CIVIL CONSIDERATIONS UPON MANY AND SUNDRY HISTORIES, AS WELL ANCIENT AS MODERN, AND principally upon those of Guicciardin.  
CONTAINING SUNDRY RULES AND PRECEPTS FOR PRINCES, COMMONWEALTHS, CAPTAINS, COLONELS, Ambassadors and others, Agents and servants of Princes, with sundry advertisements and counsels concerning a civil life, gathered out of the examples of the greatest Princes and Commonwealths in Christendom.  
HANDLED AFTER THE MANNER OF A discourse, by the Lord Remy of Florence, and done into French by Gabriel Chappuys, Tourangeau, and out of French into English, by W. T.  BY WISDOM PEACE BY PEACE PLENTY.  printer's device of Felix Kingston 
AT LONDON Imprinted by F. K. for Matthew Lownes, and are to be sold at his shop under S. Dunston's Church in the West. 1601.   

TO THE NOBLE, VALOROUS, AND MOST WORTHY OF ALL HONOUR, SIR ROBERT SIDNEY KNIGHT, LORD GOVERNOR OF FLUSHING, and the Castle of the Ramekins, etc.  
MY Lord, knowing myself much bounden unto your Lordship, for undeserved favour some years passed by your Lordship extended in my behalf: in consideration whereof, hitherto I have not had any possibility to manifest my desire to do your Lordship some agreeable service: but almost ever since unable for the Wars, or other foreign employment, have remained in this City: where encountering many books treating of sundry subjects, one compiled by an Italian Gentleman, translated into the French tongue, and dedicated to the Duke de joyense, came to my hands, containing sundry discourses of Princes, Commonwealths, Chieftians in Wars and others, collected out of several Authors, but chiefly out of Guicciardin. Which seeing it hath with good acceptance passed among those two Nations, I presumed could not be but well entertained among our Country men, for whose benefit, I attempted to set it out of French into our vulgar tongue. And as it was my fortune many years since, first to bear Arms under your Lordship's leading and command in the Wars: so this being the first fruit of my labour with my pen, I humbly present unto your Lordship; beseeching the same to accept thereof, as a pledge of the honour, love, and duty which I own, until it shall please God to enable me to make better show thereof. I mean not herein to be understood to presume to prescribe any rules or precepts for your Lordship to follow, whose wisdom, learning and experience is well known sufficient to compile any volume of far greater experience: But if that by your Lordship's censure, this may pass for currant, I rest assured that it will be generally well accepted, and nothing doubt, but that many thereby may reap profit, and therein find fit advertisements to learn them by other men's harms to beware, and examples to imitate, which if it so happen, I shall hold my time and labour well employed. If the style please not as I desire, I entreat to be held the more excused, seeing it is my first fault herein, and also seeing that in former time it hath been the least part of my profession: but if I ever hereafter undertake the like task, I will, God willing, endeavour to make amends. And so humbly beseeching your Lordship to pardon this my presumption, praying to God for the long continuance of your health, increase of all worldly honour, and perpetual felicity in the world to come: I rest ever  
Your Lordships in all duty most humble to be commanded, W. T.   

TO THE MOST HIGH AND MOST MIGHTY LORD, MY LORD ANNE DE JOYENSE, DUKE AND PEER OF FRANCE, FIRST GENTLEMAN OF THE KING'S CHAMBER, CAPTAIN OF an hundred men at Arms of his ordinances, Admiral of France and Bretaigne, Governor and Lieutenant General for his Majesty in his Country and Duchy of Normandy.  
MY Lord, the Philosopher Bion, being demanded what beast was most noisome unto all men, answered, if you ask me of savage wild beasts, it is a Tyrant: but if you ask me of tame beasts, it is a Flatterer. Diogenes as I remember, made in a manner such an answer, who in place of a Tyrant, speaketh of a detractor and backbiter, and saith in another place, as Antisthenes in Laertius, that it is more dangerous to fall among Flatterers, than among Ravens, I have desired to be far from that vice, which now adays is common and familiar with many men, who in the beginning of their works, insert a thousand lies, attributing excessive praises unto those, unto whom they address the same, a man may rightly call them the fawning dogs of Kings, Princes, and great Lords, even as Diogenes, of whom we have above made mention, called Aristippus, because he flattered Dionysius, the Tyrant of Syracuse: the interpreter of Nicephorus in his Ecclesiastical history, reporteth, that Constantine Emperor of the Romans, did so abhor Flatterers, that he called them the Moths and vermin of the Court: Sigismond did so hate them, that hearing one (beyond measure) to praise him, comparing him with the Gods, he gave him a blow on the ear: Alfonso King of Arragon and Sicilia, said that Flatterers were like unto Wolves, and as Wolves in grating and gnawing use to devour certain other beasts, even so Flatterers tend to the ruin of Princes and great Lords by their flattering and lying. To what purpose so many examples? to show (my Lord) that vowing and consecrating this my little labour, I intent not by flattery, to procure to be the more acceptable, for although that I know myself far from it, if I should flatter you by too much praising you, I should be afraid you would use me, as Alexander used the historian Aristobulus, who having written a book of his acts (wherein he showed himself a flatterer) recited to him (in a certain voyage by sea) the contents thereof: Alexander being unable to endure his flattery, plucked the book out of his hands, and threw it into the River Hydaspis', and turning himself towards him, said, Thou dost better deserve to be thrown there thyself, seeing that thou makest me so to fight alone, and that thou, with one only dart killest an Elephant: even so, thinking that I peradventure exceeding the limits of reason, you might throw my book into the fire, and make a sacrifice thereof unto Vulcan. But to keep me from this fault, in this dedication, I have desired to observe two principal points, which will preserve me from incurring the dishonest name of those abovesaid: the first is, that I here say not that to your praise, which I might well say, but do rather hold my peace, than peradventure to wander (to no purpose) through those spacious fields of your praises, which ought to be handled by a more skilful pen than mine. The second is, that I address myself to a parsonage, so illustrious, noble, and generous, that although I should say all the good of the world, I ought not to be reprehended of the vice abovesaid, seeing that he is not only worthy of all praise, but also surpasseth it: the common report, all France, the favour of the most Christian most magnanimous, and most noble Monarch bear sufficient testimony of the rare virtues, and singular perfections which are in you, which raise you above all the greatness which you enjoy: for dignities & greatness serve to little purpose, or are rather hurtful, without the noble virtues wherewith they ought to be adorned: which is the cause that I boldly present unto you, this my little book, which although unworthy of you, after an infinite number of others, which the gentle pens of our France have dedicated unto you, assuring me so much in your grave humanity, that you will give no worse entertainment unto this, which I here humbly present unto you, than you have done unto others, which peradventure more boldly have prevented themselves unto your view. This doing (my Lord) having made an end of the preface of my book, of the estate, description and government of the kingdoms and Commonwealths of the world, almost imprinted to be presented to the King, you shall give me occasion to attempt (according to my ordinary profession of writing) some greater & more serious matter, which shall not peradventure be unworthy of you, & will not fear (seeing your natural goodness and clemency) to weary you with that, whereof you have but too much, and which daily cometh to your hands, seeing the great number of books which are vowed unto you, which maketh me steadfastly to believe, that if you received them ill, and gave them evil countenance, there would not be so many addressed unto you; neither should you be so followed by the muses, which fly all those which hate them: in the mean time, I beseech you to accept in good part my humble devotion, which I offer at the feet of your greatness, which I pray our good God (my Lord) long to preserve by his grace, and to grant you Nestor's years, according to the desire of all the gentle wits in France: from Paris the last of November. 1584.  
Your most humble, most obedient, and most affectionate servant, Gabriel Chappuys Tourangeau.   

THE ORDER OF THE CHAPTERS AND ARGUMENTS HANDLED IN THESE CIVIL CONSIDERATIONS.  

THe advice of great Princes is not to be lightly regarded, but to be noted, especially if those Princes be friends. Chap. 1. fol. 1  
That it is very dangerous to be governed by the same example, without the same reason, and the same fortune. Chap. 2. fol. 3  
Whether it be lawful upon any occasion, to forget good turns received, and not to seem thankful towards the benefactor. Chap. 3. fol. 8  
That he who by himself, or by any other, beginneth any dangerous enterprise, without foreseeing the end and issue thereof, bringeth himself and others in peril, and is constrained to do some things, little to his honour. Chap. 4. fol. 10  
That ill Genies and unclean spirits often times suffer themselves to be seen and heard by men, and have appeared to divers, foretelling them of many matters. Chap. 5. fol. 12  
That it is very dangerous to jest and scoff with men of valour, which are sudden, and as some say, have their blood in their nails. Chap. 6. fol. 14  
Which may be well perceived by the doings of Lewes Sforce, when he committed the guard of Valencia to Donat Raffignin. Chap. 7. fol. 17.  
That it is a great fault in any man to give himself to robbing and pillage, when he ought to fight, which hath been the occasion of the ill success of many fair enterprises. Chap. 8. fol. 18  
The Ambassadors of Princes ought not to show themselves fearful in any case, but virtuously to accommodate themselves to all occasions that shall happen. Chap. 9 fol. 23  
Between reconciled friends the least suspicion breedeth great distrust, and causeth them again to become enemies. Chap. 10. fol. 25  
It is an evil example in any Commonwealth to prescribe laws, and not to observe the same, principally in those which are the authors thereof, and do not defend, and maintain those laws against all such as would infringe them. Chap. 11. fol. 27  
In our affairs and occurrences we ought to settle and ground more trust and assurance in him which expecteth good from us, then in him who hath already received the same. Chap. 12. f. 29  
He which taketh more authority upon him than appertaineth to his dignity and office, committeth an error, and seldom escapeth unpunished. Chap. 13. f. 31  
Whether a public servant of a Prince or Commonwealth may pass the limits of the Commission given to him or no. Chap. 14. f. 35  
Whether Lewes Poggio did err in refusing to take possession of the Duchy of Milan, in the name and behalf of Alphonse King of Naples, because he had no commission thereto, the which estate was renounced and abandoned by Philip Maria Viscount to the said King, being by him nominated and instituted heir unto the said Duchy. Chap. 15. f. 38  
That he who is disloyal and unfaithful to the first friend, may yet prove trusty and faithful to the second. Chap. 16. f. 42  
To deny unto a people their first requests, is to make them the better content with what they receive, and to make them the more moderate in their demands. Chap. 17. f. 44  
That in choosing Generals, and chief Commanders, their virtue ought more to be regarded, than the nobleness of their blood, or any private affection. Chap. 18. f. 46  
That in time of dangerous wars, men of virtue and worth ought to be preferred and placed in government, and when a man in small enterprises hath carried himself honourably therein, and yet would make himself chief and have principal command in great matters, he deserveth to be repelled and put back. Chap. 19 f. 48  
How dangerous it is in two contrary, and enemies Armies, to have souldirs of one particular nation. Chap. 20. f. 51  
That lightness of belief is a great fault in any man, and that too much credulity hath bred and caused many evils. Chap. 21. f. 53  
That it is neither good nor sure to continue obstinate, and not to believe often advertisements by sundry persons. Chap. 22. f. 57  
That the obstinacy of those who are established in great authority, breedeth many disorders, which afterwards cannot be remedied. Chap. 23. f. 60  
That courtesies bestowed upon obstinate enemies, using them with gentleness and favour, serve to no purpose, but are employed in vain. Chap. 24. f. 62  
That the suspicions increased and made greater, and the speeches and ill rapports by men in authority, is the occasion that men oftentimes become cruel. Chap. 25. f. 63  
That no man ought either in jest or by any other means to put the Prince in jealousy of his state, for that it is a matter full of danger. Chap. 26. f. 65  
Which may be well perceived by the doings of Valentine, who having requested passage of the Florentines, set forwards and marched on with his Army, without attending their answer. Chap. 27. f. 67  
That Princes and great Lords ought not to despise him who desireth audience, and chief if he may peradventure rise to some high degree. Chap. 28. f. 69  
That those estates which are not mighty and puissant, cannot accommodate themselves to valiant and courageous enterprises, and that their resolutions are more often taken perforce, then by their wills. Chap. 29. fol. 71  
That he committeth a great error who reposeth trust in him to whom he hath done some former injury. Chap. 30. f. 73  
That it is not a deed worthy of blame, by subtlety and policy to draw unto him a certain kind of pernicious men, to the end to punish them for faults committed, or to hinder and let them so as they commit no more. Chap. 31. f. 80.  
That a man, be he never so wicked, doth not always all the ill which is in his power, no although he have a will and a desire to do the same. Chap. 32. f. 82  
That enterprises put in execution by the persuasion of Rebels and banished men, are dangerous, and seldom come to good end. Chap. 33. f. 84  
That the faults committed by the familiars and kinsmen of Princes, are oftentimes punished in the persons of those Princes which have tolerated those faults, and not on those friends and familiars which committed the same. Chap. 34. f. 86  
That it is a thing very dangerous for a Prince or Common wealth, not to revenge an injury done to the state. Chap. 35. f 88  
That he who is in prosperity, ought not to reproach him who is fallen into adversity, for that he little knoweth what may happen to himself. Chap. 36. f. 90  
That mighty Commonwealths and excellent personages ought not to be blamed, although they give place to some great force, and be oppressed by fortune. Chap. 37. f. 92  
That he who of an enemy will become a friend, ought not only to forget all injuries past, but also to put from him all such things as may reduce the same to memory. Chap. 38. f. 101  
A man ought not to give credit to an error, which he seethe committed by his enemy, but rather to believe that he doth such a fault to some purpose, and that under the same lieth hidden some deceit or ambush. Chap. 39 f. 103  
A Captain in time of war ought in all times and places to be so vigilant and in such readiness, that he may avoid the blame to have warred preposterously, and not to have thoroughly done his endeavour. Chap. 40. f. 106  
When a man hath news, and is advertised of a victory, it is better to pursue and assure the same, then to triumph and make good cheer for joy. Chap. 41. f. 108  
That enterprise seldom faileth which is noisome and hurtful to the enemy, and whereof a man knoweth that he standeth in fear. Chap. 42. fol. 111  
To injure the statues, images and pictures of Princes in their life time, is a poor revenge, and oftentimes bringeth great harm to him who doth the same. Chap. 43. f. 112  
A Prince or Commonwealth, which hath to deal with a mighty and well armed enemy, ought not to refuse any honest and reasonable composition and agreement, by reason that the hope of prevailing is doubtful and incertain. Chap. 44. f. 115  
It is a great fault in confederates, to be slow in succouring and helping one another in time of danger, and loss and damage that riseth thereof. Chap 45. f. 118  
When secure sent to a friend or confederate, is insufficient to rid and free him out of danger and trouble, through being too weak, it bringeth danger, loss and dishonour. Chap. 46. 120  
An Ambassador ought not to regard to be accounted importune by the Prince with whom he hath to deal, provided that he satisfy his own Prince in that which he desireth. Chap. 47. f. 122  
What manner of men they ought to be, who are sent in ambassade and office to other Princes. Chap. 48. f. 123  
That an enemy be always accounted of and held in reputation: for who so regardeth him not, despiseth him, often to his own loss and damage. Chap. 49. f. 125  
Virtuous and worthy deeds are always more requited with ingratitude and reproach, then with commendation and reward. Chap. 50. f. 128  
Princes ought to give ear to such as complain of their governors and officers: for it is a dangerous thing not to regard them. Chap. 51. f. 131  
Public officers and ministers of Princes being found guilty in having done any unjust thing, aught to be punished for example. Chap. 52. f. 133  
To execute cruelty is often hurtful to him that useth it. Chap. 53. fol. 136  
Let no man give credit to the promises and safeguard or assurance of a cruel man, desirous to reign and govern. Chap. 54. f. 138  
It is a pernicious thing to a Prince to have two Captains general in the wars, which strive for pre-eminence, or between whom is envy and emulation. Chap. 55. f. 140  
No man ought to give credit to the words and promises of fugitives and runnaways: for who so reposeth trust in them, without being first well ascertained of them, committeth a great error. Chap. 56. f. 143  
One only word, being misunderstood, may breed great hurt. Chap. 57 fol. 145  
Who so will impart unto his servant any thing which may concern his life, or honour, must resolve with himself never after to displease him. Chap. 58. fol. 146  
It hath always been held for a thing blame worthy to vaunt and boast by word, or writing, and he greatly erreth who promiseth to himself any certainty of a doubtful enemy. Chap. 59 f. 149  
Which may be considered and learned here by the Lords of Venice, who would not suffer a gentleman of theirs, to kill Lewes Sforce Duke of Milan. Chap. 60. fol. 152  
In time of war it is not good to resolve to hold places ill and hard to be kept, and to stop passages. Chap. 61. f. 154  
How much it availeth for a Captain to know in what state his enemy is in. Chap. 62. f. 156  
Spies are necessary for Princes and Captains of Armies, and in what sort a man ought to carry himself with them. Chap. 63. f. 159  
Sundry Captains have obtained very great victories in the wars, with very little loss of their troops and soldiers. Chap. 64. f. 162  
Words uttered without consideration, have been the occasion of much evil, as well to them who spoke them, as to others. Chap. 65. f. 165  
Who so doth evil, or offendeth another in secret, thinking that it shall not be known, he is often deceived, and feeleth the pain thereof. Chap. 66. fol. 169  
It ill beseemeth a Prince, or great Captain to say; In truth I had not thought it, and that enterprises put in execution ought not be grounded upon vain and deceiving hopes. Chap. 67. fol. 173  
To deny some requests to him to whom a man in some sort is bound, doth not therefore yield a man ingrateful, although by the aid and assistance of the demander, he hath attained unto some great dignity. Chap. 68 fol. 175  
A good counsel, tending to the profit of the Prince or Commonwealth, ought not to be concealed, for fear that it be not put in execution. Chap. 69. f. 177  
Promises voluntarily made, aught to be held and performed, and the evil which ensueth through default thereof. Chap. 70. f. 179  
In what case promises exacted by force, aught to be performed. Chap. 71. f. 180  
When a General or Commander in chief, too much doubteth his enemy, and too much distrusteth his own forces, he can never effect any laudable enterprise. Chap. 72. f. 183  
Princes ought to give no charge to covetous men. Chap. 73. f. 186  
Princes ought to suffer their servants and familiars to grow rich, so as it be not by dishonest means. Chap. 74. f. 188  
It is very dangerous to let slip time, and not to execute what is determined and resolved upon, principally in the wars. Chap. 75. f. 189  
Those Princes which make no reckoning of their Generals, which serve them faithfully, but give them occasion to leave their pay and service, commit great faults. Chap. 76. f. 192  
A private Captain, serving a Prince or General, ought not to receive any present or gift from any other Prince or General, enemy to his Lord and Master. Chap. 77. f. 196  
When an Ambassador speaketh otherwise then as his Master, he deserveth to be had in derision. Chap. 78. f. 197  
When an Ambassador so handleth his Master's business, that it is at the point to be mocked and laughed at, he cannot avoid to bear blame. Chap. 79. f. 199  
When a Rebel or a banished man is pardoned, and by his Prince's grace and favour permitted to return into his country, he ought not to doubt of the faith of his Prince. Chap. 80. f. 201  
How that man ought to bear himself, to whom is denied the grace desired of his Prince. Chap. 81. f. 203  
That Captain who leaveth a strong place ill guarded, to take or surprise another, maketh a fault. Chap. 82. f. 205  
Courtesies may be used between enemy and enemy, without deserving blame of either side. Chap. 83. f. 207  
It is a very dangerous thing to tell Princes their faults & imperfections, although that at sometimes it be very necessary to do so. Chap. 84. f. 209  
It is a most notable folly to intermeddle with enterprises without consideration, principally in the wars. Chap. 85. f. 214  
It availeth more to provide according to the advertisements and rumours of dangerous accidents, which may annoy a Prince and Commonwealth, then to make no account thereof. Chap. 86. f. 214  
innocency and a clear conscience make a man bold and hardy, giving him heart and courage to show himself in all places and before all persons. Chap. 87. f. 216  
Ill speeches and backbitings ought not draw a man to do any thing against reason and judgement, especially in the wars. Chap. 88 f. 218  
To despise, rail at, and backbite any man, breedeth hatred against him that useth it, who seldom escapeth unpunished. Chap. 89. f. 220  
That Princes ought to punish backbiters, and in no case to endure them. Chap. 90. 222  
An innocent man accused of some great fault, ought not to set himself upon trial of incertain proofs, which happen unto him otherwise then he thought. Chap. 91. f. 225  
The inward familiars and Secretaries of Princes may commit many errors, by means whereof they are in danger of their Prince's favour and their own lives. Chap. 92. f. 228  
It is a great honour and profit to a Captain sometimes to yield and consent to the desire of his soldiers, thereby to maintain and hold himself in the love and friendship of his soldiers. Chap. 93. f. 230  
It is a thing blame worthy in all men to be noted for inconstant and light headed, which in a Captain is held for a most notable vice. Chap. 94. f. 232  
A General or Commander in chief, ought not to be touched in his honour and reputation, principally by those who made choice of him, and during the time that he is in Arms. Chap. 95. f. 235  
It is both honourable and profitable to treat of peace between those which are in wars. Chap. 96. f. 237  
He which goeth into another country with charge of importance, aught to frame himself to the fashions of the country wherein he is: for to live after the custom of his own country is not every where good. Chap. 97. f. 239  
It is a great shame, and a thing very dishonest, to do wrong and injury to strangers. Chap. 98. f. 243  
The vice of ingratitude is worthy of blame in all manner persons. Chap. 99 f. 248   
The end of the Table of the Chapters.   


secrets, than he which governed that Commonwealth. Don Diego of Mendozza was governor of Sienna, in the name of, and for the Emperor Charles the fift, and this Governor with his garrison of Spaniards, which he had with him, bore himself in such sort, that the Sienois unable any longer to endure their insolency, resolved to chase them from thence, and yield themselves subjects to the King of France, Henry the second of that name: and this matter was hotly managed and pursued by such men as were most affected to the French. This, notwithstanding that it was carried very secretly, came to the knowledge of the Duke of Florence, as to him who took careful heed, and vigilant care, for his own estate, 
Don Diego de Mendozza made no account of the Duke of Florence, when he gave him to understand of the rebellion and revolt of the City of Sienna.  and the Emperors, which was his neighbour: and gave advertisement thereof to Don Diego, who either for his boasting vainglory, or for that he esteeming himself more, than indeed he was, made no account of this advertisement, neither gave credit thereto, but very proudly answered him, that the Emperor had given him the charge and government of the state of Sienna, and that he well knew how to govern it without his aid or counsel: and therefore that he should take care for his own estate of Florence. Mendozza making no reckoning of the kind and loving advertisement of the Duke, applied himself with his Spaniards to live, after the accustomed manner, daily galling the hearts of the Sienois, which taking occasion through the absence of Don Diego, who, about certain his business and affairs, was gone to Rome, executing their designs, slew sundry of the Spaniards, and shut up the rest, perforce within their Fortress, and displayed the Ensigns of France. The revolt of Sienna was signified to Don Diego being at Rome, who came presently in post to Florence, to desire counsel and aid of the Duke: 
The subtle answer of the Duke of Florence, to Don Diego de Mendo●za, Governor of Sienna.  But Cosmo perceiving that he should procure war for himself, if he should show himself an enemy to France, and remembering with what pride Mendozza had despised his advertisement, answered him very wisely, that he would now follow his Counsel; and be careful and vigilant to rule and govern his own estate of Florence, without otherwise in any sort, to trouble himself about the affairs of Sienna, whereof the Emperor had given him the charge and government. Do not mock then at the advertisements of great Princes, for it may possibly be that they know that which others know not, and it is better to seem to regard it, than foolishly, and proudly to despise it. For if Mendozza had well noted the advertisements of Duke Cosmo, he might have found remedy sufficient for the revolt, and to have encountered with that which followed: and though that he could not have letted the conspiracy; yet he might have been able to have resisted the force thereof, with the help of the succours near at hand. And finally, the vain boasting of Mendozza was well known, and that he alone was not a man to resist so great an inconvenience, as afterwards followed in the City of Sienna; and a man may see how great hurt he did, in that he esteemed not the advise of so wise a Prince, and so well affected to the emperors proceed.   

CHAP. 2. That it is very dangerous to be governed by the same example, without the same reason, and the same fortune.  
Charles' the 8. King of France, being come into Italy, at the instance & procurement of Lewes Duke of Milan, for the conquest of Naples, against those of Arragon, the French army grew to be so terrible in Italy, that they were all afraid thereof: and for that the French in their journey towards Naples determined to pass through Tuscan, particularly because of the signory of Florence, the King sought by all means to draw the Florentines to his friendship: whereunto a great part of the city, as well of the nobility as of the Commonalty, was very much inclined, the better to be freed from the present danger. But Peterde Medicis, who then with great authority managed the affairs of the Florentine Commonwealth, persevering firm in the amity of the house of Arragon, would give no ear to the King's demands: who requiring passage, offered many fair conditions, if it might be granted; and thereto added many threatenings, if it were denied. Peter de Medicis hereupon entertained the King with delays, alleging, that the could not give any sudden answer, for that the chief Burgesses, and Citizens were at their farms and possessions in the country: so as hoping for aid and secure from the King of Naples, and the Pope, he resolved not to make any league with the King of France, neither to give him passage: wherefore the French resolved to take it perforce. And taking their way towards Pontromili, 
Finizan sacked by the French.  they sacked Finizan: and afterwards being in the way towards Serezana, a place fortified by the Florentines, but not sufficiently to withstand so great forces, they would march no further, without taking the first town that should oppose itself against them, which was the occasion that they were in great fear at Florence, & began to speak liberally against Peter de Medicis, blaming his obstinacy, saying: that forasmuch as he would not yield to the advice and counsel of those Citizens, who counseled him well, but followed the counsel of some proud harebrained fellows, he had exposed his country to the danger which they all saw present, and had raised a war of great importance; so as he became hateful to them all in general.  
In this mean season the French continued the siege before Serezana and Serezanell, & at the river of Magre they defeated Paul Orsin, which came with certain troops of horse & foot, to have relieved Serezana. Which Peter de Medicis understanding, & considering the discontentment of the city within, & the danger of the war kindled abroad; and seeing also that the succours of the Arragonnois, and of the Church came not, pricked forward with a sudden deliberation, determined with himself to seek that succour amongst his enemies, which he could not find amongst his friends: in following the example of Laurence de Medicis his father, who by the like manner of proceeding with Ferdinand King of Naples, purchased public safety to his country, & particular quiet to himself; he thinking that it would happen unto him with the King of France, as it happened to his father with the King of Naples: and so came to King Charles, who received & entertained him with better countenance than with good will, he consigned unto him Serezana, Serezanell, the fortresses of Pisa & Livorne, and yielded to the King all that he required. Wherefore when he returned to Florence they could not abide the sight of him, 
Peter de Med●cis chased from his coun●●●.  & finally drove him out of the city. From this doing of Peter de Medicis, this advice & counsel may be drawn, which Guicciardin wisely noteth, which is this: That it is a matter very dangerous to follow the example of another, if a man in general or particular have not the same reason, the same wit, & the same fortune. Then first I say, that although that human actions seem to be so joined and coupled together, that it seemeth that, that which now is present, hath been; and that which hath been, aught to be again: yet notwithstanding, the accidents which follow are so different and divers, that no man whosoever he be (except very prudent) can always govern himself in matters present, by the example of that which is past. If Peter de Medicis had justly balanced his reasons, with those of Laurence his father, he would not by so sudden a determination, have cast himself into his enemy's arms.  
Three things there ought to have met and agreed in one, to have caused his proceeding to come to the like issue, as his father Laurence his determination did: to wit, the reason, the wisdom, and the fortune, which ought to have been alike and the same. 
Comparison between the manner of proceeding of Peter de Medicis with the King of France, and of Laurence de Medicis with Alphonse king of Naples  The reasons which caused Laurence to take that course, were these: First, he knew that he had at once to deal with two very mighty enemies, strangers, the one of which was the Pope, the other the King of Naples: and knowing well that he was not able to resist any one of them alone, he took this resolution. For his enemies would have neither truce, nor peace, nor league, or confederacy with him, but would absolutely put him from his estate, and the one of them had already sought to bereave him of his life. Secondly, he considered that Florence was a free City, and much accustomed to speak evil; by reason whereof, in public meetings and assemblies abroad, and in their particular houses at home, they spoke evil of him; and he further knew well, that his government could not long continue, seeing the Citizens and Burgesses did so much envy and malice the glory of his reputation. Thirdly, he well knew that their chamber of accounts and treasure of the estate was well wasted, and little money remained, so as he must have public aid and particular men's money to defray the charge of the war, which could not long continue. And four, he considered that this war began to be tedious and irksome to his friends: for that it seemed that it was not undertaken for the defence of the public liberty, but rather to maintain the reputation of one man alone. Fiftly, he knew that Pope Sixtus, and King Ferdinand, had given the Florentines to understand, that they had begun this war, not to the end to deprive or bereave them of their public liberty, but to free them from their tyrant, and to set them at liberty, so as they might be ruled and governed, as free men, without depending of the will and pleasure of one man alone: which did greatly increase their hatred against him. 
Guicciar. lib. 1  The sixth reason was, that he considered that there was a most cruel plague in the city: so as the gentlemen could not abide in the city, because of the plague; neither could they go to their houses and possessions in the country, by means of the wars: and therefore they neither could nor would long endure this discommodity for his sake, neither lose their lives and goods to maintain his reputation and greatness. The seventh reason was, that his hope failed him in the succour of strangers, which consisted in the league: for the state of Milan was even tired through the government of a child, and of a woman; and by reason of the disagreement of the brethren's forces, and chief for that the Venetians, who were the other foundation and chief string of his hope, loving better to lie aloof off, then to be too, busy in intermeddling in this war, were not resolved to send him any succours at his need.  
Behold the reasons which moved Laurence, wherein he showed his wit, who consulting with himself, and the greatness of his courage, took the benefit of the time. For winter being come, he procured and obtained truce for two months: and during that time, he acquired and won to him the love and good will of King Ferdinand, to whom he wrote, that trusting in his own innocency, he would come unto him, and leave the difference and controversy to his judgement and discretion, hoping to satisfy him in all that should be reason. See his wit, concerning his affairs abroad: and as for his business at home, he chose Magistrates, Senators and officers, such as he trusted and knew to be well affected unto him: he committed the government of the State to Thomas Soderini, a man of great account, and dealt so warily, that for pledge and assurance of his faith, 
Laurence de Medicis reconciled to Alphonse King of Naples.  having with ripe judgement provided for all things else, he took Soderini his son with him to Naples, where he found Fortune very favourable and gracious unto him. For notwithstanding that Laurence his enemies solicited the King to put him to death, yet he held his word with him, and received him royally: and after that he had heard him in private, marveling at the highness of his stomach, and his great wisdom and experience in civil and military affairs, he made peace and a league with him, and sent him back again to Florence, with greater honour and reputation, than he had at his coming from thence. His son Peter to the contrary had not the like reason, neither did he show the like wit, neither had he the like favourable fortune: for he would obstinately persevere in the league with the Arragonnois, against Charles the eight, at the persuasion of some his favourites, who were men of no experience in the wars, and scorned the league with the King of France; from whose house, the house of Medicis had received many favours; nothing considering that of himself he was a most mighty Prince, and supported with great forces in Italy; he did nothing consider that King Charles fought for his own interest, and not at the instigation of others, as King Ferdinand did; neither that his citizens, being inclined and affectioned to the French, were much displeased, so to be resisted; he perceived not the danger, but even then when he with his country was leapt and entangled therein; he also used not the like policy: for he considered not that King Charles had already taken footing in Italy, and had gotten sundry victories, who making way for his passage, 
The oversight of Peter de Medicis.  would leave no enemy behind him, neither would he in any thing yield unto him, but went to his angry enemy, being yet in a chafe, for the new injury lately received, and would (according to the common saying) do a thing impossible, to wit, take a vessel boiling from the fire, and cool it at an instant. Neither did he wisely govern himself, concerning the affairs within the City: for he left not the rule thereof with those who were his friends and well affected unto him, neither did he communicate his determination with those, who were able to give him good counsel, neither did assure to himself the holding of his authority: but trusting only to himself, and governing all after his own fantasy, he took his journey. Wherefore being ill advised, he suddenly put himself into his angry enemies hands, where fortune likewise forsook him: for he was constrained to grant unto the King all that he demanded, which was excessive and without measure, and that he should bind the City to that, which was impossible for him to satisfy and effect: and so with very small reputation he returned to his country, which being incensed against him, banished him. Guicciardin doth wisely relate this matter, and withal giveth this advice, saying: That it is a very dangerous matter for a man to govern himself by the example of another man, if the like occurrences concur not.   

CHAP. 3. Whether it be lawful in any occasion to forget good turns received, and to show forgetfulness towards the benefactor.  
EVery man ordinarily blameth the little acknowledgement, which men use, now adays, towards their benefactors: and truly whosoever doth maliciously show himself ingrateful, doth worthily deserve grievous reproach: yet notwithstanding some there are, who not of their own will, but induced by some present necessity, are constrained, to show themselves smally thankful towards those which have done them pleasure, knowing that they cannot deliver their benefactors from some imminent danger, without entering thereinto themselves, and therein, with them to abide and perish; love rather to leave their benefactor alone, then with him to be undone. Which they do, to the end that they would not lose that which they have received, but to preserve and keep that which they should be in danger to lose, unwilling to follow the ill fortune of him, who hath done them pleasure. Guicchardin treateth of two memorable examples, of little acknowledgement, the one of the Vrsins, the other of the Colonnois, the one happened when King Charles the eight of France entered Italy, 
Virginio Orsin sent his sons to 〈◊〉 the French.  the other when he departed thence. Virginio Vrsin had received great pleasures from the house of Arragon (and to use the words of the author) he was bound and tied by many bands of faith, duty, honour, and nearness of blood, being general of the Army royal, high Constable of the Kingdom of Naples, and owner and possessor of many estates in that Kingdom: notwithstanding all this, seeing it was not in his power to save the King his benefactor; neither to warrant him against the victorious armies of Trance, and finding it not expedient to come to ruin with him, to the great marvel of the French themselves, consented that his Sons should compound with the French, and serve the King of France. Wherefore it may well be said that Virginio did this through extreme necessity and bitter grief of heart: the proper interests being of such nature, that they cause pleasures received, to be forgotten, how great soever they were: by reason whereof it may be said, that if the little acknowledgement or ingratitude of Vrsin was not lawful; yet nevertheless it was excusable. The other example was of Prospero and Fabritio Colonna, who having showed great prowess, and done many feats of arms, for the King of France in the conquest of Naples, and were much honoured by that King, and received of him many benefits: yet nevertheless when the French power began to decline in Italy, after the service of Tare, Prospero and Fabritio, considering that Charles going into France, could not maintain them in the estates which he had given them, and that Ferdinand his great enemy, began to have the better hand in the wars of Naples, constrained likewise by necessity and through desire to continue in their estates, concluded an agreement with Ferdinand, and coming to his service, holp him to recover again that estate which a little before, 
Guicciar. lib. 2 Prospero and Fabritio Columna return to the service of Ferdinand King of Naples.  they sought by all means to make him to lose. They are likewise excused for departing from the French Kings service, for as much as Virginio Vrsin, and the County de Petiglian, without any desert were highly cherished, and much made of by the King, whereat being grieved, as at an injury received, they forsook his service, and served King Ferdinand: wherefore if the ingratitude of the Colonnois, to the Crown of France were not lawful; yet it was in some sort excusable, seeing that ordinarily, an injury hath greater power in our hearts, than a pleasure or a good turn received; and he which doth an injury or wrong, through necessity, is far more excusable, than he who doth it willingly, for such a one can never yield any sufficient excuse.   

CHAP. 4. He who by himself or another beginneth any dangerous enterprise, without consideration of the end, bringeth both himself and others into danger, and is often constrained to do things little to his Honour.  
ONe of the most principal parts that are in a wise man, yea the first and the greatest is, to consider the end and issue of any enterprise, which as well in the beginning, as in the pursuit and end thereof, may be very dangerous, as well for him which doth it, as for those which are by him persuaded to be a party, and with him to enter into the action. For those which before hand consider not of the end, weighing and balancing the same with good advise and counsel, neither taking any care or regard, until the last harm and danger that may happen, ought not to marvel, if afterwards to their great damage, blame and shame, they be constrained to do some thing very little for their honour: and whosoever to please his present humour, and to do that which cometh into his fantasy, undertaketh such an exploit, without having regard unto the good which he might foresee if he followed the rules of reason, and by foresight might embrace certainly, showeth himself unwise. And as for him, who by persuasions and allurements seeketh to draw another into such an action, if he who is so persuaded to intermeddle therein, have not the same consideration, a man may well say, that one blind man leadeth another until both fall into the ditch, and are constrained in the end, the one to lose his reputation and honour, another his goods and his means, another his estate and dignity, and another his life. It is true that it may seem impossible to be able to discover and foresee the last loss and peril which may happen in a dangerous enterprise: yet nevertheless to consider of the general harms and most near unto the last ruin and destruction, seemeth not very hard and difficile to him, who hath (although never so little) experience, in the affairs of the world, and especially in the wars. For who so feeleth and knoweth himself able and sufficient, to begin such an enterprise, and to support and maintain the same; may boldly undertake it: but he who knoweth himself insufficient, ought not to enter into any such action, neither to be persuaded or enticed thereunto, by those which take pleasure aloof off, to see other men's tragedies, which sometimes persuade and exhort one man, to do another man a mischief, 
Let not him which is not of power sufficienterprises enterprises which he cannot maintain. Guicciar. lib. 2.  little knowing what wrong they do therein, and afterward repent them of their former sayings, when they are constrained to think better of their fault, when it is too late and pastremedy. One of the reasons (as saith Guicciardin) which moved Pope Alexander the sixth, not to accord and agree with Charles the eight, King of France, when he with his victorious army overran the territory of Rome, was this: That he remembered himself to have been one of the first, which by all means incited and procured the French King to the enterprise of Naples, and afterward without any occasion, with all hostility, he resisted him, employing therein both authority, counsel and arms: which proceeded of no other thing, then through want of foresight and consideration of the evils and harms that might arise, through the passage of so mighty a King's army, through the midst of his Country; going to execute that enterprise, which by his instignation was undertaken; the execution whereof could not be effected without some discommodity and trouble unto him. Lewes Sforce was led by the like inconsideration, who would with all post-haste satisfy his own will and humour which he had to rule: and to bereave his Nephew of his estate, he called the French into Italy, and when he perceived his fault, and could not remedy it, and had well considered in the end, that which he should have foreseen and considered in the beginning; this unwise and unadvised Prince lost miserably both his estate and his life: a thing which will ever happen unto those men, which without considering the last end, begin and undertake, or cause to be begun and undertaken enterprises of great danger.   

CHAP. 5. That the evil Genies or unclean Spirits suffer themselves to be seen and heard by men, and have appeared unto sundry, foretelling them of many things to come.  
I Would not willingly let pass without consideration this place of our author, where he telleth of the appearing of the Spirit of Ferdinand to his Chirurgeon, whose words are these: 
Gui●●ia●. lib. 1  The report also is, (if it be lawful altogether not to contemn such things) that the Spirit of Ferdinand did three several nights appear to james, 
A 〈…〉 jaques a 〈…〉 of Ferdinand King 〈…〉.  the chief Chirurgeon of the Court; and that first with fair words, and afterwards with many threatenings, he charged him to say unto Alphonse from him, that he should not think, or account himself able to withstand the King of France: for that it was predestinated, that his race being tired with infinite troubles and accidents, and being deprined of so excellent a kingdom, should at last be extinct, etc. Upon which words I have deemed and thought it fit to discover and know, whether these apparitions be true and real, or fantastic imaginations: whereof there is so good testimony as well in holy Scripture, as profane writers: so as it might seem rashness, and heresy, 
〈…〉.  to affirm the contrary. Secondly, it is said that Spirits are of two sorts, to wit, good and evil, and that both the one and the other appear; the good are sent from God, and the wicked (by God's permission) are forced by Magic, and unlawful arts, to appear and show themselves, and sometimes show themselves voluntarily, as that which tempted our Saviour jesus Christ in the desert. The good Spirits, which are sent from God, are for the good and benefit of man: but those which are constrained through Magic, are (for the most part) Ambassadors and messengers of evil. Thirdly, I say, that they appear either in bodies taken and borrowed, or in dreams, to him that sleepeth, which is common aswell to the good as the wicked; as the Angel of Toby, who took a human body; 
A Spirit appeared to Saul in the likeness of Samuel.  and that of Saul also, who by the means of the Enchantress took the likeness of Samuel: for it seemeth that wicked Spirits have this property, to show themselves in such form, as they desire which see them: wherefore he appeared in the shape and likeness of Samuel to Saul, who desired to see and speak to Samuel; for the Scripture saith, that he knew him by his garment, and by his face. Moreover, they appear in divers shapes, 
Spirits appear in ●●●ers forms.  and most commonly monstrous, fearful and hideous, as may well be gathered out of sundry histories. Plutarch saith, that the evil Genius or Daemon, of Dion of Syracuse, appeared unto him in the likeness of a woman clothed in black, sweeping the house, the which did so much amaze him, lying alone, that he was much afraid. The Genius or Daemon of Brutus, appeared to him in the form of a horrible human body, at his Tent or Pavilion door, as Appian Alexandrin, and Plutarch do both witness: And to the Emperor julianus Apostata, a Spirit appeared in the likeness of a lean pale-faced man, holding a horn of abundance in his hand, covered with a black cloth. They appear also in dreams to those which sleep, which is of the good; 
To what kind of men they appear.  as we read of the spirit of Ferdinand, which appeared to his Chirurgeon. Some are of opinion that they appear to good and religious men, and to courageous wicked men, and to such as certainly believe that there are such. The wicked Genius appear unto holy and good men, as we read of many Saints: they appear to valiant wicked men, as is said of Dion, of Brutus, and julianus Apostata; the one of which showed himself an overhardie and audacious freer of his country, the other was ingrateful and betrayed Caesar; the third renounced Christ. They do likewise show themselves to them, who believe that there are such: for the Spirit which appeared to Brutus, did not appear to Cassius, who did not believe that there were any such, for he was an Epicurian: and for that cause, when Brutus told him what he had seen, he fell into a great laughter, and said, it was but a melancholy humour. Fourthly, some say that they never prognosticate but evil, which they do either by voice, by signs, or by doubtful speeches: by the voice which is understood, they foretell the evil to come; as that which represented Samuel, who told Saul that his army should be overthrown and put to flight, prognosticating to him his own death, and the death of his sons, and all that which happened unto him in the Mount Gilboa. They foreshow evil to come by signs, as that which appeared to Dion in the shape of an ugly woman, which went up and down the house with a besom: for a little after this vision Dion was slain through a conspiracy, and a son of his, which was then well grown, (in a melancholic humour) cast himself from the top of the house, 
〈…〉  and was slain; and Areta his wife, and son which was borne to him in prison, Aristomacha his sister, and Ipparin his nephew, were drowned in the sea by Iretas, sometimes a friend to Dion. And so the devil foreshowed unto him, that death should sweep his house, that is to say, should extinguish his whole race. And by another contrary sign he foreshowed unto the Emperor julianus his death, when he appeared unto him, with a heavy countenance covered with black, which is the token of death. They prognosticate also by doubtful speeches without resolution, as it did to Brutus, when his Daemon said unto him, I will see thee again in the plains at Philippos. And sometimes by express and plain words, as the Spirit of Ferdinand to his Chirurgeon, who told him expressly of the loss of that kingdom, and that his great lineage and race should be extinct. This discourse shall suffice for this place, which I accounted worthy to be considered of.   

CHAP. 6. That it is a dangerous matter to jest and scoff with men which are of valour, and (as some say) which have their blood in their nails.  
THE small consideration which is sometimes held in conversing with men, maketh some persons to fall into errors, which they perceive not until they are committed, and they bear the loss and dishonour thereof: Of which number there are some which make profession of laughing, jesting and scoffing with others, nothing perceiving when they do it, that they are held for fools for their labour, or else incur certain danger, which maketh them afterwards repent that ever they used such jesting. jests ought not to pass, but between equal persons, or such as are near equals, or sometimes between the greater and his inferior, or between the inferior and the greater. When a jest passeth between persons of equal quality, and seemeth rather a greeting, than a nipping, or dogbiting, it is tolerable, & there is no danger therein: as that of Lewes Sforce, with Peter de Medicis: Peter excusing himself for that he did not meet Lewes to do him honour upon the way, 
Guicciar. lib. 〈◊〉  because that Lewes missed of his way in going to the French army, Lewes answered him very subtly: It is true that one of us was out of the way, but you peradventure will be found to be that one which strayed: but the issue of their business did plainly show, that both the one and the other went amiss, and held not the right way. And as for scoffs and jests, which pass between the principal and the inferior, and that in presence; the greater is held for weak and simple, to jest and scoff at his inferior, who for the regard and respect of his authority, durst not to speak a word, which offendeth the hearers, who judge that he would not use such speeches to his equal, or to a man of courage. This manner of jesting and scoffing with inferiors, bringeth sometimes danger therewith: for that a man findeth some persons, who although they be of low degree, yet are of noble mind, and will not endure the stinging of a fly, neither will they be touched in their honour: and the broad jest bringing therewith always a kind of injury, and so consequently a diminishing of reputation, which they can neither tolerate nor endure: and when the inferior in degree, but equal in valour and courage, cannot answer him which girdeth him, neither then presently be revenged, he will attend time and place for revenge: and sometimes valour and courage is found in such persons, as a man would never have thought, or believed there had been any such matter, who in time and place have been avenged of those, which by gibing & scoffing injuried them. 
Scipio Nasica odious to the Roman people.  Scipio Nasica broke a jest upon an Artificer of Rome, ask him why his hands were so hard, and whether he went upon his hands, as beasts do upon their feet: the craftsman finding himself touched and wronged, complained to the common people, and brought Scipio into such disgrace, that when he demanded the Consulship, the people withstood him, and he could not obtain what he desired. 
Penander the Tyrant by one of his household.  Penander the Tyrant of Andracia, too hautily scoffing at a young man, which was of his household, the young man was so enraged and wroth with the scoff, that it did so waken his spirits and courage, that notstanding that he was bred up in his house, yet he bereaved him both of his life and estate. A man ought not to use to any man those broad jests which are as dogbitings, that is to say, which nip and offend too much, for that they are dangerous: but when they are gracious and well beseemed, so as you are not therewith disgraced or dishonoured, they may be tolerated. Mean men sometimes jest with great men, and this likewise is not without great danger, especially when the jest doth touch to the quick: for whether it be in word or writing, the injury still remaineth, which the superior will not forget, if he be a man of any stomach. A condemned soldier being led towards the place of execution, before King Antigonus, who saw but with one eye, and as those which led the soldier bade him to be of good cheer and to hope well, for that when he should come before the King, he might easily obtain pardon: he with a jest answered pleasantly; 
〈◊〉 pleasant 〈…〉.  Nay then I am well, seeing that I may hope for grace when I come before the eyes of King Antigonus. This jest of the soldier was reported to the King, who took it in ill part, and caused him to be executed. Peter Aretin would needs jest at the Lord Peter Strozzi, when he gave Marano to the Venetians, and made him a song which began thus: Meutre il gran Strozzi: Arma virumque cano, etc. But the Lord Peter, as a valiant and noble parsonage, who could brook no such jests, made him to know that it were fit for him to busy himself aobut other matters, and that he would make him to be slain even in his bed. Wherefore poor Aretin knowing that the Lord Peter was a parsonage readier to strike then to speak, was so amazed, that he shut himself up in his house, suffering no man to come in; and being in continual fear to be poyniarded, he led a most heavy and infortunate life: for so long as the Lord Strozzi made his abode in the Venetians country, he never durst to come forth at his doors. A man might produce a number of examples of those, which for jesting at great men have been in ill taking. It cannot be excused, to say that a man may jest with his friends, but herein the friend shall have occasion to complain for two causes: to wit, for the little regard whereupon the jest is grounded, and for the friendship whereof pleasure and delight should arise, and not sadness of mind. Those which fear no revenge, may well jest and scoff with others, as did Ferdinand King of Naples with his father Alphonso, who was old and sick: he nipped him extremely, so as a man might well say, that that manner of jesting was such, as men use with those which are held for men of small courage.  
Ferdinand, after that the King of France was departed Italy, 
〈…〉.  recovered the kingdom of Naples; and being with his father Alphonso in Sicily, Alphonso was earnest with him to return to Naples before he died. But Ferdinand displeased with the request of his father, answered him with a subtle and bitter jest: I am content, but stay, until I have so assured the kingdom unto you, 
The bitter jest of Ferdinand with Alphonse his father.  that you need not run away from it any more. Behold the end, it is better for a man to hold his peace, than (to his danger and damage) to show the quick sharpness of his wit, for friends are grieved. Men of mean degree revenge themselves as they may, and Princes give correction: and it shall not be amiss to observe and bear in mind this common Adage: Play with me, but hurt me not: and jest with me, but shame me not.   

CHAP. 7. Which may be well considered by the doings of Lewes Sforce, when he committed Valencia to the guard of Donat Raffignin.  
Man's wit requireth that other men's doings should serve for example for us to follow, and that we seeing what hath happened unto others, may consider what may betide ourselves. Every man without controlment confesseth, that treason is the greatest mischief and offence that a man can commit; and the greatest infamy and dishonour that can come to a man, is to be pointed at with the finger for a Traitor. Thence it cometh, that the temporal law is more sharp and severe against Traitors, than any other malefactors; adjudging that no man can commit a greater and more heinous offence than treason: and as a man cannot express words sufficient to blame it, so can there not be torment sufficient to punish it. Lewes Sforce, Duke of Milan, did not consider the treason of Donat Raffignin, who had betrayed john Galeas his Nephew, and Bonna the Duchess, mother of the said john Galeas, in giving unto the said Lewes himself, a port of Tortona, wherewith (in behalf of the young Duke and his mother) he was put in trust in time of his troubles, (making no less account of the treason, then of the Traitor) he committed to his charge the keeping of the Town of Valencia, and put him in possession thereof, as governor and chief Captain of that Town. But Donat, 
Donat Raffignin, by treason yieldeth the Fortress of Valence to the French.  who had not changed his nature, although he had changed his Master, (corrupted by the promises of john jaques Triwlse) delivered the Fortress of Valencia to the Frenchmen, enemies to Lewes, and received them into the Town. This treason is the more worthy to be remembered, for that it happened in the same day, wherein twenty years before, the said Donat had betrayed the little Duke john Galeas, and given the Town of Tortona to Lewes his uncle. Wherein a man may plainly see, that Traitors being mischievous, retain always their wicked disposition; and therefore no man ought to trust them, when as they are once discovered for such: and whosoever doth repose trust in him, who hath once been a Traitor, although the treason were greatly to his profit, yet he committeth a great error; but he committeth a greater, who employeth him in a government and charge of importance.   

CHAP. 8. It is a great fault in any man to give himself to robbing and pilling, when he ought to fight; which hath been the occasion of the ill success of many fair enterprises.  
IN mine opinion there is nothing more fit to overthrow an Army, how great and well ordered soever it be, than the greedy covetonsnes of the Captains, or the extreme rapine of Soldiers, who have more desire to rob and pill, than to fight: for leaving the first thought of true militia, which is victory and honour, they turn to the second, which is the profit and spoil; and remember not that whosoever is Master of the bodies, hath the goods also in possession, and at commandment. I speak now of the greedy covetousness of the Captains and Soldiers, which (when the victory and the spoil being to be seen both at one instant) are carried away more with the desire of gain then of honour. This avarice (I say) hath been the cause of the loss, of many fair enterprises: yea, it hath so corrupted, blinded, and confounded them, that those Captains and Soldiers, who have caused the loss, 
The greediness of Soldiers and Captains hath been the loss of many fair enterprises.  (besides the loss of their lives) have purchased perpetual dishonour and infamy to their name and posterity: which is an evil very hardly to be remedied in the wars now adays, which (if not wholly, yet for the most part) is corrupted. It is then the cause of many evils, as thus: It hindereth the victory, before the fight, and in the fight, it plucketh it out of their hands, and putteth them in danger to lose what they have newly gotten: whereof are most manifest examples. Saxon the Grammarian in the 1. book of his histories of Denmark, knowing how dangerous the desire of spoil is, through the hindrance and let that it giveth to a manifest victory, 
Saxon the Grammarian in his first book of the affairs of Denmark.  bringeth in the King of England for example, using these words to his soldiers, which he persuadeth to fight against the King of Denmark, in this manner: Ne fatigetis, milites, opum onere manus, praelio destinatas, ac scitote triumphum, ante carpendum quam censum. Proinde auro spreto, auri Dominos insequamini, nec aeris sed victoriae, fulgorem miremini: meminisseque vos decet, satius trophaeum pensare, quàm quaestum; potioremque esse metallo, virtutem: Which is to say: Do not weary and encumber with the burden of riches, those hands which are ordained to fight, and know that you ought to obtain the victory before the spoil: and so (despising gold) pursue the owners of the gold, and fix your eyes not in the brightness of the gold, but in the glory of the victory: and it behoveth you also to know, that it more availeth to purchase honour than profit, and that virtue is of more worth than metal. This counsel was ill followed by the English soldiers, who had more desire to pill and rob, than to fight: whereof it followed, that they were all cut in pieces by the King of Denmark, who charged them while as they were laden with pillage, which happened in this manner. 
The greediness of the English soldiers.  Phroton King of Denmark being landed in England, sacked many places, and being laden with the riches of spoil and booty, took his way towards Scotland, to have done as much there as he had done in England. The English being advertised of the harm which the King of Denmark had done in their Island, and of their departure, the King of England therefore with a great army followed him, with intent to give him battle, and by force of arms to take from him the pray which he had gotten. But Phroton seeing his enemies near at hand, and that the English and Scots (already in arms) did follow him, resolved with himself to abandon all the goods and treasure, which he had gotten in England, and caused it to be cast away, strawing the gold, silver, and other goods of the English, abroad in the fields, thinking indeed that they would stay to gather and heap the same together, and so being laden he would run upon them, and overthrow them. And notwithstanding that a certain old Captain did gainsay the counsel and will of Phroton, alleging that the soldiers would be very unwilling to leave that, which they had gotten with the peril of their lives, and that it was against all reason to leave that spoil in pray to an enemy, whose force as yet they had not seen: notwithstanding all this, by the general advice and opinion of all, the booty was left, and cast abroad in divers places of the fields, according to the King's commandment. When the English came where their goods and riches were dispersed, and scattered abroad, the King commanded that no man should touch the same, but that they should pursue the enemy; whom, when they had overcome, they should then have time enough to recover, and again gather together the goods which they had lost. But there was a Knight of the Britons amongst them, which against the King's commandment, said: That it was no wisdom, but a sign of great fear, to doubt to take their own goods, wheresoever they found them: and seeing that the enemy of their own accord did voluntarily forsake and abandon the booty, which they would have had by force and hazard of their lives; for the recovery thereof, he found it not expedient, with the price of their blood, and great danger, to buy that, which they might take and possess in quiet, and peaceably for nothing. The opinions of some other Knights were correspondent to the desire of the most covetous soldiers, who, without obeying the commandment either of King or Captain, fell to gathering together of their goods, which were spread abroad upon the ground, and so retired being laden and pestered with booty and spoil. Which Phroton understanding, turned head and followed them; and having found them wearied and tired, no less with the way, then with the burden of the spoil, being much pestered with the cari●●● of so much baggage, he charged, and cut them in pieces, and valiantly recovered that, which wisely he had thrown away: and the English, loving better to tend to their pillage than to fight, 
A notable overthrow of the English.  lost miserably both the booty, the victory, and their lives.  
The Venetian soldiers committed the like error in the year 1509. even then, when almost all the Princes of Christendom were united together against their Commonwealth: for the Venetian army, led by Bartelmy Liviano, having taken Trevi, in the very beard of the enemies, amongst which was the King of France in person, the soldiers gave themselves to sack & pillaging; and whilst they were busy about their luggage, the King's army passed the river of Add, without let or resistance: for that the soldiers were so busy in pillaging, that it was not possible, either by authority, or by their Captains threatenings, to make them give over the sacking of the town. And although that th'Aluian set the town on fire, to the end to bring them to fight, yet was it too late: for the King's army having (at ease, and very commodiously) past the river, and having had leisure to put themselves in order, there followed the memorable feat of arms, of Giarad ' Add, wherein the Venetians (without question) had been victors, if their soldiers, in stead of pillaging, would have been brought to hinder and stop the passage of the French army: for they had either overthrown them and put them to flight, or else constrained them to fight without order, and at great disadvantage, or to return back, which had given them cause of a most manifest and most noble victory, which was taken out of their hands by their own soldiers, who were so greedy that they rather loved to glut themselves with luggage, 
The greediness of the Italian soldiers.  than with honour and glory; and suddenly after they lost both the one and the other. By means of this discommodity of pillaging, many occasions of victories are lost, not only before they come to strokes, but even in time of the battle, which was seen in the Venetian army, and of Lewes Sforce, and others in league together, in the memorable journey of Tare, against Charles the 8. King of France: for the army of the League was overthrown, or at least had not the victory, through the greedy covetousness of the Venetian adventurers. For during the fight at the passage of Tare, the King willing to go into France, and those of the League to stop his passage, Francis Gonzagua, marquess of Mantova and General of the army of the League, had so well ordered every thing, that the French army was in some disorder: so as they had had the victory, if the greedy adventurers (who saw the King's carriages abandoned, 
The greediness of the Stradiots.  by the advice and counsel of Triwlce) had not began to run to the spoil: by their protection against the Florentines, which they valiantly defended: and the Florentines to the contrary, employed all their forces to reconquer it. In this mean season, the Emperor Maximilian came into Italy, and Francis Sforce persuaded the Florentines to join and enter into league with him, and to put the controversy to the emperors judgement, who understanding the discord between them and the Venetians, would be an upright arbitrator in the cause. The Florentines answered, that they would stand to no arbitrement, but that they would first have Pisa rendered into their possession, as it had been theretofore. This was the occasion why the Florentines sent their Ambassadors to Gennes, where the Emperor than was, where the affairs having been debated, they attended the emperors answer, which was this (as he was taking shipping in the haven at Gennes) that the Pope's Legate should tell them what was needful: The Florentine Ambassadors went to the Legate, who told them that the Duke of Milan should declare unto them the emperors pleasure at large: This was known at Florence, and how the matter past, where it was concluded, that the Ambassadors without attending any answer, should return home. In the mean season, Francis Sforce glorying in his eloquence, and thinking to scoff the Florentines, prepared a most fair hall, very richly furnished, to give answer to the Florentines in the behalf of the Emperor, whither he had called all the Prince's Amdassadours, which were with him at Milan to hear his answer. The Florentines at the hour appointed, came thither, where they were willed to declare what they had to say: Pepi, to whom it appertained to speak, said, that they being with great travel come from Gean to Milan, to return to Florence, would willingly have held their way, but stayed to take their leave of him, and to do him honour before they went out of his dominion, knowing him to be a Prince, which was their friend, who by his friendship did greatly uphold the state of their Commonwealth. The Duke answered them, 
Lewes' More, out of countenance, and 〈◊〉 by the Florentine Ambassadors.  that he was to give them answer in the behalf of the Emperor. The Ambassador answered, that he had no commission to hear it, neither any way to negotiate with him. By reason whereof, the Duke in a great chafe, sent away the Ambassadors of Florence, and all the rest which he had called thither, receiving in himself the greatest part of the disgrace, which he thought to have used towards others. Let Ambassadors then be resolute, and let them endeavour to be brief, and advised in their answers, for fear to be mocked by the Princes, with whom they have to negotiate; and that in all causes and accidents not foreseen, they may be well resolved, maintaining their own reputation, and the honour of those which sent them.   

CHAP. 10. Between reconciled friends, the least suspicion breedeth great distrust, making them again to become enemies.  
ALthough there cannot be any so great enmity, but that he which hath been an enemy, may again become a good friend, even as he which hath been a good friend, may become a great enemy: yet it is harder to tie together that which is broken, than to break that which is firm and whole. Wherefore as every little displeasure and injury, may give an ill taste to a friend, and break the bond of friendship: so afterwards many things are to be required, to conjoin and renew the same again after it is once broken, which ever after beareth the name of reconciled friendship. And this reconciliation (of custom) is as clay to broken pots: for as every little knock more easily breaketh the vessel where it was mended and soldered, 
A small matter breaketh friendship, but much is required to restore it.  than where it is whole; even so suspicion, although it be false. A shadow of an injury, and an imagination of discontentment, between reconciled friends, hath more power to break the friendship, than the cement of reconciliation, to hold the same linked and united together. For we often see among reconciled friends, that through the remembrance of offences past, and the suspicion of new, such friendship doth not long endure, especially if the enmities be of long continuance, and of great importance; between whom (to use the words of the Author) it is very hard to establish any reconciliation that may be faithful and firm. We have hereof an example in Antonel and Bernardin Sanseverin, brothers, the one Prince of Salern, 
Antonel and Bernardin Sanseverin, again rebel against King Ferdinand upon suspicion.  and the other of Bisignan, most honourable and noble Lords of the Kingdom of Naples. Bernardin Prince of Bisignan, had wronged a Greek in the person of his Wife: the Greek dissembling the wrong, attended time and place to be revenged. In the mean season, the wars arose in that Kingdom, between the King of France, and those of the house of Arragon, in which wars, these two brethren with all their power, favoured the French party, and holp to chase Alphonso and Ferdinand out of that Kingdom: and after that King Charles returned into France, they continued in their friendship, aiding and succouring the French against Ferdinand & Federicque, which reconquered the Country. In the end, the Arragonnois prevailing, the two Princes of Salern and Bisignan, reconciled themselves to King Federicque: and upon an evening, as the Prince of Bisignan came forth of the new Castle at Naples, he was very grievously wounded by the Greek aforenamed: whereupon his brother Antonel Prince of Salern, amazed with this deed, grew in suspicion and fear that this was done by the King's commandment, in revenge of offences past, and presently without dissembling the doubt, withdrew himself to Salern. And notwithstanding that King Federicque delivered the Greek prisoner into his hands, to content him, and thereby to ascertain him of his good will and of the fact, and how it happened; yet for all this, the Prince could never be persuaded to repose trust in him: and so again becoming an enemy, he loved better to lose his estate, than to live near to a reconciled friend in continual suspicion and fear to lose his life.   

CHAP. 11. It is an evil example in any Commonwealth to prescribe Laws, and not to observe the same, and principally in those who are the authors thereof, and do not defend and maintain those Laws against all such as would infringe them.  
Certainly it is a thing pernicious, and very scandalous in any Commonwealth, to make and publish a Law, and afterwards not to observe the same, principally when those who were the Lawmakers, care not to break them, specially in time of occasion, neither to defend them against such as resist and impugn and misconstrue them: for who so is author of such a Law, showeth himself therein to be a man of little judgement, and small courage, and giveth men occasion to think that he invented that Law upon some private fantasy and conceit, and not that he held it expedient for the Com-wealth. The Commonwealth of Florence having been re-established in the time of Hierosme Savonarola, 
The ●awe of appeal in Florence, introduced by Savonarola.  by means of his help and the great credit which he had in the City, by reason of his orations; and having caused an ordinance and statute to be made, for the security and safety of Gentlemen, who from the sentence of the Magistracy of the Eight and of the signory, given in matters of estate, might appeal to the people: but when occasion required to put that Law in use, he did not cause it to be observed and maintained; notwithstanding that to obtain it, and to make it of force and available, he had long laboured, by many persuasions and exhortations, and in the end obtained the same. For a little while after, were condemned to death, by the sentence of the signory, for matters of state, five Gentlemen, which favoured the de Medicis, and the condemned appealing to the people, by virtue of the Law of appeal, could not be heard, and the matter was referred to some few of the Citizens, who were to decide whether the Law of appeal should continue in force or be repealed in matter of estate: but in conclusion, the condemned were speedily executed, without giving place to the Law, and had their heads stricken off. Which did so much crack the credit and reputation of Savonarola, that he could never after attain to the credit which he had before: for he spoke nothing in the defence of the Law which was made, and brought in by himself: So as this grew greatly to his dishonour, in that he persuaded not his followers, and such as were of his faction; to cause that Law to be observed, which he a little before had by many persuasions alleged to be a most holy and wholesome Law for the Commonwealth, and with so great vehemency procured the establishing thereof. This Father was much blamed and ill spoken of for the breaking of this Law: for if the appeal were profitable, as he before had often times affirmed, he should with all his power and means have maintained the same: if it were not profitable, he should not have taken such pains to cause it to be authorized. And this accident was further noted, in that, that Savonarola after the death of these five Gentlemen in any of his orations (although he made many) did neither accuse, nor excuse any of them, which were breakers of this Law: for he blamed none, because he would not be found contrary to himself, and he could not excuse himself, because the matter was so manifest, and the refusing to maintain the Law, so notorious, that he was inexcusable. Those which have discoursed of this matter, for example have produced Appius and Virginius, two noble Romans: but because we will not spend long time in examples, it shall suffice to say that he which maketh and establisheth a Law, aught to observe and maintain the same, notwithstanding it were against his own profit. And although there was at that time in Florence, question of matter appertaining to estate, the people peradventure would have judged the same, or altered the punishment, according to their discretion, it might have sufficed, so as the offence were punished as worthy thereof, and the Law nevertheless held inviolable, as good and profitable.   

CHAP. 12. In our affairs and occurrences, we ought to settle and ground more trust and assurance in him, who expecteth good from us, then in him, who already hath received the same.  
GVicciardins counsel and advice is most certain, who saith, that more trust is to be reposed in him who standeth in need of us, than in him who hath already received pleasure at our hands: for the desire of the good to come, hath much more force in our hearts, than the remembrance of that which is already received. And here-hence it cometh, that when one man standeth in need of another, we see that the needy followeth, 
☞  entreateth, and importuneth him that is able to do him pleasure; so as he would do any thing to have what he desireth: but after that he hath received it, he groweth careless, and is not led with such fervent affection; neither doth he court his benefactor as before he was wont: and his benefactor requiring any matter of importance at his hands, 
More reckoning is made of one pleasure to come, than of an hundred already received.  he is not so zealous in doing of him service, as before that he received his desire, or during the time that he expected the same. Whence it followeth to be true, according to the common proverb, That more reckoning is made of one pleasure to come, than of an hundred already past: which doth plainly appear in all kind of men; for a man desireth that which he hath not, and quickly forgetteth that which he hath received already. The Duke Valentine, 
The means and wiles of Duke Valentin to make himself great.  who effected and performed all his enterprises with much wit, and very cunningly, and was very subtle in all his doings, had a determination to make himself great, and to attempt great matters: but considering that his forces alone were not sufficient to effect his designs, he began to think upon foreign forces, to further him in that which he most desired. And because he could not greatly trust in any of them which had received pleasure at his hands, or from the Pope; he bent his mind on those which expected and hoped for aid and secure of him, and cunningly weighing with himself, that the desires of great Lords are extreme and restless, and that to attain thereto, they will not stick to attempt any thing be it never so great. Wherefore he addressed himself unto Lewes the 12. King of France, who would feign put away his first Wife, for that she was both barren and ill favoured, and desired to marry Anne Duchess of Britain, which was Wife to the King lately deceased: whereto might be added another great desire of the said King, to see the Lord of Amboise, Archbishop of Roan his greatest favourite, who had followed the King in all his fortunes, made a Cardinal, in all which matters and enterprises, (which could not be effected without the Pope's dispensation and permission:) 
Guicciar. lib. 4  The Duke Valentine went in person to the King, supported by this advise and counsel, that a man may better hope for favour and aid from him, who expecteth a pleasure, then of him who hath already received a pleasure, and carrying to the King a dispensation for a Marriage, and a red hat for the Archbishop, he obtained of the King, what he would desire, who gave him the title of Duke of Valence, and twenty thousand Francques of revenue: the conduct and leading of an hundred men at Arms, and with promise of aid and assistance, to recover to the Church, certain Towns and holds in the territory of Rome, which the King performed when he came into Italy. It might be said, that the King of France had the same practice, seeing that Duke Valentine had need of him, so as both the one and the other might be led with like conceit. Let a man then in time of need, assure himself more of him that desireth, than of him that already hath received a pleasure: for he which desireth is hot, and he who hath received what he desired is cold, or at the most is but lukewarm.   

CHAP. 13. He which taketh more authority upon him than belongeth to his degree and office, committeth an error, and seldom escapeth unpunished.  
EVery man, which by commission from another taketh any charge, or being by a superior established in the administration of any matter of importance, ought well to consider that his authority is not sovereign and absolute, but dependeth of a superior: and therefore is restrained within certain limits, which he may not pass without error, and danger to discontent his Superior and to be punished, or to incur the dishonour to be reputed a man rash and presumptuous. And although that to a Governor of a town, or General of an army, or to such like persons as have public charge, there is sometimes given a very large commission, with authority which seemeth free and absolute: nevertheless, wisdom, and common experience teacheth, and warneth him which hath such authority not so to use it, as though it were his own, but aught always to have an eye to him, from whom he received the same, and to think with himself, that at his discretion he may take it from him again, as occasion shall be offered, and that he must yield a reason, and give account of his charge, considering, that although he may do any thing, yet it is not always lawful and expedient to do it. And when such persons are established in managing of public affairs, they ought by so much the more to use consideration and regard, by how much the more it is dangerous and damageable to do the contrary, and to administer the affairs with absolute authority according to their fantasy. In civil affairs and government of towns, subject to a Prince or Commonwealth, whither are ordinarily sent gentlemen of estate, appointed by the supreme Magistrate; when such a governor will attribute unto himself greater authority than is convenient, and to proceed as absolute, let him not doubt but that to his dishonour he will be sequestered from his government for some space, if not for ever, in recompense of his little circumspection, if peradventure he escape unpunished, for example to others: for this manner of proceeding giving rather a certain sign of malice, rashness, or pride, than otherwise, doth put others in suspicion, and make himself odious to the Commonwealth, whereof he is a citizen; or to the Prince who gave him such government: and by reason of this hatred and suspicion, he is oftentimes committed to perpetual imprisonment, or banished, or in some sort deprived of his life.  
Peter de Medicis, after the death of Laurence his father, having obtained in the Florentine Commonwealth the same authority which his father had, which was such that all public matters were done by his counsel: he was at the creation of all Magistrates, and even by his consent, and by his means, offices were bestowed upon such as by him were recommended. But Peter not content with this authority, which his father held a long time with great modesty, usurped greater authority than his country would permit. Wherefore, when Charles the 8. King of France went into Italy, to the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, Peter having resolved to continue constant in the friendship of Alphonse of Arragon King of Naples, would never give ear to the French King, who desiring to enter into league with him, and offered him many fair conditions: to which league all the whole city seemed to lean and to yield, as inclined and well affected to the French nation. For afterwards when the French armies began to have the better in Italy, and the name of the French to be terrible, and the affairs of those of the house of Arragon to decline from ill to worse; Peter repenting him of his resolute determination, to assuage the wrath of Charles, 
〈…〉 Charles the S. King of 〈…〉 to Peter de Medicis.  went to S. Peter's to see and speak with him in person: where being received by the King, with better countenance then good will, the King made unreasonable demands; which were, that presently the Fortresses of Serezana, and Serezanell, which are the keys of the Florentine signory, should be given into his hands, with the Fortresses of Livorne and of Pisa: and that the Florentines (by his means) should lend him 200000. Ducats, and upon this condition he would take them into his protection. Peter yielded to all these demands, and taking upon him more authority than he ought, yielded the Holds and Fortresses above said, without out the counsel of the citizens, without order from the Magistrates, and without giving the Commonwealth to understand thereof. Which being understood at Florence, did so move the hearts of the people against him, that being returned to the City, he was very unwelcome, 
Peter de Medicis chased from Florence.  and by the fury of the Citizens was driven from the Palace, and out of the City, and declared and proclaimed a Rebel. If in any case it be a matter doubtful, yea or very dangerous to pass the bounds of the authority received, and as a man may say, play the Prince, whereas is no need, it is principally in charges and commands in the wars, where every fact done in this manner by a General is sufficient, to put such jealousy in the hearts of his superiors, and make his trust and faith so suspect to the Prince, who gave him such charge, that he cannot be put from his government, without prejudice of his reputation, and danger of his life. Paulo Vitellio, a man most valorous, and in his time one of the chief and most renowned Captains in Italy, being by the Florentines established, and made General of their army against the Pisans, in that time wherein they were under the safeguard and protection of the Venetians, for one only fact, wherein he usurped more authority than belonged unto him, put the Florentines in such jealousy and suspicion of him, that taking all his doings in ill part, in the end they bereaved him of his life. This man being at Casantin, against the Venetian army, led by the Duke of Urbin, Bartelmy Liviano, Astor Baglioni, and other honourable Captains, all which he did so valiantly resist, that he did not only stop the passage against them, but also besieged them, with their principal Captains, within Bibienna, a Castle of the Casantin. The Duke of Urbin fell sick in this siege, who desired Vitellio to give him a safeconduct to go to take Physic and to cure himself: and this Paul usurping a little too much authority, 
Guicciar. lib. 4  (without acquainting the Florentine Commissioners herewith, who represented the state of the Commonwealth) gave safeconduct to the Duke, and to julian de Medicis, a rebel to the signory Commonwealth: which made him so suspected, that they began to mark his behaviour, and the manner of his proceed; for they mistrusted him to have some secret intelligence with the enemy. And for this cause when they afterwards saw, that without any occasion he abandoned the Fortress of Stampace, which was taken by force, and that being able to follow the victory against the Pisans, he took no care to pursue them, but usurping supreme power and authority, he raised the siege from before Pisa, without the leave or knowledge of the Florentine Commissioners, they began to hold for certain that which before they but doubted: 
Paulo Vitellio condemned to die by the Florentines.  in such sort, that to rid themselves of this suspicion and fear, and to give example to their other Leaders and Commanders of armies, they put him to death by order of justice. But except it were upon some extreme accident, or to avoid some manifest and present danger, it were ill done for a man to attribute to himself more authority than he ought, and to promise also that which is not in his power to perform, as the Lord of Tremoville, who being, for Lewes the 12. King of France, General of his army against Henry the 8. King of England, which made war against the French King before Terovenne and Tournay. The said General having understood that an army of 20000. Swissers had besieged Dijon, the head City of Bourgundy, thereby to constrain the French King to give over his claim to the Duchy of Milan: and the said Lord of Tremoville seeing the great danger wherein the realm of France was, 
The Lord of Tremoville with absolute power coucluded a peace with the Swissers, notwithstanding that it was upon very unworthy conditions.  he usurped and attributed to himself more authority then to him appertained; so as promising that which he could not perform, neither had commission to promise, he came to parley with the chief conductors of the Swissers, and promised them that the King of France should surrender the right which he pretended to the state of Milan, and to assure his promise, he gave them 4. French gentlemen in hostage. The Lord General took this resolution, knowing that if the city of Dijon were taken and lost, and that if that nation should not give over to vex the French King, being already tired with wars, the Swissers on the one side, and the English on the other, might without any let march to Paris gates.  
Peter de Medicis might peradventure have the same consideration, in making his treaty with the King of France, who seeing his country in great danger, for that the King was in arms, victorious, displeased with the Florentine Commonwealth, and near unto Florence: but this warlike people, easily to be moved to despite and indignation, judging otherwise of his doings then he deserved, chased him out of the town, and proclaimed him Rebel. So as in sum, a man ought so moderately to use the authority received, and to carry himself in such sort, that he give his Prince no cause to be jealous of him, by taking upon him as a Prince, when as he is but an inferior and a servant: it is far better to show that he respecteth his Prince, by giving him to understand of all his purposes and enterprises, than by usurping equality seem to make no account of him.   

CHAP. 14. Whether a public servant of a Prince or Commonwealth, may pass the bounds of the commission given unto him or no?  
IT hath been often demanded, and brought in question, whether a Commissioner of a Prince or Commonwealth, ought so strictly to contain himself tied within the limits of the Commission prescribed unto him, that he never pass the same? 
Sundry opinions whether a man ought to contain himself within the limits of his Commission.  The reason of this question cometh of the occasion, which may hourly happen, to the good of the Prince, by exceeding the bounds of the Commission, and to the damage and loss of the Prince, by keeping and strictly observing the same. Some have been of opinion, that a man ought so to keep and observe his Commission, that what occasion soever be offered (to the better furthering of his business) yet ought he not to infringe the commandment received. And so others say, that when occasion is offered to a Commissioner, to the benefit of his Prince, he ought not to stand upon his Commission, but to accept of the benefit and the fortune presented unto him; seeing the profit, honour, and advancement that it bringeth to his Master. But they hold, that before all things, the profit and disprofit of the business in question, aught to be well thought on, by weighing and carefully considering and balancing every thing, and then to resolve, whether he shall contain himself within, or to pass and exceed the bounds of his Commission, saying in himself: that it is not the part of a wise servant, or minister, to lose the occasion, and to omit to do any thing, but what is expressly given him in charge by his Prince, who being unable to foresee every accident that may happen, referreth it to the care and wise discretion of his officer and Commissioner. But the severity of Manlius Torquatus, 
Manlius Torquatus caused his own son to be slain.  might discourage any man that would pass the charge given him, who spared not the life of his own son, which fought with the enemy contrary to his Father's commandment, notwithstanding that he obtained the victory. And in like manner, a Commissioner ought to be well advised, considering the doing of Publius Crassus, who battering a town in the Isle of Saint Maura, otherwise called Leucade, sent word to his Ingenour, that he should send him the greatest and the longest shipmast, that was in the whole fleet, with intent to make a Ram, to beat down the walls of the City therewith: but the Ingenour, knowing what was necessary for that purpose, better than his Master did, sent him a tree, or Mast, neither the greatest nor the longest, but the fittest for the purpose, wherein he would employ it. Wherefore the Consul being discontented herewith, deeming that his reputation and the honour of the Roman people was touched, if what he commanded were not thoroughly executed howsoever; he sent for the Ingenour, and commanded him to be whipped, using these words, Thou oughtest to do what I commanded, and not that which to thee seemed good and convenient. Therefore I say, that every officer or minister having charge, aught to consider with what superiors he hath to deal: and to know his Prince's inclination, for if he be obstinate, hard headed, crabbed, severe and cruel, he ought not in any case to exceed the Commission prescribed unto him, notwithstanding, that to break it, were greatly to his Master's good and profit: for it might be, that the Prince would be persuaded, that his servant or Commissioner did pass his authority, to the end to show himself wiser than his Master, and so disliking his good service, cause him to be punished. And if it happen that the Prince say to him, thou oughtest to have done so, and so he may well excuse himself with this answer, 
He that is employed, aught to have an eye to his Prince's qualities and cenditions.  I had no such Commission. And if a man have to deal with some manner of men which are wreckful, of a strange nature, hard to please, discontented, not to be entreated, and churlish and inhuman, it is better to be reproved by them in words, then to make proof of their rigour and severity in deed: and it is more fit, by executing their commandment, to show obedience, then by passing their bounds, to show disobedience, notwithstanding that it be much to his profit. When a Commissioner or public officer, considereth that he hath to deal with a mild Prince, of a gentle condition, who will take things in good part, he may then take a little leave, and make bold to exceed the limits of his charge, taking some authority upon him, having a principal regard to the honour and profit of his Master. Francis Sforce General of the Venetian Army, 
Francis Sforce of his own authority concluded peace between the Venetians and Philip Duke of Milan.  took upon him this authority, in the wars which they had against Philip Duke of Milan, which was of great importance: and having brought the same in a manner to a good end, at an instant, without any long study, and without using any speech to the purveyors, neither by writing, to give the Senate to understand thereof; in a night, he concluded a peace with the Duke of Milan, revealed it to his Captains, and caused it to be proclaimed and published in the Army; notwithstanding that he had no Commission thereto. He did this, knowing with what manner of men he had to deal; and coming in person to yield account to the signory of that which he had done, the Lords approved and ratified all that which he had concluded, being of a most courteous nature, gentle hearted, and inclined to peace. This peradventure had not happened unto Starza; neither had he so easily attained to such commendation, if he had had to deal with some cruel and proud Prince, who judging that by this treaty, he had let slip the victory out of his hands, but had peradventure been punished for a Traitor. Wherefore I hold it requisite, that a servant or Commissioner, in any charge, know the condition and humour which ruleth in his master, in such sort that he follow the same, and so contain himself within, or pass the bounds of his charge accordingly.   

CHAP. 16. He who is disloyal and unfaithful to the first friend, may yet prove both trusty and faithful to the second.  
ALthough that we have said here before, that Francis Sforce committed a fault, in reposing trust in Donat Raffignin, who betrayed his kinswoman Bonna, a man speaketh not always by contraries when he saith, that a disloyal and unfaithful man to the first friend, may nevertheless prove trusty and faithful to the second. And when (I say) that a man ought not to trust him who hath cozened and deceived his first friend, 
O●● m●●● doings aught not to s●r●●●or a general ●●le 〈◊〉 ●or all m●●.  this is not to say but that he may be loyal to a second: and the doings of one man ought not to be held as a general rule for all men, the contrary being seen in some, who have made most commendable and honourable proofs of their love to their second friends: 
☞ 〈…〉.  which they may do for many causes. First, to recover and get again their honour lost, in forsaking and abandoning their first friend in time of need: which maketh a man very blame worthy, except urgent occasion force it. Secondly, to let the world know that the fact by him committed was not through his malice, but through the fault of his first friend, who upon some occasion had constrained him to leave him. Thirdly, he continueth firm and constant in his friendship, to repair and amend the lightness of the first, which cannot be amended but by the firm constancy of the second. And four, for that finding greater conformity of nature and blood in the second than in the first, he doth that for him, which he would not do for the other. Finally, for that he considereth that being as unfaithful & disloyal to the second friend, as he was to the first, he incurreth the danger never to find any more friends: for he is unworthy of friendship, who was neither firm in the first, neither constant in the second: wherefore you ought not to contemn any man's friendship whatsoever. But because a man can never be too well assured of such manner of men, who may practise the same lightness and inconstancy with the second as they did with the first, it shall be good not to contemn it, but to live with them, in such sort that whensoever their minds begin to change, their changing be neither damageable or dangerous. The most wise Emperor Charles the 5. refused not, neither contemned the friendship of the Duke of Bourbon, who forsook (in his greatest need) his first friend and Lord Francis the first King of France; but entertained and embraced his friendship, using him very honourably: and Bourbon in this second friendship alway carried himself very faithfully, and did the Emperor great service: and although that he knew well that in the emperors Court he was not beloved, yet for all that he remained ever firm and constant in the emperors service. But notwithstanding all this, in like cases which depend on the faith of another, a man ought (as I have said) to be weladuised, and not so to settle his affection on a man, as to place his whole heart upon him, but to proceed so wisely, that although he change his mind, and be inclined to the friendship of the first friend, or of any other, that it annoy him not. And for this cause, the aforesaid Emperor did so bear himself with the warlike Prince, Charles of Bourbon, that entertaining him with honourable parts, and having made him his General in Italy, and at the last sent him into Lombardy to the government of a desperate army, he considered that he could not greatly annoy him, if peradventure he altered his determination: which, as a constant and virtuous Prince, he did not. We are to conclude, that although a man cannot too surely settle his foot, 
No man's friendship is to be despised, whatsoever he be, when it is offered.  and ground his foundation upon such light and variable men, whose friendship is so fickle: yet nevertheless a man ought not to contemn and reject their friendship and good will, 
☞  but so to repose trust in them, that if they would, yet they should not be able to do any harm.   

CHAP. 17. To deny to a people their first demands, is to make them the better content with what they receive, and the more moderate in their demands afterwards.  
OF all the imperfections and evil conditions of a people, this is placed amongst the most principal, to be insatiable and never content with their estate and degree: As when they meet with a Prince, who for any occasion whatsoever will yield to their demands, and grant what they desire, they never cease nor rest, following their peevish condition: but still drawn forwards with hope to obtain, they continue their ask with greater vehemency then at the first. 
The common people is infaliable, ever co 〈…〉 things, and is never content.  And it happeneth unto them, as to one which is sick of a fever and is ill governed, who knowing his keeper to be gentle and easy to be entreated, to let him have what he will, so as having given him once to drink, increaseth his thirst: even so a people knowing the Prince which governeth them to be either fearful, or kind, and soft spirited, without any respect they grow shameless, and dare to make unreasonable and immoderate demands, which may not be granted. Wherefore it is a point of wisdom, to begin to deny and refuse to grant the first things which they shall demand: for although at the first refuse, they seem to be ill content and much offended, there is no great reckoning to be made thereof: for that they considering that they have to deal with a Lord, which will not easily suffer himself to be led and persuaded, they become more mild, contenting themselves with that which is reasonable, and receive those things for favours which are granted unto them. And to the contrary, when in the beginning a man granteth what they demand, (the desire to have increasing in them) they present new requests; which being refused, they make no reckoning of what they have received, and become discontent with the Prince which governeth them. We have an example hereof in Lewes the 12. King of France, and the people of Milan: 
Guicciar. lib. 4  for that Le More Duke of Milan being fled into Germany to escape from the French, who in a manner without arms made a conquest of that estate, the news came speedily into France of the conquest of Milan, of the Castle, and of the whole Duchy, with advertisement of the flight of the Duke. Wherefore King Lewes passed speedily into Italy; and being come to Milan, he was received by the people with incredible joy: and the people finding this King to be very gentle, who granted them many graces and favours, they demanded exemption of sundry tolls and customs, 
The people of Milan rejected by Lewes K. of France.  and the King graciously yielded to their petitions. But persisting in their immoderate requests, and not content to obtain their first desires, purposed to be wholly exempt from all tolls and customs, and to be free from all charges whatsoever: whereto the King would not consent, for that their demand seemed to him too unreasonable and unjust, thinking that he had already used them with sufficient courtesy, both in general and in particular; this people could not take it in good part, but was discontent. Wherefore if the King had not been so hasty in the beginning to grant what they demanded; or if he had ripely considered the importance of the exemption of the tolls and customs, so as having absolutely refused their petitions, and had told them that he would think upon their demands; and afterwards considering of some charges or customs of less importance, if he had then granted an exemption of some of them, the people would have rested satisfied with that little, and would not have presumed so insatiably to demand the whole. Wherefore the people ought gently to be denied and refused in their first demands, and yet not to be put clean out of hope and in despair to obtain: for that which they shall afterwards obtain, will be willingly and thankfully accepted, and they will show themselves grateful for the same.   

CHAP. 18. In choosing Generals and chief commanders, their virtue ought more to be regarded, than the nobility of their blood or any private affection.  
THe Emperor Leo in his first book entitled, the preparation for war, speaking of the election of a General, saith, that to know the generosity and courage of a Dog or a Horse, we have regard to his proper operations, and not to the dam or sire which got him: 
The 〈…〉 to, and after his descent.  even so the nobleness of a man, aught to be considered, by his proper valour and virtue, and not by the blood of those which brought him into the world, neither of the glory of his predecessors, which oftentimes descendeth not to the posterity, as hereditary, but is altered and degenerate. And he saith further, that it is ill done, to contemn a man of worth, for that he is not issued of noble blood, and to admire and make great abcount of a base fellow of no worth or courage, because he is descended of some noble and illustrious race and family. 
There is double error commit 〈◊〉 of Captains.  This error in election is committed in two manners, either in thinking that he which is noble should likewise be virtuous; or for particular affection in the behalf of some one, from whom a man would expect the like favour. As for the error which is committed in the election of the General, to aim more at the nobleness of his blood, then at the proper virtue of him which is chosen, I say, that it was committed by Nicephorus Phocas Emperor of Constantinople, who regarding more the nobility of the blood from whence was issued a young man, called Manicel, than his experience and virtue in the war, 
Fazelli in his s●●● book of the second de●●● o● the 〈…〉.  which he had in Sicilia against the Sarrazins, he chose him for his General. This Emperor Phocas, in the beginning of his Empire, seeing how unfit it was for the dignity of an Emperor, to pay tribute to the Barbarians, resolved with himself to make war, and sent into Sicily a great army against the Sarrazins which held the same; whereof he made his Nephew Manicel General, bastard son of Leo his brother, which he had on a Concubine. This man what for his age, (being very young) as also for his ignorance and little experience in the wars, besides many other vices, wherewith he was spotted, being unfit for the place of a General, would not hearken to the advise of his Captains, which were appointed to be his counsellors, and tutors, but governing all with little judgement and discretion, he was drawn by the Sarrazins into certain straits and hard passages, where enclosed and compassed about; he was overcome and put to flight by the Barbarians, with all his whole Army. Wherefore the Emperor to his cost was taught, 
Manicel put to slight by the Sarrasins through want of experience in the wars.  what it was to commit the charge of a Navy by Sea, or an army by land, to persons without judgement and experience, notwithstanding that they be noble and of his own blood: for notwithstanding that a man give them Captains and counsellors, which are wise and of experience; yet it is to be doubted, that a young man through his foolhardiness, will not be ruled, after the judgement of wise men, but will mar all. As for the error in choosing of a Captain, it was committed in our father's time, by Lewes' Duke of Milan; who having often had proof of the valour and worth of Anthony Maria Sanseverin, Earl of Gaiazza, to whom he had sundry times given charge in the wars; and having made him his General, and afterwards taking a liking to Galeas Sanseverin his younger brother, being not only of fewer years, but also of less experience, yet he preferred him in his greatest need and danger, before the Earl; 
Guicciar. lib. 4  for that he had seen him manage his horse very gallantly, and charge his lance very bravely at a Tourney. For this cause Lewes favouring him, made him General of his Army, 
Galeas Sanseverin fled from Alexandria and lest it in prey to the enemy.  in whose place (for many reasons) he ought to have given that charge to the Earl his brother: but the issue showed, how unwisely Princes are deceived, which make choice of persons to whom they commit the charge of weighty affairs, more for the favour and affection which they bear to them, whom they choose, then for their virtue and experience: for Galeas shamefully fled by night from Alexandria, which was taken by the enemy, and then Lewes was taught to know the difference between the wise leading of an Army with judgement, and the gallant charging of a lance with a good grace. And hereof ensued many inconveniences, for the Earl went to serve the French, seeing that his younger brother was preferred before him to the charge of General, 
Antony Maria Earl of Gaiazza accompanied Lewes More Duke of Milan to prison in France with 〈…〉 of ●●●se.  and forsook him in his greatest need; and Galeas was of every man held for a coward and a dastard: Lewes was noted of little judgement; and Anthony Maria blamed for unfaithful and disloyal, having taken pay of the French King, and abandoning the Duke in his greatest misery, so far, that in the end he accompanied him with his troop of horse into France to a prison.  
  

CHAP. 19 In time of dangerous wars, men of virtue and of worth aught to be preferred and placed in governments; and when a man in a small enterprise, hath not honourably discharged his office, and yet would intrude and make himself chief, and have principal command in great matters, he deserveth to be repulsed.  
THe spur of ambition doth prick and sometimes so poison the heart, 
Charges of importonce are most commonly given to unworthy persons, and such as are of no experience.  that a man in this sort losing the light of his understanding, and the knowledge of himself, regardeth neither the common good, nor the greatness of the enterprise, so as he may obtain what he desireth: And this fault happeneth more often in Commonwealths, where governments are given by voices, then in absolute principalities, where more regard is had of the worth, than of any other thing. And when in a Commonwealth the number of young men surpasseth and is of greater power than of the old men, the young men (as ill advised, and of small experience) most commonly favour him more, to whom they are affected, then him who is of desert: by reason whereof, such faults are ordinarily made in the choosing of Captains, which execute their place to the loss and shame of their Country. And although some say, that in time of necessine virtue is sought for, which in time of peace was not esteemed, nevertheless this is not always true, 
That virtue is known in time of trouble, which in peace is not esteemed.  but is plainly verified in extreme dangers, as the Romans did by Fabius Maximus, the Venetians by Victor Pisani, and the Florentines by Anthony jacomini: yea it is seen, that without the sage counsel of wise Senators, and the ripe judgement of old men, the advise of young men had overthrown and undone their Country in their elections. Wherefore the Senator and Counsellor, who without respect of persons, in public shall declare the ill carriage of those, which having not done well in small matters, and yet would be chief in matters of greatest importance, shall be ever praised and esteemed, as a procurer of the common good, and lover of his country: and showing by his speech, the truth shall cause some to change their opinion, which might be otherwise affected. Fabius Maximus was in the Senate at Rome, when election should have been made of new Consuls, at what time Hannibal of Carthage made preparation to invade Sicilia, which seemed to be much inclined unto him. 
Fabius Ma●imus opposed himself against Titus Ottacilius, who had married his sister's daughter, and would have been conful.  In that day the young men were to name the new Consuls, and for that they named one Titus Ottacilius, who in his Consulship and government past, had done nothing that was of worth: Fabius thought him unfit for that charge, notwithstanding that he had married one of his Nieces, and said openly, that if war were to be waged against enemies, which would not take advantage of errors and negligences, a man might choose more for favour than for need, because in smooth waters and still Seas, every one can rule the helm and guide the Ship: but when tempests and storms arise, there needeth a good and well experienced Pilot. And forasmuch as the Roman Commonwealth was not then so calm and in quiet, as they might go play, but was so beaten and plunged in, and with many storms, they ought therefore carefully to see to whom they gave the government and helm thereof. And so addressing his speech to Ottacilius, he said, we have (oh Titus Ottacilius) had experience of thy virtue and valour in less matters: and truly thou hast not done any good thing, by means whereof we should be induced to commit to thy charge, any matters of greater importance. We made the other year, preparation for a navy by Sea, whereof thou hadst the charge and government; first, to the end it should spoil and sack the shores side of Africa. Secondly, to the end to guard and assure our own coasts and frontiers of Italic. Thirdly, to the end that to Hannibal from Africa into Italy, there should come no relief or succour, neither of money nor victuals. And then turning himself towards the whole council, 
Titus Livius in his fourth book of the 3. decades.  he added, Make Ottacilius Consul, I say not, if he have performed all these things, but if he have done only any one of them to the profit and honour of the Commonwealth. And then again turning himself towards him, he said, but if whilst thou hast been General and Governor of the army at Sea, all things came in safety from Carthage to Hannibal, and with such liberty as in time of peace, if the coast of Italy hath been more infested with war, than the coast of Africa, what canst thou say and allege for thy defence, etc. By the which words all the young men altered their opinions, 
J● thusing of Gentrals for the Wars, the quality of the War, and the worth●●ese of the person 〈…〉 is to be chosen, are choicely to be regarded.  and opened their eyes, to make choice of such men for Consuls, as by their valour and virtue might resist and make head against Hannibal. Wherefore let every Gentleman, that shall be present at the election of such Captains, consider the time, the quality of the war, and the virtue and worth of the person whom they nominate. If the time be quiet, and the quality of the war of no great importance, they may make proof of some one whom the favour: but if he have ill discharged his place in the first employment in a small matter, he ought not to be trusted in the second in a greater: and although he possibly escaped with his honour, yet it is not good to put such affairs in hazard. Guicciardin saith, that the Florentines resolved that they would not make Rinuccio de Marcian General of their army, in their wars of Pisa, although he were much favoured, for that he had once been vanquished and put to flight, and carried himself ill in a charge of lesser importance.   

CHAP. 20. How dangerous it is in two armies being enemies, to have soldiers of one particular nation.  
THe accidents and disgraces unthought of and unexpected which may happen to Princes and Potentates, are such, and in so great number, 
It is not possible to forese● nor prevent the mishaps and disgrace which may happen to preces, neither to resist or redress them when the● happen.  that it is impossible to foresee them, and much less to yield remedy when they are come: but if by things past, we may conjecture of things to come, and by other men's loss learn to provide for ourselves, let us make our profit of other men's harms. It shall not be much from the matter, to consider how dangerous it is to Princes and Commonwealths, which have not sufficient forces in their own countries, but are constrained to hire strangers, when they are to encounter with an enemy, who in his army hath soldiers of the same nation, whereof the same Commonwealths have hired many, so as in the two armies are Captains and soldiers of one and the same country; I say that to be constrained to do this, is a thing very dangerous, because that being alike in conditions, in speech, and peradventure of parentage, alliance, and of blood, it will be no hard matter for the one to procure the other to remove household, and to plot some conspiracy and treason. And although that Captains employ all their wits to keep their soldiers from conversing with other soldiers, which are their countrymen, in the enemy's army; I say they cannot always be so diligent and watchful, that they avoid the danger. Whereof we have example and experience in the days of our ancestors, and particularly in the person of Lewes More Duke of Milan, and Francis the first, King of France, and the Emperor Maximilian. Lewes' More took Navarrette, with the aid of the Swisswers: but being besieged therein by the French, amongst which were many Swissers, he made trial how dangerous it was to have friends and enemies both of one country and nation: for that the Swisser Captains which were in the French camp, won and corrupted the Swissers soldiers which were with the Duke, so as they did not only mutiny against the Duke, but also betrayed him: for when he would have issued forth with his forces to have assailed the French, 
〈…〉. lib. 4  the Captains of the Swissers (already mutining) said openly, that without leave from their Lords, they would not fight and come to blows, against their cousins, their brothers, and others of their own nation; and presently after they assembled themselves togethers, feigning that they would go home to their own houses: and their treachery and disloyalty was so extreme, that they betrayed the Duke, who being appareled and armed like a Swisser, marched a foot in rank in a squadron like a private soldier amongst them.  
The Almains which were in the pay of Francis the first, showed him such a like trick: for when the King of France would have given assault to the town of Bresse, they said that they would not go against such towns as were held by the Emperor. 
Guicci. lib. 12.  But the truth was that they did this, because that within the town there were (besides other men of war) two thousand Almain soldiers: so as to eschew the coming to hands against them, they would not fight. 
The Emperor Maximilian disinherited the Swissers.  And the Emperor Maximilian fearing the like danger, when he came into Italy against the French, and considering that in his army were many Swissers, and in his enemy's camp were 10000 of the same nation, he remembered what had happened unto Lewes More, and how the Swissers had dealt with him at Novarrette: wherefore without doing any other thing he retired to Trent, and would not (to his danger and damage) make proof of the Swissers fidelity, knowing how hard a matter it is, to bring soldiers of a nation to fight against others in the enemy's camp of the same nation. When a Prince or a Commonwealth is constrained to use the help of strangers, especially of those nations which are free, as the Swissers, the Grisons, and such like, it is very necessary to know whether the enemy likewise hath waged any of that nation, and to what number, to the end to be resolved and assured which way he is to bend his force to avoid the danger: or to entertain so few, as if they would, they should not be able to annoy him, though they did revolt from him, seeing that in the wars even the least mutiny and revolt is ill and hurtful.   

CHAP. 21. Lightness of belief is a great fault in any man, and too much credulity hath bred and caused many evils.  
IT is a common saying, 
Light beleef● in every th●●●, showeth a 〈◊〉 wit & 〈◊〉 brains.  that to be light of belief, and easily persuaded to a thing, showeth a lightness of wit, and a weakness of the brain: and from thence it cometh that such manner of men are easily deceived; for through want of judgement, standing upon the show and appearance of reasons, and the efficacy of words, they, without consideration, do that whereto they are persuaded and made to believe. These men (for the most part) are of the nature of women, or of little children, and therefore in their actions they show small constancy: and are constrained to change and alter their opinion, and with dishonour withdraw from that which they have done, or to their loss to reprove themselves for being too credulous: By which means they are accounted and held for men of the first impression: for that their wits being as soft as wax, that which they are persuaded unto is easily imprinted. 
Charges and governments of importance are not to be given to men of the first impression.  Charges and governments of importance ought not to be given to such persons: for that being easy to be deceived, they are subject and prone to commit a thousand errors. These men are also easily induced to trust, and remit matters to the discretion of others: and thence it cometh, that when they have to deal with cunning and crafty persons, they are led by the nose and perceive it not, until they be plunged, and (as we say) ducked over head and ears, in such sort, that they shall not be able to remedy the matter. They also suffer themselves to be drawn and overcome with a common brute and public report of something (as too credulous) in such sort that they suffer themselves to be carried away and lulled asleep in the error, without caring to be ascertained of the truth: and chief when they may and aught to be most vigilant and careful, they are so seduced by the smooth words of those which persuade them to the contrary of that, which they should boult out and be assured of, that not knowing whereon to resolve, they durst do nothing which may assure them.  
Roger the 2. King of Sicily, son of Tancredi, was of such light belief, and so prone to repose trust in others, to his own great hurt and damage, that having some controversy with the Emperor Henry the fift, which pretended title to the Kingdom of Sicily, in the right of Constance his Wife, he came to an accord and agreement with him, whereby the Kingdom was divided, which contained then the Kingdom of Naples. 
Roger the second, King of S●●●lie taken 〈◊〉 at Pa●●●en by the 〈…〉 Henry the sift, with 〈◊〉 three 〈◊〉 who had 〈◊〉 & dienes plucked out, and afterward died in Prison.  King Roger perceiving that he could not long time defend himself against the Emperor, who was favoured by the Church of Rome, made a composition with him, upon this condition, that the Emperor should hold Sicilia, and Roger the Kingdom of Naples: The Emperor was content with this agreement, and taking his way towards Palermo, to enter into possession of the Kingdom of Sicilia, with many signs of good will and friendship, and many fair words, but all feigned, he drew unto him the simple credulous King Roger, who went with him even to Palermo, to pass and thoroughly to confirm the agreement: where, with Alteria, Constance, and Madonia his sisters, he was detained prisoner, and being deprived of all regal authority, was sent in exile into Germany, where his eyes being plucked out, and his stones cut off, to the end he should not hope to have any more children, he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment. Which happened to him, for that he gave too much credit to the smooth words and fair shows of good will and friendship, used by the Emperor: and for trusting too much to a reconciled friend, without considering into what danger he adventured, putting himself into his hands, who would have bereaved him of his life. If he had gone, and quietly enjoyed the Kingdom which was fallen unto him by lot or election, without busying himself so simply in courting a Prince which had shown himself his enemy, he had not so miserably lost his life and Kingdom. Vital Michael second of that name, Prince of Venice, fell into this error of light and easy belief; arriving at Negrepont with a mighty Army and Navy, to go against Emanuel Emperor of Constantinople, who had showed infinite signs of hatred against that Commonwealth, and was of power to have put the Emperor to great trouble, giving credit to the governor of that I'll, who was a most subtle Greek; he lost a most fair occasion, greatly to have benefited his country. For the Governor seeing so great and so mighty an army and fleet, and considering the loss and danger, whereinto the Emperor was like to fall, by fair words he persuaded Michael to send Ambassadors to Constantinople: for he knew well, that the Emperor would accept of any condition of peace. This, this Governor did, either through his own malice, or that he had agreed with the Emperor to say so. The Venetian Prince gave simply too much credit to the subtle Greek, 
Vital Michael Prince of Venice in disgrace with the people.  and having sent Ambassadors towards the Emperor, whilst he attended their return at Scio, which were entertained with fair words, a most grievous plague fell in the Army, which in a manner did wholly defeat the same: so as it was thought, that the waters which served for the Fleet, and the Army, were poisoned. For this cause, without annoying or any way offending the Emperor, being wholly ruinated, he returned to Venice, and fell into such disgrace and hatred of the people, that they killed him. His error was, in giving too light credit, and trusting in one who was a traitor, and most disloyal; he lost the occasion to have performed many fair and honourable enterprises and exploits, for the good and profit of his Commonwealth, which happened in the year of our Redemption 1163. Moreover sundry Lords and Captains fell into the like error of light believing, and giving credit to false reports, and some likely signs, and shows of friendship expressly feigned, in the reign of king Manfredi; by reason whereof ensued many tumults and troubles of wars in Sicilia. King Manfredi was a man very wily and cunning, who aspired to the kingdom of Sicily, wherein Conradin the son of the Emperor Conrade was invested, who dying, left to his son Conradin (which was in Germany) for tutors, the principal and chief Lords of Baviere: and Manfredi who was Prince of Tarento, was by the Emperor left chief Governor of the said Conradin. Manfredi then aspired to the kingdom of Sicilia, (the papal seat of Pope Innocent being void,) he overthrew the Ecclesiastical Army: but Alexander coming to succeed in the Papacy, he sent an Army against Manfredi, under the conduct of his Legate Octavian Vbaldini, to keep him from seizing on that Kingdom. Manfredi which was enclosed in Nocerra, knew well that he could not long resist the forces of the Church, and the tutors of Conradin, Barons and Lords of Baviere: wherefore having recourse to wiles and shifts, he purposed to show some cunning, which served rather through the credulity of the enemy, then that of itself it was so ingenious. He made certain of his most faithful and trusty servants, to go forth of Nocerra, the which, few days after, made a show to be come from Germany, being clad all in black, with letters sealed with a false seal, which gave advise of the certain death of Conradin: by reason whereof, by exterior signs, Manfredi knew so well, how to colour his treason, 
Mansredi by a w●●e delivered himself from the ●●ge of ●ocerra, and seized on the kingdom of Sicily.  (making public funerals, clothing himself and all his rout with him, in mourning apparel) that the Pope's Legate believing that to be true, which was feigned, raised the siege; and the tutors of Baviere which were in divers towns, for Conradin, abandoned their charge, saying, that seeing that Conradin was dead, they had no more to do with the government of those towns: wherefore the Napolitans themselves, 
Fazelli in the eight book of his second decade of Sict●●c.  being deceived with the same error, saluted Manfredi, and proclaimed him king of Sicilia. So the light and easy belief of the Italian and Baviere Lords, was the cause that Conradin in his life time, was deprived of his estate, which might easily have been prevented, if the tutors of the child, or any other Prince, would diligently have informed himself of the truth, and discovered the fact, by sending some man expressly with all speed into Germany, without giving such light credit to one only advertisement, and with so little consideration, to forsake and abandon their charges and government, which happened in the year 1252. And this fault of easy believing was committed by a Florentine Commissioner, in the year 1498. which was the occasion that the Florentines by a treaty lost Bibienna in the Casantin. For that the Venetians having undertaken the protection and defence of Pisa against the Florentines, they sent to the Cazantin, Bartelmi d'Auiano with their Army. This man having secret intelligence with some of Bibienna, sent his soldiers into the town, to perform the treaty and enterprise: the Florentines had advertisement hereof from many places, 
Guicciar. lib. 4  & particularly from the city of Boulongna. Wherefore they speedily dispatched their Commissary, who speaking with some of the practisers themselves, which he held already in prison, he suffered himself so to be led by their fair words, being persuaded that black was white, that giving certain and indubitable credit unto them, he let them go, nothing caring to provide for that which might discover or hinder the enterprise, and did not so much as set a guard at the Ports, 
Conspirators and 〈…〉 not to be believed.  neither changed the Captains, neither commanded that the Ports should be kept longer shut then of custom, neither sending out any to discover; and in sum provided for nothing, but as a man would say, sleeping at his ease, he accounted himself to be in a place most secure. Wherefore Aluiano sent in great diligence by night his people towards Bibienna; which coming to the gate, were presently received into the town by the conspirators: and then the Commissary knew (by the loss of the town) how great an error it is to give light credit to those which have the name of conspirators: and being suspected for such, aught to be constrained and forced to confess the truth by means of torments.  
  

CHAP. 22. It is neither good nor sure to be too obstinate, and not to believe often advertisements given by sundry persons.  
I Have never commended nor made account of those, 
It 〈◊〉 ●otable sollie to give much credit to judicial Astrology.  which over curiously sought to know their fortunes and adventures by Astrologers and Soothsayers: for that if they prognosticate ill unto them, than their minds are troubled, whether they be vile or valorous: and afterwards if they be to enter into any dangerous action, they think that without all doubt that evil must needs happen unto them, which was prognosticated. I remember there was a Captain of account in the wars, who was to enter into the lists to fight the combat with another, and held himself in a manner assured of the victory, seeing he had received honour in several charges, and had made sufficient proof both of his virtue and valour. This man had a desire to see the issue of this matter upon Pythagoras' wheel, which is a vain manner of divining, by means of numbers and names of those which cast the lot, and in this wheel is distinguished the good and the evil, life and death. It happened unto this Captain that his name, set by numbers and letters, which are practised by him who busieth himself about such foolish vanities, came under the place of death, and his adversaries under the place of life: by reason whereof he was in so great fear, and gave such credit to this lottery, that persuading himself that he should die in this fight, he began to listen to a parley of agreement; and so concluding the matter the best that possibly he could, he came not to the combat. I hold it not good that a Prince and his people should listen and apply themselves to such soothsayings, 
●publike ru●iour is not to he contemned but regarded, because it see●●eth that what is in every man's mouth is to be held for a ●uine oracle.  which may draw them from executing any honourable action. But I say also, that to be obstinate in not believing or giving credit to that which hath been often foretold him by Astrologers, to whom they presage some evil to come, is neither good nor sure: for that they may foresee some ill inclination of the heavens against him, whereof by the help of God and man's wisdom he may be delivered. They also do not well which make a scoff at a common report, which is in every man's mouth, without knowing the author thereof: for it seemeth that a public voice and common brute should be as a divine forewarning, which ought not to be despised: and oftentimes a man for not believing of himself that which hath been told even to his face, he hath repent that he did not believe it, and it hath made him with shame, loss, and dishonour to say, Truly I thought, etc. And although that to such advertisements a man ought not to attribute such certain and undoubted credit, that he should hold the same for divine oracles: yet ought he not always to scoff and jest thereat, 
●ust. lib. 12.  but wisely to provide for those evils which are threatened against us, and by wisdom to withstand the malevolent aspect of the Planets and Stars. Notwithstanding that Alexander the great was a worthy and most happy Prince, yet failed he herein: for that he obstinately despised the Magicians and Sages of Egypt, 
Alexander the great poisoned by Thessalus his Physician.  which oftentimes persuaded him to forbear to enter into Babylon, for if he did, he should there leave his life: but he contemning their often warnings would needs go thither; where being poisoned by Thessalus his Physician, he died.  
Suetonius in the life of Caesar saith, that the divine Spurina did many times tell Caesar, that he should take heed of the day of the Ideses of March, which is the 15. day of that month, for that then upon that day he should be in great danger of death: julius Caesar would not give credit to the speech which she used to him, but in going the morning of that same day towards the Senate, he met her upon the way and said unto her: Spurina, we are now in the 15. day of March, and I am yet alive. Whereto she answered: If the day be come, it is not yet past, but tell me this to morrow morning. But Caesar being entered into the Senate, 
Caesar slain and massacred by Cassius and Brutus.  was presently slain by Cassius and Brutus, and other conspirators. Whereby it appeared that it had been better and more expedient for him to have given some credit to the Divine, and by his wisdom to have observed that day, to overcome his constellation, rather than in despising her counsel and advertisements to tempt his ill fortune, seeing that the Divine had prefixed the certain day, he by his wisdom might have made her a liar. And through the like obstinacy, in giving no credit to often advertisements of evil, and so to take heed thereof, the histories of the kingdom of Sicily make mention of great dangers foretold their Kings: as to William the first of that name called the Caitiff, 
William the first King of Sicily would never believe that Maion, a favourite of his, would have slain him.  of whom we read, that he having raised to the honour and dignity of Admiral, a man of most base and unnoble race and lineage, called Maion, he remained many days as with a dagger at his throat, for that that the same Maion aspiring to the royal dignity, had to the government of the realm so fitted his business, that there missed but a little, that he had not deprived the King of his life and seized on the Crown: which he had effected, if he had not been prevented by death. This William would never believe what was told him concerning Maion, how he would have killed him: but was so blinded in his love, that although there were most manifest signs of all that which had been told him, and had found in his house (after his death) all the royal habiliments & ensigns new made, to attire himself withal; yet would he not be persuaded but that Maion had rather caused than to be made to give unto him, than to any evil end, construing all these signs to the contrary, notwithstanding that he were made (as a man may say) to touch the danger with his hand: he loved better to suffer himself to be led by his blind and foolish affection, than by the consideration of the truth, which was often told him by his true & affectionate friends. And thou friendly reader, if thou wilt know the sottishness of a foolish Prince, & the villainy of a wicked servant, read the histories of Sicily, written by Fazelli in that chapter where he treateth of William the Caitiff King of Sicily. A man ought not too curiously to apply himself to the predictions of Astrologers, which are often found vain and false, 
A man by his wisdom ought to eschew and over come the evils threatened unto him by his constellation.  and may draw a man from executing sundry fair and good actions; neither would I that a man should too obstinately despise them, for that they may foresee many ill inclinations: but we ought to govern ourselves in such sort, that the contempt of them hurt us not, & that by our wisdom we may withstand those evils which are threatened unto us.   

CHAP. 23. The obstinacy of those which are established in great authority, breedeth many disorders, which afterwards cannot be remedied.  
Obstinacy is no other thing than a settled and firm purpose and determination to do, or not to do some thing: he which is in this manner resolute, is not to admit or receive any counsel, neither to consider any danger, but preferring his own rash opinion before the sound advertisements of wise and well advised men, to show himself to be a man of little judgement, and of no experience in the affairs of the world. Such men are the cause of many evils, and commit so many disorders, that afterwards, following their own ill fortunes and adventures, overthrow their enterprises, and bring themselves and others also into extreme danger, and oftentimes cause extreme loss and ruin. 
It is lost labour to give about to persuade obstinate persons by reason: for the more they are counseled, the more they per●st●● their opinion.  It is but lost labour to attempt to persuade such persons, by reason for that they (imagining and presuming themselves to know more than all the world beside) stop their ears to all good counsels, and their eyes to all dangers, so as all goeth to wrack. ANd as an egg by how much the longer it lieth in the fire, by so much the harder it waxeth: even so a man who trusteth only to his own brains, by how much the more you counsel him, by so much the more you make him obstinate. Monsieur de Lautrech was General for the French King at the siege of Naples, and of heart so haughty and obstinate, that although he manifestly saw before his face, that the place wherein he was encamped was neither fit nor wholesome, and that it daily waxed worse and worse; yet would he not departed from thence to choose a better, neither for the counsel of his Captains, neither for the discommodity of the soldiers, neither for the death which he saw daily before his eyes: so that after the loss of a great number of soldiers, which died poor and miserably (through the corruption of the air) in the dirt and mire, he himself also left his life: 
Lautrech, through his obstinacy, was the cause of the total ruin of the French army before Naples, and was the occasion of his own death. Guicciar. lib. 4  and in this manner he lost the honour and reputation of the victory, and was the cause that the King's army (whereof he was General) came to extreme ruin, which had not happened, if (leaving his obstinacy) he had given ear to those which counseled him, both for the private and public good. Wherefore our author wisely saith, that it is good to consider of the disorders, bred by the obstinacy of those which are employed in great matters. This obstinacy maketh men cruel, both against others and themselves also: whereof are many examples both ancient and modern, as I have understood of certain gentlemen of Sienna, worthy to be believed: that in the wars of Sienna, there were some which in the Senate did propound and declare, that they were resolved to kill their wives, their children, themselves, and to set the town on fire, rather than they would fall into the hands of the Florentines.  
Moreover, 
Obstinacy maketh men cruel both against themselves and others also.  obstinacy maketh the obstinate to be easily oppressed by their enemies: for knowing their natural condition, means may be easily found to offend them, and in fine persisting obstinate without reason or judgement, and so consequently without wit or wisdom, of force they do every thing backward, and living like fools and mad men, fall from evil to worse, and in the end to extreme ruin.   

CHAP. 24. Courtesies employed upon obstinate enemies are to no purpose, but bestowed in vain.  
WHen a Prince or Commonwealth undertaketh to wage war against another people, if by chance the obstinacy to yield nothing to the enemy, which molesteth, enter into the minds of those against whom the war is made, he which beginneth the war, must resolve with himself not to use any courtesy towards his obstinate enemy, because that any clemency or courtesy to be used will be in vain and to no purpose: for the nature of obstinacy is, to love better to die than to make any show (be it never so little) of humility or giving place. And although that the obstinate man sometime seemeth to be humbled (through extreme necessity) yet his heart is not altered: 
An obstinate man loveth rather to die, then to show but e●e the least sign of humility, or of giving place to his adversary.  for so soon as occasion is offered him, he will show that what he did was done perforce. Wherefore an obstinate and rude enemy is to be handled and dealt withal by all rigour and severity, forasmuch as gentleness and courtesy will neither pacify him nor assuage his fury. Many examples might be alleged hereof, as of the Saguntines besieged by Hannibal, but I will content myself with the example of the Pisans, happened in the time of our ancestors.  
The Florentines made long wars against the Pisans, and oftentimes vanquished them, and ever used them very hardly, and in conclusion they resolved to invade and to bring them to their obedience through hunger, and every year spoiled their harvest, and often bereaved them of hope of any for the year following, but they made provision from elsewhere. At length the Florentines determined to try them by gentleness and clemency, to see if courtesy might prevail, to the end to leave nothing untried: And for this cause they made a new law, & ordained that every citizen or countryman of Pisa, which within certain time would return to dwell in his house or possession in the country, should have free pardon for any thing that he had committed, and should re-enter upon his goods. The Florentines did this in hope to have drawn many Pisans out of the town by mean of this law, by which means the town would be weaker, and worse defended: but their hope failed them, and all happened to the contrary. For that many which were unprofitable for the wars, by the consent and leave of the rest went out of Pisa, and the city remained disburdened, 
The Pisans love better to subject themselves to the Genovais their mortal enemies, then to the Florentines, their Lords, neighbours and friends.  and in part discharged of the dearth which oppressed them: and those which went forth (no less obstinate than those which remained within) for the defence of the city, with their revenues did secretly secure and relieve those which remained within; in such sort, as that they which defended the city would not yield but by force, and those which were abroad by no means could be mollified, abhorring nothing so much as the name of a Florentine. They resolved to yield themselves to the Genovais, against whom they had so often fought for the signory, rather than to yield to the Florentines. And for this cause all that a man doth, touching an obstinate enemy, is to no purpose: and therefore it availeth more to deal sharply and roughly with them, then to think to overcome them by humanity and signs of good will.  
  

CHAP. 25. The suspicions increased and made greater by the evil speeches and reports of men in authority, is the occasion that men oftentimes become cruel.  
SVspition being an opinion of evil, which entereth into our minds, and corrupteth the good which a man possesseth or thinketh to possess: when this suspicion is accompanied with probable and apparent conjectures, or maintained through the report of some parsonage of credit and authority; it may then have such force in man's heart, as to make him become enraged, inhuman and cruel. When such suspicion is entered into Princes, and great Lords which hold estates & fear to lose the same, it is easy to make them to feel it, and increase and augment their suspicion, chief when they are stirred, and that the flea (according to the common saying) is put in their ear, by persons to be believed, which allege reasons, with some appearance or likelihood of truth. I will not produce many examples which might be infinite, but this only shall serve for a memorable example, written by Guicciardin, of john Bentivogli Lord of Bologna, who having to his advantage (by means of the King of France) ended his business with Duke Valentine, and being assured that he should not be molested by him any more, he began again to entertain and to continue the suspicion which he bore in himself against the house of the Mariscotti, which was enemy unto him, and this suspicion being augmented by the rapport (whether true or feigned) of Duke Valentine, who told him in secret, yet with a malicious heart, that he was invited by the house of the Mariscotti to approach & draw near to Bologna: which was the occasion that Bentivogli, who held the Duke to be a man of credit and authority, giving credit unto his words, entered into so great jealousy & suspicion, that being become very eager and cruel to deliver himself of this fear, knowing the house of the Mariscotti to be rich, mighty, and well followed, determined to rid himself of this corrosive, by the death of all the Mariscotti, whether they were culpable or innocent. And making his son Hermes the instrument of his cruel determination, 
john Bentivogli & Hern● 〈…〉.  he brought it so to pass, that many of the most honourable houses of Bologna, did with him imbrue their hands in the blood of almost all the Mariscotti which were in Bologna. This was done by these young men, to the end that those honourable houses, which had served his turn in the execution of so great a cruelty (in favour of Bentivogli) becoming enemies of this noble house of Mariscotti, should ever desire the conservation of him and his estate, and with all their power help to support the same. And although Duke Valentine's purpose was to make Bentivogli odious in that city, he should not have done it by such means as might bring his friends in danger: for that he ought to have considered, that a Prince to maintain his estate is to do any thing, and to attempt any hazardous enterprise, to deliver himself from his enemies and emulators. When a man seethe another man to have a great suspicion of another, he ought not further to inflame him by ill reports, because that the suspicious (to the end to be delivered of this hart-burning) regardeth not whether the report be true or false, but (using all means to assure himself) will attempt any thing, be it never so hard, unjust, dangerous, or infamous.  
  

CHAP. 26. A man ought not neither in jest or by any other means to put a Prince in jealousy of his estate, for that it is a matter full of danger.  
FOrasmuch as Princes concerning their estates, 
A comparison between a lover and a Prince.  are like lovers towards their Mistresses; and as for jealousy they are equal and march with like pace: for as a man may easily lodge jealousy in the heart of a lover; even so may a man with great facility put a doubt and suspicion into the heart of a Prince, by reason of his estate. And as he which revealing to a lover something which may be prejudicial to his love, maketh him vigilant and watchful, carefully to take heed to every thing that passeth: even so those which put their Prince in doubt and suspicion of a conspiracy, insurrection, or depriving him of his estate or such like, put him in most extreme great trouble of mind, make him make sudden and extraordinary preparations, & oftentimes to take offensive resolutions. But as a lover being certified, that all that which was told him of his beloved was feigned & a lie, he justly turneth all his wrath & indignation against those which gave him this hammer of suspicion: even so a Prince seeing in the end, that that which was told him of the danger of his estate was false and forged, is with just cause displeased with him who put him to this trouble, and punisheth him accordingly. In the year 1566. Alexander Bon a gentleman of Venice, through a vain plot and enterprise put the whole Commonwealth of Venice in doubt and suspicion of a revolution of their estate: but he missed to effect with his honour that which he pretended. This man having once deceived the Senate, in case of revealing of secrets of importance, and thereby got money; and the practice succeeding well, he practised the second time to do the like: for he was a man of great expense, and wanting means sufficient to maintain that greatness, which he desired, with rigour, 
A Captain, through boldness and diligence oftentimes obtaineth that which by mildness he should never attain unto.  he obtained of them what he would. Whereby a man may perceive, that sometimes that is obtained by boldness of spirit and constant resolution, which by ordinary means would never be granted: for that whilst that he who is sued unto deliberateth, there may grow some let and hindrance; and likewise in consulting and considering of the matter, he may resolve with himself not to grant what is demanded: and by this means wars and troubles arise, which break off the designs. But when a man showeth himself bold and audacious, and giveth him that is sued unto no leisure to study and deliberate on the thing demanded, the suddenness of the matter presenteth before him the present danger in deferring or denying to yield to that which is required: and so a man showing himself hardy and bold, cometh to obtain that which he desireth. The Earl of Foix served his turn in this manner, who being at Bologna, was advertised of the rebellion of Bresse, and marching forwards to make a conquest of that town, he resolved to take the next and shortest passage through the signory of Mantova: and so having upon a sudden taken this way, at the very instant he sent word to the Marquis that he would pass through his Country, whatsoever followed, requesting him to send him the keys of certain Fortresses and places, whereby he was to pass: 
Guicciar. li. 10  wherefore the Marquis being taken upon the sudden, and having no leisure to consult or think upon the demand of the Lord of Foix, who was already entered and come within his Country of Mantova, he sent him the keys of the Fortresses, which peradventure he would not have done, if the Lord of Foix had used but the ordinary means with the Marquis, which men use, which desire peaceably to pass through other Prince's Countries: because that then the Marquis had had leisure to think of the matter, and in denying him to serve his turn, with such means as he had; but considering the necessity of the Lord of Foix, who required to pass, and the danger wherein the Marquis was at an instant, if he denied his passage, or deferred to grant the same, he resolved to let him pass, without bringing himself with his estate into trouble and danger.   

CHAP. 28. Princes and great Lords ought not to despise those which desire audience of them, and especially such as may rise to some degree of honour.  
ONe of the fairest conditions that may be in a Prince, or great Lord, in my opinion, is this, to be gentle and ready to give audience to such as desire to speak to him, and principally to strangers which come to him about affairs: for besides that, he getteth and winneth to himself the love and good will of his Subjects, he may easily rid and deliver himself from the trouble of the abundance of business, which by giving often audience is cut off, either by means of grace or justice, according to the quality thereof. And those which do otherwise, and do not willingly give audience, purchase to themselves much blame and ill will, and those which cannot be heard, sometimes may so think thereof, that concealing their discontent, when occasion shall be offered, they may be revenged. And no Lord ought to think himself so great, 
Men happen oftentimes to have need of those men which in former time they despised.  but that he may have need of another man: Wherefore let him disdain no man, for fortune (as often it happeneth) may change, and a man may peradventure be brought to so low an ebb, that from him (of whom in former time, he hath made small account) he may chance to receive a displeasure: as it happened to Peter de Medicis, who (as our author affirmeth, to have heard by persons worthy to be believed) was not assisted by Duke Valentine, to return again to Florence, in revenging of an injury received of him, refusing to give him audience when he was in meaner estate. The words of Guicciardin are these. Valentin had no desire to restore Peter de Medicis to his Country, 
Guicciar. lib.  neither to do any thing for him, seeing that the greatness of the houses of the Orsini and of Vitellozo, unto which he well knew that Peter de Medicis after his return would be very firmly conjoined: and moreover, I have heard by men of credit, that in his heart was engraven the remembrance of an ancient old grudge conceived against him, when the Archbishop of Pampeluna, before he was promoted to the Sea apostolic, studied the Canon Law in the University at Pisa: for that coming one day to Florence to speak with him, in a criminal cause of a friend of his, after he had many hours in vain waited to have audience of him, being busied either in affairs or pleasures, without speaking with him he returned to Pisa, holding himself scorned, and therewith much offended. So far Guicciardin, whereof may be collected, that Princes ought sometimes to give over their sports and pleasures, to dispatch an honourable Gentleman, which desireth to speak with them, and a little to let rest the course of their affairs, to gratify a Gentleman with a word or two; for such persons may in time and place remember pleasures and displeasures received. I remember that upon a time I was in a Lord's chamber with certain others his friends, entered into a pleasant (although nothing profitable) discourse, wherein this Lord took so great pleasure, that notwithstanding that the Porters gave him to understand, that there was a Gentleman without, who desired to speak with him about matters of importance, and that we which were within, did entreat him to hear and dispatch the Gentleman; yet was it not possible for us, with all our prayers and entreaties, to cause him to give him audience: wherewith this Gentleman much offended, after he had attended a long space, returned and would rather miss of that which he desired, then return any more unto him: and was also a man that might in time and place remember this discourtesy and disdain, for that by the laughing which he heard within, he might well know that the matters in handling were neither serious nor of importance. Let Lords then be more gracious and courteous to hear those which would speak with them, for by the hundredth part of an hours audience, a man may be so well contented, as to hold himself perpetually beholding for that favour, and in time and place to acknowledge the same in a greater matter than a few words.   

CHAP. 29. Those estates which are not mighty and of power, are not to attempt great and hardy enterprises, and their resolutions are more often taken of force, than of their own free wills.  
GVicciardin speaketh of two adventures happened in the Commonwealth of Florence, whereby the Florentines showed that they wanted heart and courage to undertake any hardy and valorous enterprise, and that they were of small judgement, for the issue of their resolutions made it apparent, that they knew not how to make choice and apply themselves to better parties, and that the end of their resolutions was contrary to that which they pretended. One of these cases chanced, in the year 1500. when the Florentines with the aid of Lewes the 12. King of France, went to Pisa, hoping with those forces to take it. King Lewes the 12. desired to render Pisa to the Florentines, for that they were bound to pay unto him fifty thousand ducats upon the taking and delivery thereof: and to this purpose the King sent thither his army, under the leading of the Lord of Beaumond, who although he were a French man borne, yet was such a one as the Florentines greatly trusted. This General marched forwards, and encamped himself between Cascina and Pisa, to the end to batter the walls and make a breach, where he marshaled his troops to give the assault: and standing in that manner, those of Pisa sent Ambassadors to the Lord of Beaumond, offering to deliver the Town unto the French, and to receive the French army into the Town, upon this condition, that the King would give his word, that he would not deliver the Town into the Florentines hands, until that four months were past and fully expired. The General propounded this question and condition to the Florentines, who would not accept thereof: wherefore the Town was battered, hard matter to endure injuries; and although they have not debated hereof in schools by books, yet they have oftentimes manifestly showed it by their Arms and Combats, so as oftentimes they have taken public revenge of secret injuries: and if they have sometimes dissembled the injury or deferred the revenge, it proceeded peradventure from hence, that then it was impossible or dangerous to take it; for a man to show himself grieved and desirous to do some outrage, were to give occasion to receive a greater injury: and every man knoweth that it more availeth to dissemble an injury, which cannot be revenged, then by seeking revenge, to incur the blame of a rash fool, and besides the shame and reproach, to receive hurt and damage. This opinion is firm and settled in our worldly minds, that a man wronged or grieved is not worthy of any honour, if he revenge it not; in my opinion, than they do very ill, which do wrong to any, knowing that our heart is so generous, as not able to bear an injury, but aspireth ever to revenge: and they do also as ill and worse, who having grieved or done an injury to any man, afterwards repose their trust in him, committing their life and whole estate into his hands; 
Herod. lib. 1. Astyages King of the Medes commanded his nephew to be slain.  I say that this fault is so gross and foolish, that it may be accounted above all the follies of the world. And if we speak of ancient histories, Astyages King of the Medes, fell into this error, who having understood by his soothsayers, that a kinsman of his should bereave him of his kingdom, he gave his nephew, being the son of his daughter, to Harpagus his General, and chief Commander of his men at Arms, commanding him to kill him. Harpagus had pity of the innocent infant, and would not soil and imbrue his hands in his blood, but left him in a forest, to the end that wild beasts should have devoured him. The child was found by a shepherd, who brought him up, and named him Cyrus: he was at length known to be nephew to Astyages, & that he was delivered into the hands of Harpagus to the end to have been murdered. Astyages was very wroth, & enraged hereat, and for revenge he took the son of Harpagus, & caused it to be cut in pieces, and dressed in sundry manners, and given to his father to eat. Harpagus dissembled this injury, as he which wisely considered, that then to be revenged was no less difficult than dangerous, but attending a time, he took a notable revenge. For Cyrus being become great, made war against Astyages his Grandfather by the Mother, who forgetting the wrong which he had done to Harpagus, in making him to eat his own son, he held him still in the same degree of General as theretofore, and gave him the charge of the leading of his army against his nephew. But Harpagus, at what time as he should have fought, revolted with the greatest part of the army, put him to flight, 
Harpagus General for Astyages, revolted from him, overcame and slew him.  and deprived him both of his kingdom and his life. This error deserved a great reprehension, to make a man to eat his own child, and afterwards to put into his hands both his estate and life also. The same Herodotus reporteth, that one Panionie Sciotte used a mischievous and wicked trade of merchandise, and lived of most infamous and dishonest gain, which was thus: He bought young children of Sea-rovers, and other thieves and robbers, which he made slaves, 
Herodot. lib. 8  whether they were taken either by sea or land: and when he saw any that were fair, well favoured, and of good countenance, he gelded them, and sold them to the Barbarians for a great sum of money: for they make great account of eunuchs, esteeming them very faithful, and trusty in any thing above all others. There fell (by chance) into the hands of this Panionie, a young boy of Hermotine of Pedase, and having gelded him, he was bought for his beauty and good grace, wherewith he was endowed, and was given for a present to King Xerxes, with whom in short space he got so great favour, that he was one of the King's greatest favourite. It happened that when Xerxes went into Greece in the wars against Athens, this Hermotine was sent into Mysia about the King's affairs: and being arrived at a certain place inhabited by the Sciots called Artane, he found there Panionie, and after many courtesies and embracements, he told him that he acknowledged to have received from him all the good that he had: for through his occasion he was raised to that greatness which he now enjoyed, and that he would not fail to let him know how much he remembered the pleasure received by his means: and if that he would resolve to go with his wife and children to dwell with him, he would be glad to have him near him, to the end that he might be able to requite him, for the good which he had done him, and for the pleasure received. Panionie (forgetting the wrong which he had done to Hermotine, in gelding, and selling him for a slave) gave credit unto his words, and hoping to bring his business well to pass, he with his wife and children went thither, where Hermotine did dwell. But so soon as he was come thither, and that Hermotine had him in his power, changing both speeches and countenance, he said unto him: What displeasure have I ever done unto thee, O thou unhappy man? or what wrong trusting him whom he had injuried: for being invaded by Charles of Anion, who by Pope Clement the 4. was made King of Sicily, and coming to blows with him at Beneuent, he was slain, and his army overthrown and put to flight. And the greatest occasion of this loss, 
john Rata Earl of Caserta, put his Lord Manfredi king of Sicily in extreme danger.  and of the victory of the French, was attributed to john Rata Earl of Caserta, who in honour was wronged by Manfredi, who had violated his wives honesty: and being made a Colonel and Leader of many Companies in this war, seeing the opportunity, he sought to be revenged of a particular injury by a public loss: for having made a secret agreement with Charles, he first gave him passage into the confines of Naples, and would not fight in the battle at Beneuent. Wherefore Manfredi did ill in giving charge of importance in his army to him, whom he had so highly grieved in his honour. And although (as some say) that the horns which Kings make are Crowns; yet it ought to be considered, that every man's heart is not compounded of like substance. And when a King or a Prince is disposed to do an injury to his subject or vassal, he ought also to make account that he never use his service any more in any charge, that may be hurtful unto him afterwards, but aught to entertain him in show, and giving him some honest pension or provision, to hold him far from him: for when noble hearts are grieved, they never forget the wrong; and although that for the present they have not the power to be revenged, yet nevertheless they still retain the desire to do it, and fail not to put it in execution when they have opportunity.  
In the time of our ancestors, Charles Duke of Burgundy incurred the same error, who being in a council of war with his Captains, gave a blow to Nicolas Campo Bachio, an Italian Earl, who was in that council; who, imprinting the injury in his memory, made show many years that he regarded it not, attending time and place to be revenged, 
Nicholas Campobachio, an Italian Earl, to be revenged betrayed his Master Charles Duke of Burgundy, and withdrew himself to Lewes' King of France.  which at length came to pass: for being entertained by the Duke of Burgundy in his wars, against Rene Duke of Lorraine, the said Earl Nicholas, at the battle at Nansci, gave Duke Rene warning that he should make no difficulty to encounter the Duke of Burgundy with the Swissers, for that he would come to his aid with his men at arms. The Duke of Lorraine gave battle to the Duke of Burgundy, and the Earl Nicholas would not once vouchsafe to budge with his Cavallerie, but turning his Cornet towards France, he went to the service of King Lewes, revenging himself, by the death and overthrow of his Master, of the blow and injury which he had received. Charles then committed a great fault, to hold in his camp for chief of his men at arms, him whom he had so grievously offended through folly in choler: and although that the Earl bore the name of disloyal and a traitor; yet nevertheless he gave an example to Princes, and by this fact doth advise them to take heed how they grieve their subjects, (especially such as are men of spirit and of quality) for ever trusting them any more.  
The Lord Peter Strozzi, a Captain of great worth in our time, 
Guicciar. lib. 5  in the defence which he wrote to show the occasion wherefore he was in battle overcome, and put to flight by the marquess of Marignan, where some Captains forsook him, produceth many reasons: but he concealeth the injuries done unto some, which he afterwards took with him to the wars, to which he gave the charge to guard certain holds, and to command certain men at Arms, for which fault he was publicly blamed. For there are some men which care not by a public loss, to revenge a private injury, and so as they may effect their purpose, they care not what becometh of the affairs wherein they are employed. And although that they which forsook and abandoned him, ought principally to have considered that they were in the pay of the French King, and not of Strozza; yet they cared not for that, provided that he who had offended them, might lose his credit and reputation; and whosoever shall read his apology, shall see, (though he expressly say it not) yet he noteth and meaneth it, when he silently saith: It is a thing neither honest nor honourable, 
It is dishonourable for a man to abandon his friend in time of need, for any occasion whatsoever.  for any to abandon their masters and friends in their greatest need, notwithstanding there had been some occasion given. And to speak uprightly, I say that he is much to be blamed that wrongeth another: but after that he perceiveth that he hath done him wrong, human wisdom doth then will and require him to take heed that he trust him no more, whom he hath once offended: and if of necessity he must retain him near about him, or that he have need of his service, he ought so well to look to his affairs, that the evil managing of them may not greatly hurt him; or else he ought to hold him far off from him, with some charge that may be of greater appearance in show, than of effect or importance: doing as Alphonse King of Naples did, by jacques Piccinino the son of Nicholas, whom he wisely aided and relieved as a friend, but kept himself as well from him, as from an enemy.   

CHAP. 31. He is not to be blamed, who by policy or industry draweth unto him pernicious and wicked persons, to the end to punish them for offences already committed, and to stop them from proceeding further in their wickedness.  
THere are sometimes such men borne into world, which seem to be borne to no other end, than to the ruin of mankind: and are so full of mischief, and so grounded in all kind of villainy, that when they die and leave this world, a man may justly say that the world is delivered and purged of a dangerous plague. These men, or rather monsters than men, no sooner have power and authority, joined to their inclination and desire to do ill, but they fall into infinite cruelties, disordinate desires, and monstrous actions. And for that they are nuzzled up, and accustomed to do ill, they live in great unquietness, without rest, when they cannot exercise their malice, & always carefully seek occasion to make themselves known what they are, willingly offering themselves (with great readiness) to execute the wicked resolutions and counsels of others, when they cannot effect their own purposes, having by some accident lost the means and power to do ill of themselves. When the many misdeeds of such pernicious persons deserve punishment, 
When assurance and safeguard given to a and by a Prince is to be maintained, and when not.  all policy and cunning means to entrap them is to be used: and it is but well done to fail and break the doubtful promises and assurances made unto them, so as they may be punished for the evils which they have committed, or at the least hindered and kept from committing any more. And although that faith and promise ought to be held, yea even with a man's enemies, and that it is the part of a good and just Prince to hold his word, nevertheless that is to be understood when the cases are alike: for when faith is expressly given, and that safeguard is granted upon the word of a King or Prince, I say that such faith is to be maintained and kept, even with traitors: But when the words which are used, and the promise made is equivocent, and may be diversly construed, and have sundry meanings and interpretations, I say that then it is not ill done, for a man to serve his turn to his best advantage upon such persons, for that those are a kind of people which are abstract (and as a man might say) divided and separated from the essence and being of men, and do participate more with the brutal, than with the human, and so ought to be handled and dealt withal rather as beasts than men.  
Gonsaluo Fernandez, surnamed the great Captain, knowing the most wicked inclination of Valentine, and how pernicious he had been to all Italy, so long as ability was joined with his ill disposition, drew him unto him by a safeconduct, under assurance whereof, so soon as he had him in his power he sent him prisoner into Spain. After the death of Alexander the sixth, Valentine lived in base fortune, which nothing altered his old condition, for he persuaded Gonsaluo to invade Pisa with his forces both by Sea and by Land, to the end to trouble and make war against the Florentines, for the service of his King. Gonsaluo, which very well knew the terrible inclination of this cruel man, and remembering the mischiefs and cruelties used by him, while he had means to execute the same: thought that it should be a good deed to free Italy from this beast, which already had so tormented it, and again sought to bring it into trouble. Wherefore sending him a safeconduct, and entertaining him with a show of much kindness, feeding him with hopes and promises, and while as he consulted and devised with him of matters of importance, upon the plots and stratagems which he had in hand, he had leisure to write to the King of Spain, what he thought fit to be done with this pestilent man: 
Guicciar. lib. 6  and receiving an answer according to his desire, he took away his safeconduit, and sent him prisoner into Spain: 
Valentine cunningly entrapped by Gonsaluo Fernandes, and sent prisoner into Spain, and there kept prisoner in the Castle at Medina del Campo.  And as Valentine complained that faith and promise was not held with him, Gonsaluo wisely answered, that servants hands and writings serve to no purpose, and are of no effect and value, without the consent of their Masters, and therefore this safeconduct could not serve his turn, seeing his Emperor had otherwise determined contrary to his desire. And Valentine being arrived in Spain, attended on by one Page only, he was committed prisoner to the Castle of Medina del Campo, and escaping from thence, he went into Navarre to for fear to make those which already are wicked to become worse. Even so it shall be well done, to advise honest and good men to take heed how they so easily yield themselves for a pray unto those which are wicked, by reason whereof they may incur such or greater dangers than the Pope did, as before is said, who in truth was very venturous and resolute: and Baglione bore himself as a wise Prince, notwithstanding that it was in him to have done otherwise: but he considered that wisdom and good dealing would support him, and the contrary would be his ruin: and so it may be coucluded, that he might have been disloyal if he had would, but he would not for the reasons abovesaid.   

CHAP. 33. That enterprises executed by the persuasion of Rebels and banished men, are dangerous, and seldom come to good end.  
Such men as are banished from their country, have so great desire to return thither again, that being always in hope, they promise both to themselves and to others also great matters: and seeking always ways and means to recover their country, they hazard and adventure themselves in every desperate action, be it never so hard and doubtful, and having but two things to lose, to wit, life and goods, they expose both the one and the other to attain to their desire. And moreover, when they find (as some say) a man's ground soft, who upon their hopes and promises will undertake to settle them again in their country, you will not believe in how many bands they will engage their faith, and with how many promises and persuasions they stir up and spur men forwards to attempt the desired enterprise. But afterwards when a man cometh to the trial of the matter, and that they recover their country by any other means than thine, they will fail of their faith: so as the promises grounded upon incertain hopes, being found vain and missing effect, thou knowest with shame, and often with loss, how vain and weak the foundations were, and how deceitful they were by whom thou wast persuaded to put their practices in execution. We have hereof two examples, the one ancient in Titus Livius, the other modern in our author: the one appertaineth to the want of faith in banished men: and the other concerneth the vanity and falseness of their promises. Titus Livius declareth, that when Alexander the great passed with his army into Asia, Alexander King of Epire, or Albania, his kinsman, went with a great power into Italy, 
A Province in the Kingdom of Naples.  whither he was called by certain banished men called Lucains (now the people of Basilicate) who put him in hope (by their means) to possess the whole Province, and swore never to abandon him. Alexander the Epirot was induced by the oaths and promises of the Lucains, and being arrived in Lucania, the inhabitants there promised to call home and restore their banished men to their country, upon condition that they would kill Alexander. 
Alexander, King of the Epirotes, slain by the Lucains, being banished from their Country whom he sought to restore.  Wherefore in hope to repossess their country, they slew the Albanian King, falsifying their oaths and promises made unto him: and so will all they do which bind themselves by oath, to him which shall promise to restore them to their liberty in their own houses: so great is their desire to return thither. That it is very inconvenient to be induced or moved by the greatness of their promises, we have infinite examples in the histories: for banished men ordinarily promise much, and cunningly feign many things, so as they stuff a man with hopes, and provoke him to execute their designs, which in the end turn to the great dishonour and loss of him who putteth them in execution.  
Themistocles being banished from Greece, by his promises and persuasions induced Artaxerxes to make war against it: 
Themistocles poisoned himself.  but Themistocles being unable to maintain and hold his promise to Artaxerxes, for shame, or fear of punishment, poisoned himself: by which reason, this enterprise was pernicious and deadly hurtful to Themistocles, who procured it, and scandalous and exceeding chargeable to Artaxerxes, who by his persuasion put it in execution.  
Of later time the Lord of Chaumont, General for the King of France in Italy, a parsonage of great virtue and authority, through the persuasion of those of the house of the Bentivogli, was induced to go to Boulogne to restore them again into the City, and there to have suppressed Pope juli the second. But the promises which the out, 
Ferdinand and Don julius conspire against Alfonso Duke of Ferrara.  and made them to be put in their place again, without loss of his sight, by the quick and careful care of the Physicians) conspired together to put the Duke to death, Ferdinand which was the second son, in hope to possess the state, and julius for that it seemed unto him that Alfonso regarded not the injuries done unto him by the Cardinal, and for that he expected not otherwise to be able to be revenged on him. See what Guicciardin saith. By which words it may be gathered, that the intention of Don julio was to stir more against the Duke, who had dissembled the wrong and outrage done unto him, then against the Cardinal the author of the injury. Wherefore let Princes take heed that they suffer not their favourites and kinsmen to be so bold, that they dare to do what please them, without fear of punishment, and seem not to see the wrongs which they do, because that in so doing they themselves are in danger to bear the penance for the faults of others.   

CHAP. 35. It is a thing very dangerous for a Prince or Commonwealth, not to revenge a public injury.  
WE have said in the last chapter how dangerous it is for a Prince to leave unpunished the injuries committed by his parents and familiars, against some private person: now in this chap. we will show, that the same danger hangeth over him, which suffereth to escape unpunished injuries done against a public, as is a City, or a Nation, or such like: for our heart is naturally so generous and noble, that when it is wronged, it is highly grieved and the displeasure causeth men to take such resolutions, as may be very hurtful to those which are of power and able to revenge public injuries, and do it not. Whereof we have two examples of the Romans, the first in the time that Romulus and Tatius Sabinus were Princes of the City of Rome, 
Prutarch in the life of Romulus.  as Plutarch writeth.  
In the fourth year of the reign of Tatius the Ambassadors of the Laurentins came to Rome about certain business concerning the Public: and as they were traveling on their journey, certain friends and kinsmen of Tatius assaulted them upon the way, in manner of thieves, to take their purses, with such money as they had: And the Ambassadors standing in their defence, making resistance, were slain by the Romans. The Laurentins complained to Romulus and Tatius of this injury, requiring that the thieves and murderers should be punished: but Tatius who was so far from punishing and revenging the injury, that he not only pardoned the offenders, but set them at liberty, against the will of Romulus, who rather would that they should have been sharply punished. 
The Laurentins in revenge of the injury done to their Ambassadors slew Tatius king of the Romans.  The Laurentins were much offended and discontent hereat, waiting opportunity to be revenged, and upon a day they followed King Tatius which went to do sacrifice, and while as he was busy about his ceremonies they slew him. So as for not revenging and punishing the wrong done to the persons of the Ambassadors (which are every where held for holy, reverend, and inviolable) he purchased the death which he deserved: which had not happened unto him, if he had punished the public injury, as he ought to have done. The second is this, that the French, which are now called Lombard's, invaded Tuscan, and particularly the City of Chiusi: wherefore the Chiusins sent to desire aid and secure of the Romans, amongst which it was determined, that the three Fabiand should go to the French, and require them to forbear to make war against the Tuscans. These Ambassadors being arrived where the Armies were, and being better men of their hands, than of their tongues, and seeing the French and the Tuscans together by the ears, they ranged themselves in the first point to fight against the French, in the behalf of the Tuscans. Where being known by the French, they turned all their wrath and displeasure against the Romans, which they before had conceived against the Tuscans: and this displeasure grew in this, that the French having framed a complaint by their Ambassadors to the Senate of Rome, requiring that the Fabians should be delivered into their hands, to be punished: but the Romans were so far from delivering or punishing them, that when the time came to create new Magistrates, they were made Tribunes, with consulary dignity. Wherefore the French, seeing them raised to dignity and great honour, which they desired to have seen punished, and assuring themselves, that that which was done, was done in despite of them; full swollen with wrath and fury, they suddenly levied a mighty army, and by assault took Rome, the capitol only excepted, which they grievously spoiled. This ruin befell the Romans, for no other occasion, but because that they would not punish an injury done unto a whole nation, and for violating public justice. Let every Prince and Commonwealth then, make reckoning of public injuries, and do reason and justice to the party wronged and grieved, if they will not by public and particular ruin bear the penance of their injustice: and let not Princes think, but that he which is grieved, will use all means to be revenged, to their loss and danger; if they think otherwise they will be deceived in their imaginations.   

CHAP. 36. He that is in prosperity ought not to reprove him that is fallen from good to evil fortune, for that he little knoweth what may happen to himself.  
THere is a certain kind of men in the world, who so long as fortune favoureth them, thinking that this fortune will never fail, esteem themselves to be so wise and provident, that they cannot decay: and if by chance there come before them a man who by misfortune is fallen from some great estate, and become poor, and of low degree, presently as though they were the only men that knew how to govern well, either they reprehend him for ill government, or charge him with dastardy and cowardice, and that he did not take just revenge, accounting him fearful and of little spirit. But afterwards when misfortunes happen to themselves, (forgetting the reprehensions by them used to others) they show themselves more fearful and worse advised than those whom they before reproved. john Bentivogli Lord of Boulogne in the wars and misfortunes of Italy, in the time of Charles the 8. King of France, behaved himself in such sort, that he preserved his estate, and lived peaceably: but the like happened not to Peter de Medicis, who was as it were Lord of Florence; for having consigned the Fortresses of Serezana and Serezanel, to the King of France, he purchased the hatred of the Commonwealth of Florence, and was driven out of the Country and proclaimed rebel; who went to Boulogna, and was received by john Bentivogli, who at the first sight sharply reproved him, for that, that without striking one blow with his sword, and without the death of any one man, he had forsaken such and so great estate; which he said was prejudicial unto him, and was an ill precedent for all those which would oppress the liberty of their Country: 
Guicciar. lib. ●  and wished that Peter had been a man of more courage, and of a greater spirit and wisdom, and to have shown a more greatness in his government than he had done. 
A man cannot retain that greatness of courage in adversity, which they showed in the beginning of their prosperity.  But afterwards when the same john Bentivogli in the time of Pope julius the second, began to prove ill and contrary fortune, (which depriveth men of their wits and judgement) and that the Pope chased him out of his estate, he knew then, that men in contrary accidents and misfortunes, cannot retain that greatness of courage which they had in time of their prosperity: and then perceive that when they were fortunate, they did wrongfully reprehend others of fear and ill government. For the Lord of Boulogna, seeing himself invaded by the Pope with a mighty army, and seeing the Lord of Chaumont, General of the French army in his aid, to drive him out of the estate, having lost both courage and counsel, without so much as vnsheathing his sword, and without shedding one drop of blood, he went out of Boulogna, with his Wife and Children to Milan; leaving Boulogna free to the Pope and to the Church of Rome. So he seemed not to remember the reproach which he had used to Peter de Medicis, neither had he that greatness of courage and force in himself which he desired to have been in another: and left for example, that no man should mock nor reprove him which is fallen from prosperity to adversity, for that no man knoweth what may happen to himself, neither knoweth whether in his troubles and adversities, he shall retain that force of courage, which he would have seen in another.   

CHAP. 37. That mighty Commonwealths and excellent personages ought not to be blamed, although they give place to the force and oppression of fortune.  
FOrasmuch as I know well, that many have blamed the Lords of Venice, because that in the year 1508. they were vanquished and put to flight at Vaila, and were in a manner at a point to have yielded unto the Empire all the main land: I have thought it a matter not altogether unprofitable to consider a little, and by piecemeal to examine the manner of their carriage and proceeding in that case; and to show that they were not so blameworthy as many would make them. Amongst all them which blame them, the most sharp and vehement is the Author of the discourse upon Titus Livius, an Author truly, both grave and honourable, who by words a little too large and vehement, termeth them weak, base minded, insolent, and of small judgement: for this cause I will endeavour myself to show, (without offence to this Author) that the Lords of Venice, have not deserved in their doings to be so much blamed and mocked by him: and whosoever shall proceed as they have done, be it a Prince, or Commonwealth, cannot justly be termed, weak, insufficient, nor less excellent than before. This Author in the beginning, showing the baseness and negligence of the Venetians, maketh this conclusion: That excellent men, and mighty Commonwealths, retain in all fortunes, the same courage, and the same dignity. And to strengthen his conclusion, with examples, he allegeth one in particular, in the person of Furius Camillus; and another universal, of the Roman Commonwealth, and saith, that although that fortune change and is variable, yet nevertheless their courage altereth nor changeth not, and they bear themselves in such sort in their accustomed manner of living, that it seemeth that fortune cannot surmount them, or predominate over them, and repeateth the words which Titus Livius maketh Camillus to speak: Nec mihi dictatura animos fecit, nec exilium ademit. Which is to say: The Dictatorship hath not given me courage, or made me proud, neither hath my banishment taken it from me, and made me base and a coward. 
The greatness of courage of the Roman Commonwealth.  The example of the Commonwealth consisteth in this, that after the loss of the battle of Cannae, which was the third, the Romans were not out of heart, nor discouraged, neither would they ransom their prisoners, nor send Ambassadors to Hannibal, but put another army into the fields. Behold what he saith of excellent men and mighty Commonwealths: and then turning to weak men and weak Commonwealths, he saith, that they which are of small heart and little courage, are otherwise governed: for through their vanity they are proud and insolent in prosperity, and so make themselves odious to their neighbours: and when fortune turneth her back and changeth countenance, they become so base and abject, that they do nothing worthy their greatness: and so concludeth, that the virtue of retaining courage is seen in the Romans, and that the vice of baseness, and to become abject, was seen in the Venetians: and with many words continueth blaming them, and noteth all that they did after that battle, calling them base and cowards, seeing that having but half lost a battle at Vaila, they yielded to the Pope his towns and country, and to the King of Spain his ports and Havens; and to the Emperor his towns, declaring themselves his Tributaries, offering to pay 50000. Ducats yearly unto his Majesty. This author setteth down all this in the 31. discourse of his third book.  
But whosoever shall well examine the doings of the Venetians, shall see that they therein did deserve more praise than blame, and that they rather showed a greatness of mind, than any fear or baseness. And to set it down in order, it ought to be considered, that when a man speaketh of two men, or of two Commonwealths, and that he maketh between them comparison of their actions, it is requisite that all things therein be alike: for when there is neither equality nor proportion, a man can neither blame nor praise their doings. The proportion and comparison consisteth in this, that the disgraces and misfortunes be equal and alike, and the strange accidents of the same. And to come to the particular, I would gladly ask of this author whether the disgrace of the exile of Camillus, might be compared with the misfortune of Hannibal of Carthage, when he fought with Scipio at Carthage, and whether Hannibal might be said and reputed to be base and abject, when (seeing his country oppressed by ill fortune) he went to entreat a peace with Scipio: I do not think that Hannibal can be said to be of a base courage in comparison of Camillus, the disgraces being unlike. And a man may say as much of the Commonwealths. Let a man make comparison between the disgraces and ill fortunes of the overthrow at Cannae, and the war which the Venetians had in the year 1508. and he shall see whether Rome may be termed a mighty Commonwealth, and Venice a weak Commonwealth. But to come near to the particular, and to show that the Commonwealth of Venice hath not deserved so great blame, I will ask of the author of this discourse certain questions, by the which it shall appear that the Lords of Venice dealt wisely, and not like fools and ill advised: and grounded upon certain rules and precepts, which this author giveth in divers places, it shall be seen that they failed not in doing as they did. First I remember to have read in one of his discourses, wherein he showeth that the Romans never had two wars together at one time, although they had many one after another, but not two at any one time together: standing upon this ground, I would ask the author how the Romans would have behaved themselves and maintained their greatness, if after the overthrow of Cannas by Hannibal, they had had to deal with four Hannibals togethers at one instant, all conspired to their overthrow and ruin? I am of opinion, that being oppressed by their ill fortune, they would hardly have retained the haughty courage which they showed, having to deal but with one. Wherefore, if the Venetians, after their overthrow at Vaila, had had to deal but with the King of France alone, as the Romans with Hannibal alone, this half overthrow of Adda had not made them so much discouraged, yea they would not have taken any great care, (with the rest of the army which was saved, with the Earl of Patiglian, and one of their Pouruours, amounting to the number of 25000. men, and with many others which were gathered and joined togethers) but would have resisted the King, and retained their former courage, and peradventure surmounted their adversary. But being to fight not only against one enemy, but against five or six at once, united and conjured together, who had concluded in the Castle of Cambray, and resolved to ruinated them, and to make war against them all at one instant, and every one apart: it is not to be wondered at, though they could not show the virtue that was within them, by their exterior forces; seeing that according to the common Proverb men say, Ne Hercules contra duos, that Hercules himself is not sufficient to fight against two at once: one only Commonwealth then, could worse resist and make head against Pope julius the second, the Emperor, the kings of France and of Spain, besides other petty Princes, which altogether rose and made war against them in divers places, as the Duke of Ferrara, the Marquis of Mantova, and the Frangipani, Infrioli. So as it could not be said, that the Lords of Venice had not one only war (as the Romans had) but four together, and each of them with great Princes, each of which was sufficiently able to wage war with them alone; for this cause the Commonwealth of Venice, did not deserve to be reckoned in the number of the weak Commonwealths, neither was there any comparison between the disgraces happened to Rome, and that which befell the Venetians.  
And moreover seeing that the Venetian Commonwealth, by the Author of these discourses, is placed in rank with weak commonwealths, he ought rather for pity to have excused the weakness and debility thereof, then to have charged it with cowardice, and to be basely discouraged: for a weak person showing weakness and debility, deserveth not to be blamed for it, but rather to be pitied. Furthermore a man may say, that the Venetians lost not the virtue of their courage, but concealed and hid it for a time: so as it plainly appeareth, that so soon as there was but one hair of fortune's periwig presented unto them, & that there began to shine but one little sunbeam of hope, but presently they took hold thereof: and then manifesting the virtue which for a time lay hidden, they boldly re-entered into their enterprises; and mocking at the leagues and forces of their enemies united against them, they recovered and in short space reconquered all that, which they had (rather let go astray) then lost in Lombardy. To the rest the same Author in the eleventh discourse of his third book, 
☞  giveth a rule and advertisement: that when many that are puissant and mighty are joined and united togethers against one other, that is mighty, although that they all being united be far mightier than he, a man ought nevertheless to hope better of him alone which is the weaker, then in all them, although in number they be most mighty, for this, that he alone using a little industry, may disunite and separate them asunder; provided always, that he be so valorous, as that he may be able to resist the first brunts of their assaults, temporising and attending occasion. Hear what this Author saith, and after addeth and allegeth the example of the Venetians, when in the year 1484. they had all Italy banded against them, by which means they were wholly overthrown and undone, and could not keep the field with their army, through an agreement made with Lewes More governor of Milan, and a practice and device they delivered themselves of that trouble, recovered the country which they had lost, and usurped part of the Duchy of Ferrara. This advertisement being founded upon the example of the Venetians, I know not wherefore a man should impute that to their baseness now, which was then accounted for good industry: and I know not wherefore a man should say of them, that in the year 1484. they were wise men, and that in the year 1508. they were ill advised. There were many which were puissant, united against one that was puissant: they which were united and conjoined togethers, were more mighty than this alone; how could the Venetian Lords than hope to have the better, and to disunite the Princes, united and combined in league togethers to their ruin, but to serve their turns by industry? to grant unto the Pope that which he instantly demanded; to give to the King of Spain those Ports which he desired; and to demonstrate unto the Emperor that they would do that which he required? wherefore should that be accounted baseness, which afterwards showed itself to be wisdom? And if the Venetians were not so valorous, as to resist and support the first force and assault, they found nevertheless the means to temporize, until they might be able to disunite the other Princes from the King of France, against whom was the principal quarrel, and by whom they were overcome and put to flight: and for this cause they gave especial charge to Anthony justinian their Ambassador with the Emperor, to conclude a peace with him upon what condition soever. They sent no Ambassadors to the French King, who had overcome and defeated them, neither to ransom their prisoners, neither did they make any show to stand in any doubt of him alone. Wherefore the resolution of these Lords was, to have wars only with him, as the Romans had with Hannibal alone: and therefore they used all means to bring it to pass that he might remain alone, for that they doubted not so to unite and reinforce their troops, to fight with him, and to overcome him if possibly: And whosoever shall with judgement read Guicciardin, shall see that the Venetian Lords did very wisely, to use this expedition to disunite the Princes: for they were no less to fear some civil tumult within their walls, than the enemy's armies abroad: upon this accident which might happen, the Fathers and Senators used great consideration. And although that Guicciardin do note them of a little fear and of a too sudden despair; I say, nevertheless that it more availeth to be wisely fearful, then rash and foolishly hardy: for sometimes the feigning of fear hath served men's turns in many occasions and occurrences. Moreover, the author of the said discourses, in the fourteenth of his second book, speaking of the rendering any thing through fear, which appertaineth to another man, saith, 
☞  That when a man hath to deal with one man alone, the yielding up of any thing through pusillanimity, will not appease him, but that he will have more: but when a man is to answer to many enemies, when thou shalt restore to some one, that which appertaineth unto him, thereby to win him to thee, and to disunite and separate him from the rest of the confederates against thee, (although that the war were already open) this plot and counsel is good: see what he saith. Resting myself upon this his foundation, I say, that the Lords of Venice having to deal with many enemies united togethers, and the war being already open, did wisely to give to some one of them, that which belonged unto him, to disunite him from the rest of the allies and confederates: and therefore they deserved not to be blamed, seeing they followed this counsel, so much approved by the author of this discourse. And further, in the 11. discourse of his third book, he saith: That the Venetians in the year 1508. were ruinated, for that they had no valorous armies, nor means to temporize, neither time nor opportunity to separate nor disunite the confederates: and addeth further, that they might have given part to save the rest, and if they had made restitution in season, it would not have seemed to have been done through necessity: and if before the rumour of the war, it had been a wise and prudent advice; but in the time of the war it was scandalous, and of little profit. Grounding myself upon these words, I say, that the Venetians did wisely to proceed in this manner. And that the author of this discourse (noting want of wit in whosoever shall proceed as they did) ought to remember what he hath written, and prescribed for a rule of estate in the second book the 14. discourse, which is this: That oftentimes men are deceived, which think by humility to overcome arrogancy, and his words are such as follow: 
Proud men are hardly appeased by humility.  No Prince ought to omit any part of his degree, neither aught to leave or give up any thing by composition, (if he will honourably leave it) except it be when he is able, or thinketh himself able to hold it: for it is better to suffer it to be taken perforce, (the business being brought to such terms, that it cannot be left in the manner aforesaid) then to leave it for fear of forces. For if thou leave it for fear, and thou dost so to the end to deliver thee from war, most commonly thou gettest nothing thereby; and for that that he to whom (through apparent fear) thou hast yielded aught, will not be contented, but will have yet more, and will be inflamed against thee, and less esteem thee, and thou shalt find foreign aid very weak; but having discovered thy adversaries drift, if thou put thyself in order, and preparest thy forces, although they be less than his forces are, he will begin to regard and make account of thee. From these words a man may draw many conclusions, to prove that the proceeding of the Lords of Venice, in this great oppression and disaster of fortune, was not base, but wise and well advised: and the conclusions are these, that humility vanquisheth not arrogancy; and that a man ought to give nothing to the enemy before the war; and that it availeth more to lose by force, then through the fear of force; and that whosoever doth yield or restore that which belongeth to another, thereby to disunite enemies confederated and in league together, doth wisely. The first reason than is this, and may be framed in this manner: Pride and arrogancy cannot be surmounted by humility: the Venetians rendering that which belonged to others, had showed themselves humble and abject, and so consequently had not abated the pride of those Princes, and having granted that which they required, they would not have been contented, but would have had more. A man may frame the second in this manner: Thou sayst that the Venetians made no restitution at such time as they should have done it; I demand at what time they should have made restitution? By thy rule they ought not to have rendered before the war was moved, for fear to make show of fear; neither upon the taking of arms, for that were a matter scandalous: it shall then be well done to make restitution upon the experience of the war. But the Venetians made no restitution before the war, neither upon the point thereof; they did well then to parley and treat of restitution after the battle. A man may thus frame the third: It is better to suffer a thing to be taken away by force, then to abandon it for fear of force: the Venetians suffered that which belonged to others, to be taken from them by force, and did not abandon it for fear of force: they did better than in proceeding in this manner, then to have made restitution before the trial of arms. The fourth is framed thus: Whosoever doth render that which belongeth to another, thereby to separate him from his confederates, doth wisely. The Venetians made restitution, to the end to separate the Princes united against them, they governed themselves wisely, and their manner of proceeding was advised & not weak, being wisely fearful. As for the matter where the author aforesaid saith, that the Venetians are insolent in their prosperity, and that they called the French King the son of S. Mark, they made no account of the Church, neither could they hold themselves in quiet in all Italy; I say that it is an ordinary vice among men, and that they can hardly contain themselves within the bounds of modesty, in fortunate and happy times; and it is more possible to make no show of melancholy in an ill time, than not to be joyful in good times, 
Joy cannot be hidden.  for it is more easy to conceal sorrow then joy, the which being unable to be contained within a man's breast, of force will show itself in some one manner or other. A man might also say, that there is no heed to be taken to the speeches of the common people, the which naturally is of custom insolent, and to use ill and unsavoury speeches, chief in a free City as Venice is: neither ought a man to regard or make any reckoning of the speeches and discourses of young gentlemen, which yet have not had any experience in the affairs of the world, who in prosperity cannot choose but show themselves pleasant and joyful at the happy success of their country, vaunting of the enterprises thereof, as if they were their own, and sometimes let slip some words, which sent a great deal more of pride and vainglory then of modesty: but regard is to be had of the words of the Senators and grave Fathers, which suffering not themselves to be carried away with the passion of the mind, have their tongues conformable to their brains and senses. And if Princes which are held and reputed for wise, show themselves insolent and puffed up with pride in prosperity, 
Lewes' More, Governor of Milan, caused himself to be called the son of Fortune.  and endeavour to extol themselves through proud and ambitious titles, as did Lewes More, who called himself (and would that others also should do the like) the son of Fortune. Should a man then marvel though the Venetians through insolency called the French King the son of S. Mark? And it is a common saying, that every dog will bark at his master's door, and every cock will crow upon his own dunghill. Wherefore should a man make such account of the insolency of the Venetians, which in fine hurteth none but themselves, and passeth not their lakes and channels of waters: a man should not speak so much of so mean a matter. As for this, that the author of this discourse allegeth, that the Venetians sent to make themselves Tributaries to the Emperor, and to pay him yearly 50000. Ducats for tribute: Some hold this to be but a false rumour bruited abroad, because that these Lords sent Anthony justinian to accord with the Emperor upon whatsoever condition: whereupon many things were spoken of, without any ground or foundation, and the Ambassador (aforesaid) never came before the Emperor, neither passed he Trent, because the Bishop of that town would not give him audience, he went no further, but returned again to Venice. And it is the more unlikely that they would offer themselves Tributaries to the Emperor for this, that upon some occasion the league of Cambray was broken. And put the case that the Emperor had stayed with his forces alone, the Venetians had no reason to stand in fear of doubt thereof, in any such sort, that that fear should make them perpetual Tributaries to the Empire: and the letters which were written by the Senate to the Pope, were not so full of pusillanimity, fear, or cowardice, as some report, but with a Christian reverence and grave humility, for the desire they had to be absolved of the censures and excommunications of the Church, of which absolution they made more account, then of sundry towns, and to appease the wrath of the Pope, who seemed to be highly displeased with them, because of his countries, and finally to separate and disunite him from the King of France, as they did: and to the same end they rendered the Ports of Puglia to the King of Spain. As for the Oration which Guicciardin is said to have translated word for word out of the Latin, which he setteth down as recited by the Ambassador justinian before the Emperor, I say it might well be true, that Guicciardin had seen, and had this Oration, for that that at Rome, and in sundry places of Italy, many copies were to be seen by the fault of many Secretaries, or men's curiosity, which make profession to have certain secret and singular matters: and every man knoweth that when such copies pass many men's hands, a man may easily add, not only words, but even whole sentences. But may it not be found that Guicciardin feigned it, and drew it out of Hannibal's oration to Scipio, written by Titus Livius, wherein are the very same conceits: for he had no reason to compile such a tale, when as he might summarily show the substance and content of the legation and the embassage of justinian, as by his history a man may see many others dispersed: but for as much (as I have said) many copies were to be seen, and peradventure before justinian parted from Venice, Guicciardin may be exempted from the reproach and slander to have forged it, to the dishonour of the Venotians. And for conclusion. I say, that a man ought not too hastily to condemn either Princes or Commonwealths of debility or pusillanimity, when they are surprised by some force and great injury and oppression of fortune, which surmounteth their forces, and when fear falleth upon them, (which may trouble and shake any man be he never so constant) and I know not how the Commonwealth of Rome would have showed her excellency, if it had had to deal with so many enemies together, as Venice had. And in giving place to the mighty oppression and force of Fortune, a man loseth neither his excellency nor courage: for to fight and lose through obstinacy, rather than by giving place to the fury and rigour of fortune, to assay to avoid the peril and trouble, is audacity, but not valour; and rashness, rather than prudence.   

CHAP. 38. That he who of an enemy will become a friend, ought not only to forget all injuries past, but to put from him all things which may put him in mind thereof.  
ALthough it be more easy of a friend to become an enemy, then of an enemy to return friend: so is it that the last is not impossible, although it be somewhat difficile, and less used than the first, the which difficulty cometh of no other thing, then from the greatness and nobleness of our heart, which cannot endure to be injuried nor grieved in any part, which may diminish (be it never so little) of his dignity: which he also doth in matters conjoined therewith, as country, wife, children, and such like; which if a man wrong, the heart is highly displeased, and aspireth to all kinds of revenge, thereby to assuage the grief which oppresseth it, by reason of the injury received. From hence cometh the slaughter and murder of those which oppress their country, and the punishment of those which conspire against just Princes, the revenge of private injuries, and the division of many friendships. And because there is no inconvenience but that a man should show himself as noble and generous in pardoning as in revenging, and acquire to himself more praise and honour in pardoning then in taking revenge, and showeth a nobler heart and greater courage in the one then in the other: 
More praise and commendation is parchused by pardoning than taking revenge.  I say that then when a man is resolved to remit and pardon all injuries past, and of an enemy to become a true friend, he must put from before him and wholly forget all matters which may bring to mind the offences received: for hated objects do greatly move our spirit, which if it be not well tempered, is easily drawn to do that which it would not, if it saw them not.  
There was a gentlewoman of Cesena worthy of much praise and commendation, whose husband in the year 1539. with many wounds was murdered: and she desiring that her son, which she had by him, who was then but a little child, should one day revenge the death of his farther: she kept his father's bloody and gory shirt in her chest, even as it was taken from his back when he was slain, which she often showed to her son, to the end to imprint in his mind by that object, the outrage done to his father. In in process of time it happened, that either at the entreaty of her parents and friends, or the persuasion of some religious persons, she yielded to a peace, and pardoned the murderer of her husband, and with so great a generosity of heart she forgave him, and ratified the peace promised, that to show the sincertie of her heart, and that of an enemy she was become an honest Christian friend, she put out of sight the object which might put her in mind of the offence committed: and taking the bloody shirt of her slain husband, she sent it to him who slew him, letting him to understand that he might live securely, for she not only pardoned him, but had also put from before her eyes the object, which might alter her mind, and make her to remember the injury past.  
In like manner the noble and magnanimous act of Maximilian the first Emperor is worthy of eternal memory, and to be registered in the immortal writings of the most excellent authors, who being resolved to hold for his friend Lewes the 12. King of France, 
A noble act of the Emperor Maxun●●an.  from the house of the which Kings of France the Empire had received many injuries: he not only thanked the King for helping him by his means to recover his towns in Frioli, which the Venetians held, but forgetting all the wrongs received of the kingdom of France, and to show that he was become a true friend, and had no object before his eyes, which might call to memory offences past, he caused a book to be burnt which was kept at Spire, wherein were written all the injuries, which in time past the Kings of France had done to the Empire: an act truly of great goodness and worthy of the magnanimity of the house of Ostrich.   

CHAP. 39 A man ought not to give credit to an error which he seethe his enemy to commit, but rather to think that he doth it to some special purpose, and that under the same, there lieth hidden some ambush or deep deceit.  
A Wise Captain or General of an Army, ought never to give credit to an error, which he seethe his enemy to commit, especially, when the error is apparently foul & gross, for therein ever lieth some secret and hidden deceit: which may happen in sundry manners: first, in showing a great and audacious rashness, and temerity, using to adventure so far forwards, that it should seem impossible that the enemy should be so unadvised, to commit a fault of so great importance, except to some purpose: as for example, when the enemy cometh to call thee, at the very foot of thy walls, and to provoke thee to fight, boldly presenteth himself, even into thy camp, that all men may marvel thereat; or by some gross feigned show, in disguised and counterfeit apparel, making show to do something, enforcing themselves thereby to draw thee out of thy Campe. Such manner of the enemies proceeding aught to make thee beware, for such drifts are not without some cause and especial set purpose to deceive thee. 
〈…〉  Amongst the examples of the Romans, we have one of Fuluius, Lieutenant of the Roman army, when he remained alone to guard the Camp in the war against the Tuscans, for the Consul being gone to Rome to do certain ceremonies, the Tuscans then thinking to draw the Romans in the absence of the Consul out of their Camp, and to make them fall into an ambush laid there hard by: they sent certain Soldiers appareled like Shepherds, with a good number of beasts, and made them go within sight of the Roman Army, coming almost to the trenches of the Campe. The Lieutenant marveled much at this their boldness, and devising with himself what this presumption might mean, and considering well that it had some foundation, he found out the means to discover the fraud, and so this devise of the Tuscans served to no purpose. A man ought also to know this error, when the rashness of a few, with a great bravado provoketh the enemy to fight, being encamped in a strong and sure ground: and when men sally forth to fight with them, they begin to file, and make such retreat, that the encamped desiring to overcome, may follow without thinking of any ambush, and fall therein without perceiving their error, until such time as they be surprised: wherefore they ought to beware of such manifest errors, and to believe that thereunder lieth some hidden deceit. And to the end to trust to a most evident error committed by the enemy, we have an example in the Lombard's, sometime called Gauls. These Lombard's having overcome the Romans at the river of Allia, now called Caminate, took their way towards Rome, and finding the gates all open, 
〈…〉  and seeing none to guard the same, and fearing some Ambush and deceit, for they thought it impossible that the Romans should commit so gross a fault as to leave their City open without defence but for some purpose; wherefore they held themselves all that day and all the night following without entering, never thinking that in the hearts of the Romans had been harboured so great cowardice, and so little judgement, that they should have abandoned their City and Country.  
We have another example of error, 
Culcciardin.  which happened in the time of our ancestors, in the year 1508. when the Florentines made war against the Pisans. In this war was taken prisoner Alfonso de Mutolo, a citizen of Pisa, but a man of base condition, who was taken by Canaicio de prato, an old Soldier of the Florentines, which kept this Alfonso, and made him great cheer and used him very honourably. This man being by the Pisans induced to do some exploit, offered to give unto the Florentines one of the ports of Pisa, provided that they should set him at liberty: whereupon he was delivered, and being come to Pisa, he entertained the Florentines with this hope to be possessed of a port of Pisa, wherein their army might enter, and the matter was carried so openly, that coming to consult and parley with the Commissioners and principal men of the Florentine Camp, 
The overthrow of the Florentines before Pisa, through the policy of Mutolo, a Pisan Captain.  Mutolo brought with him certain young men of Pisa to keep him company, and although he left them a part, when he went to speak with those which were sent by the chief Commaudners of the Florentine Army, it is not to be said, but that the aforesaid Florentines might have perceived, that affairs of so great importance are not handled in public, and (in a manner) in the face of the enemy: neither did they consider that such an error could not be committed by Alfonso without some fraud, which took such effect, as the Pisans desired; for the Florentine Army approaching the port appointed and given in guard to Mutolo, which was that towards Luques, the Pisans sallied out bravely, and with the loss and dishonour of the Florentines, they let them know that the parlying to give up Towns to the enemy, is not done in public and openly: but the desire of having Pisa did so blind the Florentines, that they could not see the error of Alfonso, until it was too late, and they not able to remedy it: and there they lost many of their Soldiers and Captains, amongst which died the Captain Canaicio aforesaid, who took Mutolo prisoner, whom he had used with so much and so many courtesies.   

CHAP. 40. A Captain at all times and in all places in the wars ought to be so vigilant and in such readiness, that he may avoid the blame to have warred preposterously, and not to have done his enduour.  
AMong many considerations which a Captain ought to have, which serveth a Prince or Commonwealth in the wars, one of the most principal is, to carry himself so advisedly in his charge, that he incur not through his fault any danger: & failing in his office, he wrong not his soldiers, and dishonour not himself and the Prince whom he serveth. To trust and presume too much of himself, and to make too little account of the enemy, and to imagine all dangers to be far from him, and such like matters, may make him fall, and to become negligent upon his guard, so that by some sudden assault, or other stratagem of war, he may be put in disorder, and then (to his hurt) perceive his fault and negligence. 
Petilius Coreal, General of the Romans, through his negligence was overthrown and put to flight.  Petilius Coreal was General for the Romans, against three Leaders of the Germans, to wit, Civil, Classic, and Tutor: and having encamped himself in a strong place, he valiantly fought with the enemy, and gave them often alarms. He had a desire one night to lie out of his Camp; whereof the Germans being advertised, assailed it with great fury upon a sudden: and the Roman army, for being without a chief Commander, began to disband themselves and was put to flight: and Petilius from the place where he slept heard the noise and overthrow of his army, and when it was day he retired with great danger towards his friends, and had much to do to reunite his forces and make head against his enemy: which had not befallen him, if he had not thus erred in lying out of his Campe. 
Cornelius Tacitus. lib. 20  Behold what Cornelius Tacitus saith.  
But to come to examples of latter times, in the time of our Ancestors, in the year 1508. when the Emperor Maximilian determined to reconquer his Towns which the Venetians withheld from him, when the Lord of Trent which was for him at Verona, desired to besiege the Town of Lignago, from whence the Venetian soldiers oftentimes made roads and incursions, even to the gates of Verona, and did much hurt: wherefore he called the Marquis of Mantova, who with a company of men at Arms, which he had of the King, lay in an Island called Scale, at a great Village in the country of Verona, but unwalled, and without any manner of fortification. Whilst that the Marquis was there, doubting no enemies, he was surprised by Lucio Maluezzo and Zitolo de Perusa, Venetian Captains, by a stratagem; by means whereof he was taken prisoner, having first fled almost naked, for that being deceived by the Word, Turk, which was the Marquis his Watchword, and thinking with his people, that they had been stradiots and adventurers, which had promised to leave the Venetians, & to come to serve him; wherefore finding him with any guard, they entered without any contradiction, or resistance, for that the other soldiers and men at Arms, lay scattered here and there in the Village. They sacked the house, and disarmed the soldiers, and the marquess flying in his shirt, being gotten out at a window, and hidden in the fields, among the wheat, was discovered to the Venetians by a Peasant or Churl of the Country, and brought to Venice, and committed to prison in the Tower of the public Palace, from whence he could never get out, but by the means of Bajazeth the great Lord of the Turks. 
A Captain ought always to be in readiness and well advised in his affairs, in all accidents.  By the which fact according to the opinion which Guicciardin giveth, other Captains may also take example, to be vigilant and in a readiness in time of wars: and when they have any charge, so to hold themselves upon their guards, that in all occasions, they may serve their turns with their own forces, without assuring themselves either of the far distance of the enemies, which may secretly surprise them, or of their weakness, for that they may take heart and courage, knowing that they have to deal with persons that are ill guarded, which think that they should not be assaulted. As it happened to Prospero Colomna in the veer 1515. 
Guicciar. li. ●●  who being at Villa Franque, when Francis the first king of France passed into Italy, and thinking that his enemies were far off, suspecting nothing, not imagining that that celerity and expedition might be in another man which was in himself, being suddenly surprised by the Lord de la Palisse, as he was sitting at his table at dinner, he was taken prisoner the 15. of August, 
Prospero Columna, through 〈◊〉 own fault was taken prisoner by the Lord of Palisse, a Captain of the French.  having heard nothing of the enemy, but even then when he saw them within his house. And although that he might excuse himself, saying, that his Sentinels were taken, and that the inhabitants of the town had some intelligence with the said Lord de la Palisse; yet this surprise was attributed to his negligence and little care, notwithstanding that he was a most honourable Captain, and of that noble house full of glory, and worthy personages. Let Captains and brave warriors then learn to take heed, that they fail not of their endeavour: to the end that if they encounter with some disaster or luckless accident, they may boldly and with a cheerful countenance accuse their ill fortune and disgrace, and not their negligence.   

CHAP. 41. When a man hath news, and is advertised of a victory, it is better to pursue and assure the same, then to make good cheer for joy.  
THose men which consider not well the affairs of the world, and which govern themselves more after their own fantasy then by reason, and which apply themselves more to their present pleasure, then to provide for the evil which in time may come; will not like of this discourse, as that which seemeth to blame the joy of a victory, a good so much desired, by those which follow the wars, as nothing more. But he which shall well consider what I say, shall know that I blame not the rejoicing at a victory, for that were an express and great foolishness: but I say, that a Prince or Commonwealth, which hath obtained a victory, ought not to abandon himself somuch to joy & pleasure, that he be so overwhelmed and lost therein, that he give over the pursuit and confirmation of the victory: to the end that being certain and well assured and without any more fear of the enemy, he may afterwards, with a tranquillity quiet of mind, enjoy the fruits of the victory, and live in joy & rest. 
That is a perfect victory which assureth a man in his estate; and delivereth him from the sear of his enemies.  Wherefore a man ought to know, that the victory is either whole and perfect, or else imperfect and vain. The entire and perfect victory is this, wherein the enemy is wholly overthrown and oppressed, in such sort that you need not any more to fear that he shall be able to hurt you, or rise against you, having wholly disarmed him, and leaving nothing remaining more for you to overcome, you may live in assurance and security. For although the victory be great, and bring to the victorious much reputation: yet the victory cannot be said to be whole and perfect, so long as there resteth any enemy armed. And for a brief conclusion of my discourse, I say that that may justly be said to be a perfect victory, which leaveth nothing behind to be done and overcome, and which giveth you universal assurance of peace: and such victories are very rare, and few can be recited since the reign of Augustus Caesar. The imperfect victories are these, which although they make you respected, and give you reputation; yet they do not wholly deliver you from the enemy, & resemble a certain kind of ill plants, which bring forth branches with some fruit, which although a man cut away, yet nevertheless in the root there resteth a virtue to bring forth other, which must also be cut off: even so may a man say, 
Animperfect victory is the seed, root, and beginning of another war.  that an imperfect victory is the seed of another future war; the virtue and forces remaining yet in the enemy to renew the war, to fight again, and to bring you into new trouble and danger. And when I say, that the victory is vain, I speak not of that vanity, which signifieth little or nothing at all: but I mean that it hath not that perfection and fullness in itself, as the other before spoken of. 
Victory is many times the cause of many vices.  When a man doth not thoroughly know these imperfect victories, they of custom do draw after them many vices, as negligence, immoderate joy, insolency, and little regard of the enemy, vices truly pernicious and full of infinite dangers, especially the confidence that a man hath that he shall no more receive any injury or hurt of the enemy; which confidence maketh the victors so joyful and pleasant, that they take no care for any other thing, omitting the pursuit of the victory, which they care not to assure & confirm in such sort, that it may be plain and perfect, bringing with it true rest and public peace. To be joyful to have overcome, is a thing fit and tolerable: but through joy to leave things behind undone, fit and convenient, cannot be attributed to virtue. And joy being ordinarily an enemy to counsel (of force) where great joy is, there is little care of the evil which may ensue. 
Guicciar. li. 10  The Lords of Venice in the year 1512. obtained a great victory against the French, in the which they recovered Bresse, Bergamo, Orcinovi, Orcivechio, Pontevico, and many other towns thereabouts. The news of this victory being come to Venice, there was such incredible joy, that it almost bereaved men of their wits and judgements, and suffered them not to see the great care and diligence which they ought to have used, to confirm and assure this victory, in sending soldiers, artillery, munition, and other things necessary, as well to batter and take the Castles and places of strength yet enemies, as to assure the places already taken: but the Venetians full of joy, imagining that there was now no body left that would do them any more hurt, they rather took care to ordain and send new Magistrates, and Senators, to govern the towns which were taken (which should be the last consideration) then to provide for the pursuit of the victory, or to establish it in such sort, as they should not have needed to fear to lose those places again, as they did: which ought to have been the first thing they should have considered. For the King being yet still armed, easily recovered all those towns and fortresses again: and giving them continually somewhat to do, he made them know, that when a man hath obtained a victory, he ought to establish and assure the same before he make any bonfires for joy. Yet notwithstanding this, a man might say, and that truly, that the Venetians at one instant gave order for civil and military government: but for that it is easier to send a man to govern a place (whither he may ride in post) then to send thither munition of war, for which there requireth time; and the governors for the policy might sooner arrive, which are made in a day, than the provisions for the wars. Some men imagine, that the Venetians by reason of their great joy, applied themselves rather to create Magistrates, then to dispatch away Captains and men of war to be sent thither. And a man may judge that their provisions were great, seeing that all those places in short time after returned again into their hands, which they possess to this day.  
  

CHAP. 42. That enterprise seldom faileth which is noisome and hurtful to the enemy, and whereof a man well knoweth that he standeth in fear.  
IT is a common saying, that he which knoweth whereof his enemy standeth most in fear, knoweth also how to be able to offend him, & this is found true, when a man hath to deal with an enemy that is a man of judgement, & governeth himself by reason: for when a man seethe that his enemy proceedeth in his affairs with reason, a man may well believe that he doth it not without some purpose and occasion: but when a man hath a matter in hand, 
To know what may breed fear in a Prince that is enemy, is the beginning of good success.  whereby he may truly and assuredly know whereof he is afraid, then may he well hope of the good success of the assault to be given. And this cometh to pass when he doubteth and feareth that his enemy will assail him in some place which is weak, or ill guarded, or which he cannot rescue, by reason of the far distance; or when he hath not forces sufficient for the defence thereof, or for some other such like reason which yield him just cause of fear: and when a man hath evident tokens or certain advertisements of such fear, the enterprise so attempted seldom faileth.  
In the year 1512. after the memorable journey of Ravenna, where the French had so bloody a victory, that it was hard to judge whether party had the worse, either the victor or the vanquished: being impossible to conclude and accord any agreement between the Pope and the King of France, the Swissers came to serve the Pope, of whose valour and power the French stood much in fear. The Swissers having taken the way towards Trent to join with the Venetian army, came down into the country of Verona: and the French not knowing what course they would take, 
Guicciar. li. 10  were before gone to Pontoglio to stop their passage: but the Swissers having taken another way, the Lord de la Palisse, the French Kings Lieutenant in Italy, being in doubt whether they would go towards Ferrara or towards Milan, wrote a letter to the governor General of Normandy, being at Milan, giving him to understand of the state of the French Kings affairs in Italy, & in what terms they stood; advertising him further, that it would be very hard to resist the forces of the Swissers and the army of the confederates, if they should togethers attempt that state. This letter (by misfortune) fell into the hands of the adventurers which served the Venetians: who having read it, and consulted thereof in the presence of the Cardinal of Sedun, and others the chief of the army, it was concluded to charge the state of Milan, by the reason (as I afore recited) that that enterprise seldom faileth, which is doubted & feared by the enemy, as in this case. Wherefore the confederates laying their foundation upon this letter, and upon this just fear, charged the estate of Milan, and chased away the Frenchmen.   

CHAP. 43. To wrong the statues, images, and pictures of Princes in their life time is a poor revenge, and oftentimes the cause of great hurt to him which doth the same.  
Never man found good by doing wrong: and if it be ill done to be outrageous towards living men, which may remember the injuries, a man shall do much worse by doing injury to those which are senseless and can not revenge it. And here hence it cometh, that they are much blamed which commit cruelties upon dead bodies, which ought to be left in peace, and respected as those which cannot answer for their faults. For which cause Homer blamed the Greeks', who wounded the dead body of Hector after he was slain by Achilles, and noted them with this scoff, That the very Hares would adventure to charge the Lion when he was dead. And although it seemeth that they which commit such outrages, 
Those which do wrong and show cruelty to the dead, are worthy of eternal shame and dishonur.  receive some contentment by glutting their rage: yet it cannot be said, but that such doings are rather brute and savage, than human. The injuries which are done to statues and images of Princes in their life time, resembleth this injury: and if it be done for revenge, because they cannot do it to himself being alive, a man satisfieth his rage against the stone or the wood which representeth him, I say that this is a poor revenge, fitting the fury of the common people, which in itself hath no reason or judgement. And if such injury be done to charge the person represented in this image, I say that it is a thing very dangerous, because that the Prince, or some friend of his, will peradventure think of this wrong which shall be so done, reputing the offence as done to himself in person, and will punish it no more nor less, then as if he himself in person had been grieved, mocked, and ill used, in what manner soever. We have an example in the Boulognois, in the time of Pope julius the second, who having driven the Bentivogli out of Boulogne, did many pleasures to the Boulognois, granting them many privileges, dignities, and exemptions, which the Boulognois ill acknowledged, when the Bentivogli, by means of the French King, again returned into the city: for than they took a statue of his made of brass, which was erected unto him as a benefactor, which statue they threw down in disdain and derision: the people was induced to this injury, either by the guard and followers of the Bentivogli, or otherwise being tired with the troubles of the war, they would discharge their choler and fury, according to their custom, upon the image which represented him, whom they deemed to have put them to all that pain and trouble. The Pope was highly displeased with this injury, 
Gucciar. li. 10.  and when Boulogne returned again under the command of the Church, after the French were driven out of Italy, if he had not been prevented by death, (as the report went, whether it were true or false) he had determined in revenge of that injury, to have destroyed the city of Boulogne, and to have reduced the inhabitants into the city of Cento, and already began to stay the choosing of Magistrates, and not to commit them in any place of any honour or government: yea and by means of his rude and severe officers he drew a great sum of money from those citizens, which clave to the faction of the Bentivogli: and if death had not interrupted his conceits, he was a man very likely to have effected what he had projected in his mind. And so the Boulognois, for having outraged the statue of a Prince then living, were in danger to have lost their country.  
The Florentines likewise were so ill affected to the house of Medicis, that when the people rose against that house, in the year 1524. certain young gentlemen of noble houses, went to the Church of the Annunciation, where were the statues of Pope Leo the tenth, and Clement the seventh, which were great and made to the life, and having thrown them down, broke them in pieces, using them very ill: this injury among others was the cause of the wars of Florence. After the which, the government being returned into the hands of the de Medicis, those which committed this wrong and outraged those Images, were severely punished: & the Florentines were made to know, that Princes know how to revenge the wrongs done to their statues, as well as if they had been done to themselves in person. 
Charles Duke of Burgundy, severely punished the City of Nantes.  Charles the last Duke of Burgundy, used so great and memorable a revenge against the town of Nantes, for no other cause but only for that the Nantois made his statue and the statues of certain others his friends, and hanged them by the neck upon a gibbet. Such injuries then done through choler or malice, are base and vile revenges, which bring with them great danger, when Princes are able to punish them. When a man hath to deal with the dead there is less danger, and yet a man purchaseth the name and report of wicked, malicious and envious, and to malice the glory of the dead, who by his virtues deserved to have a statue erected unto him, as was done to Bartholomew Coleon, erected at Venice in the place of S. john Pol, for they which envied his glory, would whisperingly say, that he was but a peddler, and had not deserved such honour, and they put into the hand of his statue, a besom, a sack upon his shoulder, and a basket upon his head, which are signs of a peddler. But this was a base injury, and a reveuge of the viler sort of some base common people: the valour of Bartholomew of Bergamo (as a warrior and Chieftain of great happiness and reputation) deserved, that the Senate of Venice (as wisely reknowledging the deserts of those which have done them service) should have made him a statue on horseback, with an helm upon his head, and the trouncheon of a General in his hand, as marks and ensigns of his worth and virtues.   

CHAP. 44. A Prince or Commonwealth, which hath to deal with a mighty and well armed enemy, ought not to refuse any reasonable and honest composition and agreement, by reason of the doubtful and incertain hope to prevail.  
WOrldly hopes are so deceitful, that whosoever doth too much depend of them, shall commit an error and be ever deceived: and for this cause every man, who upon hope of a better bargain, shall reject a good one offered, the event and expectation seldom answering the conceived hope, and the first occasion being lost, he will at length repent the refusing of the first offer, and for an incertain good, to have forsaken a certain. And because men do oftentimes deceive themselves herein, I shall not do amiss to corroborate this which I have spoken with two examples, by the which a man may know how ill they are advised, and what error they commit, which leave and refuse a good offer, upon hope to have a better. And if there be danger in all things to be governed by such hope, it is yet most dangerous in the wars, when a man hath to deal with mighty enemies, with whom it were far better to come to an honest and good agreement, then hoping in vain to have a better, and not contenting (as it were) to win, but would overwin.  
The example drawn out of the ancients, is that of the city of tire, which stood in the water as Venice doth now: 
Plutarch in the life of Alexander.  Alexander the great having conquered the East, the Tyrians seeing his greatness, sent him Ambassadors to offer him their service, and to yield him such obedience as it should please him; yet upon this condition, that they would receive neither himself, neither any of his people into their city. Alexander being displeased that one such town should shut the ports against him, whom all the East had received, rejecting both the Ambassadors, and the conditions offered, he resolved to send thither his Army. The City of tire (as I have said) was built in the water, well walled, and furnished with all things for the defence thereof, in such sort, that Alexander having besieged it the space of four months, knew well, that to stay there, was but to diminish his glory, and to lose time; whereas in the mean time, by the conquest of many other countries he might increase the same: and for this cause he concluded to accept of the conditions offered him before, and to grant to them, that which they demanded, and so began to parley of an agreement. But the Tyrians swollen with pride, and fierce, by reason of the resistance which they had made, would not so much as accept of any agreement or composition, but they slew those which came to parley with them thereof. Wherewith Alexander being much moved, with such fury and obstinacy he assaulted the Town, that taking it perforce, 
Alexander the great destroyed the city of tire.  he razed it to the ground, and slew the one half of all the inhabitants, and the other half he made slaves. And then the Tyrians to their whole subversion and utter ruin of their Country knew, that it had been better for them, to have accepted of the conditions, which they themselves had offered, then vainly persuading themselves to overcome Alexander, and to have obtained better, which was to make the enemy to give over his enterprise, and with shame and dishonour to raise his siege, which had redounded to their glory.  
The other example is taken out of the histories of Guicciardin in an action of the Florentine Commonwealth: which was, that in the year 1512. an army of Spaniards came into the signory of Florence, for three causes, to wit, to alter the Government; to re-establish the de Medicis in Florence, and to draw some money from their Commonwealth. The altering and changing of the Government, consisted, in taking away the authority of Magistracy from Peter Soderini, who was Gonfalonier for term of his life. The return of the de Medicis, was to be on condition, that they should, live as private Citizens: and the sum of money which the Spaniards required, was not such, but that the Florentines might very easily have paid it. The Spaniards had not that favour which was promised them, by many Citizens, who had offered themselves to take arms in their behalf, so soon as it should come to their knowledge, that they were arrived in that signory. Wherefore victuals and other necessary provisions beginning to fail, they assayed to come to some composition, and there being no more question of changing of the State, which was granted, and of the return of the de Medicis in like manner, but all the matter rested in paying a certain sum of money, which exceeded not 30000. Ducats: and that out of the town of Prato, before which the Spanish Army than lay, victuals should be given, until that the articles of agreement were ratified. But the Florentines, moved with a vain hope of prevailing, without accepting of any of these conditions, delayed their resolution, and finally would not accept of this agreement (the three points being reduced into one,) which was of the payment of the money. Wherefore the Spaniards constrained through necessity and despite, spoiled the town of Prato most miserably, 
Prato sacked by the Spaniards.  and put the whole estate of Florence to great pain and trouble. He than committeth a great fault, which is assailed by a mighty enemy, and accepteth not of the reasonable conditions which are offered him, in hope to prevail without them. The City of tire ought to have been contented, when Alexander yielded to grant unto them the conditions, which they themselves before had demanded, and to have made so great a Warrior to consent to their wills. It ought also to have sufficed the Florentines, when so many conditions propounded by the Spaniards were reduced into one: and it was a sufficient Conquest, that the Spanish Army did yield to any of their demands, without the performance of all that which they had required. But the ambition of the Gonfalonier, the deceitful hope of the people, and the desire of glory in him which governed, put the State in great hazard. So shall it ever come to those, which grounded upon the vanity of their conceits, love better foolishly to follow the deceitful hope of better fortune, then to embrace and wisely accept of good and reasonable offers: for a good composition can never be so base, but that it is some honour to him which accepteth thereof, and a man ought by so much the more to consider of this point, by how much more the enemy with whom he is to deal, is mighty and puissant.  
  

CHAP. 45. It is a great fault when confederates are slow in helping one another in time of danger, and the loss and damage that riseth thereof.  
WHen a Prince or Commonwealth desireth league or confederacy, to offend or defend, this groweth not but through the consideration of his own forces: for an estate which would offend or defend itself from the force and violence of another, and knoweth that their own forces are not sufficient to resist or offend, hath recourse to the aid or succours near or far off, according as it best fitteth his purpose, though the succours which a man requireth from far off, be for the most part (and to say the truth) in a manner always unprofitable and hurtful: 
☞  for a town which cannot defend itself by their own forces, and desireth succours from far off, resembleth a man which falleth sick of some dangerous disease, in some village far from the City, in such sort that he must send to the City for the Physician, through the far distance whereof, either the sick man dieth, or the coming of the Physician serveth to no purpose, for that the disease hath taken so great hold on him, that it is grown incurable: and so when the aid and succour is far off, of force the City so assailed must fall into the enemy's hands. A man may see an example in Sagunt, the which being besieged by the Carthaginians, attended succours from Rome: and Sienna being besieged by the emperors army, hoped of succours from France, in the year 1554. And finally the Isle of Cypress being assailed in the year 1570. by the Turks forces, had hope of succours (though far off) from the Lords of Venice. The leagues and confederacies are then much better which are made with neighbours near at hand, and those which may be easily called, and may easily help. But those which are bound in a league and required to give succour, and nevertheless defer the giving thereof, or are cold in sending, put their friends in danger, purchase blame to themselves, and the name and report to be cold friends and little friendly: and by this coldness they mar all the business which might have brought honour and profit to all; for those which demand aid are hot in their attempts, and if they which are called be cold, mixing this with that, it maketh a lukewarmness which is nothing worth: and this is the reason why leagues, for the most part, come to no good effect. And for this cause, when two or three, or more have power, to join themselves together, a man ought not then to be slow in assembling and uniting his forces, and to send them speedily where need requireth, because oftentimes they come too late. The Carthagenians had a desire to seize and make themselves Masters of Sicilia, and besiege Selinonte: and the Selinontins which saw that their forces were not sufficient to endure a long siege, neither to resist two or three hot assaults, demanded succours of the Siracusians their friends and allies; which willingly promised them aid, but they were very flow in the performance: for if the Siracusians had sent succours when the Silenontines demanded the same, Silenonte had never been taken: and if it had been taken, 
Silenonte was taken by the Carthagonians, for that it was not in time relieved by the Siracusians.  the Silenontines had had no occasion to have complained of their confederates, and the Siracusians had not purchased the evil report which they did. For notwithstanding that the Siracusians knew that the Silenontines were besieged, yet nevertheless they foreflowed the relieving of them; and notwithstanding that they were often solicited thereunto by the Ambassadors of Silenonte, yet they went slowly to work, in sending the aid which at last was sent; but the long stay gave opportunity to the Carthagenians so to force Silenonte, that they took it by assault and sacked it: and the Siracusians which were upon the way, being advertised of the taking of it, returned with repentance to have too long deferred the sending of relief. Lewes the 12. King of France, fell into the like error, being confederate with the King of Navarre. The King of Castille being enemy to King Lewes of France, would have passed into France with his Army, but the King of Navarre, for that he would not fail his friend and ally, denied and stopped his passage, in such sort that the King of Navarre procured to himself the war, and being unable to resist the Spanish King, had recourse to the aid of France. But King Lewes thinking that the King of Navarre had been able for a time to have defended himself from the forces of the Spaniard, slacked to send him succours: and this delay was the cause why the King of Navarre was overcome, and forced to fly and abandon his Kingdom. A man might produce many other examples of latter time: but these may suffice for the present. I will only say, that the Leagues are of this nature, that they are hot in the beginning, and cold in the end: and he which demandeth being hot, and he which is required cold, of force there must follow (as I have said before a lukewarmness) which marreth all, in the one heat diminishing, to see succours failing him; and in the other cold increasing, to see how great difference there is, between thinking and doing.   

CHAP. 46. When succours sent to a friend or confederate are insufficient, to put him out of danger and trouble, through being too weak, they bring danger of loss and dishonour.  
THere is no doubt but that he which demandeth succours of a Prince or Commonwealth, showeth weakness of strength, because that he which is assaulted, or which would assail another, knowing that he hath not forces fit thereto, which may be sufficient either for the one or the other, hath recourse to the aid of his friend, to the end that being united with others, he may be able to do that, which of himself he could not do alone. But when the Prince requested, whether by virtue of confederacy, or alliance, or by any other bond of friendship, resolveth to send the succours demanded, he ought to send such as his friend or confederate may serve his turn therewith: for that otherwise he which receiveth, findeth (after the common saying) an ill Merchant, which giveth him no contentment: and he which sendeth, is in danger to have disgrace, and peradventure loss in those which he hath sent. Wherefore it is better freely to deny, than coldly to grant; and this is said, for that there are some Princes, which dare not absolutely to deny the succours required, and yet will not give such as may ease and deliver their friend from trouble; and so come to resolve upon a mediocrity, which consisteth in sending so small a number of men at arms, that he which receiveth the succours, is never the better for them but in show, and he which sendeth, sendeth as into a manifest danger, whereof ensueth dishonour to the sender: and to recover his honour, and blot out this shame, of force he must send new succours, which may ease his friend & deliver him from trouble: by means whereof a man wisely doth that in the end, which he should with consideration and prudence have done in the beginning. It cometh also often to pass, that they which receive succours, through the discontentment which they have, by reason of the small aid and forces thereof, practice, and by some means conclude a peace with the enemy, without the knowledge of the confederate, as it hath often happened in time past: or else that by some stratagem, or other means, the succour sent cometh to an evil end, to the end that the Prince which sent the same, may have cause to complain of his loss received, and to be avenged thereof, to send so great a number of men, as may suffice to recover his lost reputation, and clearly to free and deliver his friend from trouble. The like part was played with King Manfredi by the Gibelins of Florence, which desiring his help against the Guelphs, which had thrust them out of the town, he sent to them for succours only one company of German men at arms, with his own Ensign or Cornet. The Florentines which were fled to Sienna, were discontent with this small succour, and by the counsel of M. Farinata of the Uberti, chief of this faction, it was devised that the Almains should either win or lose the victory alone, or should remain for pledges, to the end that being overcome & dispatched out of the way, K. Manfredi should send them some greater aid. There was a fair banquet made for them, furnished with much good meat, and excellent good wine, and at the end of the feast when they were well filled, upon a sudden an alarm was given: wherefore the Almains no less warmed and chafed with the wine, than the sound of the Drum, 
Leonar. Arch. lib. 1.  sallied out of Sienna, and with great fury charging the enemy, made a most fair proof of themselves: 
The Germans were defeated by the Guelphs before Sienna.  but in the end were all cut in pieces, and the King's Ensign taken. Wherefore K. Manfredi wroth and moved with this disgrace, sent to the Gibelins such succours, as they therewith overcame their enemies, and returned to their country: which if King Manfredi had done in the beginning, his Ensign had not received that shame, neither had his people been overthrown.   

CHAP. 47. An Ambassador ought not to care to be accounted importune by the Prince with whom he hath to deal, provided that he satisfy his own Prince in that which he desireth.  
THe charge of an Ambassador is full of great care and trouble; and he which dischargeth the same with his honour, may be placed in the rank of honourable personages, and worthy of reputation: and this charge is, by so much the greater, by how much the more a man hath to handle and manage matters of importance, or to negotiate with Princes, which being obstinate in their opinions, are not induced by the lively reasons which are alleged, neither answer to the points and conditions which are propounded. When a man then knoweth the nature of the Prince with whom he hath to deal, to be (according to the common saying) married to his own opinion, it shall be good to attempt, by some reasons to divert him, and to allege many reasons unto him, to the end that it may appear that the coldness of the Ambassador hath not broken off the affairs. But that the natural inclination of the Prince, 
An Ambassador ought not to care for an ill word from the Prince with whom be hath to deal.  hath been the cause why the business hath not taken wished effect: and when a man cometh to the point of that which he desireth, if the Lord with whom he hath to deal, wearied with his instance and importunity, show himself in word displeased, yet ought he not to be discontent: for his Prince will take his importunate solicitation for industry and diligence, although to the other it seem to be too far pressing and importunity.  
In the year 1513. the King of Spain sent to the Emperor Maximilian for his Ambassador Peter Diurea, 
Guicci. lib. 12.  to persuade him to resign Verona to the Venetians, to the end that they should not alley themselves to the King of France, and there went with him john Baptista Spinello Earl of Carriati, Ambassador for the same King to Venice: and there being a forbearance of arms between the Emperor and the Venetians; these Ambassadors arrived in Germanic at the emperors Court, who had already resolved with himself not to render Verona to the Venetians upon any condition whatsoever: because he would not wholly dispossess himself of one port, to enter into Italy. The Ambassadors began to treat of the restitution of the said town, showing for a reason that by means of the money which the Lords of Venice would give him recompense, which amounted to a great sum, and by mean of the Spanish army which their King would give him, he might make war in Burgundy: and with this reason they alleged many other. But Caesar continued still firm in his resolution, and would not be turned, what conditions soever were offered to his advantage: And because the Spanish Ambassadors were very earnest with him, Caesar displeased with their replies and importunities, and principally with those of Count Carriati, he said unto him; that by the means of his inclination to the Venetians, 
A check given by Maximilian the Emperor to the Spanish Ambassadors.  he ought rather to be called a Venetian than a Spanish Ambassador. The Earl cared not for that nip, knowing that his King's desire was, that he should pursue the restitution, and loved better to be accounted importune by Caesar, then negligent by his Master.   

CHAP. 48. What manner men they ought to be which are sent Ambassadors and officers to other Princes.  
PRinces ought to be very well advised in making choice of such men, as they will send abroad to other Princes under the name of Ambassadors, or other title: for when a Prince sendeth persons which carry not with them a gravity and reputation, there is no great account made of the Prince which sendeth them; and he to whom they are sent, is either displeased with them, or scoffeth them: whereas to the contrary, when the servant or officer hath the port of a man of reputation, the Prince which sendeth him, purchaseth the praise and renown of a discreet and well advised Prince, and he to whom he is sent thinketh himself much honoured, seeing that to negotiate with him, there are sent men of honour and of reputation. This kind of men sent in affairs, manage them with dignity, maintain the friendship between the Lords, if there be any; if there be none, they practise to make it: and briefly, they carry themselves in such sort, that he which sent them holdeth himself for well served, and he to whom they are sent is well pleased. But the officers or Ambassadors which have no credit nor reputation, in place of good will purchase hatred, and the Prince is no less blamed, than his servant or officer; and except great necessity require, there will be no conclusion of any matter of importance.  
I remember that I read in Muzio justinopolitan, an example of an officer of small account, 
Mutius justinopol. in his treatise of a Prince.  I know not whether it be feigned or true. He reporteth of the inconsideration of a Prince whom he knew, who chose a servant unfit for the affairs which he should manage, and consequently of small reputation, and saith: I knew a Prince which had to manage and treat of a matter of importance, with the Pope of his time, to whom he sent for Ambassador the chief groom of his chamber: to whom having caused his Secretaries to give instruction, according to the custom, of all that whereof he was to treat with his holiness, he learned by heart his whole instruction word by word, even as the Secretaries had given it unto him: and being come into the Pope's presence, he very well recited it word by word, even as it was given to him in writing. At the beginning the Pope began to laugh at this Ambassador, and after waxed angry, thinking that they had mocked him: but being afterwards advertised of the ignorance of this Ambassador, he mocked as well at the Prince which sent him, as at the servant which had showed such blockish grossness. Wherefore a man may well believe, that when he should desire the Pope's answer to his gentle ambassade, one should bid him return to his Master and to tell him, that he had well repeated that which he had learned. If this be true, the Prince committed a great error, to choose a groom of his chamber to treat of matters of estate and of consequence: seeing that his office was to wait in the chamber, as the office of the steward to have care for the table and other provisions for the house. When there is question of sending an Ambassador to another Prince, to carry letters of displeasure or of joy, or other such like matters, which are not of importance, than the Prince may send any body whom he please: But when it is needful to manage matters of weight and of consequence, he ought to send servants which are men of experience, of gravity and of reputation, if he will have good success in his business. For this cause Alfonse the first of Arragon King of Naples, being to send an Ambassador to Gaietta, which obstinately defended itself against him, chose Anthony Panormitan, whom he knew to be a man fit to persuade and dissuade; 
Gaietta.  he sent not thither a groom of his chamber, neither the master of his household, neither a Captain which wanted eloquence, requisite in such a case, to persuade the Gaiettanes to yield, and not to try his choler and last displeasure against them. Notwithstanding that Panormitan obtained nothing, yet it cannot be said but that the King's judgement was good, to choose a man who had more force in his tongue, than a Captain in his hands.   

CHAP. 49. A man ought ever to esteem of his enemy: for whosoever doth despise him, doth commonly despise him to his own hurt and damage.  
I Have ever marveled at some, which are accustomed to a certain manner of living, different from that of other men, which make no account of any man, and in all matters and actions, every man must give them place, and give them the honour to be superiors in every thing: and these men have such a persuasion of themselves, that they account not any for their equals, and in all occurrences despise all persons. If they be in council, to make their opinions better than all the rest, they mock at the advice of others, and a man must take their authority in payment in am of reason: they mock at every man be he never so wise or well advised. If they have any charge either Civil or Military, their directions must be followed and put in execution, be they never so gross and witless, and oftentimes dangerous. If they have an enemy, they hold such opinion of themselves, that they imagine that their looks should be as so many Musket shot, and despising him, they make account that he ought to tremble in hearing but their name only, and are so blinded in their presumption, that they perceive not the danger which (for despising an enemy) hangeth over their own heads: and such manner of men are easy to be overcome and brought to ruin: For such contempts are very dangerous, as well in particular as public enmities. And as for the particular, a man may hourly have a thousand examples of men, who, because they make no reckoning of their enemy, going unprovided are slain. Wherefore a gentleman of Florence having a quarrel with another, went armed, was commended for the wise answer which he gave to one, which asked him whether he went armed because he was afeard or no: 
A witty answer of a gentleman of Florence.  he said, that he went so armed, because he would not be afeard, and spoke wisely: for a man cannot better despise his enemy then in fearing him, to the end that he may always find us ready when he shall assault us, and that he be either deceived or grieved. As for public quarrels, to wit, when armies which are enemies follow and seek to oppress and overcome the one the other, then to account little of an enemy is most dangerous, and causeth many honourable enterprises to be lost: which may be proved by many examples, as well ancient as modern: but not to be tedious I will recite a few.  
Tigranes' the most mighty King of Armenia, being to fight against Lucullus General of the Romans, and seeing the small number of the Roman soldiers, he despising and mocking them, said: If they came to fight, they were too few; but if they came for Ambassadors, they were too many. But the issue of the battle showed, that a man ought always to make account of his enemies: for Tigranes was vanquished by a few valiant men, 
Tigranes' the king of Armenia put to flight by Lucullus a Captain of the Romans.  and to save his life, he was forced to put from him all his royal ensigns, and to fly unkowne, for fear to fall shamefully into the hands of his enemies: and so a man cometh to know that a great Army ought not to despise a little one, if the little be not without comparison much less: for the valour of a few may surmount the number of many.  
Nicias, General of a mighty Army of the Athenians, made war against the Siracusians in Sicilia, whither was sent with succour by the Lacedæmonians, Gelippus, who after many dangers by Sea, arrived at Locres. Nicias was before Siracusa, and had so furiously assaulted the town, that the Siracusians (being in despair) began to parley among themselves, and after with Nicias, touching composition of peace: whereto as Nicias would give no ear, there came news that Gelippus was landed with succours in Sicilia; whereat Nicias mocked in disdain, being grown proud, as much for his happy success, as for that he heard the enemy's Army by Sea had made shipwreck, as also for that by secret means he practised with certain Siracusans, to deliver the Town: by reason whereof, hec judged that Gelippus was not a man to make resistance against him. 
Nicias a Captain of the Athenians, through his temerity was overcome and slain by Gilippus.  By this contempt of the enemy and trust in himself, Nicias being become more hardy, and less heedful than he ought to have been, cared not for fortifying, nor for setting of guards upon the passages, nor to send forces to keep the enemy from landing, which if he had done, (esteeming of Gelippus as a man ought to have done of a valiant Captain) and had provided as he ought; he had not been brought into that extremity as he was, neither had he at last, lost both his Army and his life also. Even so Nicias showed by his example, the danger and loss that there is, in not esteeming an enemy, although that he that contemneth have the advantage, and the favour of fortune in the war, seeing that his fortune may change, being as it is so mutable.  
In time past there fell into the like error of contempt, Braccio de Montone, a most excellent and valorous Captain in his time, this man besieging Aquila a town in Abruzzo, understood that jaques Caldor & Francis Sforce came to rescue the place: but he despising & making no account of his enemy, as well for that he had the better and the advantage, as also for that, 
Braccio da Montone defeated and put to flight by Francis Sforce.  that Francis Sforce was yet but young, he suffered them to come into the plain, without making any such resistance, as he had aught to have done, because he had given his word, that he would not stop their passage. But Caldor and Sforce being come into the plain, with their Cavallerie, without finding any let, put themselves in order of battle, and giving the charge, slew Braccio, and put his whole Army to flight: which peradventure had not happened, if Braccio had withstood his enemy, at his descending from the mountain, or if he had not given his enemy leave to descend, and leisure to range themselves in order. The Bishop of Crotone, which at large writeth the life of Braccio, saith, that he sent a Trumpet to Caldor, and Sforce, offering them, that if they would give him battle, he would give them liberty to descend the Mountain, and come into the plain, and would not hinder the coming of their Army. Although this offer was not accepted of Caldor, who had neither will, nor commission to fight, except in extreme necessity: notwithstanding this, Braccio against the rule and law of arms, (which willeth a man to take advantage against his enemy in what manner soever) and against the will of all his Captains, which cried that then they were to charge the enemy when he came down from the mountain, where he might have been overcome; yet would he not alter his first determination, nor change his mind, being resolved either to overcome, or to die in that fight: which he did, because he would not fail of his bold and presumptuous offer, or because he made no account of his enemy, presuming upon the valour of his soldiers, provisions, arms, and other advantages. And so Braccio committing that to the will of fortune, which he safely might have performed by his own industry, lost miserably his army, his reputation, estate, and life; and being wounded to death, was taken prisoner by a simple soldier: and by his disaster and overthrow, taught other Captains not so lightly to regard their enemies, whether he be old or young; because he ought to esteem the aged, by reason of his wisdom and experience; and the young, because of his hardiness and good fortune.   

CHAP. 50. Worthy acts are more often requited with ingratitude and reproach, then with reward and commendation.  
TRuly it is a great disgrace to a gentleman, loving the good and safety of his country, when he enforceth himself to deliver the same from some imminent danger: and after that he hath delivered it, to be requited with ingratitude, and blamed for that which he hath done: and having directed all his actions to a good end, when the execution thereof is ill construed. This of custom happeneth in towns which are divided, where is a government which pleaseth not all: where if peradventure any civil and dangerous tumult arise between the factious, and a gentleman put himself between both to appease them, and that by his industry he stay and pacify them, although for the present he seem to deserve commendation, yet their blood will soon wax cold, and this gentleman will be blamed by either party, or else each of them construing the resolution and agreement taken by his means and counsel, to be to their prejudice and disadvantage.  
In the year 1527. 
Guicci. lib. 13.  the City of Florence was governed as a free Commonwealth, whereof, for the house of Medicis, and in the name of Pope Clement the 7. was chief, Silvio Passerino Cardinal of Crotona. It happened in the 27. of March in that year, that the Duke of Bourbon with his army marched through Tuscan to go to Rome: and being near to Florence, the Florentine people discontent with the government which then was, under colour to defend themselves against the Duke of Bourbon, demanded the common Arms from the Magistrates: & as the matter was deferred, there grew by chance a sedition in the public place: by reason whereof the greatest part of the people, and in a manner all the young men running to the Palace, constrained the sovereign Magistrate to proclaim Hippolito and Alexander de Medicis Rebels, which were the Pope's nephews, with intent to alter the government, & to reduce it to a popular estate. The Cardinal Silvius provided not for this sedition, but following his determination to go to meet the Duke of Urbin, which, with the army of the league, followed the Duke of Bourbon, and to receive him into Florence, gave opportunity to the gentlemen and the young men to possess the Palace. This done, the Duke of Urbin and the Cardinal, with Hippolito de Medicis, entered into Florence, and having put 1500. soldiers in arms, which upon a just suspicion had been many days in the city: they took their way towards the place, there to draw to a head, and to force the Palace which the young men had fortified. These soldiers presently possessed the place, being abandoned by the people: and the Duke of Urbin and the marquess of Saluces, perceiving that there were too few soldiers to force the Palace, which for fear the people should again take heart, was to be taken before the night came on, therefore they resolved to bring into the City part of the Venetian companies, which were encamped near the town: and there was prepared a miserable and lamentable day for the City of Florence, where hourly were in danger the Nobility to be massacred, 
Francis Gu●●c●ardin de●uered the city of Florence from great danger.  and the rest to be sacked. Francis Guicciardin, being the Pope's Lieutenant, provided a good remedy for this disorder, whereby he delivered his country from an imminent danger and memorable loss, which was this: Frederick Bozolo coming out of the Palace, whither he entered at the beginning of this sedition, to the end to have appeased the same, which he could not do, but being taunted with many bitter speeches by the angry young gentlemen, and therewith highly offended, in a great chafe he returned: and knowing the small forces and the great disorder within the Palace, by his report he might have done much harm. But Guicciardin went to him and appeased him, praying him that he would not inflame the hearts of the Duke and the Cardinal to take the Palace by force, but that he should persuade an agreement, and enforce himself to pacify the trouble: which he very well performed, and persuaded the Duke and the Cardinal to go into the Palace; where in cold blood, with good words and fair promises, they which were within, were persuaded to return to their houses, & to leave the Palace: and so by means of Guicciardin the sedition ceased and was appeased. But within a little while after, he was blamed both by the Cardinal Silvius, and by the Florentines also: and each of the parties deemed that this agreement was prejudicial unto them, for that the Cardinal complaining of him, said, that loving better the preservation of the citizens than the greatness of the house of Medicis, he had been the occasion that by his means and cunning, the estate of the house of Medicis had not that day been for ever established by the blood and death of the Nobility: 
The Florentines murmured against Guicciardin.  and on the other side, the Nobility and Commons railing at him, said, that when he entered into the Palace, making the danger greater than it was, he seduced them (for the benefit of the de Medicis, and to support them in their greatness) without need, to lay down their weapons and return to their houses: so as the doings of Guicciardin pleased neither the one nor the other. A gentleman is not to care for such reproaches, being for the good and defence of his country, neither aught to regard the ingratitude of the citizens, neither the speeches of the people, provided that he serve and profit his country, which a man ought by all means to defend, and to attempt any thing for deliverance and safety thereof, whether it redound to his honour or reproach.   

CHAP. 51. Prince's ought to give ear to such as complain of their Governors and Officers: for it is a dangerous thing, not to regard them.  
FOrasmuch as Governors and Ministers of Princes and Commonwealths, may behave themselves ill in their governments, and do them little honour which placed them therein; when any one cometh, to complain to the Superior, of the ill government of some one his servant or officer, he ought graciously to hear him, and so well as he possibly may, to content the Plaintiff; for fear that some inconvenience should follow: and by somuch the more he ought to do so, by how much those Governors are remote and far distant from the person of the Prince, by which far distance they may presume to do something which cannot be endured. And forasmuch as it might seem a matter unworthy of a great Lord, to show himself a man, that will altogether believe the first tale, so soon as he heareth complaint of any one, first, of the government, and thereupon dishonour him, or having heard the governors answer for his defence, to reject the plaintiff: but he ought heedfully to hear them both, wisely seeking to understand the truth, and not to give too much credit to the plaintiff, neither to hold all for true which the Governor saith for his defence, but by all means to know the truth of the fact, and finding the plaintiff to be a liar, to reject him as a slanderer; and the Governor being culpable, to be punished for example. And to the end that the Prince may the better know the truth of every thing, he himself ought to hear matters of importance, principally when Ambassadors from his remote countries come to see him, and complain of the ill government of the officers and ministers, he ought not to send them back again by the way of those governors, who knowing that they have complained of them, 
subjects ought not to be put in despair to ma●●taine governors.  will use them worse than before: but he ought by the means of other men, worthy to be believed, to seek to know the truth, and having found out the same, put them from their governments, and not put the Subjects in despair, as not esteemed, by maintaining those evil officers in their governments: And when his Estate is great, to do as the Venetians wisely do, which send through all their Dominion, certain men with authority to allow or disallow of such things as are done by the Governors. Who so observeth this rule, doth not lightly err: but he which persuadeth himself, that his servant will not do amiss, because that in other matters he hath discharged his duty, and that therefore he should always do so, and for that cause will not hearken unto him which complaineth, they which are grieved begin to think with themselves, seeing they can obtain no redress, that it is the Princes and not the governors fault: and conceive the displeasure against the person of the Prince, and yet spare not the Governor, if they get him into their hands. In the year 1550. or a little before, the Emperor Charles the fift, sent to govern the State of Sienna, (because of the discord amongst them) Don Diego de Mendoza, who for the Emperor had executed the charge of an Ambassador, and managed many affairs in that Province. He coming to that City, (besides the Spaniards which already were there) brought with him a great number, and began to build a fortress, and hasted so well the building, that within a small time it was guardable. This governor carried himself very ill towards the Sienois, and the soldiers became so insolent and cruel, 
The insolence of the Spaniards in Sienna.  that they were not to be endured: and the Sienois did but lose time to go to the governor to complain: for he was so far from punishing the Spaniards for the evils which they committed, that he himself fell to mocking of those which complained. The Sienois then wearied with the ill behaviour of Don Diego, and his soldiers, resolved to send an honourable ambassade to the Emperor: and having made choice of the principal gentlemen of their city, they sent them to the Emperor, to complain of the injuries and indignities which were done unto them by his governor and the Spaniards which were with him. The Ambassadors were heard by the Emperor, and were but slightly believed: and in conclusion, were sent back to Don Diego, who being offended that they had complained against him, did and suffered to be done unto them worse than was done before. Wherefore the Sienois again sent other Ambassadors in greater number than before, to complain to the Emperor of the same outrages, committed by Don Diego, and brought back the same answer which they likewise had before, and were again sent back to the same Governor: by reason whereof, the Sienois despairing of due revenge and not expecting any release of their troubles, for that they could not be heard by the Emperor, & fearing wholly to lose their liberty, began to talk of rebellion, & of yielding themselves to the French King; which they did with all possible expedition: and having slain sundry Spaniards, and shut up the rest in their Citadel, they set up the arms of France, and submitted themselves unto King Henry the second: and if then Don Diego had been taken in the town, and fallen into the hands of the Sienois in that fury, surely they had done him no great pleasure. And so Caesar for giving too much credit to Don Diego, and would not by other secret means be informed of the truth, and the complaints of the Sienois, the City was brought to rebellion, and infested with a most dangerous war, and finally Don Diego betook himself to a private life; which he ought to have done before. Let Princes then understand attentively them which complain of their Governors; let them inform themselves of the truth, and do justice to him who shall require the same, if they will hold the Governors in their duty, and deliver themselves from many displeasures.   

CHAP. 52. Public officers and ministers of Princes, aught to be punished for example when they are found to have done injustice.  
THere are some men, the which confuted with certain apparent reasons, have been of opinion that a Prince ought not to punish his public officer, being in public charge of Magistrate, when he committeth in justice; and say that he ought not to be punished for three reasons: to wit, for not to diffame or dishonour the Magistracy, or public charge: for not to be esteemed of small judgement, in choosing such a one: & for not to be accounted cruel, and covetous, in bereaving him both of his life and goods. This opinion hath no good foundation, and cannot stand but very weakly: but Princes ought to have this consideration, that they suffer not to escape unpunished the wrongs done by their officers constituted in charges and dignities, and that for sundry reasons and occasions, that is to wit, to show themselves conservers and preservers and maintainers of their laws, which have prescribed just punishments for unjust Magistrates to maintain their own reputation, which consisteth in this, that they support and endure not in places of charge and government, unjust and covetous persons, and that for example, for in punishing one, all the rest will beware, & the Prince shall not need to do too great execution. 
William, King of Sicily, caused a certain judge to be ●leyed, because he did not justice in his charge.  William King of Sicily surnamed the good, imitating herein Artaxerxes, caused an unjust judge to be flayed, and commanded his skin to be fastened to the judgement seat, upon the which he afterwards set the son of the deceased judge to exercise judgement, and successively many others, which proceeding always justly, gave no further occasion to the King to use any more punishment. Cosmo de Medicis great Duke of Tuscan, during all the time of his reign, which was 38. years, or thereabouts, had no occasion to inflict overmuch punishment, for that once only he cassed all the Magistrates of eight from the Balia, for not proceeding in a certain matter as they ought; which gave so great terror to all in general, that during his life time he needed not to use any such correction towards any such Magistrate: and so all the rest governed themselves well, and performed their duty.  
A Prince ought to punish the said officers and Magistrates, to maintain his own reputation, and to avoid the dishonour which he might incur, to be accounted a man of small effect, or a wicked man of little wit, for that he knoweth not, or hath not the heart to punish; or of wicked, for that he will not punish: which things make him contemptible and odious, because that debility or baseness of mind maketh him despised, and wickedness maketh him to be hated, which are the most pernicious poisons that may be in any estate. And hence it would follow, that many would be of opinion, that he did participate and had his share in such wrong doings: for seeing that he endureth the same, a man might judge, or stand in great doubt, that he had a hand therein, and durst not punish them which enriched his coffers by any mean whatsoever. Moreover, the Prince ought to punish his evil officers, thereby to acquire unto himself the general good will of his subjects, and opinion of a just Prince: for it is to be believed, that such an officer is ill beloved of all. And for this cause when a man seethe such a one punished, they praise and love their Prince, which peradventure before was ill beloved for suffering him. Duke Valentin well knew this humour, who seeing himself hated by the Romans, 
Duke Valentin caused Ramire de orco a Spaniard, his Lieutenant, to be slain in Romania for doing injustice.  by reason of the cruelty, injustice, and ill behaviour of Remire de Orco a Spaniard, his Lieutenant in Romania, wherefore he caused him one morning to be slain and cut in two pieces in the place of Cesena: by which deed he acquired to himself the good will of all that province. A man getteth nothing to say, that he ought not to be punished, which is in public charge and dignity, for fear to dishonour the Magistracy and dignity of the place: for the Prince is more defamed and dishonoured in supporting his injustices, then in punishing them. And in like sort it serveth to no purpose to say, that the Princes small judgement is discovered in having chosen him, but it would seem much less to endure him: in the first a man might err through ignorance; but in the second, the error would be through malice. And moreover, he could not be reputed for cruel, because that he which punisheth by justice, and for the deserts of him which is punished, cannot be said to be cruel: neither can he be held for covetous, and when a man seethe manifest justice, the reproach of covetousness can take no place: and when the laws are executed, it forceth not what the common people say. The Prince ought not too furiously to hasten punishment, but having considered the quality of the person, the number of his offences, the manner of his injustice, and other circumstances requisite, he ought then to do that which by justice is required, but above all things he ought not to leave the malefactor unpunished, and if such minister or officer have greatly offended, he ought to punish him for examples sake for the wrongs which he hath done: and if he have committed but one fault or injustice, to the end that he do no more so.   

CHAP. 53. To use cruelty, is commonly hurtful to him that useth it.  
IT is a most great fault in a Prince or Captain, to be very cruel, especially towards innocent persons, or such as have little offended: for such cruel actions have ever been hurtful to them which have used them, because that with perpetual dishonour and infamy, they have lost both their estate & life: as it happened unto Aprius K. of Egypt, who for a brutish and cruel act, 
Herodot. lib. 2  practised against one who was his familiar friend and an able man, was by his own subjects deprived both of his Realm and life. After that Samnis' King of Egypt was dead, Aprius his son succeeded in the kingdom; who after a great loss received in a battle given between him and the Cireneans, the Egyptians imputing this overthrow to his imprudence and want of judgement, rebelled against him, saying, that he expressly was the cause of this ruin: to the end that having dispatched so many men which were slain in the battle, he might the more safely make himself Lord of all Egypt. The Egyptians being unable to endure such an overthrow and slaughter of their people, (as well of those which escaped from the battle, as of their friends which were slain in it) openly rebelled. Aprius advertised hereof, sent Amasis an eloquent man and of great authority, to the end that by his eloquence and smooth words he should reduce them to his obedience. Amasis' executed, or seemed to execute, the charge committed unto him by the King, and being come to the towns which rebelled, he reproved them with great gravity of speech, and endeavoured to reduce them to the King's obedience. But while as he was talking unto them in this manner, one Egizius bound his Murrain or Burgonet about with a band, and having so bound it, he put it upon Amasis' head, and said unto him, that he did put it upon his head as if it were the royal crown, and presently they all proclaimed him King of Egypt. Wherefore the aforesaid Amasis, fearing King Aprius, prepared himself to go against him, and to defend himself from him, if he came to suppress him. Aprius was advertised hereof, and sent to him an Egyptian, which abode with him, named Papremitan, a man of great reputation and authority, to the end to bring to him Amasis, which was made King. Papremitan, being come where Amasis was, which was on horseback, exhorting his people courageously to follow him, began to pray him that he would come with him to King Aprius: to whom Amasis answered, that he had long since made preparation to come unto him, and he would now so do it, that Aprius should have no occasion to complain of him, for that he would not stay long before he went to seek him, and would bring others with him. By these words Papremitan knew his intent, and seeing how he had provided for his designs, returned presently to advertise Aprius of the manifest rebellion of Amasis. Papremitan being returned to Aprius, who so soon as he saw that he had not brought Amasis with him, without hearing him speak, was so much displeased, 
Aprius King of Egypt caused the nose and ears of Papremitan to be cut off.  that he caused his nose and his ears to be cut off: for the which cruel and inhuman fact, the other Egyptians which till then remained with him, considering that so worthy a man was so cruelly handled, with so great shame and indignity, they all at an instant, without any patience, mutining, forsook him, and went to his enemy's camp: and Aprius being by them assaulted, was put to slight and taken by Amasis: and so Aprius, which was of opinion that no man in the world had been able to put him from his kingdom, being (as he thought) so firmly established, having proved the fortune of the war, was overcome and led away prisoner. And although that for certain days he were honourably entreated by Amasis, at length the Egyptians unable to endure that he, which with so great cruelty had used Papremitan, a parsonage of so great worth amongst them, should be kept by Amasis in so great delights, pleasures and honours, in great fury they required to have him into their hands. Wherefore Amasis delivered him into their power, who after they had shamefully used him, 
Aprius King of Egypt strangled by his subjects.  they strangled him. Let Princes then and great Lords having great estates, leave to be inhuman, and not to be carried away by wrath and choler, and so commit things unworthy their greatness: for one cruel act sufficeth to alienate the hearts of their friends, and likewise make them oftentimes to lose both life and estate.  
  

CHAP. 54. Let no man give credit to the promises, safeguard or assurance of a cruel man, which desireth to rule and govern.  
AS gentleness and clemency in a Prince have the power to draw unto him the love and good will, not only of his own people and friends, but also of strangers and of his enemies: There was nothing in the world that made the Roman Commonwealth so glorious and triumphant, but justice, clemency and loyalty, used even towards their emulators and most mortal enemies: the ancient and modern authors have hereof greatly praised and esteemed julius Caesar, none of them knowing certainly how to determine what made his Empire greater and him finally Lord of the Roman Empire, whether his celerity and expedition in executing his enterprises, or his great liberality, by means whereof his soldiers did what he would; or his modesty, benignity and clemency, which he used towards his most capital enemies, which he received, favoured, and made great: Even so, cruelty accompanied with ambition, and desire to rule and become rich, have the power in a cruel and covetous Prince, not only to alienate from him strangers and enemies, but also his subjects and greatest friends; because that the Prince being by nature unfaithful, and accustomed to shed human blood, is not to spare either friends or parents, and much less his emulators, corrivals, competitors, or enemies; but with all dissimulation, fraud and deceit, he will seek to oppress those, by whose ruin he may hope to increase his forces and his own estate, or in any sort to establish the same. For this cause a man ought not in any case to trust such Princes, neither for promises, for prayers, neither for safeguard or assurance given whatsoever: and those men which commit their persons into the hands of such men, which are ambitious, disloyal, cruel, and accustomed to shed blood, commit a most gross fault: for upon the least occasion that may happen, they shall be sure to be most cruelly despoiled of their estates, and therewith lose their lives. The Cardinal Vrsin Vitellozo Vitelli, 
Guiccia●. lib. ●  Pagolo Orsino, john Pagolo Baglioni, Livorato da Fermo, and john Bentivogli, and some other petty Lords of Italy, seeing the little faith, the great ambition and evil nature of Duke Valentin, allied themselves together, notwithstanding that they had been his Captains and Generals in the wars, to oppose themselves against the forces of the said Duke, who sometime bereaved one Lord, and sometime another of his estate: and their forces being united all together, 
The cunning of Duke Valentin.  were such, that Valentin could not annoy them. Valentin had recourse to his subtlety and dissimulation; and seeing that he could not resist the forces of the confederates by force, he sought by all means to disunite the minds of these Lords, and to make the one to suspect the other, imagining that he might easily overcome them being disunited. 
Cagli.  The confederates might have put him in great danger and disorder, for that that they once had put him to flight near the city of Cagli; if they had followed the victory, Valentin had not had the leisure so soon to raise himself again. But he continuing stiff and resolute to conclude the agreement, which was already begun, humbling himself, and promising to his enemies all that which they could demand, brought the matter so well about, that of most mortal enemies that they were unto him, they became his Leaders, Captains and Soldiers, as in former time they had been, and served him with their infantry and men at arms against the Duke of Urbin: which was a most gross and foul fault. And Valentin having taken by their means the estate of Urbin, 
The cruelty and treason of Duke Valentin.  and still remembering the hatred conceived against them, he caused them to be apprehended in Sinigaglia, and there to be hanged and strangled by the hands of a hangman, and taught them to know that it was not lawful for Captains to dally and jest with Dukes and their Superiors, to make an oath and to break it as a man will, and afterwards to trust to a cruel tyrant, who to increase his estate turned all things upside down. And if any man would excuse them and say, that they for fear of the forces of the King of France (who had already sent succours to Valentin) made this agreement: I answer them, that having taken arms against him, for the preservation of their estates and lives, it had been better to have left all to the incertain hazard and lot of the war, then to give credit to the words of one, who had never maintained his faith, agreement nor promise with any man, whom they themselves held for a Prince faithless, treacherous, cruel, and disloyal.   

CHAP. 55. It is a pernicious thing for a Prince to have two Generals in the wars, which strive for pre-eminence, or between whom is envy and emulation.  
IF the error of a Prince or Commonwealth be great, which having any war either civil or foreign, admitteth into his holds and towns any garrison and other men at arms, who after they have overcome the enemy may also subdue him, or them which set them at work, and in whose pay they have made the war: that Prince or Commonwealth shall commit a most great fault, who having or being to make war against puissant and politic enemies, shall hire and take into his service sundry principal Commanders in the war, which do envy one another for glory, or are small friends, having equal power, and almost the same authority: the second error bringeth peradventure no less evil and prejudice, that is to wit, to have two Generals which may war for the pre-eminence, or which are emulators, envying the one the other. The first fault to establish & settle within the country, and as a man might say in the house, a succour and garrison of men of war, which after the victory obtained against the enemies, turn and band themselves against the Conqueror, by dexterity may easily be avoided, by not trusting wholly thereto: but as for the other, if the evil be secret and far off, a man shall hardly foresee and take order for it. 
●ycurgus his 〈◊〉.  For this cause Lycurgus, the most wise lawmaker, ordained in his laws that the Kings of Sparta, in their civil government, should not do any thing but in the company of the Magistrate: but in time of wars in the field with the army, he would that they should have supreme power and authority, that they alone should command, that all should depend of their will, and that the regal authority should no way be restrained, joining certain counsellors unto him, to consult with them of the affairs of the war: which Lycurgus did with great judgement; because that knowing and foreseeing well, that when the armies are opposite the one before the other ready to give battle, the least stay or slackness sufficeth to let slip a most happy success and noble victory, from the one and to give it to his enemy: for than is no time to be busied about the advice and opinion of many: and it is a dangerous matter when soldiers are commanded by many heads, who for envy or hatred reigning between them, or for their obstinacy or temerity for the most part, agree not together: and for this cause having confirmed and united all the power and authority in one man alone, and having cut off all concurrence and envy which maketh them equal in discord, he willed that he alone should govern all, and that all the army should readily obey him. As for the first fault we have infinite examples in histories both ancient and modern: but this for the present shall suffice, 
Fazel in the vinth book of the first Decade of the history of Sicily.  recited by Fazel in the ninth book of the first Decade of Sicily, to show how dangerous a thing it is for a Prince to have to his aid and secure a mighty garrison, which afterwards he shall not be able to resist. The Reginos (a people of Sicily) were once divided into two factions, and made civil war: it came to pass that one of these parties called to their aid the Imeresiens', which then were very mighty, who coming thither, were received into Reggio: and after that the Imeresiens' had chased away the contrary party, enemy to that which called them thither, they likewise chased away their friends, and made themselves Lords and Masters of the City of Reggio. And as for the evil which happeneth through two Generals of equal authority in one army, 
The Imeresiens' seize upon Reggio.  these three short examples shall bear witness: the first is recited by Cornelius Tacitus in his 19 book, Fabius Valens, and L. Cecinna were chief and Captains for the Emperor Vitellius, and so hated the one the other, that but for the respect they had to the emperors service, they had ruinated the estate of Rome: in fine, the one being unable to endure the other, and Cecinna thinking himself in less reputation than the other with Vitellius, used treason, and departed from the pay and service of Vitellius; 
The Emperor Vitellius was overcome by Vespasian the Emperor. Fazel in his 6. book of the history of Sicily.  and Valens remaining alone, being unable to bear the burden of the war which Vespasian waged against him, was overcome and taken prisoner: and Vitellius was deprived of his life and Empire. Fazel allegeth another example in his sixth book of the history of Sicily; Leo, and Procopius were chief Generals in Italy for Basilius the Emperor of Constantinople: these in a battle at sea against the Saracens, divided their army and fleet into two parts; Leo led his part on the right hand, and Procopius his part on the left; Leo of his side overcame the enemies, and Procopius on his part was overcome: Leo, notwithstanding that he might have done it, yet would not help him: whereby it happened that Procopius died, and Leo remained alone and was forced to retire, being unable to resist the force of the enemies; so as the affairs of the Empire prospered not so well as they might have done, had there not been malice and emulation between the two Generals.  
The very same befell the Lords of Venice: the Earl of Petiglian and Bartelmy Liviano were Generals for the Venetians almost of equal power and authority: Liviano at the Ghiarra de Adda bravely assailed his enemies, and began to make them run; and if that Petiglian had helped him, the victory had remained to the Signiory of Venice. Petiglian would not help him either for the malice which was between them, or for the displeasure conceived against him, for that he had begun the battle without advertising him thereof, whereof ensued the memorable loss and overthrow of the battle of Ghiarra de Adda. Let Princes and Commonwealths than be well advised, how they receive forces and garrisons into their holds and towns, for fear they shall not be able after the wars are ended to put them out, and send them back again: let them also take heed that they have not several Generals in their army of equal power and authority, between whom there may be debate and contention for pre-eminence and superiority in the leading of the Army, or between whom may be hatred and emulation: because that from these two faults ensue the ruin and loss of honour of life and estate.   

CHAP. 56. No man ought to give credit to the words and promises of Fugitives and runnaways, for whoso reposeth trust in them, without being well assured of them, committeth a great error.  
WE have said above, that it is a great error to undertake an enterprise, through the persuasion of Rebels, because that for the most part such enterprises have not prevailed, but have been damageable and prejudicial to the authors thereof. But I find not that there is less danger and prejudice, easily to believe those which in deed are, or for some plot and secret practice feign themselves to be fugitives, principally when the war is open, and to do any thing at their persuasion, may breed great inconvenience. Wherefore I am of opinion, that those Colonels and Captains do wisely, which when any of these fugitives of their own accord come unto them, if they presently trust them not, nor give any charge of importance; but opening them their eyes, mark well their actions and manner of their behaviour, and seeming in words and outward signs that they trust them, keep them busied, giving them good hope, until they being well certified and assured of their nature and qualities, they may afterwards freely without any suspicion commit to their charge any honourable enterprise. That to trust to the promise of fugitives, is a great fault, 
Crassus, a General for the Romans, was overthrown and slain, being betrayed by a Fugitive.  and cause of most notable loss and damage, the City of Babylon can well testify, and Crassus' Captain for the Romans. The City was deprived of her liberty and almost ruinated; and the other deceived by a Fugitive, lost the Roman Army and his life with all, which came to pass in this manner. The City of Babylon rebelled against Darius' King of Persia, the which to defend itself, and to resist the forces of Darius, and fearing a tedious and long siege, made all necessary provision, as well for munition and things appertaining to the wars to defend and offend, as for victuals; and to the end that victuals should not be consumed by idle and unprofitable persons for the wars, the Babylonians slew all their women, reserving only one in every house, to give order for those things which there are necessary. Darius' being advertised of the rebellion and revolt of so noble, rich, and strong a town, having assembled a great and mighty army, and made provision of all things necessary thereto, took his way towards Babylon, and at length besieged it very strictly on every side: those of Babylon were nothing amazed to see so great an army about their walls, 
●abilon strictly besieged, and the siege thereof.  but in view of the enemies they danced upon their rampires, and gave themselves to feasting and dancing, and also used some injurious speeches against the Persians, without fearing or caring for the enemy, or his forces: the siege remained before the city one whole year and seven months continually, and it was not possible to get it by force, policy, nor promise; for all that served to no purpose. But a gentleman of Persia called Zophir, perceiving that all the Persians, and the King himself, were weary of so long a siege, attempted a most courageous and profitable enterprise for his King: for having communicated his designs and the course which he meant to hold to the King, he marred and mangled all his face with a knife, and fled from the King's Camp to the City of Babylon. The Babylonians seeing him so ill handled received him friendly, and thinking that without any malice, or feigning, he was fled to the town, they had many secret discourses with him, whereby they were persuaded that he was a deadly enemy to the King of Persia; and they gave him certain companies of soldiers in charge: the tenth day he sallied out of the town with his companies, and slew a thousand Persian soldiers, the which, according to the order concluded and agreed upon between King Darius and Zophir, had made a road even unto the gate of Semiramis, 
Zophir by fraud put the city of Babylon into the hands of King Darius.  which wan Zophir great honour and marvelous credit among the Babylonians. Seven days after King Darius sent another Captain, with two thousand soldiers to the port of Ninus, which valiantly defending themselves, in the end were cut in pieces. Twenty days after (following the accord and agreement) the King failed not to send four thousand soldiers to the port of Caldea, the which likewise were defeated by the Babylonians, by reason whereof, Zophir was held by them in such reputation, that they put into his hands the government of the town, and charge of the war against the Persians, and Darius at the time appointed, with all his whole army valiantly assaulted the City of Babylon, and while as the people were upon the walls to put back the enemy, Zophir opened two ports to the Persian army, the port Cisiana and Belida, which being entered into the town, sacked it, and the King caused the ports of the City to be taken away, defaced all, and put to death 3000. of the most noble and principal of the City. Hereby the Babylonians to their great loss knew, the great fault which they had committed, to believe a man which feigned himself to be a fugitive, and to give him the charge and government of their City.  
  

CHAP. 57 One word only being misunderstood, may breed great hurt.  
BEsides many examples which might be alleged, to show that in the affairs of war, the least fault that a man can do may be very prejudicial, I propound this, which consisteth in a word ill understood, and ill interpreted. In the time that the factions of the Guelphs and Gibelins troubled Italy, there were two houses at Perusa (to wit) of the Oddi, and the Baglioni: the Oddi were in that town the chief of the faction of the Gibelins; and the Baglioni, of the Guelphs. The Oddi were chased out of Perusa, and being resolved to return, through the help of the Gibelins of the towns near adjoining, they entered one night into Perusa, with so great amazement of the Baglioni, that being out of hope to be able to defend themselves, they began to sly. But they by an accident altogether unthought of, or (if we may so say) by an error, lost the victory, which could not have been taken from them by the enemies. There were chains cross the streets of Perusa, as at that time was the custom in towns which maintained the factions: and the Oddi being come as far as the place without any let or hindrance, a soldier with a sledge, which he of purpose carried to that effect, would have broken one of these chains, being drawn, and being unable to lift up his arms and use his hands at pleasure, because of the other soldiers of his party, which were in a troop round about him, he began to cry, back, back, back; which he said, to the end that they should give back, and make more room to give him mean to break the chain. But this word being given from the one to the other, was understood as if he had willed them to fly: and so putting themselves to flight, gave occasion to the Baglioni, to recover heart and to follow them, and they not only drove them out of the City, but slew many in the heat of the chase and fight, and afterwards put many of them to death by the hands of the Executioner.   

CHAP. 58. Who so will impart unto his servant any secret concerning his life or honour, must resolve with himself, never after to displease him.  
AMong the faults, which men of custom commit, this to me hath ever seemed very great in matters of importance, which concern a man's honour or his life, to trust to servants. The wise man saith, if thou have a good and faithful servant, love him as thy soul, touching the which words, is to be understood, that to know a good servant, there is no great difficulty, for the whole consisteth in this: he is called a good servant, which loveth his Master's profit better than his own, which is also said of a good servant and officer of a Prince: but it is a very hard matter to find one which loveth better another man's profit than his own, principally amongst that kind of people which get their living in other men's service; and truly that Master may hold himself happy, whose hap is to meet with such a servant which loveth him better than himself; and certainly such a servant doth worthily deserve to be beloved of his Master, as his own life. But for as much as this kind of men are ordinarily of condition and blood, base; by reason whereof they are generally of a cowardly heart, I find it not expedient to trust to them, without first having good experience and proof of their goodness and fidelity, that a man may know, that they would more good to their Masters, than to themselves. I speak not of that kind of servants which are otherwise called slaves, for that a man may well find slaves which are noble; neither of those which voluntarily follow some great Lord, and do him service; but I speak of those, which constrained by necessity, 
☞  having no occupation or art to get their living, put themselves to serve for wages and hire by the month, or otherwise: a man ought to prove the goodness and fidelity of such men. This experience may be had by mean of two things, which of custom have been the cement of all human hearts, (to wit) in giving him the handling of money, and the government of women: if he continue firm and constant in the government of these two things, a man may know that he is a good and a loyal servant. In an officer and servant of a Prince, besides these ciments, I would say, that it were the ambition, affecting, or desire of estate: but because that that seldom happeneth, I will not speak thereof: besides this, that a Prince having trusted his honour, or imparted some great secret with his faithful servant, to whom afterwards he happily doth displeasure, he hath no cause to be afraid of him, being able in a thousand manners to defeat him: But standing upon the former conclusion, and speaking of ordinary servants, I say that whosoever doth resolve to impart unto him any secret, the revealing whereof importeth his life or his honour, he ought to resolve and determine with himself, never after to do him any displeasure. And my reason is this, That a man naturally is of a generous heart, & can hardly endure displeasures and injuries; and there is no man, how base soever he be, that taketh pleasure to be despised and not accounted of, if he be not some fool or some mad man. Presuppose then, that the servant be endued with good qualities and conditions, and that his Master hath oftentimes had experience of his fidelity, I say nevertheless, he must always hold him as a servant, and not so much assure himself of him, that in communicating with him matters of importance, that of a Master he become a servant, and be to live with so great respect of him, that he be constrained to endure some indignities, for that he knoweth that his servant is acquainted with his secrets. Moreover, when servants see that they have their foot upon their Master's throat, usually they become insolent and proud; and their pride is sometime such, that they presume to debate with their Master, and in a presumptuous manner give him word for word; and the poor Master fearing that the servant should discover his secret, must endure it, and oftentimes hold his peace, and yield unto his servant, as overcome: and when at length, constrained by his man's insolence, or his own impatience, he resolveth to put him away, or to beat him with a cudgel, or to do him some other displeasure, although he have deserved it, he is forced to live continually in fear, that his offended servant will be revenged of the displeasure received, in revealing the secret imparted unto him, by reason whereof he may lose his honour or his life. In my time in Florence, there happened the like case; A citizen of Florence, either to revenge the death of a kinsman of the same house and family, who by way of justice had his head cut off, for ill managing the public treasure in excessive expenses, or for some other reason which I could not understand, had a desire to have slain Cosmo de Medicis, then great Duke of Tuscan, notwithstanding that he had enjoyed much good by him; and having never discovered this his thought to any man, but conspired it with himself alone, at length he imparted this secret unto one who was his servant, who shot very well with a arqebus, and desired him to make a shot at the Duke, when he should be on hunting, lying alone in some bush, as oftentimes he did. The servant would not perform such a treason; and in a while after some discord falling between the Master and the man, about a jack of Mail, and the servant finding himself grieved, left his Master and went to serve the Provost of the field; who upon a time asked of him how his old Master did use him: he answered, he used me very ill, and if I would I could requite him that I could. In what manner couldst thou requite him, said the Provost? Then he opened unto him his Master's instant request, which he made unto him to kill the Duke. Wherefore he was taken, and delivered into the hands of justice, and of the Magistrate of eight, and the truth being discovered, he was condemned to die, and was executed: which he peradventure had escaped, if he had not revealed his secret to his servant; or after that he had discovered it, if he had used him in such sort as he had had no occasion to go discontented from him, and then to discover it.   

CHAP. 59 It hath ever been held for a thing blame worthy, to vaunt and boast by word or writing; and he greatly erreth, who promiseth to himself any certainty of a doubtful enemy.  
IF men which make profession to have honourable charges, as well in civil government, 
Public persons having charge, encur many errors, if they he not endued with wisdom.  as in managing the wars, be not naturally endued with prudence, truly they are subject to a thousand errors which they commit, either through negligence in not foreseeing what may happen contrary to their designs, or by rashly promising so much of themselves, that they are persuaded through their wit and industry, to make any thing easy, how hard soever it be. This persuasion accompanied with their little wit, maketh them to tumble headlong into the glory of boasting with lively speeches of the voice, or by words in writing, and make certain promises to themselves and to others, which when the matter cometh to the issue, they know to their shame, and sometime to their loss, that it had been much better to promise less, to speak little, and to write more wisely than they before have spoken, promised, and written. jusius Caesar was never known to say, I will go, I will see, I will overcome: but when he had happily achieved his enterprise, he said, Veni, vidi, vici, I came, saw, and I overcame: for he well knew how incertain the issues of things are, which are at Fortune's discretion, 
Things which may be or not be, and depend of the will of Fortune, ought not constantry to be affirmed before that they are performed.  whose power and inconstancy, if a man knew, it is principally in the wars. And a wise Captain ought not hastily to speak or write things for certain and true, which may be otherwise: to affirm a certainty for an incertainty, is the part of a rash man, and of a fool: for besides the blame of inconsideration and vain boasting, he loseth much credit and reputation; neither is he so much esteemed as before, and sometimes is punished for his insolency and rashness.  
Milciades a most famous Captain of the Athenians, having gotten the victory at the battle of Marathon, against the Barbarous, acquired great honour and reputation to the City of Athens. This man trusting in his fortune, and promising himself too much of his valour, having a particular quarrel against Lisagoras Prince of the Isle of Para, who had accused him of treason, resolved to be revenged: he went to the Senate of Athens, demanding of them sixty armed Galleys, vaunting much, and promising with great audacity, that he would not only bring them home again safe and whole, but also laden with gold; without declaring whither he would lead them. The Athenians which had him in great account, and having made trial of his valour, setting their hearts and minds upon the treasure promised, without further consideration, gave him all that he desired: and having an Army, furniture, and provision necessary for the wars, he sailed directly to the Isle of Para, feigning that he would avenge the injury done by the Parians unto all Grecia, when they came to Marathon in the aid of the Barbarians: but the truth was, that he sought to be avenged on Lisagoras. Milciades being arrived in the Island, constrained the Parians by force of Arms to retire into a fortress, which he besieged round about, and threatened the besieged, that he would raze their Town, except they would give him an hundred thousand talents. The Parians stood upon their guard: and while as they valiantly defended themselves, Milciades spoke in secret with the she Priest of Ceres, called Timon, won by him either by prayers and entreaty or money, she led him upon the wall which compassed the Temple about; but while as he walked with her, to view the place most fit to give the assault, and saw where he might most easily enter, surprised with a great religious fear, being in a sacred place, he returned trembling by the same way that he came, and as he went down the wall, he fell and broke one of his thighs: by which accident he was constrained to return, and bring back home again the fleet laden with shame and loss, in lieu of gold which he so boldly had promised: and showed to the world how vain a thing it is to promise such things, in the execution whereof, there may happen and grow a thousand impeachments and misfortunes, and which may have an end clean contrary to that which a man hath promised. And although that many times a man use all diligence, and do all that is requisite to attain to the desired end: yet nevertheless, seeing that accidents are infinite, and not posibly to be foreseen, a man ought to be advised what he saith, and how he promise the event of things, as a wise man, and with the circumstances, which may in all occasions make him reputed rather somewhat infortunate, than over rash and presumptuous.  
Terentius Varro (as Titus Livius writeth) fell into this error of boasting, 
Titus Livius in the s●co●● boo● 〈…〉 third D●●●●●●.  who being Consul and chief of the Roman army against Hannibal, at the same day an hour wherein he received the Military Ensigns of the Senate and of the Roman people, very rashly said, that the first day wherein he did display those Colours against the Carthagenians, he would end the war, blaming Fabius Maximus for his slackness, and foreslowing it by delays. But the success of the matter made him to know that it had more availed to have spoken less; for he had no sooner displayed the Roman Ensigns against the Carthagenians, but he saw himself miserably overcome and put to flight, in that notable and memorable battle of Cannae. In the year 1513. 
Terentius Varro defeated by the Carthagenians.  the Lord of Tremoville being sent by Lewes the 12. King of France, to the enterprise of Milan, against Maximilian Sforce, the son of Lewes More, fell into this error. This man seeing that the Duke was retired to Novarra, and that the Swissers had undertaken to defend him, he wrote to the King of France very inconsiderately, and with great presumption, that he would deliver the son prisoner as he had already done the father. But the issue showed afterwards, that it had been better for his reputation that he had written more modestly, for he was constrained to retire from Novarra, without doing aught: for the Swissers sallied forth with a resolution to charge the French Camp, & being but a few, 
The French overthrown by the Swissers.  without horse or Artillery, they came to blows, and in this assault, with a marvelous bold hardiness, they took from the French 22. pieces of Artillery, put them to flight, and slew many, although that of the Swissers were slain about fifteen hundred men. And so the issue of the battle showed to the Lord of Tremoville, how vain a thing it is to promise that, which is in the hand of God, as he who only may grant it, or not. And although that he which would defend the Lord of Tremoville, might say, that he wrote those words to note the covetousness of the Swissers, which for money had already delivered Lewes Duke of Milan, into the hands of the French, and that he meant to follow the same rule, to make Maximilian also his prisoner.  
A young Florentine in the year 1527. esteemed very brave and valiant in arms, but a great prater and boaster, being to fight with another young man, who, because he was melancholic and spoke little, was called Forchebene, going in company with many others towards the place where they were to fight, which was the walking place for fools, without the Port of Saint Gal; and being come to the Port, a Customer, his friend, went to him and said: God give you the victory, and the proud young man adding blasphemy to his temerity, answered, How shall he but give it me? They came to use their weapons, and after many blows given and taken, by the one and the other, Forchebene being become, as the Minister and instrument of God, gave him a thrust in the mouth with such force, that having fastened his tongue to the pole of his neck, where the sword went through above the length of a palm and more, he made him fall down dead, the sword remaining in his mouth, to the end that the tongue which so grievously had offended God, being thrust through, should also in this world endure punishment for so horrible a sin. It is then a dishonest thing, in a Captain and in every man, to vaunt and boast of that which may be, and not be; to do, and to be silent, is more to be esteemed, than to babble, or vainly to write, and be reputed a man full of wind and vainglory.  
  

CHAP. 60. Which may be considered and learned by the Lords of Venice, who would not suffer a Gentleman of theirs, to kill Lewes Sforce Duke of Milan.  
THe Lords of Venice and Lewes Sforce entered into league against Charles the eight, King of France, and held the Town of Novarra straightly besieged, wherein was the Duke of Orleans, brother to the King, who to deliver the Duke his brother, came to a peace with Lewes Sforce, and the peace being made, the Venetian Army being to return, was constrained to pass through the estate of Milan: but Lewes which bore them no good will, commanded his Captains, that in all places where the Venetians should pass, 
Bembo in his book of the history of Venice.  they should show themselves in Arms; and so at all passages of Rivers, and in all places where was any danger to pass, he made the boats to be taken away: which Lewes did, to the end that the Venetian Soldiers should not save themselves, and go out of his Country, without his leave and permission, or against his will; and to say the truth, they were enclosed, and must in a manner debate by force at every passage; which greatly displeased the Lords, and they much blamed the disloyalty of Lewes. In the Venetian Army, 
Bernard Contarini purposed to have slain the Duke of Milan.  was Bernard Contarini, Colonel of the Albanois horsemen, a man of a high mind, resolute and valorous. He gave the chief commanders to understand, that if they would give him leave, he would find a mean to pass, and to cut off all lets, which was, to kill Lewes, while as he were talking with him in his Chamber, showing by lively reasons that there was no cause of fear, for neither the City nor the estate of Milan would rise by reason of his death. The purveyors and chief commanders of the Army would not grant this leave to Contarini, but they told him, that they would give the Senate to understand of this his proposition, and that then they would govern themselves, according to their answer. The Fathers answered, that they would in no case give consent to such homicide, for that it agreed not with the dignity of their Commonwealth; and thanking Bernard for his good will, they commanded him to give over that enterprise: and for as much as they knew him to be a man that would as soon do it as speak it, 
The Venetians would not suffer Bernard Contarini to execute his design.  they commanded him so expressly, and forbade him so strictly, that Contarini forbore to perform what he ha● determined. In this act the Venetians imitated the great Fabritius, and the generosity of the Romans, who would not accept the offer of Pyrrhus' King of the Epirotes his Physician, who offered to make his Master to die; and showed that the virtue and greatness of an excellent and mighty Commonwealth, consisteth in vanquishing and overcoming their enemies by valour and prowess, and not through vice and treason, as in the end they had done if Lewes had continued in using their Army in that manner as an enemy. A man may also consider by this doing of the Venetians, that it is a dishonest thing to use treason, and to put to death noble Princes and honourable Captains, by unlawful and dishonest means: And therefore Guicciardin with great gravity, doth reprehend the resolution taken by certain Spanish Captains in the year 1514. who having sent some of their soldiers to Padua, 
The villainy of certain Spanish Captains, who by treason world have cause 〈◊〉 Alu●an a Captain of the Venetians to have been slain.  under colour of fugitives, with commission to kill the Aluian, hoping easily to have this town, being in disorder and confusion through the death of so great a Captain, and said, that the manner of the wars and Art Military in these days, is far different from the virtue of the ancients, for they suborned no murderers: but if any one practised any treason, they revealed it to the enemy, trusting to subdue them by their prowess. If the Venetians did not discover to Lewes the danger wherein he was, they showed nevertheless a great bounty and virtue, that they suffered him not to be slain, as they might have done. Let Princes also consider, and advise themselves well, that they abuse not or deal ill with those which have been their good friends, and have served them faithfully, for they are in danger of their lives, not only in the open fields, but even in their chambers have the poniard at their bosom.   

CHAP. 61. In time of war it is not good to hold places which are ill and hard to be kept, and to stop passages.  
SEeing that at the coming of the French into Italy 〈◊〉 the year 1515. in the time of Francis the first King of France, it manifestly appeared to what pass it came to hold difficile places, ill to be kept, and to stop passages: it shall be also good to consider, as divers writers have done, and whether it be a sure way, chief when the enemy is mighty, & knoweth that he shall be troubled in his passage, and that the passage is mountainous, straight and hard to pass. That this is no sure way, a man may see by these reasons. First, that no man ought to put all his fortune in danger, 
It is folly to commit to the will of a few the state of an Empire.  and not all his forces: for to do so, is a manifest folly, as when a man putteth all his estate to the trial of a combat, of two or three, which, as arbitrators, are to determine and decide the controversy of that estate, as the Romans and the Albanians did, by the combat of the Horatij and the Curatij, where both the one and the other Empire put in danger their whole fortune, but not their whole forces. Secondly, because that the passages are straight, and mountainous, where many men of war cannot accommodate themselves, a man putteth in great danger the garrison which he sendeth thither: for the enemy increasing, may force the place, and by this mean part of the forces is lost, and this loss, how little soever it be, cannot be but dangerous and prejudicial; seeing that in such places a man always placeth valiant men. Thirdly, because that the enemies coming is incertain and unknown, and such mountainous places, being barren, cold, and full of all unrest, the soldiers being sent thither, unable to stay there long, as well for the dearth of victual, as for the difficulty to encamp and to lodge, shall be constrained to abandon them, and so you shall in vain have wearied and tired your soldiers, to their great discommodity. In the fourth place, for as much as the mountains are great, having divers places to pass, the enemy may leave the passages which are guarded, and pass by ways better known to the inhabitants, then to those which hold the guards, and come down without that any know how, or which way they came, as it happened to those which trusting & assuring themselves that the Swissers, which were set and appointed to keep the passage in the Alps, 
The Swissers were deceived by the French in passing the Alps.  and to stop the passage against the French, knew that the Lieutenant General to the King of France, had taken Prospero Colomna prisoner, in Villa Francha, before they knew that they were past the mountains. Wherefore the Swissers being deceived in the passage of the French, and the Princes astonished, 
Guicci. lib. 12.  which had taken upon them to defend Milan against them, and perceived that it had been much better to have let them pass by the ordinary way, and at the descent from the mountains to have charged them, then in keeping those passages in vain, to have afterwards much trouble and pain before they can assemble themselves together with all their forces, to try all their fortune. But it often cometh to pass, that whereas they ought to have left the passage which was guarded, or losing it by some occasion, there is such a fear and terror stricken into the hearts of the people and soldiers, which trusted in that place, that being unable to make experience of their valour, a man loseth, or is in danger to lose the enterprise, as at that time it came to pass: for the Swissers would have compounded with the King of France, whom they so much hated; Pope Leo, and the Viceroy of Naples, altered their opinions, and all the estate of Milan was turned upside down. For these reasons, the Romans never held nor guarded the passages against Hannibal, but rather would that their armies should fight in an open place, where they might overcome him, then to send them to the mountains to be consumed with cold & other discommodities of those places. If a man could conduct to those passages and hard places, all the forces, and there maintain them; in such case this course were to be held: for he that is upon the way and is to pass, shall be ever in more disorder, than he who is upon his guard in those difficult places.  
  

CHAP. 62. How much it availeth a Captain to know, what state his enemy standeth in.  
IT is great wisdom in a General to endeavour by all industry and diligence to know what state his enemy is in, what his determinations are, and to have knowledge of his enterprises and courses which he purposeth to hold, principally when there hath been some notable skirmish or battle between them, and by reason of the nights coming upon them, the issue was not seen. This diligence may stand him in great stead, and yield him means to increase his honour and reputation greatly: and by how much the enemy's army shall be far remote from him, by so much shall he be accounted the more wise, when, notwithstanding the far distance, he shall be advertised of what is done there, and of the enemy's purposes: for when the Armies are near together, a man may the more easily have intelligence. A man may have this intelligence two ways, to wit, 
A man may in two manners have knowledge of the enemy's purposes.  by his own industry, or by some accident which may happen: by industry, when the General hath good and trusty spies, and hath secret intelligence in the enemy's Army, and assayeth by all means to have both tongue and ears even in the Generals own Tent and Pavilion, and by some adventure or accident, a man may have some knowledge of the enemy's purposes; as when a man findeth one whom he sought not, and knowing what he knew not before, letteth occasion not slip which is offered unto him, as a man may see by examples. This diligence is worthy of a good Captain, yea and is most necessary for him, and he which hath neglected it, hath found himself in ill plight, and he which hath practised it, hath had good success in his affairs: for it hath sometimes chanced, that a great skirmish or a battle hath lasted till night, and in this confusion the light of the mind and understanding hath been so darkened and lost, that a man not only thinketh not of the affairs of the enemy, but he also knoweth not in what estate his own are; and he which hath won, thinketh that he hath lost, and he which hath lost, accounteth himself victorious, and he that hath not done his endeavour to know how things are past, speedily to see his own loss, and that of his enemies with his purposes and thoughts, hath committed a great fault, for that either seeing himself to have won, he standeth as wholly overthrown, or persuading himself to have lost, and so suffer a fair victory to escape out of his hands. And because this hath need of consideration, I will strengthen it with three examples, two ancient, and one modern, so briefly as possibly I may, showing how damageable it hath been to those which have not cared to know in what estate their own army hath been after a battle: and have made no account to know how it went with their enemies. Brutus and Cassius fought against Octavius, and Marcus Antonius; and through the coming on of the night, it was unknown who had the victory: and for as much as Brutus on his side overcame, and Cassius on his side lost; Cassius (without taking any pain to know how it went with his companion) thinking that he likewise had been put to flight, without hope of safety made one of his servants to cut his throat, and so all his affairs went to ruin.  
In the year 1515. at the battle of Marignan, or as others say, of S. Cicele, in the which Francis the first fought with the Swissers, the battle having lasted until four hours within night, each party retired from the battle, without sound of Drum or Trumpet, and without the commandment of the Captains, the one or the other being no longer able to hold their weapons in their hands, they were so weary and tired. And because the Swissers in the first charge made the French to retreat, and took certain pieces of Artillery, and were encamped in the Camp, without offending the one the other, as it were with a still and silent truce, attending the new day, a squadron of the Swissers which remained whole, not knowing the loss received by the French, 
The prudence of Fra●cis the first King of France in the battle against the Swissers at Ma●●gnan.  and thinking that they had overcome, without using any diligence to know how things passed, was the cause that about the break of day, the Swissers to their disadvantage began the battle; and not only erred therein themselves, but made others to fail also, which put themselves in danger: for having been happy in the first charge, it was held for certain that they had overcome, and the Currors and Posts carried the news over all Italy, that the Swissers had the victory: and upon this news, the Popes and the Spanish army, which had already passed the Po, were likely to have been surprised by the victorious French. But King Francis having made a view of his army, and considering in what estate it was, he employed not the rest of the night unprofitably, but used all diligence to know how all his affairs went: and having foreseen that in the morning the fight would begin again, he ordered all things accordingly, called his succours, which were near, disposed of his Artillery in fittest places, and provided so for all things, that when the battle began again, he obtained the victory. The error afterwards, in not caring to know the state of the enemy, except it be by chance, or some unexpected accident, happened to the Romans when they had wars with the Equiens, in the which Sempronius being Consul, and having his Army opposite face to face against the Army of the enemy, the battle began between them, which continued until night, with variable fortune of either side. The night being come, and both Camps being in disorder, neither of the Armies returned into their own Camp, but each party retired into the next mountains, where they thought to be most assured; and the Roman Army divided itself into two parts, whereof the one went with the Consul, and the other with Tempanius a Centurion: the morning being come, the Consul (without knowing any thing of the affairs of the enemy) went to Rome, thinking that he had lost the battle; and the Equiens did the like, having both the one and the other left their Camps, to him that would, and thought himself victorious. It happened that Tempanius, in retiring with the rest of the Army, understood (by chance) by certain soldiers of the Equiens which were wounded, how their Captains abandoning their Camp were departed by flight: wherefore he returning saved the Roman Camp, sacked the enemy's Camp, and came victorious to Rome. Wherefore a man may see, that it is very profitable for a General, to be the first to know the disorder of the enemy, whether he be far or near, and to procure to know the state of his own affairs, and to provide for them, for fear that coming to the knowledge of his enemies, they may make benefit of his disorder and confusion: for the victory of King Francis at Marignan had no other foundation, but that he knew the state of his own affairs, the will and designs of his enemies, and gave order for a new battle.  
  

CHAP. 63. Spies are necessary for Princes or Generals of Armies, and in what sort a man ought to carry himself with them.  
ALthough that the use of a Spy be most profitable, it is nevertheless most necessary for every Prince, and for every General, or Lieutenant of an Army, and principally for new Princes, which live in some doubt and fear of their states, being uncertain and vnassured of the love of their Citizens and subjects: yea and some have judged it so necessary for a Prince to have Spies, that there have been Princes, who being disguised, have by night gone up and down in their Cities, to understand what was spoken and reported of them, & have served themselves for Spies, as we read of Nero, and of others: which is a thing very dangerous, because it is a danger & hazard of a man's life, without any occasion, as I will tell you hereafter. This exercise of Spies hath not been used, but by most vile and base persons of a most base blood and condition, which being unable, or not knowing how otherwise to get their living, apply themselves hereto, which yieldeth them great profit. The Prince ought to be well advised, concerning such men, because that being naturally wicked, when they find in him any alteration, and see him inclined to suspicion, and desirous to see blood, entertaining always the evil, like evil Physicians, and oftentimes, also augmenting the same, they make him fearful and melancholic, and being most cunning in their reports, being overcome by false persuasions, they make him become cruel. Wherefore it is necessary, 
What harm espy may do by their report to Princes.  they make him become cruel. Wherefore it is necessary, that the Prince be discreet, & well advised, not standing upon the report of one Spy only, but he ought to inform himself of the truth by some other: and he ought not to be negligent herein, for fear to commit some faults, being persuaded by the efficacy of the speeches of one only spy, who to maintain his credit and profit, regardeth not another man's hurt, neither his Prince's dishonour. Wherefore it is good and profitable, that the Prince have sundry, and that the one know not the other, to the end, that the truth of the reports agreeing many ways, he may redress disorders; 
A Prince ought to have many spries the one not know ●ng the other.  and if they agree not, he may know the deceit of the spy, which would have had the Prince to have made some faults, and one spy alone may be deceived, or deal maliciously: these men ever being of ill meaning, which have a desire, not so much to show themselves zealous of the Prince's profit, as to see some evil. And as for making account of such men, they ought not to be esteemed so much, as that the Prince should raise them to honours and public dignities; for it shall suffice to give them profit and gain, without giving them honours and magistracies in cities: if perchance some Gentleman of a noble house (which happeneth not oft) to procure his Prince's favour, 
〈◊〉 ought not by the ●rince to be advanced to honours and public charges.  set himself secretly to work in this most profitable occupation: for in this case, public dignity being agreeing with the nobleness of his house, it seemeth lawful to me, that the Prince deprive him of the honour of a Magistrate, to be his secret spy, because that in this manner he should come to make himself manifest. But speaking of other spies, they ought not to be made great or raised to honour, to dishonour the dignity of the Magistrate by their presence, being unlawful that Gentlemen, which have always lived honourably, should have such a kind or manner of men for companions, but they may be rewarded, to the end that through the hope of profit, they may be the more vigilant and prompt to do their endeavour. Moreover, that spies are very necessary, for Generals and chief Commanders of Armies, they which manage and govern them, know it well: for without them, hardly will it be known, as it is said in the last Chapter, the behaviour and practices of the enemy: and to say the truth, it is impossble to know it. Wherefore wise Warriors have used all means, to have both tongue and ears, even in the very Tent and Pavilion of their enemy: as also a wise Prince enforceth himself to have friends and intelligence, even in the chambers of Emperors & Kings, by whose means they may be advertised & advised of all that passeth. For this cause the old Marquis of Pescara, 
The opinion of the Marquis of Pescara.  wisely judged it to be a matter of great importance, to have spies in the enemy's Army, and not to fail to entertain them, with great kindness, money and rewards: he did use to say, that things could not prove well to a General, if he took not pain and care by all endeavour and expense to have in the enemy's Army many spies, to the end, that according to the behaviour and practices of the enemy, he might be resolved to take all occasions offered, which might procure victory. It is true that they ought to take good heed in whom they trust: for there are many which are double spies, which to get from the one and the other, make their affairs ill to prosper which repose trust in them; and one double spy may do more hurt and harm than ten faithful and loyal do good and profit to those which employ them. Wherefore it is needful that a General be well advised, and know him well in whom he repose trust, if he will not be deceived. For this cause through adventure, 
The subtlety of Gonsaluo Fernandez the great Captain.  accompanied with his valour, the great Captain Gonsaluo Fernandes obtained so many victories in the Kingdom of Naples, for he spared nothing to entertain Spies. Wherefore being in Spain after the wars, an account was demanded of him of the administration and distribution of the money employed in those wars, he showed an account, wherein were set down two parties, the one of them contained the sum of money employed upon Spies, and the other in alms upon the religious: and showed that he had employed more upon Spies than upon the poor, for that the hire of Spies amounted to the sum of 600494. Crowns, and the Alms given to those which prayed to God to give him the victory, amounted to the sum of 200736. Crowns.  
  

CHAP. 64. Sundry Captains have obtained very great victories in the wars, with very little loss of their own troops and Soldiers.  
THe hardy and bold exploit of the Swissers against the French at Novarra, have made me to consider, that that is not impossible which sundry Historians have written of some battles, between some very great armies, in which there hath followed so great occision of the vanquished, with so little loss of the victorious, that they which read it, think that the authors and historians are liars and far wide from the truth: and although at Novarra, there were slain about 1500. Swissers by means of the Artillery, a man may think that there where was no fire, it was in them to win, in a manner without any loss of the victorious, or of so small a number, as no account was made thereof. Wherefore I have thought it fit to repeat and show here some battles and exploits of arms much more admirable: as for obtaining of victories, although this of the Swissers were memorable, for the small number of those which assaulted a great army; and the assault was with disadvantage, for it was given without Artillery or Horsemen, and few went against many. 
Diodor. lib. 20.  At the River Inere in Sicily, (as Diodorus writeth) was given a battle between Agathocles and Amilcar a Carthaginian; in the which of the Carthaginians, there died about 500 
Appianus Alexandrinus lib. 1.  men, and of Agathocles party 7000. Appianus Alexandrinus, speaking of the wars of Carthage, saith, That in the battle between Syphax and Massinissa the Army of Syphax was defeated, and there died 20000. persons, and of the Romans there were slain but 75. and about 300. of Massinissaes' people. The same Appian, 
Lib. 2.  in the civil wars, saith, that Marcus Crassus going against Spartacus, Crassus made such a slaughter of the Army of Spartacus, that he slew twelve thousand men, and in the Roman Army were slain but three, and seven wounded. The same Appian in his second book of the civil wars writeth, that Curio having begun a very hot skirmish against Varro, a Captain for King juba; the soldiers of Curio slew six hundred of their enemies, and hurt as many, and of the Romans was slain but one. Plutarch in the life of Agesilaus, writeth, that Archidamus son of Agesilaus aided and assisted by the Sicilians, obtained a victory against the Archadians, which was called the Victory without tears, for that there died never a one of his, but of the enemies a great number. The same Plutarch (in the life of Lucullus) writeth, 
Plutarch.  that Lucullus going against Tigranes, and having joined in battle, the Barbarians fled, whereof were slain 100000. men, and a few men at arms escaped; and of the Roman army were slain but five, and 100 wounded. The same Plutarch, in the life of Sylla, recounting the battle which he had against Marius, saith, that Sylla might well boast that he had cut in pieces 1000 Marian's, and taken 8000. prisoners, and lost of his people but 23. men. Paulus Emilius a Roman Consul, as the same Plutarch writeth in the life of him, fight against Perseus' King of the Macedonians, slew in one battle 25000. Macedonians, and lost of his own people but about 100 
Titus Livius in the 4. book of his fist Decade.  Titus Livius testifieth the same, and that for this cause his triumph was celebrated, as of a victory without tears. Alexander the great, having passed the river Gramique, gave battle to the Barbarians, of which were slain 2000 footmen, and 2000 horsemen, and of the Macedonians died but 34. among the which were nine soldiers, as Aristobulus reporteth, (who wrote this history) to which Alexander erected statues, by the hand of Lisippus, as Plutarch declareth in the life of Alexander. The same Alexander fight against Darius, (as Diodorus writeth) under the town of Isso, 
Cornel. Tacit.  obtained a most great victory, for in that battle died of Darius his people about 100000. soldiers, and above 10000 men at arms: and of the Macedonians lay dead in the place above 300. and about 150. men at arms. Caius Caesar, in the battle against juba, took three armies, and slew 50000. enemies, having hardly lost of his people above fifty persons. Cornelius Tacitus describing the battle between the English and the Romans, saith, that in this battle the Romans slew 24000. English, and there died not of them above 400. and as many wounded, notwithstanding that the Roman army was much less than the English. 
joh. Villan● lib. 8. cap. 2.  john Villani recounteth a defeat of the French by the Flemings, near Courtray in Flaunders in the year 1132. with a very small loss of the Flemings: and the same man maketh mention of an overthrow of the Florentines, with small loss to the victors. Fazelli (who wrote the history of Sicilia) reciteth, that the Normans fight in Sicily against the Saracens, the said Normans in one battle slew ten thousand Saracens, and of them died so few that they regarded it not, and called this victory without blood. The same author saith, that the Siracusians fight against the Carthaginians, at the river Crimise, under the conduct of Timoleon, twelve thousand Siracusians, at the passage over a river, charged three score thousand Carthaginians, which came into Sicily under the charge of Hannibal of Bomilcar; and without the death of any of Timoleon's people, the Carthaginian army was put to flight, and in this battle ten thousand were dispatched, almost all gentlemen, and fifteen thousand were taken, the rest fled at their pleasure: which happened then when Timoleon passed from Corinth into Sicily, to deliver it from oppression of sundry Tyrants.  
Emilius Probus in the life of Milciades saith, 
Emilius Probus.  that Datis and Artaphernes (Captains of Darius) having assailed the Athenians, abandoned of all the Greeks', except those of Platea, which sent them one thousand soldiers, by means of which they made the number of ten thousand fight men; Milciades having taken the advantage of the place, and having ranged himself, where the enemy's horse could not charge him, by reason of the trees, neither could the multitude of the enemies enclose him, having the mountains at his back, gave the battle, and ten thousand men ran upon one hundred thousand Barbarians, and the valiant courage of Milciades and the Athenians was so great, that each of them slew ten Persians: for he saith, that they slew ten times as many of the enemies as they were of themselves: and from that time until this, was never seen a more notable victory. And although it be to be believed that there died some Athenians, yet the number was so small, that there was no account made thereof. A man may peradventure say, that in those battles were used no fiery weapons, and for that cause they were so notable. But in battles and encounters, where Artillery and Harquebuzzes have been used, the like hath followed, as at the battle of Bicoque between the French and the Spanish, where were slain three thousand Swissers, and 22. Captains about a ditch, and of the Spanish army so few, as no reckoning was made thereof, but of one man only, which was john de Cardine Earl of Colisan, who was slain with a shot in the head, which was in the year 1522. But before that, Pope Eugenius being then living, who was created in the year 1431. Boulogna being revolted, and rebelling against the Church, through the occasion of Canedoli, the armies of the Pope, the Venetians, and the Florentines, being confederates, enforced themselves to get and recover it again. Nicholas de Tolentin was Captain of the League, and Picinino was chief of the enemies; they came to give battle in the country of Imote: Tolentin was put to flight, and there taken prisoner, with five principal Colonels, and 3500. men at arms, 
Sabellicus.  and a thousand soldiers besides the dead: and in the army of Picinino died but four, and thirty were wounded; yet nevertheless Artillery and small shot were then used, although not with such perfection as now we see. The hardiness of the Swissers at Novarra was admirable, but the battles and victories repeated were no less memorable, in which may be seen, that the wisdom and discretion of the Captains hath had great part: yet nevertheless through the valour of the soldiers, accompanied with the good counsel and direction of the Captains, happy victories are to be hoped for.  
  

CHAP. 65. Speeches used without consideration, have been the occasion of much evil, as well to them which used them, as to others.  
IN consideration, in all things is evil, 
To speak to no purpose is hurtful.  but worse in speaking: and to babble and prate, is a vice blameworthy in all men, but most pernicious and hurtful to those which have public charge: and as to speak in time and place, is a part of wisdom; even so to speak to no purpose, is a principal part of folly: I have ever esteemed more of them, which first consider with reason, and speak afterward: and therefore the Shepherd of Arcadia said wisely: E pria chio parli le parole mastico. Which is to say: And before I speak, I chew my words.  
This vice, besides the blame which it deserveth, bringeth with it much danger, and oftentimes one only word hath caused the death of him which spoke it, or hath brought into danger and trouble some other person, who by a fit & convenient silence had avoided it. I speak not now of words proceeding from a passionate man and in choler, but of those which through want of wit and judgement, are uttered of persons, of whom it had been good to have been silent, and principally when they manage affairs of importance. When as Dionysius was Lord in Siracusa, there were certain young men which went to his Barber's shop to wash, or to discourse, as the manner is, in such shops, whither idle persons resort, to talk and to hear news; and these young men beginning to talk freely of the government of the Tyrant, and to say, that it was impossible to be able to change their Lord, because that he ever had a good guard, and that his government might be rightly called Diamantin, being impossible to be broken: whereto his Barber (without consideration) said; Wherefore is it impossible to kill him, seeing that I every day have this Razor at his throat? These words were noted, and by his espials reported to Dionysius, who made this Barber to be apprehended and quartered. This inconsidered word, uttered without reason, was cause of his death, and did advise Dionysius to trust himself no more in the hands of a Barber: for he made his daughters to burn the hair of his head and beard with coals, because he would have no more iron come about his head. The same Dionysius put a gentleman his very familiar to death, for a word by him foolishly spoken, who being in company with certain gentlemen his friends, said: Wots you what, I dreamt to night that I had cut Dionysius his throat? These words were reported to the Tyrant, who, notwithstanding the great familiarity between them, made him to die, saying: If he had not first thought it in the day time, he had never dreamt thereof at night. But a man may say that these were common persons, which are not worthy to be alleged for example: therefore I will show that there have been also men of great authority, which have fallen into this inconsideration.  
Demaratus, which should have succeeded in the kingdom of the Lacedæmonians, was deprived of that kingdom by Ariston his father, for one only word uttered without consideration in the Senate, which was, that news being brought unto him that he had a son borne, he counted upon his fingers how long his wife had been with him, and seeing that there were no more but seven months, and that usually women are delivered at nine, he said: It is not possible that he should be my son. This word turned to the great damage of Demaratus: for after the death of Ariston his father, the Lacedæmonians refused to give him the kingdom, 
Herodot. lib. 6  because the ephors bare record, that Ariston had said, that it was not possible that Demaratus borne at seven months end, should be his son, which he confirmed with an oath.  
When Pope julius the second attempted to deliver Italy from the Oltramontani, he sent an Italian Ambassador to the King of England, to persuade him to take arms in his behalf against the King of France; and the Ambassador having delivered all that he had in charge to say, answer was given him in the behalf of the King, that he was most ready and willing to defend the Pope, but that an Army was not so soon to be made ready, for that the English, by reason of their long peace, had in a manner lost the use of arms; and becausethey were to go against a King, who was no less mighty and puissant, then warlike, as was the King of France, there ought to be a time to make necessary provision for a war of so great importance. The Ambassador presently, to no purpose or reason, added these words: Anchio hodetto piu volte questo medesimo a sua sanctita: which is to say: And I have oftentimes said the same to his holiness. These words, which showed the will of the Ambassador to be different from that of his Prince, 
The Ambassador of Pope julius was taken for a Spy by the King of England.  gave great doubt and suspicion to the King's Counsel, and they began to doubt that the Ambassador was rather inclined to favour the King of France then the Pope his Master; and setting secret Spies about him, to take notice of his behaviour, it was perceived that by night he spoke secretly with the French Ambassador: by which means he was undone, and if he had fallen into the hands of the Pope, he had peradventure put him to death. And so by his answer, which was not to the purpose of his charge, he wronged himself, and was the occasion that the King of England was constrained to begin the war sooner than he would, who in deferring the succours, had peradventure accorded the controversy between the Pope and the French King.  
Renzo de Ceri, a most honourable Captain in his time, being in the pay and service of Laurence de Medicis in the war which Francis Maria Duke of Urbin made against him, to reconquer & recover his estate, was advertised that certain Spanish Captains had plotted a treason to deliver Francis Maria, into the hands of the Duke of Florence. Wherefore the said Renzo, talking with a Drum, demanded of him in jest and laughing, but with great inconsideration, When will these Spaniards deliver your Duke prisoner? The Drum made no answer: but being returned to the Camp, he reported to Francis Maria, the words which Renzo had used unto him, without any necessity or reason. Wherefore the Duke of Urbin having engraven them in his heart, stood upon his guard, and marked the behaviour of the Spanish Captains. In the end, through certain letters and writings found among their baggage, 
Certain Spanish Captains counict of treason, were made to pass the pikes.  the truth appeared, and the conspirators against Duke Francis were known; who were committed to prison, and convict of treason, and so were made to pass the pikes. Thus Renzo was the cause why the treason took not effect, the Captains were dispatched, and Laurence his Master made not so soon an end of the wars, as otherwise peradventure he might have done. And Guicciardin saith of Renzo, that he was but shallow witted, to use such speeches to a Drum, without any consideration.  
Let every man than take heed of inconsiderationof speech: for a man may fill whole books with the evils which have risen and procecded from such faults: and there where shall be such little discretion, many notable errors will be committed.  
  

CHAP. 66. Who so doth any evil, or offendeth another in secret, thinking that it shall not be revealed, is commonly deceived, and beareth the pain thereof.  
ALthough that the imprudence and inconsideration of men, be seen in many things, yet in this it seemeth to me very notable, when some do, or would do some evil, thinking that it should never be revealed: and moreover there are some, so ill advised, that they hazard to offend some worthy parsonage, grounded upon the same conceit, and hope of concealment, and that the author of the evil action shall never be known. I know, that the nature and condition of malefactors is such, that they think they shall never be discovered: for no man would adventure to rob, plot treasons, conspiracies, and such like mischiefs, if they thought they should be known. And I much marvel, that after so many, and so many experiences seen every day thereof, men nevertheless grounded upon this conceit, adventure to do evil. These men, either believe not, or they know not, what is said by the authority of jesus Christ, to wit, that there is nothing so hidden, but it shall be revealed, neither any thing so secret, but it shall be known: and that oftentimes, the iniquity falleth upon his head who hath committed it. And he that diggeth a pit for another man, often breaketh his own neck therein. Wherefore Lewes Ariosto calleth this kind of men miserable, saying in his sixth Song:  

Miser chi mal oprando si confida  
Ch'ogn' hor star debba in maleficio occulto  
Che quand' ogn' altro taccia intorno grida  
L'aria la terra e'l luggo in ch'è sepolto  
E dio fa spesso ch'il peccato grida  
il peccator poì ch'aclun di gli ha indulto  
Che se medesímo senza altruì rechiesta  
inavedutament manifesta.   

Unhappy is he, doing ill who relieth  
On secrecy, thinking none will him espy,  
All other being silent, about him still crieth  
The air, earth, and place, whereas he doth lie,  
And God so worketh, that the sin itself crieth  
And the sinner at sometime before he doth die,  
Unawares of himself, without any request,  
His own sin revealeth and maketh manifest.   
These verses are very sententious, and worthy to be considered by all those, which swelling with grief, are constrained to bring forth their iniquity: for although that for a time, the malefactor be not discovered, yet nevertheless by certain means unknown, unthought of, nor premeditated, only known unto God, the offences come to be manifest, yea they come to be discovered, when a man thinketh least thereof: and in some, either early or late, God layeth open the sin, and the punishment followeth. Plutarch in his work, or the fair Treatise of the slow vengeance of God, saith that in the Cipriotte wars, one Aristocrates chief of the Messenians, through the desire to rule, betrayed his Messenians, by which occasion, his practice taking effect, all the Messenians were cut in pieces; but twenty years after his treason was revealed, and Aristocrates was rigorously punished. It is said in the verses before, that the sin induceth the sinner sometime to manifest it himself: which appeareth to be true in this example, which I would have held for a fable, if it had been reported by any other author than Plutarch, who in the same treatise here above alleged, reporteth such a case, saying; that a certain man named Bessus, had slain his father, and this murder and parricide lay long hidden: but coming upon a time into an Inn to supper, he saw a Swallows nest, wherein were young ones which cried: and he having thrown down the nest with a long pole which he had in his hand, with his foot killed all the young birds in a great bravery: and being demanded by those which were there present, wherefore he had so cruelly killed them, he answered: Did you not understand that they did nothing else but speak against me, saying that I had killed my father? They which heard these words, reported them to the King, recounting the fact and the answer of Bessus: and the King causing him to be apprehended, made him to be tortured: by which means he confessed the fact, and how it passed, and was punished accordingly.  
We read in the history of the Greeks', and also in those of Sicily, in the life of William the good, that Andronicus a Greek fell into this inconvenience, who being left by Emanuel Emperor of Constantinople, Tutor of Alessus his son: Andronicus aspiring to the Empire by sundry devices, drove away the Latins which favoured the child; and afterward as Alessus went in a little bark, to recreate himself upon the Sea, Andronious threw him into the water and drowned him, making the world to believe, that by mischance he fell into the Sea, so as he was not able to save him. But in the end the treason being discovered by the course which he held, putting many to death, and unjustly and without reason banishing others, the people of Constantinople pulled him in pieces. We read in the same histories of Sicilia, that Robert King of Naples, and Federique King of Sicily, making war the one against the other, Robert disembarked and set foot on land, between the Castle of Iccare, and the Castle of the Sea of the Gulf, and a Captain, named Remond the white, having the Castle of the Gulf in guard, in the behalf of King Federique, King Robert after many proffers, in the end won Remond with money, and Remond delivered the Castle to King Robert. Remond thought that this his treason was hidden, and could not by any means soever be known, for that he had done it very secretly, and so grounded in this thought and imagination, he impudently setting a good countenance upon it, went to King Federique, 
Federicque King of Sicily, caused Remond le Blanc to be beheaded for treason.  who having some intelligence of the treason, caused his head to be stricken off, with three others his companions and complices. So this Remond found himself deceived, thinking that his fault should not have been made manifest and known to the King: and in like sort shall they all be deceived in their imaginations, which complotting and devising any evil, principally against their Princes, if they shall attempt to execute the same, and think that they shall not be discovered; for that Princes have long hands, wide ears, and Lynx his eyes, to pierce and see through Mountains; and although that some one peradventure have attained to the height of his enterprise, and hath escaped, yet that ought not to be held for an example; for it hath not been every man's case: And let a man be all one as much as he will, the offender by some accident not prepensed and means extraordinary, in the end is discovered. A man might add hereunto the doing of Tibert Brandolin a valiant Captain in his time; this man being in the pay of Francis Sforce the elder Duke, and seeing him very sick, and thinking for certain that he would die of that disease, conspired with the Paisants of the Piacentin, which rebelled against the Duke, and promised to secure them, and give aid and favour against him with the men of war of Picinino. Afterwards perceiving that the Duke recovered, and fearing that his disloyalty would be known, he resolved to fly, and to serve john of Anjou, and to colour his flight, he asked the Duke leave to go to the marriage of his daughter, with promise shortly to return. The Duke nothing suspecting him, graciously gave him leave, but his treason being discovered unto the Duke, by a mean which Brandolin thought not of, he was apprehended before he could get forth of Milan, and committed to prison: where being stung, by his own conscience and remorse of his faults, and fearing to die publicly by the hands of an executioner, he slew himself. Let no man then presume to do evil, as the Spanish Captains here before mentioned would have done against the Duke of Urbin, thinking that their doings shall not come to light: for most commonly, he which shall be of this opinion, shall find himself deceived, and bear the punishment for his fault.  
  

CHAP. 67. It ill beseemeth a Prince or great Captain, to say in truth I had not thought it, and enterprises to be put in execution, ought not to be grounded upon vain and deceivable hopes.  
I Know well, that it is a very unworthy word in the mouth of any man which undertaketh any enterprise, whereof he attaineth not to a happy issue, to say, I had not thought, or I would not have believed it; and though that it may be true, he who saith so, is not always worthy of reprehension, for that there may happen some accident, either so light, or so great & so weighty, that for the lightness, 
Guicciar. lib. 6  he who hath the care and charge of great matters, esteemeth it not; or for the weight thereof, it be so far from reasonable, that reason being ruled in his actions, could not foresee that which was without rule. Wherefore a Prince deserveth not to be blamed, who (for example) hath put some one in a fortress, to whom he hath done much good, and in the end is by him betrayed. And if he should then say, I should never have thought, that such a man would have betrayed me, he deserved not to be blamed. As it happened unto Lewes More Duke of Milan, who having committed the castle of Milan to the guard of one of his greatest friends, and to whom he most trusted, and who was most bound unto him, because of the great good, which he had bestowed upon him, which was Bernardin Court, he was by him betrayed, to his perpetual dishonour and infamy. For this cause, if the Duke had said, 
Bernardin Court, ingrate full to Lewes' Duke of Milan.  truly I would never have thought that Bernardin Court would have betrayed me, he had not deserved blame. In like manner, he ought not to be reproved, who having provided for every thing, is assailed by some so strange and grievous accident, that being wholly without reason, it was impossible by any judgement and counsel to foresee or prevent it; being impossible with reason to foresee any thing, which of itself is without reason, as was this most grievous accident, which could not be imagined, and to be placed in the number of prodigious monsters, by which the powder and other munition provided and prepared to be sent to divers places, before the Castle gate of Milan took fire, and was burnt, when the sky was clear and very fair and still weather, the lightning came down from Heaven, and did so great hurt, whereof afterwards ensued so many losses and discommodities. Upon this occasion, if the Captain of the Castle had said, I would never have thought that this should have befallen me, he had not deserved to have been reproved. But speaking of those which undertake to do some enterprise, and have time to be advised, and to provide for things necessary, when through their fault they attain not to what they desired, or failing of their hopes, whereon their designs were grounded, or through want of sight and order taken in all, as it behoved, I say that then, it ill beseemeth a man to say, I thought not thereof. Federicque de Bezolo fell into this fault, when he undertook the enterprise of Parma, in the year 1529. whereof Francis Guicciardin was governor general for the Pope, after the death of Leo the tenth, (if the author for his own praise make not the matter greater) for Federicque went thither without provision of Artillery, saving two little Pieces, being settled upon this imagination, that Guicciardin being inexperienced in the affairs of the wars, would not defend the City, and make his party good against him. But this imagination deceived him, and he being forced to retire from Parma, to his loss and dishonour. He may say, (according as Guicciardin himself hath written) that nothing had deceived him in this enterprise (whereof he was the author) but that he had not thought that a governor, being no man of war, & newly come to that City, would have undertaken the defence, and put himself in danger after the death of the Pope, without hope of any profit, seeing he might have abandoned the charge, & saved himself with his honour. And lastly he concludeth, that Federick de Bezzolo, let slip these words out of his mouth: I never thought that this man so constantly would have undertaken this defence: which words truly were not worthy of so renowned and noble a Captain, as Federick was, in that time: for that he ought to believe that valour of courage is sometimes found in men contrary to all expectation, and necessity doth often make men to do those things, which they would never have attempted of themselves, by their own choice, as did these of Parma in this defence; and a man's honour and reputation being interessed in the charge which he holdeth, may waken and stir up valour and courage in every man of spirit. For this cause a wise Captain ought to undertake his enterprises with provisions requisite and necessary, and not to ground his foundation upon vain imaginations: for if his designs have not such issue as he would, he hath no reason to say, I had not thought it, I would never have believed it.  
  

CHAP. 68 To deny some requests to him to whom a man in some sort is bounden, doth not therefore yield a man ingrateful, although by the aid and assistance of the demander he have attained unto some great dignity.  
THose which mount to some high degree and honourable dignity, by the means and aid of some other man, truly ought ever to rest bounden unto him, so far forth as such a pleasure doth deserve, & so to bear himself towards him, that he may seem to be always thankful, in such sort that at all times and as often as he may with his honour, he ought to requite it in any thing to his power. But there are some men, who having helped a man to attain unto some degree and dignity, whereby he is become greater than they, promise themselves so much of him, and paint him out so much bounden unto them, that they assure themselves that he cannot deny any thing that they shall demand: as if they had helped him to obtain the shadow and name of his office and dignity, retaining to themselves the authority: and as if he should always do what they would, and grant all that they request, they will lead him by the nose whither they please, & use him like a buffle. And so soon as he which is established in this dignity, shall deny him any thing, by and by they cast in his teeth the pleasure they did him, saying: Remember that you are in this place by our means, and that by our means you have what you have; and that without us, you had never obtained it: and such like. By which speeches they in a manner show, that they would have him for their servant, and not their superior. He than who by the means of another shall have obtained any dignity, and shall be raised to any honourable degree, and being wearied and tired with the importunity of him, who hath assisted him, and will not content him in all that he demandeth, and can not peradventure with his honour please him, is not, neither ought he to be held ingrateful, if he grant not what is required: for as he who hath been the occasion that another man hath this degree, if he will govern him, and be the man which will do every thing himself, he beginneth to deface & blot out the pleasure which he hath done to him, as usurping that to himself, which he hath procured to another: and he which is established in such degree and dignity, ought not to endure it, for not to seem simple and a man of no spirit. Wherefore Pope Clement the seventh, answered the Cardinal Pompey Colomne in the like discourse very wisely, this Cardinal Pompey, being employed, used such means, that Clement mounted to the Apostolic seat, and that the Cardinal Franciotto Orsin obtained it not: after that Clement was Pope, Pompey obtained of him many graces and honours, but assuring himself that nothing should be denied him that he should require. Upon a time being importunate for some matters, which the Pope judged to be unjust, and by his holiness not to be granted with his honour: whereof Pompey failing of his expectation, began to reproach the Pope, and to tell him, that by his means he was Pope. His holiness answered him, that it was true, and prayed him to suffer him to be Pope, and that he would not be it himself: for in proceeding in this manner, he took that from him which he had given him. Wherefore they which advance a man to any degree, aught to be well advised that they behave themselves in such sort, that they seem not to govern him in that estate, and deface the pleasure by an importune and displeasing reproach: 
The answer of Pope Clement the seventh to the cardinal Pompey Colomno. Guicci. lib. 15.  for besides the displeasure he receiveth in not obtaining what he demandeth, he acquireth the name of an indiscreet man: and he which is established in a dignity, ought not to do any thing unworthy of him, nor of his honour, to please him who made him great: for he shall avoid the blame of a weak man, wanting discretion, and shall acquire unto himself the name and reputation of a just and good man, who, without respect of persons, doth that which is requisite and convenient, for a man that is wise and of government: and let him not think therefore to be reputed ingrateful: for he which procureth that a pleasure done, should be requited and recompensed by some vile act, deserveth to be put back and rejected, as dishonest and indiscreet, without contenting him, as to a benefactor appertaineth.  
  

CHAP. 69. Good counsel, tending to the profit of the Prince or Commonwealth, ought not to be concealed, for fear that it should not be put in execution.  
THere are some Citizens and Counsellors to Princes, which have so great regard & respect to counsel and to speak their opinion, who although they could give good and profitable counsel, touching the matter in question, yet nevertheless for fear that their counsel should not be followed, they hold themselves still, and do not gainsay that which they find to be inexpedient, seeing the inclination of the rest to be contrary to that which they would counsel: and for shame that the counsel by them proponed should not be accepted, they speak not a word, and are silent, which although that for the present it were not accepted, the affairs being disposed to the contrary, at length nevertheless, it should be known for good. Wherefore I admonish every man, making profession to understand the affairs of the world, that being in any consultation, where matters are decided and determined, which he findeth neither expedient nor profitable for his Prince or Country, that he fail not freely to speak his opinion, for fear that his counsel should not be executed, or for that he seethe the greatest party and the Prince himself inclined to follow the contrary: for by so much more his advice and counsel shall be held and reputed for wife, by how much the issue of the matter shall be more correspondent with the counfell which he gave. 
The issue and end of an enterprise manisteth the wisdom of the counsel given.   
Archidamus King of the Lacedæmonians, saw that the whole Council of Sparta was inclined to take arms against the Athenians, in the behalf of the Corinthians, which were recommended unto them, and as confederates had required their aid in the war, which the Athenians waged against them, and knew well that his advice should not be accepted: notwithstanding this he would not fail to speak his opinion, and by many lively reasons to show, that they ought not to stir against the Athenians, nor to break the truce which they had with them. Archidamus got nothing by propounding this counsel, but the advice of Stenelaides an Ephore was followed, who seeing the hearts of the Lacedæmonians disposed to make war against the Athenians, caused them to resolve to make it suddenly. But the issue of the matter made it manifest, how much the counsel of Archidamus had been more profitable, than the resolution of Stenelaides.  
Mercury Gattinara, a Piemontois, great Chancellor of the kingdom of Spain, knowing the heart of the Emperor Charles the fift to be disposed to come to agreement with Francis the first of that name King of France and his prisoner, and to deliver him; he knew the will of the Viceroy of Naples and other Lords of the Counsel of Spain, tending to the same; he knew finally the conditions of the agreement, and the quality of the Articles thereof, and was well assured that his counsel should not be received nor accepted; nevertheless he would not fail to speak what he thought, and rather to cry it out, then dispute and by reasons to debate and dissuade this accord: the which reasons are well delivered, with gravity of speech, by Guicciardin in the oration of the said Gattinara; whose advice was not allowed nor approved, but theirs was followed which persuaded the agreement: and Mercury was so constant in his opinion, that the accord should not be accepted nor observed, that he would not sign the Articles, but that the Emperor, all angry, must sign them himself But the issue made it known, that the counsel of Gattinara was much better than that of the rest, for that the Articles were not observed: and after that the King was at liberty, all vanished away in smoke. Then let no good Counsellor of a Prince leave to speak his advice, neither let him leave to give good counsel, for fear that it shall not be regarded, or that it shall be despised: for in the end the goodness of sage deliberations and prudent counsels, is known in the goodness of issue and good success.   

CHAP. 70. Promises voluntarily made, are to be held and performed, and the evil which ensueth through default thereof.  
IT is a thing altogether infamous and dishonest to fail and break promise; but it is most dishonest in a Prince or Commonwealth: for it cannot be said that such persons failed through inaduertence, or want of discretion, as of particular men, 
A man ought to be well advised how he promise any thing.  if they were not carried away by affection, or appearance of good. A man ought to be well advised touching his promise, and ought not to make it, but that first he weigh and consider well what is required and demanded: for whosoever shall do otherwise, shall ever commit some fault, because that promises made with small judgement have this custom, either (to the displeasure of those to whom they were made) to be refused and denied, or otherwise they are performed to the great grief and repentance of those which made them. It is true that some are made without consideration, and it were better to break them, then dishonestly to put them in effect: as that which was made by Herod to his daughter in law, which danced before him at a banquet; and this promise to give to her what she should demand, was made without consideration, and sinfully and wickedly performed: whereby he purchased perpetual infamy, and the just man unjustly lost his life. Some there are also which promise dishonest and reproachful things, and more shamefully perform them: and to these men ordinarily cometh that which Cicero speaketh of, that wicked promises hurt him which made them, and him also which receiveth them: whereof the examples are daily so manifest, in robberies, murders, and such other Riots, that it is needles to produce them. But speaking of promises which are made, not through necessity, but free and voluntarily, if they be of honest matters, I say they must be performed: for to fail in them, there happen & grow many evils and inconveniences; as was the promise of Robert Gescard made to Roger his natural brother. This Robert in the division of the Norman Empire, promised to his brother Roger the half of Calabria, and all Sicily: but when it came to sharing and dividing, Robert would give him nothing in Calabria, 
Meto and Squillacci.  but Meto and Squillacci, and bade him to purchase the Realm which he already began to possess, meaning Sicily, and in the end resolved, according to Alexander's words to Darius, that as the world could not endure two Suns, so one Realm could not endure two sovereign Lords. Roger being much displeased herewith, made war against him, and after many adventures, having taken him prisoner in a Castle, where Robert unwisely was entered, in the habit of a peasant, to bring it to his own devotion, 
King Robert taken prisoner, & afterwards graciously delivered by his brother Roger.  Roger of a brotherly pity saved his life, and restored him to his estate, which by right of war, and being prisoner, he had lost. So Roberts failing of his word, was the cause that he entered into such disorder, so as if he had had to deal with any other than his brother, he had peradventure learned to his loss, or to his perpetual dishonour, how great a fault it is not to perform and keep those promises, which no man constrained him to make.   

CHAP. 71. In what case promises exacted perforce, aught to be performed.  
ALthough that some have said and left in writing, that promises made by constraint ought not to be performed, alleging the example of the Romans, when they made agreement with the Samnites; I say nevertheless, that that ought not to be taken for a law or a general rule, for that it is not a thing secure for all men to fail in their promise, notwithstanding that it were made by force. I say then, that he which is constrained to make some promise, to grant perforce, and sign the Articles of agreement with all solemnity, may in two manners consider, after that he is at liberty and out of his power, to whom he made the promise, to wit, whether he be in point or state to surpass, or to hold himself equal with him, which constrained him to be inferior and inequal. If he who hath been constrained to accept of some unreasonable conditions, may have the better of him that forced him, I say, that seeing he is out of his hands and power, he may resolve not to keep any promise made unto him, nor observe any Articles thereof: And for this cause the Romans would not maintain nor observe the promises which they had made unto the Samnites: and for the same reason, the great King Francis the first, Monarch of France, 
Wherefore King Francis the first, would not perform the articles of agreement made between him and Charles the fift.  would not maintain to Charles the fift any thing that he had promised, concerning Burgundy or any other matter, when he was prisoner; because that they then, and he now being at liberty, might at even hand encounter their enemies, and again try the fortune of the wars and win, as it happened to the Romans. But when a man that is forced to agreement, cannot possibly have the upper hand, or to return again equally to fight with him who hath constrained him, he ought not to fail of his promise; and he which doth otherwise, committeth a great fault: for he which seethe himself mocked, fretteth against him, to whom whilst he was in his hands he granted, and did some favour, and again maketh war against him, doth wholly undo and ruinated him, or bindeth him in such sort, that he shall have no more occasion to break promise with him, neither to assemble forces to resist or make head against him.  
The Saguntines fell into this error, when the first time that they were invaded by Hannibal of Carthage, 
Plutarch of noble women.  as Plutarch reciteth in the treatise of noble women, and principally of the women of Sagunt: for (saith he) before that Hannibal levied arms to invade Italy, he went into Spain to take the City of Sagunt; and the siege thereof was so furious, that the Saguntines, unable to withstand it, came to a composition, and promised Hannibal to do what he would command them, and swore that they would be obedient and observe their promises. And among other conditions were these, that Hannibal should raise his siege and departed, and so soon as he should be out of the country, and the City free and at liberty, they should pay him three hundred talents of silver, which may amount to the sum of one hundred and four score thousand French Crowns of gold, and should deliver unto him three hundred gentlemen for hostages, of all that they had covenanted and agreed upon together. After the siege was raised, and Hannibal out of the country, and land of Sagunt, the Saguntines repenting them of the agreement, would not observe their promises made by force. Wherewith Hannibal being moved, returned to besiege the City, in such sort, 
Hannibal compelled the Saguntines to departed out of their Country, with only the, clothes on their hacks.  that the Saguntines, to save their lives, were content to accept of what the Carthaginians would: and Hannibal commanded them to lay down their Arms, and permitted the men to departed the City in their coats only, and would not suffer that the women should carry any more than one suit of apparel upon their backs only, and that they should go so whither they would. These were far harder conditions than the first, which they needed not to have received, if they had not failed of their first promises made perforce, being unable to master the enemy, neither again to try their fortune by Arms, for being unequal unto him.  
In the year of our salvation 1277. Ottacar King of Bohemia, having first made some promises to the Emperor Rodulph the first, and having sworn to them, and done him homage in his Pavilion: which he did perforce, and for fear to lose the battle, which should presently have been fought, for his Army was by a great deal less in number then the Emperors: and for this cause he accepted perforce of any condition offered unto him. But after that Ottacar was returned into his kingdom, Cunicunda his wife reproved and blamed him for his small courage, and that he without one blow stricken, had accepted and received so great dishonour. Wherefore (wroth at his wives words, and for the remembrance which was yet fresh, of the injury which Rodulph had done him, when he made him to be seen of all his army upon his knees before him: for his Pavilion was made in such sort, that it fell just then when he upon his knees did him homage, which he would not to have happened) he again rebelled, and held no part of his promise. Wherefore putting themselves both in arms, and the King of Bohemia willing again to try the fortune of the war, battle was given, wherein (for this that Ottacar was of less force, though equal in despite and choler) he was overcome and slain: which had not happened unto him, if he had considered that he could not fight with equal force against the Emperor, and that he was then in the same necessity which he was in before, when he first compounded with him. And if the Emperor had not been of so good a mind and conscience as he was, he might have seized on his kingdom by the law of Arms: 
The noble mind of the Emperor Rodulph the first.  but being content to have overcome, he gave the kingdom of Bohemia to Vinceslaus, son of King Ottacar deceased, and withal gave him his daughter in marriage. He than which will not maintain and keep his promises made perforce, let him first measure himself and his forces, and see whether he be able to make his party good against his enemy; and than if he find himself able to do it, he may resolve to fail of his promises. But he that hath not forces to overcome, or equally to resist, let him not put himself in danger, for he will ever find himself deceived.  
  

CHAP. 72. When a General or chief Commander too much doubteth his enemy, and too much distrusteth his own forces, he shall never effect any laudable enterprises.  
TO make account of an enemy, as much as is needful, is the part of a wise Captain: but to have such opinion, and to make so great reckoning of him that it bereaveth you of courage to assail him, is rather a sign of base fear, then of a wise doubt. Wherefore when a General governeth himself with consideration, and showeth that he so much esteemeth the enemy's valour, that he will not hazard rashly to assault him, neither with shame and pusillanimity to fly from him, he doth well, & maketh himself known to be wise and of judgement. But to the contrary, when he showeth to make such account of him, & to have such distrust in his own forces, that he dareth not attempt to sound him, he shall never be able to do any thing of worth, and in vain shall spend his time, and the charge which he must be at: and the issue of the war shall be dishonourable unto him, and damageable to his Prince. This is perceived between two private enemies, when the one in his heart conceiveth a great opinion of the valour and courage of the other, and distrusteth himself, either because he wanteth courage, or knoweth not how to handle his weapons: this conceit maketh him so fearful, that he escheweth all occasions to enter into any quarrel against him, and to fight with him. We see the like in open wars, that when one army too much esteemeth and is afraid of the other, it doth nothing else but retire, and turn to this place, or that place, encamp in some strong place, and make delays; so as wanting courage to assail the enemy, without making any proof and experiment whether they had reason to fear or no. Francis Maria Duke of Urbin, being General for the Venetians, and the League, after the delivery of the French King, was to go to relieve and set at liberty Francis Sforce, who was besieged in the Castle of Milan: being come to the City, he conceived such an opinion of the Spanish and Almain soldiers which besieged the Castle, and had so small confidence in his own Army, that he esteemed it vile: so that although there were therein many old soldiers, and famous Captains of Italy; yet he took a conceit in his mind, that he would not charge them, without some mighty squadron of Swissers: and going to Milan for this enterprise, to deliver the Duke and the Castle, he lost so much time in attending the Swissers, that he gave leave, means and leisure to the Duke of Bourbon, to enter into Milan with a garrison and forces of other Spanish troops, and his hope was lost, and the foundation laid on the people of Milan. And so many other occasions serving fit for his purpose to have effected his designs, and to have prevailed in this enterprise, escaped out of his hands: and in the end with this delaying and removing his Camp from place to place, attending the coming of the Swissers, he went to the gates of Milan, thinking to have found no resistance: but at the first charge he found himself deceived, for the Spaniards well defended the port towards Rome, which he assaulted, and slew forty of his men, and wounded many; and in defending the Suburbs was done the like. Wherefore the Duke being more confirmed in his opinion of the valour of the enemy, and the cowardice of his Italian soldiers, 
Guicci. lib. 17.  he suddenly determined to withdraw himself from Milan with his Army: and so the same night he gave the Pope's Lieutenant and the Pourueiour of the Venetians to understand of his determination, and how that he had already begun to put it in execution, persuading them to do the like: and so going to encamp himself at Marignan, he resolved not to departed from thence until his succours of twelve thousand Swissers should be come, judging it impossible to obtain the victory, without two armies; whereof each of them apart, had been sufficient to have withstood and resisted the enemies, united altogether. And although the chief Commanders of the Army of the League were discontent with this departure, and were of divers opinions of this his sudden resolution, in the end it was thought that the Duke did it for no other cause, then for that he was returned to his first opinion, by the which he stood in greater doubt of the forces of the enemy, and did more distrust the valour of the Italian soldiers, than all the rest of the Captains and Commanders did. And among others the Lord john de Medicis, who commanded the Arriergard with the Pope's infantry, would never retire until it was light day, saying, that in stead of victory he would not bear the shame and dishonour to run away by night. That the Duke's fear, and his sudden determination were without any foundation, experience, and the issue of the affairs do plainly make manifest: for there was none of the Emperor's army that sallied out to charge the Arriergard and tail of the army: and when it was day, the Spaniards themselves did marvel at their sudden disorderly retreat. A Captain than ought not so to drown himself in his own conceit, and judgement of the valour and cowardice of others, if first he have not made (and that more than once) some notable trial: for to settle an opinion, and to believe that it is so, maketh a man fearful, and when the Lion which leadeth the Hearts, shall seem to be afraid, he shall never make the Hearts become Lions: and when the General shall show himself dismayed, the soldiers will likewise be out of heart. I think the Duke of Urbin did it not without ripe judgement, and it might so be that he knew the Duke of Bourbons entry into Milan, which was very secret, and was not peradventure known to the rest, and that he saw many difficulties to remain there, known to himself only, and therefore chose this manner of retreat, for that he would not engage his Army, being unable to secure the Duke of Milan. And being a most noble Prince, and in that time esteemed the most wise Captain that followed the wars, and reputed the chief Captain of all Italy, as in truth he was, it is not to be believed that he would have retired so without some great reason, which he alone did understand, well knowing also that this retreat would be accounted little to his honour.  
  

CHAP. 73. Prince's ought to give no charge to covetous Men.  
A Great Prince ought to foresee, and principally to take order for three things, which are of great importance, to wit, to the government of estates and provinces, the managing of the wars, the guard of holds and Fortresses: for all which a covetous man is altogether unfit. For this avarice consisting in the desire of gain, and the villainous and Mechanical sparing to spend, it followeth that when such men have any of those charges, that they let all go to ruin, either for sparing to spend any thing of their own to maintain and preserve it, or to make their benefit by letting it be lost: and so the order of all things being by the covetous man perverted, it followeth of force, that all must go to wrack. A covetous servant to the governors of Provinces and estates, representing the person of the Prince, may be the occasion of rebellion, and also the loss of the estate, by rebellion and mutiny, when by new great charges, exactions, and impositions, the people, Provinces, and Cities fall into despair, and lose their patience. This avarice consisteth in getting: as it happened by the servants and Captains, which for the Roman Empire, governed the Province of the Battavians, while as the Empire was divided, 
Covetous servants and officers are the cause of the run of their Prince, and rebellion of his subjects.  and the two Emperors at wars togethers, these governors making choice of Soldiers, they enroled the old men, to the end they should give money to be exempted from the wars; and those which were decrepit, unfit, and unable, to the end that they should do the like. Wherefore this Province revolted and rebelled, and Civilis which was a man of great courage, and nobly descended; making himself chief head of the rebellion, did much hurt and damage to the Romans, seeing that by his means this Province shook off their obedience: This avarice also which consisteth (as a man might say) in this pedlerie, in sparing to spend, when need requireth, being found in the servant of a Prince, is the cause of the loss of an estate: and was plainly seen in Silvius Passerin, whom Pope Clement the seventh had established in the government of Florence, to the end, that in the house of Medicis should be conserved the dignity of government, as tofore it had been. This man, when in the year 1527. the City rose against that noble family, after the news of the sack of Rome, became so miserable, that he would not spend a farthing of his own for his Master's profit, and being impossible to get any of the Pope's treasure for many reasons, he loved rather to departed from Florence with the Pope's Nephews, and suffer those of that house, to be driven from thence; then that he would put his hand to his purse to pay the Soldiers of County Peter de Noferi, which he had there to guard the City. 
The avarice of the servants and Captains of Lewes the 12. were cause of his ruin.  As for those which have the managing of the wars, it appeareth in the servants and Captains which had the handling of the money of Lewes the 12. King of France, when he warred against the King of Spain in Italy, for the Kingdom of Naples. This avarice besides many other disgraces and ill fortunes, was the cause that the King, who had provided all things necessary in great abundance, to his dishonour lost the enterprise. Wherefore Princes must pray unto God, that it may please him to accompany with their diligence and virtue, 
Guicciar. lib. 6  the bounty and fidelity of their servants: and to use the speeches of Guicciardin, As for the sustaining of the body, it sufficeth not that the head be well, but it is also necessary, that all the other parts do their duty and office: even so, it is not enough that the Prince be exempt from fault in his affairs, if that virtue and diligence be not likewise found in his servants. As for the avarice of those which have the guard of Castles, holds, and fortresses, it is very hurtful and pernicious to the Prince, who employeth them; whereof there be so many memorable examples, that it shall not need to take the pains to recite them; there are so many, that we see by experience, that with one handful of gold a man may break and beat into pieces, a gate of iron. Let Princes then take heed how they give any charge unto those which they know, or have heard reputed to be covetous, for they will never be good servants, and will ever love their own profit better (for it is their nature) than their Masters.  
  

CHAP. 74. Prince's ought to suffer their servants and familiars to grow rich, so as it be not through dishonest means.  
ALthough the common people may conceive an ill opinion when they see some Minion or favourite of the Prince to grow rich, thinking that such riches are not gotten by just and reasonable means, yet nevertheless the Prince ought to give time and means to his familiars and favourites to enrich themselves: and yet he ought not therefore to endure, that under the shadow of the favour which they have, they do any thing against reason, or presume to constrain him to do the least injustice of the world. For the Prince and justice being one and the same thing, when a man taketh from the Prince any part of his dignity, a man cutteth away so much of the habit of his justice, and these two words can never agree together, Prince, and unjust. Wherefore when he knoweth that any one of his favourites or familiars useth any unlawful and unworthy means to enrich himself, or when he knoweth that he sueth and entreateth for any thing that is unjust, he doth a thing worthy of himself, when he doth punish him speedily, and holdeth him for a mortal enemy. But when too great affection, or some other respect, withholdeth the Prince from punishing a favourite, who to enrich him, required some unjust thing, he should at the least correct him by gentle means, and to make him to know, that rather than he will do injustice, at the instance and prayer or entreaty of another, 
The liberality of Artaxerxes.  he will be ready to give out of his own purse, as did King Artaxerxes by a Groom of his chamber, by whom he was prayed and entreated for a matter very inconvenient, who in am of that which he desired, gave him thirty talents, and said unto him, This which I give thee, doth not make me less rich; but if I should grant that which thou demandest, I should be less just; which is not expedient either for thee or me, because I should lose the title of a true Prince, and thou shouldest purchase the dishonour to be a servant to an unjust Prince. Pope Leo the tenth, 
Pope Leo the tenth, his discourse to a Groom of his chamber.  a most liberal Prince, being entreated by an household favourite of his, that it would please him to bestow a benefice upon a friend of his, who knowing that the request was neither just nor honest, and that he should have some good sum of money for the procuring hereof, he smiling demanded what he had, for this dispatch: his servant and favourite freely answered, that he had 200. Ducats: the Pope merely gave him 200. Ducats of his own, and said, go and deliver thy friend his money again, and tell him that thou canst not obtain this favour: for if I should grant unto thee that which thou demandest, I should during my life have a remorse of conscience, and should be reputed for an unwise Prince. To conclude then, I say that when Princes give means to their favourites, lawfully to enrich themselves, then if they do, or would importune their Princes to do any unworthy thing, they ought to be punished with severity, or that their Princes let them know, that they love better to give of their own, then to yield, or be induced by their suit and entreaty to do any, the least injustice of the world.  
  

CHAP. 75. It is very dangerous to let slip time, and not to execute what is determined, principally in the wars.  
THose men seem to me to be very wise, who when they are to execute some enterprise of great importance, first ripely consult with wise men, who tell them their opinions without any passion of love or hatred; but when the affairs are ripelie debated and concluded, that there resteth nothing but the execution, when a man then doth defer and loseth time, the enterprise is pestered, and in danger to prove ill. Wherefore, when a man hath concluded to do a thing, and the quality of the matter requireth diligence, it ought speedily to be executed: for the delaying may in an instant alter the estate of the affairs; provided that a man be not troubled by certain accidents, which he could not foresee, and so turned from that which he ought to have put in effect, principally in the wars, and conservation of things already gotten: for the least fault which a man committeth, may give leisure and occasion to the enemy so to provide, that all the plots and counsels, how good soever, shall serve to no purpose. 
Enterprises ought to be consulted of in cold blood, and executed in hot blood.  And for this cause men say, that counsels and enterprises are to be taken in hand in cold blood, and the execution thereof to be done in hot blood. That to defer and delay the execution of things first well devised, is the occasion of loss and harm, may plainly be seen by Charles the 8. King of France, who having happily conquered the realm of Naples, lost (when he returned into France) much time, and was slow in sending (according to the resolution taken) garrisons and provisions necessary for the keeping of those things which he had gotten: For he was no sooner out of Italy, but he began to lose all; and the occasion was, that while as he was at Lions, and ought speedily to have provided for the wars, and to return presently again into Italy, he took (without reason, and without consideration of the importance of the affairs) post horse, 
Guicci. lib. 3.  and road to Paris to see a Lady which he much loved. His departure was the cause that the affairs of Naples went from evil to worse: for they which had the guard of Castles and Fortresses, and did attend succours from France, seeing it so far off, and so long a coming, compounded with the enemy, and lightly rendered that, which they had easily gotten. And so the loss of time, and negligence in affairs of great importance (well devised, but ill executed) was cause of the shameful loss of a Realm conquered with great glory. Don Hugue de Moncado, Viceroy of Naples, committed the same fault in the year 1528. when the Lord of Lautrech was before Naples with a French Army; for the said Moncado had determined to disperse and scatter the Fleet and army by Sea of Phillipin de Doria, which held all the coast of Salern in subjection, and did stop the passage of victuals and other provision to go to Naples; he rigged certain vessels, and furnished them with brave Soldiers, with whom went many Lords, and the same Don Hugue himself in person. The said Army, in good order being parted from Polisippo, arrived at the Isle of Capra, where Don Hugue did this notable fault, that to no purpose he lost much time: and this loss of time, with the diligence of Phillipin, who having scented the determination of the Imperialists, had somewhat provided for his affairs, was the cause that the succours which he had demanded of the Lord of Lautrech, had time to arrive at Doria his Army, and to put themselves in order to fight; and the time was so short, that the French had scarcely settled themselves in the Galleys when Don Hugue arrived, and they must fight; where Doria remained victor, and Don Hugue was slain, and many Lords were taken prisoners: and so Moncado to his hurt and loss gave example to others not to lose time about needless things, in enterprises which have need of diligence. He deserveth not to be blamed, who doth not speedily execute his determination, if he be hindered by some strange accident, which could not be foreseen before it came, and whereto a man could yield no remedy after it was come, as that which happened to Peter de Medicis, when with his forces he took his way towards Florence, and to have re-entered into it: for if he had not been hindered, his coming was so sudden, that they within, had not had leisure to have made resistance. But when Peter was upon the way, there fell so great and continual rain, that he was constrained to stay, and could not get to the City before it was late: and this stay gave time to his adversaries within, to Arm themselves, and to make him resistance.  
  

CHAP. 76. Those Princes which make no account of their Generals, which faithfully serve them, but give them occasion to forsake their pay and service, commit great faults.  
THe dishonest and vituperable vice of ingratitude ought by Princes & Commonwealths to be avoided, as most unworthy to be lodged in royal hearts, and the breasts of noble Senators: and if a man ever aught to fly it in any thing, he ought principally to do it in the behalf of Captains and others chief Commanders in the wars, by whom the Prince hath been faithfully served, provided that the fault grow not from themselves. And whether it be either Prince or Commonwealth that be reduced to this point, to be ingrateful to those, who valiantly and faithfully have served them, a man may say that they are fallen blind, and that not only they have small care of their reputation, but that they perceive not, that they incur great dangers, which are of importance. This ingratitude of custom riseth through many occasions, among which this is one, that a man knowing sometime that he hath received a great pleasure, and cannot sufficiently recompense it, he resolveth to pay it with ingratitude. But speaking to the purpose, I say, that a Prince which giveth occasion to his Captains to forsake him (after that they have well and truly served him) and to go oftentimes to the service of his enemies, besides the spot and stain of ingratitude, he incurreth the dishonour and blame of avarice; and it is to be deemed that the same proceedeth from the inconsideration of him, who is now escaped out of the necessity and danger wherein he was, who thinketh that he shall never return and re-enter into the same again. Of this condition are those, who having had a General or other chief and valorous conductor, in their service in the wars, for the least occasion that may happen, estrange themselves unto them, and displace them, with small reputation for their parts, and using uncivil demeanour toward them, give them occasion to leave them, and go to their enemies. This manner of proceeding is very dangerous, and draweth after it many evils, which afterwards prove remediless, for a man can give no greater joy to an enemy than this, to wit, to give him means to draw from him men that are valiant and faithful, and to bring them to his service: for this cause the sayings of Artaxerxes used to Themistocles the Athenian, who was banished by his Citizens, and coming to see him, were much commended, I cannot (said he) desire a greater evil to mine enemies, than that being blinded with avarice or hatred, they be deprived of the valour and prudence of such men, and estrange themselves from them. Alberigue de Barbian, a man of great valour and reputation in the wars in his time, committed this error, he having subdued the Bouloignois, through the prowess and valour of Braccio de Monton, which he acknowledged with many signs of courtesy and good will, commending him publicly, and increased his pay and his charge, gave him the arms and ensigns of his house, and finally the government of the whole Army. After the wars of Boulogna were ended, it happened that the Venetians made wars upon the Lords of Padova, to which the said Barbian was of kin and allied, he sent to their succours, certain Captains of horse and foot, and appointed Braccio, Lorens de Cotignola, and Rosso de L'aigle for chief Commanders of those troops. Lorens and Rosso did greatly malice the glory of Braccio, and by many detractions and slanderous speeches, bringing him in disgrace with Barbian, brought it so to pass, that he giving credit to their backbitings, slanderous words and letters, resolved with Lorens and Rosso to cause Braccio to be slain. Barbians Wife, which dear loved the virtue of Braccio, knowing how much her husband was bound unto him, and being acquainted with the purpose and devices of Rosso and Lorens, and with the resolution itself which they had taken to put him to death, she advertised Braccio thereof, willing him speedily to be gone, for that her husband would cause him to be slain, and told him the course which was to be held, & who they were which had persuaded him thereto. Braccio having this advertisement, which he soon had, being lodged but a league from thence, because of the winter, mounted on horseback, with the greatest part of his best friends, without saddles or stirrups, and got him out of the confines of Barbians dominion, and fled to the enemy's Camp, whither he was very welcome. When the flight of Braccio was made known, the Soldiers began to mutin and rail against those which had brought him into disgrace with Barbian, and to blame Barbian for his lightness. Wherefore Barbian being very sorry, but too late, that he had given Braccio occasion to fly from him, and grieved to be deprived of so valorous a Captain, wrote him a letter, by which he desired to speak with him, and yielding himself culpable, offered to give him better pay, and more honourable charge than ever he had before. But Braccio answering him with great gravity, would no more assure himself of him, neither go to serve a Prince, 
The error of Alberigue de Barbian. Guicciardin. lib. 12.  who, peradventure another day, carried away with the like lightness, might again conspire his death. So Barbian rashly without thinking thereof, giving occasion to Braccio to forsake him, and to go to his enemies, was the cause of the decay of the Padovan Brothers, and the advancement of their enemies.  
The Catholic King also committed this error, making show lightly to regard Peter de Navarra, a Captain much esteemed and very valiant in the wars; for this King conceived in his mind, that the overthrow at Ravenna, (wherein Peter was taken prisoner) happened (for the most part) through his fault; and this Peter being prisoner in France, 
The error of Ferdmand king of Spain.  and set at 20000 ducats ransom; the King continuing his displeasure, would not hearken to the payment, nor to deliver him. Wherefore Peter perceiving that the King did little esteem him, and thinking that he made more account of 20000 crowns then of him, resolved to serve the French king, Francis the first, who loved him much, and paid his ransom of 20000 crowns, to the marquess of Rottelin, 
The error of Francis the first king of France.  to whom King Lewes the twelfth had given him; and Peter to avoid all dishonour, gave the Catholic King to understand, that sith he was abandoned by him, and was constrained to leave in the kingdom of Naples, the estate, which he held by his gift, being forced by necessity, he turned to the King of France, who he knew would be his perpetual enemy. But King Francis the first did no less a fault, to give occasion to Andre Dorie to forsake his service, and to serve another: for Dorie having served him very faithfully, with his Galleys, the space of five years continually, thinking to have deserved so well as to have been employed in all occasions for chief; the King either for that, he cared little for him, either for that he was persuaded by the prayers and entreaties of the Princes of France, which envying the Italians, love not to see them grow great in the French Court; made Admiral and General of the Sea, in the enterprise of Naples, Mounsieur de Barbesieux, leaving Dorie (as a private Captain) leader of his own Galleys only; who thought that his deserts had been such, that if he had refused such a charge, he should have been instantly entreated to have accepted thereof. He thought also, that there was great wrong done him, in that he was not paid 20000 crowns due unto him for his service, without the which he could not entertain his galleys, and because that the king was so earnest with him, to have the Marquis de Guast and Ascaigno Colomna his prisoners, notwithstanding that he promised to pay their ransom, yet it seemed that he would by force take them from him, by his royal authority: and besides that the king had delivered the Prince of Orange, his prisoner, & would not that he should pay his ransom at 20000 crowns. All these things then, and many others, whereby the King showed the small account he made of him; were the cause that Dorie forsook his service, and went to serve the Emperor Charles the fifth, 
Guicciar. li. 19  and the Spanish nation, whereof he had been a mortal enemy. 
Andrew Dori forsook King Francis the first, in hi● greatest need.  And notwithstanding the King perceiving his own fault, sent to Dorie, making him many fair offers, yet it was too late, for he would not accept thereof, thinking that they were made by constraint, and that the King had been very slow, to show him courtesy, until that necessity, and not his own will, did induce him to do it: the King was liberal when it was too late, of that which he ought to have given him long before: and received greater loss, by losing this Captain, then if he had lost the half of his army by Sea, as the success of things which afterwards happened, do make manifest. Princes and common wealths may learn by these examples, to take heed that they lose not those men, in whose virtue they may boldly repose much trust, having them on their side; and not having them, have great occasion to stand in doubt, and ought not upon every light occasion to neglect them, & use them in such sort, that they give them cause to abandon them; but aught to cherish them, and with tokens of thankfulness, to show themselves kind and gracious unto them, both while they are living, and also after they are dead. In this respect the Florentines showed themselves very grateful, when they erected public Statues unto john Acute an Englishman: and the Lords of Venice deserve great praise, who have never used to estrange from them, the hearts of those which have well served them: but their charges being brought to an end, they have returned them very honourably; and if they died in their service, in token of thankfulness & good will, they have relieved their children, giving them the charges of their Fathers, and the yearly pensions, which their fathers had in their life time: and have erected unto Captains being dead, for the perpetual & honourable remembrance of them, statues of brass and marble on horseback: as a man may see in Gatta Mallata, and in Bartelmy de Bergamo, and many others in the city of Venice, and the signory thereof; all which are things fit and proper to incite the hearts of Captains, to virtue, love, and fidelity, wherewith a man ought to serve great Princes and honourable common wealths.   

CHAP. 77. A private Captain serving a Prince, or a General, ought not to receive any present or gift from the Prince or General, which is enemy to his Lord and Master.  
AS to gain the reputation of wise and virtuous, 
One only foolish act maketh a man to be reputed a fool, and one act of infidelity maketh a man to be for ever h●ld for disloyal.  many virtuous and wise acts are required: but for a man to make himself to be esteemed for a fool, one only foolish act sufficieth; so to be esteemed faithful, many proofs of fidelity are necessary; and to acquire the name of unfaithful, and disloyal, one act of disloyalty and fault of duty, is sufficient: principally in time of wars, and suspicions, wherein the least suspicion, that a man showeth of himself, and doubt that he hath some intelligence with the enemy, may do a man great hurt: which appeareth, when a man useth to talk often in secret with the enemy, or when a man sendeth or receiveth letters, when a man receiveth gifts, and presents, or such like: for this is properly to show a will and inclination to serve him, and so consequently a sign of running away, or to use some other mean, which may be to the notable loss and damage of the Lord whom he serveth.  
Tartaglia, a valiant soldier and renowned Captain of his time, made wars with Sforce, in the behalf of Lewes of Anjou, against Alfonso King of Arragon. This Tartaglia, by reason of his valour, was much beloved by Sforce, and seemed to be much respected and esteemed by Braccio de Monton, perpetual enemy to Sforce. It happened that in the time of these wars, 
Fazio in his second book of the act of Alfonso King of Arragon.  King Alfonso gave for a present unto Tartaglia certain fair horses, and there appeared many other signs of Braccio his love unto him: wherefore Sforce entering into some suspicion of evil, through Tartaglia his behaviour, caused hands to be laid on him, and to be apprehended, and being convict of secret practice and intelligence with the enemy, he made his head to be stricken off. Which may serve for an example to other Captains, which put themselves in great Lords service, to take heed, and beware how they bring their faith and credit in question and suspicion: for there is no assurance nor security, to receive entertainment of two Masters at once, which are enemies: so as, without causing great distrust of himself, a man cannot make war for the one, and show himself friendly unto the other.  
  

CHAP. 78. When an Ambassador speaketh otherwise then as his Master, he deserveth to be had in derision.  
THe office of an Ambassador Lieger for his Master, with some Prince or Commonwealth, or which is sent sometime to one place, sometime to another, about affairs of importance, ought always to preserve and maintain the honour and reputation of his Prince, defend his actions, exalt his virtues, and so to carry himself, that they with whom he doth negotiate, may retain always a good opinion of him: and if he seethe that his Prince committeth an error, or takes some course which seemeth unfit, his duty is to excuse him, showing either the necessity, or the strange and sudden accidents, and the sound reasons which might move him to take this resolution, making that to seem to be witty and requisite, which is unwitty and an error. For an Ambassador which proceedeth in this manner, showeth that he is a man of spirit, and of discretion, and hath no need of a prompter to put it into his brains. But when an Ambassador affirmeth any thing of his Prince, which is certainly known to be to the contrary, and he saith in one manner, and his Prince doth in another, it followeth of necessity, seeing the words of the one have no correspondence with the deeds and actions of the other, that that Ambassador must make himself worthy to be mocked, or show himself ignorant of the common advertisements: and while as he thinketh (foolishly enough) to mock others, he himself is mocked. Which happeneth by so much the more, when he will affirm that to be true, which is manifestly known to the contrary to be a lie, and cannot be covered.  
King Francis the first, of France, sent for his Ambassador, Mounsieur de Tarbe, then, when there was a treaty of peace between the Emperor Charles the fift and this King, to persuade the Venetians, the Duke of Milan, the Florentines, & the Duke of Ferrara, confederates & allies with the king against the Emperor, that they should not think, that any peace should be concluded: and so far as to advise them that they should not disunite themselves, and to promise and assure them for certain, that if the Emperor came into Italy, the King of France would come thither also with great forces: and he had also charge from the King, to manage with those of the League, the affairs concerning the war, and the conservation of the said League. In this mean season the peace was concluded, ratified, and published, between these two Princes, with all usual solemnity; and for this cause the King of France (being ashamed of his doings) for certain days would not speak with the Ambassadors of the League. But the Lord of Tarbe, which was in Italy, being gone to Venice, to Florence, to the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara, where the conclusion of the peace was already known, and that the King of France (as a man might say) had abandoned Italy to the Emperor, he gave them to understand by a ridiculous lie, the great preparation for the wars, as well on the behalf of his King, as of the King of England; and exhorted the said Princes to do the like: when as it was certainly known, that neither the one nor the other did any thing of that which he reported. Wherefore, while as this Ambassador was executing his charge, he was held for a fool, and a man of small judgement, seeing that it was well known that his Kings doings were clean contrary to his sayings: and the publication of the peace was so manifest, that it could not be hidden by any means in the world: It had been more for his honour to have attended a new commission, or to have executed that which he had more moderately, which had made him to have been accounted and esteemed for a man of understanding, knowing how to accommodate himself with the time. But he which would excuse the Lord of Tarbe, might say, that the King had deceived him in giving him this charge, seeing it is a common saying, that when one Prince will deceive another, he will first deceive his own Ambassador whom he sendeth.  
  

CHAP. 79. When an Ambassador so handleth his Master's business, that it is at the point to be laughed at, he cannot avoid the bearing of blame.  
SPeaking of the charge of an Ambassador, I remember to have said, that an Ambassador ought to be wise, of a quick spirit, and ready in resolutions and answers; and when he hath to manage matters of importance, that he first think well thereupon, and be advised to speak with gravity that which he speaketh, not letting escape out of his mouth any speeches which may show any mocking, or jesting at the affairs which are in question: for therein he shall give occasion to him to whom he speaketh, be he a Prince, or servant to a Prince, to yield some answers which may displease him: besides this, that the Ambassador acquireth unto himself the report to be a man ill framed and fashioned for affairs of importance. And when a man is confuted by the reasons of him which speaketh, it were better for the present to seem to yield to his reasons, 
Affairs of importance are not to be treated of in jest.  demanding time to answer, than not knowing how to defend and uphold the wrong wherein he is, to expose all to be laughed at: purchasing to his Sovereign the name of unjust and unwise, and to himself the blame to have taken upon him to defend a matter, which he can bring to no good end. And when affairs of importance are exposed to be mocked at, they lightly turn to the loss and damage of him which causeth them to be taken in hand, and to the shame and disgrace of him which mannageth the same. The Sienois rebelled against Charles the 5. at what time as Don Hugo de Modozza was governor of their town. The said Sienois sent to Florence for their Ambassador Alexander Sansedonio, where it seemeth that the Emperor was desirous to reduce the City to his devotion in friendly manner, and that by means of his servants and officers, the affairs might be carried so, that the Sienois should have humbled themselves, and have acknowledged their fault: It happened upon a day that one of the emperors Agents talking with Sansedonio of this matter, 
The foolisp answer of San sedonto Ambassador of Stena.  and blaming the Sienois, and reciting the injury done by that City to the Empire, Sansedonio answered to all, sometimes in denying, sometimes showing the sinister and ill informations, then excusing the Sienois of things done by them. But the emperors Agent persisting in repeating and declaring one offence after another, and finding always new, saying, what will you answer to this? and continuing, what will you answer to that other? and then, how excuse you such an injury? and then, how will you maintain that other? Sansedonio feeling himself oppressed and overcome, and having no answer fit for the purpose to excuse and justify his Lords, said with a loud voice, exposing in a manner all the matter to be laughed at; What a devil, shall not we of Sienna be excused, seeing we are known to be fools? 
A scoff used by an Agent for Charles the fift.  To whom the Agent made answer: Even that shall excuse you, but upon the condition which is fit for fools: which is, to be kept bound and enchained. Some writ that this happened at Sienna, in the presence of the Magistrate de Balia: but howsoever it was, Sansedonio should not have hazarded affairs of so great importance, to be laughed at, neither have made his Lords and Masters to have been accounted fools, and himself unwise and ill advised; but he ought to have found means to think upon his answers, and deferring them to another day, to have taken time, & to show some apparent excuse for that which was happened. Let every Ambassador then be well advised, that he put not the affairs which he mannageth in danger to be laughed at, for that it is not agreeing with the majesty of the Prince, which employeth him, neither with the gravity of the Ambassador which handleth the matter: for being laughed at, it is esteemed to be a matter of small importance, and seldom taketh any good effect.  
  

CHAP. 80. When a Rebel or a banished man by his Prince's grace and favour is pardoned, and permitted to return again into his country, he ought not to doubt of his Prince's faith.  
Clemency in a Prince is highly extolled, when he resolveth to pardon a subject, and to restore a banished Rebel to his country, and by how much the subjects offence hath been the more heinous, by so much is the Prince's clemency the more praise worthy. And to the contrary, when a subject having grace, doubteth of the faith of his Lord, and doth distrust him, he deserveth much blame. Wherefore they which being permitted to return to their country, and hold themselves in the fields aloof off, flying their Prince's presence, and show either in speeches, or in their manner of living, a fear and distrust, such, as that they seem to have the Sergeants and other officers at their backs; besides that they lead an unhappy life, they do their Prince great wrong, as if that he had betrayed them, and not pardoned them. And there are some so constant in this conceit, that, to the end that they would not live in this manner, but be free from this fear and suspicion, love better to rebel again, then civilly to take the benefit of their Prince's favour and clemency: of which number there were certain Florentine gentlemen, in the time of the wars of Sienna, which being recalled to their country by Duke Cosmo, and so consequently were received with great courtesy into grace and favour: some accepted the return, and promised to raise companies; but afterwards moved with this fear, and distrusting that promise should not be held with them, resolved with themselves to stay abroad, and serve those which rebelled against their country: and some there were which did serve in that war, and having obtained the victory, even then, when they should have endeavoured to have maintained themselves in the favour of this most gentle Prince, being fearful, went out again, and would never return to their country: both the one and the other were with just cause, and ever shall be blamed. Those which after that they have obtained the favour to return, being nevertheless in doubt of their Prince's word & promise, and require assurance and security, do anger him, & give him just cause of offence: for he which requireth security of his Prince's faith, showeth that he esteemeth him for wicked, and for a man which useth treason rather than pardon: for which cause if the Prince be offended, and reject him, he is no way to be blamed. For all cannot be like unto Alexander the great, who being entreated by Proteus to receive him again into grace and favour, he granted it him, and afterwards being by him prayed to give him assurance, that this his grace should be maintained and continued unto him; wherewith Alexander was nothing discontented, 
The answer of Alexander to Protens, who required security.  but pleasantly answered him, that the best assurance that he could give him, was to bestow five talents upon him, to the end that he might be the better able to maintain himself near about him. But when as a Prince cannot be so perfect, and complete with all virtues, as to heap grace upon grace, but should be displeased to be dealt withal as a man of little faith, and not to be trusted upon his word, he were not to be blamed, but the subject should deserve to be sharply reproved, who should doubt of his Prince's faith, who was not bound by any desert of a Rebel to pardon him, but received him into favour of his own mere goodness and clemency. And it is to be believed, that a Prince would not stain his renown and honour so far, as to bring a man upon his word and faith, to ruin and destruction. The effect of all this matter consisteth in the subject, that he beware, that by new disorders and offences, he provoke not his Prince's wrath against him, but considering the cause why he was out, so to live, that justice take no occasion to lay hold on him, and punish him both for old & new: for he which continueth in offending, aught to be punished, not only for those faults which he presently committeth, but also for those whereof he hath been already pardoned. The subject then, which is again received into grace, doth ill to live in fear and suspicion, and to sly his Prince's presence, but aught to honour him, to present himself before him, and so far forth as conveniently he may, to show all signs of good will and thankfulness: for in this manner he shall give his Prince cause to respect him, and to make much of him; as did Cosmo de Medicis the great Duke of Tuscan, an enemy of his, after the victory of Mount Murle: for the Duke having pardoned him, and knowing him to be a man of authority & great gravity, made him his friend, making him to eat and drink with him, and cherished him, according as his old age, the nobility of his house, his lineage, and the degree and dignity which he held required: and continuing my discourse, and example of the same Prince, 
The liberality of Cosmo de Medicis Duke of Florence.  this hath been seen in him towards his enemies, taken at the battle of Chiana, that having pardoned their faults, and saved & preserved them from the pains of death, whereto they were near, and condemned; knowing their virtues yet he loved them, gave them maintenance, and used their service in honourable places. When then a subject hath recovered his Prince's grace and favour, let him enforce himself to keep it, and let him not enter into an humour to require security, neither to doubt of his Prince's faith: for if he do, he shall live infortunatly, and give his Prince occasion to look to his manner of living, and to distrust him as an enemy, which is not well reconciled; and as for him he shall incur the danger of an evil end.  
  

CHAP. 81. How that man ought to behave himself, to whom is denied the grace which is desired of his Prince.  
IT often happeneth unto subjects to entreat favours at their Prince's hands, which happeneth both to inferiors and superiors: and sometimes it also happeneth that a man obtaineth not that which he desireth, either because the Prince cannot, or because he knoweth the man uncapable and needless of such a grace, or that for divers other respects, he will not grant that which is required. 
A subject aught to dissemble his discontentment when he is rejected by his Prince.  In this case it is better to dissemble the displeasure, which a man feeleth through this denial, and to seem contented with the Prince's pleasure, than to appear discontented, whereby the Prince might doubt that you would remember it another day; whereby some hurt might arise unto you, and the Prince might resolve with himself, never after to do you any pleasure: whereas, to the contrary, when a man being denied, showeth himself contented with any occasion, be it never so small, that the Prince shall allege for a denial, and to hold him excused, and himself satisfied; it will be an occasion that the Prince will not be offended with him, nor have any distrust of him: but as occasion shall be offered, will recompense him in am of the grace and favour denied or refused. He then which showeth himself discontented, may do himself much wrong, and he which doth dissemble it, may much prevail thereby: wherefore Guicciardin in his advertisements saith, That for having dissembled the discontentment which he conceived against some, with whom he was displeased, at length grew to be profitable unto him, for afterwards they became his friends, and did him many favours, which they would never have done, if they had first perceived his ill will and discontentment. But this dissimulation ought not to be such that it may seem hateful, for ill will is easily perceived, notwithstanding that the dissembler use gracious speeches. He also which desireth a favour, ought not to be over curious, and importune to know at large the occasion wherefore he is denied: for which a man sometimes may receive such an answer as shall little please him; but that the suitors importunacy draweth it from the Prince his mouth, as Cosmo de Medicis, the great Duke of Tuscan, who caused the receiver of his tenths to be hanged for his demeanour in his charge. Wherefore another Citizen, whom for the honour of his house, I will not name, entreated the great Duke to give him that office, to whom he answered, that he could not, nor ought not, to bestow it upon him: and the Citizen being earnest to know wherefore he would not give it him; the Duke answered, The great love which I bear thee, and the good which I wish unto thee, permit not that I give it thee. But quoth the Citizen, if you loved me, and would me any good, you would give it me. Wherefore the Duke knowing him to be a dishonest man, said. I will not give it to thee, because I will not have thee to be hanged as that other was, see then whether I be thy friend or no: and with this answer, the importune Citizen withdrew himself from his presence. The same Citizen, not satisfied with this denial, took occasion by reason of the death of the Provost of the fields, or skoute master, to present a petition unto the Prince, desiring that office; the Prince which knew him very well, wrote in the foot of his petition in this manner: the man might be the case, but the house permitteth it not; which hath a better grace in Italian: L'huomo sarebbe il caso, ma'la casa non lo comporta. When then a man obtaineth not of the Prince the grace which he desireth, let him content himself, or feign to be contented with his Prince's pleasure, who for some occasion to us unknown, denieth it. For showing ourselves content, he conceiveth no evil opinion of us, and may upon some other occasion be better disposed to yield to our desire, provided that we degenerate not from ourselves, and demand not such things, as shall not be fit and convenient for us.   

CHAP. 82. That Captain which leaveth a strong place ill guarded to take another, committeth a fault.  
Man's judgement is known in hard matters, which bring difficulty, as when a man is between two extremities, and carrieth himself so, that he avoideth the danger of the one, and acquireth and getteth the good of the other. There are none but men well experienced, and such as oftentimes have managed difficulties of importance, which are of such judgement: so as he which well escapeth out of such difficulties, may well be held for a man very virtuous, and of much worth: but most commonly a man committeth error, either through too great desire to get and acquire, or through too great confidence and trust of that, which is already gotten: and he which so much assureth himself, that he shall not lose that which he hath gotten, hazarding it to get that which he hath not, may well be said to want judgement; for first a man ought to guard well, that which he hath in possession, and then to adventure to get that which he hath not, or recover that which he hath lost. This fault is often found in time of wars, when the Army's camp sometimes here, sometimes there, and sometimes getting, and presently losing what is gotten, according as the fortune of the wars, and the valour of the Captains doth permit. And when a Captain having done all that which is requisite for his degree, and having the guard of a strong hold, loseth it by surprise, he deserveth not to be blamed; but when through his negligence and want of provisions, he be constrained to lose it, he cannot be excused: but he doth worse, who being in a strong place, either by his Prince's commandment, or his own free will, which will go to surprise another place, and leave unfurnished, and without men and munition that which he holdeth, by which means he loseth it, a man may well say, that he is rightly served, and fortune hath dealt with him just, as he deserved. Francis Ferruzzio was in our time, for the Florentines in the fortress of Empoli, in the time of the wars of Florence. It happened that the City of Volterra was taken by the enemies; and for this cause the Florentines, pricked forwards with a desire to recover it again, for that that the fortress held still for them; they wrote to Ferruzzio that he should attempt to surprise it, and having sent him a certain number of Soldiers, and set in his place a Captain which was of no great experience in the wars, made him to leave Empoli, to go to recover Volterra. Wherefore Ferruzzio either trusting in the strength of the place, or judging, that leading so many men with him, he should the sooner effect his enterprise, left not Empoli sufficiently guarded; whereof the Prince of Orange, being advertised by a Spy, thought with himself that it might be won; and sending thither his forces, with Artillery he began to batter it, and easily took it, which had not happened, if there had been sufficient garrison left, or that the Florentines had sent sufficient troops, to have defended Empoly and recovered Volterra. Let no man then trust in the strong situation of any places, neither in the Fortification thereof: for if there be not men to guard and defend them, the strongest Castles and holds in the world are easily taken.  
  

CHAP. 83. Between Enemy and Enemy, courtesies may be used without blame of either side.  
ALthough that it seemeth, that between two enemies, nothing but ill can be expected, and that between them nothing but hurt and ruin is to be gotten, yet it is a matter not worthy of blame, to use courtesy, although the Soldiers of our time use to say: (which hold it for a law) that one enemy is to use all the means possible to bereave his enemy of his life, and to use all cunning and deceit to defeat him and make him away, which is a law and custom worthy to have place among beasts, rather than among men, and principally in particular affrays, when two challenge the single combat one to one, to satiate their evil will, by all kind of cruelty and rage, enforce themselves to give their life and blood unto their enemy, for the reward and recompense of the victory, or to receive his life and blood: and Soldiers now adays thinking him unworthy of honour, which useth any courtesy to an enemy; which not only ancient examples, but also some modern, show to be false: yea even in Combats fought to the death, it hath been seen, that in the heat of the fight, and in the greatest pain of wounds, the Combatants have used courtesy one to another; whereof they were and ever shall be praised. The Lord john de Medicis, a most renowned Captain of his time, and restorer of the glory and splendour of the Military art in Italy, among his Soldiers had two brave & valiant young men, the one called john of Turin, and the other Amy de Benacque, or as others say, Peter Corso: there happened unkindness between these two young men, as it often happeneth between Soldiers, which proceeded so far forth, that the Lord john de Medicis willing to appease it, and to make them friends, it was not in his power to do it, neither to reconcile them, what persuasions and promises soever he used, willing that they should remit the different and matter in question between them, 
A combat between two soldiers.  to him; but they were resolved to decide and end the quarrel by Arms. The Lord john de Medicis was wroth, and taking one of their cloaks, he divided it into two by the midst, and gave to each one half, with a sword of equal length, and locked them up in a certain place of his Palace, and bade them there to end their quarrel, in such sort, that when he should return, he might find all qualified. The young men began to use their weapons, and to give blows, for they both were courageous and valiant: it happened that Amy received a thrust in the forehead, but little hurt, whereby nevertheless the blood running down his face, and into his eyes, he was therewith much troubled, so as he could not handle his sword as he would have done. To whom john de Turin then said, Amy stay, rest thee, and bind up thy wound; and so giving back, he gave his enemy leisure to bind up his wound with a handkerchief, and to rest himself. Afterwards the fight being begun again, and using their hands very gallantly, Amy gave so great a blow, that he smote john de Turin his sword out of his hand; and therewith said to john, stay, rest thee, and take up thy sword again: and after that they had rested, they began the third assault, but the other Soldiers which stood to behold the combat, seeing the great courage and courtesy between these two men, ran to the Lord de Medicis, reciting unto him all the success of the combat, praying him that he would not suffer, that either of them both should be slain, and so their Lord entering into the chamber, found that through the much blood which they had lost, they were so weak and faint, that they were both fallen to the ground, and scarcely able to speak: and so having caused them to be taken up, and the controversy to be referred to him, he made them agree, and their wounds to be bound up with all diligence, and they lived many years after the death of their Lord. I would now know whether the courtesy, which these men showed in the very midst and heat of their fight, did deserve blame or no, for which occasion I have ever found them much esteemed, and worthy to be named and mentioned, as men which fought with generosity of heart, and as valiant men, and not as savage beasts, as now adays most do, which hold not for their but, and end an honourable victory, but the blood and life of their enemy, nothing caring that the world know, whether the course which they have held in killing him be honourable, or vituperable and worthy of shame. And it were a fair question to be asked and disputed whether of these two used the greatest coutesie, either he which suffered his enemy to bind up his wound, and stop the blood which ran into his eyes and hindered his sight: or he which suffered his enemy to take up his sword again, which was fallen out of his hand. The Lord john Baptista Possevin produceth another example at the end of the fift book of his dialogues, of the honour of Cechino de Padova, 
john Baptista Posteum. lib. 5  who fight at Mantova, with Benedict Liberal, who with a stroke with his sword, broke his adversaries sword: 
A combat between Cechino of Padua, and Bennet Liberal.  and Cechino retiring himself, bad Benedict to take another sword, if he would fight: but the Duke of Mantova presently took up the matter, and brought them to agreement: Cechino deserved great praise for this courtesy, who nobly would prevail by his own virtue and valour, and not by the favour of Fortune, and would not kill his enemy being disarmed or fallen, as most men now a days would do, and as many in time past have done, who would have for the prize and reward of their victory, the blood and life of their enemy, slain by them, in any manner howsoever.  
  

CHAP. 84. It is a very dangerous matter to tell Princes of their faults and imperfections, not withstanding that at sometimes it be very necessary so to do.  
FOrasmuch as Princes in their governments may sometimes err and serve from the right line, which is required in a principality, it would do well freely to tell them wherein they err, and to see if it might be possible to bring them to a right and good government: 
No man would be too freely reprehended.  but because it might be displeasing unto them, for as much as there is no man that willingly giveth ear to him which doth freely and liberally reprehend him; and they which should undertake to do it, should (peradventure) incur the danger to displease the Prince, the evil government would ever proceed, and the abuses and vices take footing in the estate: and here hence it cometh, that Princes do not amend and correct their faults and offences. And it is not fit that every man put himself forwards to use this reprehension, for it is not in every man to know how to do it: and therefore hemust so frame his speeches, that the Prince may perceive no less love towards him, than a will to discover unto him his fault, and no less reverence, then desire of amendment. Wherein is so great difficulty, that he which well considereth thereof, may love better to have patience, and to leave the Prince to live after his own fantasy, then by advertising him, to put himself in danger to discontent him, 
The subtle discourse of Demetrius Phalerius to king Ptolemy.  incur his displeasure, and bring his attempt to an evil end. Demetrius Phalerius knew well this difficulty, and for this cause when he would advertise King Ptolemy of his faults and errors which he committed, he did not liberally discover them unto him, but he counseled him to read those books which did treat of the government of Princes, because that those dead men would tell him those things which living men durst not: so as without any shame or danger to any, he might know what were convenient for him to do, and to avoid the committing of faults in the government of his estate.  
That it is a dangerous matter to tell Princes their imperfections, an infinite number of examples both ancient and modern do bear record: but this only shall suffice which Matthew Villani wrote of a King of Spain, 
Matthew Villani.  which reigning in the year 1358. was extremely in love with a young woman his concubine: for the which he became so incensed, that he would have all the City's subject to his Crown to do her homage, and swear unto her fealty; so that to satisfy her, he committed things unworthy of a King, and became to be so outrageous and cruel, that he respected not with his own hands to kill some of his own parentage. The gentlemen of Seville did much marvel at his commandment, to make them swear fealty to the King's concubine: and having confulted together, they named twelve gentlemen to go as Ambassadors to the King, and gave them charge with modesty to reprove him of those things which he did, and to assay by all submission and humility, to withdraw him from that humour to do homage to his Minion: saying, that being bound by oath to the ancient Queen, they could not give it to any other, except they were first abfolued and exempt from their former oath. The Ambassadors of Seville went to the King, and with due reverence declared unto him their charge, and amiably reproved him of his fault. The King gave ear, but no other answer, but only taking his beard in his hand, he said: By this beard I certify you, that you have not well spoken: and therewith sent them away. Few days after the King went to Seville, and remembering the reprehension which he received by the Ambassadors of Seville, 
The cruelty of john king of Spain.  he made them all to be massacred in one night within their houses. And so this free reproof used to this King of his imperfections, notwithstanding that it was with modesty & great humility, had such end, as speeches spoken well to persons which take them ill, use to have, and ever will have; which is no other thing, than a distaste and discontentment, when a man hath means & will to show it. A man ought to be circumspectin dealing with Princes; for although they be men, and have imperfections as other men have, it is not therefore well done to speak ill of them; 
A man wrongeth himself in speaking ill of his superiors.  but they ought to be respected as fathers: it is not lawful with reproachful speeches to publish their faults and ill doings: for a man thereby bringeth himself in danger through his liberal speaking against his Prince, who by that mean taketh offence, and beginneth to believe, that he which is so bold to speak ill of him, may also undertake to attempt something against him: wherefore if such persons be punished, they can blame none but themselves. This notwithstanding, Princes (as men subject to err) ought to give ear unto those which with modesty tell them their faults, but afterwards when they shall be offended and displeased with them, or with others which stand not in their good grace, being angry with them upon any occasion, means failing not to chastise them, they ought to be advised how they speak in public of such persons, 
A Prince ought to consider what be speaketh in choler when he speaketh any thing of any particular subject.  for that they are sometimes understood without speaking, and evil ensueth: which although that it please them after that it is done, and that they may say that they gave no charge nor commission to do it; yet that passeth not therefore with the honour and reputation of the Prince, in whose behalf and to gain his favour, it was committed. Let Princes then take heed how they speak of any in public, to the end that they give not occasion to do ill, to those who to obtain their favour, will adventure to do any evil.  
  

CHAP. 85. It is a most notable folly to intermeddle with enterprises, without consideration principally in the wars.  
AMong the virtues worthy of admiration in a Prince, I hold this to be one of the most princicipal, to do all things with ripe judgement and sound consideration. And if in all things it be requisite, in the wars it is most requisite: and where there is question of most great loss, or of most notable disgrace, it is very necessary that it be well and ripely weighed and considered before it be undertaken. If a man will make any building, he first considereth whether he be able to defray the charge, before he setteth hand to the work, and measureth his ability, and examineth his own means and ability: he which hath a will to levy wars against another, or in his thought expecteth it at home, for as much as this consideration shall cause the one of two things, either that he knowing himself inferior and unable to make long resistance, and bear the charge of the war, will assay to accommodate his affairs, the most to his honour and reputation that he shall be able; or if he know himself sufficient and a man to bring it to a good end, he will begin it and continue the enterprise, with such judgement and discretion, that the affairs coming to succeed well with him, it will be attributed to his virtue, and having ill issue, it will be attributed to the malice of his fortune.  
Cambyses King of Persia having a determination to make wars against the Macrobians of Aethiopia who inhabit in the South of the African sea, 
Herodot. lib. 3  before that he would take his journey for that coast with his Army by land, he sent certain Spies into Aethiopia with some presents to the King, as well to discover the strong holds of the country, as also to consider what forces this King had. The Ambassadors being arrived before the Aethiopian King, and having presented the gifts sent by Cambyses, were known for Spies: and having considered to what purpose Cambyses sent them, 
The answer of the King of AEthiopian to the Ambassadors of Cambyles.  he said unto them, that they should make report unto their King, that he could not be a just Prince, in desiring to possess another Prince's country: and having shown to them the most admirable and most curious things of that land, he sent them back again to Cambyses. The Ambassadors being returned, and having made recital of all the fair and marvelous things which they had seen, and also of that which the Aethiopian King had said unto them; Cambyses (who then was in the city of Hay in Egypt) grew into extreme choler, and suddenly without any consideration, commanded his Army to march towards Aethiopia: his little wisdom appeared in this, that he made no provision for victuals, Munition, or other necessaries for an enterprise of so great importance, but as a fool and a mad man, made his Army to take the way towards Aethiopia, without considering either against whom, or in what manner of country, or in how long a journey he put himself, and commanded a very strong garrison of Grecians to stay there, until he (with victory) returned from Aethiopia. When he came to Thebes, he made choice of about 50000. fight men, which he sent into the country of the Ammonians, to the end to sack and burn the Temple of jupiter Hammon: and he with the rest of his Army (still inconsiderate) marched towards Aethiopia. But before he had past the fift part of the way, his provisions and victuals began to fail him; by reason whereof his Army was constrained to eat their horses and beasts of carriage: If he had then resolved to return, he had done wisely, for by the disorder then, he might have perceived his error. But persevering in his folly, 
The folly and obstinacy of Cambyses.  and nothing considering in what necessity he was, he went still forwards: and the soldiers (unwilling to abandon him) followed him, so long as they could find any herbs or roots to feed upon: but being come to the sandy places, where the earth brought forth no sustenance to satisfy their hunger, they devised a most cruel thing, which was to tithe themselves; so as he which by lot was the tenth man, drew and chose out one to be slain, boiled, and then eaten. Cambyses being advertised of this cruelty, and fearing that his soldiers would eat up one another, turned head, leaving the enterprise of Aethiopia, with a great loss of his people, and perpetual dishonour for his folly. And so that enterprise had such end, as all such desperate enterprises, full of error and shameful success use to have and made him to know how great a dishonour it is to a Prince to begin wars, without providing for those things which ought to go before, and to be prudently considered.   

CHAP. 86. It more availeth to provide according to the advertisements and rumours of dangerous accidents, which may happen to a Prince or Commonwealth, then to make no account thereof.  
BEing in a manner impossible, that great preparation for war should be so secretly made, but that by some means or other it may be known, what persons and places will be invaded: and being also impossible, but by some way or means, advice and intelligence may pass to those against whom such preparations are made, every man will judge that Prince to be wise, and that Commonwealth well advised, which shall give ear to such advertisements, and not neglect them, but will provide and be in a readiness in good season to defend themselves, for fear that the Prince being surprised upon a sudden unprovided, either shall want time to make provision, or be constrained to give order for his affairs, with such haste and suddenness, that he shall not possibly do aught that may be of worth. And there ought not any trust be reposed in the amity, nor grounded upon the far distance of the resience of him which levieth war: for he which will offend, setteth all respects apart, and knoweth how to find the means to pass the difficulties of long ways: whosoever suffereth himself to be otherwise persuaded doth ill; principally when there cometh certain advertisement, which seemeth to be carried in the wind, and namely when a man doth understand of such an enterprise in hand. But for that that the diversity of opinions is more seen in private Commonwealths, then in the governments and estates of sovereign and absolute Princes: for in Senates are seen certain men, which taking an opinion, counsel sometime to the hurt of the Commonwealth, thinking that they counsel for the good and profit thereof.  
When advice is given (although that it be somewhat doubtful) that wars will be made against a Commonwealth, the Senators ought not to give ear to those which dissuade the making of provision and preparation for the wars by any apparent reasons, persuading them to have regard to the charge, and to the difficulty of the enterprise; but aught to resolve to provide them. For to what purpose serveth money, if a man have not time and means to employ it? and all difficulties may be made easy, by him who desireth to possess that which belongeth to another: so as when thou thinkest thy enemy to be far off, it will seem that he came flying upon thee. The Siracusians of Sicily had intelligence that the Athenians determined to make wars against them, and that they were already dislodged with a mighty Army and Navy under sail coming towards Sicilia: this advertisement came to many places, and Hermocrates of Siracusa being particularly advertised hereof, who, as a man experienced in the affairs of the world, made it known to the Senate, and with a grave oration exhorted the Siracusians to look to their affairs, and take order for their defence; notwithstanding that many were of opinion that it was but an invention of some Captains which desired to be employed. The coming of the Athenians into Sicily seemed to be impossible to many Senators, and Athenagoras, by a discourse, using all means possible to dissuade the Senate from making any provision and preparation for the wars; affirmed that the report of the Naval Army was false, and that it could not be that the Athenians should come into Sicily, and began as it were to blame and reprove those which had spread that rumour. Notwithstanding all this, the wise Senators took the middle way, for they did not altogether contemn the advertisements of Hermocrates, neither did they show any such fear, as that they did any thing unworthy of their gravity. 
The prudence of the Senate of Syracuse.  And so it was concluded, to make ready sufficient and necessary provision, to the end that afterwards they should not need to be made upon a sudden (if the news proved to be true) and if the news proved not true, it was no great discommodity to their City. And it is always better to fear then to neglect. Let no man then despise the report which is spread, neither the news which a man receiveth of any imminent danger: for it is better for a man to be noted of fear, then to show himself ill advised and negligent, and the charges and expenses which are made to assure and secure an estate, cannot be said to be lost.   

CHAP. 87. Jnnocencie and a clear conscience make a man bold and hardy, and give him heart and courage to show himself in all places and before all persons.  
TRuly Guicciardins counsel is both very good and profitable for those which have committed some fault: for counseling those which have offended, and will put themselves into the hands of the Prince and of the law, he willeth them first to think upon it very well before hand, and to measure their doings: for although that their case be very hard to be discovered, yet a man would not deleeve what means a wise and diligent judge may devise to find out the truth; and the least sign and sparkle in the world, may manifest the whole and bring it to light. Wherefore I cannot choose but marvel at the boldness (I will not say rashness) of some, who either because they had no companions in their actions and offences, or because they persuade themselves to continue firm and constant, and to make their party good at the Rack, voluntarily yield themselves to prison. And although that some of their fortunes be to be absolved and to escape, yet a man cannot say, but that of a hundred, fourscore and ten are punished: whereof there is so much experience every where, and so many examples, that it shall not need to discourse thereof. But when some one hath not offended, and is innocent of the fact wherewith he is charged, a man would not believe with what constancy both of heart and countenance, and with what liveliness of speech and behaviour he showeth his innocency. And I have known some judges, to whom the examining of criminal cases hath been committed, who have known the innocency of one which hath been accused, in hearing him but speak, and beholding his face only: whose opinion hath been most certain, the truth thereof being afterwards otherwise discovered. He then which is innocent may freely and boldly speak: and notwithstanding that their innocency may be oppressed by envy and malice for a time, yet the truth cannot be overcome by fraud and deceit. And so, many which have been innocent of that which hath been imputed unto them, have happily come out of their troubles, and have made known to those to whom they have been accused, the malice of their accusers.  
Xenophon with his Army of Grecians served King Seutus, who having the victory against his enemies, by means of the Greeks', gave them not the pay which he promised, but with new excuses deferred the payment from day to day. Wherefore the Greek soldiers seeing that the money came not abroad, doubted that Xenophon had received it and did not give it to them: wherefore they began already to speak ill of him in the Army, which was now ready to mutin and revolt. Xenophon did patiently endure (for certain days) the injurious speeches of the soldiers; but one day, as occasion was offered unto him (by many lively reasons) he showed his innocency, and that having received no pay of the King, but being defrauded by him, under colour and name of a friend, he was to make them to see and know, into what error they were fallen: and the more plainly to manifest his innocency unto them, he went with them to the King in person, and having made unto him a discourse full of great complaints, and showing himself discontented to endure the hearing of things unworthy his honour, and that his soldiers should call him thief and robber of their pay, 
Xenophon giveth his soldiers to understand that he had not rob them of their pay.  he prayed him to make that good unto him, which he had promised. Wherefore the King seeing that Xenophon complained not without just cause, paid the soldiers, and showed unto them the innocency of their Captain, using all means to put them out of the evil opinion which they had conceived of him.  
It appeared in our father's days, in Francis Sforce Duke of Milan, 
Guicci. lib. 19  what boldness his innocency gave him, for having been accused of rebellion, and to have practised against the Army of Charles the 5. with jerosme Moron, and the marquess of Pescara, after many alterations the Duke came to Boulogne to the Emperor, who had there received the Crown with his safeconduct, and being in the emperors presence, he thanked him for his courtesy, in giving him means and leave to come to see him, and afterwards said unto him, that reposing his trust in his justice, for all things happened before the marquess of Pescara shut him up in the Castle of Milan, he would have no other security or defence than his own innocency: and for as much as he did appertain unto him, he freely renounced his security by the safeconduct which it had pleased his Majesty to give him, 
Francis Sforce Duke of M●lan renounced the safe conduct of the Emperor Charles the fift.  which he threw down at the emperors feet; to whom this his doing was so pleasing, that he restored unto him the Duchy of Milan, as much through this occasion as any other. innocency surely is of more force than a thousand witnesses, and he that is therewith accompanied, may safely (holding up his head) go any where: for an honest and innocent man may be slandered, but not convinced; but he that is culpable and hath done amiss, although it be never so secretly, following the precedent counsel and precept, aught to be well advised, and let him take good heed how he commit himself into the hands of justice.   

CHAP. 88 Evil speeches ought not to provoke a man to do any thing without judgement and reason, especially in the wars.  
Truly railing and bitter speaking hath great force and power in a generous and noble heart, and urgeth it sometimes to do things with small judgement and discretion: and by this means there are some, which induced by the railings of their enemies, principally in the wars, will rather commit all to the hazard of fortune, (to avoid the reproach, which besides that it is of small continuance, is at length but a vain thing) then attending the opportunity of the time, make their adversaries know with assurance, that they spoke unadvisedly, and avenging themselves of their evil speeches, to show that they were not moved with the injury and reproach, but with good occasion and reason. Wherefore Fabius Maximus, and Marius, are highly commended by the Historians, and in our father's days Francis Sforce, which using great discretion, and temperance, made no account of other men's evil speeches against them: for Fabius showed himself to be of so firm and constant a spirit towards him, which spoke evil of him, with very dishonest and unseemly words, that he knew how to endure the injury and attend the occasion to fight, saying, that he accounted him more bale and cowardly which feared evil words, then him which fled before his enemies, who fled for fear of doings, and he which cannot endure ill speeches and detractions, showeth himself afraid of words. Marius in like manner, 
The witty speech of Marius and Fabius Maximus  and upon the like occasion, knew how to remain firm and constant, and by the lively quickness of his wit, to stop the injurious speeches of his enemy, who to provoke him to fight with disadvantage, said unto him: If thou be that great Captain, O Marius, which thou art esteemed to be, come forth and fight now that thou art defied. To whom Marius answered and said: If thou be that great Captain, which thou reputest thyself to be, force me to come forth of my Trenches and to fight. But he attended both time and oportunitle, and fought, and bare away the victory. Francis Sforce, a most renowned Captain in his time, being with his Army enclosed in a certain place, and having to front him Nicholas Picinino, his concurrant and emulator, both in war and in glory no less esteemed than he, who warred with Alfonso King of Naples, he sent to challenge him the combat, saying, that in one battle their valour would be known, and to whom did justly appertain the prize of Military glory. Picinino, 
Fazio in the 8. book of the acts of Alfonso King of Arragon.  notwithstanding that he was wounded, accepted the offer of Francis Sforce, and King Alfonso retired with his Army, more than half a league off, to give place and field room free, according as he had promised, Picinino presented himself armed and in order with his people, at the place appointed for the battle: and having attended above an hour in vain, expecting when Francis Sforce should come forth of Fano with his people to fight; but he would not come forth, notwithstanding that he was the first that defied his enemy, and provoked him to fight. And notwithstanding that Peter went even to the walls of Fano and called him and his people, after the manner as soldiers use to provoke their enemies to come forth, yet Francis, either knowing some disadvantage, or for that he would not hazard all his reputation at once, or for some other occasion unknown, would not come forth, and cared not for the injurious railings of the enemy's soldiers, considering that such speeches should not move a man to do any thing unadvisedly, and against reason; which ought to be observed not only in the wars, but also in all other actions.   

CHAP. 89. To despise, backbite, and slander any Man, breedeth hatred against him which useth it, who seldom escapeth unpunished.  
I Said before that a man ought not through evil speeches to be drawn and provoked to do any thing contrary to judgement and reason, and have confirmed by examples, all that I have spoken. I say now, that to despise and by evil speaking to blame another man, is a thing very dangerous for him that doth it: and I uphold that they are wise and advised, which abstain as well from threatening, as by words from injuring or wronging the enemy; for threatenings take away no forces, neither do injurious speeches disarm any Man: but both the one and the other may provoke him, and make him think more advisedly how and in what manner he may grieve thee and be revenged, so as a man may rightly say, that they are so many weapons to strike thyself. Wherefore as a wise Captain ought not to be provoked by the ill words and reproaches coming from his enemies, to do any thing against reason; so ought he to forbear to speak ill himself, and that his Soldiers injure not the enemy abroad, neither use any outrageous speeches among themselves within; for that may provoke the enemy, and urge him to seek revenge, and this may also breed a confusion in an army. First, we have an example in Gabades, a Captain of the Persians, who having long time lain at the siege of Amade, and being weary thereof, determined to raise the Siege, and began to send away his army. Wherefore the inhabitants of that City, being puffed up with pride, for the victory, came upon the walls and Ramparts, and spoke much evil of the enemies, forgetting nothing that might offend them, calling them Cowards and villains: for which cause Gabades being very wroth, returned to the siege which was so hard and straight, and the inhabitants were so closely followed, that he overcame them by force, sacked their City, and in this manner taught them how to speak well. The same happened to the Veientes, when as they came even to the very Ports, Ramparts, and Trenches of the Romans, they used many injurious speeches: wherewith the Soldiers being moved and much offended, prayed and enforced the Consults and Commanders, to give battle, and therein overcame them, and by this overthrow they caused the Veientes to bear the punishment of their licentious audacity. Wise Captains ought not to permit Soldiers to outrage one another in words among themselves, reproving and casting one another in the teeth, with dishonest vituperable facts: they which provide not for this inconvenience, put themselves in some danger. Wherefore Valerius corvinus, 
Laws ordained by Valerius corvinus, and Tiberius Gracchus.  and Tiberius Gracchus are greatly praised and esteemed, the one for having imposed a grievous penalty upon whosoever should reproach certain seditious Soldiers, with a mutiny happened at Padua: the other for having forbidden upon pain of death, to reproach certain slaves with servitude which the Romans had armed to fight against Hannibal in time of necessity, wherein they did very wisely: for there is nothing that more grieveth and troubleth a man's mind, than to be reproached with some shameful matter and worthy of blame.  
  

CHAP. 90. Prince's ought to punish backbiters and slanderers, and in no case to endure them.  
I Remember, that I have said elsewhere, that to speak ill of Princes in public, is a very dangerous matter; which a man ought not to do, seeing that Princes are to be respected as Fathers. I say now that Princes ought to punish evil speakers, either in word or writing, and principally those which make profession thereof, who having a quick spirit and good wit, do wrong to God and nature, for the good gifts and graces received, misspending that gold and treasure, which is given them: for which cause they deserve to be reproved, not only in words, but punished in deed, wherefore I do honour, and ever will do, those Princes which put from about their ears, that kind of people, and which shall repress with taunts and checks, the biting tongues of those over liberal and rash evil speakers. There be many things which Princes with all their power ought to preserve and maintain whole and entire, 
Four things principally to be held inviotable.  but principally four, which repress evil speeches, to wit, the dignity of degree, the reputation, the life & the friends. The Prince which doth not punish slanderers and evil speakers, hazardeth his reputation: for so soon as men hear the Prince ill spoken of, and see that he regardeth it not, they believe that that which was written or spoken of him was true, and in this manner he is ill thought of, little respected, and in the end contemned: and contempt is the poison and ruin of all estates, for there can be no worse or viler thing, than the contempt of a Prince by his Subjects: he loseth his good name in suffering those which backbite and slander him, either in word or writing; for speeches and writings passing every where abroad, cause the Prince to lose the reputation which he had gotten with other Princes and foreign estates, of continency, wisdom, and justice, by hearing the evil tongued to publish every where his incontinency, vanity and injustice, and that he cannot or will not correct those which by slanderous reports publish his vices and imperfections. He putteth also his life in danger; for to speak ill, is to do wrong or an injury, and he which endureth one injury from a man, emboldeneth him to do him another which shall be greater, and afterwards another yet greater; so as he which hath been so audacious as to injure and wrong his Prince by words, seeing that the injury is swallowed and endured, will afterwards make no great difficulty, to wrong and offend him by way of deeds, and thence proceed conspiracies and practices against him, reputing him for a weak Prince, and of small courage. He also loseth his friends, whereof a Prince ought to make account; for his friends, seeing that he maketh no reckoning of the injuries done to his person; infer thereof, that he will care yet much less, for those injuries, which shall be done unto them; and in this manner, the love and affection which they bore unto him, cometh to wax cold, and to be wholly extinct. It is true, that a Prince must consider when he taketh knowledge of evil speakers, of what condition they are, and punish them lightly or sharply, according as he shall find their effect and inclination; and giving them nevertheless something for a remembrance: 
A Prince ought to consider of the quality of evil speeches.  and if they be light foreheaded and foolish, to use them like fools and hayrebrained; but if they be malicious, to punish them publicly for example, to teach others thereby, the better to rule their tongues. Dionysius of Siracusa the elder, was advertised of two young men, which at a supper used many injurious speeches of him, and spoke much evil of his government; wherefore he invited them both one night to sup with him, to see and know the quality of those young men, and of what natural inclination they were, and finding that the one was a bibber, and that the wine made him prate, and that the other drank little, and spoke less, he let the one go for a drunkard and a fool, and put the other to death, as subtle and malicious: for a man (which through lightness speaketh amiss) is easily known from another which raileth and speaketh ill of malice. Pope Pius the fourth, a man in our time whose good and virtuous life was such, as the world knoweth, yet could he not avoid evil speeches and blame; for at the beginning of his Papacy, there was a diffamatory libel against him, fastened and set upon Pasquin, as in that time the abuse at Rome then was, to speak ill in this manner, and to rail against the lives of all the Princes in Christendom. The Author of this libel was found out, and known to be a Doctor of the Civil Laws, a young man of an excellent wit, who was cast into prison, and there remained for certain days. The Pope commanded him to be brought before him, and then asked him if he had ever in his life received any displeasure at his hands: and as the Doctor answered no, the Pope asked him again, wherefore then he had spoken so much evil of him? And the Doctor trembling with fear, could yield no other reason, but that it was his lightness: after that the Pope had very gravely and fatherly reproved him, he bade him go home to his house, and apply himself to some other thing, and that he should employ in virtuous and good deeds, that wit and spirit which God had given him, to the end that he had no occasion to make him know how ill it be fitted him to speak ill of his superiors. This man went home to his house, and was as an Ambassador to all the rest which were wont, and had a desire to make such libels, so as they all were still and quiet, and on S. Marks day, when early in the morning the procession passed before Pasquin, which is a statue of Marble without arms, where before that day, a man should have seen nothing but rhythms and verses, written to the slanders and reproach of Princes and Prelates, but then there was an Arm made unto that statue, which held one finger upon his mouth, as who would depaint silence, saying as it were in secret, that every man was still and spoke not a word: and so the Pope, by this little and friendly punishment, corrected the lightness of the Loctor, and threatened the other evil speaker if they took not heed, 
Nicholas Franco was 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 for ●ay●●●.  to rule their tongues. Afterwards in the later years of the same Pope, Nicholas Franco fell into his hands who in all his life, had professed nothing else but dishonest, malitius and shameless railing; who after he had lain certain moneth●●n prison, was hanged for his tongue and evil speaking, signified by a writing which he ware about his neck, wherein were these words which follow: For speaking and writing ill of Princes and his superiors. And truly his evil tongue did deserve no other death. Let Princes dispester and free themselves from such mouthy ill speakers and backbiters, and by no means suffer them; and although that some have said, that Princes reap some profit by those which speak ill of them; they may be assured that the hurt which ensueth by suffering them is far greater: and let him which hath a good wit, and learning, employ it in virtuous works, for as it is a certain kind of unhappiness and misfortune, for a notable, comely, and gallant young man to be enamoured with an infamous and common strumpet; 
A comparison.  so is it a kind of misery to a gentle and good wit, to be addicted to evil speaking and railing at others, be they little or great.   

CHAP. 91. An innocent man accused of some great crime, ought not to put his innocency to be tried by uncertain proofs, for it may happen otherwise then he expected.  
I Said here before, that the innocency of a man accused, of some great crime, is of great efficacy and worth, and maketh a man bold to come into any place, and to present himself, without fear to appear before any man: but this is sound to be understood, for fear that his innocency sometimes make him rash and unadvised: for sometimes a man is enraged and extremely discontent, to hear himself accused and blamed of a matter which he never did, so as he would willingly do any thing to ease his heart of this grief: and to manifest his innocency he would put himself into any danger. Wherefore a man ought to consider many things, when he feeleth himself wrongfully defamed: for he ought to consider who it is that hath slandered him; if he be a man of an evil quality, and base condition, and reputed for a liar and a backbiter, than he ought not to regard it, for his malice will discover itself, and he which hath misspoken and used evil speeches, shall remain touched therewith in his reputation, and he to the contrary whose credit and estimation he would have stained and obscured, shall be the more honoured and esteemed. Secondly, he ought to consider, if (of the blame and accusation laid wrongfully to his charge) he shall be tried and justified by just and indifferent persons, or such as are rigorous, rude, cruel, and passionate. If he have to deal with honest men and of good conscience, let him freely enter into any place to clear himself: for if the judge will not be corrupted by reason of his sincerity and goodness, although that he shall suffer for a time; yet at length, with his honour, and proof of his innocency, he shall be delivered: for God helpeth the just, and assisteth him which is wrongfully accused. But if those (by which thou art to be tried) be wicked, malicious, and easy to be won and corrupted, put not thyself into their hands, but fly (if thou canst) to avoid their judgement: for it were better that a man by flight should be held in some suspicion of the fault imputed unto him, then that he should put himself into the hands of a beast, who by his rude brutality may bring him to an evil and unworthy end, and to satisfy either his own or another man's rage, may use a man miserably: for in attending and giving time, to time, the truth cometh to be known, and in the end innocency will manifest itself, even of itself. Let him finally beware to stand to be tried upon uncertain proofs and means which may come, or not come, to effect: for that might well be attributed to rashness, as he also might well be called rash, who by such manner proofs would bind himself to manifest that which he saith to be true, although that it were most false and maliciously forged: let him then (I say) that is accused stand so on his guard, that he suffer not himself to be brought to make such proofs and experiences; as to undertake the combat, seeing that by the combat a man cannot come to the knowledge of the truth, but may remain dishonoured, being nevertheless most innocent and wrongfully accused. And to the end that it may be the better understood, I will propound this example happened in the city of Spoletta. There was in that City a young man, who was rob of a good sum of money, and imagining and firmly believing that another young man had rob him, began to accuse him and call him thief: and because he could not make proof of his speeches, he spread a report abroad that he would justify it with his sword in his hand (seeing that there was no other mean) that he had rob him, and that that which he said was true. The young man accused of the theft, and innocent of the fact, was advertised of what the other reported of him, and how that he avouched that he would prove it upon him with his sword, that he was a thief; being moved with despite and with the interest and prejudice of his honour and reputation, he accepted, to prove his innocency (which he held for most certain in his own conscience) with his sword in his hand, which was an uncertain mean to make trial, wherein a man might as soon lose as win. Wherefore they came to blows in their shirts, with their rapiers and poyniards in their hands; and in this combat the innocent man was slain and dishonoured, and the accuser remaining victorious, was held to have said the truth. Some space after the truth of the matter was discovered, and the thief was found: so as it was known and did appear, that that man took a rash and an unadvised resolution, who would show his innocency by the trial of a combat: for in such fights and combats is found neither reason nor judgement, seeing that choler, valour, fortune and wit, have therein the rule. And I say that Ariosto (if it be lawful to mix grave matters with fables) hath very elegantly depainted this furious and rash judgement in the person of Mandricard, when he unjustly accuseth King Gradasse to have stolen Rolands sword. Wherefore let every man be well advised, how he too rashly put himself upon uncertain proofs, where he may as well receive dishonour, as discharge of the crime imputed unto him. For although that in his own conscience he be clear and innocent, yet with some men he cannot escape without a blot, who may believe what they list, and as their fantasy leadeth them.  
  

CHAP. 92. In ward familiars, and Secretaries of Princes may commit many errors, by means whereof they are in danger to lose their favour, or their own lives.  
THe great familiarity and favour of Princes, in appearance, is much esteemed and desired: but whosoever shall ripely consider it, shall find that it is a golden shackle, and a bitter sweet, for it is conjoined with so many discommodities and dangers, that most commonly a simple servitor and ordinary Courtier hath better days and greater liberty, than he which with the Prince is most familiar. The discommodities which such men find are very many: for those being insufficient, which the wearisome life and miserable servitude of the Court bring with them, they must also experiment those, which they (by constraint) must bear, for the contentment and secret pleasure or fantasy of their Masters. From hence proceed their long watchings, their sudden journeys and voyages, their broken sleeps, the execution of affairs of importance, and sometime little for honest credit: and finally a man may call them rather honourable parrasites, then virtuous gentlemen. Afterwards they thrust themselves into infinite dangers, principally when they become so familiar, that their Princes impart unto them the secrets of their thoughts, for that the least suspicion, notwithstanding that it be vain and imagined, a sign, a discourse, yea even the least word, may suffice to suppress & bring them wholly to ruin. For this cause I cannot but much commend the resolution of the Poet Philippides, 
The witty answer of the Poet Philippides to king Lysimachus.  who being demanded by King Lysimachus what great favour he might do him to let him know how much he loved him, who answered: That you never impart unto me any of your secrets. But when that fortune hath advanced them so far forwards, that they have purchased their Lord's favour, I say, that I find it expedient that they conserve and keep it, and that they be most vigilant, and take heed, that the over great familiarity cause not contempt in them of the honour and profit of the Prince, for as much as it would violate the faith which the Prince reposeth in his servant and familiar, which were a mean (to no purpose) to put their life in danger: and how much the more such familiars have honourable places and charges in Court, by so much the more they ought to be advised: for besides their pains, which are most wearisome and tedious, they are also the first tormented, and the first suspected, and sometimes their own Masters put them to death, for the doubt they have of their fidelity. As it happened unto Garcia Nicosio, Secretary to Alaim Sicilian, Lord of Ficaire, in the time of Peter of Arragon King of Sicily: for King Peter being called into Sicily by the Sicilian Lords and Barons, and King Charles being driven out, they repenting afterwards to have called him, by reason of his prosperity against King Charles, conspired against him; and amongst the rest of the Lords was this Alaim, who made his Secretary to write certain letters to K. Charles, promising to render Sicilia into his hands, if he would send him twelve galleys. These letters were intercepted and delivered unto King Peter. Wherefore Alaim fearing that his Secretary would reveal the conspiracy, he slew him, and threw his head into the sea, and buried the body in his house. I said here before, 
Garsia Nicosio, slain by his Lord upon suspicion.  that such persons ought principally to be careful and advised, that the over great familiarity and favour which they have with their Princes, breed not in them a contempt of their Lord, so as they make no very great account to offend him in these four things, whereof a Prince is commonly very jealous, which are, his estate, his honour, his life, and his love, for this is a most notable fault: into the which, in the year 1566. fell a gentleman of Perusa, (which I name not) being one of the most private of the chamber of one of the most noble Princes of Italy, which for honours sake I likewise name not. This man being so familiar and favoured of his Prince, that he could not imagine any greater security or liberty, then that which he had with the said Prince, after he had served him thirty years, in which time he obtained of him many favours, much goods, and great revenues, he was one day called by him; and although that he was seen to go into his Prince's chamber, he was never seen to come forth again, neither alive nor dead, and it was held for certain, that the Prince put him to death either with his own hands, or by some other his familiar, not for any conspiracy against his person, or estate, but for that there was an opinion held, and this gentleman was suspected to have grievously offended the Prince in honour, concerning some women in the Court; and if this Prince never in all his life committed other fault, by the testimony of all Christendom, speaking with humanity a man might say, that this fact was by him executed upon most just occasion.   

CHAP. 93. It is both honourable and profitable to a Captain, sometime to yield to the desire of his Soldiers, thereby to hold and maintain himself in their love and friendship.  
THe chiefest care that a Captain ought to have concerning his Soldiers is, to make himself beloved among them, and to keep and continue himself in their love and friendship: and although that at sometime it be necessary to use severity in punishing their faults, and to observe and maintain Discipline, and keep them in obedience; the goodwill and affection towards him, will take place, notwithstanding: for in punishing vice, he seemeth to esteem and make account of virtue. A Captain doth also assure unto him the love and good will of his Soldiers, when he seemeth to regard them, and will not stand so obstinately in his opinion, that he will not grant them any thing that they shall desire, and principally when he is entreated by them for some thing, which he may grant with his honour, and to their contentment; for in doing the contrary, the Soldiers conceive an indignation in their hearts against him, and after that evil will beginneth to grow between them and their Captain, it will be hard to effect any enterprise of worth: and although that for some respects they do not kill him, they will not therefore forbear to show their discontentment when occasion shall be offered. A man would not believe how profitable it is to a Captain, to yield to the just desires of his Soldiers, and sometime to show that he esteemeth and respecteth them: and how much to the contrary he wrongeth himself by being obstinate, and to deny and reject that by their lightness and natural inconstancy, they will do by him as they did by the first, standing on his guard, and being always in doubt, it behoveth him to be as careful in keeping himself from his own people, as from his enemies. 
jacques Caldor noted of inconstrncie.  jacques Caldor in his time was a valiant Captain, as Bertelmew Fazio writeth in the acts and jests of Alfonso King of Naples, a man of spirit, learned, and endowed with many good parts, fit to make him beloved of soldiers and men of war: but by reason of his lightness and inconstancy, he was not so esteemed as his other qualities were worthy of: which might in his time have made him very honourable, if they had been accompanied with prudence and good government; for it is a fault in any man to be inconstant. 
☞  Anthony Caldor his son, who after the death of his father, took upon him the charge and leading of his father's troops, was likewise stained with the same spot, whereof being first suspected by Rene Duke of Anjou, he was cast in prison, and afterwards coming to the service of Alfonso of Arragon his enemy, he was likewise held by him for inconstant and of small trust: wherefore this poor Anthony, seeing himself in disgrace with both the one and other Prince, was constrained to give his son unto Alfonso, in pawn of his faith. But some space after, having forsaken Alfonso, and being again returned to follow Duke Rene, provoked thereto by his own fickleness and inconstancy of spirit, was overcome in a battle, and taken prisoner by King Alfonso: which will ever happen unto such Captains which serve Princes, and are so inconstant, that they know not how to continue in the favour and good grace of one Master, but to their shame and dishonour show themselves desirous of change and novelties. But this is not to be understood of those, which in that they are free, having served one Prince in the wars, and giving up their charge and commission, may serve any other whom they list; neither of those, which induced by some just discontentment, through wrong and injury unjustly done unto them, or constrained by urgent necessity, to preserve either their liberty or their estate, are constrained against their wills to follow and serve him, whom they would not: but I speak of those which of their own fickle lightness and inconstancy, which after the manner of frogs leap now here, now there, and sometimes upon the very point to have performed some honourable enterprise (to no purpose and without any occasion) take pleasure to hinder a victory, and to see disorder and confusion; and are glad to see him come to ruin and decay, who hath given them pay & maintenance, and reposing much trust in them, hath used them with more honour than they deserved. 
Bartel. Fazio lib. 8.  Of such kind of men, many examples might be alleged, which for brevity I will overpass, 
Peter Brunor betrayed Francis Sforce.  only this of Peter Brunor shall suffice, according as Bartelmew Fazio in the acts of Alfonso King of Naples writeth: which Brunor having been a great friend to Francis Sforce, and much honoured by him; enticed either by the fair promises of King Alfonso, or induced through some displeasure, which could be neither reasonable, nor very great, even in his greatest need he forsook him, and went to serve the King with 800. horse: and this his departure put Francis Sforce to such trouble & so out of order, that his affairs went ever after from ill to worse, so as of force he must render and yield himself unto the mercy of the Duke of Milan, being his enemy; although that he were his father in law. And to the contrary, the Lord john Anthony Orsin, Prince of Tarent, worthily deserved eternal praise, and to be esteemed and reputed for a rare example of firm constancy of heart; who in the beginning favoured and took part with Alfonso King of Naples, 
The constancy of john Anthony Orsin Prince of Otranto.  against Queen joan, and against Rene of Anjou, and could never after, neither for loss of battles, imprisonment of his own person, or for any other strange accident that happened unto him whatsoever, be induced to forsake King Alfonso so long as he lived, but continued firm and steadfast in his friendship. And although that afterwards (upon some occasion) he would not follow the friendship of Ferdinand his son, he deserved not therefore to be condemned of inconstancy, seeing that he was not bound to persist and continue in the friendship of another man, notwithstanding that he were a dependent and successor of his deceased friend.  
  

CHAP. 95. A General or Commander in chief, ought not to be touched in his honour and reputation by those which made choice of him, and principally during the time that he is in Arms.  
IT is a custom among all Princes, having occasion to choose a General, either of their own subjects or some stranger, to make choice of some honourable parsonage and of good renown. After that he is chosen and that he hath the government and charge of the Armies, it is neither secure nor convenient, to touch him in honour, either in word or deed, as (with disgrace) to take his charge from him, or by injurious speeches to withdraw him from his enterprises, or to charge him to do some dishonest thing, and such like; for therein a noble heart aspiring to honour and glory, is stirred up and inflamed with despite and discontentment: so as seeing himself touched in honour, he frameth himself by all means to take revenge. Narses an eunuch (to confirm my saying with an ancient example) was General of the Emperor justine his Army in Italy, & performed for the Empire divers & sundry worthy enterprises: and while as he was armed, and even upon the point of his victories, justine deposed him from his charge and government of the imperial Army; and the Empress added thereto certain injurious speeches, 
Narses wroth with the Emperor of Constantinople.  and sent him word that he should return to keep her women company and spin. Narses made answer, that he would spin her such a thread, which after that it were twisted, she should in long time not unwind it. And by his wit and valour, having called the Lombard's into Italy, he was the occasion why the Emperor of the East, lost all that which he possessed in the West.  
A man may also for example bring in the fault which the Florentines committed in the time that Pope Clement the 7. made wars against them, which was this: They chose Malatesta Baglioni for their General, 
Guicci. lib. 20.  and put themselves in arms for their defence against the Popes and the emperors Armies: and having sustained and valiantly endured the siege for the space of eleven months, and having consumed their victuals, and being no longer able to make resistance, all aid and succours failing them, their General and the Lord Stephen Columna, advised them to see if they could come to some agreement with the Emperor and the Pope, by some good composition. But Raphael Girolami, which was Standerd-bearer, with many other citizens of his faction, being moved against Malatesta, without consideration of the danger wherein the city was, and that the General was armed, and had a good corpse de guard of soldiers, Perusins, and other Nations at his service and commandment; they sent Andrew Nicolini, and Francis Zati as Ambassadors to Malatesta, to discharge him, and to deprive him of his authority and charge of General; which was concluded in their Common council. Malatesta was very angry, and setting hand to his poniard, fell upon Nicolini, and once stabbed him, and would have slain him, but for those which stood by, who prayed him to hold his hands. Hereupon the City mutined, and every man betook him to his weapons. Wherefore Malatesta fearing some great hurlie burlie, presently sent the Captain Margute of Perusa, to seize on the port of S. Peter Gatolini, which is the gate towards Rome, and gave him charge to prime the Ordnance, and to bend it against the City, to be able to defend himself against the Citizens, if peradventure they sought to offend him, 
A dangerous tumult happened in Florence.  and caused to come to him all the soldiers strangers which he had in Florence. If the enemy at that time had given assault unto the City, being then disunited from their General, it might easily have been taken and sacked, as well by those which were within, as by those which were without, both which at one instant would have been become enemies. And so through the little wit and small discretion of the Magistrates, the safety of their City and country was set (as a man might say) upon the point of a needle. General's then and Colonels are not to be grieved and touched in honour; and it were much better to resolve to punish them, when they commit any notable faults, (as many Potentates have done) then by interressing their honours, to hazard the affairs and enterprises in question, as may be well perceived by the two examples above alleged.  
now at this present, some man would interpose himself by some honest and reasonable conditions, to accord & pacify the troubles in Flaunders, finding means that religion might have liberty, and the Prince his authority, and the Estates assurance and some satisfaction, I do believe that he might easily appease those wars and controversies, which have endured already so many years, with so great prejudice to the Christian faith, charge and expense of money, and shedding of so much human blood.  
  

CHAP. 97. He which goeth into a foreign Country with charge of importance, aught to frame himself according to the fashions of that Country wherein he is, for to live after the manner of his own country, it is not every where secure.  
AMong all the fair conditions and qualities which ought to be in a Gentleman, well borne, who is to be employed in public affairs, in my opinion, the one of the most principal is, for a man to know how to accommodate and frame himself according to the fashion of those Countries whither he goeth, whether it be upon his own pleasure, or some other bodies. And this is it, why many as well Ambassadors as Captains, have effected great matters, about which they have been sent by their Masters: which is not happened unto them only so much, for knowing the Prince's humour, with whom they had to negotiate, as to be framed and fitted to the fashions and manners of the Court and Country where they are: and those which have done otherwise, have been deceived, and most commonly have borne loss, damage, and shame: for the likeness of fashions and manners in behaviour, is a thing very fit to breed good will, and procure friendship: but that must not be done in flattery and adulation, which is presently known and discovered: but to show that a man doth not abhor or loathe the Country fashions where he is, as evil; or despise them as vicious; but so observeth them, as seeming good unto him, which is a mean fit to make him to be beloved and respected by that Country people: for this cause Alcibiades the Athenian was highly praised, 
Alcibiades an Athenian, beloved of strangers.  for in what place soever he came, either by his apparel, or his manner of life and conversation, he accommodated and framed himself to the custom and fashions of the Country where he was, whereby he won the hearts as well of the Princes, as of the common people, with whom he had to deal, and brought whatsoever he undertook, to a good and happy success: for when he was at Athens, he applied himself to pleasant and witty discourses, and often laughed and jested with such subtleties, he bred most fair horses, and in brief, lead a merry life, after the custom of Athens. When he was in Lacedemonia, he shaved his head and his beard, wore a long cloak, and washed himself in fresh water. When he was in Thracia, he was ever ready to fight and to drink: and being at Tisapherne, he lived deliciously in pomp and pleasure, and for this cause he was every where well beloved.  
When Hippolito de Medicis was sent by Pope Clement the seventh, 
Hippolito de Medicis was much favoured of the Hungars.  Ambassador for his Holiness into the wars of Hungary, against the Turks, he was much beloved by those of the Country; because that sometimes he appareled himself after their fashion, and conformed himself unto their other manners: which acquired unto him the love and favour of that nation. But because that in every Country there be both good and evil fashions, I speak of those which generally are held for good; for I mean not that it is well done for a man to fashion himself to certain particular vices, principally in a public person, if it be not in secret, among equals; which also should not be peradventure tolerable; as for example, although that in Germany it be a common custom to drink so much till some be drunken, which is a vice; but tolerable by that nation, accustomed to wine, which will be no way beseeming or convenient for an Italian Ambassador, or of another nation, neither for every grave man to do the like; for although that he be reputed (according to the byword) a good companion among those which are given to this vice, he shall be therefore neither praised nor esteemed by men of judgement; and the German Lords, as wise and advised, know well how hurtful drunkenness is in a man, to whom are given Commissions and charges of secret affairs, and of importance. Wherefore a grave man may make himself to be well beloved, without giving himself to such manners, which lean unto vice, in modestly avoiding them by his gravity, and without blaming of them openly as evil: from hence it grew, that Agesilaus and Epaminondas, in retaining their particular nourtur and behaviour, although that they frequented many nations of divers manners and fashions, were nevertheless beloved every where, showing themselves in their apparel, diet, speech, grace and bringing up worthy themselves. And Plato was no other at Syracuse, than he was wont to be at Athens, and with Dion and Dionysius he was the same. It importeth much to know the manners and fashions of a nation, which among them are generally accounted and taken for good, and to assay and practise to conform himself thereto, and sometimes to be appareled, as they are, with whom a man converseth, and to invite them to dine and eat with them, and to use such fashions as they use among themselves, when there shall be occasion to treat of affairs. A man must also give unto Princes such titles as others use to give, 
☞  or such as are pleasing unto them: for although that they be but worldly vanities, yet a man must not deprive them of that, which they hold dear, & have peradventure sometime bought for a great sum of gold, and are angry and displeased when it is denied them. A man must not eschew the company and conversation of gentlemen as base, for it is better to bear with some thing, then to seem to abhor it: and briefly, we are to behave ourselves so towards all, as that we may get the favour and good will of all: for he that will live only after the manner of his own country, may peradventure be mocked for his labour, because that fashions and customs are not every where alike: for a man behaveth himself after one manner in Itatly, and after another in France, and in France the fashions are different from those of Spain. Wherefore he which will live in Italy as an Italian, in France as a Frenchman, and in Spain after the manner of Spain, shall ever better dispatch his business than another. And for this cause I much esteem of those which being to travel into divers countries, learn divers languages: for thereby they shall be the better understood in expressing their meanings and conceits, in that country speech where they are, than they shall do in their own tongue: and he which shall go Ambassador into Spain, and follow the Court, being an Italian, shall ever have better access to the King, and more favour of his Counsellors and Secretaries, having the Spanish tongue, then if he spoke no other but only Italian: for besides that he shall never have need of an Interpreter by him, he shall have a better grace in speaking Spanish, though he speak but indifferently, then though he spoke never so well in Italian. In the time of Pope Eugenius the fourth, the Cardinal of Aquileia had this consideration, being sent by the Pope as Legate, to Alfonso K. of Arragon and of Naples, to treat of peace between them: but because the Cardinal had not the Spanish tongue, neither was well able to express his mind in the Italian, in such sort as the King might well understand him, neither answered to the King's demands so well as to content him, he resolved to serve his turn, by the means of a protonotary, which he had with him, whose name also was Alfonso, who speaking in Spanish to the King, and showing the will and charge of the Legate, so as he was understood, concluded and confirmed the peace; which had not peradventure been concluded by the Legate, which had not that tongue, neither knew how to utter his speeches with such efficacy as they might have been understood. Those also which by good fortune are called to the government of kingdoms and foreign estates, to win the favour of the people ought also to live after the custom of the country whither they are called, and not after that of the country where they were bred up: into which error fell Vnon King of the Parthians, which being brought young to Rome, was bred up and taught there, and learned very well the manners and fashions of the Romans. Who being afterwards called to the government of that kingdom, he used towards the Parthians in giving them audience, and to entertain them with such humanity and courtesy as he had learned at Rome, and would not follow the fashions and manners of the Parthians: for they had a custom to be governed proudly, and to be commanded by their King with great rigour: for it was the manner of their Kings to proceed in this manner with their subjects. And for this cause the government of Vnon seeming unto them more womanish than manly, his Roman nurture was nothing pleasing to them: and disliking his humanity and familiarity, which they took for pusillanimity, weakness, and want of spirit, in a short time after they deprived him of the kingdom, because he could not, or would not fashion himself according to the manners of the country where he was.  
  

CHAP. 98. It is a shameful and dishonest thing to wrong and do injury to strangers.  
IT is a thing void of all civility and good manners, to do or suffer to be done any injury to those which are received into our house as strangers, which ought to live under our safeguard and protection, neither more nor less, than as our nearest friends and Parents: it were better not to receive them than to do them any wrong, or suffer them to be used in such sort, that they should have occasion to complain, that towards them the holy laws of hospitality and courtesy towards strangers were violated. Wherefore I have ever disliked those Lords, which have about them jesters and dwarves, or such like train of most base condition, who receiving some honourable Gentleman stranger into their houses, permit that those either in word or deed, say, or do them any injury, covering the dishonesty of the speech or fact, with this lean excuse, that the injury was done by a fool: where the fools themselves not discerning the quality of men, think that all men are of like condition, which is false: for our humours are not all of one kind, and some one man is pleased and delighteth in those toys, and another hateth them. And I remember that a filthy dwarf, very shameless and unmannerly in discourse (as the most part of such vermin use to be) was likely to have been thrown by a noble parsonage out at a Palace window, where he was lodged; and although that this Lord, through great entreaty, did not throw the dwarf out at the windows, yet he presently made sign to his servants and departed from this palace, and went to lie in a religious cloister, much blaming him that had entertained him; not that he was any way offended or injured through the Master's fault of the house, but because he kept such rascally scum in his house, which knew no difference between man and man, but used all alike. Hospitality is a virtue worthy a gentleman and a christian, but when it is violated it is changed into a place of robbery: so as that lodging, which by the law of hospitality was holy, becometh a wood, and a lurking place and ill assured: and a stranger may say, being injuried, that he found more security in forests, then in houses; and more courtesy among beasts, then among men. From whence proceeded the perpetual infamy and dishonour to Procust and Sciron, slain by Theseus, but from the cruelty which they used towards strangers, which fell into their hands? For as Plutarch saith, the one had a bed, where he lodged all the guests which he brought into his house; and if the man were longer than the bed, he cut off his legs; & if he were shorter, he stretched him so out in length, that he fitted him to the bed: and the other, bending down the boughs of trees to the ground, whereto he tied his guests by the members, & then cutting the cords wherewith the boughs were fastened to the earth, took great pleasure to see a man dismembered in this manner. Wherefore the Prophet in the Psalms said: Dominus custodiet advenas, pupillum & viduam suscipiet, & vias peccatorum disperdet. As if he would say, there are three sorts of people in the world preserved by the Lord, and are as in his safeguard: to wit, Strangers, Orphans, and Widows. That God defendeth and keepeth strangers, we have examples in the holy Scriptures; 
Particular persons preserved of God.  for where man's wisdom could not defend them, the secret judgement of God hath supplied it. Abraham was a stranger in Egypt, and feared that the beauty of his wife would be an occasion of dishonour unto her, and of hurt unto him; and so, as a man, he sought human means: and although that he would not tell a lie, yet he sought nevertheless to conceal one truth in alleging another, willing her to say that she was his sister, and conceal that she was his wife: but in that that God taketh care and charge of strangers, Abraham was miraculously delivered, but not by his own wisdom, and with his honour & life saved, he performed the voyage he had begun. Wherefore saith the Prophet, that God taketh care for strangers? Hath he not care for all? doth he not regard all? doth he not bestow his benefits upon all, as well evil as good? doth he not desire that all should be saved? doth he not call all unto him? and finally, is not he the universal father of all, that ever were, are, or shall be? Wherefore then doth he say, that he careth for the strangers, and protecteth the orphans and widows? because that there are none in the world, which have more need of help then these three. The stranger hath need of some body to set him in the right way; the pupil, of some one to protect him, and preserve what is his; and the widow, of some one to defend her from the oppression of those which are too mighty for her. The stranger hath need of one to defend him from injuries; the pupil hath need of one to assure and defend him, against him which pretendeth right to his inheritance; and the widow hath need of one, to keep and preserve her from him which would deceive her. The stranger hath need of one to lodge him in courtesy in his house; the pupil of one who may keep him near about him, as his child; and the widow of him who may preserve her pudicitie, and to keep her good name. Among which three degrees of persons preserved of God, he first nameth the stranger, because that he is more forsaken than the rest: for the pupil hath his tutors, and the widow her kindred. For this cause God preserved innocent joseph, being sold to the Ismaelites, and made young Tobias to be accompanied by an Angel, being to go into a strange country. Yea the same Prophet reciting the misdeeds and wickedness of the unjust, and praying to God to behold them with the eye of his justice, among other things saith thus; Viduam & advenam interfecerunt, & pupillos occiderunt: They have murdered the widow and the stranger, and have put the pupils to death: for as there are none found in the world more humble, more subject to injuries, and more unworthy to be grieved and wronged, than the stranger, the widow, and the pupil: so a man cannot imagine a greater villainy, then that which is done to one of those. The faults which a man wittingly committeth against his friends are great: but those which are committed against strangers, are most great in this, that having neither friends, nor parents, which may support and defend their right; any man that wrongeth them, showeth himself to be most base and pusillanimous, seeing that a generous heart can never be induced to do wrong or injury to one that is less than himself. For which cause there have been many, which have chosen to be rather wronged in their honour, then to suffer strangers to be dishonoured in their houses: and others have rather suffered violence in their bodies, then that those which they had received and lodged in their houses should endure any abuse. Others have better loved to observe inviolably the duty of hospitality, then to gain the friendship of an Empire: and others have preferred the gentle entertainment of strangers, before the delivery of their country from tyranny. We read in the book of judges in the 19 chapter, that an old Gabaonite lodged a young Levite in his house, and seeing that certain impudent young men of Gabaa, would do wrong unto this Levite, who had a most fair wife; the old man went forth and offered them his daughter, to the end they should not grieve the Levite: but the Levite would not suffer that his host, who had courteously lodged him, should be touched and grieved in honour, but he abandoned his wife to their unbridled rage: and after this execrable fact, he followed the rigorous and memorable vengeance against the Gabaonites. And so a man may see that the old Gabaonite was ready to suffer that his own daughter should rather be dishonoured, then endure that the Levite lodged in his house should receive any injury.  
In the time of Totila, Cerbon, a man of holy life, was Bishop of a City in Tuscan, called Popolongna: this man loved better to endure death and to be slain by Totila, then to discover certain strangers which he had lodged in his house. He suffered himself to be thrown by this Tyrant and given to Bears, to the end that they should have devoured him, rather than to suffer that those which he had hidden should fall into the hands of him who was more enraged and cruel than a Bear. But Totila seeing that those cruel beasts did not hurt him, notwithstanding that he was in the midst among them, was ashamed to take life from him, to whom the savage beasts would do no harm, and let him go.  
After the battle of Cannae, wherein Hannibal defeated the Roman army with two Consuls, Hannibal retired with victory to Capua, and was lodged by a gentleman of Capua in his house. This gentleman's son named Perolla, much affected to the Romans, had a desire to kill Hannibal: but his father would not suffer him to do it, not permitting him to kill so great a Captain in his own house. And among many reasons which Titus Livius bringing in the father of this young man, speaking to his son, dissuading him from kill Hannibal, he produceth him, among the most lively and effectual, saying: That he should not soil his hands in the blood of a stranger, nor stain and defile his table of hospitality, where Hannibal had in safety drunk and eaten.  
The Romans had wars against Philip of Macedon, and desiring to draw the Etolians unto their party, and to bring Philip into disgrace with them; as the Roman Orators spoke to the Senate of the Etolians, among other matters, they alleged and reproached unto Philip, the homicide & murder of a stranger, whom he lodging in his house had caused to be slain. Wherein it is to be seen, that the outrage done to strangers, is imputed unto men among most odious villainies. Cornelius Tacitus in the fifteenth book of his histories saith, that at Rome was a conspiracy against Nero, wherein were many participants, to wit, Senators, sundry of the Order of Knighthood, many soldiers, and some women: all these conspired together to kill Nero, being unable to endure his so great and many villainies and tyrannies: the conspiracy came to this point, that there wanted nothing, but to find a place fit to put it in execution. The conspirators consulted together of the time and place: one would have him killed in the City and Theatre while he was singing; or that a house should be set on fire, and while he ran thither without guard, a man might have opportunity to kill him. Another would have him killed in the fields, another in the Palace: one was of opinion to have him killed in the Temple: one named one place, another another. In fine, they resolved to execute this enterprise in the house of a certain man called Caius Piso, who was one of the conspirators, a man who for his good qualities and virtues, was wished to have been chosen to the imperial dignity. Piso had his house and farm at Baya, whither Nero of custom did use to walk to pass the time, and stayed there most commonly without guard, and without weapons, as in a place most secure. Piso would not consent thereto, saying, that he would not defile his house with the blood of any Prince whatsoever he were, neither his table of hospitality, and receiving of guests, whither the Emperor came with assurance and trust; adding further, that as often as Nero came into his house, he received him as a stranger, and not as a Prince. Lorenzin de Medicis had not that consideration and respect, (notwithstanding his good affection to Cornelius Tacitus) when he slew Alexander de Medicis Duke of Florence: for he regarded not that he was in his house, and upon his bed, whither Alexander used to go, with great assurance: neither whether he were in his house as a guest, or as a kinsman, or as a Duke: for he as a resolute conspirator had determined to kill him, where soever he might find opportunity thereto: by reason whereof he peradventure deserved no less blame for having quelled him in his house, where he held himself for very assured, being lodged and asleep upon his bed, then to have slain a man after whose death ensued not any thing of that which he had projected. But Piso would have hospitality and courtesy towards strangers held in such reverence, as in ancient time was used, which was, holy, free, and venerable, even as they held for holy, free and venerable the public faith, which it was not lawful to violate. And although that a man with just cause were angry and displeased with another man, yet so often as he shall come where he may have his will of him, put himself into his hands, enter into his house and lie in his bed, all wrath and hatred ought to be laid aside, and to consider how much importeth the blame to have violated hospitality & receiving of strangers, which is always greater, than any other commodity or contentment, which may possibly happen by breaking and violating the same.  
  

CHAP. 99 How blameworthy the vice of ingratitude is, in all manner of persons.  
IF I ever desired to be provided and furnished with lively and fit speeches, effectual and of force, I desire it in this occasion, wherewith I must blame a vice, which cannot be so much blamed as it ought: for as treason cannot be sufficiently punished; even so ingratitude cannot be sufficiently blamed, being so conjoined togethers, that a man may say, that every Traitor is ingrateful, and every ingrateful man is a Traitor: for like as treason is no other thing than a breach of faith and duty; even so ingratitude is no other thing, than a breach of the band and duty due unto a man, by reason of a pleasure received: and this vice of ingratitude is so vile and dishonest, that the ingrateful themselves, loath to be reproached therewith, and would rather confess themselves subject to any other imperfection, than to be noted with this vice; which cometh through no other occasion, but because that ingratitude only is inexcusable, & cannot be coloured: the breach of promise may besaid to be an advise upon better consideration of that which was promised: cozenage and deceit may be said to be cunning and policy; treason may be termed revenge, but ingratitude can have no other name, neither can be covered or shadowed by any means, but continuing ever naked and manifest, is constrained to show itself every where with shame and dishonour.  
There be three degrees of ingratitude, the first is, not to recompense and requite a pleasure received: the second, to forget it only: the third to render evil for good. The first is evil, the second is worse, and the third is worst of all: the first may be sometimes attributed to the impossibility; the other to negligence; but the third is ever attributed to malignity. Not to recompense in some sort, may be excused; to forget a pleasure is hardly excusable; but to render evil for good, can be excused in no sort whatsoever. And as those are the most wicked men in the world, which use and abuse the gifts of God, to the end to sin as rich men, which become covetous; sound and healthy men, luxurious, incontinent and insolent; strong and able men, full of violence; ingenious and witty men, which become deceitful and fraudulent: even so the ingrateful are more worthy of blame, which turn and convert the benefits and pleasures received, to the hurt and dishonour of the benefactor. An ingrateful man ought to be shunned as the plague; for a man cannot find a more pestilent and pernicious thing then him, which ever thinketh, speaketh, or doth evil, and loving only himself, hateth every man else, and principally those which do good to the good; he doubteth not to execute any kind of wickedness, and may well be said, to be the sink of all villainy; so as a man may be assured that the only good which he can do, is to die only, for thereby he shall purge and clear the world from his infection, and the earth doth recover and hide the horrible monster, which it bred 〈…〉 brought forth. And although that ingratitude be commonly ●●●med of all men, yet it seemeth that it is little esteemed now adays: for the number of ingrateful men, is so increased, that of force we must bear with this imperfection, as we do with many others; which cometh of no other thing, but because that this vice by our laws, can receive no punishment which may equal it. And men ordinarily now care less for words then for deeds. Wherefore as pains and punishments are ordained for thieves, murderers, and rebels to Princes, and disturbers of the common peace; so I would to God also, that torments were prescribed for ingrateful men; there would not peradventure then be so many, and men would be more afraid to show themselves to be ingrateful, and without courtesy towards their benefactors. The Egyptians gave this punishment to those which were ingrateful to their father or mother, which was, that they made them to be gelded, to the end they should not beget any such as they were, and be perpetually deprived of the hope and pleasure to have children; judging that punishment to be conformable to the fault, and that he which was ingrateful to his father, did not deserve to be a father. As for those which were ingrateful to their friends, they caused them to be proclaimed and published every where, for infamous; to the end that no man should ever do them any pleasure, esteeming it a punishment fit for him which had been ingrateful to a friend, to be made to lose all his friends. Zenophon in the life of Cyrus saith, that among the Persians, no vice was more blamed than ingratitude: and they severely punished him, that was able to requite a pleasure, if he did not recompense it; for they judged an ingrateful man, to be a contemner of the gods, to have no respect to his Parents, love to his country, neither care of his friends. Ingratitude ordinarily is a friend and companion to contempt and shamelessness or impudency: and Pythagoras showed well, that ingrateful men were to be banished from the country, when he said that we should drive the swallows from the house; which he said to no other end; but because that he which dareth to show himself ingrateful for a pleasure received, will show himself also such, (as it is to be doubted) in all other actions, and forgetting how much he is bound unto his country, he will one day be so bold and hardy as to betray it. With good reason an ingrateful man is to be banished from his Country, for he is noisome to himself, in this, that he maketh himself infamous, and is hurtful likewise to others, because that through his evil example, other men doubting to meet with such ingrateful people, as he is, will do pleasure to no man. And this peradventure is that, which Saint Bernard meaneth when he saith, that ingratitude emptieth and drieth up the fountain of piety, that is to say, was the occasion why men drew back and withheld from doing good to others, through the example of some ingrateful man. And for this cause the Romans took liberty and freedom from ingrateful slaves, being already made free, and made them return again into bondage and servitude: and children being ingrateful to their Parents, were disinherited of their patrimony, and so by this penalty, they held both their servants and their children in their duty. I know that many excuse themselves, alleging, that the importunity of their benefactor, and the often casting them in the teeth, with the good turn done them, giveth occasion to become ingrateful; but I will answer these men, that although that such a kind of people be intolerable, seeing that their good turns bring with them more offence than pleasure, and that this manner of often reproaching, maketh a man to desire rather to forget them, than to acknowledge them: notwithstanding all this, a noble and generous heart, aught to bear with some imperfection in the benefactor, and aught to remember, that to put a man in mind of a pleasure, is one thing, and to cast him in the teeth, and reproach him therewith, is another: for a man putteth his friends in mind of a pleasure, and reproacheth his enemies: and sometime the cause why a man is put in mind of a pleasure done unto him, cometh of the small consideration of the ingrateful heart of him, which received the pleasure towards his benefactor: which usually so much moveth and offendeth a gentle heart, that sometimes he is induced, and yieldeth to do worse, and more unworthy things, than the putting him in mind of a pleasure done him. Ingratitude then can have no excuse, and by so much the less, by how much the pleasure hath been great, as that which the Son receiveth from the Father, the Citizen or Patriot from his Country; the Scholar from his Master, and the Subject from his Prince: and when such kind of people shall rise against their benefactors, and do support and serve their turns against them, with the benefits which they have received from them, they may justly be called Mulets or young Mules, as Plato called Aristotle, who after that he had learned art and knowledge of Plato, was so unthankful and ingrateful for the pleasure received, in having learned knowledge and science of him, as to keep open school in front, and as in despite of his Master: and as the young Mule, after it hath filled itself with the dams milk, kicketh at her with the heels; even so an ingrateful man, after that he hath received a pleasure, he turneth and beareth himself impudently against his benefactor. In the time of our fathers and ancestors, Pontanus was reputed unthankful, who being nourished and brought up by Ferdinand and Alfonso Kings of Naples, and brought to that point to be so famous, & a great parsonage in learning and knowledge as he was, and little acknowledging this good, and ingrateful to his benefactors, made an oration in dispraise of the King of Arragon, to the praise and commendation of Charles the eight, King of France, upon his Coronation day; and showed that he had forgotten the many pleasures which he had received by the house of Arragon; and with good reason deserved to be reproved for unthankful: it was judged that Pontanus repenting to have made this oration, buried it in perpetual darkness, and would not that it should come to light with his other works, as he which wisely judged it to be expedient to cut from the world, the testimony of his ingratitude, although that in one part he did not ill, with praise to extol the warlike King of France. Behold (gentle Reader) these Considerations of the Lord Remy of Florence, who purposed to have proceeded if death had not prevented him.   
FINIS.   

A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS BOOK.  

A  
ABraham was miraculously delivered from danger. 244. h.  
Alcibiades an Athenian beloved of strangers. 240. e.  
Agesilaus and Epaminondas were every where beloved. 241. a  
Alexander Bon a gentleman of Venice punished for deceit. 65. d  
Andronicus a Greek slain by the people. 171. b  
Alexander the great poisoned by Thessalus his Physician. 58. g  
the subtle answer of the Duke of Florence to Don Diego de Mendoza governor of Sienna. 42. h  
Antonell and Bernardine Sanseverin again rebelled against king Ferdinand upon suspicion. 26. e  
Antony Maria Earl of Gaiazza accompanied Lewes More Duke of Milan to prison in France with his troop of horse. 48. f  
Assurance and safeguard given to a man by a Prince, when it is to be maintained, and when not. 80. h  
Alexander king of the Epirots slain by the Lucains, being banished from their country, whom he sought to restore. 85. c  
Alexander the great destroyed the City of tire. 116. f  
An Ambassador ought not to care for an ill word from the Prince with whom he hath to deal. 122. h  
A witty answer of a gentleman of Florence 126. f  
Aprius King of Egypt caused the nose and ears of Papremitan to be cut off. 137. c  
Aprius King of Egypt strangled by his subjects. 137. d  
the answer of Pope Clement the seventh to the Cardinal Pompey Columno. 176. h  
the avarice of the servants and Captains of Lewes the 12. King of France were the cause of his ruin. 187. b  
Andrew Dorie forsook king Francis the first in his greatest need. 195. c  
Affaires of importance are not to be treated of in jest. 199. d  
the answer of Alexander to Proteus who required security. 202. e  
the answer of the King of Ethiopia to the Ambassador of Cambyses. 213. a  
the foolish answer of Sansedonio Ambassador of Sienna. 200. f  
Astyages King of the Medes commanded his nephew to be slain. 74. g   

B  
BEssus executed for murdering his father. 171. a  
Braccio da Montone defeated and put to flight by Francis Sforce. 127. d  
Brutus and Cassius against Octavius and Marcus Antonius. 157. c  
Babylon strictly besieged, and the siege thereof. 144. f  
Bernard Contarini purposed to have slain the Duke of Milan. 153. b  
the Boulognois for doing outrage to the statue of Pope julius the second, undid & almost wholly ruinated their whole country. 113. d  
Bernardin Court ingrateful to Lewes' Duke of Milan. 173. d  
the Bitter jest of Ferdinand with Alfonse his father. 17. a   

C  
COmbat between Cechino of Padua and Bennet Liberal. 209. b  
the Cruelty of john King of Spain. 211. a  
the Circumspection of Fuluius a Roman Captain. 104. e  
Comparison between the manner of proceeding of Peter de Medicis with the King of France, and of Laurence de Medicis with Alfonso King of Naples. 5. b  
Clearchus amiably appeased the Greeks'. 231. d  
Charges of importance are most commonly given to unworthy persons, and such as have no experience. 48. g  
Caius Caesar against King juba. 163. d  
Charges and governments of importance are not to be given to men of the first impression. 53. d  
Conspirators and suspected persons are not to be believed. 56. h  
the Constancy of john Anthony Orsin Prince of Otranto. 234. g  
Caesar slain and massacred by Brutus and Cassius. 59 a  
Cerbon a holy Bishop in the time of Totila. 246. f  
Comparison between a lover and a Prince. 65. b  
a Conspiracy in Rome against Nero. 247. a  
a Captain through boldness and diligence oftentimes obtaineth that which by mildness he should never attain unto. 68 e  
Crassus against Spartacus. 162. h  
a Captain ought always to be in a readiness and well advised in his affairs and all actions. 107. c  
Cruelty a great fault in a Prince. 137. c  
Charles Duke of Burgundy severely punished the City of Nants. 114. f  
a Check given by the Emperor Maximilian to the Spanish Ambassadors. 123. c  
a Combat between two soldiers. 208. e  
the Cunning of Duke Valentine. 139. b  
the Isle of Cypress taken by the Turks forces in anno 1570. 118. h  
the Cruelty of Duke Valentine. 139. c  
Cyrus was found by a shepherd. 74. c  
Crassus a General for the Romans overthrown and slain being betrayed by a fugitive. 143. d  
Covetous servants and officers are the cause of the ruin of their Prince and rebellion of subjects. 186. h  
a Combat wherein the innocent was slain. 227. a   

D  
Done Diego de Mendoza made no account of the Duke of Florence, when he gave him to understand of the Rebellion and revolt of Sienna. 2. f  
a Dangerous tumult happened in Florence. 236. g  
the subtle Discourse of Demetrius Phalerius to King Ptolemy. 210. f  
Dionysius the Tyrant made his Barber to be slain. 166. g  
Donat Raffignin by treason yieldeth the fortress of Valence to the French. 18. e  
Demaratus lost the kingdom of the Lacedæmonians for speaking one word unadvisedly. 166. h  
the Demands of Charles the eight King of France. 32. h  
Dionysius put a gentleman to death for speaking of a word. 166. g  
It is dishonourable for a man to abandon his friend in time of need for any occasion whatsoever. 79. c  
Duke Valentine caused Ranire de Orco a Spaniard his Lieutenant to be slain in Romania for doing injustice. 135. b  
In choosing of Generals for the wars the quality of the war and the worthiness of the person which is to be chosen, is chief to be regarded. 50. f   

E  
ENterprises aught to be considered in cold blood, and executed in hot blood. 190. e  
the Emperor Maximilian disinherited the Swissers. 52. g  
the Emperor Vitellius was overthrown by Vespasian the Emperor. 141. d  
the error of Alberigue of Barbian. 194. f  
the error of Ferdinand King of Spain. 194. g  
the error of Francis the first King of France. 194. h  
there is double error committed in choosing of Captains. 46. g  
the Egyptians punished those children which were ingrateful to their parents. 250. e  
Empoli taken by the Prince of Orange. 206. g  
of an Enemy what account is to be made. 183. c. d   

F  
FInizan sacked by the French. 4. e  
Francis Sforce of his own authority concluded a peace between the Venetians and Duke Philip of Milan. 37. a  
Francis Sforce maketh war against Philip his father in law. 39 e  
the Fault of Lewes Poggio in departing from Milan. 41. a  
Fabius Maximus opposed himself against Titus Ottacilius who married his sister's daughter, and would have been Consul. 49. c  
Fuluius a wise Captain of the Romans. 104. a  
the Florentines by distrusting the King of France and the Lord Beaumond his General, lost a most fit opportunity to recover the City of Pisa. 72. f  
Ferdinand and Don julius conspire against Alfonse Duke of Ferrara. 88 e  
Francis Guicciardin delivered the City of Florence from great danger. 130. e  
the Florentines murmured against Guicciardin. 130. g  
Federick of Sicily caused Remond il Blanco to be beheaded for treason. 171. d  
the Folly and obstinacy of Cambyses. 213. c  
the French overthrown by the Swissers. 151. c  
wherefore Francis the first would not perform the articles of agreement made between him and Charles the fift. 181. b  
Francis Sforce Duke of Milan renounced the safeconduct of the Emperor Charles the fift. 218. f  
Four things principally to be held inviolable. 222. g  
the Florentines were severely punished for breaking certain statues. 114. e   

G  
GArsia Nicosio slain by his Lord upon suspicion. 229. c  
God revealeth sin early or late, and the punishment followeth. 170. e  
the Greediness of soldiers and Captains hath been the loss of many fair enterprises. 19 b  
Gabades a Captain of the Persians sacked the City of Amid. 220. h  
the Greediness of English soldiers. 19 d  
the Greediness of Italian soldiers. 21. c  
the Greediness of the Stradiots. 21. d  
Galeas Sanseverin fled from Alexandria, and left it in prey to the enemy. 47. d  
the Greatness of courage of the Roman Commonwealth. 93. b  
the Germans were defeated by the Guelphs before Sienna. 121. d  
in choosing of Generals for the wars the quality of the war and the worthiness of the person which is to be chosen, is chief to be regarded. 50. g  
the Gabaonites punished for abusing a stranger. 246. e  
a Gentlewoman of Cesena much praised. 102. g   

H  
HAnnibal preserved by a gentleman of Capua. 246. g  
Hannibal compelled the Saguntines to departed their country with the clothes on their backs only. 182. e  
Harpagus took pity of Cyrus being an innocent infant. 74. c  
Harpagus General for Astyages revolted from him, overcame and slew him. 75. a  
Henry the 5. Emperor made war in Sicily against King Roger. 54. e  
He that is employed aught to have an eye to his Prince's qualities and conditions. 36. e  
the Hopes of banished men are more measured with desire then with reason. 86. h  
Hippolito de Medicis much favoured of the Hungars. 240. g  
Herod made a promise to his daughter in law, without any consideration. 179. d  
Hierom Savonarola lost his credit in Florence. 28. e  
Hippolita Cardinal of Ferrara, made the eyes of julius de Esté to be plucked out and set in again. 87. d  
Hospitality is a virtue worthy of a gentleman & a Christian. 244. e  
Hugo de Moncado slain in a battle by Sea against Phillippin de Doria. 191. a   

I  
IT is notable folly to give much credit to judicial Astrology. 57 c  
It is not possible to foresee or prevent all the mishaps & disgraces which may happen to Princes, neither to resist or redress them when they happen. 51. f  
It is folly to commit the state of an Empire to the will of a few. 154. e  
john Bentivogli and Hermes his son in one night murdered almost all those which were of the house of Marescotti, or depending thereof, through suspicion. 64. g  
jaques Caldor noted of inconstancy. 233. a  
Imbault General of the French army mocked the Florentines. 72. g  
john Rata Earl of Caserta put his Lord Manfredi King of Sicily in extreme danger. 78. e  
the Insolence of the Spanish soldiers. 132. g  
the Imeresians seize upon Reggio. 141. c  
joy cannot be hidden. 99 c  
the Issue and end of an enterprise manifesteth the wisdom of the counsel given. 178. e  
be which doth an Injury doth more shame and dishonour to himself, then to him to whom the wrong is done. 73. c  
to deface an Image or statue is a poor revenge. 113. a  
Inconstancy and lightness of wit is greatly to be reproved, principally in a Captain. 233. b   

L  
Laws ordained by Valerius corvinus, and Tiberius Gracchus. 221. b  
Laurence de Medicis reconciled to Alfonse King of Naples. 6. h  
Let not him which is not of power sufficient attempt enterprises which he cannot maintain. 11. b  
Lewes More out of countenance and mocked by the Florentine Ambassadors. 24. h  
the Law of Appeal introduced by Savonarola. 27. c  
the Lord of Tremoville with absolute power concluded a peace with the Swissers, notwithstanding that it was upon very unworthy conditions. 34. g  
Light belief in every thing showeth a light wit, and weak brains. 53. b  
it is Lost labour to go about to persuade obstinate persons by reason: for the more they are counseled, the more stiffly they persist in their opinion. 60. g  
Lautrech through his obstinacy was the cause of the total ruin of the French Army before Naples, and was the occasion of his own death. 61. a  
Livius Salinator exposed the Roman Army to manifest danger. 27. a  
the Laurentines in revenge of the injury done to their Ambassadors slew Tatius king of the Romans. 89. b  
Lewes More Governor of Milan, caused himself to be called the son of Fortune. 99 d  
Lewes Duke of Milan betrayed by the Swissers. 52. e  
Lycurgus his law. 140. h  
the liberality of Artaxerxes. 188. h  
the liberality of Cosmo de Medicis Duke of Florence. 203. a   

M  
MOre praise and commendation is purchased by pardoning, then by taking revenge. 102. f  
a Man wrongeth himself in speaking ill of his superiors. 211. b  
no Man would be too freely reprehended. 209. d  
a Man ought to be well advised how he promise any thing. 179. b  
a Man may in two manners have knowledge of his enemy's purposes. 156. h  
a Man cannot retain that greatness in adversity, which he showed in the beginning of his prosperity. 91. b  
no Man is absolutely nor altogether wicked. 82. h  
Men happen oftentimes to have need of those men, which in former time they despised. 69. d  
no Man can serve two masters. 232. h  
a Man ought by his wisdom to eschew & overcome the evils threatened against him by his constellation. 59 d  
Manfredi by a wile delivered himself from the siege of Nocerra, and seized on the kingdom of Sicily. 56. f  
no Man's friendship is to be despised whatsoever when it is offered. 45. c  
one Man's doings aught not to serve for a general rule for all men. 42. g  
Manlius Torquatus caused his own son to be slain. 63. e  
the Means of Duke Valentine to make himself great. 29. d   

N  
NIcholas Campo Bachio an Italian Earl, to be revenged betrayed his Master Charles Duke of Burgundy, and withdrew himself to Lewes' King of France. 78. h  
a Notable overthrow of the English. 21. a  
the Nobleness of a man is to be considered according to his valour and virtue, and not according to and after his descent. 46. g  
a Notable revenge upon Panioni Sciotte by Hermotine of Pedase. 76. f  
a Noble act of the Emperor Maximilian. 103. e  
Nicias a Captain of the Athenians through his temerity was overcome & slain by Gilippus. 127. b  
the Noble mind of the Emperor Rodulph the first. 183. a  
Nicholas Franco was hanged at Rome for railing. 224. g  
Narses wrath with the Emperor of Constantinople. 235. d   

O  
ONe foolish act maketh a man to be reputed a fool, and one act of infidelity maketh a man for ever to be held for disloyal. 196. g  
the Opinion of the marquess of Pescara. 161. a  
the Overthrow of the Florentines before Pisa, through the policy of Mutolo a Pisan Captain. 105. b  
Obstinacy maketh men cruel both against themselves & others. 61. c  
an Obstinate man loveth rather to die, then to show even the least sign of humility. 62. g  
the Overthrow of the French at Guinguast in Picardy. 22. f  
the Oversight of Peter de Medicis. 7. b   

P  
PEace between Charles the fift and Francis the first King of France. 238. e  
Peter de Medicis chased from his country. 4. h  
Penander the tyrant slain by one of his household. 15. d  
the Pleasant dangerous jest of a soldier. 16. e  
Peter de Medicis driven from Florence. 33. a  
Paulo Vitellio condemned to die by the Florentines. 34. e  
the People of Milan rejected by Lewes King of France. 45. b  
the Pisans loved better to subject themselves to the Genoays their mortal enemies, than to the Florentines their Lords, neighbours, and friends. 63. b  
Peter Candian Prince of Venice, for his evil behaviour was slain by the common people. 77. d  
Princes have need of many things, and of the service of many persons. 86. h  
Pausanias' murdered Philip king of Macedonia his sovereign Lord 87. c  
more Praise is purchased by pardoning, than by taking revenge. 102. f  
Petilius Coreal General for the Romans, through his negligence was put to flight. 106. g  
Prospero Columna through his own fault was taken prisoner by the Lord of Palisse, a Commander of the French. 108. e  
Prato sacked by the Spaniards. 117. b  
Public persons having charge, incur many errors if they be not endued with wisdom. 149. b  
Pope Leo the tenth his discourse to a Groom of his Chamber. 189. a  
a Prince ought to consider what he speaketh in choler when he speaketh any thing of any particular subject. 211. d  
the Prudence of the Senate of Siracusa. 215. d  
Particular persons preserved by God. 244. g  
Peace between the Emperor Charles the fift, and Francis the first, king of France. 238. e  
Peter Brunor betrayed Francis Sforce. 234. e  
a Prince ought to consider of the quality of evil speeches. 223. c  
Prospero and Fabritio Columna, return to the service of Ferdinand king of Naples. 9 c  
the common People is insatiable, ever coveteth new things, and is never content. 44. g  
a Prince ought to have many Spies, and one not to know the other. 160. f  
the Prudence of king Francis the first, in the battle against the Swissers at Marignan. 158. e  
Proud men are hardly appeased by humility. 98. e   

R  
ROger the second, king of Sicily, taken prisoner by the Emperor, Henry the fift, at Palermo, with his three sisters, and had his eyes and stones plucked out, and died in prison. 54. f  
more Reckoning is made of one pleasure to come, than of a hundred already received. 29. d  
a public Rumour is not to be contemned, because it seemeth, that what is in every man's mouth, is to be held for a divine oracle. 58. f  
Rome abandoned by the Romans, for fear of the Gauls. 104. h  
Robert K. of Sicily taken prisoner, and afterwards delivered by his brother Roger. 180. f   

S  
SPies may do harm by their reports to Princes. 160. e  
a Scoff used by an Agent, for Charles the fift. 200. g  
certain Spanish Captains convict of treason, and made to pass the Pikes. 168. f  
to Speak to no purpose is hurtful. 165. d  
the Subtlety of Gonsaluo Fernandes, the great Captain. 161. c  
Spies ought not by a Prince to be advanced to honours and public charges. 160. g  
the Swissers were deceived by the French, in passing the Alps. 155. c  
subjects ought not to be put in despair, by maintaining of Governors. 132. e  
Silenonte was taken by the Carthagenians, for that it was not in time relieved by the Siracusans. 119. c  
Sundry opinions whether a man ought to contain himself within the bonds of his Commission. 35. c  
a Small matter breaketh friendship, but much is required to restore it. 25. d  
Scipio Nasica odious to the Roman people. 15. d  
a Spirit appeared to jaques a Chirurgeon, in the likeness of Ferdinand king of Naples. 12. g  
Spirits be of two kinds. 12. h  
a Spirit appeared to Saul in the likeness of Samuel. 13. a  
Spirits appear in divers forms. 13. b to what kind of men they appear. eadem.  
a Subject aught to dissemble his discontentment, when he is rejected by his Prince. 203. e   

T  
TErentius Varro defeated by the Carthagenians. 151. c  
Things which may be or not be, and depend on the will of Fortune, ought not constantly to be affirmed, before they be performed. 149. d  
Tygranes king of Armenia, put to flight, by Lucullus a Captain of the Romans. 122. g  
They which do wrong and show cruelty to the dead, are worthy of eternal shame and dishonour. 113. b  
To know what may breed fear in an enemy, is the beginning of good success. 111. c  
Themistocles poisoned himself. 85. d  
There are five things which induce a man which hath been disloyal to his first friend, to be faithful to the second. 42. g   

V  
VIrginio Vrsin sent his son to serve the French. 8. h  
that Virtue is known in time of trouble, which in peace is not esteemed. 49. a  
Vital Michael Prince of Venice in disgrace with the people. 55. b  
Valentine cunningly entrapped by Gonsaluo Fernandes sent into Spain prisoner, and there kept in the Castle at Medina del Campo. 81. d  
that is a perfect Victory, which assureth a man in his estate, and delivereth him from the fear of his enemies. 109. a  
an imperfect Victory, is the seed, root, and original of another war. 109. c  
Victory is oftentimes the cause of vices. 109. d  
the Venetians would not suffer Bernard Contarini to kill the Duke of Milan. 133. c  
the Villainy of certain Spanish Captains, who by treason would have caused the Aluain, a Captain of the Venetians to have been slain. 154. h  
that Virtue is known in time of trouble, which in peace is not esteemed. 149. a   

with  
WIlliam the first, king of Sicily, would never believe, that Maion a favourite of his, would have slain him. 59 b  
William king of Sicily, caused a certain judge to be flayed, because he did not execute justice in his charge. 134. f  
the Witty speech of Marius and Fabius Maximus. 219. b  
the Wise answer of the Poet Philippides, to king Lysimachus. 228. h   

X  
XEnophon giveth his Soldiers to understand that he had not rob them of their pay. 217. d   

Z  
ZOphir by fraud put the City of Babylon into the hands of king Darius. 144. h   
FINIS.