetual league was made with the House of Austria, and the Gentlemen returned from banishment, but hating the common people, left the City to dwell in their Castles, whereupon their authority was much diminished; and that which remained they utterly lost in the year 1529, when they left the City, and opposed themselves to the reformation of religion decreed by the Senate: yet the said two societies in name, and their public houses of the societies, and the private houses in their possession, remain to them at this day, but none of the Gentlemen are chosen into the Senate, being excluded by the common consent of the Citizens from the government of the Commonwealth, which they willingly forsook, so as the gentlemen have really no peculiar society, only some few of them dwelling continually in the City, are numbered in the four chief Tribes or companies of the Citizens, and in them are chosen into the Senate, as Citizens, and these four companies are called the companies of the Lords or Gentlemen. At Zurech they have a peculiar society of Gentlemen, which hath this privilege, that half as many more are chosen into the Senate out of it, as out of any other tribe. And in this very society of Gentlemen, there is difference among themselves, for the old Families have a peculiar society, and a private stoave wherein they only meet, and many Citizens are joined to the whole society, who neither exercise any art nor trade of Merchandise; and because Porters and the base sort must be numbered in some tribe or company, all these for occasions of war, are, numbered in this society of the Gentlemen, called Constaffel, and under the same they serve in the wars, yea, and give their voices in the choice of the Master of the society, who is one of the Senate. Also at Schafhusen, the Gentlemen have a peculiar society: but in all these Cities, the people is divided into tribes or companies (vulgarly called Zunft, whereas the gentlemen's society is called Geselschafft or Constaffell).  
At Basii there be 15 Tribes, (whereof 4 are called the tribes of the Lords or Gentlemen) namely of the Merchants, of the Goldsmiths, of the Vintners, of the apothecaries and Silkemen (the most populous of all other), and the other eleven are Plebeian Tribes of all kinds of Artisans. Zurech hath twelve Tribes (for the Weavers of woollen cloth being few, are numbered among the Dyers.) Schafhusen hath but eleven Tribes, wherein sometimes Artisans of divers Arts are joined in one Tribe: but each Art hath his peculiar Hall, and these are called the divided Tribes, and they meet in their peculiar halls, when they consult of any thing concerning their private Art: but they meet in the common Hall of the Tribe for causes touching the Commonwealth, as the choice of Senators, or Masters of each Tribe.  
In the said Cities are two Counsels, the greater when many meet in the name of the people to consult of weighty causes belonging to the Commonwealth, and the lesser, which daily sits in judgement. At Zurech the greater Counsel or Senate is of 200 men, and the lesser of 50. At Basil the greater is of 244, the lesser of 64. At Schafhusen the greater is of 86, the lesser of 26 Senators. To these add two Consuls, the Heads or Precedents of public Counsels in each of these Cities. And this is common to all these Cities, that each Tribe hath two Masters, chosen for half or a whole year, which time ended, others succeed in that place, yet commonly he that was Master the last half year is chosen again, except there be some impediment. The lesser Senate is divided into new and old, and that is called the old, whereof the Senators have served half a year, and these are not always called to the meetings, for some business only belongs to the new Senate. At Zurech the two Senates are changed each half year, and the old Senate at the half years end chooseth the new. But at Basil and Schafhusen, they remain in Office a whole year. And the Masters of the Tribes are chosen by their own Tribes, and confirmed by the greater Senate, but they are confirmed by the old Senate at Basil. The voices are openly taken at Zurech, but secretly at Schafhusen (for certain men are set over the elections, in whose ears they give their Voices softly whispering.) The lesser Counsel or Senate meets commonly thrice or four times each week. The Consul is Precedent of both Senates, and is chosen by the greater Senate for half a year, and in some places for a year. The Tribunes are joined with the Consuls for Heads and Precedents of the Senates; and at Basil nine other are joined to them, who make the Counsel of thirteen, to whom the more weighty affairs are referred, to consider of them before they be propounded to the whole Senate. Zurech hath a peculiar Counsel, which may be called the Exchequer Court, consisting of eight men, chosen four out of each Senate, and to them all Exchequer accounts are referred. Two Clerks or Secretaries are present at public Counsels, with assistants joined to them if need require; and the Office of these Secretaries, especially of the chief, is honourable and gainful, and not easily conferred on any but a Patrician, because they must have full knowledge of the Laws, Customs, Privileges, and all secrets of the Commonwealth.  
Zurech hath two public Courts of judgement or justice, one of eight judges chosen out of the lesser Counsel or Senate, who determine Civil causes, Debts, and the like, and from them there is no appeal: but themselves refer the most difficult matters to the Senate. The other determines the causes of the Revenue. Basil hath two Courts of justice in the great Town, and a third in the lesser Town. The greater Court consists of ten judges, who are partly taken out of the Senate, partly out of the people, and they determine Civil and Criminal causes: but the Burgomaster (or Mayor) is Precedent for Civil causes, and the Advocate of the Empire for Criminal, and three men called the Capital Triumuiri of Senators degree, plead and prove inditements against malefactors. But at Zurech and Schafhusen, the new Senate judgeth capital causes, yet the Consul or Burgomaster is not then Precedent as at other times: but the Advocate of the Empire, whom the Senate by special privilege chooseth yearly out of their own body. And at Basil capital judgements are given in a public place: but at Zurech in a close private Court with the doors shut, and at Schafhusen, the accusation and defence are made in open Court: but all are excluded when the Senate gives judgement. The lesser Court of the great Town at Basil, doth only determine small controversies not exceeding the value of ten pounds. The Court of justice in the lesser Town of Basill, hath his own Burgomaster or Consul; and determines all causes except criminal. At Schafbusen the City's Court of justice, determines of debts, contracts, and the like: but if the sum of the controversy exceed the value of one hundred gold gulden's, the Senate iudgoeth it. And this City's Court hath twenty Assessors, namely one of each Tribe, and eight other chosen by the Senate. It hath another Court of justice for the Mulcts or Fines, consisting of twelve men, and the Advocate of the Empire is Precedent thereof, and this Court imposeth Fines, and judgeth the criminal causes of less weight, as small injuries and vulgar reproaches, for the Senate determines of the greater.  
Touching the Magistrates and Officers of these Cities, the Consuls called Burgomasters, are of chief dignity, than the Tribunes, then divers Treasurers and Officers about the Revenues and Tributes. The next degree is of those Officers, who have the care of public buildings and works, than those who have the care of victuals, as those who look to the weight and goodness of bread, and those who oversee the shambles, that no unsound meat be sold, and that all things be sold at a moderate price, which they set down, and appoint how flesh shall be sold by the pound. In like sort the overseers of the fish market, and salted meats, and butter and cheese. Likewise the Officers who protect Orphans and widows, who dispense public aims, governing those houses, and who oversee weights and measures, and the public Schools. Some of the prefectures or governments belonging to the Cities, are governed by the Senate of the City, so as the Governors remain Senators in the City, and only at-set days go to the Villages for administration of justice; but the Senate only judgeth of capital causes: but to those governments which be larger and farther distant, they send Governors, who judge not only civil, but most capital causes. In privileges, customs, and peculiar Courts of judgement, where the prefectures have power to choose judges among themselves, the Governors alter nothing therein, but only sit as Precedents in their judgements, these their rights always preserved. Thus among other, the City of Zurech hath two pleasant saire Towns subject to it, which are ruled by the Laws of Zurech, but have their own Magistrates, and serve Zurech in war, but under their own colours. And this shall suffice touching the commonwealths general and particular of the Cantons.  
Among the fellows in league, are the Abbot and Town of Saint Gallus. The 
Of the fellows in league  Abbot is numbered among the Princes of the Empire, but his power is much diminished in these days: yet he sets Governors over many places, and his Ammans do justice in his name. Also he hath instituted an high Court of justice, to which appeals 
Of the Abbot & Town of S. Gallus.  are made from the lesser Courts, and beside he hath Officers of all kinds, after the manner of Princes. The Town (as likewise that of Mulhuse and Rotevil) is numbered among the Cities of the Empire, and it (as the other two) hath the form of a Common wealth formerly described, saving that this Town of Saint Gallus hath some peculiar things. It hath six Tribes, whereof one is of Gentlemen. It hath two Senates, the greater and the lesser, in which lesser Senate are four and twenty Senators, namely three Consuls, nine Senators and twelve Masters of the Tribes, (for each Tribe hath three Masters chosen by the Tribes, and confirmed by the lesser Counsel or Senate, and one of them yearly by course governs each Tribe, being six in number, the other two are of the Senate, and make twelve): And twice every year, is the choice made of the Senate and Magistrates. The first of the three Consuls exerciseth that Office for the present year, the second did exercise it the year before, and the third is judge of capital crimes: And the Consul is yearly chosen by the whole assembly of the people. The greater Senate consists of sixty six men. This Town hath also an inferior Consul, or (as I may say) a Deputy Consul. The lesser Senate judgeth civil causes. The greater meeteth five times in the year, and judgeth of appeals, and of taking new inhabitants, and the like, and extraordinarily it is called oftener, as for judging capital causes, at which time the Advocate of the Empire (whom I said to be the third consul) is Precedent of the counsel. The whole people is called together thrice in the year, first when the Consuls are chosen, 2. when oath is given to the new Consul, thirdly when the Ordination of Tributes is read before the people: & the Laws divided into three Parts, are read before the pepole at these three meetings. The first Court of justice, is of five men, which judgeth of debts, of wages or hires, of victuals, of injuries, and fines, without appeal. The court of justice for the City, is of twelve men, changed twice each year; & from it appeal is admitted, to the lesser Senate, so the cause be above the value of five pounds; but if he that appeals lose the cause, he pays a fine to the judges. The common people of the town and country, lives by making woollen cloth, whereupon strict Laws are made for the same, that the web undressed be viewed by three skilful men, and be marked according to the goodness, and if it be faulty, be rend in the midst through the breadth, or be burnt, where any great fault is found, and that publicly, besides a fine imposed upon the weaver. After, sworn men measure and mark the cloth, besides other officers, who curiously and particularly view each cloth. I said before in the History of this town, that it made war upon the Abbot, when he sought to remove from it to another town, more absolutely in his power, not only the gainful trade of clothworking, but also the holy relics, whereby in those days great gain came to them.  
Among the Rhetians or Grisons, each convent or meeting or community hath his Amman, and chief Magistrates, yearly chosen, and a general Governor of the whole 
Of the Grisons.  league, called Landtrichter, that is, justice of the land, yearly chosen at the public meeting. They have many convents or meetings, but only three leagues. The head of the second league, called the house of God, is the City of Chur, which hath a Cathedral Church, and the commonwealth thereof is not unlike that of Zurech. The three leagues have but one commonwealth; for howsoever most places have their own Magistrates, and Laws, or rather customs, and Courts of justice aswell for Civil as criminal causes, yet the chief power is in the common or public Senate of the three leagues, consisting of the Burgesses of the several convents, not unlike the general Senate of the Sweitzers, and the meeting of all the people is seldom called. But they have another Counsel or Senate of the chief men, namely the Provincial judge of the upper league, the Consul of Chur for the league of the house of God, & the Amman of the third league of the ten jurisdictions, with other chosen men joined to them, but this Counsel hath not full power, for the acts thereof are referred to the communities of the leagues, & that stands in force which the greater part of them doth confirm, and the judgements of such causes as are referred to the several communities, are registered in a written book. They determine controversies and give judgements, as the Sweitzers do. Among their Statutes, it is decreed by common consent, that the Bishop of Chur, or any Ecclesiastical person, shall not appoint any Civil Magistrates, but that they shall be chosen by the voices of the people. The three leagues have their prefectures or governments under them, & the governor of their Italian prefectures (as of those under the Sweitzers) is vulgarly called Il Podesta, from whom the subjects may appeal. The three leagues by course appoint these Governors for two years, and the conventes or communities by course in their own league, name the said Governors for two years.  
Touching the Valesians. The convents of upper Valesia are seven, and of the lower 
Of the Valesians.  are six. The Bishop of Sedune is the Prince of the Country or region, who is named the Earl and Governor of the same, and he is chosen by the Cannons of the Church at Sedune, and by the Burgesses sent from the seven convents of upper Valesia. The Captain of the Country is next to the Bishop, and is chosen by the Bishop and the said Burgesses for two years, and confirmed by the publke consent of the several convents, and to him all Civil causes are referred. Each convent hath a chief Magistrate or Mayor, or Castellan, who with the Senate of that counent judgeth Civil and capital causes, and under him is the Amman, (whichiss the highest officer in the Cautons' dwelling in villages). Appeals are admitted from all the several convents to the public Senate of Valesia, consisting of Burgesses chosen by the convents, and this Senate meets at Sedune twice every year, and the Bish op sits in that Counsel, and the Baly takes the Voices. By this Senate the Commonwealth is governed, the governors, and public Officers are chosen, and it is called the highest Court, from which there is no appeal. The Lords of Chiurone, of old were of great authority, and are the Marshals of the Bishopric of Sedune, viscounts of Sedune, and seneschals (or Stewards) of Valesia. The Valesians have a peculiar Statute to repress the violence of mighty men. The Common wealth is governed by the Bishop and the seven convents of upper Valesia, whom lower Valesia obeyeth, being distributed into six prefectures or governments, and three other prefectures out of Valesia, taken or subdued in the Savoian war, are also subject to them.  
The Town of Bipenne having league with the three Cantons, for civil causes acknowledgeth 
Of the Town of Bipenne.  the Bishop of Basil, and for Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is under the Bishop of Losanna, but hath cast of the yoke of the Papacy, and obtained immunity from the Bishop of Losanna, when that Bishopric and City were taken and made subject to the Canton of Bern. The Bishop of Basil appoints the Mayor, out of the Senate of the Town, and the Mayor taketh an oath from the Citizens, and they likewise an oath from him, and he with the Senate judgeth criminal causes, and is Precedent for capital judgements. The Bishop hath half of all fines above three pound, and certain tithes with some other revenues, but the Customs Impositions and Tributes belong to the City. The Citizens serve the Bishop of Basil in war, but no further from the Town, than they may return home the same day: but if he will use them further, he must hire them with pay. The same privileges were granted to this Town by the Bishop, in the year 1382, which he granted to the lesser Town of Basil. The public Senates, as well the greater as the lesser, are yearly chosen by all the Citizens, and the Master of the Citizens, or Burgomaster is next in authority to the Mayor, and is chosen by both the Senates, and when they consult of the Commonwealth, the Mayor and the Officers of the Bishop go out of the Counsel. The Consul, Tribunes, judges, and other Officers are chosen by both the Senates, only the Ensign is chosen by all the people, and he with the Consul hath the care of Pupils. This Town hath some subjects, and their convents without any Governor exercise judgements: but the greatest matters are referred to the Senate of the Town.  
The Stipendiary Towns or Cities of the Cantons, have two Counsels or Senates, 
Of the stipendiary Cities.  and he that is Precedent of the public Counsel is called Schuldthess (as set over debts) and at Baden he is chosen by both the Senates. Also they have their Officers, their Exchequers and Tributes belongiug to each City: but at Baden the customs at the gate belong to the Town: but the impositions upon Merchandise belong to the Cantons, to which the Town is subject. Lastly, they have jurisdiction in Civil criminal and capital causes. Among them the Town of Frawenfeld redeemed itself from the servitude of the Monastery of Auria, for no small part of the Citizens were Ecclesiastical slaves to that Monastery. At this day it gives an oath to the Lord of Auria, the privileges always preserved, and that Monastery is incorporated to the Bishopric of Constantia (vulgarly called Costnetz.) The City judges have also power to judge and punish capitally.  
Touching the prefectures or governements under the Cantons, the Governors 
Of the governments  are sent by course from the Cantons for two years, who judge according to the laws of the several people, and for those beyond the Alps, the Governor hath assistants of the Country chosen and joined with him to judge of capital and more weighty causes, but in Civil causes he judgeth alone, though sometimes he calls some of the wiser inhabitants to advise him therein. The Governors about the Solstice of the year, yield account before the Senate of Sweitzerland, which then judgeth the appeals made by the subjects. They serve the Cantons in war, to which they are subject, and they follow the standard of that cantons, which for the present year gives them a Governor, and in civil war they are bound to follow the greater part of the Cantons to which they are subject. The Governor of Baden is present in the public Senate of the Sweitzers, he takes the voices, and they being equal, is the arbiter of the difference: but he hath only power in the territory of Baden not in the City, and there he appoints capital judges for life; for their manner is, that the judges once chosen by him, exercise that place so long as they live. And the same Governor hath the power to mitigate their judgements. The next in authority are the Clerk or Secretary and the under or Deputy Governor. Two little Towns of the County or territory of Baden, have Governors from the Bishop of Costnetz: but they serve the Sweitzers in their wars, and the Governor of Baden is their judge for capital causes. The prefecture or government of Terg most large of all the rest, hath 50 Parishes, whereof some have their own immunities or privileges, the rest are subject to divers jurisdictions: but the Sovereign power is in the Governor sent and chosen by the Cantons, excepting Cella, where the Citizens have their own government, the Bishop of Costnetz having only the keeping of the Castle, and half the mulcts or fines. The seven Cantons with consent of the Lords in the several jurisdictions of all this prefecture of Torg, appoint one form of justice. And the judges impose very great fines, which belong to the Cantons, and especially upon crimes which have coherence with capital offences, namely, foul injuries, breaches of peace, violence offered by the high way, challengers of public ways or passages, changers of Landmarks, or goods committed in trust to their keeping, breakers of public faith, and those who scandal or reproach any Magistrate. The prefectures of the Saranetes, and the Rhegusci, and those of Italy, have each a Governor, vulgarly called Commissary, sent from the Sweitzers, and because the people speak the Italian tongue, he hath a Sweitzer skilful in that tongue for his interpreter. The people hath the power to choose their own Magistrates and Officers, and to determine of things concerning their Commonwealth, the Commissary not intermeddling therewith.   

CHAP. VI Of the Netherlanders Commonwealth, according to the foresaid subjects of the former Chapters.  
LOwer Germany, called of old Belgia, and now commonly 
The Commonwealth of Netherlan in general.  netherlands (which the French name Pais bas, that is, Low countries) is divided into seventeen Provinces, as I have formerly showed in the Geographical description thereof, namely, seven Counties, of Flaunders, of Artois, of Hannaw, of Holland, of Zealand, of Zutphane, and of Namurtz; four Dukedoms, of Luzenburg, of Limburg, of Brabant, and of Gelderland, the Lordship or Dominion of West Freisland, three Countries or Territories, or places of jurisdiction, of Groving, of Vtrecht, and of Transisola, vulgarly Dlands over Ysel. To which fifteen Provinces, that the number of seventeen may be complete, some add the County of Walkenburg (which is part of the Dukedom of Limburg), and others add the two dominions of Mecblin and Antwerp, (which are contained under the Dukedom of Brebant.) And how soever it be not my purpose to speak of any other Provinces, than those which they call united, and through which only I passed, yet it is not amiss in a word or two to show, how these Principalities at first having several Princes, by little and little grew into one body, and in our days through civil war became divided into two parts, the one of divers Provinces united for defeuce of their liberty, the other of the rest remaining under the obedience of their Prince.  
The County of Flaunders hath given the name of Flemings to all the inhabitants of these Provincess before named, and the Earls thereof, when other Provinces 
Flaunders.  were erected to Dukedoms, did obstinately retain their own degree, lest they should disgrace their antiquitic, with the newness of any ducal or other title. And it is manifest, that this Earl was the first Peer of France, having the prerogative to carry the sword before the King of France at his Coronation, and to gird the same to his side, being not bound to appear in judgement before his Compeers, except some controversy were about the property of his Earldom, or he should deny justice to his subjects: and finally having the badges of Sovereign Majesty, to raise an Army, to make War and Peace, to yield no tributes or subjection to the King of France, to punish or pardon his subjects, to make Statutes, to grant privileges, to coin money, and to write himself by the Grace of God Earl, which no other Prince of France might do, but only the Duke of Brittany, Baldwyn Earl of Flaunders in the year 1202, became Emperor of Constantinople, and held that dignity sixty years, after which time the Empire returned to the greeks. Earl Lodowick died in the year 1383, and Margaret his daughter and heir was married to Philip Duke of Burgundy, who by her right became Earl of Flaunders. Charles Duke of Burgundy died in the year 1477, and Marie his daughter and heir was married to the Emperor Maxmilian, and so Flaunders became subject to the House of Austria.  
For Philip, son to Maxmilian, died before his father, and left two sons, whereof Charles the eldest was Emperor the fifth of that name, and heir to his Grandfather 
The House of Austria.  Maxmilian. And Charles the Emperor taking the King of France, Francis the first, prisoner, in the battle of Pavia, in the year 1525, forced him to renounce all Sovereign power over Flaunders and Artois, and to yield the Rights of the House of Anjou to the Kingdom of Naples, and of the House of Orleans to the Dukedom of Milan, and of Genoa. Charles died, and his younger brother Ferdinand succeeded him in the Empire, being long before designed his successor, by being chosen King of the Romans but he left all his States of inheritance to his eldest son Philip King of Spain. The rest of the Provinces by like right of marriage became subject to Maxmilian, and so fell to Charles, and lastly to the King of Spain, excepting Virecht and the Transisolan Dominion, which by the yielding of the Bishop (reserving his spiritual rights) and of the States of those Provinces, were joined to the rest, and so finally fell to Philip King of Spain.  
Histories witness, that some of these Provinces did owe homage to the Empire, 
The united Provinces.  and the rest to the King of France, till they fell into the hands of the powerful Dukes of Borgundy, who by divers transactions took all rights from the Kings of France, and because the Empire hath been ever since in the House of Austria, it cannot seem strange, the Kings of Spain being of the same House, that these Provinces have been freed of the homage due to the Empire. The Emperor Charles the fifth happily governed these Provinces with great judgement, handling the people gently, who had always been held under a gentle yoke by their Princes, enjoying great privileges inviolably kept to them, never used to absolute government, but having often taken Arms, when their Princes imposed exactions upon them, or broke any of their privileges, and so bringing their Princes to just and equal terms. But his son Philip K. of Spain, and many other Kingdoms, straying from his Father's example in the government of netherlands, and obstinately despising his counsel, which at his death as it were by his last Testament he gave him to handle this people gently, and not enduring their voluntary and free subjection, hath caused the greater, or at least the richer part of these Provinces to fall from him and his heirs. For upon the first dissension about Religion, Pope Pius the fourth induced Philip King of Spain to publish a Decree in netherlands, for the establishing of the infamous Inquisition (first invented in Spain of late to punish the jews and Saracens, who being Christians yet retained their own rites), and also for the execution of the Decrees made in the Council of Trent; which done, more than 400 Gentlemen made petition to the King to abolish this decree, and joining the intercession of the Emperor, sent this petition to the King by the hands of divers Lords and Gentlemen, whereof the Prince of Egmond was one, who had done the King very great service in the battle of Saint Quintens. These petitioners were despised by the Spaniards, and called Geuses (that is beggars or poor slaves), and the King sent them back unregarded, and sent the Duke of Alva to go. vern netherlands, who cruelly raged against the Professors of the reformed religion, & beheaded the Prince of Egmond and the Earl of Horn, both Knights of the golden fleece, and on all sides proceeded butcherly. In the mean time the Prince of Orange, (who formerly had in vain persuaded the Prince of Egmond to fly) foreseeing this tyranny, with other banished Gentlemen, was gone out of netherlands, and fled to the Prince of Condy in France. At last the Duke of Alva, having brought all in subjection, reform the policy, and imposed an exaction of the tenth penny, was recalled into Spain, whither he returned with much treasure he had extorted, and Don juvan of Austria succeeded in that Government, in whose time the fatal Civil war began in Flaunders, and shortly after mutinous troops called Male contents joined together, 
The Civil war.  neither acknowledging the King nor the States of the Provinces, and while Don junan pursued them, he died in the Camp in the year 1578. Then Alexander Farnese Duke of Parma, was made Governor of netherlands, and the King persisting in his purpose to bring that people to absolute subjection, and the Professors of the reformed religion being grievously persecuted, and all the people being murinously affected for the new and tyrannical exaction of the tenth penny without consent of the general States, the troubles still continuing in Flaunders, at last some few Provinces, having 
The united, States.  the Prince of Orange for their General in the war, strictly combined themselves in league for mutual defence. So Flaunders and the firm land was left under the Spanish yoke, but the confederate Provinces firmly resolving to cast off all subjection to the King of Spain, instituted a new form of common wealth; For the Prince of Orange wisely and variantly procuring the public good, was in the year 1584. traitorously slain with a baller by a desperate Rogue, whereupon the cities of Flaunders lay 
The Prince of Orange killed.  open to the Duke of Parma.  
But the foresaid united Provinces cast themselves into the protection of the Queen of England; and if my, memory fail not, they are thus named, Holland, Zealand, Vtreiht, 
England protects them.  Groaning, west Friesland, besides many towns for Gelderland, some forts and strong cities of Brabant, and Ostend in Flaunders, a town for nearness fit to annoy the Enemy. And the foresaid forts and strong cities, for the most part lying upon the coast of the sea within land, & upon the mouth of the Rhine where it falls into the sea, gave free traffic by sea to the united Provinces, & forbade the same to the cities within land, and beside yielded this commodity; that as the Spanish soldiers from their forts send frey booters to spoil the united countries of Gelderland, Groaning & Friesland, so the soldiers of the states might fronthence make incursions upon the country's subject to the King of Spain, whereby the country people were forced to pay large yearly contributions, to be free from this spoil. The few inhabitants of these small Provinces, whom men will judge but a breakfast to the Spanish Army, notwithstanding have not only been able to this day to keep out these powerful forces from entering their territories; but may justly brag, that they have won many strong forts and towns from the Spaniard, and carried their Army into Flaunders, where in a field fought at Newport, they obtained a glorious victory against the Spaniards. And so much in small progress of time have their just and moderate Counsels increased their commonwealth, governed with great equity and equality, as at last forsaken (as it were) by the King of France, & for the time having little help from England, they alone did not only long defend themselves from the powerful revenge of the Spaniard, but stoutly bearing out the war to a wished peace, are now no more to be pitied, but in common judgement rather to be envied and feared by their neighbours.  
Mention hath been made of the Prince of Orange, and hereafter mention is to be 
The House of Nassaw.  made of his son Count Maurice, therefore it will not be amiss to say something of this noble family. The united Provinces consisting of citizens and the common people, there being few Gentlemen in Friesland, and few or none in Holland and Zealand, and such kind of Plebeian men unfit to lead Armies, they aswell for the commonwealths sake, first took the Prince of Orange for their head, as after for thankfulness to him much esteemed the Family of Nassaw, and besides others of that Family governing in Friesland and other parts, made choice of the said Prince's son Count Maurice to be General of their Army, but with limited power from the States, and he hath a double (as I think) voice in their public meetings, in which notwithstanding he seldom or never used to be present. His father the Prince of Orange had all his inheritance in Brabant and Flaunders, excepting the Principality of Orange, seated in France near the City of Marseits, und when he suspected the counsels of the King of Spain (into whose net Count Egmond, confident in his innocency and great service done to the King, and the Count of Horn, unadvisedly fell), he first withdrew himself into France, and after into Holland, where (as I said) he joined with the States of the United Provinces, and was much respected and loved of them all, enjoying from them honourable means of maintenance, well deserved in that his name and assistance much profited the common cause. He had many wives; first, he married the Countess of Buren, sole daughter and heir to her father, and she bore him a son, who in the beginning of these troubles, was a Student in the University of Lovan, whence the Governor called him, and sent him into Spain, and she bore him likewise a daughter, which was married to Count Hollock, a Germane well respected by the States for his warlike reputation and good services done to them, and he with his wife lived in Holland, when I passed through these parts. His second wife was the sister to the Elector of Saxony, by whom he had the foresaid Count Maurice, who yet being young, succeeded his father in the general conduct of the State's Army, and about this time whereof I write, had taken two strong Cities in Brabant, the inheritance of the Prince of Orange, namely, Bredaw and Getrudenberg; and because they were part of the Earldom of Buren, some difference was then about them, between the said Count Maurice and his said sister by the father's side, wherein it was generally said, that the States favoured the Count Also the Prince had by this wife a daughter, after married to the Governor of Friesland. His third wife was sister to the Duke of Mompensier in France, which had been a Nun, and by her he had six daughters. Lewis married to the Palatine of the Rhein, Marie then living at Hage, the third living then in France, the fourth with the Count of Schwarthenburg, and Francis also then living at Hage, and a sixth then brought up in the County of Nassaw. His fourth wife was a French Lady of the Family Chastillon, famous in that worthy Admiral of France killed in the Parisian Massacre. And this wife after the Prince was slain lived then at Hage, with her only son by him, who being borne at Delft in Holland, was therefore, and for many respects much regarded by the Hollanders, and yet being a child, was honoured with military commands, and a large stipend for his maintenance, and shortly after had the title of Colonel of Holland, with no small addition to his means.  
Being now to speak of the Magistrates, Laws and degrees of Orders in this Commonwealth, it will not be amisie, first for conjecture of the general estate of netherlands, to write some few things out of Marchantius a Fleming, and other approved Authors, particularly of the County of Flanders, for the pre-eminence it always had over the rest of the Provinces. The chief strength of the Commonwealth of 
The Commonwealth of Flanders  Flanders, is in the Counsel or Parliament of the three general States, namely, of the Clergy, the Nobility, and the four members, (in steed of the people making the third estate in other Kingdoms), and without the consent of these, the Earls were never wont to exact money, or make war. And howsoever the King of Spain hath weakened the authority of this Counsel, yet when Subsidies are imposed, the very form of old proceeding comforts the people, as a shadow of their old liberty. The Earl by writing is to appoint the time and place of this Assembly, or in the Earl's name the Counsel of Flanders used to call together the Burgesses or Deputies thereof.  
In these three States the Clergy is of chief dignity, as well for their degree, as for the greatness of their revenues, and many Territories under their command, and among these were only five Bishops, till Pope Pius the fourth in the year 1560, established three new seats of Bishops at Gant, Bruges, and Ypre.  
The first degree of Nobility, is that of Barons, having their name of Banners, which they are bound to follow, whereof there be very many in Flanders, and of them some in later times have been raised to the titles of Earls and Princes.  
In the second rank, are the Lords of Towns and Villages, whence Gentlemen have their surnames, and they cannot be numbered without tediousness: But almost all of them have possession given them from some of the Feudatory Courts of the Earls of Flanders, and differ in many customs, but in this all agree, that he who hath this fee, cannot alienate it, without the consent of the Prince and the next heir, or upon oath given in Court, that he doth it for poverty and want. The inheritance of Fees descends to the eldest sons, a third part reserved for the younger brothers, so they give over to the elder their part in the other goods that are not in Fee. And it is an high fault, if these Lords impose any tribute upon their subjects, except it be with the consent of the Earl of Flaunders. There be some of these that are called vassals, whereof some are clients of an higher, some of a lower degree. And the Earl of Flanders hath about seventeen feudatory Courts, and the number is very great of Clients in Fee, depending immediately upon one or other of the said Courts, whereby the Earl hath many pecuniary profits and other services, upon fines and alienations of inheritance.  
In the third rank of Gentlemen are they, who hold inheritance in Fee, whereof some are tied to the jurisdiction and Counsel of the Earl, as the Chancellor (so called of correcting or canceling writings ill drawn with blotting outlines), which dignity is tied to the Prepositure of Bruges Church, and before the Counsel of Flaunders was erected, this Office was of greater authority than now it is. Others of this kind are Burgraves or Castellanes or high Sheriffs, who are set judges over Towns and Castles, with prerogative to have a proportion of the mulcts or fines, which dignity belongs to certain Families, and may be alienated to others by sale, or for dowry in marriage, and all have not the like but divers jurisdiction and pre-eminence. The Burgrave of 〈◊〉 hath the Lordship or command of the Town (which no other Burgrave hath), the ruling of the weights in the Market, the customs at the Gate, capital judgement, the fines that are under three pounds of Paris, and a part with the Earl of the greater fines, and the power to appoint the Bailie, Scabins and Burgomafter, and a third part of the goods of bastards dying without children. Also the Burgrave of Ypre takes an oath to himself of the Officers of that Town as well as to the Earl, and he hath the fines, and power to appoint Magistrates. Others of this third rank of Gentlemen have warlike Offices by inheritance, as the Constable (so called of Conine and stapel, as the stay and upholding of the King), who hath the highest command in the wars; and the Admiral (so called of a Greek word), who hath the chief command in Naval affairs. Then two Marshals (so called as skilful in horsemanship, for the old Dutch called an Horse-mar, and now a mare is by them called meri, and schalc signifies cunning.) Also the Steward of the house. And the military titles still remain hereditary to divers families, but the exercise of the Office is taken from them. Other Gentlemen of this third rank, are by inheritance Officers to oversee the Revenues, and to take accounts; such are the Treasurers and receivers for the Prince's Rents, for perpetual Tributes of land, and these honours still remain to certain Families, though these Rents are now brought in ready money into the Exchequer. Other Gentlemen of this third rank, have Offices in Court, as the Master of the household, Chamberlain, Cupbearer, which offices are proper by inheritance to certain Families: but the Master of the game, as well for hunting as hawking, and the Water-graves, (overseeing Lakes and Rivers for Swans, fishing, and other like things), are offices given at the Prince's pleasure, and not proper to any Family.  
The fourth rank of Gentlemen is of those, who are adorned with the Knightly girdle, and they are called guilded Knights, of their golden spurs and other ornaments, which honour the Princes give for great services, creating them, with laying a drawn sword on their left shoulder, and with certain solemnity of words, & those who have this title, be they never so mean, are made Gentlemen with their posterity; and if they be Gentlemen, yet it adds dignities to them. And because I have made this mention of Knights, give me leave to add a word of the Knightly order of the Golden Fleece, instituted by the Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, in the year 1429, upon the very day of his marriage with Elizabeth of Portugal, in imitation of Gedions' Fleece, and of the Golden Fleece fetched by the Argonauts of Greece. He received into this Order, Gentlemen unblamable for life and valour in Arms, whereof the Prince and his successors are the Head or chief Precedent, and he gave each of them a Scarlet gown of woollen cloth (which his son Charles changed into a red Velvet Gown), and a gold chain, with his father's Emblem, of a steel striking fire out of a flint, upon which chain hangs the Golden Fleece, and upon the death of any Knight this badge is sent back, to be bestowed upon some other Gentleman of merit. At first the number of these Knights with the Prince their head was twenty five: but within five years they were increased to thirty five. And the Emperor Charles the fifth in the year 1516, made the number fifty one. At the first institution, this order had four Officers, a Chancellor, a Treasurer, a King at Arms, and a Secretary; and in the Court of this Order, the unlawful flying of any Knight out of the field, and all other crimes, and the dissensions among them, are judged without appeal. The feast of the Order hath been kept in divers places, according to the Prince's pleasure, but the Arms of the Knights are set up in the Chancel of the chief Church at Bruges, where the feast thereof was kept at the first institution. In general, Flaunders hath a great number of Lords and Gentlemen (as likewise the Dukedom of Luxenburg, and adjoining Provinces), and they exercise themselves in feeding of Cattle and tillage, but judging ignoble all trade of Merchants, and profession of manual arts. They have no immunities (as in Artois, Henault, and all France), but bear the same burden of tributes with the people, to keep them from sedition, while the Gentlemen, hated by them, bear the same burden as they do.  
Having spoken of the two States of the Clergy and Gentlemen, it remains to add something of the third State, namely, the four members, which have the place of the common people in other Kingdoms; and they are Ghant, Bruges, Ypre, and Terra Franca, that is, the Free land, which four Territories have the chief, or rather all authority in Flaunders. Each of these members is exempted from all confiscation of goods by old privilege, confirmed by the Emperor Charles the fifth, in the year 1549. Other Cities, howsoever they have their Magistrates, Laws and Revenues to themselves, yet in the common Counsel or Parliament for imposing tributes, or levying of soldiers, they follow the four members, and all Flaunders is bound to their Decree in this general meeting of the States, the Clergy, Gentlemen, Lords and Burgesses of other Cities consulting with the four members: but they challenging all authority to decree, and solely representing the whole body of Flaunders in the general meetings of all netherlands. john Duke of Burgundy removed from Lile to Ghant the Senate, called the Counsel of Flaunders, and giving the Law to all Flaunders. Bruges, a most pleasant City is the second member, having this privilege above all other Cities, that he who is free of the same by birth, gift, buying, or marriage, is freed from all confiscation of any goods wheresoever found, no crime or case excepted; whereas the privileges of other Cities always except violence offered to the persons of the Prince, his Wife, and Children. Also Bruges hath a stately Mint-house, with privilege to coin money. Ypre is the third member, which City I pass over, for fear to be tedious. The fourth member is Terra Franca, added to the rest (being but three at the first institution), by Philip the Good, in the year 1437, with intent to bridle the power of Bruges, which City then much repined at the same, and never ceased to raise tumults, till Marie, wife to the Emperor Maximilian abolished this fourth member, which Charles the fifth their Grandchild shortly after restored to that dignity.  
Among the Magistrates some of them do properly belong to the Prince's affairs, namely, the Legal Chamber, consisting of the Prince's Counsellors, and being (as it were) the head of other Courts, the meeting and number whereof is at the Prince's pleasure, but commonly the meeting is at Ghant, and they consult of weighty affairs, (which since have been referred to the Princes Privy Counsel, or to the counsel of Flaunders, seated at Ghant). And to the same are referred all controversies touching fees, and appeals from feodnary Courts, which are judged without appeal, in the presence of the Earl or his Bailie, there being a chair, cushion, and Sword of estate. Also the chamber Hastredeninga, that is, the supreme court of accounts, consisting of hereditary treasurers, yearly meeting at Lile for three days, who judge without appeal all things touching Receivers, with personal and real actions belonging to the Prince's patrimony, and give oaths to new Treasurers and Feo daries. The third court of accounts, established at Lile, consists of a Precedent, four Masters, five helpers, and two clerks. It examines the accounts of revenues by rents of lands, woods, customs at gates, confiscations, Fines, goods left to the Prince, as by shipwrecks and Bastards dying without children, by homages, Pensions, and like profits, and all hereditary treasurers, and the two general Receivers, give account in this court. Philip the bold gave this court great authority, but john his son, removed the counsellors thereof to the office of justice in Ghant, and left the court at Lile to register the Prince's edicts, and Privileges granted by him. Fourthly the court called the Counsel of Flaunders, which I said was removed from Lile to Ghant, and seems chief in dignity; first instituted, partly by little & little to draw Flaunders from the jurisdiction of Paris, in imitation of Brabant, Hennault, and Holland; for which howsoever the Princes did homage to the Emperor, yet they belonged not to the jurisdiction of the Empire, homage and jurisdiction by nature and in themselves being much different. But the chief cause of the institution, was the long absence of Philip the bold in France, during the infirmity of the French King, in whose time this court formerly kept in divers places at the Prince's pleasure, was settled at Ghant, and to this court are referred all things belonging to the Princes right and authority, & the controversies of Coiners, of the Church, of the Province and of Cities among themselves and with others, and appeals from Magistrates, and ratifying the Prince's pardons for crimes. The Counsel consists of a Precedent (of a Knightly degree by virtue of his office) eight Counsellors (having yearly stipends) four Commissaries (having part of the profit by informations) and for Assessors, the Procurator & the Advocate of the Prince, the Treasurer of the revenues, a Secretary and a Notary. Besides these courts and this said Counsel, Marchantius mentioneth a court of justice highest and without appeal over all netherlands, instituted by Charles last Duke of Burgundy in the year 1473 at Mechlin, (as being in the Centre of netherlands) and it judgeth after that is equal and good, in imitation of the Parliament of Paris; so as suitors needed not to follow the Earls Court. And the Prince was chief head of this Counsel, or in his absence the Chancellor, he being not present, the Bishop of Tornay, with two Precedents, ten Lay and nine Clergy Counsellors, six Masters of Requests (who were commanded to ride on horseback to the Senate, clad in Purple.) But Marry the daughter of the said Charles, fearing the French and Civil war, commanded the ceasing of judgement in this Court, which Philip her son restored, and in the year 1493 re-established that court at Mechlin, but less and more weak, as it still remains.  
And this shall suffice of the Magistrates belonging to the Prince's affairs. Others belong to the subjects in several Countries and Cities. Such are the Scabines and the Bailies. Scabines are so called of a Germane word Schaffen (that is to dispatch, or of an Hebrew word (as the Germans say.) These defend the rights and privileges of the people, determine controversies by the Statutes and municipal customs, or for want of them, by the written Law, and are present when any are tortured, and judge capital causes, the pardoning whereof is rather permitted to the Prince, then much used by him. And these Magistrates are diversly named in divers places, as Voegte (Tutor) Portmeister, (Officer of the Port or Haven), Lanthouder, (that is, Keeper of the Land,) Kourcher (that is, chosen Lord), and Burgermaster (that is, Master of the Citizens). Under them are the Treasurers or Receivers in each City, and aswell they as the Scabines, are chosen by the Commissaries of the Prince. Next are the bailies, so called of a French word, as Tutors and Keepers; and they are diversly called in divers places, namely Schuldheten, as judges of debts: and they differ from the Scabines, in that the Scabines judge, the Bailies execute their judgements and the Prince's Edicts; they have stipend, these are paid out of the Fines; they are changed after one or two years, these continue long in Office; lastly, they respect the rights of the people, these of the Prince. In the Villages they have Officers called 〈◊〉, who 〈◊〉 the Edicts of the Magistrate, and warn debtor to make payment, and upon longer delay than is permitted by the Municipal Laws, sell their goods at the outery. They have a supreme judge of capital causes, whom they call Sovereign Baily, instituted in the year 1374, to apprehend murderers and banished men, and to put them to death, or otherwise punish them, with the assistance of two Gentlemen having fees, or being Feodatory Clients to the Prince And to this Officer authority was lately given & confirmed by the Emperor Charles the fifth, to release banishment, and for the eves and man slayers by chance, or upon their own defence, and like offenders, upon satisfaction made to the next Kinsman of the man-killer, and to him that was robbed: not only to give them safe conduct to pass for forty days, but also to pardon their crimes, so as the Mulcts or Fines be gathered for the Prince, not to his behoof; and the Counsel of Flanders approve the confessions of the offender to be true. But in case the Magistrate of the place where the offender dwelled, require him to be there tried, it cannot be withstood. And this Office is of such dignity, as Knights for long time have executed the same. Many Tributes were of old granted to the Prince, as perpetual Tributes of the Fields, of Corn, Oates, Cheese, and lard; which things for food, have long time been redeemed with money, the price being yearly set diversly by the Counsel of accounts seated at Lile. And no doubt through troubles and civil wars, from the beginning to this day, all like burdens are greatly increased both in number and measure, which may more easily be conjectured, by that which shall be said of this subject, in the discourse of the united Provinces.  
Flanders is most ruled by municipal Laws and customs of Towns and Cities, and for want of them by the Civil Laws. The Laws of Flanders forbid any man to give in Legacies by his last Will and Testament, more than the thirds of his goods, (wherein are comprehended Lands in Fee); or that any stranger should bear the office of Magistracy: yet strangers may there inherit their Kinsman's goods, contrary to the custom of France, England, and Scotland, where the Kings have the goods of all strangers dying intestate, and having there no children. In Flanders no man is deprived of his mother's inheritance for bastardy, no not the children of a noble woman being a concubine, except some municipal Statute made by the Princes, do in some places prejudice them. The Citizens of Curtrae about the year 1557, and those of Ghant some six years after, have excluded those who are borne in adultery or incest from their mother's inheritance: but the provincial Counsel of Flanders in the year 1532, gave sentence, that a Bastard should succeed in the see of his mother, with privilege of age and sex, even where the Parents leave Children lawfully begotten.  
I return to the foresaid Provinces, which I said to be united in mutual league for 
Of the commonwealth of the united Provinces, protected by the Queen of England.  their defence against the Spaniards. The said Provinces, at the first breaking out of the civil war, when Antwerp was besieged, humbly and instantly besought Elizabeth Queen of England, to undertake their patronage and defence, and to encourage and give her more power, offered her the Sovereignty of those Provinces; but the most wise Queen with grave counsel, and for weighty reasons, refused to take them for Subjects. Perhaps (among other reasons of greater weight) fearing lest undertaking that war as Queen of the Provinces, most part of the burden thereof should fall upon her English subjects, thinking it probable, that the Netherlanders, being a people which had often taken Arms against their Prince, of all other things lest bearing new taxes and impositions, (which they professed, next the persecution for Religion, to be the chief cause of this war), would always be apt to stir up sedition when her Majesty as their Prince should impose but half the tributes & customs, which themselves by general consent, & for love of liberty have imposed & born with incredible patience, during this war. And howsoever her Majesty desired their liberty should be preserved, yet the peace between England and Spain, howsoever shaken by many injuries on both sides, provoking desire of revenge, notwithstanding was not yet fully broken. And it seems probable to me (not knowing those counsels but by conjecture), that her Majesty being a woman, the King of Spain being powerful, and some of her Subjects being alienated from her for the reformation of Religion, thought it more wisdom to suffer war for her just defence, than herself openly to begin the same: yet would she not altogether neglect the afflicted people of those Provinces, but resolved with the States thereof, that they should make Count Maurice son to the Prince of Orange, General of their Army, governing their own affairs, and her Majesty should profess the defence of that afflicted people, with whom England always had strict league of trade and amity, till means might be used for restoring them to the King of Spain's favour. Whereupon at the instant suit of the States, the tenth of August in the year 1585., her Majesty granted them an aid of five thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, to whom her Majesty was to give pay during the war, yet so as the Provinces were bound to make restitution of all her expenses, when the war should be composed; and for pledge of performance, should give into her majesties hands the Town of Vlishing in Zealand, with the adjoining Castle of Rammekins, to be kept with a Garrison of seven hundred English foot, and the Town of Brill with some adjoining Forts, to be kept with a Garrison of 450 English Foot, the said Provinces being bound (as I said) to make real satisfaction to her Majesty at the end of the war, for all expenses, aswell of the said Forces, as of these Garrisons, which amounted yearly to the sum of one hundred twenty six thousand pounds sterling. And her Majesty for the safety of her neighbours bore this intolerable burden, till the year 1594, at which time Sir Thomas Bodley Knight, her majesties Ambassador for those Provinces, by a new transaction diminished those great expenses, the wealth of those Provinces being then much increased, aswell by the concourse of Merchants leaving desolate Flanders to dwell in that flourishing State, as because they had brought many Countries by right of war to yield them contributions, namely, all the Sea Coast of Brabant, some part of Flanders, with the Countries vulgarly called, Ommelands, Drent, Twent, Linghen, Limbrough, and Walkenbrough, and had greatly increased their tributes, aswell in Holland, Zealand, Freesland, and Vtrecht, as in Guelderland, Zutphan, Dlandt over ysel, and lastly, had taken many strong Towns of no small moment, namely, Deventer, Zutphan, Nimmenghen, Stonwicke, Bredaw, Hulst, Steneberg, and Groninghen. The state of those Provinces being (as I said) thus increased, and her Majesty being forced for many years to keep a strong army at home, to subdue the Irish Rebels, her majesties Ambassador at the foresaid time made a new transaction with the States, for diminishing the charge of the English Forces serving them. And this help so long given by her Majesty to the united Provinces, cannot seem of small moment: For howsoever the Queen did not always keep the full number of the said Forces, and sometimes called home, or cashiered part of them, yet she did always maintain the greatest part, decreasing or increasing the same according to the necessity of the present affairs, and employed the Forces called home, only in voyages by Sea, profitable aswell to the united Provinces, as to England, and that for a short time of Summer service, after sending them back to serve the States:  
The States who govern these Provinces (if they have made no change in particulars, which at pleasure they both can and use to do), are grave men, Counsellors or 
The States or chief Governors.  Burgesses, vulgarly called States, chosen by the people of each City and Town, not for a limited time, but during pleasure, and with full power; who residing in the chief City of the Province, have care all jointly of the provincial affairs, and each particularly of his Cities or Towns affairs: And this Counsel must needs be distracted with divers opinions, arising from the divers affairs of each Province, City & Town, and the several commandments they receive at home. These provincial States, choose among themselves one, two, or three Burgesses for each Province, (according to the condition and capacity of those that are chosen: for how many soever they be, they have but one voice for their Province at general meetings), and these they send to reside at Hage in Holland, with like authority as they have, there to govern the public affairs of all the united Provinces, and they are called the general States. And as the provincial States may be diminished in number or increased, according to the occasions of the public business, or of any particular meeting, and may be called home by the Citizens who choose them; so the general States chosen by them to reside at Hage, enjoy their places upon like condition. And out of these general States certain chosen men are made Counsellors, to order the affairs of war, and to assist and direct the General of the Army therein. Others are set over the affairs of the Admiralty, others over the Chancery of Brabant, and others over divers particular Offices, (I call them Counsellors of the Chancery of Brabant, who manage the affairs of Brabant belonging to Holland). This must always be understood, that the Burgesses or States of Holland, in respect of the dignity of that Province, many ways increased and enriched above the rest, have somewhat more authority and respect, than any other; but the wheel of the public State is turned by the Senate of the general States residing at Hage, yet so, as they do not take upon them to determine difficult matters, without some diffidence, till they have the consent of their particular Cities and Provinces, except they be made confident by the concurring of eminent men, who can draw or lead the people to approve of their doings, or in such cases as by long practice they fully know not unpleasing to the people. So wary are they, notwithstanding the Provincial States from their Communities, and the general States at Hage from them, have most ample power and absolute commission, in express words, to do any thing they judge profitable for the Commonwealth. And it is a remarkable thing, to observe their Art, when in difficult cases they desire to protract time, or delude Agents, how the general States answer, that they must first consult with the provincial States, and they again answer, that they must first know the pleasure of their Communities, before they can determine, and each of them hath nothing more in his mouth, than the consent of his superiors, (for so they call them). Whereas if business were so to be dispatched, no doubt great difficulty would arise in all particular actions. In the Senate of the general States, besides the States themselves, Count Maurice hath (as I think) a double voice, yet I never observed him to be present at their assemblies. The Ambassador of England hath likewise his voice, and Count Solms (as I heard) because he married the widow of Count Egmond, and for his good deserts in the service of the united Provinces, hath for himself and his heirs the like privilege. Thus the Commonwealth in general is Aristocratical, (that is, of the best Men), save that the people chooseth the great Senate, which rules all.  
Touching the Commonwealths of particular Cities. Amsterdam is the chief City of Holland, where the great Senate consists of thirty six chief Citizens, whereof 
Commonwealths of particular Cities.  one dying, another is chosen into his place; and this Senate yearly chooseth four Consuls, who judge civil causes; and have power to appoint ten judges of criminal causes (vulgarly called Scout), though they be not of that Senate. The other Cities are in like sort governed, but according to the greatness of the City or Town, they have greater or lesser number of Senators.  
The Tributes, Taxes, and Customs, of all kinds imposed by mutual consent, (so great is the love of liberty or freedom) are very burdensome, and they willingly bear them, though for much less exactions imposed by the King of Spain (as they hold) contrary to right, and without consent of his Subjects, they had the boldness to make war against a Prince of such great power. Yet in respect of the unequal proportioning of all contributions, they are somewhat at odds among themselves, & many time's jar, so as it seemed no difficult thing to break their concord, had not the common Enemy & the eminent danger of Spanish revenge, together with the sweetness of freedom once tasted, forced them to constant unity. This I dare say, that when they humbly offered themselves vassals to the Queen of England, in the first infancy of their Commonwealth, if her Majesty, or any other Prince whosoever, undertaking their protection, had burdened them with half the exactions they now bear, it is more than probable, that they would thereby have been so exasperated, as they would have been more ready to have returned under the obedience of the King of Spain, whose anger they had highly provoked, then to endure the yoke of such a Protector: For each Tun of Beer (which they largely swallow), they pay into the Exchequer six Flemish shillings (each shilling being six stivers), I mean of Beer sold abroad, for they pay only four shillings for such Beer, as men brew for the use of their private families, which frugality few or none use, except perhaps some brew small Beer for their Families, and indeed I doubt they would find small frugality in brewing other Beer for themselves, if the Cellar lay open to their servants. And howsoever the Tons be of divers prices, according to the goodness of the Beer, namely of two, three, four, five, or six gulden's, the Tun (though at Leyden only the Brewers may not sell Beer of divers prices, for fear of fraud in mixing them), yet there is no difference of the Tribute. They have excellent fat pastures, whereof each Acre is worth forty pound, or more to be purchased, and they pay tribute for every head of cattle feeding therein, as two stivers weekly for each Cow for the Pail, the great number whereof may be conjectured, by the plenty of cheese exported out of Holland, and the infinite quantity of cheese and butter they spend at home, being the most common food of all the people: For Oxen, Horses, Sheep, and other Beasts sold in market, the twelfth part at least of the price is paid for tribute, and be they never so often by the year sold to and fro, the new Masters still pay as much. They pay five stivers for every bushel of their own wheat, which they use to grind in public Mills: And since they give tribute of half in half for food and most necessary things, commonly paying as much for tribute as the price of the thing sold, the imposition must needs be thought greater, laid upon foreign commodities, serving for pleasure, pride, and luxury: besides that, these tributes are ordinary, and no doubt upon any necessity of the Commonwealth, would be increased. French wines at Middleburg the Staple thereof, and Rhenish wines at Dort the Staple thereof, are sold by privilege without any imposition, but in all other places men pay as much for the Impost, as for the wine: Only in the Camp all things for food are sold without any imposition laid upon them: And some, but very few eminent men, have the privilege to pay no imposition for like things of food. Each Student in the Vnivertie, hath eighty measures of wine (vulgarly called Stoop) allowed him free from imposition, and for six barrels of Beer, only pays one Gulden and a quarter, that is, two shillings six pence English, being altogether free from all other tributes, which privilege the Citizens enjoy in the name of the Students dieting with them, and no doubt the Rector and professors of the University have greater immunity in these kinds.  
One thing is hardly to be understood how these Provinces thus oppressed with tributes, and making war against a most powerful King, yet at this time in the heat of the war, (which useth to waste most flourishing Kingdoms, and make Provinces desolate), had far greater riches, than any most peaceable Country of their neighbours, or then ever themselves formerly attained in their greatest peace and prosperity: Whether it be for that (according to the Poet) Ingenium mala sape monent, Adversity oft whets the wit, so as by war they are grown more witty and industrious. Or for that Flanders, and Antwerp the famous City, in former times so drew all traffic and rich Merchants to them, as all the neighbour Provinces were thereby impoverished, all which trade by the war, fell to Holland, most strong in shipping; or for that, the united Provinces have such commodity by the Sea, and waters running to all Towns, and by the strength of their cities, as in the heat of war they are free from the enemy's incursions, or any impediment of their traffic, and seem rather to carry the war to their confines, then to have it in their bosoms. In which point, it is not unpleasant to remember, how the Hollanders mock the Spaniards, as if, not acquainted with the Northern Sea, & the ebbing and flowing thereof, they thought they might at pleasure come into any haven, & lead their army into any of those Provinces, & that when the Spaniards first entered Holland with their Army, and they cutting the banks of the sea drowned their Country, the Spaniards were therewith astonished, and gave gold chains, money, and the most precious things they had to the Country people, on condition they would bring them out of those watery places to firm land. If any man require truer and greater reasons of these Provinces growing rich by war, let him make curious search thereof, for it is beside my purpose. No doubt, the frequent Arms of the sea within land, passing by their Cities, the innumerable waters (though for the most part standing, or little moving), which by made ditches carry boats and barks to all their Cities, (being there more frequent than in any other part of the World), and to all their Villages, and compass almost all their pastures, yield no small commodity to their Commonwealth. For they having little of their own to export, and wanting Corn, Wood, or Coals, and many necessaries for their use, yet by this only benefit, and their singular industry, not only most abundantly enjoy all commodities of all Nations for their own use, but by transporting them from place to place with their own ships (whereof they have an unspeakable number), make very great gain, being delighted in Navigation by nature (as borne and bred in the midst of Seas and waters), and having by war, heating their Phlegmatic humours, attained to such skill therein, as for traffic they sail to the most remote coasts of the world, and in process of time being grown so bold seamen, as they will scarcely yield in this Art, to the English for many former years excelling therein. So as their tributes imposed on Merchant's commodities, must needs be of exceeding great moment.  
And not to weary myself with the curious search thereof, I will only add for conjecture of the general, one particular related to me by credible men. That in time when Italy suffered dearth, and was supplied with corn from these parts, the tributes of one City Amsterdam, in one week, exceeded the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, whence the revenues of all tributes in all the Havens and Cities, may be conjectured to be excessively great. So as adding the impositions upon domestical things, and the great contributions paid by the enemy's subjects upon the confines in time of war (to purchase the safety of their persons and goods, with freedom to till their grounds from the rapine of freybooting soldiers), a man may well say, that the united Provinces are no less able, than they have been daring, to do great things.  
This Commonwealth is governed by particular laws and customs of divers 
The Laws.  places, and by the public edicts upon divers new occasions made by the States of the Provinces, and these wanting, by the Civil law. The particular Cities are governed after the manner above named. And particularly at Leyden, myself have observed the inhabitants of Villages, called by writings set upon posts in the public streets, to have their controversies judged by the Magistrates of the city, not at any set time of the year, but according to the occasions of other affairs, at the judges pleasure. High injuries and maims of any member, are punished by the law, which passeth over lighter injuries, not giving such ample satisfactions to the wronged even by word, as the constitutions of the Sweitzers give; so as with them no less than in England, quarrels and brawlings are frequent, and often break out into manslaughters, wherein those who will revenge themselves by force, first agree between themselves, whether they will strike or stab; and then drawing out long knives, which they ordinarily wear, they wound one another by course, according to their agreement, either by slashes or stabs (which they call schneiden and stecken.) They commonly allow money to be put out to use, and to the end poor men upon pawns may borrow small sums for a short time, they admit an Italian or Lombard (vulgarly so called) in each City, who taking a pawn, lends a gulden for a brass coin called a doigt by the week. But this Lombard in the French Church there, is not admitted to receive the Communion. The pawn useth to be worth a third part more than the money lent, and one year & a day being passed after the money is due, the usurer hath the pawn to himself: but before that time, the debtor at his pleasure may at any time have his pawn, first paying the borrowed money, with the use to the day of payment. And the common report than was, that the States would take this as a public Office into their own hands, to help the poor not able to pay, by selling the pawns to the owner's best profit.  
Touching inheritance: Upon the Mother's death, the children may compel their Father to divide his goods with them, lest perhaps he should consume or waste the same. And the wife that brought a dowry, be her husband grown never so rich by his trade, may when she dies give, not only her dowry, but half her husband's goods gotten in marriage, to her own Kinsmen after his death, if she have no children by him; and if she brought no dowry, yet she hath the same right to dispose of half her husband's goods gotten in marriage, and (as is supposed) by their mutual labour. A son may not be disinherited but upon causes approved by the Law, for the Father is bound to give a third part of his estate among his children, and only hath power to dispose of the rest or any part thereof in Legacies at his pleasure.  
The wives of Holland buy and sell all things at home, and use to sail to Hamburg 
The Wines.  and into England for exercise of traffic. I heard from credible men, that the Citizens of Enchusen, within thirty years then past, used to marry a wife, and put her away at the years end, if they liked her not; which barbarous custom, Civility and Religion hath since abolished and at Delft I did see two examples, of men who having buried their wives, did after marry their wives Sisters. It is no rare thing for blows to happen between man and wife, and I credibly heard that they have slight punishments for that fault, and myself did hear the Crier summon a man to answer the beating of his wife before the Magistrate.  
The multitude of women is far greater than of men, which I not only formerly heard from others, but myself observed to be true, by the daily meetings of both sexes, where a man may see sixty or more women sliding upon the ice, and otherwise recreating themselves, with five or six or much fewer men. But the reason thereof is not easily yielded, since we cannot say that the men are much consumed by the Civil wars; their Army consisting altogether of strangers, and few or no Hollanders, except some willingly served, for otherwise they cannot be pressed by authority, but only for the defence of the City or Town wherein they dwell: excpt these reasons thereof may be approved, that the watery Provinces breed phlegmatic humours, which together with the men's excessive drinking, may disable them to beget Males; or that the Women (as I have heard some Hollanders confess) not easily finding a Husband, in respect of this disparity of the Sexes in number, commonly live unmarried till they be thirty years old, and as commonly take Husbands of twenty years age, which must needs make the Women more powerful in generation. And the Women not only take young Men to their Husbands, but those also which are most simple and tractable: so as by the foresaid privilege of Wives to dispose goods by their last will, and by the contracts in respect of their Dowry, (which to the same end use to be warily drawn,) they keep their Husbands in a kind of awe, and almost alone, without their Husbands intermeddling, not only keep their shops at home, but exercise traffic abroad. Myself have heard a Wise make answer to one ask for her Husband, that he was not at home, but had newly asked her leave to go abroad. Nothing is more frequent, then for little girls to insult over their brothers much bigger than they, reproving their doings, and calling them great lubbers, whereof when I talked with some Scholars my companions, as a fashion seeming strange to me, they were so far from wondering thereat, as they told me, it was a common thing for Wives to drive their Husbands and their friends out of the doors with scolding, as if they consumed the goods wherein they had a property with their Husbands. I should be too credulous, if I should think all Families to be sick of this disease; and I must confess, that in few other Nations all Families are altogether free from like accidents: but I may boldly say, that the Women of these parts, are above all other truly taxed with this unnatural domineering over their Husbands.  
The Nobility or Gentry hath long been rooted out by the people (as junlus witnesseth, 
The Gentlemen.  and experience shows) after the example of the Sweitzers, especially in Holland and Zealand (for in Friesland they have many, and within land as frequent Families of Gentlemen as otherwhere.) I could not hear of more than some three Families of Gentlemen in Holland and Zealand (for the Lords of Nassaw are strangers), and these Gentlemen lived after the Plebeian manner of the other inhabitants, so as it were in vain to seek for any Order of Knighthood among them. Neither are these Gentlemen (as those of Germany), curious to marry among themselves; for those who come to greatest honour in this Commonwealth, are either Advocates of the Law, or sons of Merchants. Myself did once in the high way meet a Gentleman's Wagon, to whom our wagoner gave the way; & the custom in Holland being, that the Wagons setting forth, give the way to all they meet, till they have gone half the way, and after in like sort the way is given to them, and our Wagon having then passed more than half the way, the Plebeian Hollanders my companions were much offended with our wagoner, that contrary to the custom he had done that honour to the Gentlemen. The vulgar sort so despise Gentlemen, or any superior, if he affect greatness, as upon like occasions they proverbially use to say, If he be rich, let him dine twice; as if they despised rich men, of whom they stood not in need, being content with their own, after the manner of the Italians, save that the Italians do it out of pride, these out of clownishness, and affecting of equality.  
Touching capital judgements: Where the offences are heinous, and such as former 
Capital judgements,  ages have not known, the judges inflict exquisite punishments and torments upon the Malefactors. In such sort with strange torments the wicked person was put to death, who killed the Prince of Orange with a Pistol. thieves and Pirates are put to death by hanging, and of all other offenders, they never pardon Pirates upon any intercession, as destroyers of traffic, upon which their Commonwealth and private estates depend. The manslayer is beheaded, and buried in the same coffin with the man he killed; and if perhaps he cannot be apprehended, but escape into some foreign parts, he may perhaps, but very rarely, obtain pardon, if he can first be reconciled with the friends of the man slain by him: but in case he be apprehended, they cannot, or at least use not, to scandal justice by pardons. But wilful murderers, according to the circumstances of the person killed, or of the more or less wicked manner of the act, are put to death with more or less torment, and hang in iron chains till the bodies rot, for terror to others. Coiners of money have their bones broken upon the wheel, a death more usual in Germany for heinous crimes: but in all torments they commonly mitigate the severity of the Law, more than the Germans do; for I have seen some executed in this manner, who were first hanged, and so had no feeling of the pain. He that burns private (and much more public) houses, and he that purposeth or threateneth to burn them, though he never do the act, is himself burned by fire, with a mark upon his head if the act were done; upon his breast if it were only purposed; or upon his mouth, if it were only threatened. An offender escaped by flight, howsoever he live long in foreign parts, yet if he ever return, be the distance of time never so great, he escapeth not unpunished. Myself have seen a manslayer, who having lived six years in foreign parts, and then for love of his Country returning home, was then beheaded, as if the crime had been newly committed. No man will apprehend any malefactor, nor hinder his flight, but rather think it a point of humanity to help him, only the hangman and base fellows appointed for that office, lay hold upon capital offenders, so as very many escape by flight. Neither can any so base or poor man be found, excepting the hangman and his said companions, who for any reward will be hired to do the Office of an executioner, both these actions being infamous here, as in Germany. Among the apprehenders, the chief are called Provosts, and they of old had power to hang vagabonds, till abusing it to revenge and rapine, it was taken from them. Upon the rumour of any crime committed, these men with their servants armed, are sent out into the country, to apprehend the malefactors.  
It was credibly told me, that the Emperor Charles the fifth, having suddenly commanded a man to be hanged, who after, by an others confession of the fact, was found guiltle, upon this error made a decrec, that no hangman should ever live at the Hage, or nearer the court than Harlam, to the end, he being not at hand, the Magistrate might less offend in deliberate or protracted judgements. For as in upper Germany, so in netherlands, there is little or no distance of time, between the offence committed, and the execution of judgement; whereas in England, these judgements are exercised at London once in six weeks, & for the Country, at two or four set times in the year. No man is put to death without confession of the fact, neither do they as in Germany, force confession by torture, but they condemn upon one witness, where probable conjectures concur to prove the malefactor guilty.  
I think (saving the judgement of the better experienced in these affairs) that the 
Of their 〈◊〉 in general.  military discipline of the State's Army is very commendable: For since those commonwealths are most happy, where rewards and punishments are most justly given, surely the States neither detain nor delay the payments due to the soldiers, nor leave unpunished their insolences, nor yet their wanton injuries, either towards the subjects, or the Enemy yielding upon conditions. In the camp all things for food are free from all impositions, so as a man may there live more plentifully or more frugally then in any of their Cities. And besides the soldiers pay duly given them, all sick & wounded persons are sent to their Hospitals, vulgarly called Gaslhausen (that is, houses for Guests) where all things for health, food, and cleanliness of the body, are phisically, plentifully, and neatly ministered to them; of which kind of houses fairly & stately built, they have one in each City. Also when they are recovered of their sicknesses and wounds, they are presently sent back to the Camp or their winter Garrisons. They who are maimed in the wars, and made thereby unfit for service, have from them a Pension for life, or the value of the Pension in ready money. On the other side they so punish the breakers of martial discipline, as when bands of Soldiers are conducted to any service or Garrison through the midst of their Cities or Villages, not one of them is so hardy as to leave his rank, to do the least wrong to any passenger, or to take so much as a chicken or crust of bread from the Subjects by force. And while myself was in those parts, I remember that upon the giving up of a Castle into the State's hands, after Proclamation made, that no Soldier should do the least injury to any of those who had yielded the same, a soldier wanton taking one of their hats away, or changing his hat with one of them, was presently hanged up for this small insolency.  
For war by land, they have no great power, (I speak particularly of the united 
Their Foot and Horse.  Provinces, not of netherlands in general, which we read to have of old raised an army of eighty thousand men). For since the subjects cannot be pressed to the war, but when their own City or Town is besieged, and in that case their Magistrate going before them, and leading them to the walls; and since the number of them is very small, who willingly follow that profession, hereupon almost all their army consisted of strangers, and long experience hath concluded mercenary Soldiers to be unfit for great Conquests. So as wise men think for this reason, that the Common wealth of the States, is more fit, by due observing of their leagues and amity with confederates and neighbours, to defend their own, then ambitiously to extend their Empire by invading others. They have heavy Friesland Horses, more fit to endure the Enemy charging, then to pursue him flying, (I speak not of Flanders and the other Provinces yielding good light Horses); but all the ways and passages being fenced in with ditches of water, they have at home less use of Horse, which makes them commonly sell these Horses in foreign parts, using only Mares to draw their Wagons and for other services of peace, which Mares are very beautiful and good.  
The Inhabitants of these Provinces, by nature, education, and art, are most fit for 
Of their 〈◊〉 power.  Navigation; & as in the exercise of all Arts, they are no less witty than industrious, so particularly they have great skill in casting great Ordinance, in making gunpowder, cables, anchors, and in building ships, of all which things and whatsoever is necessary to navalll war, they have great abundance, the matter being bought in foreign parts, but wrought by their own men at home: So as they are most powerful at Sea, neither hath any King a Navy superior or equal to theirs, excepting only the King of England. And for conjecture of their general power at Sea, I will be bold to add what I have credibly heard: That one City of Amsterdam at this time had some hundred ships for the war, (or men of war), and some four hundred ships of Merchants well armed for defence, besides (as they said) some ten thousand Barks, or without all doubt an uncredible number.  
Therefore if perhaps the united Provinces forgetting their old league with England, and our late merit in defending their liberty, shall at any time resolve to have war with England, (which for the good of both Nations God forbid), then are such bloody fights at Sea like to happen as former Ages never knew. Yet the course of those times whereof I write, gave small probability of any such event like to happen, for many reasons combining our minds together. First the happy amity that hath been time out of mind between our Nations. Next the bond of love on our part, towards those we have preserved from bondage, and the like bond of their thankfulness towards us, which howsoever ambition may neglect or despise, yet never any Nation was more obliged to another in that kind, and so long as the memory thereof can live, it must needs quench all malice between us. Besides, that they being not able to raise an Army of their own men by Land, aswell for want of men, as because it must consist altogether of voluntaries, no man being bound to serve in the war, except his Town be besieged, and his own Magistrate lead him to the walls; they have hitherto happily used, and may ever so use, our men for soldiers, (wherein Brittany aboundeth above all other Nations, neither do they by much so esteem the auxiliary bands of any other Nation as of ours). Lastly, in that they wanting many necessaries of their own, and yet abounding in all things by traffic, cannot long subsist without the freedom thereof; and nothing is so powerful to diminish their wealth, and to raise civil discords among them, as the barring of this freedom, which then seemed more easy or less difficult to the King of England, then to any other neighbour Prince, or (I will boldly say) to all other neighbour Princes joined together against them, (they having strength of their own to maintain that freedom by Sea, and being able with the only support of Brittany, to defend themselves by land against all other Enemies). For they had only three passages to Sea, one by Vlishing in Zealand, another by Brill, upon the southwest Coast of Holland, and a third narrow passage by the Island Fly, to the Tassel, on the northeast side of Holland, whereof the two first were guarded by the said two strong Cities, with the Forts belonging to them, all kept by Garrisons of English Soldiers, and the stopping or restraining of the third, seemed less difficult to the Navy of Brittany, then to the power of any other Enemy. At this time when I passed through these parts (of which time I write) the united Provinces much complained of the English for taking their goods at Sea, & hindering their free traffic: wherein they should have considered, that they caused the war with Spain, which we bore only to second them. And if our Merchants were forced to leave the traffic of Spain, where they had great freedom and amity only for their sakes, how could they think it just and equal, that they should freely supply Spain with food and necessaries for war? so as the very commodities of England could not then be vented into Spain, but only by Flemish (and some few Scottish) ships and Mariners, except they desired to make the war Eternal, by which they only grew rich, in which case our project was more just, who for a time made war, that we might after live in peace And whereas they then complained that not only prohibited wares carried to prohibited places, but also other their commodities carried to friends, were spoiled by our men of war, (which perhaps through the insolency of Captains and Soldiers, might sometimes happen); no doubt these injuries were rare, and never borne with by the Queen or inferior Magistrates; and they could not be ignorant how hardly the insolency of Soldiers can be restrained by land, & much more by sea. For all good Englishmen I may profess; that they abstaining from prohibited traffic, no good Englishmen wished good success or impunity to any English ships exercising piracy, especially against so near confederates. These complaints I well remember to have been at that time frequent in those parts, I know not how since appeased or continuing. And because the Q. of England had disbursed much treasure for their safety, which they were bound to repay at the end of the war, and threatened to deduct these spoils out of the same, many then feared, lest this difference might in process of time breed discord between England and those Provinces. Also because the Towns and Forts given to the Queen as pledges for money disbursed, were then kept with weak Garrisons, overtopped in number by the very Citizens, it was then thought, that the States might take them by force, if our Governors had not watchful eye upon their designs, and changes of counsel. In general, good men on both sides are to wish the continuance of Peace between England and these Provinces, by which both Commonwealths have long had, and may still have unspeakable benefit, and that the rather, because we never yet had war but perpetual amity together, neither can any war prove more bloody or mischievous to either part, then that between ourselves. To conclude, happy be the makers, cursed the breakers of our peace.    
FINIS.